CT k SIR HENRY CRESWICKE RAWLINSON, BART. W,,1V-T *-^.-j'*T.p>' s- n^Hyyi A MEMOIR OF MAJOK-G-ENEBAL SIR HENRY CRESWIOKE RAWLINSON Bart., K.C.B., F.E.S., D.C.L., F.R.G.S., Ac. BY GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A., F.R.G.S. CANON OF CANTERBURY LATE CAMDEN PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY FIELD -MARSHAL LORD ROBERTS OF KANDAHAR, V.G. WITH ILLUSTRATIONS LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 1898 All rights reserved Some apology is perhaps due to the public for the late appearance of this work, which was promised to them in 1894, on the death of its subject. But the materials from which it had to be composed were left in so fragmentary and so confused a condition, and the writing was, in many cases, so faded, that a longer time was required for their decipherment and re- arrangement than for the actual writing of the Memoir. The mass of papers to be examined was enormous ; to a large extent they were confused and intermixed ; the handwriting was often so minute as to require the use of a powerful magnifier ; and in some cases it was absolutely illegible. These facts necessitated a con- siderable delay, while the author's other employments and avocations did not leave him very much leisure time for literary labour. Some further delay was caused by the inability of Lord Eoberts, owing to a pressure of business in his department, to furnish the chapter which he had promised by way of Introduction to the Memoir, and which it was felt that the work would be incomplete without. In executing his task the author has endeavoured to make Sir Henry Eawlinson, as much as possible, 274168 VI MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON speak for himself. Unfortunately, it was not his general practice to keep copies of his letters, and the possessors of the originals, where they have been pre- served, responded but feebly to the author's earnest request, through the Press, that they would allow him to make use of their treasures. Nor, again, did Sir Henry ever keep a regular diary. On the other hand, he left behind him numerous fragments of diaries, and one rough sketch of his life down to the year 1884. It is from this sketch, from these fragments of diaries, and from one or two collections of his letters, that this work has been mainly composed. Sir Henry will thus be found, to a large extent, to have written his own Life. Still, the author must not conclude this brief ' Vorwort ' without acknowledging certain obligations. He is indebted to his nephew, the present Sir Henry Eawlinson, not only for his contribution to the Memoir (Chapter XIX.), but also for placing all the materials left by Sir Henrj'- unreservedly at his disposal. He is indebted to Lord Eoberts both for his ' Introduction ' and likewise for the use which he has made of ' Forty- one Years in India ' (Chapter XVI.),vwhich has been his authority for the entire course of the Second Affghan War. And he is indebted to John William Kaye, the author of the ' History of the War in Affghanistan,' for various facts in the course of the First Afi^han War, for which he has quoted Mr. Kaye's book. Sir Henry's Diary, very copious for this period, has been his main source for it, but he has found Mr. Kaye also a most valuable and trustworthy authority. CONTENTS PAGE author's preface V TABLE OF CONTENTS VU LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . . . . • . xii INTRODUCTION, BY LORD ROBERTS xiii CHAPTER I BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION 1 CHAPTER II LATER EDUCATION — EALING — BLACKHEATH 11 CHAPTER III DEPARTURE FOR INDIA — VOYAGE TO BOMBAY — LIFE AS A SUBALTERN OFFICER CHAPTER IV REMOVAL TO PERSIA — VOYAGE TO BUSHIRE — LIFE IN PERSIA DURING 1833 AND 1834 21 34 CHAPTER V RESIDENCE IN PERSIA FROM 1«35 TO 1839 — FIRST ATTRACTION TO CUNEI- FORM STUDIES — TRAVELS — RETURN TO INDIA FROM PERSIA , . 50 CHAPTER VI LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 .... 71 Vlil MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON CHAPTER VII PAOK TROUBLE RESPECTING CANDAHAR ACCOUNTS — ILLNESS — DIFFICULTIES SURMOUNTED — MEETING WITH LORD ELLENBOROUGH— LORD BLLENBOROUGH'S offers — ACCEPTS THE RESIDENCY AT BAGHDAD 1 ii.^ CHAPTER VIII FIRST RESIDENCE AT BAGHDAD (1844-1849) — CUNEIFORM STUDIES — FIRST CUNEIFORM MEMOIR — STUDIES FOR SECOND MEMOIR — CONTACT WITH LAYARD — FINAL VISIT TO BEHISTUN — RETURN TO ENGLAND . 142 CHAPTER IX RECEPTION IN ENGLAND — WORK IN LONDON — LECTURES BEFORE LEARNED SOCIETIES — CONTRIBUTIONS TO PERIODICALS — HONOURS (1849-1861) 161 CHAPTER X SECOND RESIDENCE AT BAGHDAD (1851-1855) — TAKES OVER THE NINEVEH EXPLORATIONS — ^YORK AS AN EXPLORER — POLITICAL ANXIETIES — LETTER FROM LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE — FRACTURE OF COLLAR-BONE — SECOND RETURN TO ENGLAND . . 172 CHAPTER XI LIFE IN ENGLAND FROM 1855 TO 1850— RESIGNATION OF THE EAST INDIA company's SERVICE — REFUSAL OF AN OFFER OF KNIGHT- HOOD — BECOMES A K.C.B. — NOMINATED A CROWN DIRECTOR OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY — ELECTED M.P. FOR REIGATE — BECOMES MEMBER OF THE FIRST INDIA COUNCIL, AND RESIGNS HIS SEAT IN PARLIAMENT 200 CHAPTER XII ACCEPTS THE EMBASSY TO PERSIA — INTERVIEW WITH A REIGATE CONSTITUENT, AUGUST 1859 — JOURNEY FROM LONDON TO TEHERAN — RECEPTION BY THE SHAH — LIFE AT TEHERAN FROM NOVEMBER 1869 TO MAY 1860 — RESIGNATION OF THE EMBASSY — REASONS AND RUMOURS 207 CONTENTS IX CHAPTER XIII I'Ar.K RETURN TO ENGLAND — RESUMPTION OF CUNEIFORM STUDIES — COMMENCEMENT OF REGULAR WORK AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM — RELATIONS WITH MR. GEORGE SMITH — ENGAGEMENT TO EDIT THE ' CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF WESTERN ASIA ' — PUBLICATION OF VOL. I., 1861 — OTHER CUNEIFORM PUBLICATIONS — MARRIAGE — WEDDING TOUR — RETURN TO LONDON AND LIFE THERE (l861-186-l) 239 CHAPTER XIV NEGOTIATIONS WITH A VIEW TO RE-ENTERING PARLIAMENT — STANDS FOR FROME AT THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1865— ELECTED — ACTION IN PARLIAMENT— A SPECIMEN SPEECH — 'RUSSIAN SCARE* — TAKES UP THE ALARMIST SIDE, AND WRITES FIRST ARTICLE IN ' QUARTERLY ' (OCTOBER 1865) — BUSY WITH PARLIAMENTARY DUTIES FROM 1866 TO ^SfiK — RE-APPOINTED TO THE INDIA COUNCIL AS LIFE MEMBER ..,.....•• 245 CHAPTER XV WORK AS MEMBER OF INDIA COUNCIL (lS6.S-70) — INCREASING CALLS ON HIS TIME MADE BY THE GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY — ELECTION AS PRESIDENT (l87l) — ADDRESSES DELIVERED IN 1872, 1873, 1875, AND 1876 — ATTENDANCE ON THE SHAH OF PERSIA IN 1873 — PUB- LICATION OF ' ENGLAND AND RUSSIA IN THE EAST ' — CONSEQUENT POLITICAL STIR •262 CHAPTER XVI ATTENDS THE BRUSSELS CONFERENCE IN 1876 — INVITED TO DISCUSS THE SUBJECT OF ENGLAND'S POLICY IN THE EAST WITH LORD LYTTON ON HIS APPOINTMENT AS VICEROY — CONTINUES IN COR- RESPONDENCE WITH HIM, 1877-1879 — WRITES ARTICLES IN THE ' NINETEENTH CENTURY ' IN SUPPORT OF LORD LYTTON'S POLICY, 1878-18811 — HIS VIEWS ON THE GENKRAL AFFGHAN QUESTION . . 273 CHAPTER XVII APPROVAL OF SIR HENRY'S VIEWS BY THE INDIA COUNCIL — OPPOSI- TION TO THEM IN OTHER QUARTERS — PROGRESS OF EVENTS IN CENTRAL ASIA — RUSSIAN ABSORPTION OF MERV — RISE OF THE AFFGHAN FRONTIER QUESTION — DANGER OF A RUSSIAN WAR — PENDJEH INCIDENT — ANGLO-RUSSIAN FRONTIER COMMISSION — SIR henry's PART IN THE DELIMITATION 284 X JHEMOIR OF SIR IlENKY RAWLINSON CHAPTER XVIII PAOB CLOSING YEARS OF LIFE (l885-1895) — EDINBURGH DEGREE7-CONTINUED WORK AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM AND THE INDIA COUNCIL — FAILURE OF HEALTH, COMMENCING ABOUT I88J — DOMESTIC AFFAIRS — DEATH OF WIFE (l889) — SONS ENTER THE ARMY AND SERVE IN INDIA — MARRIAGE OF SONS — LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH . . 290 CHAPTER XIX (Contributed by the present Sir Henry Rawlinson) PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS AND OCCUPATIONS LATE IN LIFE — HIS LOVE OF SPORT — HIS EXCELLENCE AS A RACONTEUR — HIS PRIDE IN HIS LIBRARY — CUNEIFORM NOTE-BOOKS — NOBLE AND STRAIGHT- FORWARD CHARACTER 295 CHAPTER XX POSITION WITH REGARD TO CUNEIFORM DISCOVERY — ABSOLUTE IGNOR- ANCE OF THE SUBJECT ON QUITTING ENGLAND IN 1827 — ATTENTION HOW FIRST CALLED TO IT — MATERIALS OBTAINED FROM THE ROCK-INSCRIPTIONS OF HAMADAN AND BEHISTUN IN 1835-1837 — FIRST ACQUAINTANCE MADE WITH THE EARLY LABOURS OF GROTOFEND AND ST. MARTIN IN 1S36 — LITTLE ADVANTAGE OBTAINED FROM THESE WRITERS — FIRST TRANSLATIONS OF CUNEIFORM DOCUMENTS COMMUNICATED TO THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, 1837 — ACKNOW- LEDGMENT OF THE DOCUMENTS — ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE PARIS ASIATIC SOCIETY COMMUNICATION HELD WITH M. EUGENE BURNOUF IN THE YEAR 1838 — OBTAINS THIS WRITER'S Memoive ON THE INSCRIPTIONS OF HAMADAN, AND HIS Commeiitaire Stir le Yacna, the same year — introduction to professor lassen OF BONN through SIR GOKE OUSELEY ABOUT THE SAME TIME — LETTER FROM OUSELEY — LETTER FROM LASSEN — OBTAINS LASSEN's Altj^ersische Keilinscliriften von Persej^olis soon afterwards, CONTAINING COPIES OF THE INSCRIPTIONS PUBLISHED BY NIEBUHR, LE BRUN, AND PORTER — DECIPHERMENT OF THE PERSIAN CUNEI- FORM ALPHABET — MODE OF PROCEDURE — GRADUAL PROGRESS — ULTIMATE RESULT ARRHED AT — STUDY OF THE CONTENTS OF THE PERSIAN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS, 1839 AND 1844 — COMPOSITION AND PUBLICATION OF THE FIRST CUNEIFORM MEMOIR, 1844-1816 — RE- CEPTION OF THE MEMOIR AT HOME AND ABROAD — STUDY OF THE BABYLONIAN CUNEIFORM, 1816-1819 — PUBLICATION OF SECOND CUNEI- FORM MEMOIR, 'ON THE BABYLONIAN TRANSLATION OF THE GREAT PERSIAN INSCRIPTION AT BEHISTUN,' 1851 — DECIPHERMENT AND TRANSLATION OF ASSYRIAN DOCUMENTS, 1848-1851 — STUDY OF THE MEDIAN OR SCYTHIC CUNEIFORM CONJOINTLY WITH MR. E. NORRIS, 1851-1855 — STUDY OF OTHER VARIETIES OF CUNEIFORM WRITING TESTIMONY OF PROFESSOR JULES OPPERT 307 CONTENTS XI CHAPTEK XXI PAGE POSITION AND WORK AS A GEOGRAPHER — FIRST ESSAYS COMMUNI- CATED TO THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY BY VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, 1838-1810 — THEIR VALUE TO ORDINARY GEOGRAPHY — THEIR INTEREST IN CONNECTION WITH THE STUDY OF COM- PARATIVE GEOGRAPHY— FURTHER WORK AS A COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHER, 1841-1867 — APPLICATION OF HIS GEOGRAPHICAL KNOW- LEDGE TO PRACTICAL OBJECTS — CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ENCYCLO- PAEDIA BRITANNICA — EARLY CONNECTION WITH THE ROYAL GEO- GRAPHICAL SOCIETY — ELEVATION TO THE PRESIDENCY OF THE SAME — ADDRESSES — IMPORTANT MEMOIRS — TESTIMONY BORNE TO HIS MERITS AS A GEOGRAPHER BY SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM AND SIR FREDERIC GOLDSMID 334 INDEX 349 ILLUSTRATIONS Sir Henry C. Rawlinson at the age of 75 . . Frontispiece Front an oil painting by Frank Holl, B.A. Map of the Routes traversed by Sir H. C. Rawlinson To face lyage I The Rock of Behistun, showing the Great Tri- lingual Inscription ,, „ 146 Sir Henry C. Rawlinson at the age of 40 . ,. „ 164 After an oil painting by Thomas Phillips, B.A. Sir Henry C. Rawlinson at the age of 55 . . ,. „ 246 From a drawing by G. F. Watts, B.A. INTEODUCTION The Memoir of Sir Henry Eawlinson affords a striking illustration of the powerful influence that early associa- tion with a master-mind may exercise on a man's career in life, and of what great things may be achieved if he takes full advantage of his oppor- tunities, and sets out with a determination to make the most of his life and raise himself above his fellows. It may therefore be considered a piece of good fortune for a young cadet like Eawlinson, bound to India to seek his fortune, to find himself thrown as a fellow-passenger with Sir John Malcolm, Governor of Bombay, a distinguished soldier, an equally dis- tinguished diplomatist, and an Oriental scholar of no mean reputation. In those days, when it took four months to reach India, there was time for travellers by the same ship to become intimately acquainted with each other during the voyage, and, in this way, a firm friendship sprang up between this rather curiously matched pair. It was, without doubt, an enormous advantage for the lad of seventeen to be so closely associated with the ' Historian of Persia,' whose tales of his battles with the Mahrattas XIV MEMOIR OF Sill HENRY RAWLINSON and his experiences amongst the Persians, probably fired Eawlinson's youthful imagination, and gave that bent to his tastes which resulted in his subsequent choice of a career. Rawlinson himself evidently recognised the advan- tages of this companionship, for he frequently referred to the conversations he had had with Sir John Malcolm, and expressed his gratitude for the valuable advice he had given him in regard to Persia and the study of the Persian language. And it was owing to his knowledge of the zabdn-i-shlrln, or sweet flowing language, as the Persians delight to call it, as well as to his general popularity, that he was selected, just six years after his arrival in the country, by Lord Clare (Sir John Malcolm's successor as Governor of Bombay) to be one of the small body of officers belonging to the Indian Army, deputed to reorganise and discipline the Shah's troops, so as to restore them to that state of efficiency to which the}^ had formerly attained under the super- vision of British officers. British influence in Persia was at a very low ebb when Eawlinson reached Teheran, and the young soldier must have found his position very different from what it would have been in the time of Sir John Mal- colm, the magnificence of whose retinue, added to his own masterful character and unique knowledge of the manner in which to deal with Orientals, had caused the British Embassy to occupy a very exalted position at that capital. The varied and important duties which fell to the lot of Eawlinson during the six years he remained in INTRODUCTION XV Persia, helped materially to cultivate those qualities which enabled him to fill, with such credit to himself and advantage to the State, the many onerous posts to which he was subsequently appointed. NothinfT shows what a man is made of and brinirs out the good that is in him so much as having responsibility thrown upon him early in life, and this great test of character was applied to the young subaltern of Native Infantry in no measured degree on first serving in Persia, for on more than one occasion he was required to command considerable bodies of Persian troops, and important civil duties devolved upon him in the province of Kermanshah. The mission to which Eawlinson was attached was brought to a sudden end, owing to diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Persia being broken off because of the Shah's aggressive action with regard to Herat, and at the close of 1839 Eawlinson found him- self back in Bombay. Two circumstances which considerably affected Rawlinson's subsequent career occurred during the last year of his residence in Persia. On his ride from Teheran to the Persian camp at Herat he accidentally came across Captain Vitkievitch, the Eussian officer whose presence at Kabul a few months later did much to bring about the Affghan war of 1839-42, and the meeting with whom first directed Eawlinson's attention to the dominating position Eussia was gradually acquiring over Affghanistan. The other circumstance was the opportunity that the quiet time he was able to secure at Baghdad gave a XVI MEMOIll OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Eawlinson of carrying on his researches in the study of the cuneiform character as well as of the ancient Persian language, his thorough knowledge of which placed him in after years in the highest rank of Oriental scholars. While Rawlinson was endeavouring to get some employment that would permit of his continuing his investigations in Turkish Arabia, he was gratified by being offered an appointment on the staff of Sir William Macnaghten, the chief political officer with the army in Affghanistan. For this unexpected piece of good fortune Eawlin- son had to thank himself alone. He had gained the confidence of both the British and Persian authorities, and, young as he was (only thirty years of age), he was considered better fitted than any other officer for the important post of Political Agent at Kandahar. Placed amidst many conflicting elements, and in daily commu- nication with the brave, honest, straightforward, but somewhat crotchety General Nott, Eawlinson found himself in a position of extreme delicacy and responsi- bility, requiring tact, temper, and forbearance, qualities he proved himself to possess in an eminent degree. His services during the trying times of 1841-42 brought his merits prominently to notice, and he left Affghanistan with a reputation second to none as a soldier-pohtical. It is somewhat strange that a chance meeting on board a steamer should again, for the second time, be the means of advancement to Eawlinson. When travel- ling from Allahabad to Calcutta he found himself a fellow-passenger with Lord EUenborough, the Governor- INTRODUCTION XV 11 General, who was so interested in all that Rawlinson could tell him of the Affghan war, and so favourably impressed with the practical intelligence of his fellow- traveller, that he offered him the Eesidentship in Nepal, or the still more coveted and lucrative appointment of Governor-General's Agent in Central India. Few men of Eawlinson's age and standing but would have accepted the present advantages and future prospects which either of these positions held out ; but they did not tempt Eawlinson to abandon the work he had set himself to do in deciphering the cuneiform inscriptions in Persia and Mesopotamia ; and the Political Agency in Turkish Arabia happening at that time to become vacant, he applied to be sent to Baghdad, a far inferior position to either of those he had been offered. It was by the work done during the five years he remained in Turkish Arabia that Eawlinson made his name famous amongst the savants of Europe, and it is as the man who first correctly deciphered and trans- lated the remarkable inscription engraved on the rock- hewn sepulchre of Darius at Naksh-i-Eustam, and by reason of the field he opened out for research amongst the relics of a lost people, and the link he established between the past and the present, that his reputation will live through future generations. The importance of Eawlinson's discoveries has, I think, hardly been adequately appreciated by the present generation. The Babylonian, Assyrian, and Persian inscriptions deciphered by Eawlinson are, with the exception of the Egyptian, and perhaps the Hittite hieroglyphics, the oldest original records that we have XVlll MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON of tlie existence of man as a civilised being. The cuneiform documents are more ample than any dis- covered Egyptian records, and they are the veritable originals, contemporary (mostly) with the events chronicled, and therefore presumably trustworthy. The earliest of them shows us clearly the high state of civilisation which the inhabitants of Mesopotamia had reached more than 2000 years B.C., and the latest belongs to a time not much after the death of Alexander the Great, 323 B.C. After a lengthened stay in the East of twenty-two years, Eawlinson resolved to return to England for the double purpose of recruiting his health and superin- tending the publication of his translation of the great Persian inscription at Behistun. The reception he met with on his arrival was most gratifying to him. The several learned Societies vied with each other in doing honour to the distinguished scholar, and his two years' leave of absence passed all too quickly. As this, how- ever, was the hmit of leave that the rules of the Ser- vice permitted an ofEcer to take without forfeiture of appointment, at the end of 1851 Eawlinson was back at Baghdad. He remained for five more years in Turkish Arabia prosecuting his valuable investigations in various parts of ChaldaBa and Babylonia. At the end of that time, he returned to England, believing that his career in the East had been finally closed, and the following year. Sir Henry Eawlinson (as he had now become) was appointed a Director of the East India Company. On the transfer of the Govern- ment of India to the Crown, he was made a member of INTRODUCTION xix the first Indian Council, but he held this position for a short time only, as he was offered and accepted the office of Her Majesty's Envoy and Minister Plenipo- tentiary at the Court of the Shah, which necessitated his returning to the scene of his early labours in Persia. Sir Henry met with a most friendly recejDtion from the Persian authorities, especially from the Shah, who welcomed him as an old friend ; but he found that, so far as British interests were concerned, affairs at Tehe- ran had considerably changed for the worse since he had left the place twenty years before ; and, as a further (to him distasteful) change was about to be made by the control of the Embassy being taken away from the India Office and made over once more to the Foreign Office, Eawlinson did not care to remain. He thought that, under the new order of things, he could not re- cover for the British Embassy that prestige which it had formerly possessed, so he begged to be allowed to resign his appointment. On returning to England, Sir Henry Eawlinson re- entered Parliament, but his membership was of short duration, for in 1868 he was again appointed to the Indian Council, and during the remainder of his life he mainly devoted himself to the service of the country in which he took such a deep interest, and where he had begun his distinguished career. Not the least of Sir Henry Eawlinson's valuable services to his country were his efforts to arouse public attention to the critical state of the Anglo-Eussian relations in Central Asia, and to make his countrymen realise that Great Britain was gradually losing her XX MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON isolated position in that part of the world, and that the time was rapidly approaching when measures would have to be taken to preserve the integrity of our Indian Empire. Eawlinson's intimate acquaintance with Persia and Affghanistan, and his unrivalled knowledge of tlie sub- ject, enabled him to speak on this ' many-sided ' question with an authority and confidence few of his countrymen could claim. In an able and elaborate memorandum written in July 1868 Eawlinson pointed out the threatening attitude and steady advance of Eussia. This imj^ortant document was received with scant favour by the Go- vernment of India, and for some years it remained hidden in the recesses of the India Office practically unnoticed. At length, in 1874, this memorandum and some other papers written subsequently by Sir Henry Eawlinson on the same subject, were published under the title of ' England and Eussia in the East.' In this book, after reviewing the manner in which Eussia had gradually worked her way from Orenburg to the Jaxartes, and possessed herself of the whole of the country as far south as Samarkand, Sir Henry pointed out that nothing we could then do could prevent the absorption by Eussia of the remaining Khanates and the extension of her frontier to the Oxus. Eawlinson then proceeded to explain how that, as soon as Eussia was firmly established on the Oxus and Turkestan brought into direct communication with St. Petersburg via the Caspian and the Caucasus, she would dominate the whole of northern Persia and INTRODUCTION XXI Affghanistan ; and that the capture and occupation of Merv (which this direct communication would entail) would enable the Eussians to seize Herat by a coup de main whenever they pleased. He drew attention also to the other most important fact that, with Merv as one of the bulwarks of the Eussian position towards India, the danger of a collision with Great Britain would assume tangible proportions. He traversed the assertion of the advocates of inaction that, in the event of Affghanistan being invaded, the first comers would naturally be regarded as enemies, and those who followed as deliverers. And he gave powerful reasons why we ought never to allow the Eussians to enter Affghan territory, and why it is essential that our influence at Kabul should be para- mount. These views, as Sir Hemy Eawlinson expected, did not pass without a certain amount of adverse criticism ; before his death, however, he had the satisfaction of knowing that most of his predictions had been justified, and that, if his recommendations had not been accepted in as decided a manner as he had hoped, his warnings had not been given altogether in vain, inasmuch as he had succeeded in drawing attention to the danger of Eussia being allowed to continue her progress towards India. The result of Sir Henry Eawlinson's warnings is apparent in that relations, more or less friendly, have been entered into with the Amir of Affghanistan, although our influence at Kabul is unfortunately still far from paramount. A boundary, although not altogether a satisfactory one, has been fixed, beyond xxii MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON which Eussia is not to be allowed to advance ; and the necessity for our having easy and rapid communication with certain obligatory points which we should have to hold in the event of war is apparently being realised — though only very gradually — by our statesmen and the people of the United Kingdom. As one who firmly believes in the wisdom of Sir Henry Eawlinson's words of warning, I would venture to express an earnest hope that they will receive more attention than they have hitherto met with. The subject, which that experienced soldier dealt with so wisely and so fearlessly, is of the most supreme importance to our future in India. The necessity for considering what the real frontier of India is, and how that frontier is to be secured, has forced itself to notice in an unexpected manner during the last few months ; and it must have brought home to the most careless observer of Indian frontier politics what an important factor the- border tribes are in the question of the defence of the North-West frontier of our great Indian Empire, and with what enormous difficulties the solu- tion of this most intricate problem is attended. We should be deeply thankful that the recent un- precedentedly serious rising did not take place while our troops were otherwise engaged, and that we are stiU given time to set our house in order. Egberts. Neiv Year's Day, 1898. MEMOIB OF SIR HENEY RAWLINSON CHAPTER I BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION Henry Cheswicke Eawlinson, the subject of this memoir, was the second son of Abram Tyzack Eawhnson, of Chadlington, Oxfordshire, a Justice of the Peace and Deputy-Lieutenant for the county of Oxford from about the year 1805 to 1845. He was born at Chadhngton on April 11, 1810, and was educated up to the age of eleven chiefly by his mother, who was a person of considerable reading and force of character. His father belonged to an old Lancashire family of name and note, settled from early in the fifteenth century in the district known as ' Oversands,' or that intervening between Morecambe Bay and Westmoreland, on the verge of the Lake country, in the vicinity of the old abbey of Furness. Several Ea^dinsons are said to have been abbots of Furness ; ^ and, according to family ^ As Thomas Eawlinson (about a.d. 1440) in the reign of Henry VI. ; a Eawlinson, Christian name imknown, from a.d. 1440 to 1446 ; and Alexander Eawlinson (about a.d. 1509-1533) in the reigns of Hem-y VII. and Henry VIII. (See West's History of Furness, pp. 89 et seq.) The latest authority, however, regards these Abbots as ' apocryphal.' (Atkinson, Coucher Booli of Furness Abbey, part iii. p. xxiii.) •7 B 2 " '. ; ' ; 'itorofcR. OF'sirr henry kawltnson tradition, two scions of the house, Henry and Walter, fought at Agincourt. The names, however, are not found on the battle-roll ; and the tradition may perhaps scarcely deserve notice, except as one that has probably inspired to worthy deeds later members of the ancient stock. What is certain of the family is, that it has remained in the ranks of the gentry, and has continued to hold lands in the district above mentioned, and in the adjoining parts of Lancashire, at least from the time of Edward IV. until the present day. It has never been ennobled ; and probably the highest civil rank whereto it has as yet attained, is that reached by the subject of the present memoir, created, in 1890, a Baronet of the United Kingdom. But, though it has never at any time had the good fortune to push itself into a position of high eminence, and must be content to take rank with those other families of the gentry which have in large measure given to the English nation its strength and its solidity, still from time to time it has produced personages of some considerable distinction, of whom all its members may well be proud, and who deserve to be held in remembrance. Such were Eobert Eawlinson, of Cark Hall, who, on account of the support which he had given to the Eoyalist cause during the time of the Great Eebellion, was granted by Charles II. a new coat-of-arms, viz., two bars gemelles, gules, between three escallops, argent ; and for a crest a sheldrake, proper, bearing in his beak an escallop, argent ; and was also made a Justice of the Peace for Lancashire, and Vice-Chamberlain of Chester ; Curwen Eawlinson, his son, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Nicolas Monk, Bishop of Hereford, and niece of George Monk, Duke of Albemarle, and was M.P. for Lancaster in 1688 ; Sir William Eawlinson, BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION 3 Barrister and Sergeant-at-Law (1640-1703), who was made one of the three Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal in 1688, and retained the post till 1692; Thomas Eawlinson, Lord Mayor of London in 1706 ; Eichard Eawlinson, the Antiquary (1690-1755), Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford, F^R.S. and F.S.A., who founded the Anglo-Saxon Professorship at Oxford, and was one of the latest of the Xon-Juror Bishops ; and others. Sir Henry's father was the eldest son of Henry Eawlinson, merchant, of Liverpool, and MP. for the borough from 1780 to 1784, who married Martha Tyzack, the only child and heiress of Peregrine Tyzack, Esq., of Xewcastle-on-Tyne, whence Sir Henry's father's second name. He (Henry Eawlinson) died at his seat, Grassyard Hall, near Lancaster, in January 1786, leav- ing two sons, twins, Abram Tyzack (the eldest by twenty minutes) and Henry Lindow, at the tender age of nine, to be brought up by their mother at Grass- yard Hall, which she continued to make her residence. In due time the boys were sent to Eugby School, and passed from Eugby to Christ Church, Oxford (in 1795), which was then under the government of the celebrated Dean, Dr. Cyril Jackson, whose statue still adorns the cathedral. Unfortunately, as they were both of them heirs to landed estates of some value, it was necessary to matriculate them as ' Gentlemen Commoners ' ; and hence they were thrown into a set much superior to them in rank and wealth, whose chief idea of a Uni- versity was, that it was a place where amusements of all kinds, and especially those of a sporting character, might be freely indulged in. Under these circum- stances study was naturally neglected, and sport eagerly pursued. The twin brothers soon became known as ■a 2 4 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON two of the best riders in the Heythrop hunt, as good shots, and as skilled anglers. They did not leave the University without a degree ; but of the real edu- cational value of Oxford they took no account ; they had probably no inkling. Acquaintance with the amenities of the south, with Oxford, London, Newmarket, and ' Society,' produced in the twin brothers a great distaste for the north, for its roughness, its coarseness, its ' savagery.' Abram Tyzack Eawlinson had only just attained his majority, and come into his estate of Grassyard, when he sold this ancestral property for the purpose of buying an estate in the more civilised part of England. At the age of twenty-three he married ^ and looked out for a family mansion. It was some time before anything eligible presented itself. He married in 1800. After a sojourn of four years at Lower Slaughter, Gloucestershire, and of another year at the Eanger's Lodge, Wychwood Forest, Oxfordshire, in the year 1806 he invested the proceeds of the sale of Grassyard in an estate of about seven hundred acres at Chadlington, Oxfordshire, where he thenceforth resided till his death. The district was pre-eminently a sporting one. It lay in the centre of the Heythrop hunt, then presided over by the Duke of Beaufort ; the meets of the Warwickshire hounds, and of one or two other packs, w^ere within reasonable distance ; there was excellent partridge shooting, and sufficient cover for breeding some scores of pheasants ; the Evenlode, a gentle stream with occasional rapids, ' He married EUza Eudocia Albinia Creswicke, daughter of Henry Martin Creswicke, Esq., of Moreton in the Marsh, Gloucestershire, whose son, Henry, dying unmarried, EHza Eudocia Albinia and her elder sister, Anna Eugenia (afterwards Mrs. Richard Smith), became co- heiresses of their brother, and brought their respective husbands the sum of 20,000/. each. BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION 5 skirted the southern side of the estate, and boasted, beside jack and perch, a fair number of trout ; in the winter wild duck, woodcock, and snipe were frequent visitants ; the golden plover was sighted occasionally ; while hares and rabbits were fairly plentiful, and on the upper farm a good day's sport could always be had with the greyhounds. In an agricultural point of view the property was also satisfactory. The land was chiefly arable, but comprised also a fair amount of pasture, together with eight or ten acres of woodland, lying in two separate patches, near the Evenlode. The whole lay on a gentle declivity, sloping from north to south, and extending about three miles from the Chipping Norton downs to the meadow tract upon the river. A. T. Eawlinson farmed the land himself with the assistance of a bailiff, and obtained from it an income of from 1,200/. to 1,500/. a year. He had also other property, in the West Indies and elsewhere, which must have brought his income, in good years, up nearly to 2,000/. The house was suitable for a person of such moderate means ; it was comfortable and commodious, built in the shape of a gnomon, with the longer side facing the south-west. The situation was beautiful. A thick belt of well-grown trees, chiefly elms, guarded the mansion on the north and the north-east, separating it from the village and the church, and forming an effectual screen against the winds of winter and the still colder blasts of early spring. In front of the house was a flat terrace of smooth turf, bounded by a ha-ha, which divided it from a large grass field known as ' the Lawn,' but mown year by year, and producing generally an excellent crop of hay. Groups of elms, and two or three solitary oaks, broke this large ' pleasance ' into por- 6 MEMori: OF sri{ iikxkv iiawj.insox tions, and threw tlieii- long shadows upon the green- sward. Two ponds, a Uirger and a smaller, likewise diversified its surface, and afforded the inmates of the mansion the amusements of fishing in the summer and of skating in the winter time. They were well stocked from the first with jack, perch, and carp, and at a later date, with trout also. From the terrace the eye ranged, first, over the green expanse, and then across fields and copses and the Evenlode river to the smart slope beyond, crowned along the greater part of its length by the extensive woodland of Wychwood forest, but melting towards the west into the grey pastures of Shipton downs, and the ridge which separates between the valleys of the Evenlode and the Windrush. Eastward were to be seen the church towers of Spilsbury and Charlbury, and along the line of the horizon the woods of Henley Nap and Ditchley, while to the south-east, in the gap between Lee Place and Cornbury Park, a keen vision might discover the belt of trees protecting Wilcote House, and beyond it a faint trace of Cumnor and Witham. Once settled in this charming abode, A. T. Eawlin- son rapidly took his place among the gentry of Oxford- shire, became a Justice of the Peace, and a Deputy- Lieutenant for the county, attended petty sessions and quarter sessions, took an active part as guardian of the poor on the formation of the Chipping Norton Union, visited lunatic asylums, and in every way showed him- self a most active and painstaking magistrate. At the same time he carefully superintended the management of his farm, and, when not enofa"ed in magisterial business, was to be seen day after day riding from field to field, watching the operations, talking to the field labourers in friendly fashion, discussing matters with BIKTll, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION 7 Lis bailiff, and this in all weathers, fine or wet, hot or cold, for six or seven hours at a stretch. Still, he did not altogether lay aside his sporting habits. In Sept- ember and early October he shot a good deal, but chiefly over his own land ; during the rest of the autumn and winter he hunted about twice or thrice a week, chiefly with the Heythrop hunt, of which the Duke of Beaufort early requested him to become a member. It was noted that he carried the blue and buff well forward whenever he made his appearance in the field, and that in a very short time he knew the country as well as the oldest habitue. It might have been thought that these varied occupations would have fully exhausted the energies even of the most active man. But the fact was other- wise. Shortly after he settled at Chadlington, A. T. Eawlinson astonished his friends and relatives by adding to his other occupations and employments that of a keeper and breeder of race-horses. At the outset, he bought his animals, and raced them chiefly at New- market and Bibury ; but later on, from about 1825, he purchased brood mares, and took to breeding his own stock, and running them in all parts of England, even in the far north, at Doncaster. Amateurs who venture upon the Turf have seldom very much success, but Mr. Eawlinson bred three race-horses of very consider- able powers — Euby, foaled in 1825, who ran second for the Oaks in 1828 ; Eevenge, foaled in 1829, who ran third for the Derby and won the Drawing-Eoom Stakes at Goodwood in 1832 ; and Coronation, foaled in 1838, who won, the Derby and ran second for the St. Leger in 1841. This last feat, in which a country gentleman of moderate means bred and trained and sent out from his own stable a Derby winner is unique 8 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON in the history of the Turf, and will probably remain so. When Mr. Rawlinson was asked how he accounted for it he used to say : ' Oh ! very easily ; because my stud-sroom could neither read nor write, and was stone deaf ' — no one therefore could bribe him. It was at Chadlington, amidst these surroundings, that Henry Creswicke Eawlinson, the subject of this memoir, was brought up. He was the seventh child of his parents, and, at his birth, had already five sisters and an elder brother, to whom were afterwards added, besides a brother who died in infancy, three more brothers, who grew up, making a family of eleven children. The education of so large a family, and especially of five sons, could not but be felt as a heavy burden ; and the difficulty was aggravated by the period of extreme agricultural depression which fol- lowed on the close of the great Napoleonic war, and seriously crippled all those whose main income was derived from land. A. T. Eawlinson had sent his eldest son to Eugby at the usual age, but the educa- tion of his other sons had to be managed more cheaply, and was in consequence imperfect and desultory. For the first eleven years of his life Henry Creswicke Eawlinson was educated chiefly by his mother, who grounded him well in English grammar, in the rudi- ments of Latin, and in arithmetic. He received also some instruction from his sisters' governesses, and for a short time attended as a day scholar the school of Dr. Pocock at Bristol. To Bristol he had been sent in consequence of an ophthalmic attack, which threatened him with the loss of at least one eye, and actually impaired its vision throughout his whole lifetime. His mother's sister had married an eminent Bristol surgeon, Mr. Eichard Smith ; and it was thouoht that in the BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION 9 house of this gentleman, and under his superintendence, the disease might be best combated, and the eyesight saved. The result was a partial success, the vision of the right eye remaining wholly unimpaired, and that of the left only weakened, not destroyed, A further advantao-e resulted from the Bristol residence, or rather residences, for several visits were paid, extending over the space of some years (1815-1820), since Mrs. Eichard Smith was a prominent figure in the Bristol literary world of the time, and dwelling in her house brought the boy in contact with several persons of considerable eminence, as Mrs. Hannah More, Mrs. Schimmelpenninck, author of the ' Memoirs of Port Eoyal ' and an ' Essay on the Sublime and Beautiful ' ; the Eev. Eobert Hall, Amos Cottle, the poet, and Dr. Spurzheim, the phrenologist. Such acquaintances tended to stir thought in the intelligent lad, and opened his mind to much that would have been a terra incog- nita to him had he had a mere country breeding. He became especially intimate with Mrs. Schimmelpen- ninck, his aunt's chief friend and companion, who engaged him frequently in conversation, and even taught him scraps of Hebrew. Alternating between Chadlington and Bristol during his early boyhood — from 1810 to 1821 — Henry Cres- wicke Eawlinson was familiar both with town and country life, when, at the age of eleven, he was at length sent to a boarding-school and began his pre- paration for the serious business of life. The school was situated at Wrington, in Somersetshire, and was presided over by a Mr. Davis, a hot-headed Welshman, whose attainments were moderate, and who received only about forty boarders. Here he remained for two years and a half — from January 1821 to June 1823 — 10 MEMOIR OF Sm HENRY RAWLINSON and went through the ordinary curriculum — Greek, Latin, general history, arithmetic — but no modern languages and no mathematics. My brother never looked back to this portion of his life as of any great service to him. He amused himself tolerably well with practical jokes, such as dressing up as a ghost and frightening a girls' school ; but he did not feel that he derived from his Wrington schooling any real advantage, either in the way of learning or of useful habits. He was only thirteen years of age, however, when he left Wrington, and was transferred to a sphere where his abilities had more opportunities of cultiva- tion and development. 11 CHAPTEli II LATER EDUCATION EALING — BLACKHEATH Ealing School, to which Henry Creswicke EawHiison was sent after quitting Wrington, has been recently characterised by the ' Times ' as ' the best private school in England at a time when the tide of opinion had turned against public schools.' ^ It was the crea- tion of a Dr. Nicholas, a Cambridge man, and rector of Perivale, Middlesex, where his tomb may be seen in the churchyard. At the time when my brother entered it, the school had been long established, had flourished greatly, and gave education to above three hundred boys. Among its alumni had been John Henry New- man, who went there in 1808 and left in 1816, after a stay of above eight years, being indebted to it for the whole of his school training and instruction ; his brother, Francis William Newman, almost equally distinguished, though in a different way. Fellow of Balliol, Emeritus Professor of Latin in the University of London, and author of 'The Eclipse of Faith,' ' The Kino-s of Eome,' and various other works ; Frank Howard, the artist and etcher, noted for his illustrations of Shakespeare's plays ; Lord Macdonald, and his brother ' Jim,' well known in London society ; Sir Eobert Sale, of Afghan fame ; Sir George Burrows, ' See the Times of August 12, 1B90, in an article on John Henry Newman. 12 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSOX the physician ; General Turner, and others of minor merit. Contemporary with my brother were Frederick Ayrton, Adviser to Mehemet AH, ruler of Egypt ; Acton Smee Ayrton, ]\[.P., First Commissioner of Works in one of Mr. Gladstone's ministries ; E. N. Wornum, author of a ' History of Painting ' ; and my unworthy self, author of more books than I like to think of. The great heroes of the school in my brother's time were John Henry and Francis Newman. The former had gained a scholarship at Trinity when he was under seventeen, had been placed in the second class in Literis I] umaniorihus at the age of nineteen, and had crowned his academical career by carrying off a Fellowship at Oriel — the most coveted of all Oxford honours at the time — before he was twenty- two. The latter had obtained a scholarship at Wor- cester straight from school in 1822, and was known to be reading steadily for double honours, with an excellent prospect of getting them. The examples of these two successful Oxonians were pressed on the attention of all Ealing bo5's of any promise in the decade between 1820 and 1830, and stirred many to exertions of which otherwise they might not have thought themselves capable. Henry Eawlinson did not look forward to a University career. He had always desired to enter the army, and had received from his brothers and sisters at a very early age the sobriquet of ' the General ' ; but the desire awoke within him, very soon after becoming a scholar of Ealing, of profiting by his opportunities and making as much progress in his studies as possible. While in no way withdrawing from the sports and games which were in favour among his contemporaries, he devoted his keenest attention and his most earnest efforts to LATER EDUCATIUX 13 the studies of the place. His industiy and intelli- gence attracted the notice of his instructors, and induced them to do their utmost to further his pro- gress in classical learning. His instructors, though not equal in capacity with those under whom he would have worked in almost any public school, were, nevertheless, far from incom- petent. Dr. Nicholas was a sound scholar of the old school, a little deficient in the niceties of verse com- position, but otherwise fairly advanced both in Latin and Greek — a man of quick intelligence, a good judge of character, and a good teacher. His sons, who were his chief assistants in the work of instruction, though falling below their father in vigour and energy, had in some other respects the advantage of him. They were comparatively fresh from Oxford and Cam- bridge, had a certain number of authors at their fingers' ends, and knew the points of scholarship on which most stress was commonly laid at the period. George, the elder of the two, had been captain of Eton, and had gone from Eton to King's College, Cam- bridge, where in the usual course he had been admitted to a Fellowship. He was a better Greek scholar than his father, a much better one than his brother, and had a pretty talent of stringing together Latin verses, especially elegiacs, in which he rivalled, if not Ovid, yet at any rate Pontanus and Politian. He taught well when he was in the humour for it ; but he was lazy and self-indulgent, and ordinarily took little pains with his classes. To make progress under him it was necessary not so much to listen to what he said, as to imitate what he did. His own compositions were always correct, frequently elegant ; but he scarcely ever told his pupils what was to be avoided, 14 MEMOni OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSOX or what was to be aimed at. Still, it was impossible to attend his classes without catching some relish for the tone and spirit of antiquity, and for the beauties of the best authors. He read Homer, .iiEschylus, and Euripides with his classes, gave them some notion of writing Greek iambics, discussed with them Porson's emendations, and gave them an insight into Dawes's canons. His brotlier, Francis Xicholas, was very inferior to him as a scholar. He had been sent from Ealing to Wadham College, at no time a seat of much learning, had not succeeded in obtaining a scholarship, and had gained no distinction in the schools. Still, he had certain books at his fingers' ends. He knew thoroughly his Livy (Dec. ii.), his Xenophon, his Virgil, his ' Cicero de Officiis.' At these he ground away indefatigably. He was acute, he Avas painstaking, he was vigilant. No boy under him could shirk his work without detection, or without entailing upon himself a pretty severe punishment. He prepared boys exceedingly well for an ordinary degree, and I do not remember a single one of the pupils whom he sent up to Oxford being ' plucked.' If the school owed much to George Nicholas's scholastic elegance, I am not sure that it did not owe more to Frank Nicholas's care, diligence, and untiring energy. Henry Creswicke Rawlinson was only under the influence of these teachers for less than two years and a half — from August 1824 to May 1826. But he was at an impressionable time of life, and he always attri- buted to this period of his education the firm hold which he obtained on the classical languages and the facility with which he could master the contents of almost any Latin or Greek prose book. When he LATEli EDUCATION 16 joined the school he was placed at the bottom of the third class, about fifty places from the top. When he left it, he was high up in the first class, and was by general acknowledgment first in Greek and second in Latin of the whole school. Nor was this proficiency gained at the cost of physical training. In all the games of the school — prisoners' base, cricket, football, fives, the young- scholar took an active part. He was especially expert at fives, and was frequently associated with the princi- pal masters in the play wherein they were wont to indulge durino- the lon^ summer evenino-s. Fives at Ealing was not the humble knock-up game then customary at Eton between the chapel buttresses, and still favoured by many first-rate schools and even Universities. It was an athletic exercise of the highest order. The court wherein it was played was as large as many a tennis-court — from sixty to seventy yards long by twenty yards broad, neatly paved with the best paving-stones over its whole surface, and having a brick wall at the end, nearly forty feet high. No bat or racket was allowed, but the simple hand employed ; and to return the ball from the extreme end of the court after a long run was a trial not of skill only, but of strength and training. Henry Eawlinson advanced during the years which he spent at Ealing as much in physical development as in scholarship ; he grew to be six feet high, broad-chested, strong limbed, with excel- lent thews and sinews, and at the same time with a steady head, a clear sight, and a nerve that few of his co-mates equalled. The whole credit of this growth in physical strength and vigour must not, however, be ascribed to Ealing. The home life of the lad during the vacations also con- 16 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLTNSON tributed to it. At Cliadlington lie indulged in all the time-honoured country sports — shot, fished, hunted — in almost every pursuit showing a keenness and a skill that broucTht him into the front rank and drew atten tion. Invited by Lord Normanton to accompany his father to shooting-parties in the Ditchley woods, he began by shooting at and killing every pheasant, whether his own bird or not, that rose from the covert, before it was five yards from the ground ; and after- wards, when instructed that his procedure was not quite comme-il-faut, contented himself with reserving his shots until Lord Normanton had fired, and then, in sporting phrase, 'wiping his lordship's eye.' In the hunting lield, though never well mounted, and some- times having to force along a wretched ' screw,' he always found his way to the front, and seldom failed to be ' in at the death.' In fishing he was less dis- tinguished, but still took a pleasure in the employment. His life during the holidays was almost entirety an out-of-doors one ; and the combined result of school and home life was as has been described in the last paragraph. It has been said that the boy is not worth much who does not sometimes get into scrapes. Henry Eawlinson was no exception. He had, I think, but one ' fight ' at Ealing — a combat watli a French boy, named Mabille, a native of the Mauritius. In this he was easily victorious ; but fighting was not allowed, and if he had been found out he would have been punished. However, fortunately for him, the matter escaped notice, and no punishment followed. But somewhat later there was a ' scrape ' w^hich almost involved a catastrophe. Two boys, Henry Eawlinson and another, made up their minds to go to London for the purpose LATER EDUCATION 17 of being present at an opera written by one of the dancing masters, by name Macfarren, who was no mean playwright. They had to walk the distance — seven miles — and to walk back. The play would not be over till nearly twelve o'clock, and thus they would have to be out the greater part of the night. Of course this was not allowed, neither was it permitted to go to London without leave. Arrangements therefore had to be made. As a master slept in our bedroom, I was instructed before going to sleep to make up a figure in my brother's bed, which might pass for him in the dim light, and deceive the master. I sacrificed my bolster, tied a string round it, near the top, to make a head and a body, and then, putting my brother's night- cap on the head and his nightgown on the body, care- fully placed the dummy between the sheets, arranged the clothes as naturally as I could, and waited anxiously for the master's coming. Unluckily he was accustomed before turning in for the night to have a chat with my brother, who seldom went to bed early. He therefore called to him : ' Eawlinson, wake up. I want a talk with you.' No answer. ' Eawlinson,' again, ' wake up.' A dead silence. Exasperated but unsuspicious, the master took one of his boots and hurled it at the sleep- ing figure. The boot was well aimed ; it hit the figure in the back, but still there was no sound — no move- ment. Another boot followed and hit the figure plump on the head, but with no better result than the previous throw. ' Come, I must see what this means,' said the thrower. He sprang from his bed, tore the bed-clothes off the supposed sleeper, and discovered the trick played upon him. Tossing the lay figure contemptuously on the floor, he returned to his bed, and ' slept the sleep of the just.' I also, as soon as I could, composed G 18 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON myself to rest. About five o'clock the wanderers re- turned, after climbing over walls and palings. My brother saw what had happened, but quietly crept into bed. When morning came, the question was what would be the punishment ? It might be expulsion ; it might be flogging ; it might be some lesser penalty. The two culprits were called up before Frank Nicholas and made a clean breast of what they had done. They were sentenced to learn the ' Ars Poetica ' of Horace by heart, and to say it without a mistake within a fortnight. My brother performed the task without difl^iculty, but his companion in crime failed, and was expelled. It was not long after this that Henry Eawlinson received information of his nomination to an appoint- ment — a cadetship — under the East India Company. His actual nominator was William Taylor Money, one of the directors ; but the person to whom he really owed his appointment was his mother's half-brother, Mr. John Hinde Pelly, an old Indian Civil Servant, whose interest procured it for him. Henry Eawlinson was just sixteen at this time ; and as his nomination was direct, and did not involve passing through Addis- combe, he might have sailed at once, and have entered on his military duties. But there were objections to this rapid procedure. His youth was thought to be an objection, and also his want of any special preparation for the Indian Military Service. He had no knowledge of any Oriental language ; he was quite ignorant of mathematics, of surveying, and of military drawing ; he had not even learnt fencing or drill. Accordingly friends advised a six months' course of reading with a private tutor, under whom these deficiencies might be made good. The person selected to undertake the LATEK EDUCATION 19 charge was a certain Dr. Myers, who had been for a time a master at Woolwich, and had thence transferred his abode to Blackheath, where he took a Hmited number of pupils. Here my brother studied Hindu- stani and Persian, military drawing, surveying, and advanced mathematics. He used to speak of the six months as ' wasted,' and to regret that he had not gone straight out to India in tlie summer of 1826 ; but the only real ' waste ' was in the matter of the Oriental languages, which could have been learnt under moon- shees in India in one-tenth of the time. The other studies must have been of enormous advantage to him, when, as a geographical explorer, he had to lay down maps of regions previously unsurveyed, and to submit them to such severe critics as the Committee of the Eoyal Geographical Society. Nor can his mathematical knowledge have been unserviceable to him when it became his business to take observations, to determine longitudes, and to estimate the altitudes of mountains. Perhaps if the whole of the time spent at Blackheath had been devoted to scientific and none of it to linguistic studies the result might have been better ; but the scientific training received was eminently beneficial, and if not absolutely necessary to the soldier, was of immense advantage to the explorer. Physically, also, the stay at Dr. Myers's benefited him. He was better set up when he returned from Blackheath than when he went there. His form was more upright, his figure more soldierly. He had also become a soldier in his thoughts and aspirations. We, his younger brothers, were made to go through the broad-sword exercise continually, and listened delight- edly to accounts of the Burmese war, and to forecasts of the exploits which he intended to achieve, if the c 2 20 MEMOIR OF SIR IIENRY RAWLINSON war continued, and he was so fortunate as to take part in it. A tree still stands in a field at Chadlington, not far from the house, hacked and hewn about its stem and its lower branches by the young aspirant to military glory, in illustration of the wounds which he meant to inflict on his barbarian antagonists. We four younger boys were all at home together at this period, Henry's education being completed, and our school studies having been broken into in consequence of a severe attack of fever, which had prostrated all three of us. We thus enjoyed our best-loved brother's society for two or three months continuously in the spring and early summer of 1827, before parting from him for an interval, the length of which we could not anticipate, but which actually turned out to be one of twenty-two years. 21 CHAPTER III DEPAETUEE FOR INDIA — VOYAGE TO BOMBAY^LIFE AS A SUBALTERN OFFICER In the year 1827 there was no 'overland route,' no ' Suez Canal,' no steam communication between England and her Asiatic possessions. A berth had to be taken for Henry Rawlinson in a sailing vessel bound for Bombay, which it was calculated would reach her destination in about four months. The ship selected was the Neptune, an old East Indiaman, built in the war time, and pierced for six guns, to enable her to defend herself against the French privateers. She was commanded by Commander Cumberbatch, an experi- enced captain, and was a good sailer and a thoroughly seaworthy vessel. The port from which she was to start was London, but she was to touch at Portsmouth, which was a fortunate circumstance for my brother, since otherwise he might have missed his passage. Having got his kit on board, and understanding that the Neptune would not sail for some days, he ventured to run down to Cheltenham, where the races were going on, and his father had a horse about to run. Suddenly, as he was upon the course, an express messenger came up to him and delivered a letter which told him that the ship had started from London, and was on its way down the English Channel. Recog- nising that he had no time to lose, he at once rushed 2i> MEiMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON off from the course, made his way to London, where he had still some necessary business to transact, and then hurried on to Portsmouth, where he just caught his vessel (June 27). There was a large number of passengers on board, the most distinguished of them being Sir John Malcolm, who was going out to Bombay to discharge the office of Governor, his daughter. Lady Campbell, and Sir Alexander Campbell, his son-in-law. The course taken after quitting the Channel was by way of Madeira across the Atlantic to Trinidad, where the ' trades ' were caught, and an excellent passage made to the Cape of Good Hope, and thence round the Cape and across the Indian Ocean to Bombay. The voyage occupied exactly four months, the passengers reaching the terra firma of Bombay on October 27. A voyage of four months' duration is a dull affiiir, unless some special amusements can be started to occupy attention and speed the laggard flight of time. After a short experience of ship-board, it occurred to Henry Eawlinson that the production of a weekly newspaper might agreeably fill some considerable portion of the idle hours which hung so heavil}^ on his own and his companions' hands. Accordingly he started the idea among his fellow- passengers. It was approved and warmly taken up. Many expressed themselves as willing to contribute articles ; others undertook the drudgery of making copies, since the newspaper had to circulate in manuscript, as there was no printing press on board. He was himself requested to become editor, and gladly undertook the duty, which he continued to discharge until the voyage came to a conclusion. This position brought him specially under the notice of Sir John Malcolm, the VOYAGE TO BOMBAY 23 Governor of the Presidency to which he too was about to belong. The subjoined passages from Kaye's ' Life ' of Sir John have a reference to this period, and are not devoid of a certain interest : — It is pleasant to be able to record (says the his- torian) that the newspaper edited on board the Neptune during Malcolm's passage out was edited by a young Bombay cadet, in whom he (Malcolm) recognised the dawning genius, the full meridian of which he was not destined to see. The youthful editor was Henry Creswicke Rawlinson. It was to Malcolm that he owed the first direction of his mind to Oriental literature. There was nothing at this time in which the new Governor of Bombay more delighted— nothing, indeed, which he regarded as a more solemn duty — than the endeavour to raise, in the young men by whom he was surrounded, aspirations after worthy objects, to teach them to regard with earnestness and solemnity the career before them, and to encourage them in that application by which alone success can be achieved.^ And again : — Malcolm (on his voyage) employed some of his young friends in copying his manuscripts, and I have often thought, that if Eawlinson was so employed, it is not difficult to conjecture where he took his first lesson in deciphering strange hieroglyphics. [Note : When a few months ago, in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, the accomplished master of that college gave directions for the Babylonian cylinder (an unique specimen of the reign of Nergal-shar-ezer) which Malcolm had presented to the library to be packed and sent to Eawlinson, that he might decipher the characters upon its surface, it was interesting to think of this old connection between the two eminent men, and of the pleasure it would have given to ' Kaye's Life of Sir John Malcolm, vol. ii. p. 496. 24 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Malcolm to know that his sometime pupil had become the most distinguished Orientalist of the age.] ^ The chief influejice which Sir John Malcolm really- exerted on Henry Eawlinson at tliis time seems to have been in turning his attention towards Persia — the land, the language, the literature, and the history. He was never tired of speaking on these subjects, and day after day, evening after evening, he amused or wearied the clientele that he had gathered around him with long ' yarns ' on Persian subjects, which to Henry Eawlinson were extremely interesting. I find tn.j brother noting two years afterwards, in one of those brief and meagre diaries which he kept occasionally, but very irregularly, that he commenced the study of the Persian language with a moonshee chiefly in con- sequence of w^iat he had heard from Sir John on board the Neptune with respect to Persian literature and Persian history. As this study of Persian led to the selection of Henry Eawlinson in the year 1833 as one of the officers sent from India to Persia to aid in drilling and disciplining the Shah's army, and as that appointment turned his attention to cuneiform decipherment. Sir John Malcolm's influence on his career may be said to have been considerable ; but it was indirect, and, so to speak, accidental. There was little communication between them after they disem- barked from the Neptune^ the young cadet being engaged in his military duties and Sir John in troubles connected with the office of Governor. Henry Eawlinson landed at Bombay on October 27, 1827, at the age of seventeen, and made his way to the ' cadets' quarters.' He was at first attached to the ' Kaye's Life of Sir John Malcolm, vol. ii. p. 497. LIFE AS A SUBALTEKN OFFICE!} 25 2nd European Infantry Regiment, the ' Bombay Buffs/ as they were called, but in the June following (1828) was transferred to the 7th Native Infantry Eegiment, and a little later on was posted to the 1st Boml:»ay Grenadiers, and ordered to join the regiment without delay at Ahmedabad. Thus his first stay at Bombay was a very brief one. He utilised it, however, by at once throwing himself into the study of Hindustani, and with such success, that, after a single repulse at the close of three months, he passed the Interpreters' examination at the end of six months, and was shortly afterwards appointed to be Interpreter, as well as Quarter-master and Paymaster, to his regiment. The winter of 1828-29 was spent at Ahmedabad— much as it was spent by ' other juvenile cadets — in hunting, shooting, ball-going, billiard and racquet- playing, and the like. Unlike, however, most of his contemporaries, Henry Eawlinson combined with these lighter occupations a large amount of study and read- ing. He read a great deal of history at this time, and became such a lielhio lihrorum, that, in gratifying his passion, he unfortunately outran the constable, and having bought more books than he could pay for from a native dealer, was actually arrested for the debt (20/.) — ^the only time that he was ever arrested in his life. At the same time he continued his study of languages, and having succeeded in mastering the Mahratta dialect, passed the examination, and obtained the Mahratta Interpretership to his regiment soon after his return to Bombay from Ahmedabad in the spring of 1829. He also contributed articles at this period to the Bombay newspapers, chiefly short poems, in which the versification was smooth, but the tone rather too Byronic for our modern taste. Altogether 26 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON the Ahmedabad sojourn was a time of much enjoy- ment to him — he stood on the borderland between boyhood and manhood — his heahh was good, his spirits were unfaihng, and his prospects satisfactory ; he was a general favourite with his brother oflicers, had suffi- cient means, and was smiled on by society. His regiment returned from Ahmedabad to Bombay towards the end of March 1829, and Henry Eawlinson returned with it. And now a time of comparative idle- ness set in. Henry Eawlinson threw himself into the life of social dissipation with the same vigour which he showed in school studies, in the sports of the field, in geographical research, and in linguistic investiga- tions. Besides beino- distiniiuished in all athletic and manly exercises, he was at Bombay, in 1829, steward of the balls, manager of the theatre, head of the billiard and racquet rooms, general getter-up of parties, arranger of pigeon matches, and a sort of honorary master of the ceremonies at all dinner parties and social gatherings. In outward appearance he was the gayest of the gay, a choice specimen of the jeunesse doree of the time and place. Secretly, however, he contrived to combine with this apparent life of mere amusement a considerable amount of study. ' While this was going on,' he says in a note-book, 'I was educating myself by an extensive course of reading. It is from this period (1829) that my passion for books dates.' The year 1830 brought a change of scene, but no great change of occupation. The 1st Grenadiers were ordered to Poonah, and Henry Eawlinson went with them, remaining in Guzerat for a space of over three years (1830-1833). Dictating to an amanuensis in 1884, Sir H. Eawlinson said of this period: 'I LIFE AS A SUBALTERN OFFICER 27 always look back upon these three years as the most enjoyable of my life. I had excellent health, was in the hej^day of youth, had tremendous spirits, was dis- tino-uished in all athletic amusements — ridinfr, shoot- ing, and especially hunting — and had the whole world before me.' The officers of the 1st Grenadiers were a sporting set, and rode, shot, raced, betted, gambled almost without intermission. Henry Eavvlinson held his own among them. He kept several hunters and more than one race-horse, was indefatigable in the pursuit of the wild boar, and, indeed, was good at sports of all kinds. A. challenge, which he gave while quartered at Poonah, will show the extent and variety of his accom- plishments. He offered to compete with any rival, for the stake of 100/., in running, jumping, quoits, racquets, billiards, pigeon-shooting, pig-sticking, steeple- chasing, chess, and games of skill at cards. His challenge was not accepted, so generally was it felt that he was facile princeps in such matters. But the most striking feat belonging to this period of his life was a race against time, which largely attracted the attention of the sporting world both in India and in England. The ' Sporting Magazine ' of the year 1832 gave an account of it under the heading of * Extraordinary Eoad Match in India ' ; but the sub- joined description, dictated by my brother himself, will probably possess a higher interest for the general reader : — Behold a group assembled in the Poonah high road outside the Grenadier mess-house, and close to the Bombay milestone marking seventy miles according to the old road from Panwell, the I3ombay port, two of the group being umpires in charge of a chronometer, and another. Lieutenant Eawlinson, aged twenty-two. 28 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAVVLINSON attired in hunting costume, jockey cap, thick ticking jacket, with a watch sewn into the waistband, samber- skin breeches, and a pair of easy old boots. ' How do you feel ? ' says his friend. ' All right ? Time's nearly up,' 'Oh! all right,' says the lieutenant, and jumps into the saddle, which is fitted on a cross-grained grey horse, held carefully by two ' syces ' or grooms. Almost at the same moment the starter called out, 'Time's up! Off!' The grooms loosed the bridle, and the grey, which had been fidgeting for some time at the bustle and novelty of the scene, made a deter- mined bolt for the corner of the prickly-pear hedge which ran close by. It was such a near thing that a prickly-pear branch brushed against the rider, and, but for the samber-skin breeches, would have seriously hurt his knee. Another moment, and the grey was tearing down the road to Bombay at the rate of a hundred miles an hour, his rider sitting him steadily, and holding him fast by the head. At so early an hour in the morning (5.15) there were not many people on the road, and the grey therefore reached the Semgun bridge — about a mile from the starting-post — without a check. The narrow bridge, however, was seen to be so crowded with carts and foot-passengers as to be almost impassable, and Mr. Eawhnson therefore dashed into the river by its side. Fortunately there was very little water in the stream, but the bed being composed almost entirely of bare sheets of rock and large smooth boulders, there was some difiiculty in scram- bling over. With the help of his spurs, however, and of a strono- hold on the horse's head, the rider manaued to accomplisli it. Once through the stream and ofi" the slipper}' rock, the gre}'' sped up the opposite bank like an arrow ! There was now a gentle steady rise for about five miles along a good metalled road, so the rider had nothing to do but to sit quiet on his steed, and take care that he was not wholly ' pumped out ' before the time came to change horses. The first change was made at about six miles from the start ina- LIFE AS A SUBALTEliX OFFICER 29 point, where a fresh horse, ready saddled and bridled, was waiting to be mounted. Mr. Eawlinson jumped off the grey, and sprang on to the new animal, which was a much better roadster than the preceding one, and carried his rider the remaining six miles of the first stage, to Penowli, without adventure. At Penowli, twelve and a half miles from Poonah, Mr. Eawlinson mounted his third horse, an old white Arab, not very steady on his pins, but full of ' go,' and good-tempered. As the distance which this animal had to carry him was only five miles and a half, he considered that he might ' put on the steam,' and accordingly, turning off to the left, he galloped across the smooth soft down, instead of hammering along the hard high road, for the space of about five miles to the point where he had ordered that his fourth horse should meet him. Trusting that his orders would have been exactly carried out, he ventured to press the old Arab somewhat hardly, and had pretty nearly ' pumped him out ' by the time that he regained the high road at the point where the groom with the fresh horse was to have met him. What, then, was his horror when, on reaching the road, he saw the man and horse awaiting him nearly a quarter of a mile in advance ! The Arab could not move another step, so his rider had no resource but to jump down and run along the road — uphill all the way — towards his relaj^, at the same time shouting to the groom to come on and meet him. This the man did ; but Mr. Eawlin- son reckoned that this contretemjjs , lost him a full five minutes. On changing to his fourth horse, his troubles were over for the time. This animal was a nice, compact, iron-grey hack, and carried him at a good fast pace, without the slightest check or hindrance, a distance of six and a half miles to Wargan, where he found his fifth horse — a racer of some note, called ' Vivian Grey ' — and, mounting him, proceeded across country instead of along the road, a distance of over eleven miles, at 80 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON full gallop. This was the fastest and pleasantest bit of riding in the whole race. Vivian Grey carried him delightfully ; and he reached Carli, confident that the match was as good as won, and the stakes in his pocket. Here, however, his worst troubles began. The sixth horse, a dun country-bred one, had escaped from the groom's hands early in the morning, and was careering about the country until within a few minutes of Mr. Rawlinson's arrival. Of course, if he had not been caught, the match must have been lost, for it would have been impossible to extemporise a substi- tute. It must be noted also, that there were known to be at this season of the year many droves of bullocks, laden with salt or grain, upon the road between Panwell and Poonah. In view of this, a friend of Mr. Rawlinson's had, the night before, ridden down the line, and made an arrangement with the chief drovers, paying to each a douceur on the promise that they would not leave their camping-grounds before 8.30. Hitherto the compact had been strictly observed, but at Carli the head drover failed to keep his word ; and when Lieut. Eawlinson had proceeded a few miles beyond that place, he found the road completely obstructed by laden bullocks. At one point, indeed, where there was a steep embankment on either side, the press was so great that further progress seemed impossible. At length, however, what with scrambling over the backs of the bullocks, squeezing between their horns, and belabouring them soundly with a thick whip, he managed to get through, having his breeches pretty well torn to ribbons by the way. The old dun turned out a ' trump,' and got into Candalah none the worse for his burst among the bullocks, having accomplished his nine miles under the half hour. At Candalah began the descent of the Ghauts. Lieut. Piawlinson had selected for this critical portion of the ride a bay Arab horse from his own stables, spirited and hot-tempered, but extremely sure-footed ; and he cantered on him quietly for the first mile to LIFE AS A SUBALTERN OFFICER 31 the brink of the descent. At this point was stationed an engineer officer, who held a watch in his hand, timing the match ; and he gave the time to the rider as he passed, but by some accident gave it wrongly — a full hour too late. Lieutenant Eawlinson referred to his wrist watch and noted the discrepancy ; but, as he had met with rather rough treatment among the bullocks, and it was not impossible that his watch might have gone wrong, he could not assume that the officer had made a mistake. He therefore felt bound to ' put on steam ' from this point, and consequently he dashed down the decline at full speed. The Arab, unaccustomed to such treatment, threw up his head — the lip strap broke, and, the bit turning in the horse's mouth, the rider lost all control over him. Under these circumstances the only thing to do seemed to be to sit quiet, and trust to the sure-footedness of the animal. The Arab took the zigzags with perfect regularity and without a stumble, looking over the precipice at each corner some 2,000 or 3,000 feet down into the Coucan, but never swerving. Towards the end of the descent, he grew a little more quiet, and, lowering his head, allowed the bit to fall back into its proper place, whereupon the rider resumed full control over his steed, and had no further difficulty with him. The pace, however, during the run- away had been very good indeed, the four miles from Can- dalah to Kolapoor, including the precipitous descent of the Ghaut, having been accomplished within the quarter of an hour. Here, for the first and only time in the whole race, the rider took some refreshment, swallowing a draught of cold tea. Then he mounted a good strong Arab hunter of his own, to which he was well accustomed, and hoped accordingly to complete the next stage of ten miles to Cliowk, for which he had two mounts, in good style and without difficulty. But, as it turned out, it was just here that he had his most narrow escape, and was within an ace of ' coming to grief.' 32 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON The Toad lies through a plain country ; but it is very much broken with rocks, and ravines, and stony beds of rivers, considerable obstacles to locomotion. At one point especially a very nasty rocky river-bed was crossed by a narrow bridge without balustrade or rail- ins^ ; and Lieutenant Eawlinson, as he was approaching this bridge, saw a bullock-cart drawn by two span of oxen coming from the opposite direction, and already occupying the crazy structure. The oxen, moreover, as it appeared, saw him, and alarmed at the weird fissure approaching them at so great a pace, swerved straight across the road and stood dumbfoundered. It was impossible to pull up ; it was impossible to descend the embankment and make a dash across the river ; nothing remained but to push straight forward. So the adventurous horseman rammed in his spurs and rode at the obstacle, but, nearing it, managed to scrape round the heads of the oxen, and to pass between their horns and the unguarded edge of the roadway. There was but just room. One of the horns of the nearest bullock inflicted a wound ■ upon the shoulder of the gallant steed, while his hind legs at one time actually overhung the river ! It was an exceedingly narrow escape, and made the rider draw a long breath as he passed on his way. The second half of this stage was accomplished without adventure on an Arab charo;er belono-incr to the adjutant of Lieutenant Eawlinson's regiment, a strong and sure-footed animal, though not remarkable for pace. There still remained the last stasje of this adven- turous ride. From Chowk to the Pan well tavern is a distance of about twelve and a half miles, and for this Lieutenant Eawlinson had again two mounts. The first of these was a flea-bitten grey hunter of his own, called ' Tickle-me-gently,' very sure-footed, and well-known at the jungle side. ' Tickle-me-gently ' did the half-stage in very good time, and pulled up at a point on the road where the last mount was waiting, ready saddled and LIFE AS A SUBALTERN OFFICER 33 bridled. Here, then, Lieutenant Rawlinson mounted his last horse — a very nice active high-bred Arab racer, called ' Eden,' who for several miles bowled alonijf at a good pace, carrying his rider rapidly and well. As the road, however, approached the sea-coast, it was laid on a high embankment with built-up sides ; and here Lieutenant Rawlinson found his horse clinging per- sistently to the near side of the road and not to be diverted from it. At first he thought that the swerve was merely casual, and touched the horse with the left spur to keep him straight. But no — the swerve grew worse and worse, finally becoming a decided jib or bolt ; and he was obliged to put the animal's head at the embankment, and scramble up it, and down the revSte- ment on the other side, as he could. Of course the horse ' came to grief at the bottom, and he himself received a severe blow on the knee and was thrown from the saddle. He soon got up from the ground, shook himself together, and led his horse to a place where the bank could be ascended and the road reached. He then remounted and pursued his course. It after- wards turned out that the animal had been kept during the preceding night at a stable a few hundred yards from the embankment, and, recognising the spot, had proposed to re-occupy quarters which he had found comfortable ! For the last three miles of the ride the scene resembled a popular ovation, several hundreds, or rather thousands, of villagers having assembled from all points of the compass to witness the finish of this wonderful time race, which was supposed to have been accomplished on a single horse from Poonah to Pan- well within the hour ! The excitement was intense as Lieutenant Rawlinson rode into the compound of the Parsee tavern, and roused from their sleep the umpires, who had not expected his arrival for at least another hour. On breaking the seals of the chronometers, the time was found to be 8.17 a.m., the match being thus won, with fifty-three minutes to spare. 84 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLTNSON Still, amid all his various and, as one might have thought, absorbing- amusements, Henry Rawlinson con- tinued his studies. ' At Poonah,' he says in a diary, under the head of the year 1833, 'I read a great deal, and passed a first-class examination in Persian.' Note. — The terms of the bet were : — ' To ride from Poonah to Panwell in four hours — the stake to be 100/. — a forfeit of one hundred rupees to be paid for every minute over the four hours, and the same amount to be guaranteed to the rider for every minute under that time.' The start was made from Poonah at 5.10 a.m. The arrival at Panwell took place at 8.17 a.m. Time occupied, o hours 7 minutes. Distance, 72 miles. 36 CHAPTER IV REMOVAL TO PERSIA — VOYAGE TO BUSHIRE — LIFE IN PERSIA DURING 1833 AND 1834 In the year 1833 political exigencies, connected with the rivalry between England and Eussia, induced the Governor-General of India, Lord William Bentinck, to determine on sendino- a small detachment of native troops to Persia, accompanied by eight officers, with the primary object of drilling and improving the Shah's army. It was essential that the officers sent upon this service should be familiar with the Persian language, and orders to this effect were forwarded to the presi- dential Governors, to whom a certain number of the appointments were confided. One of these was Lord Clare, Governor of Bombay, whose son, the Hon. G. Upton, was a particular friend of Henry Eawlinson's. When, about April 1833, the matter was first mooted in the Presidency, Upton asked his friend Rawlinson if he would like to accompany the detachment, and, being answered in the affirmative, made interest for him with his father, the Governor. At first, however, he was unsuccessful, the place which Henry Rawlinson desired to fill being assigned by Lord Clare to a Mr. Powell, his military secretary. The Indian Government, as it happened, refused to confirm this appointment, on the ground of Mr. Powell's not being an Indian officer ; and his first nomination having thus D 2 36 MEMOIR OF SIR IIKXRY RAWLINSON fallen tlirough, Lord Clare was induced to nominate, in the second instance, liis son's friend. No exception was, or could be, taken to this appointment ; and thus Lieutenant Rawlinson, whose linguistic acquirements were well known, and no doubt had considerable weiaht in his selection, became attached to the small body of troops sent at this important juncture from India to Persia. He was at the same time appointed staff-officer to the detachment. On October 26, 1883, six years almost exactly from the date of his landing in Lidia, Henry Rawlinson went on board the Clyde^ in the harbour of Bombay, with seven brother officers ^ and a small detachment of troops, and set sail for the port of Bushire. The Clyde was commanded by Captain Fitz- James, who was after- wards second in command to Sir John Franklin in one of his polar expeditions, and perished in the Arctic regions. The present voyage, however, was wholly prosperous, the ship landing her passengers at Bushire early in November without any mischance. Thus began what my brother used to call ' the most moment- ous chansre in his whole life.' o It was not intended by the authorities that the de- tachment should make any prolonged halt at Bushire. Bushire is a most wretched place, and has no objects of interest in its near neighbourhood. The intention was, after a brief stay, to push forward rapidly through the mountain passes, and across the Persian highland, to Teheran, the capital, where the Shah, who had been apprised of the despatch of the troops, was anxiously awaiting them. But an immediate advance was found ' Colonel Shiel (brother of R. Lalor Shiel, M.P.) and Colonel Farrant were the two most distinguished officers of the detachment, and Lieu- tenant Eawlinson's principal friends. VOYAGE TO BUSIIIKE 37 to be impossible. The mountains which separate the low coast tract about Bushire from the great Iranic plateau are of the most formidable character ; the passes which traverse them are narrow and precipitous ; when blocked with snow the}' become absolutely impene- trable ; and any attempt to cross the great range, or rather ranges, leads necessarily to a catastrophe. On arriving at Bushire, Colonel Pasmore, the commander of the detachment, was informed that the passes were already blocked by heavy falls of snow, and were con- sequently impassable. He tlierefore, very judiciously, ordered a prolonged halt, and kept the detachment under cover at Bushire from early in November to early in February. This interval of three months enabled him to arrange for transport, about which there was considerable difficulty, to organise a caravan, and to obtain a sufficiency of baggage animals, with their drivers. Notwithstanding this delay, the start was made full early — soon after the beginning of the month — and for some time no great difficulty was encountered. Deep snow, however, detained the detachment for a considerable time in the vicinity of Shiraz, and Lieu- tenant Eawlinson was enabled to indulge his anti- quarian tastes by a visit to the cave of Shapur, with its interesting Sassanian remains,^ as well as by an excur- ' On this visit Lieutenant Rawlinson met with an adventure which he was fond of narrating. He was informed at Shiraz that a famous robber chief, and his son, had possession of the entire country about Shapur, but that the son, Bakir Khan, was at bottom a thoroughly good fellow, and particularly friendly to Englishmen. He therefore prepared himself to conciliate his favour in case of falling in with him. Besides providing presents of the ordinary character, he also, with a regard to Bakir Khan's reputation as a hard drinker, put aside a certain number of bottles of sherry and brandy for his especial benefit. Accompanied by two other officers of the detachment, he rode from Shiraz to Shapur, visited and sketched the ruins, and copied a number of in- scriptions, without falling in with anyone who had the least appearance 88 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWI.TXSON sion to Persepolis, where he first saw cimeifonn in- scriptions in situ, and made copies of a considerable number. More snow was encountered between Shiraz and Ispahan, where the detachment was again detained of being a suspicious character. In tlie afternoon, however, he and his companions determined to visit the celebrated ' Cave of Shapur,' which was at the top of a steep hiU. They therefore dismounted, left their horses to their grooms, and ascended on foot. The ascent was ditiicult, the day hot, and Lieutenant Eawlinson's two companions very shoi'tly gave in, and left him to pursue his explorations by himself. He, how- ever, persevered, succeeded in reaching the summit, found the cave, and remained there a couple of hours, when he thought that it was time to descend, remount his horse, and return to ca.mp. Scarcely was he in the saddle, when he observed a Persian horseman in the brushwood, at no great distance on his right ; then another, as near him, on his left ; then others, rather further off, both in front and in rear. It was evident that he was surrounded. His groom, however, told him not to be afraid — the men were followers of Bakir Khan, and he could see that chief himself in the bottom on the banks of the river. There w^as nothing for it but to put a bold face on the matter and make the best of it. So he turned his horse, descended the hill, and rode straight up to the robber chief, saluting him. Bakir gave him a pretty friendly reception, but reproached him with having come like a spy, without any warning, and with endeavouring to escape observation. Had he had warning, he would have sent an escort to meet so distinguished a guest, and have prepared a feast in his honour. Lieutenant Kawlinson excused himself as best he could, and a pleasant chat followed, which was terminated by the chief s saying : 'It is des- perately hot here. Do you happen to have anything to drink with you ? ' The lieutenant signed to the groom to bring out the brandy and a drinking-cup. It happened that this last was of rather large dimensions, holding about a pint. The groom handed it to the robber chief, and then began to pour, expecting to be stopped. But the chief made no sign — the cup was filled to the brim, i-aised to his lips, and three-quarters emptied at a draught. Then suddenly he stopped, staggered, and almost fell to the ground. Immediately a dozen matchlocks were unslung, and their muzzles pointed at the Englishman, who had the presence of mind to spring forward, catch the robber chief, and snatching the cup from his hand, drink off the remainder of tlie liquor. His action caused the matchlock-men to pause ; and, as they paused, the chief began to recover, raised himself up, and said : ' Sahib, what was that delicious licjuor that you gave me ? I thought it was sherry, but if so, it must have been the father of all the sherries. What was it ? ' 'It was brandy,' replied my brother, ' the strongest of all liquors ; but I had heaid that you could drink anything, so I thought it wouldn't hurt you.' ' Ah, well,' ejaculated the chief, ' it's all right now. It was \evy strong, but it LIFE IN PERSIA 39 for a week. The route then lay through Kashan and Kum to Teheran, which was reached about the middle of March without much further trouble. On the way, however, the adventurous spirit of the young lieutenant led him into an enterprise which might have had serious consequences. He had heard much of Kum as a sacred city, and the glories of the shrine of Fatima had been greatly extolled to him; it was said never to have been entered by a European, and whispered that instant death would be the portion of the audacious infidel who should be found intruding into its hallowed precincts. A hint of danger is an irresistible attrac- tion to a young and ardent spirit. Henry Eawlinson resolved at once that he would penetrate into the shrine. Disguised as a Persian pilgrim, he joined the crowd which thronged the temple gates, made his way with them into the adytum, and approached the tomb of the saint. The guardian gave him the customary form of words, and he repeated them ; but shortly afterwards his eye was attracted by some magnificent suits of steel armour which hung upon the walls, and he found with a thrill of alarm, that while curiously contemplating them and speculating upon their age and origin, he had almost turned his back upon the sacred spot where the saint lay — the cynosure of all the eyes of ' true believers.' Fortunately for him, his lapse was not remarked — it had been little more than momentary — otherwise, in all probability, a promising- career would then and there have been cut short, and a light lost to philological, geographical, and diplomatic was very good ! ' Bakir Khan, during the remainder of his Hfe, always behaved well to Englishmen ; but the Tiurkish Government naturally resented his robber practices ; and he was hunted down and shot not many years after Lieutenant Eawlinson's interview with him. 40 MEMOm OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON science, with which they could ill have afforded to dispense. The detachment, as has been mentioned, reached Teheran about the middle of March. They found there Sir John Campbell as Envoy, and Mr. (afterwards Sir John) McNeill as Secretary of Legation. Preparations were at once made for the reception of the officers of the detachment by the monarch, his Majesty Futteh Ali Shah, the reigning king of Persia. Such, how- ever, were the requirements of Oriental etiquette, that it was not until the 12 th of April that the interview actually took place, and the band of British officers, accompanied by the members of the diplomatic corps and some Persian officials, was conducted to the palace, and ushered into the presence of the Great King. I find among my brother's papers the subjoined description of the occasion : — All arrangements having been duly settled, and the star of our fortune, as the Persians say, having reached the zenith of exaltation, the cavalcade, glittering in all its gaudiest trappings, set out from the palace of the Envoy to become ' white-faced ' by an intro- duction to the ' Centre of the Universe.' A party of two-and-twenty Europeans thus brilliantly attired is a spectacle to which the eyes of the Teheranees are but little accustomed; and had we not therefore at- tracted a considerable share of public observation, as we wound through the narrow streets and bazaars leading to the citadel, we should have given the citizens little credit for curiosity. The large party of royal Gholams and Furrashes, however, who accompanied the procession contrived to keep us personally un- molested, and in process of time, therefore, after cross- ing the narrow bridge which leads into the citadel, and passing thence through a small bazaar into the large square fronting the royal residence, we alighted at the LIFE IN PERSIA 41 entrance of the Dewan Khana, and proceeded on foot into the interior of the pahace. The square, always a striking object from the number of guns and mortars ranged in various parts of it, presented upon this occa- sion an unusually lively and picturesque appearance. The whole of the Shah's artillerymen, amounting to some hundreds, were under arms at their respective stations ; detached groups of horsemen in their gayest attire dashed about the Meidan, and the crowds of gholams called out to do proper honour to the cere- mony rendered it most difficult to attain the entrance. Here, however, we at length arrived, and dismounting were conducted through a narrow passage lined with gholams to the apartments of the Master of the Cere- monies, where kaliuns and tea refreshed us for a few minutes while intelligence of our arrival was despatched to his Majesty, and the etiquette to be observed at the introduction was communicated to us by the Court official. Soon a message was sent down summoning us to the royal presence, and we found ourselves again on foot following our stately guide through the various courts and passages which led to the ' Garden of the Guhstan,' where his Majesty had been graciously pleased to appoint our reception. The garden thus named is a large square enclosure of about a hundred yards extent, adorned, as usual, with avenues of chenar trees and a basin of water in the centre, and presenting to the eye at its upper end the Dewan Khana, a large public room where his Majesty holds his Court on the festival of the Xoarof, and which is the only place in the palace adapted to the accommodation of the crowds who on that occasion throng with their offerings to the throne. From the large court a door upon the right conducts through a series of narrow, dark, and intricate passages, which would disgrace the offices of any respectable British residence, into a small enclosure filled with the guards and servants of the royal house- hold, on leaving which, and threading a few more of these narrow gloomy lanes, our party suddenly emerged 42 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON upon the splendid and delightful ' Garden of the Gulistan.' Beyond this entrance none but the Master of the Ceremonies, his deputy, and our party were per- mitted to proceed, for we were now on ' holy ground,' and within the range of the royal eye. The room in which his Majesty was seated could scarcely have been fifty yards distant from this corner door, a wall and pathway connecting them ; but, it being utterly incon- sistent with etiquette that we should proceed thither by the direct route, we were paraded half round the enclosure before being permitted to approach the throne. Walking slowly, therefore, along the wall to our left, and stopping to salute, as soon as we were irradiated with the light of the Imperial presence, we passed an octagonal summer-house, called the Kostuh Frangee (?), and reaching a corner door which leads to the liareem, and is guarded by a body of eunuchs, we then turned off at a right angle, and were soon exactly opposite the apartment occupied by the King. There is a fine room at this spot, called the Umanit Ulmas, (;r ' Diamond Palace,' which is, however, but little used, and from here, after making another salute, we walked straight up to the Gulistan. Not an individual, except the eunuchs at the hareem door, was to be seen in the whole extent of this vast enclosure, and not a sound was to be heard throughout it but our measured steps upon the clean paved walk, till, arriving within about twenty paces of the room, our slippers were laid aside, and, the last salute having been performed, our con- ductor in a loud clear voice announced the arrival of Colonel Pasmore and party for the purpose of being introduced to the ' Centre of the Universe.' ' Khoosli arndeed,' ^ answered his Majesty from the elevated posi- tion where he sat enthroned; and, ranging the sergeants along the edge of a small tank at about ten paces' dis- tance from tlie King, we then ascended a steep narrow winding staircase to the doorway of the Chamber of Audience. Having entered, and taken our positions ' ' You are welcome.' LIFE IN PERSIA 43 inside the room, we again saluted, and the King at once commenced the usual complimentary inquiries The room is of an oblong shape, about forty feet by thirty, and is elevated, perhaps, ten feet above the platform of the court ; it is very lofty, and being entirely open on its two sides, and supported by four light graceful pillars, has a peculiarly airy and elegant appearance. At the top is a small arched alcove, and at the bottom the door of entrance. These two ends, together with the ceiling, are composed entirely of mirrors ; and, though by no means comparable to the glass of the new palace at Ispahan, they add much to the brilliancy and splendour of the apartment. Of bijouterie, which usually crowds the palaces of Persian princes, I could not here discern a trace ; with the exception, indeed, of the carpets, a pair of magnificent lustres, and his Majesty's throne and Kaliun, there was not a decoration in the place. The throne on which his Majesty was seated was placed in the right hand corner at the upper end of the room, so as to overlook the garden, and thus command a view of all who might approach. It was .shaped much like a large high-backed old-fashioned easy chair, and, though made of gold, and studded throughout with emeralds and rubies, appeared a most strange ungainly piece of furniture. On the left of the throne, in the alcove which I have already mentioned, were the shield and sword bearers of the King, the former of whom is an officer of high rank, and has very extensive districts under his control. He bore upon his left arm a small round shield, apparently of the greatest value, and was himself attired in the most costly robes. The sword-bearer was a young prince, named Jehungeer Mirza, and carried suspended from his neck by a small band the magnificent weapon en- trusted to his charge. Not only the hilt of this weapon, but the sheath also, and the sling, were a blaze of diamonds ; and it is considered, I understand, one of the most valuable of the Crown treasures of Persia. Eanged upon either side of the room were six princes 44 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON of tlie blood, all standing and preserving the deepest silence throughout the ceremony. . They were all of them haVjited most richly — robes of the most exquisite cashmire flowing loosely down displayed their jewel- hilted daggers and other costly ornaments. The Order of the Lion and the Sun was borne by several, and Ali Shah, Governor of the town of Teheran, wore in token of his authority a train little inferior to that of his father. At the end of the room, and thus facing his Majesty, were our part}'-, headed by our old friend, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the Ussuf ool Dowleh, an uncle of Mohammed Mirza's, and perhaps the most influential functionary at Court. The old King wore no sign of royalty, but his tiara — this, which was a high black velvet cap, decorated with sprays of im- mense diamonds, both in front and at the sides, was truly regal ; but, a yellow silk cloak enveloping his form from head to foot, he presented otherwise a plain and almost mean appearance. The old man's beard is still of prodigious length, but its claim to supremacy in this respect ma}^, I think, be fairly questioned. His face is dark and wrinkled ; his teeth have all fallen out from age ; and he retains not a trace of that manly beauty which is said to have distinguished him in former days, and which characterises even now the pictures which are daily taken of him. He was most gracious, however, in his inquiries, talked much of the value which he placed on the services of the detach- ment, entered into a long discussion with Dr. McNeil on the subject of his health, received Abul Hussein Khan's compliments with infinite condescension, and fmally, after about a quarter of an hour's interview, dismissed us with the greatest honour, to return ' white-faced and head-exalted ' to our homes. During the three months of April, M^V, and June the detachment remained at Teheran, and their officers necessarily remained with them. It was a critical time in Persia. Futteh Ali Shah, the monarch de- LIFE IN PERSIA 45 scribed above, was showing signs of age and decay, and becoming conscious that his end was approaching.^ There is no clear law of succession to the Crown in Persia, and the decease of a Sovereign is too often the sio-nal for the commencement of a civil war. Futteh Ali was naturally anxious to avert this danger. He had a multitude of sons and grandsons,^ most of them, if not all of them, desirous to succeed him ; but as vet the succession had been promised to none of them. After much consideration and consultation with many advisers, the aged monarch made up his mind to appoint a successor. Passing over all his surviving sons, he fixed his choice on a grandson. Prince Mo- hammed Mirza, then serving against the Turkomans in Khorassan, and summoned him to the capital for nomination to the position of Crown Prince and for investiture with the dignity. The Prince entered Teheran in a grand procession on June 14, 1834, and was proclaimed Naib-i-Sultanut (heir to the Crown) on the same day. On the next but one (June 16) the British detachment was made over to him as his special body-guard. On June 20, after a visit from his grandfather, his investiture took place. Lieutenant Eawlinson, who was present, thus describes it : — The Prince, attired in the khelaat (or ' dress of honour ') with which his father had that morning presented him, was seated on an old bedstead in the vaulted chamber, on the brink of a marble basin filled with the clearest water, and both in appearance and ' Futteh Ali ^s said to have been forty years of age at his accession in 1798 (Fraser : History of Persia, p. 313). He would, therefore, have been seventy-six in 1884. - See the author's History of Herodotus, p. 262, note 1 (third edition), where it is noted by his brother that ' at the time of Futteh Ali Shah's death his direct descendants amounted to nearlj^ three thousand.' 46 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY KAWLINSON manner was most animated. The dress of honour consisted of a red velvet robe, haced and edged with deep borders of magnificent jewels, a shawl supporting a most splendid dagger, diamond armlets, and a sword blazing with gems. Popular rumour assigned to the klielaat^ with its accompaniments, a value of 100.000 tomauns, or about 50,000/. ; and I cannot think the estimate much exaggerated. The Prince begged us {i.e. the officers of the detachment) to be seated in his presence — a mark of distinction granted to few — and inquired particularly the name, rank, and duties of every individual of the party. He expressed his desire also to avail himself of the assistance of England, insinuating at the same time his disinclination to accept of other offers. The Eussian aide-de-camp with his interpreter being, however, present, the conversation was not prosecuted further. Still, the situation continued critical. The Shah's sons were not without hope of changing their father's mind, and exerted themselves to the utmost to subvert the proposed succession. They professed themselves in fear of their lives when they were brought in contact with the selected prince, and at his inauguration festival went so far as to refuse to taste any of the refresh- ments handed to them, assuring their father that they had good reason to believe them poisoned. The Shah, however, was firm, and rejected their insinuations ; but, in order to ease the strained relations which had set in between those nearest and dearest to him, he gave orders that the Prince Mohammed Mirza, with the troops which he had brought from Khorassan and the British detachment, should proceed at once into Azerbijan and assume the administration of affairs in that important province, while the jealous uncles remained with himself at Teheran. There was great difficulty in procuring sufficient transport for the LIFE IN PERSIA 47 troops ; but, after much wearisome delay, the march began on July 4. Casvin was reached on the 9th ; Sultaniyeh on the 14th ; and Tabriz on the 26th of the month. The country through which the march lay, though for the most part fertile and picturesque, proved very unhealthy to Europeans, and most of the officers of the detachment suffered severely. Lieutenant Eawlinson amons; the number. Prostrated bv fever and ague, he had to be carried during the -last two or three stages of the journey in a sort of palanquin, and was confined to his bedroom for several days after- wards. At Tabriz the drilling and instruction of the native Persian troops — the main object of the expedition — began, and was carried on for two months almost in- cessantly. Bayazid was visited during the autumn of the year ; and Lieutenant Eawlinson, with his usual spirit of enterprise, attempted the ascent of Mount Ararat, but found it impracticable at that time of year on account of the great depth of the snow. Otherwise the autumn passed with little of incident or excite- ment. Lieutenant Eawlinson continuing his Persian studies, and further occupying himself with researches into the comparative geography of Azerbijan. November 10 had been reached, and winter was just about setting in, when news arrived at the camp of the detachment, of a stirring and quite unexpected character. Futteh Ali, the Shah of Persia, though an old man, being in his seventy-seventh year, had been left at Teheran in fairly good health, and was thought to have many more years of life before him. He had removed, as he commonly did in the summer time, from Teheran to Ispahan, and was enjoying his villeg- f/iatura in that ' earthly paradise,' when a sudden 48 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON attack carried liim off, after a few days' illness, on October 20, 1834. Had common dispatch been used, the intelligence might have reached the force a fort- night earlier, and the troops might by November 10 have been well advanced on their march back to Teheran ; but, as it was, the usual Oriental dilatoriness, indecision, and incapacity were displayed, with the result that the throne, and even the life of the new monarch, Mohammed Mirza, were seriously endan- gered, and that a violent revolution threatened to break out. Disaffection showed itself in many different quarters — the troops themselves, having to complain of long arrears of pay, were anything but enthusiastic — and for a time it was doubtful whether they would consent to accompany the young monarch to his capital, and lend their aid to establish him upon the throne. Unfortunately, he did not possess at this period of his life many personal attractions. ' Mo- hammed Shah,' says Lieutenant Eawlinson in his journal of this date, ' has little appearance of Eastern sovereignty about him. Instead of a fine, bold, manly bearing, with the gleam of intellect upon his brow, and the deep-set, piercing eye which should mark the individual formed to crush rebellious princes and win his way to a crown worn by a Nadir, a Kurrem Khan, and the Kujur Eunuch, he possesses a gross, unwieldy person, a thick, rapid, unimpressive utterance, an unmeaning countenance, and a general bearnig more clownish and commonplace than is often met with even in the middle ranks of Persian society. There is in his appearance no spark of grace, dignity, or intelligence ; and though no opportunities have yet occurred for the development of his real character, the traits which have been re- marked augur most unfavourably of a glorious career LIFE IN PERSIA 49 for the new monarch.' Still, the difficulties of the crisis, great as they were, were by some means or other overcome — British gold was forthcoming to meet the demands of the troops, the Prince was persuaded to assume a gracious and popular demeanour, and within a few weeks was established peaceably in his capital and accepted as the legitimate successor of his grand- father upon the Persian throne. 60 MEMOIR OF SIR IIEXRY RAWLTXSOX CHAPTER V RESIDENCE IN PERSIA FROM 1835 TO 1839 — FIRST ATTRACTION TO CUNEIFORM STUDIES — TRAVELS — RETURN TO INDIA FROM PERSIA. Lieutenant Rawlinson remained at Teheran with the British detachment under the command of Colonel Pasmore from January 4, 1835, to April 10. He was partly employed in drilling the Persian troops and keeping the Persian officials in good humour, partly in correspondence with the other British employes scattered up and down the country. A better Persian scholar than almost any of the other officers, he was soon on familiar terms with the principal Persian grandees, and even with his Iranic Majesty himself. The situation being one of very considerable difficulty, and the relations between the British Envoy and the Persian Court being from time to time greatly strained, and appearing to threaten a rupture, an unusual responsibility devolved on the accomplished linguist, whose communications were sure never to be misunderstood, and who never failed to understand the exact bearing and intention of the communications, whether official or semi-official, which reached the British Residence from the Court. Lieutenant Rawlinson was from the first a persona grata to the newly enthroned Shah, and was admitted to the royal presence without difficulty. On January 12, within ten days of the Shah's own reception into his RESIDENCE IN PERSIA FROM 1835 TO 1839 ol capital, he was received, together with Colonel Pasmore and some other British officers, into the Imaret-i-Bulaon, the chief reception-room of the royal palace at Teheran, and ' probably the most splendid apartment in Persia,' and granted a long audience by his Majest}^ He thus describes the occasion : — The huge pier glasses, with which the apartment is lined throughout, are all of European manufacture, and the rich gilding and enamelling which decorate their frames add much to the finish of the chamber. A crystal bath, presented by the Eussian Emperor to Futteh Ali Shah, occupies the centre of the apartment ; magnificent chandeliers depend from the ceiling ; Cash- mere shawls, richly hued, carpet the floor ; each recess around the walls holds the most splendid specimens of bijouterie in alabaster, ormolu, and bronze, of which the elephant clock — a gift of Alexander — is not the least remarkable ; and ceiling, pillars, and walls are inlaid throughout with a dazzling continuity of mirrored compartments in arabesque, which, while they multiply to an infinite extent every decoration, bewilder and ahnost fatigue the eye with their glittering and fantastic forms. The celebrated ' Peacock Throne ' was placed at the head of the apartment ; but Mohammed Shah had resigned its occupation when we entered for a more luxurious position in a corner immediately above a limpid and bubbling fountain, basking in the sunshine, and supported by rich cushions of velvet. Public affairs were little touched upon during the interview. The Shah expressed, indeed, in his quick, lively, animated manner, his resolve to have an army of 100,000 dis- ciplined troops, and — Inshallah — to revive the days of Nadir in Iran. Otherwise the conversation related chiefly to the wonders of European science — balloons, steam guns, Herschel's telescope, and the subject of aerolites were successively touched upon ; and I wound up the catalogue of marvels with a description of the recent French invention of the ' Pacificator.' 52 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON About three weeks later, on the last day of January 1835, Lieutenant Eawlinson was present at the corona- tion of the youthful monarch. He had gone with the other officers of the detachment to make a call of cere- mony upon the Shah on the feast of the Ued-i-Ramzan, and found the Court in an unusual state of bustle and excitement. The determination had suddenly been reached that, to save expense, the day of the feast should be further utilised for the coronation of the Prince, which anyhow must have taken place shortly. A double distribution of presents was thus avoided, and other minor economies secured. But the immediate result was scarcely convenient. At the moment when the British officers entered the Dewan, they found it a scene of strange hurry and confusion. Princes, Mirzahs, Khans, and Moollahs were bustling about in all direc- tions, and the Master of the Ceremonies, whose duty it was to marshal the crowd in due order according to the respective ranks of the individuals composing it, Avas evidently bewildered, and well nigh at his wit's end. Order, however, was in course of time educed out of chaos ; and when, at about one o'clock, intelligence arrived of the approach of the young Shah, the scene became very interesting and impressive : — The curtain which usually hides the Dewan Khana from public view had been raised, and I beheld for the first time the rich decorations of the apartment. A throne of pure white polished marble, supported on the shoulders of figures of which the sculpture is respect- able enough for Persia, occupies the centre of the chamber ; it may be raised about four feet from the ground, is ascended by marble steps, and is, I should judge, about eight feet long by five wide. The mirrors and gilding in the apartment are on a grander scale than in any of the other palaces, and harmonise well RESIDENCE IX PERSIA FKOM 183o TO 1839 53 with its vast and lofty proportions. Outside the Dewan Kliana, on either edge of the large reservoir which, as usual, occupies tlie central space, were arranged Princes of the Blood — on the right hand, facing the throne, those in favour, and on the left the faction. Upon this raised terrace, about fourteen feet from the Dewan Khana, no one else was permitted to stand. Below, lining the central avenue and crossing so as to form a base about twenty yards down, stood all the ministers and officers of the household. The base was occupied entirely by the chief executioner and his establishment, who, with their red robes and turbans and axes of office, presented a ver};^ imposing appearance. At the two upper angles were stationed the Qaim Mugham and his son ; and in the space intervening between these corners and the raised terrace to the right and left places were assigned respectively^ for the Eussian and English suites. Fallino; back at riofht angles from the Qaim Mugham and his son, along the railings at either side of the quadrangle, were ranged Mirzas, Heads of Tribes, Hakims, Begierbegs, and, in fact, all the official people at present in the capital. All were arrayed in the khelaats of himauh and gold and flowered brocade which had been presented to them in the morning, and those who had been appointed to any service or situa- tion wore their firmans proudly perched at the top of their black caps. A strong guard of the Eussian regi- ment was stationed lower down in the avenue, and the whole of the other troops were drawn up in the rear of the palace. The Shah at length made his appearance, waddled in his usual undignified manner across the chamber to the foot of the throne, clambered up the steps, and sat himself down at the further end, leaning against the richly carved marble back. His appearance was rendered more ludicrous on this occasion than I ever previously beheld it, by his being obliged to keep one hand up at his head in order to preserve the pon- derous top-heavy crown, which he wore, in its place. This emblem of royalty was shaped exactly like the 64 MEMOIK OF SIR HEXRY RAWLINSON high shawl-twisted Court turbans which the other officers wear — much resembhng a Bishop's mitre without the central division — hut was covered with diamonds. It appeared to be made of white cloth, and owed its weight, of course, to the vast quantity of jewels with which it was adorned. The King was dressed otherwise very plainly. A tight purple kuhba reached to his feet ; and bazoobands (?), with the cross strings of pearls, over his breast were the only ornaments I saw. The Zum- booroohs fired three volleys when he took his place, and the artillery gave a royal salute. One of the attendants commenced the reading of the Khootba, and a kalian was brought in for his Majesty, which was one of the most gorgeous articles I ever beheld — stand, kaliun, snake, and mouthpiece being all so encrusted with gems that it was barely possible to see the gold which formed their main material. The kaliun-bearer, on retiring with this, walked backward off the throne at the im- minent peril (as it appeared to me) of his neck. Shortly after cofiee was brought in with an equally magnificent apparatus. In the meantime the Khootba being finished, which was a bare enumeration of Arabic titles, and the same which I had already heard recited at the Niyare- stan, two Mirzas successively advanced, and recited coronation anthems in congratulation of his Majesty on his accession, and in anticipation of the glories of his reign. The principal theme of both these odes was the conquest of Herat, or Bokhara, or Khiva, or Urgung, a pretty certain indication of the bent of popular feel- ing, and of the general belief as to the subjects which are at the present time most pleasing to the Eoyal ear. As soon as the echoes of the thunder-breathing stanzas had died away in the far-off courts of the palace, a sharp shrill voice was heard again to break the silence, and it was perceived that the Shah himself had opened a conversation with the Assif-ul-Doolali. This was con- ducted in Turkish, and related to the auspicious train of events which had led to a bloodless succession and promised a speedy settlement of the empire. The Assif\ EESIDENCE IX PERSIA FROM 1835 TO 1839 55 whilst engaged in. this colloquy, stood by himself apart from all the other nobles, leaning with both his arms on a long staff which he held in front of him. His figure is noble and dignified, and his voice sonorous ; but the attitude, though perfectly consistent with Persian etiquette, appeared to me far from respectful. There may have been five hundred officers present ; but such is the nicety and exactness of the Persian rules of precedence, that every individual knew his place in the general convocation of the Court as well as in his own family. There were several princes in the crowd, and all the officers connected immediately with the Imperial person inside the Dewan Khana, amongst whom the ex-King, Ali Shah, was granted the highest and most favoured place. His appearance was stately and dignified, as usual, but there was a deep gloom upon his counten- ance ; and when it is considered that a few weeks ago he himself occupied the very throne before which he was now compelled to offer homage, it cannot be sup- posed that his feelings were of a very pleasurable nature. It is a rare occurrence, however, in the annals of Persia for a prince who has himself held the reins of empire thus to assist at the coronation of his succes- sor unfettered and unmutilated. The Shah rose from the throne after sitting in state for about a quarter of an hour, crept down the steps backwards with one hand still at his head to prevent the crown from falling off, and waddled across the room, apparently most glad to make his escape from what had been to him a painful and trying solemnity. Shortly after his departure we were summoned to a private audience. The months of February and March 1835 were passed by Lieutenant Eawlinson at Teheran in the ordinary routine of his duties with the British detach- ment, which were not particularly interesting ; and it was with a thrill of satisfaction that he found himself, about the middle of February, nominated by the Shah to proceed into Kurdistan, and act as a sort of military 56 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON adviser and assistant to the Governor of that province, who was the Shah's own brother, and resided at Kir- manshah, in the Kurdish mountains, between Behistun and Harun-abad. His journey to this place, which Persian procrastination j)revented him from commencing before the 10th of April, took him past the ancient city of Hamadan, once Agbatana or Ecbatana ; and here he was able for the first time to make a leisurely examina- tion of cuneiform inscriptions, and was induced to copy them, and ponder over them, and endeavour to penetrate their meaning. The inscriptions in question were those at the foot of Mount Elwand, which have been copied by so many travellers, and which were published almost simultaneously in the year 1836 by M. Burnouf at Paris ' and Professor Lassen at Bonn.'- They had already been partially deciphered by those eminent scholars ; but the results of their labours were wholly unknown to the young Englishman, who commenced his own study of the Elwand inscriptions without any acquaintance with any similar previous researches. On his arrival at Kirmanshah, in April 1835, Lieu- tenant Rawlinson was very favourably received by the Governor, Bahram Mirza, the Shah's brother, and after a short interval was placed practically in com- mand of the whole body of troops stationed in the provnice. A general superintendence was given him over all military matters, such as arms, accoutrements, stores, drill, enrolling of troops, and the like ; it was arranged that he should take his orders from no one but the Prince himself, and that the Persian soldiers of all ranks should receive their orders from him. All was ' See his Memoire sur deux Inscriptions cuneiformes irotivees pres iVHamadan. Paris, 1836. - Die Altpersiscli. Inschriften von Persepolis, dc. lionn, 1836. KESIDENCE IN PERSIA FIMJM 1835 TO 1839 ',7 fairly satisfactory, except matters of finance. The Kirmaiisliah treasury was well nigli empty, and there seemed to be no means of replenishing it. Still, Lieutenant Eawlinson succeeded, by dint of great personal exertion, in raising three regiments from the Kurdish tribes of the neighbourhood, and in disciplining them. His rules of conduct at this time, as formulated by "himself in one of his diaries, were the following: — ' Create business for yourself. Lose no opportunity of making yourself useful, whatever may be the affair which may happen to present the chance. Grasp at everything, and never yield an inch. Above all, never stand upon trifles Be careful of outward observances. Maintain a good establishment ; keep good horses and showy ones ; dress well ; have good and handsome arms ; in your conversation and intercourse with the natives, be sure to observe the customary etiquette,' By pursuing this line of action he succeeded in making himself generally acceptable to all classes, while he acquired an influence over all those with whom he came into contact very remarkable in a youth of five- and- twenty. At the same time he was feeling his way towards that path in life and that position which he already intuitively felt to be the most attractive to him, and the most in harmony with the bent of his nature and his talents. At Kirmanshah he was in the heart of a region richer in antiquarian treasures than almost any other in Persia. In the immediate vicinity is the interesting site known as Takht-i-Bostan, which contains the most important remains of the Sassanian or Neo-Persian kingdom, while the Hamadan inscrip- tions are not far off ; and, above all, there stands on the direct route to Hamadan, and at the distance of 68 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLIXSON less than twenty miles from Kirmanshali, the re- markable rock of Behistun — in itself a grand natural object, and, in the providence of God, the great means by which the ancient Persian, Assyrian, and Babylonian languages have been recovered, and a chapter of the world's history, that had been almost wholly lost, once more made known to mankind. Lieutenant Eawlinson had not been a month at Kirmanshali before these an- tiquities began to exert their attraction upon him. His attention was drawn, first of all, to the magnificent sculptures at Takht-i-Bostan, which he carefully examined and described ; but ere long the great mass of inscriptions on the rock of Behistun awoke a still keener interest, and the time which he could spare from his public duties was chiefly occupied, during the years 1835-37, in transcribing with the utmost care so much of the Great Inscription as he found at that time, with the appliances which he possessed, to be accessible, and in continuous endeavours to penetrate the mystery in which the whole subject of cuneiform decipherment was then wrapped, and to arrive at the phonological value, and thence at the true meaning, of the Inscrip- tions. The work was carried on under literary diflicul- ties, of which a full account will be given in a later chapter. It was also carried on under a certain amount of physical difficulty. The rock was bare, slippery, in places almost precipitous, and it needed a keen eye, a steady head, and a sure foot, to ascend and descend it, as Lieutenant Eawlinson did, three or four times a day for many days together, ' without the aid of rope or ladder — without any assistance, in fact, whatever.' ^ In later days, when completing his tran- script of the whole body of inscriptions upon the rock, ' MS. Notebook of Sir H. Rawlinson's in the possession of the author. RESIDENCE IN PiaiSIA FROM I83r, TO 1839 59 the investiofator did not disdain the use of artilicial appliances ; but his earher researches during the years 1835-37 were made at some risk to hfe or Hmb — happily, however, he was a good cragsman. Eoutine duties detained the young subaltern at Kir manshah and its immediate neighbourhood from the latter part of April till nearly the middle of August, when, by order of the Prince, he quitted the provincial court, and proceeded westward into one of the wildest districts of Kurdistan — the country about the upper streams of the Kerkhah Eiver, where he was to assist the Governor. Suleiman Khan, in mustering and drilling the Guran Kurds, one of the rudest and most unruly of those unruly mountain tribes. In this district he continued till nearly the end of Sept- ember, when he was summoned back to Kirmansliah by the Prince, to hold a conference with a messenger whom he (the Prince) was about to send to the Court of his brother. No sooner was his absence known than the Kurdish recruits mutinied, murdered Suleiman Khan, the Governor, and moved off towards the frontier, intending to cross into Turkish territory, where they would be safe. Bahram Mirza, recognising the critical condition of affairs, at once gave orders that Lieutenant Eawlinson should return, and, if possi- ble, quell the disturbance before it proceeded to greater lengths. This he succeeded in doing-. Leavino- Kir- manshah on October 6, he rode back to the scene of the outbreak, obtained possession of Suleiman Khan's son (Mohammed Wali Khan), proclaimed him Governor in his father's place, rallied to his standard the less dis- affected of the troops, and then, hurrying to the frontier, persuaded such of the mutineers as had not crossed it to return, renew their oaths of allegiance to the Shah, 60 MEMOIK OF S[lt HENRY RAWLINSON and accept Moliammed Wali Khan as their legitimately appointed ruler. The outbreak was thus put down in the space of a few days, and peace was fully restored ; but the excitement, and the exertions which he had been forced to make, had overtasked the youni>' subal- tern's strength, and his health suddenly gave way. A severe attack of fever prostrated him on a sick-bed for eight or ten days, and he had at last to be carried on a species of litter back to Kirmanshah, where he con- tinued an invalid for nearly a month. Finally, as he found himself growing worse instead of better, he thought it best to obtain sick leave, and to remove from Kir- manshah to Baghdad, where he could be nursed in a European's house, and have the advice and care of a European doctor. Dr. Eoss. Lieutenant Eawlinson remaiiied nearly a month at Baghdad, reaching the city on November 29, and quitting it on December 27. He rapidly recovered his health and spirits under Dr. Eoss's fostering care, and was able to utilise his position by commencing the study of Arabic, the language most commonly spoken in the city of the Caliphs. He was also privileged to make the acquaintance of Colonel Taylor, the Eesident at the time, a good antiquarian, and an excellent Arabic scholar, whom he afterwards succeeded (1843) in the residential post. Leaving Baghdad on December 27, Lieutenant Eawlinson proceeded by way of Shahrabad, Kizil Eobtit, Khanikin, and Kasr-i-Shirin, to Zohab, in the Kirman- shah province, wdiere he rejoined the Prince, Mohammed Wali Khan, w^hom he had established as Governor of the Zohab district after the murder of his father, Sulei- man Khan. He reached Zohab on January 7, 1836, and continued there till February 12, when, by orders from TIIAVELS 61 the Kirmanshali Governor, Bahrain Mirza, he started for the south and conducted the Guranee regiment, which he had raised in the preceding year, from Zohab to Khu- zistan, by the route which he hashimself described with full detail in the ' Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society ' for 1839. The object of the expedition, in which Bahram Mirza himself took part, was the chastisement of a rebel chieftain in the Bakhtiyareh mountains ; but this wily personage, with more discretion than valour, when he learnt the strength of the expedition that was approaching his stronghold, sent an embassy to treat for peace, and practically made submission. The troops had therefore only to return to Kirmanshali ; and little would have been achieved by the expedition, had not Lieutenant Eawlinson taken the opportunity of retiring by a different route from that followed in the advance, and one that had never previously been trodden by a European, through the mountains of Luristan. By this means he was enabled to communicate to the Eoyal Geographical Society a paper — the one above-men- tioned — in which there was so much novelty that he received on account of it the Gold Medal of the Society in the year 1840. Lieutenant Eawlinson was also able to visit, on his passage through Khuzistan, the important sites of Dizful, Susa, and Shuster, and to make observations which proved to be of great service to him when he directed his attention to the compara- tive geography of this portion of Western Asia. A letter which I received from my brother while he was engaged in this expedition will show at once the difficulties under which he was labourinry during' the greater part of it, and the indomitable spirit with which he met them, and in the main triumphed over them. 62 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Shuster, March 21, 1836. My dear George, — Illness and the difficulty of communication with Europe have occasioned my lojig silence — reasons which (however you may regret the occurrence of the former) will nevertheless be more ac- ceptable to you than the usual plea of laziness, which would seem to betoken a want of interest and affection. I am now indeed only able to write in the intervals between my attacks of fever ; and the means by which I propose to transmit my letter to you are accidental, circuitous, and far from certain. From Shuster my letter is to be conveyed to Bussorah [by courier], from thence to Baghdad by another courier, then to Con- stantinople, and then put in the Vienna post-bag, so that, if the document reaches you safe and sound after all this chopping and changing, you must consider that Mercury has an especial favour for you. And now, first, anent my health, I have been ailing, as I wrote to Georgiana,^ ever since last autumn ; but my malady is only a teasing ague, and unless it clings to me as per- tinaciously as the Old Man [of the Sea] did to Sinbad, it can scarcely do me any serious harm. The attacks, moreover, are approximating nearer and nearer, as they recur, to the character of angels' visits, ' few and far between ' (or, as it should be, according to Hazlitt's criticism, ' short and far between ') ; and I am in hopes therefore of getting rid of the enemy without the necessity of a sick certificate, as I formerly proposed. Next year, however, when my ten years expire, I shall certainly come home on furlough, unless in the interim some kind angel slips me into a caldron, like Medea's, and wipes off* the corrosion of nine glowing summers. So look out for a nice cheap lodging at Oxford, where (and at Camloridge) I think I shall pass most of my three years for the sake of consulting the classical and Oriental works which are there alone procurable, and a reference to which is absolutely necessary before I can prepare for publication my papers on the com- ' His second siu'viving sister, afterwards Mrs. Heath. TPtAVELS 63 parative geography of the countries which I am now visiting. I wish in the meantime, however, that you would look into Theophanes (pp. 257-273) and let me know what he says about Salban, Tarentum, the territory of the Huns, and indeed all the particulars of that ex- pedition of Heraclius in which he took the city of Salban. The subject is particularly interesting to me, as I have been visiting the exact countries which I believe to have formed the line of march of the Em- peror. I passed a couple of days lately amid the ruins of Susa, and I think I have unravelled the mystery of the two rivers, Eulseus and Choaspes, which both flow beneath the arx Susorum. I visited at this spot the pretended tomb of the Prophet Daniel ; but the famous black stone, with the bilingual inscription, cuneiform and hieroglyphic, which formerly existed here, and by means of which I trusted to verify or disprove the at- tempts which have been made by St. Martin and others to decipher the arrow-headed character, no longer remains. It was blown to shivers a short time ago by a fanatical Arab in hopes of discovering a treasure ; and thus perished all the fond hopes that archaeologists have built upon this precious relic. Who is your Arabic professor at Oxford ? And is he, like Lee at Cambridge, interested in Oriental literature and an- tiquities? If so, I should like much to enter into correspondence with him. I have marched to this place (Shuster) in command of a force of three thousand men, intending to attack and plunder the country of a rebellious mountain chief ; but now that we are near his fort he shows the white feather, and wants to come to terms, so that I fear that our campaign, after all, will be nothing more than a Major Sturgeon warfare of 'marching and countermarching from Acton to Ealing and from Ealing to Acton.' But the time passes pleasantly enough, except, by the by, when the ague comes on. I am in a country abounding both with game and 64 MEMOIR OF SIK IIEXKY RAWJJXSON antiquities, so that, with my gun in hand, I peram- bulate the vicinity of Shuster, and fill at the same time my bag with partridges and my pocket-book witli memoranda. The only evil is the difficulty of com- municating with any other civilised place from this said province of Khuzistan ; it is nine months since I heard from England, and three since I heard from (uther Teheran or Baghdad, so that I am completely isolated and utterly ignorant of what is going on in any of the other regions of the globe. News from England I am particularly anxious for. . . . India has now ceased to be of any interest to me. I have few correspondents there, and each letter that I receive tells me a fresh tale of the worthlessness of worldly friendships. C , who was wont to call himself my most particular friend and chum, has never once written to me since he returned to India ; and all my other quondam cronies have equally fallen off. But 'out of sight, out of mind' is an old pro- \'erb, and I have no right, therefore, to complain of any particular grievance in my case. I have no certain intelligence of the books which McNeill has brought out for me, and I cannot there- fore specify those that remain unprocured. I will write to you again immediately that I hear from Teheran. My letter to Maria, ^ which I send by the same messenger that conveys your epistle to Bussorah, gives all the other news of my deeds past, present, and in prospect. With best love to my father, mother, &c., and with these three injunctions to yourself — w^rite often, write fully, and write unreservedly — I am your very affectionate brother, H. C. R. After passing some months at Kirmanshah in attendance upon the Prince, Bahram Mirza, Lieutenant Rawlinson received orders to take the Guran regiment, ' His eldest surviving sister, married to Brooke Smith, Esq., of Red- land, near liristol (died 1897). TRAVELS 65 which he had raised and disciplined, and conduct it across almost the entire width of Persia, from Kirman- shah to the Turkoman frontier, whither the Shah was marching with the professed object of chastising the wild tribes of Usbegs and others, always engaged in raiding the north-eastern provinces of the kingdom. The real aim of the expedition was beyond a doubt the subjugation of Herat, on which Persia always looks with a covetous eye, and which was openly attacked a year or two later ; but this aim was masked, and the British detachment, now under the command of Sir Henry Bethune, accompanied the Shah's army. Lieu- tenant Eawlinson joined the force at Demavend, and went with it to the neighbourhood of Asterabad, when ■cholera broke out among the troops, and, the expedi- tion being broken up, the British detachment retired to Teheran. Ordered to rejoin his former chief. Lieutenant Eawlinson proceeded to Ispahan, whence, after a short stay, he accompanied the Prince to the seat of his government, Kirmanshah, where he passed the winter. It was now, in the winter of 1836-7, that he set himself resolutely to the task of copying accurately as much as was accessible to him of the Great Behistun Inscription of Darius Hystaspis, which has stood to cuneiform discovery very much in the same relation that the Eosetta Stone has occupied with respect to hierogly- phical decipherment. He succeeded in obtaining a nearly exact transcript of the entire first column of the Persian text, together with the opening paragraph of the second, ten paragraphs of the third column, and four of the detached inscriptions.^ He had already ^ See his ' Memoir ' in the tenth volume of the Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, Preliminary Eemarks, p. 7, note. F 66 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON begun the labours which issued uhimately in absolute decipherment, and was bent on acquiring* complete possession of the rich mine of material which the ' Great Inscription ' offered, and in which he saw a virgin field untouched by any other explorer. At the cost of much personal exertion and of some personal danger, though greatly pressed for time, he succeeded in completing the transcripts above mentioned, and in thus acquiring a material on which he could confidently set to w^ork, secure, at any rate, against being bafiled in his researches by the want of sufiicient data for forming conclusions. Meanwhile, his relations with the Persian Govern- ment became strained, and it became necessary for him to leave Kirmanshah, and have an explanation with the Central Authority. Bahram Mirza, the Governor of Kirmanshah, under whom he had been serving for the last two years, fell into disgrace with the Court early in the year 1837, and was recalled to the capital. He was replaced by a Georgian eunuch named Manucheher Khan, between whom and the younof British Eesident there shortlv arose differences. The details are not worth particularising. Sufiice it to say that each party considered he had grounds of com- plaint against the other, and that the complaints of the Governor being regarded as serious at Teheran, in September Lieutenant Eawlinson was recalled to the capital to furnish explanations. On his arrival, how- ever, he found that the Shah had left the city at the head of his army, and was in full march upon Herat, which he had decided to invest, and, if possible, capture. Instructed by Sir John McNeill, the British Envoy, Lieutenant Eawlinson lost no time in following on TKAVELS 67 the Shah's footsteps, and after a ride ^ of nearly 800 miles, which he accomplished in a week, came ' It was on this ride that Lieutenant EawUnson fell in with the Russian agent, Vickovich (or Wikte witch), and first obtained positive evidence that Eussia was at the bottom of the Herat expedition. In a letter written at Teheran on November 1, 1837, he says : ' I have just re- tiirned from a journey of much interest. McNeill had some business in the Persian camp which he thought I might help to arrange, and I was bid accordingly to make my way to the " Royal Stirrup " with all convenient despatch. I was obliged to travel day and night, as the post-horses on the road, owing to the constant passage of coirriers, were almost unservice- able, and yet I was only able, after all, to accomplish the distance of something more than 700 miles in a week. The last morning of my ride I had an adventure. Our whole party were pretty well knocked up ; and in the dark, between sleeping and waking, we managed to lose the road. As morning dawned we found ourselves wandering about on the broken plain which stretches uj) from Subzewar to the range containing the turquoise mines, and shortly afterwards we perceived that we were close to another party of horsemen, who were also, apparently, trying to regain the high road. I was not anxious to accost these strangers, but in cantering past them I saw to my astonishment men in Cossack dresses, and one of my attendants recognised among the party a servant of the Russian mission. My curiosity was, of course, excited, and on reaching the stage I told one of my men to watch for the arrival of the travellers, and find out who they were. Shortly afterwards the Russian party rode up, inquired who I was, and finding I was a British officer, declined to enter the khan, but held on their road. In such a state of affairs as preceded the siege of Herat, the mere fact of a Russian gentle- man travelling in Khorassan was suspicious. In the present case, how- ever, there was evidently a desire for concealment. Nothing had been heard of this traveller by our Mission at Teheran. I had been told, indeed, absurd stories on the road of a Muscovite prince having been sent from Petersburg to announce that 10,000 Russians would be landed at Asterabad, to co-operate with the Shah in reducing Herat, and this was evidently the man alluded to ; but I knew not what to believe, and I thought it my duty, therefore, to try and unravel the mystery. Follow- ing the party, I tracked them for some distance along the high road, and then found that they had turned off to a gorge in the hills. There at length I came upon the group seated at breakfast by the side of a clear, sparkling rivulet. The officer, for such he evidently was, was a young man of light make, very fair complexion, with bright eyes and a look of great animation. He rose and bowed to me as I rode up, but said nothing. I addressed him in French— the general language of com- munication among Europeans in the East— but he shook his head. I then spoke English, and he answered in Russian. When I tried Persian, he seemed not to understand a word ; at last he expressed himself I- 2 68 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON up with hiin at Nisliapur, in Khorassan, about 250 miles from the threatened town. He made his ex- planations, which were graciously received by the monarch, who marked his continuance in the royal favour by conferring on him the post of Custodian of the Arsenal at Teheran. The winter of 1837-8 was passed at Teheran chiefly in routine duties ; but the indefatigable student also found time to push his investigations into the cuneiform character and into the ancient Persian lano-uage, while he likewise gave considerable attention to the study of comparative geography, and wrote the paper on the march from Zohab to Khuzistan which was published in the ' Journal of the Geographical Society' for 1839, and obtained the Society's gold medal in 1840.i hesitatingly in Turcoman or Usbeg Turkish. I knew just sufficient of this language to carry on a simple conversation, but not to be inquisitive. This was evidently what my friend wanted ; for when he found that I was not strong enough in Jaghetai to proceed very rapidly, he rattled on with his rough Turkish as glibly as possible. All I could find out was, that he was a bona fide Russian otiicer carrying presents from the Emperor to Mohammed Shah. More he would not admit ; so, after smok- ing another pipe with him, I re-mounted and reached the Royal camp beyond Nishapur before dark. I had an immediate audience of the Shah, and in the course of conversation mentioning to his Majesty my adventure of the morning, he replied : " Bringing presents to me ! Why, I have nothing to do with him ; he is sent diiect from the Emperor to Dost Mohammed of Cabul, and I am merely asked to help him on his journey." This is the first information we have ever had of a direct communication between Petersburg and Cabul, and it may be of great importance. The gentleman made his appeai-ance in camp two days after my arrival, and I was then introduced to him by M. Goulte, as Captain Vitkavitch. He addi'essed me at once in good French, and in allusion to our former meeting, merely observed with a smile, that " it would not do to be too famihar with strangers in the desert." ' Vickovich afterwards proceeded to Cabul, and was received with all honour, but, not having accomplished all that had been expected of him, was disavowed on his return to St. Petersburg, and blew his brains out. (See Kaye's History of the War in Affghanistan, vol. i. pp. 193-5, and 209.) * See above, p. 61. RETURN TO INDIA FROM TERSIA 69 The stay of the British detachment in Persia was now approaching its termination. The relations between the Shah and the Indian Government had for a long time been unsatisfactory, and now they grew daily more strained. The Shah was still bent on annexing Herat to his dominions, and set the remon- strances of the Governor-General at defiance. Early in 1838 he took the field a second time, and proceeded eastward at the head of his army. Sir John McNeill, the British Envoy, accompanied him, but rather to watch his movements than to render him any help. Lieutenant Eawlinson was left at Teheran in quasi political charge. Before Herat the British Envoy and the Shah came to an open rupture ; and the Envoy returned hurriedly to Teheran, whence he conducted the British detachment to Tabriz, designing to with- draw from the country. Meanwhile, however, a force sent by Lord Auckland from India had arrived in the Persian Gulf and occupied the island of Kharak ; and the Shah, in alarm at this demonstration, had hastily broken up the siege of Herat, and re-entered his own dominions. McNeill, uncertain what course his Govern- ment would wish him to pursue under these circum- stances, changed his plans, and returned from Tabriz towards Teheran, taking up his abode at Eesht, upon the Caspian. Here Lieutenant Eawlinson joined him about the middle of November, and negotiations with the Persian Court followed, but no satisfactory arrange- ment being found to be possible, McNeill finally broke off relations towards the close of the year, himself returned to England by way of Constantinople, and ordered the troops to proceed through Western Kur- distan to Baghdad. Lieutenant Eawlinson accompanied the detachment, and passed the greater portion of the 70 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RA^VLIXSOX year 1839 in the city of the Cahphs, occupied in learning Arabic, and in writing three important works : (1) 'Notes on a Journey from Tabriz through Persian Kurdistan to the Euins of Takht-i-Suleiman, and from thence by Zenjan and Tarom to Gilan in October and November 1838'; (2) 'Memoir on the Site of the Atropatenian Ecbatana'; and (3) 'Memoir on the Persian Cuneiform Inscription at Behistun.' The last of these works formed the nucleus of the larger ' Memoir ' published in the ' Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society ' for the years 184G and 1847, and constituting vols. x. and xi. of that serial. The other two were published in the ' Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society ' for the year 1840, and formed the first part of vol. x. of that publication. Lieutenant Eawlinson remained at Baghdad until October 1839, when he was recalled to India Avith the British forces, and proceeded by way of Kharak and Bushire to Bombay, where he landed on December 14 after ' a not unpleasant passage of thirteen daj's from Kharak.' 71 CHAPTEE VI LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 The great Affghan War broke out in 1839. It was not, as is often supposed, a war designed and enter- prised for mere self-glorification and self-aggrandise- ment ; it was a war with a purely defensive object, originating in a very legitimate fear of the aggressive designs of a neighbouring power, and regarded by its author as necessary to meet and counteract those designs, which threatened the very existence of the Anglo-Indian Empire. Eussia had, beyond a doubt, for a considerable space of time before the war was determined on, been cherishing schemes of extensive Eastern conquest, and, not only so, but taking various active steps for the promotion of those schemes, and for facilitating their ultimate accomplishment. She had laboured with a large amount of success to bring Persia wholly under her influence. She encouraged the Shah in his ambitious projects against his eastern neighbours. She urged on, if she did not prompt, the expedition against Herat ; she supplied arms and ammunition to the aggressors ; ultimately, in the person of her agent Vickovich, she directed the siege, and nearly effected the capture. It was her intention to use Persia as a cat's-paw ; to push her forward upon Afighanistan and the Indus, biding her own time till, at a fitting juncture, she could slip into the place of her subordinate, and confront with her legions the British 72 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAAVLINSON armies on the Indus or the Sutlej. Lord Auckland^ it is not improbable, exaggerated the danger ; and it is certain that he made unduly light of the moral objections to the course which he determined on — a course involving an unprovoked war with an absolutely friendly power, the driving into exile of a just and popular monarch, and the imposing upon an unwilling nation of a weak and greatly disliked ruler. However, in the year 1838 he made up his mind, and in 1839 the die w^s cast. The British troops under Sir John Keane and Sir Willoughby Cotton marched into- Affghanistan in the early spring ; Candahar, Ghuzni, and Cabul, were occupied after a very slight resistance ; and before the end of the first week of August, Dost Mohammed was a fugitive from his capital, and Shah Soojah was installed as Ameer in his room. In all these proceedings Lieutenant Eawlinsoii had no part. He was detained at Baghdad during the whole of ' the glorious period of success,' and passed the winter of 1839-40 at Bombay in the discharge of ordinary regimental duties. It was at this time his strong desire to obtain some political appointment in Turkish-Arabia, which should enable him to return to Baghdad or its neighbourhood, and resume his cuneiform investigations. All the interest that he could make with influential persons in the Indian service was exerted during the winter of 1839-40 in this direction ; and from time to time he had hopes of succeeding. But these hopes gradually faded away, and he had begun to despair of emerging from the ordinary routine of an Indian officer's life, when, to his intense surprise, he received on January 16 information from the Bombay authorities that Lord Auckland had named him for employment in LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGIIAN WAR, 1839-1842 73 Affghanistan,^ and that he was to proceed forthwith to that country, and place himself at the disposal of Sir William Macnaghten, the Political Agent at Cabul. Preparations for the journey had to be made in extreme haste, but vexatious delays occurred, and it was not till February 13 that a start was effected. Lieutenant (now Brevet-Major) Eawlinson performed the journey in company with Lieutenant (afterwards Major) Lynch, proceeding in a sailing vessel from Bombay to Kurrachi, which he reached on February 28, and thence riding through the Bolan Pass by way of Quetta and Candahar to the Affghan capital, where he arrived towards the end of April, and put himself at the disposal of Sir William. At first it was proposed to despatch him, in company M^ith Arthur Conolly, on a mission to the camp of the Russian General Peroffski, who was on his way to attack the L^sbeg city of Khiva on the Oxus ; but, when the failure of that expedition became known, it seemed unnecessary to lose the services of two officers by sending them to the distant region of Turkestan, and so, while Conolly was ordered to proceed in the direction first indicated, and passing through Khiva and Kokand to Bokhara, there met his death, ' another field of activity was opened out to Eawlinson in a region less inhospitable and remote.'^ It happened that, just at this time, Macnaghten was dissatisfied with the British Agent whom he had ap- pointed to take the supervision of affairs at Candahar, a Major Leech, and had gone the length of recalling ' Kaye, in his Historij of the War in Affghanistan, vol. ii. p. 102, note, ascribes his appointment to his having been ' strongly recommended ' to Lord Auckland for employment in Affghanistan by Sir John McNeill. This is intrinsically probable, but I do not find it confirmed by my brother's letters or journals. •^ Kaye, The War in Affghanistan, vol. ii. p. 103. 74 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON him, and depriving him of his post. A successor had to be appointed without any delay, for Candahar was the capital of Western Affghanistan, and the second city in the empire. It was also somewhat critically cir- cumstanced. Macnaghten, after carefully weighing the qualifications of the officers whom he had at his disposal, selected Major Eawlinson to fill the vacant post. He was but thirty years of age, but he had, practically, governed the extensive province of Kir- manshali in Persia for the space of nearly three years ; he had lived almost entirely among the Persians, and become as familiar with their language and literature as he was with his own, and he had acquired the reputation of being a man of excellent temper, and of great tact and forbearance. The historian of the Great Affghan War, from whom I take this estimate of his character, remarks, in summing up his account of the situation, that Macnaghten " could not have appointed a better man.' ^ The state of affairs in Western Affghanistan was the following. Shah Soojah, our puppet-king, had been received there with a moderate amount of satis- faction in 1839. The most important tribe, the Dooranis, were rejoiced to be relieved from the tyranny of their Barukzye oppressors, and at first hailed the restoration of a Suddozye monarch with something that might almost be called enthusiasm. But, after a little time, their ardour cooled, and the over-sanguine hopes in which they had indulged were succeeded by the cold chill of disappointment. They had ex- pected to return to the dominant position from which the Barukz}'es had deposed them ; and the promises of Shah Soojah during his stay in Candahar, though ' Kaye, The War in Affghanistan, vol. ii. p. 103. LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 75 somewhat vague, had lent strength to their hopes ; but the}^ found in the course of a few months that they had been Uving in a fool's paradise, and that the realisation of their ambitious dreams was no more to be looked for under Shah Soojah than under Dost Mohammed. Accordingly, they were ripe for revolt. At the same time, the Ghilzye tribes in the district to the east of Candahar were notoriously disaffected, and only waiting an opportunity to strike a fresh blow for freedom. There was still a further danger, peculiar to Candahar among the Affghan cities, which was the near vicinity of Herat. Herat had at one time been a mere Affghan provincial town, governed from Cabul, and on a par with Candahar and Jellalabad ; but in the course of the civil wars it had become independent, and was now under the dominion of the Shah Kamran, a descendant of the old Suddozye princes, and the only one who had succeeded in retaining a hold upon the country through all the recent troubles and revo- lutions. Shah Kamran was at this time (1840) a worn out and feeble old man, broken down by long years of debauchery, and had made over the active ad- ministration of the government into the hands of his Wuzeer, or Vizier, Yar Mohammed. Yar Mohammed was of a most unquiet disposition, bold, courageous, crafty ; ' his avarice and his ambition,' we are told, ' knew no bounds, and nothing was suffered to stand in the way of their gratification. Utterly without tenderness or compassion, he had no regard for the sufferings of others. Sparing neither sex nor age, he trod the weak with an iron heel, and, a tyrant himself, encouraged the tyranny of his retainers.' After having succeeded, through the skill and energy of Eldred Pottinger, in repulsing the attack of Persia, he began 76 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWEIXSON to contemplate schemes of conquest, and cast a covetous eye upon Candahar. The Dooranis and Ghilzyes were encouraged by him in their disaffection, and from time to time he even threatened to advance with his own forces against the town. Thus, when Major EawHnson was selected by Sir William Macnaghten towards the end of June for the post of Political Agent in Western Affghanistan, and received on July 4 the Shah's official confirmation of his appointment, it was far from a bed of roses that he was called upon to occupy. While Macnaghten himself was entangled in a network of difficulties at the northern capital, and was threatened by Kohistanis, Kizzilbashis, and the motley group that Dost Mohammed was collecting about him in the mountains east and north of Bamian, his lieutenant at the western one was almost as greatly and as disagreeabh' occupied with Ghilzyes, Dooranis, and other revolted tribes, while at the same time he had the graver anxiety of preparing against a possible attack in force from a more formidable foe, who might bring against him the entire strength of the Herat principality. Moreover, his communications with India were very seriously threatened. Khelat, which had been seized on the advance march to Candahar in 1839, revolted to the enemy in 1840. Quetta was besieged on one occasion by the Khankurs, and the direct line to India was in continual danger of being broken. Major Eawlinson had scarcely entered upon his province when he felt that, like his chief, he was standing at bay, without a possibility of retreat, and menaced on every side by fanatic enemies. Still, he had for the time two powerful supports. The Envoy, Macnaghten, had thorough confidence in him, and oave him the full benefit of his advice LIFE DUI^ING THE GREAT AFFGIIAN WAR, 1839-1842 77 and countenance. He wrote to him by almost every post, and generally wrote a long letter. ' It is very consolatory to me,' he says in one letter (July 18, 1840), ' to think that I have you at Candahar. Had Leech been in office at the present crisis, I should have been in a state of extreme disquietude.' His other great support was the military com- mandant. General Nott. Nott was a thorough soldier — brave, straightforward, energetic, sometimes a little irritable. He had not been altogether well-treated by the military authorities, and was a trifle soured by disappointment. He was choleric, and occasionally rough spoken ; but he was an honest man, a firm friend, and one with whom it was scarcely possible to have a misunderstanding. His conjunction with Major Eawlinson in the direction of affairs at Candahar has been called a ' fortunate association ' ; and it is ad- mitted on all hands that the two worked together, while the association continued, with a very remarkable degree of harmony and smoothness. If the reason was, as has been said,^ that ' Nott had, in his political colleague at Candahar, a man of excellent temper, and of great tact and forbearance,' the credit must be assigned in part to that colleague himself, in part to the politician who appointed him. Among the functions of ' Political Agent,' as under- stood in an Affghan city during the period of the occu- pation, was that of gathering in the revenue ; and this duty devolving upon Major Eawlinson, formed one of the earliest of his troubles. Unfortunately, the sub- jects of an Oriental State, however governed, are subject to the weakness which has been called ' an ignorant impatience of taxation.' The defect was ^ Kaye, The War in Affgha/nistan, vol ii. p. 104. 78 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON especially prevalent among the Afghans at the time in question from the fact that for several years, owing to the convulsions which had shaken the country, scarcely any revenue had been collected. It was further aggravated in the Candahar territory by the rash promises which Shah Soojah had flung about on his first entrance into the western capital, which had been understood as exempting a large portion of his western subjects from all taxation whatever. But it was impossible to allow this condition of things to continue. A settled government cannot exist in any country unless a revenue is forthcoming. The Envoy, therefore, on the submission of Dost Mohammed in November 1840, issued a general direction to his subordinates that the time had come when the claims of the State must be enforced, and the taxes once more collected regularly. When Major Eawlinson, however, attempted to execute this order within the , limits of his province, he was met by a strenuous resistance. This was particularly the case in Zemindawer, where the tribes rose, defeated a body of Shah Sooj all's horse which had been sent against them, and drove the royal troops from the field. A demonstration, or something rather more than a demonstration, on the part of the Government was hereby rendered necessary. In con- cert with his political colleague. General Xott, on the morning of January 1, 1841, sent out a detachment from Candahar against the rebels, under the command of Captain Farrington. The movement was successful. Though the Doorani horse, some 1,200 or 1,500 strong, showed a bold front and stood their oround with considerable firmness, yet after a time the artillery fire was too hot for them, and they became disordered. The infantry then charged, drove the rebels from their LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 79 position, and dispersed them without difficulty. But fresh blood had been shed. The peace which Mac- nao-hten imagined himself to have established had been broken, and that chronic state of scarcely veiled rebellion had revealed itself which, in a short time, spread over almost the whole of Aflghanistan, and tended to limit the British authority to the canton- ments occupied by the British troops. Major Eawlinson did his best, through the spring and summer of 1841, to grapple with these difficulties, but found them become continually more threatening. The Dooranis under Aktur Khan became more and more excited in Zemindawer ; Yar Mohammed at Herat grew weekly more insolent ; the Ghilzyes between Candahar and Cabul assumed an increasingly menacing attitude. These last were exasperated by the fact that the English were re-building the fortress of Khelat-i- Ghilzye in their country with the manifest intention of posting there a strong garrison for the purpose of over-awing the circumjacent tribes. They insulted Major Lynch, the officer in immediate command of the district, and provoked him to assault one of their forts, which was stormed and taken, with the result of ren- dering the Ghilzyes more hostile than ever. Further menaces on their part were met by further chastise- ment, and feeling became embittered on both sides, in spite of occasional attempts on the part of the British to conciliate the most obnoxious of their enemies. Major Eawlinson by the middle of the year seems to have fully appreciated the growing peril of the situa- tion, and to have warned the Envoy repeatedly of the probability of a general outbreak. When things at any time appeared to mend, he was not deceived by the seeming improvement. ' I do not anticipate,' he 80 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLIXSON said in one of his letters to his chief,^ 'that by the concihatory treatment recommended we gain any other advantage than that of temporary tranquilUty ; and however prudent therefore it may be at present to induce the rebel chief of Zemindawer to abstain from •disorders by the hope of obtaining through his for- bearance substantial personal benefits, I still think that when the danger of foreign aggression is removed, and efficient means are at our disposal, the rights of his Majesty's (Shah Soojah's) government should be asserted in that strong and dignified manner which can alone ensure a due respect being shown to his authority.' And, as time went on, his warnings became more and more urgent. The Envoy, however, met his representations with incredulity and even with reproach. ' I don't like,' he says on one occasion,^ * reverting to unpleasant discussions, but you know well that I have been frank with you from the begin- ning, and that I have invariably told you of what I thought I had reason to complain. This may be con- fined to one topic — your taking an unwarrantably gloomy view of our position, and entertaining and dis- seminating rumours favourable to that view. We have enough of difficulties and enough of croakers without adding to the number needlessly. I have just seen a letter from Mr. D to Captain J , in which he says the state of the country is becoming worse and worse every day. These idle statements may cause much mischief, and, often repeated as they are, they neutralise my protestations to the contrary. I know them to be utterly false as regards this part of the country, and T have no reason to believe them to be » Letter of March 11, 1841. ^ Letter of June 13, 1841. LIFE DURING THE GEEAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 81 true as regards your portion of the kingdom, merely because the Tokhees are indulging in their accustomed habits of rebellion, or because Aktur Khan has a pack of raj?amuffins at his heels.' Macnaghten would not believe that our hold on the country was seriously endangered, much less that a catastrophe was impend- ing. He saw all things through couleur de rose spectacles, and, having no apprehensions himself, was angry when be found that others entertained them. Still, even Macnaghten had from time to time to admit that the audacity of the rebels went beyond all bounds, and that repressive measures were necessary. In the month of July he gave his sanction to an ex- pedition against the Dooranis upon the Helmend, which was commanded by Colonel Woodburn, but achieved only a qualified success. It had to be fol- lowed up, therefore, by another expedition in the month of August, which was, on the whole, more for- tunate. Captain Griffin, supported by Prince Sufder Jung, attacked the great body of the Doorani insur- gents under Aktur and Akrum Khans, and, after driving them from a strong position into the open, charged the mass with terrific effect, and completely shattered it. The two chiefs, Aktur and Akrum Khans, fled. Their followers dispersed themselves. The tribe was for the time disheartened, and reduced, if not to submission, at any rate to quiescence. The Ghilzyes, about the same time, received a further blow. Colonel Chambers, at the head of two Sepoy regiments, a portion of the 5th Light Cavalry, and some irregular horse, fell in with a strong Ghilzye party on the morning of August 5, and gave them a complete defeat. The tribesmen scattered themselves 82 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAAVLINSON in panic flight ; and their leader not only made sub- mission, but surrendered himself. Even so, however, all was not quiet in the Candahar country. A portion of the Dooranis, under Akrum Khan, was still in arms upon the north-western frontier, in the Tereen and Dehrawut territory, and it was deter- mined, early in September, to send out a considerable force from Candahar for their reduction. The force was originally commanded by Colonel Wymer ; but even- tually General Nott himself took his place. A grand demonstration was made with so much success, that by the beginning of October most of the principal Doorani chiefs had come into the British camp and given them- selves up. The only ' irreconcilable ' was Akrum Khan, with whom promises and threats were alike powerless. It was thought of great importance to obtain possession of his person. A fellow-countryman, therefore, having been induced to reveal his where- abouts, the unfortunate Doorani chief was surprised and seized. Nott carried him to Candahar, where, after consultation with the Envoy and the puppet monarch, he was executed, being blown from a gun. The general establishment of tranquillity, so long and so often foretold by the Envoy, seemed to be about at last to pass from a dream into a reality. Western Affghanistan was pacified, and Macnaghten anticipated no serious troubles in the east. Under these circum- stances, mutual confidences and congratulations were exchanged between the Candahar Governor and his chief, who thus expressed himself in a letter dated October 21 :— My dear Eawlinson, — I hardly know how to answer your separate note of the loth, received this morning. But I can assure you I feel exceedingly proud at having LIFE DUEING THE GREAT AFFGIIAN AVAR, 1839-184-> 83 gained your good opinion. We have had a very trying time of it since we were first officially associated ; and it was no wonder that you, occupying as you did the post of danger, should have occasionally yielded to despondency, especially when under the influence of severe illness. But in all other respects you have given me entire satisfaction, and I feel that we are mainly indebted to your temper, judgment, and energy for overcoming the numerous difficulties by which we have been surrounded. Wherever I go, I shall carry with me a pleasing recollection of your friendship, and of the laborious and successful operations which have fallen to our joint lot. Believe me, my dear Eawlinson, most truly yours, W. H. Macnaghten. It is always the unexpected which happens. Within little more than a week of the despatch of this letter, and while the Envoy still believed in the establishment of perfect tranquillity throughout Eastern Affghanistan, the troubles broke out which led on to those terrible disasters from the contemplation of which every patriotic Eng-lishman shrinks, and which resulted in our with- drawal from the country that we had invaded so rashly and unnecessarily. On November 1 the following letter was addressed by the Envoy to Major Eawlinson : — Cabul, Nov. 1, 1841. My dear Eawlinson, — We are now coming in for our share of disasters. Yesterday evening I had a letter from Macgregor, apprising me that Sale's brigade had been attacked between Jugdallak and Sourkhab by a party of seven or eight hundred Ghilzyes, and that we lost about ninety men killed and wounded. Captain Wyndham, of the 35th, was killed in the affair ; Lieu- tenant Coombs, of the same regiment, was wounded, as were Lieutenants Nottray and Holcombe, of the 13th. This is very deplorable. Macgregor does not know whether or no the chiefs are at the bottom of the busi- 84 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON ness. He suspects they are ; but I think not, and I trust that in a clay or two all will be right again. But these are ticklish times, and the aspect of affairs in the direction of Ingas and Nigras is threatening. I wish we had our two Janbaz regiments ^ back again, or at least one of them. I beg you will return them as soon as possible. I don't know when I can get away from Cabul, for I am very unwilling to leave affairs in an unsettled state. I am delighted to find that affairs in your direction have assumed so tranquil an appearance. Believe me, most truly yours, W. H. Macnaghten, The Envoy's sanguine hopes that ' in a day or two all would be right again ' were doomed to disappoint- ment. Matters went from bad to worse. On November 2 — the day after this letter was written — occurred the serious and most lamentable outbreak in the city of Cabul, wherein Sir Alexander Burnes, his brother Charles, and Lieutenant Broadfoot lost their lives. The tale of their murder has been told so graphically and so vividly by the historian of the Great Affghan War,^ that it is unnecessary to repeat it here. It was the bloody prelude to a still more bloody tragedy, or rather series of tragedies. Its immediate result was the complete recovery of the city of Cabul by the Cabulis, the plunder of the British Treasury, and the massacre of all within the city who were regarded as adherents of the British cause. The after effects were the long list of disasters which tarnished the British arms during the remainder of 1841 and the early por- tion of 1842. Macnaghten, though usually so over-sanguine, was for once not blind to the magnitude of the existing peril. On November 3, the day after the massacre, ' Native Affghan cavalry. - Vol. ii. pp. 169-172. LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 85 he despatched the following appeal to Candahar for help : — My dear Eawlinson, — We have a very serious insurrection in the city just now ; and, from the ele- ments of which it is composed, I apprehend much dis- turbance in the surrounding; countrv for some time to come. It would be only prudent, therefore, that the 16th, 42nd, and 43rd, with a troop of horse artillery and some cavalry, should come here immediately. General Nott will be written to officially in this respect. We have been shelling the city all day, but apparently with little effect. I hope there will be no difficulty about supplies — your writing to Leech will obviate this. On second thoughts, I shall forward this letter under a flying seal through Palmer and Leech. Unless you send me this reinforcement, there will be a proba- bility of our supplies being cut off. Most truly yours, W. H. Macnaghten. At the same time a peremptory order was sent to General ISTott from Major-General Elphinstone, ' com- manding in Affghanistan,' in the following terms : — Cabiil, Nov. 3, 1841. Sm, — I have the honour, by direction of Major- General Elphinstone, commanding in Affghanistan, to request that you will immediately direct the whole of the troops under orders to return to Hindustan from Candahar, to march upon Cabul instead of Shikarpore, excepting any that shall have got beyond the Khojuck Pass, and that 5^ou will instruct the officers who may command to use the utmost practicable expedition. You are requested to attach a troop of his Majesty the Shah's Horse Artillery to the above force, and likewise half the 1st Eegiment of Cavalry. I have the honour to be. Sir, Your most obedient Servant, J. Patox, Capt., A.Q.M.G. 86 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON These important orders did not reach Candahar until about November 12 ; but already, by the 7th, rumours had come in of the Cabul disasters, while at the same time fresh outbreaks had occurred in the near vicinity of the city which seemed to show that every man of the existing garrison might be wanted for its defence. It was at once agreed between the liesident and the Commandant to recall the three regiments which, under the delusive notion of im- pending tranquillity, had been allowed to start for Hindustan, and, after some hesitation, it was resolved that they should be despatched to the relief of the troops imperilled at Cabul. They started on Novem- ber 17. But their departure was wholly against the wishes of General Nott, who thus addressed their leader. Colonel Maclaren, and his staff on taking leave of them : ' Eemember, the despatch of this brigade to Cabul is not my doing. I am compelled to defer to superior authority ; but, in my own private opinion, I am sending you all to destruction.' These were not encouraging words ; and the brigade, starting under such auspices, could scarcely be expected to push forward with any great amount of zeal or eager- ness. Two marches only beyond Khelat-i-Ghilzye, on the road to Cabul, were accomplished ; then ad- vantage was taken of a light fall of snow, and the death of a few baggage animals, to make a halt, and declare the projected advance impracticable. Secure of the approval of their chief commanding officer at Candahar, the brigade under Maclaren turned round and retraced its steps, reaching the western capital about the end of the month of November. It is difficult to estimate with any approach to certainty the effect of this movement. There can be LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 87 no doubt that the brigade, if ably led, miolit easily have made its way to Cabul before the great disasters to our arms occurred ; but whether it would have sufficed to turn the scale in our favour, and to save the Envoy and the British force under Elphinstone from destruction, is wholly uncertain. Possibly, it \\'Ould have merely shared the fate of those unfortu- nates. At any rate, as General Nott did not, and could not, know the straits to which the Cabul force was reduced, while he was fully aware of his own danger, and of the risks which he and the troops under him would run if he consented to diminish his force, he cannot be greatly blamed for the course which he took. Nor can Major Eawlinson be held responsible for his decision. It was a purely military question which had to be determined, and Nott was supreme in all military matters. There was much that might well alarm a prudent commander in the position of affairs both inside and outside Candahar. As the fate of the Envoy and of the force under Elphinstone became generally known to the wild tribes in the neighbourhood, their patriotism received a vast accession of fervour. Dis- affection to the British rule blazed out on every side. Cabuli chiefs came down from the north, instructed to use their best efforts to stir up open rebellion. Dooranis, Barukzyes, Kizzilbashes, stood expectant, like vultures watching an occasion to swoop upon a destined prey. Among the professed adherents of the British cause there was wavering and treachery ; the native levies serving on the British side, Janbaz and others, were of doubtful fidelity ; Shah Soojah himself was suspected ; and the Affghans within the city were not to be depended on at a pinch. It was a most anxious 88 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON time for all those concerned in the direction of affairs at Candahar, but more especially for the Eesident. Major Rawlinson was practically cut off from all communica- tion with his political superiors, whether at Cabul or in India. He was thrown upon his own resources, and had to act upon his own responsibility. At first he based his polic}' on the maxim, ' Divide et impera,' and fomented division between the Dooranis and the Barukzyes with their Ghilzye allies. He succeeded in forming an alliance with a certain number of the Doorani chiefs, and even obtained from them hostages for their fidelity. At his instigation they relieved Candahar from their near presence, and moved towards the Ghilzye country with hostile intent ; they checked the advance of the Cabulis under Mohammed Atta Khan, and kept down the religious fanaticism which was bes^innini:^ to show itself amono- their tribes.^ But ' The fanaticism showed itself not only in the field, where large bodies of Ghazees were continually throwing awa}' their lives in warfare of the wildest and most reckless kind, but also occasionally within the city. Major Rawlinson was accustomed to pass the greater portion of the day in dispensing justice to all complainants. The Court House in which he sat was a large room, having one entrance to it from his own house, and another from a piazza or square, open to all comers, and forming a part of the town. It was his custom to sit in the Court House deciding cases till sunset, or a little before sunset, or a little after, and then to descend into the square, mount his horse, which one of his grooms always held in readiness, and have a scamper over the open country beyond the walls. On one occasion, however, the press of business was so great, that for three consecutive days he found himself detained in Court till after the sun had gone down, and it was too late for him to have his ride. On the last of these three days, just as he was about to dissolve the Court and rise, there was suddenly a commotion at the further end of the room towards the square. A prisoner was being brought in. ' This man,' said the officer in charge, ' has just stabbed your secretary in the square outside and killed him.' ' Yes,' said the accused, ' I will explain. I am a Ghazee, and one of a band of forty, who met together three days ago, and swore upon the Koran to take the life of the British Resident. We were to draw lots, and he on whom the lot should fall was to solemnly pledge himself neither to eat nor drink until LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGIIAN WAR, 1839-184l> 89 it was not long ere they came to doubt the prudence of the hne which they had taken, and to draw off from the British aUiance, standing aloof, and as Herodotus would have said, KapiqhoKooivreral influence which it LIFE DURING THE GRF-:AT AFFGHAN WAK, 1839-1842 127 would have tlirouoliout Asia, I have come to a deter- raiuation to retire a portion ol" the army under my command via Ghuzni and CabuL^ In coming to this decision, General Nott had the full support and sympathy of his political colleague, who, however, was at this time devoid of any political authority. Tjord EUenborough had, by a stroke of the pen, deprived the ' Politicals ' of the powers entrusted to them, and vested the supreme civil, as well as the supreme military, authority in the Commandants. ' Nott, however,' as the historian of the Affghan War remarks, '' was not inclined to interfere in the political manage- ment of affairs, and Major Eawlinson contiiuied to con- duct them very much as he had done before the order was issued ; but he referred all important questions to the General, who, for tlie most part, deferred to the opinions of his more experienced political associate.' ^ The change of plan consequent upon Lord Ellen- borough's letter of July 4, necessitated some further delay in the retirement of the troops from the Western Affghan capital. The army had to be divided. It had to be determined whicli portion should be sent home via Quetta and Sukkur, and which should take the route of Ghuzni, Gabul, and Jellalabad. It had to Ije decided who should command each portion. It had further to be settled who should be left in authority at Candahar — what should be done with the two princes, Timour and Sufder Jung, sons of Shah Soojah, who were living there under our protection — and what measures should be taken to secure a peaceable transfer of the municipal government and administration from the British to the native authority. Nott's decision was to take the ' Kaye's Histoiij of the War in AffgJianistan, vol. iii. p. 322. - Ihid. p. 320, note. 128 MEMOIR OF SIK III:NRY RAWIJXSON command of the iioi-tlieni army himself, and to 'Ave the conmiand of the southern one to General Eni^dand. lie took with liim the 40th and 41st Queen's Infantry, the tliree Sepoy regiments which had fought so gallantly against the Dooranis, some squadrons of the ord Bombay Cavalry, Anderson's troop of Horse Artillery, Blood's Battery, Christie's Horse, ;nid a few other cavalry details. To General England he assigned the Bombay Infantry, two companies of Bengal Artiller}-, three regiments belonging to the late Shah's force, and some details of the Irregular Horse. England was not very well satisfied, but he had to submit to his superior officer. The intended evacuation was theu announced. It was decided to leave Sufder Jung as the supreme authority in the cit}', and to send Prince Timour to Hindustan with General England's detachment. A new municipality was organised. Then the fortifications were dismantled. The troops were seriously cautioned against committing any excesses ; and. on the 7th of August, the British forces evacuated Candahar quietly, peaceably, in the most regular and orderly manner, without a shot being fired or an outrage committed.^ Major Rawlinson accompanied General Nott's brigade, and having now lost his political functions, was attached by the General to his own person as his aide-de-camp. ' The following is an extract from Major liawlinson's J)iary for August 7, 1842 : — ' We have this evening evacuated Candahar in the most regular and orderly manner conceivable. Tliere has been no indication of ill-will on the part of the citizens, no disposition on the part of the Sepoys to indulge iii military license. Instead of the tumult, tlie con- fusion, the general excitement to which I used to look forward as inseparable from our evacuation of the capital of a province, where so many conflicting interests prevail, and where a large part of the military population has for so long a time been arrayed in arms against us, I have been agreeably disapi)ointed in finding a profound tranquillity, and every appearance of a mutually good understanding.' LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN AVAR, 1839-1842 129 The march upon Cabul commenced on August 10, when the troops moved a distance of ten miles, from Candahar to Kila Azeem Khan. No enemy was en- countered upon the way ; and this peaceful condition of things continued until August 27, when 160 miles of the distance to be traversed had been accomplished, and the troops had reached the important position of Mookoor — the strongest between Candahar and Cabul. Here the appearance of things suddenly altered ; the villages were deserted ; no supplies were brought in ; it was evident that a hostile district had been entered ; and ere long it was ascertained that Shumshoodeen Khan, the re-taker of Ghuzni, had moved out of that place with 500 horse and two guns, had thrown all his energies into the work of raising the country between Mookoor and Ghuzni, and was determined to dispute the further advance of Nott's army. On August 28 the first actual collision took place. The enemy attacked, but was beaten back by Captain Christie with the irregular cavalry, and retired out of sight. The day's march was completed, and the camels were sent out to graze, and the foragers to cut grass, when a report, wholly unfounded, was brought into camp that the foragers were being cut to pieces by the enemy. Captain Delamain, who had sent them out, rode off at once with all the disposable cavalry to relieve them, found it a false alarm, but advanced rashly, and became entangled with some large masses of the enemy's horse and foot, who bore down upon his scanty squadrons with an effect which was tremendous. Two officers were killed within the space of a few minutes, and three others wounded. Fifty-six men were placed hors de combat. Nott saved a remnant of the horse by rapidly advancing, but the defeat was unmistakable ; K 130 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON and, as Major Eawliiison wrote to Sir James Outram, ' It was a bad beginning.' ^ It was soon, however, at least partially, redeemed. On August 30, Nott, who was still pushing on towards Ghuzni, attacked a fort which threatened his line of march, and when Shumshoodeen Khan came to its relief, turned the attack upon him, advanced at a quick pace, and gave his troops the order to charge. When the gleaming line of bayonets approached, the Affghan troops shrank from the encounter, turned, fled, and dispersed. One of their guns broke down, and was immediately captured. Christie's horse pursued and carried off the other. All Shumshoodeen's maga- zines and stores were scattered about the plain over which he fled, and recklessly abandoned. He him- self fell back upon Ghuzni ; while the tribes who had gathered to his standard hurried in panic flight to their respective homes. Nott was now drawing very near to Ghuzni, where, if anywhere, the enemy was likely to make a determined stand. On September 5 he arrived in front of the fortress, which he found defended by a garrison of no great strength, but also protected by a powerful covering force under Shumshoodeen, who had been largely reinforced from Cabul. These troops crowned the hills, especially those to the north-east of the stronghold. The gay attire and the fine chargers of the chiefs made them conspicuous even at a distance. The gardens, the ravines, and the water-courses outside the town were swarming with matchlock men, and there was a fairly large armed force within the walls. General Nott could not encamp in safety until he had cleared the heights, which the troops under his com- ' Letter of September 7, 1842. LIFE DURING THE GREAT AFFGHAN WAR, 1839-1842 131 luand did with great gallantry before the camp was pitched. Even then it was found that the position chosen was too near the town, since it was commanded by one of the Ghuzni guns, a piece of large calibre, known as the ' Zubber Jung,' fourteen shots from which fell within the camp, but fortunately without doing any mischief. The tents, hovrever, had to be struck, and the camp shifted to the village of Eoza, distant about two miles from the city. It was intended to assault the town on the morrow, and the engineers were occupied during the whole of the night in constructing batteries from which to breach the walls. A good defence might have been made, for the Affghan force in and about the place seems to have been not less than 5,000 men ; but the tribes had recently lost heart. Their cavalry could not act within walls, and their infantry were unwilling to stand a prolonged siege. In the course of the night, the whole garrison silently withdrew ; and when morning came, the engineers, whose suspicions had been aroused by the silence, found the gates open and the city abandoned. The vicinity of the city was also wholly deserted by the rebels. Shumshoodeen, with a small body of horse, had fled to Cabul, and the remainder had dispersed to their homes. The enemy's guns, which it was impossible to carry off, were destroyed. Mines were exploded in various places under the walls, and finally both the town and citadel were set on fire. ' The woodwork soon ignited, and all through the night the flames of the burning- fortress lit up the overhanging sky.' ^ It remained to carry out an object on which the Governor-General had set his heart. The village of ' Kaye's War in Affghanistan, vol. iii. p. 835. K 2 132 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Eoza contained the tomb of a former Afiglian king- — Sultan Malnnoud of Ghuzni ; and this tomb was closed by gates, which he was believed to have carried off from the Indian Temple of Somnaath, as a trophy and a memorial of his victories. Lord Ellenborouorarily, pending the decision of the Trustees as to the course which they should adopt. In May, Mr. Loftus accordingly pro- ceeded thither and began excavating for the Assyrian Society. vSoon afterwards, however, the Trustees of the Museum, having obtained a further Parliamentary grant, and resolved to continue their researches for at least another year. Colonel Eawlinson thought it desirable to resume the Koyunjik ' diggings ' on the Museum's account. He was at once met with opposition by Mr. Loftus.* Mr. Loftus claimed that the site had been definitely made over to him, and that not only was the sole right of excavating now his, but that even the property in the sculptures exhumed at the Museum's expense, but remaining on the site — a property of the value of several thousand pounds — had passed from the Trustees of the Museum to the Assyrian Society. Colonel Eawlinson had to meet these preposterous claims, first by an official repudiation of them, and secondly by a letter of remon- strance addressed to Mr. Loftus, in which, by a careful enumeration of all the facts of the case, he completely cut the ground from beneath that gentleman's feet.- ^ See MS. letters of Colonel Rawlinson to Sir H. Ellis, bearing date July 13, and September 13, 1854. - The subjoined extract gives the most important portion of this letter : — ' When I proposed to you in February to accept of the inheritance I was prepared to bequeath to you, it was palpably and distinctly in connection with my own intended return to England. Had that intention been carried out, there would evidently have been no alternative but to 186 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLIN80N As Mr. Loftus, however, continued recalcitrant, it was not long before certain practical difficulties occurred. leave Nineveh in the hands of the Frencli jincl Americans, or to make it over to yon ; and on national grounds I thought it my duty to support tlie latter course. I can nowhere see, however, in your letters that you accepted the legacy, as you now say you did. You sent off Boutcher, it is true, to sketch the marbles, as they were liable to injury from con- tinued exposure ; but you yourself remained in Babylonia, and distinctly wrote over and over again that you should await the Museum answer to my letter of February 16 before you determined to occupy the ground at Nimrud and Koyunjik. When you arrived in Baghdad in May, driven out of Chaldaea by the heat and the floods, and not merely en route to Mosul, the Trustees' answer had not arrived, and I advised you to wait for it ; for I could not help seeing that my compulsory detention iu the country would probabl}^ have no small influence on their deliberations. After the arrival of our mail of May 20, still without any answer from the Trustees, I certainly did not urge you to go to Mosul, as you now saj'. I merely consented to your going for your own convenience, and with a special reservation of the rights of the Trustees. I wrote dis- tinctly to Mr. Phillips, that " I had taken upon mj'self the responsibility of permitting you to go, as the summer heats were now rapidly approach- ing, and if we waited longer for the Trustees' answer, the chances were you would be unable to perform the journey " ; but I added, "it was on a clear understanding that if the Trustees decided on continuing the excavations, I was at liberty to resume occupation of the ground now temporarily abandoned." I wrote the same to the Trustees, to Mr. Boutcher, to both the Eassams, and held the same language to yourself, always putting forward the principle that your deputation was to save time and for A'our own convenience, and that the Mviseum's rights were clearly understood to be reserved. Had I supposed there could be any doubt on this latter point, I should certainh^ have embodied it in an official memorandum. But how coi;ld tliere be any doubt ? Pray con- sider the different positions which the Museum and the Society (and their respective agents) occupy in this country. The Museum alone, as Trustees for the British Nation, has a special grant from the Porte to excavate in Assyria and Babylonia. The Society has no such gi'ant, and Lord Stratford anticipated difficulty in obtaining a vizieral letter for you if he had made tlie application. I enabled you to excavate in Chaldiea by producing the ^Museum authority, and you are now working at Mosul on the understanding b^' the Turkish authorities that you are the Musemn agent, and on that understanding only. You have the Museum work- men, the Museum tools, and are located in the Museum trenches ; it does not seem to me that there can be a possible question as to superiority of right. I admit that my anxiety to save time and avoid exposing you to the hardship of a summer journey, may have led me into error in permitting you to go up to Mosul before the Museum answer reached; ARRANGEMENT MADE WITH THE FUND 187 ' At Koyunjik,' says Colonel Eawliiison in a letter to Sir Henry Ellis, bearing date Sept. 13, 1854, ' the inconve- nience which I always anticipated from Mr. Loftus pursuing excavations in the immediate vicinity of the northern palace, while the Museum workmen were in possession of the palace itself, is becoming daily more apparent. Mr. Loftus has recently discovered sculptures at a lower level than those disinterred by Mr. H. Eassam, but evidently from the style of art belonging to the same building ; and in following up his discovery, he is continuallv encroachinsf on the terrain reserved for the Museum operations, and risking collisions between the rival workmen. I am thus very anxious to ascertain the view which is taken in England of the right which he claims for the Assyrian Society over the Nineveh mounds.' Fortunately, it was not long before a decision was taken in England which placed matters on a satis- factory footing, and not only put a stop to all danger of ' collision,' but precluded further awkwardness or incon- venience. The Ass}Tian Society transferred what remained of its funds to the British Museum, withdrew its workmen, and arranged that its staff of employes should be merged in that of the Museum. Mr. Loftus accepted service under the Trustees, and the supreme control of the entire establishment maintained by the Museum in Mesopotamia being once more distinctly en- biit my precipitanc}' in this respect in no ways invalidates the rights of the Trustees. It would be clearly within their competence to send out an express agent to supersede both you and myself, and to assert and carry out their rights. I am not sure that they might not legally obtain a Chancery interdict against the jDublication by Dickinson of Boutcher's sketches without their consent, the marbles so sketched being their property. Yoii will understand from all this, that I cannot for a moment waive the question of right, and that as the matter may possibly come before Parliament, it is desirable that the principle involved in it should be put on record without delay.' 188 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLIXSOX trusted to Colonel Eawlinson, Mr. Loftus became for a second time a subordinate under the Eesident, and acted in that capacity without further friction until the return of the Eesident to Europe. It is often said that ' it is an ill wind which blows nobod}" good,' and there was one happy result of the misunderstanding between the two officials with which we have been dealing for so many pages. It turned Colonel Eawlinson's attention to a new quarter, and enabled him to employ the energies, which no longer found a free field for their exercise in Assyria proper, at Nimrud and Koyunjik, in a (comparatively speaking) virgin field, and one of extraordinary interest. This was the ruin, or rather group of ruins, commonly known as the Birs-i-Nimrud, situated in central Babylonia, about six miles east of Hillah, and for centuries regarded by travellers as the Biblical ' Tower of Babel,' if not also as the ' Great Temple of Belus.' Colonel Eawlinson had long had his eye upon this group, but had been prevented from attempting an examination of it partly from an unwillingness to excite the jealousy of the French Babylonian Commission, and still more from the greater attraction offered by the principal Assyrian sites. Now (in 1854) that the French Commission was confining itself to some desultory and rather feeble efforts on the site of the ancient Babylon, and that he himself was precluded by delicacy, and to some extent by prudence, from carrying on any extensive operations in Assyria, the Birs again presented its allurements, and for some months engaged his main attention. The excavations, which began in August, were at first entrusted to M. Joseph Tonietti, an intelligent Italian settled at Baghdad, who was directed to open trenches, and ascertain, as far as possible, the general features of the building, and EXCAVATIONS AT THE BIRS-I-NIMRUD 189 direction of the walls. This young man worked with considerable success for somewhat more than two months, laying bare several portions of the outer walls of the original edifice, and driving trenches into the mound which sufficiently exposed the general character of the interior brickwork. He had been directed by Colonel Eawlinson to choose a position about halfway up the slope of the mound, inasmuch as the exterior surfaces of the upper stages, whereof the building was assumed to consist, might be reasonably supposed to have been destroyed, or at any rate to have suffered extensive abrasion from their exposed position, while the accumu- lation of debris towards the base would render it a work of immense labour to lay bare the face of the lower platforms. 'M. Tonietti carried out these instructions with care and judgment. About half way up the mound he came upon a line of wall almost immediately, and, by tracing it outwards, he soon arrived at the perpen- dicular face. This face he opened to a depth of twenty- six feet, when he reached the platform at its base; and, after a month's labour, he succeeded in uncovering the wall along its entire length from its southern to its eastern angle. Having obtained these indications of level and extent, he had no difficulty, assuming the platform to be square, in discovering the northern and western angles at equidistant points, although, as several feet of debris were here accumulated on the surface, but for the guide afforded by measurement, there would have been no more reason for sinking shafts at these points than at any others in the immense mound.' ^ Such was the condition of the works at the Birs-i- Nimrud when, in the month of November 1854, Colonel ' Colonel Eawlinson in the Joiirnal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xviii. pp. 4, 5. 190 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Eawlinson passed from a careful examination of the ruins of Babylon to the personal inspection and direct superintendence of the Birs excavations hitherto carried on under his orders. Crossing the Euphrates at the village of Anana, a ride of three hours and a quarter brought our small party, he says, consisting of Dr. Hyslop, the Eev. Mr. Leacroft, and myself, to the spot in question. We found our tents already pitched at the camp, or village, which our labourers had formed a short distance to the north of the mound, but without alighting we proceeded at once to inspect the excava- tions. That day was consumed in making a careful inspection of the various works in progress, and in endeavouring to realise and restore a general plan of the original building from a comparison of the various sections of exterior wall, and interior strata of brick- work, which had been laid bare by the vertical and horizontal trenches now seamino; the mound. Havino- satisfied myself from this examination that at several points the outer walls of the primitive edifice had been reached, and that one face (the south-eastern) of the third stage was completely uncovered, so as to leave the angles exposed, I proceeded on the next morning, with a couple of gangs of workmen, to turn to account the experience obtained from the excavations of Kileh- Sherghat and Mugheir in searching for commemorative cylinders. On reaching the ruins, I placed a gang at work on each of the exposed angles of the third stage, directing them to remove the bricks forming the corner carefully, one after the other, and when they had reached a certain level to pause, until I came to inspect the further demolition of the wall. In the meantime, I proceeded with flag-staffs, compass, and measuring tape to do what I could in taking sections and elevations. After half an hour I was summoned to the southern corner, where the workmen had reached the tenth layer of brick above the plinth at the base, which was the limit CYLINDER OF NEBUCHADNEZZAR 191 I had marked out for their prehminary work. The bricks had been easily displaced, being laid in a mere bed of red earth of no tenacity whatever. The work- men now eyed my proceedings with some curiosity, but, as they had been alread}^ digging for above two months at various points of the mound without finding anything, and as the demolition of a solid wall seemed to the last degree unpromising, and had at its commencement yielded no results, they were evidently dispirited and incredulous. On reaching the spot I was at first occupied for a few minutes in adjusting a jDrismatic compass on the lowest brick now remaining of the original angle, which fortunately projected a little, so as to afford a good point for obtaining the exact magnetic bearing of the two sides, and I then ordered the work to be resumed. No sooner had the next layer of bricks been removed than the workmen called out, there was a hhazeneh, or ' treasure-hole,' in the corner, at the distance of two bricks from the exterior surface, i.e., there was a vacant space in the wall, half filled up with loose reddish sand. ' Clear away the sand,' I said, ' and bring out the cylin- der ' ; and, as I spoke the words, the Arab, groping with his hand among the debris in the hole, seized and held up in triumph a fine cjdinder of baked clay, in as per- fect a condition as when it was deposited in the artificial cavity about twent3^-four centuries previously. The workmen were perfectly bewildered. They could be heard whispering to each other that it was sihr, or ' magic,' while the gre^r-beard of the party significantly observed to his companion that the compass, which, as I have mentioned, I had just before been using, and had accidentally placed immediately above the cylinder, was certainly ' a iconderful instrument.' I sat down for a few minutes on the ruins of the wall to run over the inscription on the cylinder, de- vouring its contents with that deep delight which anti- quaries only know — such, I presume, as German scholars have sometimes felt when a palimpsest yields up its 192 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLIXSON treasures, and the historic doubts of ages are resolved in each succeeding Hue — and I then moved my station to tlie other angle of the stage, that is, to the eastern corner, in order to direct the search for a second cylin- der. Here the discovery was not accomplished with the same certainty and celerity as in the first instance ; the immediate angle of the wall was gradually demo- lished to the very base, and, though I fully expected, as each layer of bricks was removed, that the cavity containing the cylinder would appear, I was doomed to disappointment. I then directed the bricks to be re- moved to a certain distance from the corner on each face, but the search was still unsuccessful ; and I had just observed to my fellow-travellers that I feared the masons had served Nebuchadnezzar as the Prussian architects were in the habit of serving Nicholas — that there had been foul play in carrying out his Majesty's orders — when a shout of joy arose from the workmen, and another fine cylinder came out from its hiding-place in the wall. As I knew the inscription would prove to be a mere duplicate of the other, I did not peruse it with the same absorbing interest ; but still it was very satisfactory to have at least a double copy of the primitive autographic record. I now moved the workmen to the two remaining angles of the stage, that is, to the northern and western corners, but with very little prospect of further success ; for it was evident, from a rough estimate of the level, that the greater portion of the wall at these angles had been already broken away, and that, if any cylinders had been deposited within, they must thus have rolled down with the other cUbris to the foot of the mound. The workmen, however, were employed for two days in clearing the wall at these points to its base, and sul)se- quently in removing the bricks for a certain distance on each side of the corner ; and although nothing re- sulted from the search, the rule was by no means impugned that, wherever the stage of an Assyrian or Babylonian temple can be laid bare, historical or com- MEASUREMENT OF THE BIRS-I-NIMRUD 193 memorative cylinders will be found deposited in a cavity of the wall at the four corners, at the height of from one-third to one-half of the stage, and at one or two feet from the outside surface. At the northern and western corners the angles were only perfect near the base ; at the height where the cylinders should have been found, the wall was already ruined to a distance of six feet on each side from the corners. It now only remained for me to complete my mea- surements, and, carrying off the cylinders as trophies, to return to the camp which had been left standing at Babylon. The ' measurements ' here casually alluded to, and passed over as of little moment, resulted actually in the complete establishment of the entire plan and design of the building examined, which proved to be one of the most remarkable of the edifices erected by Nebuchadnezzar, and the only Babylonian ruin in such a state of preservation that its plan and design are capable of being made out with accuracy. It was a species of pyramidal tower, built in stages, each stage being an exact square, and each receding considerably behind its predecessor. The first stage measured 272 feet each way, and was probably twent3^-six feet in perpendicular height Upon this was emplaced the second stage, a square also twenty-six feet high, but in length and breadth only 230 feet. The other stages were diminished proportionally, the third being a square of 188 feet, the fourth one of 146, the fifth of 104, the sixth of 62, and the seventh of 20 feet. The upper stages were of less height than the lower ones, the change of eleva- tion occurring when the fourth stage was reached, and the change consisting in the substitution of fifteen for twenty-six feet. Another irregularity, like this change in the height of the stages, distinctly contemplated by 194 ME3I0IK OF SIR IIKNRY RAWLINSON the builder, consisted in the emplacement of the stages one upon another. The squares had not a common centre. Each was retracted towards the south-west a distance of eighteen feet, the platforms on the north- eastern side, which must be considered the front of the building, being, each of them, thirty feet in breadth, while those on the south-western side had a breadth of no more than twelve feet. The entire retrocession Avas thus one of 108 feet, and the pyramidal form, which lay at the basis of the builder's ideal, was considerably departed from. The Inscription on the cylinders was thus translated by their discoverer: — 'I am Xebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, the established Governor, he who pays homage to Merodach, adorer of the gods, glorifier of Nebo, the supreme chief, he who cultivates worship in honour of the Great gods, the subduer of the dis- obedient man, repairer of the temples of Bit-Shagoath and Bit-Tsida, the eldest son of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon. Behold now, Merodach, my great Lord, has established me in strength, and has urged me to repair his buildings : Nebo, the guardian over the heavens and the earth, has committed to my hands the sceptre of royalty ; (therefore) Bit-Shaggath, the palace of the heavens and the earth for Merodach the supreme chief of the gods, and Bit-Kua, the shrine of his divinity, with shining gold have I appointed and adorned. Bit- Tsida also I have firmly built ; with silver and gold, and a facing of stone, with wood of fir, and plane, and pine I have completed it. The building named " the Planisphere," which is the wonder of Babylon, I have made and finished. With bricks enriched with lapis lazuli I have exalted its head. ' Behold now, the building named " the Stages of the Seven Spheres," which is the wonder of Borsippa, had been built by a former King. He had completed forty- two cubits (of the height), but he did not finish its TRANSLATION OF THE BIRS CYLINDEKS 195 head ; from the lapse of thne it had become ruined ; they had not taken care of the exits of the waters, so the rain and damp had penetrated into the brick- work ; the casing of burnt bricks had bulged out, and the terraces of crude brick lay scattered in heaps — (then) Merodach, my great Lord, inclined my heart to repair this building. I did not change its site, nor did I destroy its foundation platform ; but in a fortunate month, and upon an auspicious day, I undertook the rebuilding; of the crude brick terraces and the burnt brick casing (of the temple). I strengthened its foun- dation ; and I placed a titular record in the part that I had rebuilt. I set my hand to build it up and to finish its summit. As it had been in ancient times, so I built up its structure ; as it had been in former days, thus I exalted its head. Nebo, the strengthener of his child- ren, he who ministers to the gods, and Merodach, the supporter of sovereignty, may they cause this my work to be established for ever ; may it last through the seven ages ; may the stability of my throne, and the antiquity of my empire, secure against strangers and triumphant over many foes, continue to the end of time. ' Under the guardianship of the Eegent, who presides over the spheres of the heavens and the earth, may the length of my days pass on in due course. I invoke Merodach, the King of the heavens and the earth, that this my work may be preserved for me under thy care, in honour and respect. May Nebuchadnezzar, the royal architect, remain under thy protection ! ' ^ As early as the winter of 1853-4, Colonel Eawlinson began to feel that he had tried his constitution almost as much as it would bear, and that his health, which had hitherto been wonderfully good, was beginning to ^ See an article by Sir Henry Eawlinson ' On the Birs Nimrud, or the Great Temple of Borsippa,' published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1861, but read before the Society on January 13, 1855, pp. 29-32. 2 196 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAAVLINSON fail him. He applied, therefore, to the Indian authori- ties for leave of absence from his post, and early in 1854 made every preparation for quitting Baghdad and returning to England upon a long furlough. Hence arose the misunderstanding with Mr. Loftus, who re- garded as positive and conclusive the arrangements which, in Colonel Eawlinson's mind, were only hypo- thetical and contingent on circumstances. These turned out of such a nature as, for a considerable time, to delay his departure, and to render it almost im- possible for him to withdraw from the East. In the first place, his obligations to the Trustees of the British Museum seemed to require that, so long as they continued to maintain their work of Mesopotamian excavation, he should not, unless in a case of absolute necessity, desert them ; and secondly, there were political considerations and anxieties which made con- tinuance at his post during the year 1854, and into 1855, almost compulsory. The Crimean War, it is to be remembered, was in progress, and the relations between Turkey and Persia were of the most strained and unsatisfactory character. It was quite possible that at any moment war might break out between them, and Baghdad become the scene of threatened or even actual hostilities on the part of the Shah. When Colonel Eawlinson, in weighing the matter of his pro- posed absence, wrote to Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe for advice and information (January 25, 1854), he received from him the following reply : — Constantinople, Feb. 22, 1854. My dear Sir, — I received only yesterday your private letter of the 25th ultimo, and I learn from it with much regret that you intend to avail yourself without delay of the leave of absence which you have LETTER FROM LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE 197 obtained from the East Indian authorities. So far from any pacific settlement being in prospect, diplo- matic relations are suspended between Russia and the two Maritime Powers ; peace hangs on a single thread ; and the extreme probability is that war will shortly be declared at London and Paris against the Emperor Nicholas. But perhaps your ' prospect of a pacific settlement ' refers to the differences between Persia and Turkey. It is quite true that the Court of Teheran, after giving a most favourable reception to the over- tures from St. Petersburg, veered suddenly round, and gave assurances of a friendly character to the Porte as well as to its ambassador at Teheran. It is also true that the admonitions addressed to the Shah by her Majesty's Government are well calculated to confirm the improvement in the language and sentiments of Persia. But it is not easy to put implicit trust either in the assurances or in the discretion of the Shah and his ministers. Their habitual animosity against Turkey, the means of temptation possessed by Eussia, and the chances of war may easily concur to overthrow their better policy, and to plunge them again into plans of a dangerous character. So vivid is my apprehension of another change in this sense, that I am still endea- vouring to obtain such concessions from the Porte in favour of Persia as justice requires and a sound policy appears to prescribe. With respect to the frontier complaints, the pilgrims, and the indemnity due on account of Kerbelah, my efforts have not been fruitless, and I am anxious to complete the good work by obtaining some reasonable satisfaction for Persia on the subject of Kotoor. Under these circumstances I only do justice to your distinguished quality by deeply regretting the prospect of your absence from Baghdad. Events may easily occur to make your neighbourhood the scene of inter- esting and important operations. We cannot support the Turks in their perilous struggle with Russia, and not be exposed to the necessity of becoming principals in the war, and of making every sacrifice for the sake 198 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON of attaining a successful issue. I cannot for a moment doubt tliat active measures would be adopted against Persia, if the Shah were to employ his frontier army in the interest of Eussia, and that a British force detached from India would give ample evidence of our deter- mination not to be trifled with in such a case. It is not very likely that my letter will reach Baghdad or even Mosul l)efore your departure ; but I should be sorry to neglect the chances offered by this opportunity, and I should esteem myself fortunate if it not only reached you in time, but induced you to reconsider the question of your leave, and inclined you to postpone awhile the execution of your travelling intentions. ****** Shicerely yours, Stratford de E. So strong a dissuasive could not but have very con- siderable weight. Colonel Eawlinson's departure was delayed, mainly in consequence of it, through the whole of the year 1854 ; and his thoughts were turned to schemes for the promotion of British interests in Western Asia, supposing the flames of war to penetrate into the neighbourhood of Baghdad, and Turkish Arabia to be involved in the conflagration. The pigeon-holes of the Foreign OflSce contain, it is probable, more than one such scheme, elaborated by the Baghdad Eesident during the years 1853-5, and submitted to the judgment of his superiors. Eough drafts of some of them remain among his papers, by which it appears that he contemplated the occupation of Mesopotamia from Diarbekr and Mardin to the Persian Gulf by a detachment of the Indian Army, the conversion of Persia into a subject-ally, and the assumption of a menacing attitude on the Eussian south-east frontier for the effectual support of the Turkish power in SECOND RETURN TO ENGLAND 199 Armenia and Kurdistan. The rapid collapse of Eussia in the Crimea, and the early conclusion of a peace, brought these schemes to an untimely end. Colonel Rawlinson would perhaps have lingered still longer at Baghdad but for an unfortunate accident. Early in 1855 he was indulging in tlie recreation of wild boar huntinsf on the eastern side of the Tigris, when he had the misfortune to fall from his horse and break his collar-bone. The bone had been broken before, and this complicated the injury, inducing much sufferino- and rendering the cure lon<>- and tedious. It was not till the third week in February that he was able to move about with any comfort, and even then he could not mount his horse, or walk any considerable distance. Thus incapacitated from his usual active employments, he resolved on taking the furlough so long looked forward to, and going by sea to Bombay, and thence, chiefly by sea, to England. At Bombay Lord Elphinstone, the Governor, entertained him hospitably for three weeks, at the end of which time he was sufficiently recovered to proceed home by way of Aden, Suez, Trieste, and Vienna, arriving in London early in May, as the London ' season ' was commencing. 200 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON CHAPTER XI LIFE IN ENGLAND FROM 1855 TO 1859 — RESIGNATION OF THE EAST INDIA company's SERVICE — REFUSAL OF AN OFFER OF KNIGHT- HOOD — BECOMES A K.C.B. — NOMINATED A CROWN DIRECTOR OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY — ELECTED M.P. FOR REIGATE — BE- COMES MEMBER OF THE FIRST INDIAN COUNCIL, AND RESIGNS HIS SEAT IN PARLIAMENT Colonel Eawlinson's intention in returning to England in 1855 was to bring his Asiatic career to a close, and devote the remainder of his life to working out in England the various literary problems for which his Asiatic researches had furnished him with such abun- dant material. The resignation of the appointments which he held under the Hon. the East India Company, and of one appointment which he held under the Crown, was a necessary preliminary to the change which he contemplated, and which the condition of his health seemed to him to render imperative. Accordingly, in December 1854, he opened communications on the sub- ject with the authorities at the India House, and, having ascertained that he was entitled to retire on full pay in October 1855,^ he sent in his resignation not only of ' Colonel Rawlinson's Indian service had commenced on October 25, 1827, when he first set foot in India. His twenty-eighth year of service being completed on October 24, 1855, and his absence on furlough having been nine months less than the absence which the regulations allowed, ho was entitled to retire at the latter date on the full pension of a lieutenant-colonel, viz. 365Z. per annum. (See a MS. letter from the India House, signed by James C. Melvill, Secretary, and dated January 25, 1855.) LIFE IN ENGLAND FROM 1865 TO 1859 201 the appointment, which he had held for twelve years^ of Political Agent in Turkish Arabia, but of the service altogether, whereto he had belonged for twenty-eight years. To the Foreign Office he notified his retirement from the post of Consul-General in Turkish Arabia, and, having thus become a free man, absolute master of his own actions, he commenced a residence in London which, with only occasional breaks, was continuous for forty years — from 1855 to 1895. It was not lonsf after his arrival in Enc^land that he received the following note from Lord Clarendon : — Grosvenor Crescent, July 4, 1855. My dear Sir,— I have great pleasure in informing you that the Queen has graciously expressed a desire to mark her sense of your services, and her Majesty would confer on you the honour of knighthood if it would be agreeable to you to receive it. Very faithfully yours, Clarendon. The subjoined was Colonel Eawlinson's reply : — 21 Savile Row, July 5, 1855. . My Lord, — I have received this afternoon your Lordship's note of yesterday's date, and hasten to ex- press the feelings of profound gratitude with which I have learnt that the Queen has been graciously pleased to signify her approval of my services. In respect, however, of your Lordship's suggestion as to the mark of her Majesty's favour to be conferred on me, I would beg to explain, with all respect and deference to your Lordship's judgment, that, having been honoured by her Majesty above twelve years ago with the Companionship of the Bath for services in the field, it would be more agreeable to me at the present time not to receive the separate honour of knighthood. I remain, yours most faithfully, H. C. Eawlinson. 202 MEMOIR OF SLR HENRY RAWLINSON The declining of Court favours is usually understood to be a somewhat risky proceeding, more especially when the individual who declines them looks for other favours to the same quarter. In this instance, how- ever, no offence seems to have been given, since within seven months of the date of the above correspondence, the appointment of Civil K.C.B. was conferred upon Colonel Eawlinson by the Crown to his great satisfac- tion (February 4, 1856). Two months later (April 10, 1856), Sir Henry Eawlinson, as he must now be called, received a further appointment, which was not merely an honour but a substantial reward — he was nominated a Crown Director of the East India Company,' and took a place at the Board under which he had so long served. A crisis had been reached about this time in East Indian affairs, and the government of the great dependency was being reformed and re-modelled. Both political parties were agreed as to the necessity of some considerable change, and both presented ' India Bills ' to Parliament, which were the subjects of warm discussion. Sir Henry worked for a time as Crown Director under the Right Hon. Vernon Smith, who held the office of President of ' There seems to have been some Uttle hesitation as to whether he should receive his appointment from the Crown or from the Board of Directors, and just a possibility of his ' falling between two stools.' In a short note, dated July 12, 1855, the Right Honourable Yernon Smith (afterwards Lord Lyveden), President of the Board of Control, thus expresses himself upon this point : — ' Dear Colonel Rawlinson, — I return you the notes which you left with me. I have spoken to the Chairman, and hope we may con- trive that you should not fall between two stools, having earned reputa- tion upon both. — Yours very truly, ' R. Vkrnon Smith.' The result was, tliat the ' fall ' was averted, and that Colonel Rawlinson received the appointment which, on the whole, he preferred. BECOMES M.P. FOR REIGATE 20o the Board of Control of the years 1855 and 1856. He attended steadily at Leadenhall Street, and easily mastered the details of official business, becoming in the course of a few months one of the most active, and one of the most trusted, members of the Board. His ambition, however, at this time, took a loftier flight, and could be content with nothing less than a seat in Parliament and a share in the direction of the affairs of the entire British Empire. In 1856, on the rumour of the retirement of Mr. Dunlop from the representation of Greenock, he paid a visit to Scotland, intending to offer himself to the constituency as a candidate for the seat. He found, however, that the report which had reached him was at any rate premature, and that the honourable member had certainly no immediate inten- tion of creating a vacancy. It was, therefore, neces- sary for him to direct his attention to some other quarter, and a general election occurring in April 1857, he determined to stand for the small borough of Eeigate, where he happened to have a little interest. The venture was unsuccessful. He was beaten by a local maijnate. Mr. William Hackblock, whose brother was the owner of Brockham Warren, Betchworth, Surrey, a fine place in the neighbourhood of Eeigate, by the very substantial majority of 98, the numbers being — for Mr. Hackblock, 233 ; for Sir Henry Kawlin- son, 135. His ambition, however, was not seriously damped by this defeat. The death of Mr. Hackblock occurring in January 1858, Sir Henry again came for- ward as a candidate at the bye-election in February of that year, and won an easy victory, being returned by a considerable majority. He took his seat immedi- ately, and on February 13 rose in his place to support the India Bill of Lord Palmerston, which was at that 204 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON time before tlie House. His speech is thus reported ^ in the ' Annual Eegister ' : — Sir Henry RawHnson observed that the change of the government of India [proposed by the Bill] was twofold : in England by the abolition of the double government, and in India by the proclamation of the Queen's name. To show the complex and dilatory machinery of the double government at home, he de- scribed what he termed ' the gestation of an Indian despatch ' ; and he asked whether there could be a more obstructive and unbusiness-like system. The sooner the double government, therefore, was done away with, in his opinion, the better. With respect to the change in India, he believed that, with the exception of a very small section of the covenanted civil servants, the European community and the officers of the Indian army would prefer the government of the Crown to that of the Company. In considering the effect of the change on the natives of India, he observed that among the great mass of the population, owing to their docility and susceptibility, individual character and influence had more effect than any abstract question of govern- ment. But among the educated classes it was different ; he believed that they understood the distinction between the Crown and the Company as well as we did, and he [had] never heard a doubt of their preferring the government of the former. With regard to the most important question — that of the time — it was his honest opinion that it was favourable for the change, and that the proclamation of the Queen's name would produce good effects. By approving the principle of the Bill, and deprecating delay, however, he did not commit himself to an approval of its details, there being parts to which he could not assent. The qualified support thus lent by Sir Henry to Lord Palmerston's India Bill was not destined to have any practical result, the Bill being suspended by the ' Annual Register for 1858, p. 25. BECOMES MEMBER OF INDIAN COUNCIL 205 downfall of Lord Palmerston's Ministry towards the end of February on the French (Conspiracy) question, and a fresh Bill being bi-ought forward by Mr. DTsraeli, which was in its turn superseded b)^ one based on Resolutions, and skilfully piloted through the House by Lord Stanley. Sir Henry gave this Bill also his approval, but took no great part in the discussions upon it, being in a somewhat delicate position as an interested party. Both sides were anxious for his support, and had offered him positions in the new Indian Government, which for some time he declined ; finally, however, on the passage of Lord Stanley's Bill by something like a unanimous vote, he made up his mind to accept the offer of a seat in the new Council, although his acceptance of it brought for the time his Parliamentary career to an end. After a good deal of debate, it had been ruled that the Members of Council should be ineligible for seats in Parliament, chiefly on the ground that otherwise unseemly collision might take place in the House between the Indian Secretary and his subordinates. Sir Henry himself took a different view, being of opinion that the advantages which would result from the presence in the House of Commons of a certain number of Members of Council would more than counterbalance this disadvantage. He acquiesced, however, in what proved to be the general sentiment of the House, and, subordinating his personal ambition to his desire of usefulness, accepted the offer made him, and became a Member of the first ' India Council,' his appointment bearing date Sept- ember 1, 1868. Work at the Council was, speaking broadly, almost the same thing as work on the Board of Directors, and presented, therefore, no features of novelty or difficulty 206 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWFJXSON to Sir Henry, who had served on the Directorate for two years. He threw himself into it with his accus- tomed energy, and won golden opinions both from Lord Stanley, the President, and from the majority of his colleagues. He was not, however, suffered to con- tinue very long in this subordinate, albeit honourable, position. Early in the year 1859, Lord Stanley, having to recommend a fitting person to the Queen for appoint- ment to the Persian Envoyship, vacant by the retire- ment of Sir Charles Murray, on looking round among qualified persons, could find no one who seemed to him so well fitted for the post as Sir Henry Eawlinson, to whom, therefore, after consultation with his father. Lord Derby, then Prime Minister, he offered the appointment. Sir Henry's antecedents, no doubt, pointed to him as a specially qualified person ; but his close association with Lord Stanley in the India Ofiice, and the impression which his work in the office had made upon its president, had probably considerable weight in causing his selection. 207 CHAPTER XII ACCEPTS THE EMBASSY TO PEESIA — INTERVIEW WITH A REIGATE CONSTITUENT, AUGUST 1859 — JOURNEY FROM LONDON TO TEHERAN RECEPTION BY THE SHAH LIFE AT TEHERAN FROM NOVEMBER 1859 TO MAY 186n — RESIGNATION OF THE EMBASSY — REASONS AND RUMOURS Among the positions which had for many years pre- sented themselves to Sir Henry Eawlinson as within the range of his ambition, and as more or less desirable, was the Embassy to the Court of Teheran, with which he had become thoroughly familiar during the years 1833-9. He observes in a notebook intended to furnish materials for his biography, under the entr}- for the year 1855 — 'In the beginning of this year, Charles Murray and his mission reached Baghdad, on their way to Teheran, which was rather a disappointment to me, as I had hoped to have been nominated to this post myself ; and in his private letters to relations the position is often spoken of as one which he coveted, and to which he considered that he might reasonably aspire. The offer of it came, however, in 1859, somewhat un- expectedly. It was made, as already stated, by Lord Stanley, Secretary for India under his father Lord Derby's Ministry, with the consent and, I believe, at the suggestion of his father. Sir Henry was at the time deeply immersed in the business of the India Council, and was quite content with the position which he held in that bodv, of which he was one of the most inHuen- 208 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON tial members. But the offer made him was one not lightly to be slighted. It came from the political party on which he had the least claim, and with which he was least closely connected. It clearly involved pro- motion and advancement, and a refusal might have seemed ungracious. It was the fulfilment of an old day-dream, though of one which had almost faded away. On the whole, after some hesitation. Sir Henry thought it best to accept the appointment, and set about making preparations for his departure, which naturally occupied some considerable time, and put him to considerable expense. The status of an ambas- sador in the East necessitates the maintenance of a larore and brilliant establishment, and the newlv appointed Envoy was anxious to produce a good im- pression by having aU things about him arranged on the most liberal scale. Having received his appoint- ment in April, he had, however, towards the middle of June, completed the necessary arrangements, and was about to take his departure, when suddenly a further delay became necessary through the change of Ministry consequent upon the defeat of Lord Derby's Govern- ment on the motion of Lord Hartington at about that date. It then became incumbent upon him to wait for fresh instructions from the new Indian Minister, who- ever he might be ; and Sir Charles Wood (afterwards Lord Halifax) having taken Lord Stanley's place, it was from him that Sir Henry received his final instructions before quitting London and starting for Persia on August 18, 1859. A diary kept at this period contains the following entry : — August 18, 1859. — Made my first move from London . . . and disagreeable enough it was to change from START FOR TEHERAN 209 the comforts of Langham Place to the cramped accommo- dation of an hotel, although that hotel was the Pavilion at Folkestone — the model establishment of England. Law- rence Oliphant, deep in China and Japan, and the Scuda- more Stanhopes were my travelling companions ; and our talk was of the Yang-tsi-Kiang, of Yedo, Dr. Smethurst, haunted houses, and ladies' hats. Having sent my servant back to town immediately on arrival, I had a fight about a missing carpet-bag, and set the telegraph at work ; but I now begin to suspect that the article was never sent, but is still reposing in my rooms. Persecuted in the reading-room by one of my old Eeigate constituents, a radical Quaker coal-dealer, eaten up with vanity, Mr. T. D., from whom the Lord deliver me. He was bad enough at Eeigate, where he had three or four votes at his disposal. Here, with no votes, his wheezy voice, collier manners, and self-conceit, he is simply unbearable. Paris was reached on Thursday, September 8, and, after a stay of a few days with Lord and Lady Cowley at Chantilly, and some long and interesting discussions with Hussein Ali Khan Gervooss, a Persian statesman resident in the French metropolis, was quitted on the 16th for Lyons. Hussein Ali was consulted on the state of affairs in Persia, and the best course to pursue in order to re-establish British influence at the Court of Teheran. The pith of his information seems to have been, that under existing circumstances ' the Shah was everything in Persia, no one else in the country worth considering. He (the Shah) had been greatly exasper- ated against the English, and was in fact still out of humour with us, and indisposed to any friendly action.' The Khan's advice was simply this — ' to use the Eussians as a bugbear, and frighten the Shah well, before attempting to gain his confidence. Above all,' lie said, ' do not be deterred by a single failure. Keep P 210 :^rEMOIR of sir henry rawlinson your temper, and persevere ; and matters will come straight.' ^ After a night at Lyons, and a two da3^s' stay at Marseilles, Sir Henry embarked on board a French steamer bound for Valetta, which made the passage in 62 hours, leaving Marseilles at sunrise on September 19, and casting anchor in Valetta harbour at 8 p.m. on September 21. 'The French captain and officers,' says the note-book, ' were pretty civil, but evidently hated the English. In fact, I have remarked on this trip, much more than on any previous occasion, the intense jealousy with which everything English is regarded. Malta is certainly not a pleasant residence — climate hot — glare and dust everywhere — and all the bickerings, gossip, &c., of a little Pedlington — civil, military, and naval services all jealous of each other, and all hating and snubbing the Maltese.' At Malta, Sir Henry obtained passage to Constanti- nople in a Queen's ship, the Caradoc, which was to stop a day at Athens on its way. He left Valetta harbour on September 24, reached Athens on the 27th, stayed there the 28th, and arrived in the Bosphorus on October 3. Athens, which he had never previously visited, delighted him. Sir Thomas Wyse, the British Minister, was politeness itself, and gave himself up to his guest's entertainment. 'He served us,' says the diary, ' as a most accomplished cicerone, showing us over the Temple of Jupiter, the Arch of Trajan, the Theatre of Bacchus and Herodes Atticus (a most inter- esting site), the Acropolis throughout, including the Temple of Victory, and the beautiful torsos lately found,- ' MS. Diai-y kept by Sir H. Rawlinson on his journey from London to Teheran in the year 1859. ^ 'These three draped figures of Victory,' Sir Henry adds in a note, STAY AT CONSTANTINOPLE 211 the Propyl 0311111, the Parthenon, the Temple of Minerva PoKas, the Erechtheum, Cimon's tomb, the Pnyx and Agora. The These uni and Temple of JEolus we did by ourselves. We afterwards dined with Sir Thomas Wj'se, and met General Church and the Austrian Minister. . . . Sir Thomas mentioned a remark of one of the Greek Ministers on the Ionian proposal of an- nexation to Greece : " The table is very small, and the company is already numerous, where shall we find room for more guests ? " In fact, Wyse says positively, that the Greek Government gives no encouragement whatever to the Ionian movement, and is averse to the whole scheme of annexation. If this be true, it is very strange that the lonians should thus be running after a shadow.' At Constantinople Sir Henry Eawlinson was received with every civility by the British Minister, Sir Henry Bulwer, and was introduced to the principal Turkish statesmen and presented to the Sultan. The following is his own account of the presentation : — We went on afterwards to the famous Dolma Bagli- che Palace, where we were received in the outer building, and had to wait at least an hour, as the Sultan had just received the Eeport of the Commission on the subject of the [recent] conspiracy, and was occupied with considering it. At length we were summoned, and, preceded b}^ a single chamberlain, crossed the garden to the great Palace. Passing through some corridors, we ascended the great staircase with the crystal barricade, surmounted by the ruby skylight, the effect of which was quite magnificent. Immediately above the staircase was a single man in plain Turkish dress, walking leisurely about the room. Approaching ' though all more or less mvitilated, I look upon as the most beautiful specimens of Greek sculptiire I have ever seen.' 212 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON liim we Ijowed twice, while lie remained perfectly still. He wore a very sad expression of countenance and said not a word. Pisani, in a very low tone of voice, made the ordinary announcement, that, as her Britannic Majesty's Minister proceeding to Persia, I was anxious to pay my homage in person to his Majesty in passing through Constantinople. I added, ' especially as I had already served my Government for twelve years in his Majesty's dominions ! ' He then gave the first sign of animation, asking, ' Where ? ' I replied, ' At Baghdad.' The conversation was afterwards of the usual stamp. He asked after the Queen, and of the whereabouts of Prince Alfred, seeming rather curious to know if H.Pl.H. was coming to Stamboul. I took advantage of this to express the extreme solicitude her Britannic Majesty took in the prosperity of the Sultan's Government. He replied, that 'Inghilterra had always been the best friend to Turkey.' The interview lasted from five to ten minutes, when his Majesty asked if I would not like to see the palace, and ordered a chamberlain to show me over it. The saloon south of the staircase is very fine, but the grand domed hall below is the great wonder. It is probably the finest room in Europe, though (as I heard afterwards remarked) a little too theatrical. The Sultan did not seem to be dissipated and pre- maturely aged, as I expected to find him, but rather mournful and thoughtful, and very rarely hghting up.^ Having seen the sights, and had some important interviews with Sir Henry Bulwer, the British Ambas- sador, the Persian Envoy left Constantinople on the morning of Monday, October 10, by steamer, passed Sinope the next day, and anchored at Trebizonde on the morning of Wednesday, October 1 2. Here he spent a couple of days, proceeding on his way to Poti at the mouth of the river Rhion in the night of October 13, ^ MS. Diary kept by Sir H. Rawlinson on his journey fiom London to Teheran in the year 1859. FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO POTI 213 and anchoring in the roads there at dayhght on the morning of October 14. As the regions on which he now entered are still comparatively little traversed by Europeans, and at the time were almost virgin soil, some further extracts from the diary will, it is thought, possess an interest. Eeached Poti, Friday, October 14. Weather beau- tiful. Light wind from the east, sky clear, sun still hot, and sea perfectly smooth. Eiver steamer employed for some time in discharging the cargo of the large Eussian steamer from Trebizonde, but came alongside about 1 P.M. and took us into the river beautifully. Not a ripple to be seen on the bar — seven feet of water on it at the time — and steamer, being deeply loaded, drew six feet or upwards. Landed at the Poti Custom- house, and took up our quarters at the commandant's residence. Everyone most civil. Weather being fine, the place looked very nice and cheerful, but must be miserable in the w^et and rain. Saturday, October 15. — Started early in the steamer up the Eliion, and found the navigation difficult enough. We were two hours and more in one place, getting across a fiat. The vessel draws three feet, and at two points between Poti and Meran that is the average depth of the river, so that there is nothing for it but to lay out anchors and haul on them. Our vessel is badly provided with anchors and boats, and under-manned. The lower part of the countr}^ is a mere swampy forest ; higher up, alluvial banks rise a little, but forest continues. At the second bad place, about twelve miles in a straight line from Meran, we pulled up for the night, the captain being afraid to venture on in the dark. N.B. — The river is full of the most ugly-looking snags . . . Two engineers are on board, come out to survey the country from Poti to Baku for a railway. They say from Poti to Meran would be easy enough, as a couple of deep ditches on each side would leave the railway itself dry. :.'14 MEMOIR OF SIl! IIEXRY RAWLINSON Sunday, October 16, — We were three hours working over the bad place, but steamed on afterwards without impediment to Meran. Country very picturesque when you reacli the hills some miles from Meran. Splendid forests, bold jutting crags, and richly culti- vated slopes here and there. Mingrelian women seen along the Ijanks of the river, very handsome. Meran, a large straggling place, suffered much from Omar Pasha's troops. Commandant an old Eussian officer with a Georgian wife, and two very fine daughters, the eldest a perfect beauty. They received us well, but we went on as soon as we could obtain conveyances. These were very bad — a tarantass for m}'self and the officer sent from Kotais to meet me, a sort of car or Eoman chariot for three gentlemen, and teleqis without springs for the remainder. Started at 5 p.m. and reached Kotais at 1 a.m., the greater part of the way being through deep mud or water. The country indeed is perfectly inundated owing to a fortnight's rain, and I should think no railway could stand such continued floods. The road follows up the Hun river (Hippopot- amus river the Eussian officer called it) for some way, and we also crossed another large stream about half- way by a most rickety bridge, where we were obliged to take out the horses and drag the carriages over by hand. Eeached Kotais at one, thoroughly tired. Esti- mated distance from Poti to Meran, following the windings of the ri\-er, fifty miles, and on to Kotais perhaps thirty miles. Kotais is an open town, clean looking, with many new houses. Took up our quarters in the Club house. Kotais contains about 15,000 inhabitants, Jews, Eussians, and Mingrelians. It is a wretched place altogether — a mere bad Eastern town, with a few European buildings dotted here and there about it, which only seem to make the mass of the hovels around them look still more miserable. . . , The Mingrelians are a wonderfully handsome race, both men and women, and much superior in this respect to the ROUTE THROUGH IMERETIA 215 Georgians. Kotais, however, is (I believe) in Imeretia. Tliey declare here that the dialects of Imeretia and Guriel hardly differ from Georgian, but that Mingrelian and Lazi have little or no connection with it ; at any rate a Georgian cannot understand a Minjirelian, and vice versa. In round numbers, the army of the Caucasus is (on paper) 250,000 men, 100,000 of these being dis- tributed tietween the mountains and the Persian frontier. Tuesday, October 18. — Made three days from Kotais to Bidafori (?), the ' White Mountain.' A good deal of mud, and no made road except near Kotais. The country very beautiful, especially at this season — low hills richly wooded, with valleys between them, forming the belt between the spur which here runs south from the Caucasus to Akhaltzik and the low country of the sea-coast. By-the-by, in Akhaltzik we have probably the very name of Colchis. . . . The passage of the mountains from Meliti to Suram took us six hours. We were allowed, as a great favour, to pass by the new road, not yet opened to the public, and thus avoided the mud and sharp ascents and descents of the ordinary route ; but I doubt whether we gained in time, as the new road must be double the length of the other, and being covered as it was with newly broken stones, the horses could never go out of a walk. This new road, when completed, will really be a great work, not quite equal to the famous railroad over the Semerang, but in something of the same character. The rock, however, is soft throughout, chiefly sand- stone, with some harder material imbedded in it, pud- ding fashion. The scenery was quite magnificent. Nothing could exceed the beauty of the forest foliage, the wild vines and creepers giving patches of a bright red colour in addition to the ordinary autumn tints. Thursday, October 20. — Made two short stages from Suram to Gori. Could not go further, as there was no decent station to stop at. Moreover, it came on to rain heavily, and then I had a smartish attack of fever. 216 MExMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWI>1NS0N brought on ])y biliary derangement. We were mag- nificently lodged at Gori, in the private house of a Georgian noble, the chief landed proprietor of the dis- trict. The boudoir assigned to me was decorated with German, Parisian, and English prints, the prevailing taste here being evidently for the decolte school. Among the pictures were prints of Pascal, Bacon, Shakespeare, Cromwell, Pope, and some others which I did not recog- nize. Gori is a considerable place. The garrison is of two regiments, but one of them is now detached to Suram. Friday, October 21 . — Made five stages from Gori to Tiflis. Eoad good and horses everywhere ready, so that, including all delays, we were only ten hours on the road, and got in before dark. . . . Gori is on the Kur, called here always Kura. We took up our quarters at an hotel hired for us by the Prince. Saturday, October 22. — Was visited early by Messrs. Kensenstern and Cady, the two chief civil officers of the Government, and then accompanied the former to pay my respects to Prince Bariatinski. Found his Excel- lency in his bedroom, seated in an easy chair, with his feet swathed in cloths, in a dressing-gown, but with the St. George's Cross (II. Class) round his neck. He is a fine, tall, mihtary figure, the beau ideal of a Eussian general, but now completely put hors de combat by the gout. I sat with him nearly an hour, and he gave me the most interesting account possible of his capture of Shamil. The campaign only lasted forty-two days. He had 30,000 men in the field. His first serious affair was at the crossing of the river and entering the range in occupation of the enemy. There the Eussians lost four or five hundred men ; and for that victory, which in fact decided the campaign, as it gave him the com- mand of the mountains, he received the St. George's Cross. There were several other skirmishes before he succeeded in investing Gounib, which he described as an isolated mountain, fifty versts in circuit, and scarped on all sides, the only practicable approach being strongly fortified. ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF SHAMIL i>17 On the summit was a broken table-land, containing a large village with five mosques and some thousand in- habitants, besides Shamil and his 400 warriors. When the whole mountain was fairly invested, the Prince sent a ' pour-parler ' to Shamil, pointing out that he must in- evitably surrender, but offering him, to save the effusion of blood, very honourable terms, viz. — That he should surrender to the Prince, and should then be permitted to retire to Mecca or Constantinople, or wherever he wished. These terms Shamil agreed to at first, but afterwards he evaded them, claiming to be allowed to go away without making his personal submission. It consequently became necessary to storm the heights, or at any rate to carry the approaches. This was done with considerable loss, and supported by a heavy cannonade. The Prince said that the stream, which fell from the heights in a series of cascades, was perfectly red with the blood of the slain. No great effect, however, could have been produced by merely carrying the approaches, as the strongest positions were the village, and especially the large for- tified post within it, had not a Georgian general. Prince Melikoff, at the head of some thousands of soldiers, succeeded in scaling the scarp in the rear, and thus appearing on the crest of the precipice behind the village, while the main body of the Eussians was preparing to attack in front. This was on the third day. The Prince now again sent to warn all non-belligerents to quit the village, and offered Shamil his life, and his life only, if he would surrender before the assault was sounded. The whole of the day was spent in parleys, while the women for the most part quitted the village. Shamil tried hard for the same terms which he might have had before about retiring to Mecca, &c., but the Prince would promise him nothing beyond his life, all else to remain with the Emperor. Shamil threatened several times to kill his wives, and then with his 400 picked warriors die fighting sword in hand, as his retreat was entirely cut off. He came out once to give himself up, ])ut was alarmed at the appearance of the Russians 218 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON on all sides, and again retired to the mosque. The Prince could now hardly restrain the troops, who were most anxious to assault ; but he swore that any man should be shot who moved from the ranks, his great object being, as it would seem, to obtain Shamil alive ; and this for a very good reason, since, so long as Shamil lives, no other Musliid can be chosen by the Murids in his stead. At length, when the Prince's patience was well nigh exhausted, a general shout arose from the soldiers on the heights over the village, and he (the Prince) made sure that his men had broken their ranks and made a rush upon the village. But no, his staff assured him that not a single soldier had stirred, and, the next minute, the roar of triumph was explained by the issuing from the village of forty white-turbaned figures with Shamil at their head. The troops had seen them as they issued from the mosque, and were not sorry to be spared the heavy loss of an assault. Shamil, tlie Prince admitted, had quite lost his presence of mind when he gave himself up. Shame, in the first place, at having broken faith on the previous occasion, perhaps also at not having committed suicide, consternation at the infuriated looks of the soldiers on all sides of him, horror at what might possibly be the fate of the females left in the mosque — all this combined to blanch his cheek and make his lips quiver ; but the Prince was quite indignant at the imputation of cowardice that had been cast on him from his pitiable appearance at this supreme moment of his career : ' We are all men,' he said, ' and who could have maintained an unmoved aspect under such circumstances ? ' Shamil's followers were at once disarmed, and the Russian officers wished to do the same to the chief himself, but the Prince would not permit it. He bade him retain his arms, told him again that his life was safe, placed him on a horse by his side, and took him to the tents which were pitched not very far off on the plateau. The ' Murids ' in the mosque were not interfered with further than being assured of pardon, and offered terms of service. JOURNEY FROM TIl'LIS TO ERIVAN 219 which they gratefully accepted; they were now [the Prince said] Eussia's most devoted soldiers. Shamil was also allowed to communicate with his wives, and assure them of his safety. While the Prince was writing his despatch that evening to the Emperor, he heard the order passed from Shamil's tent, which was close by, to his mmtre d' hotel — 'A cup of tea for Shamil.' 'Bravo,' said the Prince, ' he is coming to himself.' Presently there was a call for another cup of tea for Shamil. ' So,' said the Prince, ' he seems thirsty after his day's work.' He then sent the maitre dliotel to know if there was anything else the prisoner wished for ; and the gratify- ing assurance came back that Shamil was voraciously hungry, and would be only too glad for a plate of pilau, let it be cooked by whoever would ; and accordingly in another half hour, the holy man having put all punctilio aside once and for ever, was up to his elbows in a steaming infidel pilau ! The Prince, as might be naturally expected, was not a little proud of his exploit, and wished much to know what was thought of it in Europe. I told him it was compared to the capture of Abdul Kader ; but he hardly seemed to think this a compliment, saying that Shamil was a much greater man than the Arab chief, as the Caucasus was a more difiicult country than Algeria, and this capture was far more important to Eussian interests in Asia than the other chief's to French interests in Africa. But, when I wished to draw him out as to what interests he alluded to, he fell back on the old topics of internal improvements, civilisation, commerce, &c. Thursday^ October 21 . — LeftTillis after a very agree- able sojourn. Baron Finot, the French Consul-General, furnished me with much valuable information ; and I had also some most interesting conversations with Khannitoff (?), the result of which will be embodied in despatches to the Government. Made a short stage the fi.rst day, having to send back a carriage I bought at Tiflis, which turned out a complete ^ sell,' the springs having broken during the first stage, and the whole 220 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON affair threatening to crumble to pieces. It cost me about 130/., and will probably fetch about half the sum if sold at Tiflis. From the commencement of the district of Kazakh, where we leave the Kur and turn to the mountains, the population becomes almost exclusively Mohammedan. Here, too, the road turns off down the Kur to Baku. Saturday, October 30. — Crossed the Dilligan Pass, steep but not very difficult. Scenery very beautiful, but not so fine as at Suram. At the top, a village of Sectaries. Here the Gokcha Lake appears in full view, and forms a most striking feature of the landscape. Count Simbnich, a son of my old Persian friend, and aide-de-camp to the Governor of Erivan, met me here, being deputed to escort me to the frontier. Halted at another flourishing village of Sectaries on the lake, close to the point where the Erivan river issues from it. Were regaled with a splendid dish of salmon-trout, which the Sectaries caught for us — they netted thirty at a single haul. There are four sorts of trout in the lake, and I should take it to be the finest spot for fly-fishing in the world. The water is quite sweet. There is one charming little island in it, with a monaster}^ a most picturesque object ; but no boats, or, at any rate, only a few crazy fishing craft, belonging to the Sectaries, which never venture very far out. The length of the lake is about forty-five miles, but the breadth is only five or six. General Khannitoff is now trying to bring a canal from the lake along the line of the river, but at a higher level, to water the gardens of Erivan, the Zengui river flowing in a deep bed, and being of no use for irrigation. Sunday, October 31. — Got into Erivan in good time, a continual descent from the top of the Dilligan Pass, and were received in General Kulubiakine's house — at least I was, and the rest of the party were put up in the Club house close by. Nothing could e([ual the kindness and attention of the General, who, though somewhat rough and severe, is thoroughly honest and energetic, and an exceedingly well-read and accom- RECEPTION AT THE PERSIAN CAPITAL 221 plished gentleman altogether. His library astonished me, and he was perfectly au courant as to everything passing in the world at large, whether political, literary, or scientific. The remainder of iSir Henry's journey — from Erivan to Tabriz and thence to Teheran — is not to be found in his papers, perhaps was never written. It is among the chief difficulties of his biographer that the papers which he has left behind him are so disconnected and fragmentary, presenting large and frequent gaps, and seldom continuous for above a fortnight or three weeks. There is now before me what purports to be a diary kept during his Teheran residence, from January 1, 1860, to May 18, when he finally quitted the Persian capital. But it contains one omission of twenty-six days (January 26 to February 20), two of fourteen days each (February 22 to March 7, and March 18 to March 31), and several of shorter duration. Also, it breaks off suddenly in the middle of a sentence, on May 6, twelve days before the actual termination of the resi- dence. It is amid such a series of hiatus valde defiendi that the writer of a Memoir of Sir Henry Eawlinson has to work his way. Sir Henry reached Teheran towards the close of 1859, and was given a grand reception by the Shah, who remembered his former residence in the country. The following is the account published of the reception by the ' Journal de Constantinople ' ^ : — His Excellency was shown all the marks of respect due to his quality as Ambassador of the Queen of England. He was met at a village several miles distant from Teheran by several members of the Government, having at their head the General of Division, Mehemet ' See the Journal of January 16, 1860. 222 ME.MUIII OF Slli JlENliY llAWLINSON Khan Envir Toman, a very distinguished personage, whose breast was literally covered with decorations. The representatives of the European Powers likewise awaited Sir Henry Rawlinson's coming on the same spot. Most of the European residents of Teheran w^ere there besides. A large tent, covered wdth rich orna- ments, w^as erected, and in it his Excellency rested himself for a w^hile, and partook of some of the delicacies of Persian confectionery. After taking re- freshment in this tent, he proceeded to the city escorted by a numerous following, and attended by a body of irregular cavalry, a squadron of regular troops, and by the grooms of the Shah, leading twelve blood horses, which his Majesty had presented to the British Am- bassador. His Excellency, on arriving at the residence of the British Embassy, received complimentary visits from all the great officers of State, and on the Saturday following all the members of the Mission were received by the Shah. His Majesty deigned to accord to the Ambassador a most friendly reception. Sir Henry responded by a speech in the Persian language which })roduced a great impression on all who heard it ; after W'hich he offered for his Majesty's acceptance some magnificent presents from her Majesty the Queen of England. In a word, the arrival of Sir Henry Eawlinson was the occasion of a general fete in the capital of Persia, and his reception was of the most flattering kind. The new Minister could not but be gratified by a reception of so warm and friendly a character. He had himself a most kindly feeling tow^ards the Persian people, whose merits he estimated more highly, and whose defects he viewed more leniently, than most Europeans. Any satisfaction, however, arising from this quarter was quickly damped by news which reached him early in the New Year from his political friends in London, of a most disquieting and disagree- UNPLEASANT INTELLIGENCE 223 able nature. There had for some time been a diversity of opinion among Englisli statesmen as to the exact position which Persian affairs ought to hold in connec- tion with the Home Government and its several depart- ments. On the one side it was argued that our interest in Persia depended mainly on her and our relations with Russia and the Russian autocrat, and that there- fore Persian affairs ought to be regarded as one branch of foreign afiairs, and as consequently falling properly under the control of the Foreign Office. On the other, it was urged that we were really interested in Persia, far more on account of her connection with India, than of any relations in which she stood towards Russia, and that the Indian Minister was therefore the proper person to have charge of such Persian affairs as came naturally under the consideration of the British Govern- ment. It was well known that this latter view was that of Sir Henry Rawlinson, and that it had no stronger or more zealous advocate. If he had not made it a condition of his acceptance of the office of Persian Envoy, that the Embassy should continue under the control of the Indian Minister, he had at any rate accepted his office while such was the arrangement ; he was known to be greatly in favour of it, and naturally his friends, so soon as it was mooted that a change was contemplated, wrote to warn him of what was probably coming. The intelligence reached him on January 8, 1860, and was most disagreeable. Here had he just, at a considerable expense, and with great risk to health, made a journey of above 4,000 miles, in inclement weather, under certain quite legitimate expectations, and, within a fortnight of his arrival at his post, he finds the most important of these expectations threat- ened with disappointment — his journey of 4,000 miles 224 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON taken for no purpose, to no end, except that it might be almost immediately retraced at the hottest period of the year, and under circumstances which would raise in many minds a suspicion of failure and disgrace, for he had no doubt in his own mind as to what course it behoved him to pursue should the threatened change be made. He must at once resign his post. Xot that he would be precipitate. His resignation should not be sent in until the rumoured transfer was Sifait accompli. But he would at once manifest his own determination. On the very day of his receiving the intelligence, he sat down and wrote an official letter of resignation, which he enclosed in a cover to a private friend, who was instructed to keep it by him until the transfer had been effected, and then to send it in without delay. The following is a copy of this letter of resigna- tion : — Teheran, February 20th, 1860. My Lord, — When I accepted the appointment of H.M.'s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- tiary at the Court of Persia, in the spring of last year, I had no personal object to serve, either of advance- ment or emolument. I took office simply as a matter of public duty, in connection with my immediate Hne of employment. As I had been for more than twenty-eight years in the Indian service, and for four years in the Indian Department of the Government at home, it seemed to me to be in harmony with my previous career that I should take on myself the duties of the Teheran Mission under the direction of the India Office ; and I also thought that as the conduct of our relations with the Court of Persia would, under the control of the India Office, be naturally placed on the same liberal footing, in regard to presents and contingent expendi- ture, which, in deference to Oriental usage, is sanctioned RESOLVE TO RESIGN THE ENVOYSHIP 225 for all other diplomatic establishments in the East, I might be able to recover for the British Mission at Teheran that influential position which it formerly occupied, and thus do good service to my country. These views, however, have been entirely altered by the re-transfer of the Persian Mission to the Foreign Office, and the instructions consequent on that re- transfer, which are communicated to me in your Lord- ship's despatches. No. 1 and No. 4, of the 1st and 12th ultimo respectively. In the first place, I find myself taken out of the line to which I belong, and attached to a department on which I have no claim, and with the regulations and traditions of which I am com- paratively unacquainted ; and secondly, I am required to observe certain principles of action as established for the general guidance of H.M.'s Diplomatic Service, which I conscientiously believe to be inapplicable to Persia, and to be incompatible with the acquisition or reten- tion of influence at this Court. As the conditions under which I took office have been thus essentially altered by circumstances beyond my control, and as I can no longer indulge a hope of being able to serve in this country either with credit to myself or with advantage to the Government, I take this first opportunity, after being officially informed of the re-transfer of our relations with Persia to the Foreign Office, respectfully to tender my resignation of the post of H.M.'s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of the Shah. It will rest with H.M.'s Government to decide on the exact period of my retirement from the charge of the Persian Mission. If your Lordship should be pleased to dispense with my services at once, I shall be glad to move from Teheran before the hot weather sets in. If, on the other hand, there should be any matter of urgency which may require my presence, or your Lordship should think it desirable on general grounds that I should wait to be relieved by the Minister who may be appointed to succeed me, then I shall be pre- 226 MEMOIR OF Sli; IIKNKY KAWLINSON pared to remain the summer at Teheran, and under any circumstances I shall, of course, consider myself bound to follow out, with the utmost exactitude, your Lordship's instructions with regard to presents and economy of expenditure during my remaining brief tenure of office. I have the honour to be your Lordship's most humble and obedient servant, (Signed) H. C. Rawlinson, Envoy and Minister. Meantime he waited. The plan for the transfer of Persian affairs to the Foreign Office at first ' hunsf fire' — the Indian Council objecting to continue the payment of 12,000/. a year for the expenses of the Persian Mission if the control of it was to be taken out of their hands. But after a time this difficulty was overcome, and the transfer was made.^ Sir Henry's letter of resignation ' Sir Henrj' received information of the transfer in the subjoined letter from Sir Charles Wood, the Secretary of State for India, dated December 3, 1859 :— ' Dear Sir Henry, — I desired either Sir G. Clerk or Mr. Haj'e to write to you by the last mail to apprise you that we had determined to re-transfer the Persian Mission to the Foreign Office. This was done on account of the constant communications with the French, Russian, and Turkish Ministers which you must have, and the probable necessity (which had indeed arisen in one or two matters) of communicating with the Courts of those countries, or with their Ministers in London. ' I am soiTV that our official intercourse has been of so short a dura- tion, but I hope that you will write to me on all matters connected with India and Afghanistan ; because though the Foreign Minister is to be the organ of communication, I am strongly of opinion that the Indian Minister must have the principal say in the direction of affairs. ' I have just seen the Pei'sian Envoy, who seems to be a verj' friendly, good soi-t of man. He speaks very fair, assm-es me that they have given up all notion of Herat, and hopes that we shall keep the Russians out. I assured him that you were Persia's best friend, and that all we desired or wished was to be on good terms with her, and that our interests were the same, and that as long as we agreed we had nothing to fear. ' Yours trulj-, • C. Wood.' GROUNDS OF THE RESOLVE 227 was at once delivered to the Foreign Minister, Lord John Eussell. A faint effort was made to induce him to reconsider it, but at the same time he was informed that, if he dechned to do so, his letter would be laid before the Queen, and his successor appointed. No hope was held out that the Ministerial policy would undergo any alteration, and as Sir Henry highly disapproved of it, he felt it imperative on him to throw up his post. The reasons for his disapproval were tw^o-fold. In the first place, he regarded the transfer as practically sure to be followed by an entire change in the char- acter of the officials to whom the administration of Persian affairs, so far as they fell under British control, would be henceforth committed. Hitherto, Indian officers or civilians had been entrusted with almost all such appointments, and the result had been on the whole most satisfactory. Under the Foreign Office, members of the diplomatic service, who had passed their lives at European Courts, and in the study and practice of European methods, would, he believed, take the place of these Indian officials, and their ignorance of Oriental manners and ideas must, he thought, lead to continual misunderstandings and difficulties. Secondly, it had been the established practice in Persia during the twenty-five years that he had known the country, and for a long time previously, to look for valuable presents from all the foreign embassies permitted to reside in Persian territory, and to allow the relations with the countries represented to be largely influenced by the number and character of these presents. Now the Foreign Office did not permit the giving of any presents, and it seemed to Sir Henry Rawlinson, that a sudden and complete change in this respect would seriously injure the friendly relations 3 l'28 MEJNIOIR OF Silt HENRY RAWLINSON between Persia and England which he had l^een so hirgely instrumental in establishing.^ So strongly did he feel on this subject, that, in spite of the veto of the Foreign Office, to which he was now responsible, he, on March 17, according to custom, sent presents of the usual character to the principal Persian Ministers — gold watches to the Foreign Minister and Mustafa et Mamalik, and to Sipah Salar his last rifle, and ' a first- class hunting glove.' - Meanwliile, as etiquette required. Sir Henry con- tinued to discharge the manifold duties of his office, without allowing a whisper to escape as to the insecure tenure on which he now held it ; and it was not until May 5 that this reserve was laid aside, and Sir Henry's resignation, together with the appointment of his suc- cessor, was made known both at the Court and at the Embassy. At the Court, the effect produced was extraordinary. ' The news fell on Teheran,' says Sir Henry, ' like a thunderbolt, being totally unexpected by any one. I sent to Ferrukh Khan in the morning, but could not see him, as he had just been summoned by the Shah. In the afternoon we had our meeting, and I found he had just received an autograph note from the Shah, which I read. His Majesty said : — " The Minister for Foreign Affairs has just told me that Eawlinson Sahib is recalled. What is the meaning of this ? I am dreadfully vexed. By Allah, I have been in such a state ever since hearing this news as I never was in before. See Eawlinson at once, and ascertain particulars, and let me know the ^ Also, if England was the only power that gave no presents, her position, in comparison with that of other nations, would necessarily deteriorate in the eyes of the Persians. ^ See Sir H. Rawlinson's Teheran Diary for the first five months of 1860, p. 32. ALARM OF THE SIIAII 229 result." I explained the affair to Ferrukli Khan as well as I could, but could not expect that he would be reconciled to the change as a mere departmental arrange- ment. Here everything is personal, and the Persians cannot help thinking that my being recalled, or per- mitted to leave, indicates a change of policy. Ferrukli Khan's suspicion evidently was, that the Government thought me too much in the Persian interests, and wished to have a sterner representative. It was arranged that I should ask for an audience of the Shah to-morrow, and endeavour to pacify his Majesty by assuring him that I could better push his interests in England than in Persia, and also by suggesting that, if anything serious occurred, I might be sent out again to set matters straight.' There is a later entry to the following effect : — Sunday, May 6. — To-day I saw the King in private. He was in a great state of annoyance and consternation ; but, after a few explanations, he went into the discus- sion of political matters with his usual frankness and earnestness. The fears and suspicions of the Shah were by these means quieted, and, though it is impossible to say that the relations between Great Britain and Persia continued as cordial under the new arrangements as they had been under the old, yet it must be granted that the difference was not very great or very perceptible. Persia is at- tracted to England by her hopes, driven towards Russia by her fears, and must always, while she retains a shadow of independence, waver between them. Her policy, like that of most countries, is purely selfish ; and, though personal considerations may have a certain amount of weight in determining her course at any given period, 2H0 MEM()I1{ OK SIR IIKM.'V KAWLIXSON they will never deflect it far from the line of greatest self-advantage. The following fuller account of the intercourse between the Shah and Sir Henry at this period is con- tained in a despatch addressed by the latter to Lord John Russell on May 23, 1860, five days after leaving Teheran : — Casveen, May 23, 1860. My Lord, — I have the honour to report that I left Teheran upon the 18tli instant for the purpose of meeting Mr. Alison at Tabriz. Before taking my departure from the capital I had three different audiences of H.M. the Shah. At the first audience, which was strictly private, and to which I w^as specially invited by the Shah, I took occasion to dis- abuse his Majesty of the view, which, as I was informed, his advisers of the Russian party had been labouring to impress on him, that a change of Ministers indicated an entire change of policy on the part of the British Govern- ment towards Persia. I told the Shah I had every reason to believe that the conduct upon my part which had gained his Majesty's confidence, and placed the rela- tions between the two States upon the most intimate foot- ing, had been approved of b}' her Majesty's Government, and would be pursued in the same honest and earnest spirit by my successor ; and I added, that personal feelings and conduct were, after all, of very little real consequence, as a Foreign Minister necessarily gave his first and best attention to the interests of the Government which he represented, and regulated his language and demeanour by the instructions which he received from it. Unfortu- nately in Persia, where private considerations are para- mount in every walk of life, it is impossible to divest a Minister's character altogether of personal attributes, and his ^Majesty was thus pleased to express greater disappoint- ment at my retirement than it would be becoming in me to repeat; but he admitted the justice of my observa- tions as to the superior importance of State policy to Till-: ENVOY'S LAST INTERVIEWS W iril THE SHAH 231 all other matters of a private or individual nature, and having made up his mind, he said, if he met with any encouragement, to stand or fall by the English alliance, he sincerely hoped that the seed which had been sown during the last few months would, under Mr. Alison's administration, ripen into an abundant harvest. At the next audience, which occurred two or three da}'s subsequently, and at which his Majesty invited Ferrukh Khan and the Minister lor Foreign Affairs to be present, in order to give to his observations more of an official character, he brought out a paper of memo- randa which he had drawn up with his om^i hand, and which referred to various matters that he was most anxious I should present to her Majesty's Government, and should explain in full detail. The several matters contained in the paper were then argued at considerable length by his Majesty and his two chief Ministers with a view to my becoming fully acquainted with their policy in all its bearings, and the next day the memoranda were sent to me — somewhat modified, although not sufficiently, according to suggestions offered by myself — for presentation to your Lordship on my arrival in England. As I have thought it desirable, however, that no time should be lost in putting your Lordship in possession of the views of the Persian Government thus confidentially communicated, I now venture to send a translation of the memoranda as an enclosure to the present despatch, and I further take the liberty of ap- pending such explanatory remarks in half margin as may supersede the necessity of an immediate personal reference to myself. His Majesty directed Ferrukh Khan further to inform me that the topics embodied in this paper of memoranda would be discussed with your Lord- ship by the Mushir ed Dowleh on his arrival in England, but that he wished me to pave the way to negotiation by the full and detailed explanations which it would be in my power to afford. Finally, on the day preceding my departure I was admitted to my official audience of him, accompanied 232 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSOX by all the officers of her Majesty's Legation, and I then presented to his Majesty Captain Lewis Pelly, as the officer who wonld remain at Teheran to conduct the current duties of the Mission pending Mr. Alison's arrival, and Mr. Eonald Thomson as about to accompany me on leave of absence to England. I subsequently presented Captain Pelly to Ferrukh Khan, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and my European colleagues, and I am now travelling to Tabriz ])y the regular stages, pursuant to the arrangements repeated in my despatch of the 10th instant. If I should reach Tabriz before Mr. Alison, I shall endeavour to arrange so that our meeting may take place upon the frontiers, but I shall not quit the Persian soil until I have duly made over charge of her Majesty's Mission to my successor, and given him all the information in my power with regard to the duties on which he is about to enter. H. C. Eawlinson. Twelve days after the receipt of the despatch which informed him of the acceptance of his resignation and the nomination of his successor, Sir Henry Eawlinson quitted Teheran, and set out upon his return journey. There was fortunately, among the employes of the Embassy, a young relative of his. Captain (afterwards Sir Lewis) Pelly, who, having time at his disposal, was able to take much business off his hands, and so render him important services at this conjuncture. Sir Henry bade a last adieu to the Persian capital on the morning of May 18, and, accompanied by a large escort, rode off from the city gates into the open country. All the dependents of the British Embassy, all the Eussian, French, and Prussian attaches, and a considerable number of the other European residents, anxious to do him honour, swelled the crowd which followed him, and made his departure from the city almost as magnificent as his entrance into it had been. A callioon was smoked FLOATING RUMOURS 2;j:i at the race-course, and then the foreign portion of the cortege withdrew ; but the staff still rode on for another half hour. Then came the final leave-taking. It was ' with real regret ' that Sir Henry shook hands with the members of his staff/ more especially with Captain Pelly and with Sultan Khan, towards whom he felt a warm attachment. The Persian Embassy was now a thing of the past ; but it remained to be seen what opinion would be gene- rally formed as to Sir Henry's conduct of it, and especially as to his conduct in suddenly throwing it up. His intimate friends regarded him as fully justified. One wrote under the date of April 24, 1860 : — I found here your letter of March. I do not wonder at your throwing it up. H has indisposed most of the service, and has made absurd regulations, limiting- Secretaries and Paid Attaches to two months' leave a year. Beyond that, they lose half their too small salaries. .... Last Sunday I had a long talk about you with Lord Wensleydale and Mrs. Lowther. She goes back to Berlin in a fortnight. I forget whether I wrote to you that I had had long talks with the Eltchys from two Central Asian States, and from that think the progress of the Eussians much exaggerated, and that much might be done (if in the proper way) to ward and fend them off. But prejudices are very strong here ; and people like H , wlio think they know all about everything, don't want to hear other people's ideas ; so I shall keep them to myself. As I told the Eltchys, nobody in England but you and me knew where their residences were, or cared a d n about them. Private opinions like this were not, however, enough. Sir Henry's political career could but be considerably affected by the views that should generally prevail on ^ MS. Journal kept on the journey back from Teheran to London. 284 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON these important points ; and it soon became evident to him that for his own reputation and future usefuhiess he must insist on pubUcity being given to the circum- stances under which he had acted, and to the judg- ments which had been passed upon his conduct in high quarters. Before quitting Persia, he had received the following- letter from Lord John Eussell : — Foreign Office, April 24, 1860. Sir, — I stated to you in my despatch, No. 30, of the 5th instant, that I would acquaint you as soon as possi- ble with the arrangement which might be made for supplying your place as her Majesty's Representative at the Court of Persia, and with the time at which you would be at liberty to quit Teheran. You will probably have received information on both of these points from Sir Henry Bulwer, and I have therefore only now to instruct you to announce to the Persian Government that the Queen has been pleased to appoint Mr. Alison to be her Majesty's Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of the Shah, and to express her Majesty's hope that this appointment will prove agreeable to his Persian Majesty. Mr. Alison will probably reach Teheran very shortly after you receive this despatch ; and as soon afterwards as you have taken leave of the Shah, you may quit Teheran on your return to England. You will make over to Mr. Alison the archives, ciphers, and other public property. As your functions will cease on the arrival of Mr. Alison, I reserve for my correspondence with him such observations and instructions as are called for by your various despatches from No. 15 to No. 37 of the general series, and from No. 4 to No. 9 of the secret and con- fidential series, but I have the satisfaction to acquaint you generally that the Queen entirely approves your proceedings as reported in these despatches, and your LETTER OF LOKD J. RUSSELL '2Sr> conduct in the execution of your duties as her Majesty's Representative at the Court of Persia. For myself personally, I take leave to express my regret that our official intercourse should thus early have been brought to an end. Your knowledge and abilities would have induced me to place the utmost reliance on your information and advice. I am, with great truth and regard, Your most obedient, humble servant, J. Russell. Had official etiquette permitted of the publication of this document, nothing further would have been neces- sary, or perhaps even desirable. But official etiquette sternly forbade any such publication. In default of it, Rumour was free to suggest any such explanation of what had occurred as seemed good to her ; and it was not long before Sir Henry was informed by his corre- spondents in England of various versions of the story which were afloat in English society. The form most prevalent was, that the Envoy had made some important diplomatic blunder, on account of which he had been recalled and superseded, so that he was coming home in disgrace, and could not look for any further political employment, whatever party should be in power. The exact nature of the blunder remained a mystery, with respect to which everyone was free to make any conjec- ture that he pleased, and various conjectures were ventured on. Sir Henr}^ in reply to his correspondents, at once suggested that a question, or questions, should be asked in the House of Commons on the subject, and a Ministerial explanation required. He felt confident, that though his action with respect to his colleagues might incur some blame, yet the public success of his Mission could not but be fully recognised. The question 236 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON was accordingly asked by Mr. II. D. Seymour, the member for Poole, on the evening of June 1, 1860, and elicited from Lord John Russell the followin^r verv satisfactory reply : — ^& The first question relating to Persia was put to me by my hon. friend, the member for Poole, and is connected with another, which was asked by my hon. friend the member for Liskeard. In the first place I should say that the story which my friend, the member for Poole, has heard — that there Avere differences of opinion between her Majesty's Government and Sir H. Rawlinson as to the policy to be pursued in Persia, and that in conse- quence Sir H. Rawlinson has been recalled — is altogether fabulous. Sir H. Rawlinson is a very able man, and exceedingly well acquainted with the East. The influ- ence which he exercised in Persia was very considerable ; his policy was entirely approved by her Majesty's Govern- ment, and I was in hopes that he would have continued to discharge the functions of her Majesty's Minister in Persia. The cause of his return is that to which my hon. friend, the member for Liskeard, alluded. My noble friend at the head of the Government (Lord Palmerston), on finding that the affairs of Persia had been committed to the Secretary of State for India, inquired of my right hon. friend. Sir C. Wood, and myself, what we thought of such an arrangement. We both said that we were ready to abide by his judgment, and either to continue the arrangement as it stood when he took office, or change it. My noble friend, after taking some time for consideration, said he thought the chief part of the business in Persia, though there is other business, no doubt, connected with India, was to settle and carry on the relations between Persia and this country and Russia. That certainly is the case so far as my experience goes. If there is a question between Persia and Russia, the English Minister is asked his opinion upon it, and whenever there is a question between Persia and Encfland, the Russian Minister is consulted. SPEECH OF LORD J. RUSSELL IN PARLIAMENT 237 My noble friend, therefore, came to the decision that it was better that the Persian Mission should ajjain be placed under the Foreign Office. I accepted that responsibility ; and I was then certainly in hopes that Sir H. Eawlinson would have remained in charge of that Mission Not long after the intelligence that the change was about to be made, however, had reached Persia, a gentleman in the Foreign Office informed me that he had received a private letter from Sir H. Eawlinson, telling him that as soon as the change was officially announced — and the official announcement had at that time gone out — he should resign his office and come home. I do not know that I should fairly represent his objections if I attempted to do so, but I believe that they turned chiefly upon the difference between the mode ot conducting business in the India and in the Foreign Offices, and one of them certainly referred to the giving of presents, which had never been permitted by the Foreign Office. After a time. Sir H. Eawlinson informed me by a private letter that he had sent in his resignation, and at the same time I received the formal resignation of his office. I did not think it was desirable that he should remain in Persia after it was known that he was about to resign, and I therefore immediately advised her Majesty to accept the resignation of Sir H. Eawlinson, and to appoint in his place a gentleman whom I have never had the good fortune to see, and with whom I have no acquaintance whatever, but a gentleman who has been long in the diplomatic service in the East, whose despatches (when he has been in charge of the Embassy at Constantinople) and reports I have often had occasion to receive, and whose intelligence I have admired — Mr. Alison. The lion, gentleman will there- fore see that Sir Henry Eawlinson has not been recalled — that he sent in his own resignation, and that for reasons which, although satisfactory to his own mind, I cannot but regret, he no longer serves the Queen in Persia.' 1 See the Ti7ncs of June 2, 1860. 238 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Before this ' plain unvarnished tale,' the idle rumours with respect to a ' scrape,' or ' diplomatic blunder,' into which the Envoy was supposed to have fallen, faded away ; and his political career suffered no serious damage from the circumstances under which he quitted the Queen's service in 1860. 239 CHAPTEE Xm RETURN' TO ENGLAND — RESUMPTION OF CUNEIFORM STUDIES — COMMENCEMENT OF REGULAR WORK AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM RELATIONS WITH MR. GEORGE SMITH — ENGAGEMENT TO EDIT THE ' CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF WESTERN ASIA ' PUBLICATION OF VOL. I., 1S61 — OTHER CUNEIFORM PUBLICATIONS — MARRIAGE — WEDDING TOUR — RETURN TO LONDON AND LIFE THERE (1861-1864) The retired Envoy reached England on his return from Teheran towards the end of July 1860, after an absence of not quite twelve months. At first it seemed to him that his occupation was gone. ' This abrupt change,' he says in a slight outline of his life now before me, ' threw me out of all public employment for the time ' ; and pubhc employment had been his almost continuous occupation for above thirty-two years. But the active brain and busy hands which for this long space of time had worked almost without intermission on public affairs, were not to be satisfied without finding them- selves a sphere in which they might continue their exercise, and a sphere almost as engrossing as that which seemed now closed to them. Literature, and especially the branch of it which he had made his own — cuneiform investigation — hitherto pursued at intervals as an amusement and a distraction, presented itself to the public ' servant out of place ' as a worthy field in which to exercise his powers, and find for them full and satisfactory occupation. On reaching London, and 240 MEMOIli OF SIR HENRY RAWJ.INSON establishing himself there, in the summer of 1860 he came to this conclusion, and proceeded to make such arrangements with the authorities of the British Museum as should give him constant employment on the cunei- form documents, a convenient place to work in, and an intelligent assistant, for as long a time as might seem to him desirable. It was understood that his chief work was to be the editing and publishing of ' The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia ' in the original languages and characters, with a brief notice in English of the general nature and bearing of each document so pub- lished. The main responsibility for the publication was to rest with Sir Henry Rawlinson himself ; but he was to be assisted by Mr. Edward Norris, of the Foreign Office, in portions of the work, and further, he was to have the constant help of a working subordinate, who was to attend at the Museum daily, and to take his orders from Sir Henry. The great need of this official arose from the nature and condition of the documents, which, consisting in the main of clay cylinders and tablets of a friable character, had been broken into pieces, and the pieces often mixed together, during their transport from Mesopotamia, either round the Cape of Good Hope or by way of the Suez Canal, to England. For the decipherment of the documents it was necessary, in the first place, that they should be rightly pieced together, and this was a work requiring vast care, great delicacy of hand, and much knowledge. Sir Henry's assistant, Mr. George Smith, was employed to sort the fragments, and tentatively to piece together such as seemed to him to belong to each other, leaving it for Sir Henry to determine, by his knowledge of the charac- ter and the language, whether the tentative conjunctions were correct or no. Mr. Smith acquired gradually, by RESUMPTION OF CUNEIFORM STUDIES 241 long practice, a very remarkable skill in the execution of the task assigned to him, and ultimately, by taking advantage of his opportunities, gained such a knowledge of the different cuneiform characters and languages, as entitled him to assume the position of an independent decipherer and translator. Unfortunately he was early lost to science, having succumbed to the fatigues and dangers of Oriental travel, when sent out to superintend the Mesopotamian ' diggings ' in the year 187 G. During the years 1861-4, Sir Henry Rawlinson continued to be a diligent attendant at the British Museum, and a diligent student of the cuneiform docu- ments, often poring for hours over the fragments,' and in cases of difficulty having frequent consultations with Mr. E. Norris. The publication of ' The Cuneiform In- scriptions of Western Asia ' progressed steadily under his superintendence, vol. i. making its appearance in 1861, vol. ii. in 1866, vol. iii. in 1870, vol. iv. hi 1875, vol. V; part i. in 1880, and vol. v. part ii. in 1884. At the same time he was constantly addressing communi- cations to the scientific journals — the ' Asiatic,' the ' Geographical,' the ' Literary Gazette,' the ' Monthly Review,' the 'Transactions of the Eoyal Society of Literature,' and, above all, the ' Athenseum,' to which most of his more important discoveries were in the first instance communicated. A list of twenty-three contri- butions to scientific journals during these years has been compiled by a German Orientalist, Mr. PaulHaupt; and even this is far from complete. The work was extremely laborious, and by degrees became almost * ' I have been employed,' he says in a letter to the Athenteum, ' at least twenty days during the present year, turning over crumbhng fragments at the Museum, with the view of ascertaining if they belong to historical or chronological tablets ' {Athenceum of July 15, 1862). B 242 MEMOIR OF SIK IIENIIY l.'AWI>INSON intolerably irksome.' Many of the tablets were inscribed in a character so minute as to be indecipherable without a strong magnifier, the employment of whicli for several hours day after day was a severe strain upon the eyes of the decipherer. Important discoveries came in but slowly, since the great harvest had been by this time reaped, and it was only left for those who still laboured in the field to glean occasionally a few liand- fuls. Still, from time to time unexpected treasures revealed themselves, and the tired explorer was rewarded for weeks or months of barren toil by some more or less valuable discovery. Such, for instance, was the discovery of the 'Assyrian Eponym Canon,' which Sir Henry made in the course of the years 1861-2, and communicated fully to the ' Athengeum ' in May of the latter year.^ Interest was widely awakened in a document which seemed likely to place Asiatic chrono- logy on a firm and solid basis from nearly the close of the Assyrian Empire almost to the time of Solomon ; and controversy, which naturally foUows upon interest, was keenly stirred. Such scholars as Hincks, Oppert, Bosanquet, Vaux, G. Smith, were roused to take part in a discussion felt to be of first-rate historic import- ance, and for a time the attention of the literary world was riveted on the remarkable ' find.' Less important, but still of considerable interest, was the discovery, made in 1864, of a number of ' Bilingual Eeadings, Cuneiform and Phoenician,' found by Sir Henry upon other tablets in the Museum, and given to the world through the columns of ^the ' Asiatic Society's Journal ' early in the ensuing year. ' ' I am very desirous of doing something definite with regard to Cuneiforms, but find the work sadly irksome ' (MS. Diary of 1862). ^ See the AthencBum of May 31, 1862, and July 19 of the same year. MARRIAGE 243 Sir Henry had now exceeded the term of middle Hfe, and felt that, if he were not content to pass a solitary old age, the time was come when he must change his condition, and take upon himself the responsibilities of matrimony. On September 2, 1862, he was married in St. George's Church, Hanover Square, to Louisa Caroline Harcourt Seymour, youngest daughter of Henry Sey- mour, Esq., of Knoyle, Wilts, and 39 Upper Grosvenor Street, W., who was a member of the Duke of Somerset's family. Her brothers, Henry Danby and Alfred, were respectively members for Poole and Totnes, while her two elder sisters were married respectively to Ashford Sandford, Esq., of Nynehead, Taunton, and Philip Pleydell Bouverie, Esq., of Brymore, Bridgwater, and 32 Hill Street, W. The ceremony was performed by the writer of the present Memoir. A short tour followed the wedding. The newly married couple visited Venice, Florence, Milan, Eome, and Naples, returning to London towards the close of the year, and taking up their abode at No. 1 Hill Street, Berkeley Square. From his tour. Sir Henry Eawlinson returned to his cuneiform studies, on most days passing several hours in his workroom at the British Museum, superintending Mr. George Smith's tentative endeavours, and confirming or rejecting his conjectures. After a morning of hard work, he would allow himself to be sw^ept into the whirl of London societ3^ I see by his diaries that he dined out, on an average, five or six times a week, and not infrequently attended afterwards one or even two evening- parties. But he mostly complains that it was dull work. What lent a certain amount of interest to it, however, was the contact into which it brought him with persons eminent in all the various walks of life — with statesmen, E 2 244 MEMOIR OF Sill HENRY RAWLIXSOX such as Mr. Gladstone, Mr. D'Israeli, Lord Palmerston, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord SaUsbury, and the Duke of Argyll; with authors and artists, such as Dean Milman, Dean Stanley, Lord Houghton, Bishop Wilberforce, Millais, Leighton, Watts, Herkomer, Froude, Yule, Reeve, &c. ; with judges, such as Sir E. Collier and Lord Wensley dale; with diplomats, such asLordDulTerin, Lord Stratford de Redcliflfe, M. de Stael, and Count Schouvaloff; and last, not least, with practical men of the world, such as Mr. John Walter, Mr. Delane, Baron Eothschild, Lord Cork, and Lord Sherbrooke. London society, whatever may be its drawbacks, has at any rate the advantage that it draws within its vortex the most gifted minds of all classes, and by the action and reaction of mind upon mind, develops the powers of each to a point otherwise probably unattainable. 245 CHAPTEE XIY NEGOTIATIONS WITH A VIEW TO RE-ENTERING PARLIAMENT — STANDS FOR FROME AT THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1865 — ELECTED — ACTION IN PARLIAMENT — A SPECIMEN SPEECH — * RUSSIAN SCARE ' TAKES UP THE ALARMIST SIDE, AND WRITES FIRST ARTICLE IN 'QUARTERLY' (OCTOBER 1865) — BUSY WITH PARLIAMENTARY DUTIES FROM 1866 TO 1868 — RE-APPOINTED TO THE INDIA COUNCIL AS LIFE MEMBER Occupied, and seemingly engrossed as he was with his cuneiform and other hnguistic researches from 1860 to the close of 1864, Sir Henry Eawlinson had been far from content during that space with the position in which he had found himself, and the ends to which it had appeared that his life must henceforth be devoted. He was essen- tially a man of action. From the age of seventeen to that of fifty he had been actively engaged in practical matters, soldiering, drilling troops, governing unruly subjects, mapping out districts, reporting on the con- dition of provinces, diplomatising, discussing affairs with men of all classes and of almost all nations and languages, and continually moving from place to place, passing his time chiefly out of doors : now, this life was exchanged for that of the study and the workshop, for laboriously poring over defaced and often almost indecipherable documents, fitting into each other, as it were, the fragments of a puzzle map, filling up the frequent hiatus with more or less reasonable conjectures, cudgelling the brain to supply the exact word suitable 246 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLIXSOX to the context, and at the same time of tlie right size for the place — and all this in a solitude, or a quasi- solitude, with almost no help from others, no collision of mind with mind, of wit with wit, of memory with memory. It is scarcely surprising that so complete a change of life and of occupation, after a while, became ' irksome,' or that a longing arose for a return to the sort of active employment which was at once more habitual, and by nature more congenial. As early as 1862 1 find active employment of the old kind openly desiderated, and a return to the India Council, or to the Persian Envoyship, or an appointment to an Indian Governorship suggested. An}^ one of these three would probably have been accepted at any time between January 1860 and December 1864 ; but none was offered, probably owing to the offence given by the resignation of the Persian Mission. The candidate for active employment had consequently to turn his thoughts ■elsewhere, and, as he had already once been in Parlia- ment, it was not unnatural that, on the approach of a general election, he should cast them in the direction of St. Stephen's, and should begin a series of inquiries as to the chances of success in constituencies with which he had more or less connection. Amoncj those most strongly recommended to his notice was that of Frome, in Somersetshire, where his wife's family had some influence, and his friend. Lord Cork, possessed property. Early in 1865 he made up his mind to contest this constituency, and very shortly afterwards commenced his canvass. Success attended his efforts, and, after a sharp struggle, he was elected in July of that year M.P. for the ancient borough of Frome by a satisfactory majority. After some vague threats of a petition, which came to nothing, he took his seat for a second time on SIR HENRY C. RAWLINSON At the Age of 55 From a Drawing by G. F. Watts, R.A. PARLIAMENTAUV LIFE FKOM 1866-1868 247 the benches of St. Stephen's in February 18G6, at the opening of the Session. As on the former occasion, he sat and voted as a Liberal — a moderate Liberal — a follower of Lord Palmerston and Lord Stanley, rather than of Mr. Gladstone or Lord John Eussell. His special interest was naturally on matters more or less connected with India. In debates upon other subjects he took very little part ; but, whenever an Indian topic came to the front and occupied the attention of the House, Sir Henry was sure to rise before the debate closed, and deliver what all felt to be a weighty opinion on the matter under discussion. He jealously watched the movements of Eussia in Central Asia, and raised a warning note against her encroachments on more than one occasion.^ He had an open ear for the complaints of Native Princes against the British authorities, and •did not shrink from strongly vindicating their cause when it appeared to him that they had suffered wrong ^ at our hands. He had a keen eye for abuses, and was relentless in his exposure of them.'^ He guarded Indian interests, not only in India itself, but in other connected countries, as in Egypt and Abyssinia. It was to a great extent his interest in India which caused him to throw himself with so much energy into the agitation for an Abyssinian expedition in the year 1867, and drew from him the best sj)eecli which he ever delivered in the House of Commons. This speech, which was delivered in a full House on July 26, seems to deserve a place in this Memoir as a specimen of his oratorical style. It is thus reported by Hansard ^ : — ^ Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, vol. clxxxii. p. 421 ; vol. cxcii. p. 955. - Ibid. vol. clxxxv. pp. 827-832 ; vol. clxxxvii. pp. 1044-9. * Ibid. vol. cxci. pp. 427-9. ^ Ibid. vol. clxxxix. p. 237, et seq. 248 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON In rising to second the motion of the hon. member for Poole (' That an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty that proper steps may be taken to procure the release of H.M.'s Consul and other subjects of her Majesty at present held prisoners by the King of Abyssinia, if necessary, by force of arms '), I desire to say in the first place that I cordially agree Math my hon. friend as to the inexpediency of entering upon the past history of the Abyssinian difficulty. A retrospect of past events would be merely ' a ripping up of old. sores,' and could answer no useful purpose ; it would at any rate be quite irrelevant to the question before the House. That question, which demands our immediate consideration, and on which the House is now invited to express an opinion, is simply what may be the best means of extricating our- selves from the painful, the humiliating — I may say the intolerable — position which we now occupy in regard to King Theodore of Abyssinia. In explaining this position I will not pretend to follow my hon. friend into a detail of all our grievances. I will merely state in broad and general terms the one great wrong of which we complain. Two employes of the Orown, then — one an officer in H.M.'s Consular service, and the other an Envoy, accredited on a special mission to the Court of Abyssinia — are now languishing in chains in a dungeon at Magdala, associated with felons, ex- posed to every possible indignity, and even torture, and in daily — I might almost say hourly — risk of their lives ; and they have been brought into this dreadful state of degradation and suffering, not by any fault of their own, not hy any indiscretion or shortcoming of which they may have been guilty, but simply because they have done their duty, loyally and conscientiously, and have carried out to the best of their ability the in- structions with which they have been intrusted by the Government they serve. On this plain showing of the case, without any colouring or exaggeration, or any appeal to sentiment, I ask if there can be a difference of SPEECH ON THE ABYSSINIAN QUESTION 240 opinion as to the obligation, the imperative duty, which devolves on us, of interfering to rescue our officers, and to vindicate the national honour. What, sir, then, can have been the causes that have led to all this hesitation upon our part, that lead us still to hesitate — we, whose boast it has ever been hitherto, that an Englishman, like the old civis Eomanns, could roam through the world covered by the national segis, and secured by it against injury or wrong ? I have heard, sir, three arguments, and three arguments only, used against sending an expedition to Abyssinia, and en- deavouring to rescue our officers by force of arms. I will briefly state these arguments, and then proceed to answer them. Firstly, it is said that by sending an army we endanger the lives of the captives — who, as I am assured, men, women, and children included, amount now to almost fifty in number — since the tyrant, if defeated in the field, or even severely pressed, might execute his captives before finally taking flight and seeking safety in the interior of the country. Secondlj^ the hazards and difficulties of the expedition are duly weighed, as it is very proper they should be ; and the risks attending the despatch of an armed force into the interior of Abyssinia are thought too serious to be en- countered ; in fact, it is apprehended that, bad as our position now is, it may be rendered still worse by failure ; and it is suggested, therefore, that our best policy may be, after all, to remain passive under our present monstrous indignity. And thirdly, in regard to expense, which is also, of course, a very essential con- sideration, it is maintained by many, as a conclusive argument against war, that, whatever ioss we may sus- tain from the effects of failing to redress our wrongs, such loss cannot be nearlv commensurate to the heavv sacrifice both of life and treasure we should incur from engaging in actual hostilities with King Theodore. I will now, sir, proceed to answer these objections. Firstly, in regard to the lives of the captives, it must alwa^^s be remembered that this proposed appeal to 250 MKMOli; OF 8Ii; TlEXm' IJAWIJXSON anus is a last resource. We have done everything we could to obtain the release of the prisoners by lair means and we have failed. If we abandon any further effort, and our present inactivity is prolonged, that the j)risoners will, one and all, in due course sink under their sufferings is almost a matter of certainty. The question, therefore, resolves itself into a choice of evils. In one case the death of the captives is almost certain ; in the other, there is a chance — I might say, a fair chance — of saving them ; for, if we look on the favour- able side of the picture, it is quite possible — nay, pro- bable — that the prisoners may be surrendered by King- Theodore on a mere demonstration beino- made against him, or at any rate on the first application of real pressure ; or, on the other hand, they may be withdrawn from the power of Theodore by some rival chief, who will send them in, as we advance, in order to make his own terms with us. In fact, in the only two parallel cases on record, or at any rate in the only two cases which at present occur to me, I mean the examples of the prisoners in China and the prisoners at Cabul — as our troops advanced into the country, the captives were better rather than worse treated, and in both instances they were ultimately delivered up to us unscathed, as the natural result of our success. Besides, in the case that we are now considering, as far as this question of life is concerned, the parties most interested are undoubtedly the prisoners themselves ; and they are, I understand, unanimous in desiring to encounter the risk of our advance, rather than die b}' inches, as they are now doing in their dungeon at Magdala. I will now, sir, reply to the second objection. With regard to the hazards and difficulties of the undertaking, I do not by any means underrate them. I have taken some pains to acquaint myself, from the best authorities, with the nature of the country to be traversed between the sea coast and Magdala, and I have also collected infor- mation with regard to the climate and resources of Abyssinia, and the f^icilities which exist for obtaining SPEECH ON THE ABYSSINIAN QUESTION 251 c;arriage and supplies, and the other requisites for the advance of an army into the interior, and I am obUged to confess, as the result of all my inquiries — I cannot indeed conceal it from myself — that the invasion of Abyssinia from the sea coast would be a most arduous undertaking. But because the undertaking may be arduous, that is no reason that we should shrink from our duty. In thinking over the matter, indeed, from this point of view, I am reminded of the noble and elo- quent words which were used by my old commander General Xott, under very similar circumstances, when the difficulties of an onward march were urged against a renewed attempt to relieve Candahar — ' I am obliged to you,' wrote General Nott to his correspondent in the South, ' for pointing out the many difficulties attending our position ; but you are aware ihat it is our first and onl}" duty to overcome difficulties when the national honour and our military reputation are so nearly concerned. jSTothing can be done without effort and perseverance.' Sir, I think it would be premature and impolitic to review at present the possible difficulties of an Abyssinian campaign ; I think it is at all times unde- sirable to discuss in the House of Commons details of military organisation which properly belong to the Executive, and which can only be conveniently arranged and decided on the spot. By whatever route we ad- vance, we shall no doubt meet with difficulties iu ascending the table-land of Abyssinia ; but I cannot believe that such difficulties are insuperable to the troops who scaled the mountain peaks and passes iu the recent Sitana campaign. Besides, the word ' im- possible ' should be as foreign to our vocabulary as it is said to be to that of the French. Eelying, indeed, on the unrivalled efficiency of our Indian Commissariat, and remembering that we should have our base on the sea, from whence unlimited supplies could be thrown into the country, I should feel little doubt but that an energetic and experienced commander, at the head of 262 MEMOIR OF SIT?, HENRY RAWLTNSOX a force numbering from 5,000 to 10,000 jDicked men of all arms, European and native, which would be ample for advance columns, supports, and reserves — I should feel little doubt, I say, but that a good general at the head of such a force would march triumj^hantly from the sea coast to Magdala, and fully achieve the objects of the expedition. I have now, sir, to refer to the third objection, which concerns the cost of the expedition, and which declares such cost to be out of all proportion to the benefit to be derived from it. This objection is chiefly urged by gentlemen who disregard, or, at any rate, undervalue, the advantages' of ' prestige,' and with wdiom therefore it is somewhat difficult to contend, as we have no common ground of argument. I hope, however, I may be permitted to state my own views on this question of ' prestige,' and I would further ask leave, in support of those views, to say that, having been employed officially in the East for nearly thirty years, and having passed by far the greater portion of that service in immediate connection with Native Courts, my opinions with regard to ' prestige ' are not derived from theory or from books, but are the result of personal experience and observation. I would say, then, that I look on ' prestige ' in politics very much as I look on credit in finance. It is a power which enables us to achieve very great results with very small means at our immediate disposal. ' Prestige ' may not be of paramount importance in Europe, but in the East, sir, our whole position depends upon it. It is a perfect fallacy to suppose that we hold India by the sword. The foundation of our tenure, the talisman — so to speak — which enables 100,000 English- men to hold 150,000,000 of natives in subjection, is the belief in our unassailable power, in our inex- haustible resources ; and any circumstance, therefore, which impairs that belief, which leads the nations of the East to mistrust our superiority, and to regard us as more nearly on an equality with themselves, inflicts a grievous shock on our political position. It is im- SPEECH OX THE ABYSSINIAN QUESTION '2'>^ ])ossible, sir, in such matters to trace cause and effect with mathematical precision, much must depend upon opinion ; but in ilhistration of what I have said, I will give it as my opinion, derived from a very careful scrutiny of passing events, that the Sepoy outbreak in 1857 was mainly — I will not say wholly — attribut- able to the loss of ' prestige ' we had incurred from our exhibition of weakness in the Affghan War. Since we had allowed our Envoys, Colonels Stoddart and Conoll}^ to be murdered at Bokhara without making any effort to avenge their fate, and since, by retiring from Affghanistan, we had confessed our inability to hold the country, it was evident that we were human, and might succumb to pressure ; and hence, I believe, arose the germ of that confidence of the Sepoys in their own power which led them to try conclusions with us. And if, sir, a Nemesis thus overtook us in 1857, the same Nemesis may overtake us now, if we exhibit to the East such a miserable example of moral cowardice and military weakness as to allow our Envoys to perish in an Abyssinian dungeon, and show even no desire to wipe such a stain from the escutcheon of England. I have one more remark to make on the economical question. I cannot subscribe to the doc- trine, now so prevalent, of weighing the honour of England against gold and silver. I cannot calculate in pounds, shillings, and pence the exact loss we may sustain owing to this Abyssinian disgrace ; but this I do feel, that the despatch of an expedition for the release of the captives would, in all probability, be a measure of real economy in the end, as much as a necessary national duty. I mean it, sir, in this wise, that if by remaining inactive we allow the fatal seed of a mistrust of our power to be sown in India, it will germinate in the dark, and will then crop up some day when least expected, bringing in its train a harvest of disaster that will far more than counterbalance any saving we may now effect by refusing to send an expedition. And now, sir, I will only venture on two further ob- 254 MEMOIR OF SIR IIKNJfV R.\\VI>1XS0X servatioiis. One relates to tlie object of tlie motion now before the House ; the other to the source from whence the expenses of an expedition to Abyssinia might be defrayed. The object of the motion brought forward by my hon. friend is, as I understand it, not to invite discussion on details, but merely to induce the House to express an opinion on the general question — on the desirability, in fact, or otherwise, of sending an expedition to Abyssinia, either to recover our captive officers, or to exact retribution for their fate. There are, of course, a multitude of collateral considerations of much importance connected both with the conduct of the expedition and with the policy which should shape its course ; but I cannot think that these are fit matters for discussion in the House of Commons ; they must be left to the discretion and decision of the Government, who is alone responsible for them. There are two points only upon which, if an expedition were decided on, I should like to have an assurance before- hand. The first is, that we should engage in the affair single-handed and free from any foreign co-operation, although, as Abyssinia can only be approached through an Egyptian port, a certain friendly understanding with the Viceroy of Egypt would seem to be indis- pensable. The second point of importance is, that we should keep clear of any future engagements with the country. Our objects, it seems to me, are imme- diate and direct. We should endeavour to release the prisoners and to punish King Theodore, but it would be most inconvenient to find ourselves committed to the support of any other claimant to the throne, or, in fact, to be entangled in any way with future Abyssinian politics. The other observation that I would desire to make refers to the expenses of the expedition. It is rumoured out of doors that there has already been much discussion between the different departments of the State as to whether the cost of any expedition that might be undertaken should be borne by the Indian or the Imperial Treasury ; and if we remember the SPEECH ox THE ABYSSINIAN QUESTION 2.>5 discussions on the same subject which took place on the occasions of the China and Persian wars, the present rumour would seem far from improbable. On this subject, then, sir, I would desire to say that, although the quarrel with Abyssinia is strictly an Imperial quarrel, although the officers imprisoned by King Theodore were accredited from the Foreign Office, and the conduct of the negotiations with that potentate has been hitherto entirely under that department, yet, inasmucli as the evils from which we seek to be relieved by the despatch of an expedition would, if no such expedition were sent, fall almost exclusively upon India, I do think that India is bound to contribute something towards the cost .of relieving her from the threatened danger. I mean, sir, that, as our loss of ' prestige ' would hardly be felt in Europe, but would be felt severely in Asia, being in fact circulated in the first instance through the con- course of Mohammedan pilgrims in the neighbouring city of Mecca ; and as the ill effects of that loss of ' prestige ' would thus mainly fall on our Indian pos- sessions, it would seem only fair that India should pay a moiety of the expenses of the war — as she did in the case of the China and Persian wars — as the price of the political benefit she would derive from the expedition. Sir, I have nothing more to say on the general question. I do appeal to the House to support my hon. friend the member for Poole in his motion praying that steps may be taken to obtain the release of the Abyssinian captives, if necessary, by force of arms. It is almost surprising to me that there can be two opinions on the subject. Is there any other of the great nations of Europe, let me ask, that would hesitate in such a matter ? Should we hesitate ourselves if our antagonist were in a more accessible position? Are we prepared, then, to admit that a barbarian prince like King Theodore, living within 250 miles of the sea coast, can set us, the greatest maritime power in the world, at defiance ? And are we prepared, let 256 MKMOIK OF SIR UExXRY RAWLINSON me add, lo abdicate our place among the nations of the earth, for such must be the inevitable consequence if we sit down quietly in our shame, exposed to the scorn and pity of the East ? No, sir ; I cannot believe in such pusillanimity, in such, I must call it, suicidal cowardice. It seems to me, sir, that in justice to our officers, whom we are bound to protect, in justice to ourselves, in the name of humanity, of civilisation, and of national honour, we have no alternative but to send a force into Abyssinia, and that too without a day's un- necessary delay. There are times, sir, when too much prudence amounts almost to a betrayal of the national honour, and I do feel, sir, that those who can recom- mend our submitting without further effort to the intolerable disgrace which now oppresses us, incur a most awful responsibility ; and that if their advice be followed, and those troubles should supervene, which there is every reason to anticipate, they will hereafter be called to a most severe account. The appeal thus made had a success which does not often attend on a motion brought forward by a couple of private members — it at once determined the action of the Executive. Mr. Layard having given a hearty support to Sir Henry's main arguments, Lord Stanley, Secretary of State for India, as the mouthpiece of the Government, rose and said that he was quite unable to resist the appeal of his hon. friends, and would there- fore state at once that the Government gave way upon the point, and would adopt the policy recommended. An expedition would be sent out as soon as the neces- sary inquiries had been completed. The result was the glorious Abyssinian campaign of 1867-8, so ably con- ducted by Eord Napier of Magdala, the vindication of British honour, and the rescue of the entire body of prisoners. Another Parliamentary matter which greatly inte- INTEREST IN THE CENTRAL ASIAN QUESTION 257 rested Sir Henry about this period was the Bill for amending the ' Government of India Act,' brought in by the Ministry, and successfully carried through in the Session of 1868. In the debates on this measure he took frequent part,^ and must be regarded as having had an important share in giving to the Act its final shape. The Central Asian question engrossed also no inconsiderable share of his attention. As far back as the year 1837, when he was with the British detach- ment in Persia, he had been deeply impressed with the aggressive attitude of Eussia in the Central Asian region, and had become suspicious of the ends and aims which she proposed to herself. The insight which he obtained into Eussian practices and methods during his employment in the Great AfTghan War had inten- sified his suspicions, and the subsequent course of €vents in Turkestan and the adjacent regions, seemed to him to show that the only fault which could justly be imputed to him was that he had not been suspicious enough. About the year 1865 he set himself the task of arousing the British public to the gravity of the situation in the East, and bringing home to them what he believed to be the real designs and intentions of Eussia with respect to Persia, Affghanistan, and India. He had already, many years previously, called attention to the subject in the pages of the ' Calcutta Eeview ' ; but the Anglo-Indian public, which alone reads the ' Calcutta Eeview,' is too narrow and restricted in its influence to greatly move public opinion in England, and his warn- ings had remained almost a dead letter. Now he •obtained access to a more powerful organ. The ' Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, vol. cxcii., pp. 860, 1878, 1889, &c. 268 MEiMOIll UF SIK llE.NltV KAWLINSON ' Quarterly Eeview ' threw open its pages to him, and in October 1865, he published in this periodical the first of a series of articles intended to uinnask Russia and arouse England to her danger. This work made a certain impression, which was intensified when the first article was followed up (in October 1806) by a second, under the title of ' Central Asia,' remarkable for its wide range, alike of political and of geographical knowledge. Soon after this a party began to gather about the author in the House of Commons (the most conspicuous member of it being Mr. Henry Danby Seymour, Member for Poole, his brother-in law), to whom their enemies attached the condemnatory epithet of ' Russophobists,' while their friends regarded them as the most sagacious of patriots. In the year 1868 the party applied to Sir H. Eawlinson to bring on the Cen- tral Asian question in Parliament, and, agreeably to their wishes, he gave notice of a motion on the subject, and prepared an elaborate speech, which, however, he was accidentally prevented from delivering. Under these circumstances, he recast his speech, giving it the form of a Memorandum,^ and formally presented it to ' Lord Roberts, in his recently published work, Forty -one Years in India, ascribes to the publication of this ' Memorandum ' consequences of the most important character. ' The change of policy,' he says, ' which [in 1869] induced the Government of India to assist a strugghng Ameer with money, after its repeated and emphatic declaration that interference was impossible, was undoubtedly brought about by an able and elaborate Memorandum written by the late Sir Henry Rawhnson on July 28, 1868. In this paper Rawlinson pointed out that, not- withstanding promises to the contrary, Russia was steadily advancing towards Affghanistan. He referred to the increased facilities of com- munication which would be the result of the recent ju'oposal to bring Turkestan into direct communication, via the Caspian, with the Caucasus and St. Petersburg. He dwelt at length upon the effect which the advanced position of Russia in Central Asia would have upon Affghanistan and India. He explained that by the occupation of Bokhara Russia would gain a pretext for interference in Affghan politics, and that "if ' :\rE:\r{mANr»u:\r ' on the question 259 Sir Stafiord Northcote, Secretary of State for India at the time, to be laid up in the archives of the India Office. Later, lie embodied it in the collection of Russia once assumes a position which, in virtue either of an imposing mihtary force on the Oxus, or of a dominant political influence in Affghanistan, entitles her, in native estimation, to challenge our Asiatic supremacy, the disquieting effect will be prodigioiis." '"With this prospect before us," Sir Henry asked, "are we justified in maintaining what has been sarcastically, though perhaps unfairly, called Sir John Lawrence's policy of ' masterly inaction ' ? Are we justified in allowing Russia to work her way to Cabul unopposed, and there to establish herself as a friendly power prepared to protect the Affghans against the English? " He argued that it was contrary to our interests to permit anarchy to reign in Affghanistan ; that Lord Auckland's famous doctrine of " establishing a strong and friendly power on our North-West Frontier " was the right policy for India ; that Dost Mohamed's successful management of his country was in a great measure due to our aid, and that if we had helped the son as we had helped the father. Shir Ali would have summarily suppressed the oppo- sition of his brothers and nephews. Rawlinson then added: "Another opportunity now presents itself. The fortunes of Shir Ali are again in the ascendant ; he should be secured in our interests without delay," ' Rawlinson's suggestions were not at the time supposed to commend themselves to the Government of India. In the despatch in which it was answered (dated 4th January, 1869), the Viceroy and his Coimcillors stated that they still objected to any active interference in the affairs of Affghanistan ; they foresaw no limits to the expenditure which such a move would entail, and they believed that the objects that they had at heart might be attained by an attitude of readiness and firmness on the frontier. It is worthy of note, however, that after Sir Henry Rawlinson's Memorandum had been received by the Indian Government, and notwithstanding these protests, the sum of 60,000Z. was sent to Shir Ali, that Sir John Lawrence invited him to " come to some place in British territory for a personal meeting in order to discuss the best manner in which a Hmited support might be accorded," and that five days from the time of writing the above-mentioned despatch, John Lawrence sent a farewell letter to Shir Ali, expressing the earnest hope of the British Government that his Highness's authority would be established on a solid and permanent basis, and informing him that a further sum of 60,000Z. would be supplied to him during the next few months, and that future Viceroys would consider, from time to time, what amount of practical assistance in the shape of money or war materials should periodically be made over to him as a testimony of their friendly feeling, and to the furtherance of his legitimate authority and influence.' (Vol. ii., pp. 45-48.) s 2 260 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON })apers upon the political and geographical condition of Central Asia, which he published in 1874 under the title of ' England and liussia in the East,' which was the only complete work that he ever gave to the general public in the shape of a volume. The Parliamentary career of Sir Henry Rawlinson was now verging towards its close. He had not the political connections, nor had he received the training, which could entitle him to expect that any amount of labour or of careful attention to his duties would enable him to work his way into the foremost ranks of official life ; and less would not have satisfied him. Moreover, he was scarcely possessed of sufficient pri- vate fortune to sustain the position of a Member of Parliament permanently, especially if its expenses were to be combined with those of educating and placing out a family. He had married in 1862 ; by 1868 he had already two sons. He was himself one of a large family, six of whom were boys. Prudence seemed to require either a contraction of expenses, or an enlarge- ment of income, or both, if both could be compassed. It happened that, in the autumn of 1868, the oppor- tunity of making a change arose. Three vacancies in the India Council, the last that would be 'life ap- pointments,' were to be filled up in September of that year, two by co-optation, and one by the nomination of the Crown. The Crown nomination was offered to Sir Henry Rawlinson. His acceptance of it involved exclu- sion for the future from Parliament. He had to consider whether he would be really content to forfeit membership in the ' best club in London,' or (according to some) in the ' only club worth belonging to,' such forfeiture in- volving exclusion from all voice in the general govern- ment of the Empire, and to accept in exchange a much RE-APPOINTMENT TO THE INDIA COUNCIL 261 more powerful voice in the government of 250,000,000 of Britisli subjects, together with a considerable allevia- tion of expenses, and an augmentation of income to the extent of 1,500/. a year. Undoubtedly the pecuniary considerations to a considerable extent affected his decision ; but the interest which he took in India, and a consciousness of peculiar fitness for the position of an Indian ruler, together with the permanency of the post, were also influential, and helped much to determine the line of his later life. From henceforth the work of the India Council became his main work ; cuneiform and other scientific studies sank into a secondary position. Still, it must not be supposed that these studies were ever wholly relinquished, or even for any con- siderable space suspended. Four volumes of cuneiform inscriptions — selections from the historical inscriptions of Chaldsea, Assyria, and Babylonia — were published by the authorities of the British Museum between the years 1870 and 1884, under his auspices ; his contributions to the ' Athenasnm,' the ' Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society,' and the ' Journal and Proceedings of the Eoyal Geographical Society,' were continued ; he wrote a long series of articles, partly geographical, partly historical, for the ' Encyclopgedia Britannica,' and he made occa- sional contributions to the ' Nineteenth Century,' the ' Literary Gazette,' the ' Transactions of the Eoyal Society of Literature,' and other serials of a scientific character. The literary work thus accomplished was such, both in amount and character, as would have sufiicientty taxed the energies of most literary men, without other occupation or employment. It was accomplished by Sir Henry in the short intervals of leisure which were allowed him by the demands of a laborious and engrossing office. L>62 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON CHAPTEE XV WOKK AS MEMBER OF INDIA COUNCIL (l868-70) — INCREASINa CALLS ON HIS TIME MADE BY THE GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY — ELECTION AS PRESIDENT (l871) — ADDRESSES DELIVERED IN 1872, 1873, 1875, AND 1876 — ATTENDANCE ON THE SHAH OF PERSIA IN 1873 — PUBLICATION OF 'ENGLAND AND RUSSIA IN THE EAST ' — CONSEQUENT POLITICAL STIR The position of a Member of the India Council, though ill a certain sense public, inasmuch as it is concerned wholly with the public service of the country, is yet, in a deeper and more vital sense, essentially private, or rather secret, since the doings of the Council are known only to the Members of the Council itself, and to the Secretary for India, and since for a member to divulge its proceedings would be regarded as a breach of con- fidence. However excellent the w^ork done by indi- vidual members, however disproportionate the share of work done by this member or that, nothing is known on the subject by the outer world, which is apt some- what cynically to doubt whether much really valuable work is accomj^lished within offices to which it is debarred from access, or whether, in point of fact, they are not rather so many comfortable sinecures. None but the India Secretaries under whom Sir Henry Rawlinson served, and the colleagues with whom he laboured, can really know what the amount of work which he did as India Councillor was, or what its \alue, or what the effort that it cost him. And the WORK AS MEMBER OF INDIA COUNCIL 263 mouths of such persons are sealed by official reserve. Still, in official circles general estimates are necessarily formed, and the characters of all public servants who have been loni>- in office, for industry and assiduity, as well as for saoacit}" and usefulness, become in course of time established and fixed. It is believed that, during the twenty-seven years of his official life as Member of the Council of India, there was no public servant who enjoyed a higher reputation than Sir Henry Rawlinson for the constancy of his attendance at the Office, for readiness to undertake hard tasks, or for the value of the suggestions which he made, and the advice which he tendered, whether orally or in writing. As an indication of the confidence placed in him within the Council itself, it may be mentioned, that after some years he was appointed (1882) Chairman of the Political Committee, being already one of the Vice-Presidents, and that, although more than once offering to resign the post to a younger man, he was niduced by the remon- strances and entreaties of his colleagues to retain it until his death. Office work became, then, from the year 1868, Sir Henry's main and most constant employment. He usually drove down to the India Office at about eleven o'clock, and stayed till four or five. He attended punctually the meetings of the various Committees on which he was placed, and was scarcely ever known to miss a Board day. The only still more indefatigable attendant at the Office than himself was Lord Stanley, who, when Secretary of State for India, was desirous of continuing the sittings through the whole of the summer and autumn, and was only brought to a better mind by something approaching a ' strike ' ; the Members of Council agreeing together about the middle of 264 MEMOIR OF SIR IIKXRY RAWLTNSOX August that on a certain day, for which tliey were sunimoned, they would all be absent from their places. The India Secretaries under whom Sir Henry served were Sir Stafford Northcote (Lord Iddesleigh) from October 1868 to December 10 of the same year; the Duke of Argyll from December 10, 18G8, to February 22, 1874 ; the Marquis of Salisbury from February 22, 1874, to April 10, 1878 ; Viscount Cranbrook from April 10, 1878, to April 28, 1880; the Marquis of Hartington (Duke of Devonshire) from April 28, 1880, to December 16, 1882 ; the Earl of Kimberley from December 16, 1882, to June 24, 1885 ; Lord Eandolph Churchill from June 24, 1885, to February 6, 1886 ; Lord Kimberley again from February 6, 1886, to August 3 of the same year ; Viscount Cross from August 3, 1886, to August 18, 1892 ; Lord Kimberley for the third time from August 18, 1892, to March 3\ 1894 ; and Sir H. H. Fowler from March 3, 1894, to his death. The affairs in which he was most deeply in- terested were the Affghan War of 1878-9, the Pendjeh incident of 1884-5, and the Anglo-Eussian Boundary Commission. These, however, belong to a time later than that which we are now considering, and the dis- cussion of them in this place would be premature. While official work in connection with the India Council was thus occupying a large portion of Sir Henry's time and attention, he was also allowing him- self to be drawn into a position with respect to the Geographical Society which involved a considerable increase of labour in that direction. Sir Roderick Murchison, the actual President, was becoming year by year more infirm, and therefore less able to discharge the full duties of his office. Under these circum- stances, a large portion of what was properly Sir WORK FOR GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 265 Eoderick Murchison's work was passed on to Sir Henry Eawlinson, as one of the most prominent, if not actually the most prominent, of the Vice-Presidents. The year 1870 saw him President of the Society in all but in name, and the following year witnessed his formal election and installation in the office. It became his duty, not only to preside at the meetings held during the session, but also to deliver, and after- guards publish, the annual address at the Anniversary Meeting in May, a work which usually runs to from 80 to 100 pages. Sir Henry delivered four such addresses —those of the years 1872, 1873, 1875, and 1876, forming when put together a volume of 357 pages. All this could not be done without considerable effort. Sir Henry Eawlinson said himself, on laying down his office in 1873 : ' After three years' experience, I found fhe demands upon my time and attention, which the conduct of your affairs imposed upon me, to be so excessive as to interfere seriously with my other neces- sary occupations ; and I have judged it absolutely indispensable to solicit an interval of relaxation.' ^ He enjoyed such an interval from May 1873 to May 1874, when he was again induced to accept the too laborious office, on the resignation of Sir Bartle Prere, and to hold it for a further biennial term, from May 1874 to May 1876. His final resignation was given in on May 22 of that year, when he took his leave of the Society in the subjoined touching terms : — Gentlemen, — The time is now come when I have to take a formal, and probably a final leave of you. I have been for thirty-two years a meml^er of this Society ; for twenty years, with very few breaks, I have ^ Sir H. Eawlinson's Address to the Royal Geographical Society of London on May 26, 1873, pp. 84, 85. 266 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON served upon your Council, and I have now presided five times at your Anniversary Meetings. The greater part of my spare time since I returned from the East lias thus been devoted to your service, and 1 am proud to state that my most agreeable memories are associated with the growing prosperity, and Avhat I may now call the assured success, of the Geographical Society. But time steals on. I am not as active in mind or body as I was ; and, as I find the continued direction of your affairs to be hardly compatible with the discharge of other duties connected with my public office, I am obliged to tender my resignation of the post of President. And I have the less hesitation in now asking for my release, that I am able to transfer my functions into the hands of a gentleman who to great experience in the East, and a good practical acquaint- ance with its geography, unites the qualification of a perfect man of business, a scholar, and a diplomatist. In electing Sir Rutherford Alcock to be 3'our President, and in surrounding him with the thoroughly efficient Council whose names appear on the balloting list which has just received your approval, you have obtained the best possible guarantee for the successful management of your affairs during the ensuing year. I shall always be glad myself to give any advice or assistance that may be required, and I trust that the whole body of Fellows, in our common interest, will accord to the Council as at present constituted their fullest confidence and support.^ In the year 1873, his Majesty the Shah of Persia having resolved on paying a visit to Europe, which should extend to England, the Government of the day thought it necessary to appoint an official of high rank, and one well acquainted with the Persian language, to attend upon his Majesty during his stay in the country, and accompany him from place to place. Persons ' Sir H. Rawlinson's Address to the Royal GeograjiJtical Society of London on May 22, 1876, p. 74. ATTENDANCE ON THE SHAH OF PERSIA 267 fitted for the post, and who would be wilhng to accept it. were not likely to be very numerous, so that it must have seemed to the Foreign Minister a happy chance ])y which he was able to lay his hand at once on so eligible a public servant as Sir Henry Eawlinson, and to find him willing to accept the responsibility, and put himself to the inconvenience of leading a wandering life, at the beck of another, for three or four weeks con- secutively. Sir Henry Rawlinson's peculiar fitness for the post was evident. There may have been one or two other persons in England who understood and spoke Persian as well ; but there was certainly no one else who had been for months on familiar terms with the Shah,^ and was known to be a persona grata to him. * Larenson,' as the Shah calls him in his diary,^ met his Majesty at Brussels, and there renewed the acquaint- ance of thirteen years earlier, when as British Envoy he had been in almost daily communication with him at Teheran. He accompanied him from Brussels to Ostend, and from Ostend to England, ' conducting the presentations,' . as the Shah says, ' and doing the honours.' Fortunately for all concerned, the passage was exceedingly smooth, and neither his Majesty, nor any of his suite, were inconvenienced. The spectacle, as the fleet approached Dover, was striking. The Shah and his suite, with Sir Henry Eawlinson and Sir A. Kemball in attendance, were conveyed across the Channel in a British man-of-war, the Vigilant, with, as escort, two ordinary cruisers and two battle-ships, one •of them a turret-ship of large dimensions. All were dressed with flags and bunting, so as to present a most gay appearance. The sea for some distance out- ^ See above, chap. xii. pp. 222-231. 2 Diary of H.M. the Shah of Persia during his Tour through Europe in a.d. 1873, pp. 28, 29. 268 MEMOTIJ OF SHI IIENIIY IJAWLTN.SOX side the harbour was covered with steamers, merchant- ships, yachts, and pleasure boats, adorned simiLarly. Salutes were fired by the men-of-war, bands played, the crowds which occupied the piers and the decks of the steamers cheered, the weather was perfect, and all was gaiety and good humour. The subjoined account of the occasion and proceed- ings, written by the Shah himself, though not free from slight errors, will, it is thought, be found of some interest : — From Ostend to Dover — the first of English soil — is a distance of five hours, and the Straits of Dover are famous for stormy and boisterous seas. But, thank God, the sea was very calm, like the palm of one's hand, so that no one suffered. It was like a trip on a river. Behind us, in our wake, three ships convoyed us ; while two large ironclads, men-of-war, kept their stations as a guard of honour, the one on our right, the other on our left. Now and then they fired a gun. After we had advanced a certain distance, another ship came with two turrets and two guns in each turret. These turrets turned round in every direction as desired. This vessel, too, is an ironclad, and has a steam-power of 5,000 horses. Her sides are not so lofty. They said the shots of the guns of this ship knock the other ships to pieces. They fired two or three rounds with her guns, which made a great noise. Many merchant- ships and others came and went on their voyages ; and at length we neared the English coasts, the hills of the shore becoming visible. Many men-of-war came to meet us. They all fired a salute. The surface of the sea was covered with ships and boats and large steamers, in which the merchants and nobles of England had come to witness the spectacle. The hills of the coa^t are not so very high ; the rocks thereof are white, like a lime-quarry. At length we reached the port of Dover. They EXTRACT FROM THE SHAH'S DIARY 269 have built a long stone pier here to protect the ships in the harbour from the waves and tempests. It extends far into the sea. Upon it were numbers of men and women, ladies and gentlemen, troops of infantry and horsemen. Here we stood. The sons of her Majesty the Queen of England, with Lord Granville (the Secre- tary for Foreign Affairs), and the magnates and notables of London had all come ; the second son of the Queen, the Duke of Edinburgh, and the third, Prince Arthur. We stood up in the ship — the Queen's sons, the Foreign Secretary, the Lord Chamberlain of the Queen, who is a personage of consideration, and also First Officer of the Household, came. We went into the ship ; we sat down in the cabin and conversed until the luggage was landed. . . . At length we rose and went on to the pier, where there was a great concourse and crowd. We entered a train. I, the Queen's sons, the Grand Vazir, the Foreign Secretary, and the Lord Chamberlain occupied one carriage. The carriages were very beautiful ; no such carriages had been seen [by us before]. We went on slowly a few feet, and then alighted at a building where they had prepared food.^ I went into a small room, and there gave audience to the Hakimu-'l-Mamalik, who had been here some time. I was informed that the magistrate (? Mayor) of Dover had prepared a speech, which he must recite. I went to a hall and stood at the top of a high flight of steps. The English princes and magnates, [with] the princes and officers of my suite, were present. The magistrate recited the address at full length. It contained much in our praise and glori- fication. We made a reply, which ' Larenson ' ex- plained in English. The people clapped hands. We then returned to breakfast ; all my suite were there. They brought hot dishes, fruits, &c., of which we par- took. Then we arose and returned to the carriaae, and proceeded on our journey, with the same personages accompanying us.^ ' The Lord Warden Hotel. - See the Shah's Diary, pp. 30-32. 270 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Sir Henry's attendance upon the Shah lasted for nearly three weeks — from June 16, when they met at Brussels, to July 5, wiien they parted in the harbour of Portsmouth. It was nearly, though not quite, con- tinuous, and is described by Sir Henry himself as ' a hard three weeks' work.' ^ Sir Henry escorted his illustrious charge not only to Windsor Castle, Trent - ham Hall, Greenwich, the Crystal Palace, the Albert Hall, and the other principal sights in and near the metropolis, but also to the more distant localities of Portsmouth, Manchester, Crewe, and Liverpool, every- where interpreting to and for him, and explaining everything in which his Majesty seemed to be specially interested. The Shah showed very considerable intelli- gence ; and it was physical, rather than mental, weari- ness of which his attendant complained, when, at the end of twenty days, he found himself freed from his honourable but onerous engagement. At the subse- quent visit of the Shah, in 1889, Sir Henry's age was considered to entitle him to exemption from the strain of a second attendance, and — much to his satisfaction — the duty was imposed upon another. In the year which followed the Shah's first visit to Europe, Sir Henry took advantage of the unusual amount of interest in Oriental affairs which the visit liad excited among the British public, to draw renewed attention to what he had so long regarded as the great danger threatening England from that quarter, by the publication of a volume, in which he collected together his previous deliverances upon the subject, adding to them a certain amount of fresh matter well calculated to arouse general alarm. This volume, which he en- titled ' England and Eussia in the East,' is allowed, even ' Rough Sitinmari/ of Life, p. 27. PUBLISHES ' ENGLAND AND RUSSIA IN THE EAST ' 271 by those who do not admit the full force of its reasoninos, to be ' a remarkable work,' and one ' which will alwavs be quoted as a text-book on the subject.' ^ It exhiljited an extraordinarily extensive acquaintance with the his- tory, geography, and actual condition of the countries between the Caspian and India, somewhat loosely termed ' Central Asia " by modern writers, and showed in a most striking way the advances made by Eussia in those regions during the last half century. It de- picted, in colours which were perhaps over strong, the never-hasting, never-resting aggressive policy of the Czars, the shiftiness of their diplomacy, and the impos- sibility of placing any firm reliance on the pledges which Eussian Ministers are always willing to give. Naturally, its statements made a great impression upon the public, and caused emotions which were not always pleasurable among statesmen. The leaders of the Liberal Party, which was mainly responsible for allow- ing the Eussian advance, and maintaining the policy of ' masterly inaction,' were exceedingly angry at what they regarded as a blow from the hand of a friend. Lord Northbrook, Viceroy of India, was especially dis- pleased. On the other hand, the Conservative states- men, who came into power just as the book was published, were inclined to look favourably upon the views of its author, and leant towards his policy. Lord Salisbury, Secretary of State for India from February 22, 1874, to April 10, 1878, expressed a warm approval of the work, and to some extent corrected the proofs of the second edition,- which made its appearance in 1875. The Government policy towards Central Asia and Affghanistan was considerably affected by it ; and when the secret despatches and correspondence of this period ^ See the Times newspaper of March 6, 1895, page 8, col. 2. - Bough Summary of Life, p. 28. 272 MEMOIIl OF SIR HENRY RAWLTNSON see the light, it will probably appear that the appoint- ment of Lord Lytton as Viceroy of India in 1876, and the policy pursued by him during his tenure of the office (from April 12, 187G, to June 8, 1880), were not altoo"ether unconnected with the ' remarkable work ' in question. It is well known that Lord Lytton, during the interval between his appointment and his departure for India, was in frequent communication with Sir Henry Eawlinson on Indian affairs, and it is a tolerably ' open secret ' that the intercourse did not cease with his re- moval from London to Calcutta. A school of politi- cians still exists which sees in the second Affghan War the denouement of what it calls ' the Eawlinsonian Asiatic Policy,' and regards as the outcome of ' England and Russia in the East ' the whole series of events from the first opening of negotiations between Lord Lytton and the Amir Shir Ali to the handing over of Southern Affghanistan by the British Government to Abdul Rahman. It is too early as yet to express a decided opinion as to whether Sir Henry Rawlinson, in his long series of warnings against the designs of Russia, and in his determined opposition to her Eastern policy, was or was not a prudent and sagacious statesman ; the verdict of posterity must decide this question ; but it is as im- possible to doubt the warmth of his patriotism and the honesty of his convictions, as to deny the ability with which they were set forth and the courage with which they were advocated. It should also be borne in mind that, even if the struogle between England and Russia for the possession of India, which he so greatly feared, should never take place, it will not necessarily follow that he was an alarmist, since it is quite possible that his warnings, and the steps taken by England in consequence of them, may have been among the most potent factors in averting the threatened collision. 273 CHAPTEE XVI ATTENDS THE BRUSSELS CONFERENCE IN 1876 — INVITED TO DIS- CUSS THE SUBJECT OP ENGLAND'S POLICY IN THE EAST WITH LORD LYTTON ON HIS APPOINTMENT AS VICEROY — CONTINUES IN CORRESPONDENCE WITH HIM, 1877-79 — WRITES ARTICLES IN THE ' NINETEENTH CENTURY ' IN SUPPORT OF LORD LYTTON'S POLICY, 1878-80 — HIS VIEWS ON THE GENERAL AFFGHAN QUESTION In September 1876, Sir Henry Eawlinson, with a number of other eminent geographers, was invited by the King of the Belgians to attend a conference on the sub- ject of African Exploration, which his Majesty proposed to gather together at Brussels for the discussion of various points of greater or less interest connected with ' the Dark Continent.' The Eoyal Palace was thrown open to the savants collected, who became for the time his Majesty's guests, and were entertained by him in right regal fashion for several consecutive days, receiving, each of them, at their departure a three- quarters length portrait of their royal host, as a memorial of the occasion. In the same year he was also invited to a conference, or rather a series of conferences, with another even more powerful potentate, the prospective ruler over two hundred and fifty millions of subjects — Lord Lytton, Viceroy-Designate of India. He had thus, after many years of effort, an opportunity of influencing the course of events in the East, and of seeing the line of policy which he had so long and so warmly advocated, T 274 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON to a certain extent at an}' rate, put to the proof. Lord Lytton took office at a time when matters in the East had reached a crisis. Encouraged by Eussia. Shir Ah, the Amir of Affghanistan, had offered to the Govern- ment of India a series of affronts, with which it was barely possible to put up, and these affronts culminated, in 1878, in his favourable reception and entertainment at his Court of a Eussian Mission, sent by the Governor- General of Eussian Turkestan, simultaneously with his repulse and rejection of an Anglo-Indian Mission, sent to him after due notice by Lord Lytton. Eussia was under engagements, five times repeated, to ourselves, to ' regard Affghanistan as wholly beyond the sphere of her influence,' and the Amir was bound by treaty to consult us in all matters where his foreign relations were concerned ; but in the summer of 1878, without pre- viously giving us any notice or information whatever, he both received a Eussian Mission under General Stolietoff into his capital,^ and also himself despatched a return embassy to the Eussian headquarters at Tashkend, accredited to the Eussian Commandant, General Kauff"- mann. He showed, in fact, every disposition to throw himself wholly into the hands of Eussia, and become entirely her catspaw, while he broke off" altogether all pretence of friendly relations with us. Eussia was at the same time giving unmistakable indications of a policy ' It was not merel}' the fact of the reception, but the manner of it, which showed that a slap in the face to England was intended. As Lord Roberts observes : ' From the moment General Stolietoff's Mission set foot on Affghan territory it met with an enthusiastic reception. Five miles fi'om the capital Stolietoff and his companions were welcomed by the Foreign Secretary. They were then mounted on richly- caparisoned elephants, and escorted by a large body of troops to the Bala Hissar, where, the following morning, they were received in state by Shir Ali and the nobles of the highest degree in his kingdom ' {Forty-one Years in India, vol. ii. p. 110). GIVES ADVICE TO LORD LYTTON 275 of active hostility to British interests. In Europe she was attacking Turkey and threatening Constantinople ; in Asia, after absorbing the Klianats, one after another, she was approaching Merv, and putting out feelers towards Herat. At any moment it was possible that she might throw off the mask, openly take the Amir under her protection, march a corps d'armee into Afghanistan,^ and proceed to attempt the conquest of India. Sir Henry Eawlinson was of opinion that the policy of inaction recently pursued, always dangerous, would, under these circumstances, if persisted in, prove fatal ; and it was in this sense that he, no doubt, advised Lord Lytton, both before he quitted England in 1876, and after he had assumed the government of India in that year, and also in the early part of 1877. Lord Lytton himself was well inclined towards an active and energetic policy. He was a man not only of a cultivated and refined taste, but of enlarged views and of con- siderable ambition, desirous of taking advantage of his position to obtain a prominent place among the great men of his age. At the same time, the circumstances in which he was placed strongly impelled him towards action. To have put up tamely with the long series of slights and insults in which Shir Ali had indulged him- self from the time of the Seistan award in 1871, would have ruined the prestige of England among the nations of the East, and made her the laughing-stock of Asia. It would also have been a great encouragement to Eussia to risk a bold stroke, and precipitate matters by a sudden advance from Turkestan upon Cabul and Herat. Kept well advised on all these points, both by his friends in England and his counsellors in India, Lord Lytton, in ^ On the very close approach of this danger, see the same work, Forty-one Years in India, vol. ii. p. 110, note. T 2 276 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLTXSON October 1878, despatched an ultimatum to the Amir, Shir Ali, allowing him till November 20 to apologise for the insulting conduct of the Affghan authorities in stopping the progress of the British Mission to Cabul, and, receiving no reply by the expiration of the time allowed, issued a formal declaration of war on Novem- ber 21. Thus the die was cast. After seven years (1872-8) of continuous provocation, both on the part of the Amir and of Eussia, the second Affghan War was determined on, and British troops, under Generals Browne and Eoberts, crossed the Affghan frontier. In the storm of obloquy which Lord Lytton drew down upon his head by this bold course of action. Sir Henry Eawlinson was one of his main defenders. In successive articles, published in the ' Nineteenth Cen- tury Eeview' of December 1878, August 1879, and February 1880, he gave a graphic picture both of the circumstances which made the war a necessity, and of the results which were accomplished by it. It was his object to show that events had completely vindicated the Viceroy's action. At first his task was compara- tively easy. The second Affghan War — the war of 1878-9 — was little more than a military parade, suc- cess following success, and the enemy scarcely offering more than the feeblest shadow of resistance. Ali Musjid, the scene of the insult offered to the Viceroy's Envoy, was occupied on November 22 ; on December 2 the Peiwar Kotal was forced ; ^ General Brown, on December 20, took Jellalabad ; three weeks later, on January 9, 1879, General D. Stewart occupied Canda- har; and soon afterwards (January 21) Khelat-i- Ghilzye. The Amir Shir Ali, instead of showing a bold front, and defending his throne with the stubborn ' Roberts's Forty-one Years in India, vol. ii. pp. 137-9. DEFENDS LORD LYTTON'S ACTION 277 determination that might have been expected of him, deserted his capital and fled to Mazar-i-Sharif, where, on February 21, he died.^ His son and successor, Mohanniied Yakub Khan, no sooner found himself seated on the throne than he hastened to make over- tures for peace, and on May 26, 1879, within little more than six months of the proclamation of war, the Treaty of Gundamok was signed,- and hostihties came to an end. British honour had been vindicated at a ridicu- lously small cost in money, and with almost no expen- diture of blood ; Eussia had been discredited, and it might almost have been said disgraced, and Anglo- Indian prestige had been restored almost to the point at which it stood in 1842, after the victories of Nott and Pollock. Sir Henry Eawlinson had the pleasing task, in August 1879, of showing, in the pages of the ' Xineteenth Century,' how easy had been the victory, how complete the triumph, how futile the prophecies of disaster, and how creditable to the Viceroy and his advisers the results obtained by a short, inexpensive, and most skilfully conducted campaign, begun and ended almost within a semester. At the same time Sir Henry was not deceived into thinking that, because all had gone so well up to the date at which he wrote, therefore all danger was past, and England might safely relax her vigilance, and sit motionless with folded hands for the future. He warned the nation that the danger was postponed, not averted. He pointed out that, with such a people as the Affghans, it was necessary to be always upon one's guard, and that little dependence was to be placed on promises, or even on solemnly signed treaties, more especially when ^ Eoberts's Forty-one Years in India, vol. ii. p. 168. 2 Ihid. vol. ii. pp. 172, 173. 278 MEMOIli OF SIR IIEXRY RAWJ.INSOX there was a tempter at hand, who would leave no stone unturned in order to deprive England of the advan- tages which she had gained by her recent action. Eussia, he pointed out, had been the fons et origo mali from the first recrudescence of the AfFghan difficulty, and was not likely to acquiesce in a settlement which had deeply humiliated her and damaged her prestige throughout Asia. We might be certain that she would make every effort that she possibly could to disturb the existing arrangements, and, by hook or by crook, to rekindle the flames of war in Affghanistan at no distant date. Thus warned, neither was the nation, nor was Lord Lytton, taken by surprise when, in the autumn of 1879, little more than three months after the signature of the Treaty of Gundamok, insurrection broke out at Cabul, and, with the undoubted connivance of the new Amir, the British Envoy, Sir P. L. Cavagnari, was mur- dered at the residence which had been assigned him, and the whole entourage of the Embassy massacred. The third Affghan War, or the second phase of the second,^ whichever we like to call it, was thus pre- cipitated, and the struggle recommenced which the Treaty of Gundamok was for a time supposed to have terminated. It could not be expected that the same extraordinary good fortune which had attended the Britisli arms throughout the campaign of 1878-9 would again wait upon them in that of 1879-80. But it tells well for the prudence and sagacity of Lord Lytton and his advisers, that disaster was confined within comparativel}^ narrow limits. British troops were in such readiness, and had ' Lord Roberts regards the Treaty of Gundamok as ending ' the first phase of the second Affghan War' {Forty-one Years in India, vol. ii. p. 173). RECOMMENDS A POLICY OF CAUTION 279 been withdrawn so short a space, that Candahar was re- occupied within three days, and Cabul and Jellahibad within httle over a month. The Amir, Mohammed Yakub Khan, despairing of a successful defence, abdi- cated, and was deported to Meerut. An attempt at insurrection by the population of Cabul was easily suppressed. So long as Lord Lytton continued Viceroy, all continued fairly prosperous. Sir D. Stewart defeated a large Affghan force near Ghuzni on April 19, 1880, and took the stronghold on the 20th. It was not until Lord Lytton had been recalled, and the Marquis of Eipon appointed Viceroy in his place, that any important disaster befel the British arms. Then, no doubt, in the defeat of General Burrows at Khushki-Nakhud we sujQfered a sad reverse, and one certainly not attribut- able to the incoming Viceroy. It may be questioned, however, whether the General himself was not the sole person responsible for the disaster, or if indeed it was not rather one of those accidents of warfare which will from time to time occur,^ and against which no prud- ence can guard. At any rate, it was a disaster which had no further ill consequences, but was speedily and signally avenged. The victory of Sir Frederick Roberts at Candahar on September 1, after his splendid march from Cabul to the western capital, completely re- established British prestige, and practically brought the second phase of the second war to an end glorious to the British arms, and altogether, in a military point of view, satisfactory. It remained for the civil authority to decide what use should be made of the favourable military situation. The Liberal Government, which ' ' The desertion of General Burrows's contingent of Affghan troops in a body to the enemj- was the chief and all-sufficient cause of the disaster ' (Pioberts's Forty -one Years in India, vol. ii. p. 332). 280 MEMOIR OF SIR IlEXRV RAWLINSOX had succeeded that of Lord Beaconsfield, adopted, un- fortunately, the pohcy of ' scuttle,' thus making no use at all of the situation, but absolutely throwing away all the advantages which the complete success of Lord Lytton's aggressive policy and active measures had put within their grasp, had they chosen to lay hold on them. Affghanistan was evacuated, even the Kurram district given up, and Candahar handed over to a new Amir of doubtful inclinations, whom it was sought to bind to our cause by lavish gifts and subsidies. Li the opinion of Sir Henry Eawlinson, a very different course ought to have been pursued. While disinclined to the immediate annexation of Affghanistan, and especially of the northern and north-eastern portions of it, he thought it of the utmost importance that we should retain a hold on Candahar, thus remaining within striking distance of Herat, which he considered to be the key of the situation. Faithful to his old convictions of Eussia's aggressiveness, and of real ultimate danger to Lidia by any advance on her part from the Caspian by way of Merv upon Herat, he regarded it as essential that we should dominate Western Affghanistan either by an actual annexation, or at an}^ rate by a military occupation, which might be represented as temporary, but which must not be relinquished unless for some other equally satisfactory arrangement, so that, on the first indication of a further Eussian advance towards the south, we might be in a position to anticipate her, and ourselves occupy Herat and take 'the Key of Lidia' into our own possession. As a temporary measure, he advised the transfer of Herat to Persia, ' notwithstanding all that was past,' ^ but under the stipulation that, if danger threatened, England should have the right of * Nineteenth Century Bevieiu for 1880, vol. vii. p. 211. VIEWS OX THE GENERAL AFFGIIAN QUESTION 281 reinforcing the Persian garrison by a body of British troops sufficiently numerous to resist any attack from the north. If the permanent possession of Canclahar were thus secured, and its close connection with India effected by the continuation of the Quetta railway from Sukker through Sibi and Pishin to Chaman and the Khojuck Pass, he thought that the rest of Affghanistan might be neglected, and either be left to ' stew in its own juice,' or even suffered to pass under Russian influence. Eussia would never make a serious advance upon India by the rugged and difficult country of Eastern Affghanistan, and with such strongholds as Candahar and Herat upon her flank; any attack upon Peshawur and the Punjab must come from the north-west. If Candahar therefore and the western passes were securely held. Quetta and the Bolan defile strongly guarded, and satisfactory arrangements made for the control of the Eymack tribes and for the permanent tranquillisation of the Seistan frontier, it did not greatly matter what became of Cabul and Eastern Affghanistan, whether they fell under the dominion of a single Amir, or of half a dozen, or even became a prey to anarchy. These views were set forth ia full in the February number of the 'Nineteenth Century' of 1880; and though they thus belong to a date anterior by some months to the complete abandonment of Affghanistan by the Liberal Government, they sufficiently indicate the strong disap- proval ^ with which Sir Henry regarded the policy of that Government in Eastern affairs — a policy already fore- shadowed, and soon afterwards relentlesslv carried out. ' In the brief outline of his life dictated by Sir Henry to an ama- nuensis occurs the following short entrj' under the year 1880 : ' Close of the Affghan War — Candahar evacuated, and we withdrew from the country, much to my disgust.^ L>8i> MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Sir Henry's convictions on this suljject were further expressed in a letter which he addressed a little later to the Editor of the ' Times ' newspaper, to the following effect : — April 6, 1883. Sir, — In Mr. Lepel Griffin's letter, published in the ' Times ' of to-day, he has rather overstated his case as to there having been no reversal of the Beaconsfield Affghan policy by the present Government. It may be conceded that both parties were agreed as to the necessity for withdrawing from Cabul, and leaving the administration of Eastern and Northern Affghanistan in the hands of an independent ruler ; but the method of dealing with Western Affghanistan constituted a crucial point of difference between the Conservative and Liberal policies. The Conservative party, had they remained in power, would, it may be presumed, have retained a British garrison in Candahar, not with a view to annexa- tion, which, as Mr. Lepel Griffin remarks, had been officially repudiated at Cabul, nor on the declared footing of a permanent occupation, which would have been annexation disguised, but in support of engage- ments which we had solemnly contracted and duly notified to Abdur Rahman Khan, and which we con- sidered of importance for the due defence of our Indian Empire ; and they would further have strengthened this defensive position by continuing the railway from Sibi at the foot of the hills to the town of Candahar. The policy in this case would have been to keep in our own hands, and independently of Cabul, the control of the line by which alone India could be threatened from the north-west ; and it was hoped that we should attain this object effectively and inexpensively, without violating any promises, and with a mininmm of friction. The Liberal part}^, on the contrary, on coming into power, decided to wash their hands, as far as possible, of the whole Affghan connection, retiring from Candahar without any diplomatic arrangement, and ostentatiously taking up the railway beyond Sibi, in order to mark CONTRASTS LIBERAL AND CONSERVATIVE POLICIES 283 their determined opposition to a policy of advance. Mr. Lepel GrilFui is not justified in arguing that the Conservatives would have been equally obliged to abandon Candahar, being pledged against both annexa- tion and permanent occupation, and the Wali, Shir Ali, refusing to remain without our continued military support. The fact is, that the collapse of the Wall's power was owing to our announced intention of retire- ment. Had a British oarrison remained at Candahar during the last three years on the same footing of friendly and temporary occupation upon which it has been maintained in Quetta and Pishin, the railway from Sinde having at the same time been pushed on to the gates of the Western Affghan capital, the Wall's position would probably by this time have been so consolidated as to make him independent of our support. At any rate this was the Conservative programme, which has been entirely reversed by the proceedings of the Liberal Government. Doubtless the Liberal policy has had its immediate advantages. Our military expenditure in Lidia has been very appreciably reduced. The Affghan element at Candahar, as opposed to the Parsiwan, has to a certain extent been conciliated, and possibly the conduct of our relations with Abdur Ealiman has been facilitated and improved ; but there have been corresponding- disadvantages — especially in regard to the future — which must also be taken into account. Our retirement has been the signal for Eussian advance. Her progress indeed has been most rapid since 1880. Cossack out- posts are now scattered over the country as far as Sereks ; and Russian engineers push their surve3^s almost to the gates of Herat. The contact of the Indian and Russian frontier, which used to be a dream, a bugbear, has now been brought within ' measurable distance ' both of time and space. Again, the trade of India with Central Asia, which was developing most favourably, has been nipped in the bud, and our prestige as a great military power has sustained a very serious blow throughout all Western Asia. 284 MEMOIli OF Silt IIKXIJV KAWLLNSOX CHAPTER X^^I APPROVAL OF SIR HENRY'S VIEWS BY THE INDIA COUNCIL — OPPOSITION TO THEM IN OTHER QUARTERS — PROGRESS OF EVENTS IN CENTRAL ASIA — RUSSIAN ABSORPTION OF MERV RISE OF THE AFFGHAN FRONTIER QUESTION — DANGER OF A RUSSIAN WAR PENDJEH INCIDENT ANGLO-RUSSIAN FRONTIER COMMISSION — SIR HENRY'S PART IN THE DELIMITATION It is scarcely possible to doubt that the election of Sir Henry Rawlinson at this particular conjuncture by his brother members of the India Council to the Chair- manship of their ' Political Committee ' was intended to mark approval of the line of jDolicy in Indian matters which he had for so many years consistently advocated, and which he had recently had so large a share in getting carried out. In other quarters there was the strongest opposition to these views. Sir M. Grant Dufl denounced them as in the highest degree dangerous, mistaken, unpatriotic, and false. Other writers and speakers, both in Parliament and in the press, swelled the chorus of disapproval, and for a considerable space Sir Henry had a fair claim to the title of ' the best- abused man of his time.' Intense conviction of the correctness and importance of his views made the bear- ing of this burden comparatively easy. But it was no doubt a satisfaction and a support to him to feel that he carried with him the sympathy and approval of the bulk of his colleagues, men peculiarly well fitted by their antecedents for forming valuable judgments on the matter in dispute. The brief Memoir so often men- PROGRESS OF EVENTS IN CENTRAL ASIA 285 tioned which he dictated to an amanuensis contains freij^uent reference to his election and maintenance in this chairmanship year after year, which was evidently extremely gratifying to him. Meanwhile, the progress of events in Central Asia was tending to justify the advice which he had given, and to prove his sagacity and foresight. The echoes of British feet retiring from Western and Southern AfFghan- istan had scarcely died away in the south when in the north the tramp of advancing Eussian hosts made itself heard, and Merv lost its independence, and was absorbed into the Eussian state. Herat was approached within striking distance, and the whole of AfFghan Turkestan seriously threatened. So manifest became the danger, so pressing the peril, that even the party of ' masterly inactivity ' grew alarmed, and roused itself to take steps of an active character. Diplomacy experienced a flutter of alarm. Telegraphic communications passed incessantly^ between London, Calcutta, and St. Peters- burg ; and at last, in 1884, the relations between the Court of St. James and the Czar had become so strained that hostilities seemed on the point of breaking out. It was felt on both sides that, unless an agreement could be come to between the two great rival Powers with respect to the true Affghan frontier, a collision might at any time occur in the Central Asian region which would almost of necessity light up the flames of war throughout the East. As neither of the Powers wished for imme- diate war, or was prepared for it, frantic efforts were made to avert the threatened catastrophe. Proposals for an ' Angio-Affghan-Eussian Commission ' to settle the boundary passed between M. de Giers and the British authorities — Lord Kimberley, the Marquis of Eipon, and Sir Edward Thornton — and these proposals were 286 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSOX liTadually broiiijlit into a shape that seemed acceptable to both sides. The Affghan element was eliminated from the Commission, which, instead of being ' Anglo-Affghan- Russian,' became simply ' Anglo-Russian ' ; tM^o Com- missioners were even appomted, one by either party. Sir Peter Lumsden and General Zelenoi, and the time and place for their first meeting were settled. All seemed to promise well for a pacific arrangement, when suddenly the entire business fell through. A change came o'er the spirit of the Russian dream. M. Lessar, a Russian agent, made a perambulation of the border provinces with the result that entirely new pretensions were put forward on the part of Russia, and the good understanding, which had hitherto seemed to prevail, was broken up. With no apology, and on the flimsiest possible excuse, Russia withdrew her Commissioner and sent him to rusticate at Tiflis ; military movements — the occupation by Russian detachments of new posts — recommenced, and threw the whole border country into a state of confusion and alarm ; the Amir grew nervous, and put his own army in motion to protect his territories ; the condition of things became even more perilous than it had been before the Commission was appointed. At length the explosion came. On March 30, 1885, what is known as ' the Pendjeh incident ' occurred, at a jDlace of that name about 120 miles north of Herat, and the Affghan boundary question may be said to have entered upon a new phase. The ' Pendjeh incident ' was an encounter, in the neighbourhood of that place, between a body of Russian and a body of Affghan troops, without any previous de- claration of war on either side. The outposts of the two nations had for some time been gradually approach- ing one another, and it had been perceived that a colli- THE 'PENUJEH INCIDENT' 287 siou was not improbable ; but both sides had been warned not to attack the other, and it was hoped that by these means hostiUties might be averted. Such a hope under such circumstances was naturally doomed to disappointment. The collision occurred, and the Eussian detachment swept the unfortunate Affghaiis from the field, the loss of the latter being variously estimated at from 700 to 900 killed and 300 wounded.^ This untoward event brought matters to a crisis. England had an evident casus belli against Eussia, and could scarcely refrain from taking up arms in defence of the Amir, her ally, unless immediate steps were taken to render a repetition of such a catastrophe impossible ^ The ' Battle of the Miirghab ' was thus described in the Times of April 10, 1885 : ' The Eiissian troops were drawn Tip almost within range of the Affghan position, and in a manner calculated to provoke an engage- ment. The proximity of the Russian and Affghan forces, therefore, pro- duced exactly the consequences that might have been anticipated, and probably those which were intended. The small force which Colonel Alikhanoff, the Commandant of Merv, had pushed forward from that place to Crush Tojain, had been reinforced from Askabad within the last three weeks, and General Komaroff assumed the command in person. The best available information shows that the Russian force on the Murghab did not fall short of 4,000 men and eight guns, while the Affghans had at Ak Tepeh 400 men, and between that place [and . . . .] about a thousand more. The Russian authorities are, of course, anxious to make the most of their success, biit there is every reason to believe that they had a preponderance of force, as well as the superiority in weapons and artillery. The wet weather which has prevailed throughout Khorasan during the last ten days . . . rendered the Affghan muzzle- loaders ineffective, while the Russian breech-loaders retained their efficiency. But, at the largest estimate, the Affghan foi'ce could not have exceeded 1,500 men, and the Russians had at least twice as many troops, including their Turcoman auxiliaries in the neighbourhood of Pul-i- Khisti. The Affghans fought with remarkable gallantry, and the state- ment that two companies defended one position, probably Ak Tepeh itself, until every man was killed, rests on official information. Whatever the Russian loss may have been, the fact is imdoubted that the Affghans suffered heavily, and that those who escaped from the fray retired to Meroochak. General Lumsden speaks of 200 Afghans having fallen; but the Russian official account places their loss at 500.' 288 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON by hastening the cleHmitation of the frontier, and thus leaving no debatable territory on which collisions could happen. Accordingly, England pressed for a resump- tion of negotiations, a re-constitution of the Anglo- Eussian Commission, and an immediate proceeding to the work now proved to be so necessary. Eussia yielded. On May 8 the Commissioners, Sir J. West Eidgeway and Colonel Eliulberg, proceeded to actual delimitation, and, both parties being seriously bent on an amicable settlement, no great difficulty was found in the la5'ing down of a line fairly satisfactory to both sides, the basis of the arrangement made being a report drawn up by Sir H. Eawlinson on the subject for her Majesty's Government in 1873, which was adopted into the Granville-Gortshakoff Convention of that year. Sir Henry's profound knowledge of the comparative geo- graphy of the countries in question was thus found practically of the greatest service in determining a matter at once of extreme intricacy and of extreme delicacy, and of determining it in a manner which has stood the test of time. It is now (1897) twelve years since the delimitation was made ; and during that con- siderable space there has been no fresh ' Pendjeh inci- dent ' — no dispute, in fact, of any kind with respect to the boundary laid down. The Czar and the Amir have been peaceable neighbours ; and if no very warm friend- ship— no ' union of hearts ' — can be said to have existed between them, yet at any rate they have been quiescent, they have not flown at each other's throats. The tran- quillity of the East has been maintained for an unusually long period of time, and although it would probably be taking an over sanguine view to imagine that Eussia has once and for ever laid aside her ambitious schemes of self-aggrandisement, or that Central Asia is entering AFFGHAN BOUNDARY COMMISSION 289 upon a time of assured peace and tranquillity, yet it is something to have had such a respite as we have actually enjoyed ; and diplomacy may be cono-ratulated on having achieved, by means of the Affghan Boundary Commission, an important success. No doubt other causes have combined to produce the lull which has been experienced. The attention of Eussia has been diverted to other objects, and her energies have found employment both nearer home and further afield ; the Amir has proved himself both a wise and a strong ruler ; India has had a succession of able but unenterprising Viceroys. There looms, however, in the near future an event which will severely test the stability of the pre- sent condition of things. The health of the Amir is not what might be desired, and it is generally thought by Anglo-Indians that his death cannot be very long delayed. This event, whenever it arrives, will almost certainly precipitate a catastrophe. There is every prospect of a disputed succession, of long and acute troubles throughout the Afighan territories, with a serious danger of other neighbouring nations being drawn into the strife. It may be hoped that under these circumstances England will be found still to possess among her Anglo-Indian statesmen counsellors as wise and well-informed as guided her through the crisis of 1878-85, and will issue from the peril which awaits her as strong and as capable of holding her own as she showed herself at the close of the second period of Affghan troubles. u 290 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON CHAPTER XYIII LOSING YEARS OF LIFE (1885-1895) — EDINBURGH DEGREE — CON- TINUED WORK AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM AND THE INDIA COUNCIL — FAILURE OF HEALTH, COMMENCING ABOUT 1884 — DOMESTIC AFFAIRS — DEATH OF WIFE (l889) — SONS ENTER THE ARMY AND SERVE IN INDIA — MARRIAGE OF SONS — LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH. In the year 1885 Sir Henry attained the ripe age of seventy-five. His life could not but be drawing towards a close, yet his vigour was still scarcely a whit abated. In April 1884 he attended a great meeting of European savants at Edinburgh, and had the honour of receiving the Degree of Doctor of Laws (LL.D.) at the hands of the University. He discharged his duties with exemplary regularity as a member of the India Council, and still gave to literary work at the British Museum a considerable portion of his time. Lord Beaconsfield, then ]\ir. D'Israeli, had conferred on him the position of Trustee of the Museum in 1878, and from this date he made a point of attending regularly at aU the meetings held by the Trustees. This uninter- rupted activity at so advanced a time of life told, un- fortunatel}", upon his health, and from about the year 1884 complaints of serious indisposition begin to be frequent in his diaries, and give warning of the near approach of the ' commencement de la fin.' Two visits were paid to Bath in the course of that year with the view of obtaining benefit from the mineral waters, but CLOSING YEARS OF LIFE 091 no important result followed. Sir Henry became so far a chronic invalid that he felt it incumbent on him to engage a permanent medical attendant, who should look in upon him twice a week. He was, I believe, a very rebellious patient ; but, nevertheless, he contrived to maintain such a state of health as enabled him to discharge effectually the duties of his various offices until the spring of 1895. Probably no one who first met him during the decade 1885-95 would have guessed his age. He moved with firmness and vigour ; his eyes were bright with intelligence ; he held himself erect as he stood or walked ; his hair alone, which was almost wholly white, proclaimed him an old man. In other respects the septuagenarian of 1885, and even the octogenarian of 1895, was not greatly changed from the sexagenarian of 1870-80. Sir Henry had married, in 1862, Louisa (the youngest daughter of Mr. Seymour of Knoyle, Wiltshire), whose brothers, Henry Danby and Alfred, were respec- tively members for Poole and for Totnes. The marriage was in every way a happy one. Two sons were the fruit of the union — Henry Seymour, commonly known as ' Harry,' or Sennacherib, born in 1864, and Alfred, born in 1867, called in his family and by his intimates ' Toby.' Lady Eawlinson died in 1889, after twenty-seven years of a most harmonious wedded life, at the age of fifty-six. To say that her loss was severely felt by her attached and afflicted husband, is to give but weak expression to the realities of the case, over which it will be probably best to draw a veil. ' The heart knoweth its own bitterness.' None but the sufferer himself can fully know, much less adequately describe, the suffering which is caused by the rupture of the marriage tie when the marriage has been what marriage was in- V 2 292 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON tended to be. From the time of his wife's death Sir Henry lost much of that prevailing cheerfulness, and even sparkle, which had previously been characteristic of him, and had rendered him so delif>'htful an associate. He became comparatively grave and serious in his demeanour, rarely indulged in laughter, and not much in light conversation. His friends missed that happy mixture of jocose with serious remark which had in former days constituted one of his special attractions. He was not, however, even in these dark days, thrown back wholly upon himself, the superintendence and advancement of his sons giving him a continual interest in life of the warmest character. Both boys had selected the army for their profession, and after passing through the ordinary curriculum of Eton, had been entrusted to the special teachers who prepare young men for the Army Examinations. These were in due time successfully passed, and while the elder son obtained a commission in the 60tli Eifles, the younger joined the 17th Lancers. Both lads served in India for some years ; and the elder, having become aide-de-camp to Lord Eoberts, accompanied him on tours of inspection which he made in the years 1886-7 and 1889. Most interesting narratives, illustrated by sketches, were sent home from Burma and on some other occasions, which furnished an agreeable enter- tainment to the home circle, and especially to the veteran, who found the sporting achievements of his own youth vividly recalled to him, sometimes repeated, sometimes perhaps outdone. His own athletic vigour and sporting tastes had descended to both sons, for, while the elder was an adventurous hunter of the pig, the younger was by general consent allowed to be the best polo player in India ! CLOSING YEARS OF LIFE 293 During his closing years Sir Henry had the good fortune not to be, as is the case with the majority of aged fathers, parted from his sons. Both returned from India after a comparatively brief period of service, and remained in England till after his decease. Further, both of them married to his satisfaction, and thus introduced into his home circle new members who cheered and enlivened it. After a time an arrangement was made, by which the elder son and his wife became permanent inmates of the mansion, No. 21 Charles Street, which was Sir Henry's home during the last twenty-six years of his life. Unfortunately there was no issue of this marriage, so that no patter of children's feet, or murmur of children's tongues, followed to make the house musical for him and his friends. He was not to die, however, without beholding ' his seed to the third generation.' Two children were born to the wife of the second son within three years of her marriage, both un- fortunately girls, a boy being greatly desired ; since among the latest of the honours conferred upon Sir Henry by the Crown was the dignity of a baronetcy, which her Majesty was pleased to grant him in the year 1891, and which, of course, could only descend to male heirs. The winter of 1895 was exceptionally cold and trying. London was full of injQuenza. My own medical attendant had advised me by all means, if I could pos- sibly manage it, to quit England, and to seek a more genial climate on the Eiviera or in North Italy. I had followed his counsel and had reached my favourite winter residence of Bordighera, when, early in March, I received an alarming letter from my nephew, Harry Eawlinson, saying that his father had been struck down by the prevailing epidemic, and that the doctors thought his case very serious indeed. I hesitated 294 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON whether to return to England or to await further ac- counts of the progress of the attack, when, on March 4, a second letter reached me, containing better news, speaking of the worst of the attack being over, and of recovery being probable. This decided me to remain where I was, which I accordingly did ; but a day later, on March 5, at 3 p.m., a telegram was put into my hands, by which I learnt that the hope of recovery held out had been delusive, that the patient had not had strength to rally from the depressing effects of the disease, but had sunk exhausted at six o'clock that morning, and had quietly passed away. Sir Henry died at the advanced age of eighty-four. He would have been eighty-five in little more than a month, since he was born on April 11. If it cannot be said that he died in the full vigour of all his faculties, since he was slightly deaf, and his conversation was less brilliant than it once had been, yet at any rate he escaped any serious decay of either mind or body, and was to the last a man of keen intellect, to whom many looked for guidance and direction. He had an almost morbid fear of continuing to hold responsible offices after he had ceased to be fit for them, and re- peatedly offered his resignation of the posts which he occupied ; but the wishes of his colleagues held him back, and hence he remained ' in harness ' actually to the day of his demise. 295 CHAPTEE XIX {Contributed by the inesent Sir Henry Rawlinbon) PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS AND OCCUPATIONS LATE IN LIFE — HIS LOVE OF SPORT — HIS EXCELLENCE AS A RACONTEUR — HIS PRIDE IN HIS LIBRARY — CUNEIFORM NOTE-BOOKS — NOBLE AND STRAIGHTFORWARD CHARACTER For so eminent a scholar it is a curious fact that up to the age of nearly eighty Sir Henry Eawlinson was a man of active habits. His public duties as President of the Eoyal Greographical Society, Member of the India Council, and Trustee of the British Museum, did not allow him much leisure time ; but he used to ride in Hyde Park when in London, and when in the country was particularly fond of shooting and fishing. Up to the age of seventy he was a familiar figure in Eotten Eow, and during his annual summer holiday in August, Sept- ember, and October, he invariably selected a country seat within reach of London where he could obtain either shooting or fishing or both. From 1865 to 1890 he occupied no less than nine different residences in the counties of Surrey, Berkshire, Hertfordshire, and Buck- inghamshire, where he could enjoy the late summer and early autumn in the pursuit of field sports, accom- panied by his sons and nephews. As years rolled on, his great age, coupled with the loss of his beloved wife, forced him to relinquish his accustomed visit to the country, and after 1890 he spent his holiday either 296 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON in visits to his friends, or in a small house which lie occupied on three occasions at Bath, The sporting instincts of his father and uncle ' remained as a most striking feature in the character of Sir Henry up to the end of liis long life He never ceased to be proud of his father's victory with 'Coronation' at the Derby of 1841, and a picture of the old horse always hung in a conspicuous position in his library, in sharp contrast with the Assyrian marbles on the one side and the rare books of the East in a book-case on the other. The ' Sporting Intelligence ' in the ' Times ' was always studied by him after he had gone through the political articles and telegrams ; and there were few important events in the cricket, shooting, racing, or hunting worlds with which he was not well acquainted. He was an excellent shot, even up to tlie age of seventj^-five, when he killed his last partridge. He enjoyed nothing more, even when he was no longer al^le to tramp through the turnips, than to be driven to a spot behind a hedge where the younger members of his family would drive the partridges over him. To * wipe the eye ' of one young enough to be his grand- child was by no means a rare occurrence, and was one which gave him especial pleasure. When residing at Taplow, in the year 1874, he was specially fond of going down to the river under the beautiful woods of Taplow Court or Cliveden, and, after a long, hot, and busy day in London, standing under the trees lishino- in the cool waters of the river. Later on, when living at Munden (the residence of the Hon. A. Hibbert), near Watford, he would spend most of his leisure time at the excellent trout stream which flows tliroui>li the orrounds, and he ' Henry Linclow Lindow, of Lower Slaughter, Gloucestershire, in his youth a friend and companion of the Prince Regent, and a noted sportsman. LIGHTER TRAITS OF CHARACTER 297 seldom came home with an empty creel. These tastes in a man of letters are rare, but it was to a great extent by their means that a naturally strong constitution, tried by hard literary work, and a sojourn of thirty years in the East, was enabled to exceed the ' threescore years and ten ' allotted by the Psalmist to the span of human life. To work the physical as well as the mental capacity is more essential to the health of the individual than the advice of innumerable physicians. As a guest at dinner, or in a country house, or as a host in his own residence, Sir Henry excelled — his easy, cheerful, good-natured manner won for him universal popularity amongst his social as well as his scientific friends. A great experience of the customs both of Eastern and Western society, had given him such a fund of anecdote as is seldom met with in a man who has special gifts as a raconteur. He made his dehut in English society at a time when the sayings of ' Beau Brummell ' and ' Theodore Hook ' were fresh in the minds of the elite of London. One of his favourite stories was that which pictures the ' Beau,' when walking in Piccadilly, inadA^ertently stepping into a pool of mud collected in the gutter. ' What did you do ? ' said a friend to Brummell on hearing of it. ' What did I do ? ' replied the Beau, ' why, I stood still and screamed for assistance.' Another favourite story was with reference to Lord Kenyon, who, when at the house of a friend, inquired one day at luncheon whether that was ' hung beef ' on the side-board. The friend replied, ' No, my lord, but I daresay it will be if your lordship will try it ! ' Lord Kenyon was celebrated for the severity of his punishments. Yet another anecdote of a counsel, who was pleading his case before a judge, was a very favourite one. The 298 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAAVLINSON counsel had occasion to use the word ' brougham,' in reference to the vehicle, which he pronounced ' bro- hum.' He was at once hauled over the coals by his lordship, and told that if he would pronounce the word correctly, ' broom,' he would save a syllable, his mean- ing would be equally clear, and he would not waste the valuable time of the court. Later on in the case, his lordship, in summing up, made use of the word ' omni- bus.' Counsel was on his legs at once ; he said, ' My lord, if your lordship had used the word "bus," your lordship's meaning would have been equally clear, and two syllables would have been saved.' History relates that the case was given against this counsel, and that his client was not best pleased with him for rashly indulging in so appropriate a repartee. From 1872 until 1889, 21 Charles Street, which Sir Henry had purchased from Lady Molesworth, main- tained its reputation as a centre for social entertain- ment — dinner parties and ' squashes ' were weekly occurrences ; and at the time when Sir Henry, as President of the Eoyal Geographical Society, was more or less responsible for returning the hospitalities received by the members of that Society, the spacious apartments of his private residence were fully tried. These were, however, insufficient for all the caUs made upon them. In the summer of 1873, Sir Henry arranged for a large reception of the whole of the members of the Eoyal Geographical Society and their friends at Willis's Eooms, which in those days stood at the corner of King Street and St. James's Square. This was at the time when the entire geographical world were burning for news of Dr. Livingstone, who for a period of many months had been lost to the outer world, and buried in Central Africa. Many had given SIR HENRY AS A RACONTEUR 299 up all hope of again liearing of liim. It was as Sir Henry left liis house in Charles Street to proceed to this reception that a telegram was placed in his hand from Zanzibar, saying that Livingstone had been found safe and well. However, when he announced this fact to the assembly at Willis's Eooms it was naturally said that the information had been held back in order to give additional eclat to the party. This was not the case. It was one of those curious accidents which, on account of their extreme unlikelihood, it is difficult for the general public to believe. Nothing is so astonishing as the unexpected. Before passing on to other subjects, there are two more stories which were such favourites with Sir Henry that they should not be left untold. The first is one related of Douglas Jerrold and Thackeray, who were walking together in Hyde Park one day, when Thackeray (a man peculiarly plain, with a short button nose) remarked that he had lately been thinking of turning Jew. ' Better let your nose turn first,' suggested Jerrold, Upon which Thackeray, piqued at this refer- ence to his personal appearance, replied, ' Hang it, man ! when you refer to my personal appearance, perhaps you will remember that my mother was renowned for her beauty and called the " Queen of the Ganges." ' But Douglas Jerrold was not to be beaten, for it must be admitted that he scored another point when he replied, ' Well, in that case it must have been before its junction with the (H)oogley.' The other story relates how Sir James Hogg, when staying in Eome many years ago, was walking in the ' Corso ' with a friend named ' Eam,' at that time well known in London society. As the two proceeded, they were accosted by the German Ambassador in Rome, who presented Eam with an 800 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON invitation to a ball at the Embassy. Earn, who had neither asked for, nor at all wanted the invitation, at once responded, ' There must be some mistake ; my name is Eam.' To which the Baron replied apologetically, 'Ah ! forgive me, I make erreur, it vas die oder animal.' He meant ' Hogg.' On their way home Ram, while discussing the incident with Hogg, referred to the curious mistake of the Ambassador, which, he said, in his opinion should not have occurred, ' For my father was very well known both in English and European societ}', so much so in fact, that Ra7nsgSLte was called after him.' Hogg, who accepted this assertion with a grain of salt, replied, ' Oh ! then I imagine J/a?'gate was equally called after your mother.' History relates that the two parted on less amicable terms than had been the case previously. But to proceed now to a subject which, in the later years of life, was one of Sir Henry's chief com- forts and amusements. During his extensive travels, and especially during his studies of almost all ancient Oriental and classical literature, he had collected together a library of some 2,000 to 3,000 volumes. When, on account of failing health, he was unable to mix as much as he would have wished with what was really a later generation of scientists and scholars, he derived injSnite pleasure from studying, even up to the very last, his histories of bygone ages, and the cuneiform note-books, in which he had recorded many of the results of his labours. The British Museum always furnished him with copies of the inscriptions which were year by year unearthed on the various tablets and cylinders sent home to them from Meso- potamia; and in the translation of these he passed many an enjoyable afternoon. New matter was being SIR HENRY AMID HIS NOTE-BOOKS 301 continually brought to light. Amongst other facts was the discovery on an Assyrian tablet of an account of the Noachian deluge, which agreed in most of its more important details with that given to us in the Bible. Many other points, more especially connected with the comparative geography of Mesopotamia and Persia, constantly came before him ; for there was no scholar more qualified to sift, both etymologically and geographically, the evidence available on these heads than himself. And his opinion was much valued by the authorities at the British Museum. He never travelled, or went to stay anywhere even for a few days, without taking with him his ' cuneiform note- books,' for in studying these he could enjoy a quiet hour's reflection, with more comfort to himself than with even the most interesting novel. Up to the very end he was never without these records of his past dis- coveries close at hand. Constant and painful attacks of gout prevented him in later years from devoting as much time as he could have wished to serious study, so that, as his leisure hours grew longer, he took greatly to the ordinary literature of the drawing- room. He devoured novels as quickly as they came out ; and it was the duty of his nieces, one or two of whom usually lived with him, to produce a continual supply of fresh books for him. Sir Henry's health after 1890 was not good. He suffered much from depression, due no doubt in the first instance to the loss of his beloved wife, but exaggerated further by constant attacks of gout and neurosis, from which he suffered agonies. Having early in life twice broken his collar bone whilst pig-sticking, some particle of bone or tissue had been misplaced. This foreign substance had settled on the under part of the left arm, just 302 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON above the funny bone, and in close proximity to the uLia nerve, one of the most tender spots in the human body. When this locality was attacked by inflamma- tion, consequent on either gout or too good living, the pain became so intense, that the patient for a few moments would shout with agony. Mercifully these attacks endured for only a few minutes, and seldom occurred more than once in twenty-four hours. They were not without their use, however, for they acted as the most reliable indicator of the general health of the patient, giving warning early of any approach- ing disorder in other parts of the body ; and it was not, perhaps, altogether unattributable to this most unpleasant weakness that, during the latter part of his long life, he generally enjoyed the perfect use of all his faculties. There have been few instances, either among public characters or private individuals, where the personal character and high principle of the man has come out more strongly than was the case with the late Sir Henry Eawlinson. In all his actions, official and private, the main guiding factor which actuated him was justice. Nothing irritated or sad- dened him more than the discovery of underhand dealings on the part of his subordinates ; he judged one and all by his own high standard of moral and actual right. The feelings of an English gentleman were as strongly marked in the boy of seventeen that sailed for India in 1827 as they were in the Eesident at Baghdad, or in the Member of the India Council. It was strongly against his idea of honour that a public servant of her Majesty should in any way be mixed up in a commercial enterprise which could in any possible way be influenced by his official position. GUIDING PRINCIPLES OF ACTION 303 It was for this reason that he constantly and stead- fastly refused to become a director of any of the companies which were formed for the development of Egypt, Persia, or India. Though by no means a rich man, he would not accept any accession to his income which could be said to be derived from his having ' lent his name ' to a syndicate ; and it was certainly not for want of asking that his name was conspicuous by its absence at the head of company prospectuses. He was continually inundated with ap- plications of this kind. In recent years these views seem to be looked upon as ' antiquated and old-fashioned,' but it will be generally admitted that the standard of our national character has not been enhanced by the way many names of note have been allowed to appear on prospectuses for the purpose of attracting investors. We have been drifting lately nearer, perhaps too near, to the system of financial morality prevalent on the other side of the Atlantic. Let us hope that our drift- ing, hardly noticed, perhaps, amongst the excitements of South African booms, may ere long be turned into the straight and upright channel, whilst we never cease repeating the words of Mr. E. Kipling, ' Lest we forget ! Lest we forget ! ' Sir Henry may be said to have been a man of the highest principle. Not committed to the daily per- formances of those religious acts and practices which to many are the essentials of an upright life, he held the broad view of doing good because it was good, because it was for the benefit of human creatures generally, and at the same time for the glorification of the Creator. Having studied profoundly the many religions of Asia and Europe, ancient and modern, his views were the reverse of dogmatic ; but they were 304 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON none the less truly founded on the great moral bases which now support, and which will perpetuate for ever, the cause of Christianity. The methods and practices of the followers of Mohammed had specially come under his notice in Baghdad and other parts of the East. These were viewed by him as instances of the blind obedience of an uneducated people to the written doctrine of their forefathers expressed in the Koran. And further, he has expressed his ad- miration for the moral code which is laid down in the bible of the Mohammedan world — a code which, though inferior to both Christianity and Buddhism, is far in advance of that of the Hindoo of India or the savage of Central Africa. After he had passed his eightieth birthday, which he did April 11, 1S90, he could not but feel that finality of life in this world, to which mortal man must necessarily come, was within measurable distance. With the wisdom of a man of business, he 'put his house in order,' in conjunction with his two sons, so that when the end came all had been foreseen and arranged for. Yet, at the evening of his long life, the transition to another state had no terror for a man of his temperament and exemplary character. The one thing for which he constantly expressed regret was that he had outlived all his contemporaries and the intimate friends of his younger days. As these were one by one taken, he felt their loss severely ; until at last he found himself, to use his own ex- pression, ' amidst the next generation, to which he did not rightly belong.' And during these last j^ears, after a long and tiring day, when sitting in his library with his sons, as the twilight gradually faded, it was his wont to repeat his favourite poem by Longfellow, FAVOUIUTE IIYMX 306 a poem so true, so simple, and so appropriate to his own noble self, that in quoting it this chapter will be brought to a suitable conclusion. THE DAY IS DONE. The clay is done, and the darkness Falls from die winrOTIJ OF SIR HEXRY RAWLINSON of the entire subject of cuiieifonn writing and cuneiform decipherment. All that he knew was, that somewhere in the East there were inscriptions and other documents in a strange character, commonly called ' the arrow- headed,' that had up to that time baffled inquirers, and was generally spoken of as a hopelessly insoluble problem, somewhat resembling that of ' squaring the circle ' in mathematics, or the discovery of the North Pole in practical geography. The fact that inquiry upon the subject had not altogether ceased, that there were still among continental scholars a number of persons engaged in the investigation and bent on pursuing it, was wholly unknown to him ; and it does not appear that either before he left England, or upon the voyage to Bombay, or in the earlier years of his Indian residence, anything occurred, as it so easily might, to bring the subject under his serious considera- tion, or in any way to turn his attention towards it. It was not until his first period of Indian residence had been brought to a close, arid the circumstances of his military career had transferred him to the country where the arrow-headed character was once in general use, and where rock inscriptions in the character still existed in some abundance, that the curiosity of the young subaltern on the matter came to be aroused, and his time and thought to be given to it. Then, however, within a very short space, it caught hold of his atten- tion, and soon aroused in him the highest and warmest interest. He was enough of a scholar, and with sufficiently scholarly tastes, to be attracted to any study that possessed anything of a literary character ; and, no doubt, the obscurity and mystery which attached to this particular branch of Oriental literature enhanced its attractions. In the year 1835, the one following SIR HENRY AS CUNEIFORM DISCOVERER .'509 his arrival in Persia, Lieutenant Eawlinson, on first visiting Hamadan and seeing the cuneiform inscriptions there, made a careful and elaborate copy of them,^ and almost immediately set himself to work, with the industry and perseverance that characterised him, to analyse their contents, and speculate upon their inter- pretation. He found the two inscriptions to coincide throughout, except in three groups, and even in these three groups there was a certain amount of identity — the group which occupied the second place in one of the inscriptions corresponding with the group which occupied the first place in the other inscription, thus serving determinately to connect the two inscriptions together, and suggesting the idea that if, as seemed most probable, the three variant groups represented the names of three kings, they revealed a genealogical succession. Applying to them the names of three successive Persian kings, it was found that the only ones which fitted were those of Hystaspes, Darius, and Xerxes, which were assumed tentatively to be correct, and which furnished probable identifications of the phonetic value of twelve characters. Materials fur- nished by the earlier paragraphs of the great inscrip- tion of Behistun soon afterwards suggested values for six additional characters, and in this way, by the close of 1836, Lieutenant Eawlinson had constructed for himself an Old Persian cuneiform alphabet of eighteen characters, whose values he considered to be ascertained. Up to this time he had no knowledge at all of the antecedent or contemporary labours of continental scholars, but had worked out his conclusions entirely from his own observation and reasoning ; but in the ^ See above, p. 56. The inscriptions copied and analysed were those of the first or Persian columns. 810 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON autumn of 183G lie o])tained access to two works, which made him acquainted with the conchisions come to on the subject by some of the more advanced of the European investigators. These works were the 'Ideen' of Heeren in the German edition of 1815, which con- tained a paper by Professor Grotofend on his own cuneiform discoveries, and the other Klaproth's ' Aper9U de I'Origine des Diverses Ecritures,' in which there was a copy of the cuneiform alphabet of St. Martin. But it appears that he obtained little advan- tage from these fresh sources of information. ' Far from deriving any assistance,' he says himself, ' from either of these sources, I could not doubt that my own knowledge of the character, verified by its application to many names which had not come under the observa- tion of Grotofend and St. Martin, was much in advance of their respective, and in some measure conflicting, systems of interpretation.' ^ Grotofend's alphabet of thirty letters was correct, according to his views and ac- cording to those which have ultimately prevailed, in eight cases only, wrong in twenty-two, while St. Martin's of twenty-seven was right in ten, wrong in seventeen.- The perusal of these works encouraged the young investigator to make his first communication on the subject of his own labours in connection with cuneiform discovery to the learned societies of Europe. In the year 1838, he forwarded directly to the Eoyal Asiatic Society of London, and, indirectly, to the Asiatic Society of Paris, copies of a translation of the first two paragraphs of the ' Behistun Inscription,' ^ which re- ' See the ' Memoir on Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions in General, and on that of Behistmi in Particular,' published in the Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, vol. x. p. 7 ; henceforth quoted as ' First Cuneiform ]\Iemoir.' - Ibi(7. vol. x. p. 6, note 8. ^ Sir Henry observes, writing in 1845, that ' these paragraphs would EARLY UNASSISTED STUDIES 311 corded the titles and genealogy of Darius the son of Hystaspes. Flattering acknowledgments of his com- munications were received from both quarters. Mr. Briggs, the Secretary of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, wrote as follows : — London, 6th of April, 1838. Dear Sir, — ^Your letter of the 1st of January from Teheran to the Secretary of the Eo3'al Asiatic Society was received here on the 14th of March, and on being submitted to the Council was perused with great interest. I am directed to state that the Society is extremely happy to learn from you that there is a prospect of obtaining the contents of the cuneiform tablets known to be so extensively spread throughout both Iraks, and it will thankfully receive and publish anything new which you ma}^ have the goodness to send on the subject. Having communicated the substance of the Society's instructions, 1 shall proceed to make a few observations myself on the very interesting and important under- taking in which you are engaged, and venture to throw out some hints which may perhaps be useful to one situated as you are, and removed from the information which European libraries and scholars might afford you if on the spot. On the receipt of your letter I addressed one to Dr. Juhus Mohl, of Paris, a very learned Orientalist, and who was intimately acquainted Avith Dr. Schultz, the Persian traveller, and the late M. St. Martin. I begged of Dr. Mohl to communicate with our common friend, M. Eugene Burnouf, on the subject of 3^our letter, and requested to be furnished with any information or work that might assist you in your labours ; and I confidently hope to receive before the next despatch goes off on the Stli of May a full have been wholly inexplicable according to the sj'stems of interpretation adopted either by Grotofend or St. Martin ' ; and yet that ' the original French and German alphabets ' of these writers ' were the only extraneous soiu'ces of information which, up to that period, he had been enabled to consult ' (• First Ciuieiform Memoir,' p. 7). 312 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAAVLINSON communication from either one or botli of these gentle- men. M. E. Burnouf is one of the most profound Oriental scholars in Europe, and I believe the last who has occupied himself in translating the cuneiform char- acter. He has succeeded in making out (according to his own alphabet, and from his thorough acquaintance with the Sanscrit and the Zend languages) two inscrip- tions, one procured at Murgliab, near Ilamadan, and the other at Van, b}' the late Dr. Schultz, and has written an essay in 200 quarto pages on the subject, but which is too cumbersome to send by post. His alphabet differs from that of Professor Grotofend and M. St. Martin, and, as you have both these, I believe, I now send that of Burnouf, showing the differences between it and those of his predecessors in the same study. I hope, when you send anything to this Society, you will give us the copies of the inscriptions, the value of each letter, and the translation. In the ortho- graphy I would venture to suggest your adopting Sir William Jones' in preference to Gilchrist's or any other. Sir W. Jones' is universally adopted by all the learned of Europe, and is generally understood by all the nations of the West, which is an advantage that no other mode of writing possesses.^ I am, dear Sir, Yours very faithfull}^ John Briggs. To Major Eawlinson. The other acknowledgment was from an English member of the Asiatic Society of Paris, Mr. C. Boileau Elliot, who was authorised by that Society to make his communication. The letter ran as follows : — Paris, Rue du Colisoe 23, April 21, 1838. Dear Sir, — A few days ago I received from one of the members of the Eoyal Asiatic Society of London a copy of your most interesting copy of the com- ' Some advice follows on the best modes of taking copies of inscrip- tions, which would be regarded as somewhat antic^uated at the present day. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS FROM LEARNED SOCIETIES 313 inencement of the Cuneiform Inscription at Bisitoim (Behistun), wliicli I took the hberty of exliibiting at a meeting- of the Asiatic Society of I^aris held last night. This Society, deeply sensible of the benefit you have already conferred on Science by forwarding to Europe the first copy of a portion of the famous inscription in question, proposed your nomination as an Honorary Member, official information of which will doubtless reach you in due course. In the meantime they requested me to write, to beg the favour of you to make every possible exertion to secure and transmit to them (as an Englishman I must add, not before, but at the same time when you transmit the same to our own Asiatic Society) a copy of the remainder of the inscrip- tion with your translation of it ; by doing which you will confer an exceeding obligation on the Society in particular, and on the scientific world in general. It will give me great pleasure to be the medium of remitting your communication to the French Society, of which — as the form only is as yet imperfect — we are brother members. I am likely to remain in France for the next year or two, though not at my present resid- ence ; and as your communications with England are probably more direct and facile than with France, I shall be obliged by your directing to me at 47 Portland Place, London, whence I shall receive your packets through the Foreign Office. Feeling that a love of science establishes between men of letters a fellowship of sentiment on matters pertaining to literature, I make no apology for thus addressing you.^ I remain, dear Sir, Yours very faithfully, C. BoiLEAU Elliot. P.S. — I shall send a duplicate of this letter by way of England. Major Eawlinson, to the care of H. Britannic Majesty's Minister, Teheran, Persia. ' A few remarks of a private natui-e are here omitted. 314 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Further, the Eoyal Asiatic Society of London, or rather of Great Britain and Irehand, transmitted to Lieutenant Rawlinson on April 21, 1838, their diploma as Corresponding Member, and the Society Asiatique de Paris transmitted a similar document on July 13 of the same year. It was one of the results of these conmiunications between ni}^ brother and two such great and well- established learned societies that he shortly became known to the principal cuneiform investigators of all countries, was received by them as a brother, and in several instances presented with their works by their authors. Among others, M. Eugene Burnouf, probably through the representations of M. Mohl, was induced to take an interest in the young aspirant to literary honours, and, in the summer of 1838, kindly forwarded to him to Teheran one of his most valuable works, his ' Me- moire ' on the cuneiform inscriptions of Hamadan. Lieutenant Eawlinson responded by a letter on the differences that he found still to exist between his own alphabet and that of the French savants, which he transmitted through the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, Mr. Briggs. Soon afterwards he obtained through M. Mohl the most important of M. Burnouf s works — the admirable ' Commentaire sur le Ya^na,' to which he frequently expresses himself as immensely indebted. His decipherment indeed of the Persian cuneiform writ- ing was not thereby much advanced, but he obtained a clue to the interpretation which was invaluable, and which proved of the greatest service. Zend, an early form of Persian, though not perhaps so early as the form employed in the inscriptions, under the critical analysis of M. Burnouf, had its orthographical and gram- COIIRESPONDENCE A\'ITII OTHER SAVANTS 315 iiiatical structure clearly and scientifically explained ; and Lieutenant Eawlinson found himself by these means enabled to obtain a general knowledge of the gram- matical structure of the language of the inscriptions ' which could scarcely have been procurable in any other way. It was to his possession of the ' Commentaire sur le Ya^na ' that my brother mainly ascribed the success of his early translations, for, although Sanskrit and Modern Persian might each have furnished a clue to a certain extent, Zend approached nearer to Achsemenian Persian than either, and by means of it, after the work of decipherment was completed, the work of interpre- tation was rendered comparatively easy. Among other prominent Orientalists to whom Lieut. Eawlinson obtained epistolary introduction about this period were Sir Gore Ouseley and Professor Lassen. The former distinguished scholar had the kind thought of placing the Bonn professor, then at the zenith of his re- putation, in communication with the cuneiform neophyte, and authorised his writing directly to him. The latter took advantage of the authorisation and addressed a letter to Lieutenant Eawlinson from Bonn, together with a memorandum upon the Persian cuneiform alphabet, on August 19, 1838. Shortly afterwards Sir Gore Ouseley notified to my brother what he had done, and took the opportunity of complimenting him on his successful labours. The foUowino- were the letters which passed : ' ' First Cuneiform Memoir,' p. 9. 316 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY IJAWLINSON Letter of Sir Gore Ouseley to Lieut. Rairlinson. Royal Asiatic Society's House, Grafton Street, London, October 30, 1888. Dear Sir, — As a fellow-laljourer in Oriental dis- covery I trust you will excuse the liberty I have taken in placing you in communication with Professor Lassen, a young man of great talent and research, whose per- sonal acquaintance I had the good fortune to make at the University of Bonn, when I lately travelled on the Ehine. The E.A. Society, of which I am an unworthy vice- president, feel most truly grateful for your very valuable letter on the deciphering the cuneiform inscriptions, and hope to hear shortly from you on this most interest- ing .subject. Wishing you the most complete success, I beg to subscribe myself, Dear Sir, yours very faithfully, Gore Ouseley. To Major Eawlinson. Letter of Professor Lassen to Lieut. Rawlinson. Bonn, August 19th, 1838. Sir, — Sir Gore Ouseley will have the kindness to explain to you how it has happened that I, though a perfect stranger to you, have presumed to address the following memorandum to you. I have done so, not from any expectation that you would derive any great benefit from this brief sketch, being j'ourself so far ad- vanced in the study of the arrow-headed characters, but merely with the hope that it might be agreeable to you to learn the state of the question as it now stands on the continent of Europe. To a gentleman so per- fectly acquainted with the subject I have not thought it necessary to enter into long details, and preferred stating, as briefly as possible, the reasons which have led {sic) me in assigning to each character its value. 1 have embodied in the followina^ memorandum the LETTEKS FROM OUSELEY AND LA.SS1':N ;j]7 corrections introduced into my published alphabet, as well by others as b}" mj'self. Allow me, sir, to assure you that all learned in Europe take the deepest interest in the researches you are at present carrying on in Persia, and confidently hope that your zeal and sagacity will lead to the pre- servation and final elucidation of those very interesting and important monuments. Believe me, Sir, Your very obedient and humble servant. Christian Lassen. Lassen's first memorandum, in 1838, was followed by another in 1839, and that by a general interchange of ideas on the subject of the Persian cuneiform alphabet, which resulted in an almost exact agreement between the Bonn professor and the English subaltern ofiicer as to the phonetic value of the various characters, which were found to amount to between thirty and forty. Another work obtained about this time, but by what means 1 am unable to state, was Professor Lassen's memoir on the ' Altpersische Keilinschriften von Persepolis,' in which the principal Persian cuneiform inscriptions of that locality were subjected to analysis, and attempts made at translating them. These attempts were not very happy, but they probably furnished the English investigator with a certain number of hints whereof he took advantage. Altogether, it would appear that by the summer of 1839 Lieut. Eawlinson had obtained a full insight into the results of the cuneiform investigations up to that date conducted on the continent of Europe, and had found that the latest conclusions, so far as alphabetical identification was concerned, coincided almost exactly with his own. His unassisted studies, carried on in Persia durimi the years 1835-87, had led him to re- 318 MEMOIR OF SIR IlENRV RAWLINSON suits almost identical with those which had been reached by continental scholars during the same period,' espe- cially by M. Eugene Burnouf and Professor Christian Lassen. As, however, those gentlemen had publicly announced their discoveries so soon as made, whereas his had remained unpublished, he at no time pretended to contest with them the priority of alphabetical dis- covery.^ The mode in which Lieut. Eawlinson arrived at his alphabetic identifications has been already, to a certain extent, explained.' The foundation of his system was, no doubt, conjecture. As when an attempt is made to penetrate a cipher, the would-be discoverer necessarily begins with guesses, and works on by assuming them to be true, till the)' land him in inextricable difficulties, when he begins again, so my brother, beginning with the two assumptions — that the three peculiar groups in the Hamadan inscriptions were Eoyal Persian names, and that they designated tliree monarchs in direct genealogical succession — proceeded to test his conjec- tures by applying to the groups the names of consecu- tive Persian monarchs, as handed down by history. There were not many such combinations, since in several cases sons did not succeed their father, and in others the three consecutive kings did not bear three different names, but one of the three names was repeated. Thus, there remained three combinations only which could be tried. It happened that that of Hystaspes, ' My brother claimed to have obtained his knowledge of the phonetic value of tivo characters only from the continental scholars — viz. of that representing y from Professor Lassen, and of that representing k from M. Burnouf. In several cases, however, where he was in doubt, the judgment of his continental brethren determined him. (See the ' First Cuneiform Memoir,' p. 8, note, and p. 10, note.) - Ihid. p. 11. * See above, p. 309. MODE OF ALPIIA]JETIC IDENTIFICATION 319 Darius, Xerxes, which stood the first in chronological order, was the first submitted to examination by the would-be decipherer, and was found to answer all reason- able tests. The sibilant which was required for the third letter of the first name appeared also as the last letter of the second name, and though not as the last letter, yet as the last letter but one of the third. It also oc- curred as the second element in the third name (Xerxes), where a sibilant was needed to represent the second element of the Greek J. It is true that a different form held the fifth place in the first name, but many Oriental languages have more than one sibilant. Again, the third element in the second name, which required to be 1\ if the trio selected were the right one, occurred also in the third name in about the place where an r was wanted. One element, it must be allowed, created some difficulty, the third character in the third name being- identical with the fourth in the second name, whereas in Greek and Eoman transcriptions of the two kings' names Darius and Xerxes, besides the r and the s, there was no third element common to them. However, in course of time an explanation was found for this anomaly in the Persian orthography of their proper names, which difiered considerably from the Greek. Moreover, it was noticeable that there were no flagrant anomalies, as there might easily have been. The names were all of about the proper length. They were not only different, but began with different letters. At any rate they pre- sented no such difficulty as necessitated their beino- given up. When other names were tried, the case was very different. ' Darius, Xerxes, Artaxerxes ' suggested that the third name should be twice as long as the second, and should be in great part identical with it, or at any rate very similar. ' Xerxes, Artaxerxes, Darius ' 320 MEMOIR OF STIi TIEXlfV ItAWLINSON suggested the same difference of length between the first name and the second, and the same degree of similarity. Moreover, the identical letters occurred in entirely wrong places. These lists were thus of necessity dis- carded, and the first conjecture fallen back upon. It remained to transliterate tlie entire Behistun inscription, or as much of it as had been accurately copied, according to the twelve characters assumed to have been thus identified. When this had been done with the first paragraph of the inscription, a new set of names discovered themselves. That of Hystaspes recurred ; ^ and to that of Hystaspes was attached a string of others who were evidently his ancestors. Now, the ancestors of Hystaspes were well known, the com- plete list being given by the classical writers. Apptying to the letters of these names the phonetic value pre- viously obtained from the trio ' Hystaspes, Darius, Xerxes,' twenty-one out of the twenty-eight letters were found exactly to suit their place. The remainder were new forms, and furnished the alphabet with four new letters, m, ii, h, and a form which has ultimately been read as ch, though the Greeks rendered it by sigma. In a similar way other characters were determined either from proper names, or from very common Persian words, of the sound and meaning of which there could be little doubt. When in this way, and by interchange of argument among cuneiform scholars,^ the entire alphabet, with the ' In almost, but not exactly, the same form, the first vowel {y or i) being elided. * Among these Professor Westergaard, the Danish scholar, must be especially noticed. Major Eawlinson opened a correspondence with this eminent savant early in 1843, and received several letters from him in the course of that year, containing cuneiform inscriptions and suggesting interpretations. TRANSLATION OF THE PERSIAN INSCRIPTIONS 321 exception of some half dozen rarely occurrent characters, had been finally determined and fixed, transition was naturally made to the second branch of the study — ' the only really valuable part of it,' as Sir Henry himself observes ^ — the translation or interpretation of the docu- ments. And here Sir Henry claims a very different position with respect to his share in the work, and in the priority of discovery, from that which he was always content to occupy, so far as Old Persian alphabetic investigation and determination are concerned. The translations of Professor Grotofend and St. Martin in his opinion were altogether erroneous, and merited no atten- tion whatever. M. Burnouf s were somewhat superior, but they were exceedingly scanty, and, being based upon a faulty and defective alphabet, they were full of important errors. ' His incidental examination of the geographical errors contained in one of Niebuhr's Perse- politan inscriptions,' he says, ' constitutes by far the most interesting portion of his researches ; yet in a list which exliibits the titles of twenty-four of the most celebrated nations of ancient times he has correctly deciphered ten only of the number.' Professor Lassen's translations again, though they had the advantage over Burnouf s owing to his improved alphabet, still abounded with errors, not even the shortest inscription being correctly rendered, and the longer showing many places where both the etymology of the words and the grammatical structure of the language had been misunderstood. Sir Henry, having an immensely larger field of material at his 1 ' This branch of the study,' says Sir Henry, ' although depending upon, and necessarily following, the correct determination of the cha- racters, is of course the only really valuable part of the inquiry. It is, in fact, the harvest springing from the previous cultivation of a rugged soil, and, as far as I am aware, it has been hitherto but poorly reaped ' (' First Cuneiform Memoir,' p. 11). Y 322 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON disposal, with a considerable knowledge of the Sanskrit, Zend, and modern Persian tongues, found the work of interpretation comparatively easy, and mainly based his claims to originality, so far as the Persian inscrip- tions were concerned, on the fact of having been the first person to present to the world a literal and (as he believed) an almost wholly correct grammatical trans- lation of two hundred (afterwards increased to four hundred) long lines of cuneiform writing — the greater part in so perfect a state as to afford ample and certain grounds for a minute orthographical and etymological analysis, and the purport of which to the historian could not fail to be of equal interest with the peculiarities of its language to the philologer.^ The studies which enabled him to produce this result covered the greater part of the years 1839 and 1844. The result was given to the public in the years 1844-46, by the publi- cation in the Royal Asiatic Society's ' Journal ' of ' The Persian Cuneiform Inscription at Behistun, deciphered and translated ; with a Memoir on Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions in general, and on that of Behistun in particular,' by Major H. C. Rawlinson, C.B., of the Honourable East India Company's Bombay Service, and Political Agent at Baghdad. The general accuracy of the translation was at once admitted ; and, on the whole, it may be said to have fairly stood the test of time, the author having found comparatively little to correct when he revised it for the second volume of my 'Herodotus,' in 1858, and but few alterations having been made in it by the Editor of the first volume of the 'Records of the Past,' in 1873. The author's own estimate of his work upon its completion is one which later criticism has justified : — • ' First Cuneiform Memoir,' p. 13. HIS OWN ESTIMATE OF HIS TRANSLATIONS 323 I do not affect (he says) to consider my translations as unimpeachable ; those who expect in the present paper to see the cuneiform inscriptions rendered and explained with as much certainty and clearness as the ancient tablets of Greece and Eome will be lamentably disappointed. It must be remembered that the Persian of the ante-Alexandrian ages has long ceased to be a living language ; that its interpretation depends on the collateral aid of the Sanskrit, the Zend, and the corrupted dialects which in the forests and mountains of Persia have survived the wreck of the old tongue ; and that in a few instances, where these cognate and derivative languages have failed to perpetuate the ancient roots, or where my limited acquaintance with the different dialects may have failed to discover the connection, T have thus been obliged to assign an arbitrary meaning obtained by comparative propriety of application in a very limited field of research. I feel, therefore, that in a few cases my translations will be subject to doubt, and that, as materials of analysis continue to be accumu- lated, and more experienced Orientalists prosecute the study, it may be found necessary to alter or modify some of the significations that I have assigned ; but at the same time I do not, and cannot, doubt, but that I have accurately determined the general application of every paragraph, and that I have been thus enabled to exhibit a correct historical outline, possessing the weight of royal and contemporaneous recital, of many great events which preceded the rise and marked the career of one of the most celebrated of the early sovereigns of Persia.^ The reception which the Memoir obtained, both at home and abroad, was in the highest degree satisfactory. From Paris the author received, while the publication was still going on, the diploma of Corresponding Member of the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres de rinstitut de France. In London he was made a Fellow ^ ' First Cuneiform Memoir,' p. 18. T 2 324 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSOX of the Royal Society and a Member of the Eoyal Society of Literature. From Berlin he received a diploma as Associate of the Academy of Sciences. Oxford, as soon as he returned to England, conferred on liim (1850) her honorary degree of D.C.L. He was, in fact, universally accredited as the Champollion of the new decipherment. Wliat a brother-scholar said of the translation shortly after his decease was to a great extent acknowledged as soon as the work saw the light — ' It is allowable to say that, after Eawlinson, it was only possible for other scholars to obtain gleanings in the field of Persian Cuneiform interpretation.' ^ From the studj^ of the Persian cuneiform character and documents, which had occupied him, with one interval, from 1835 to 1846, Sir Henry Eawlinson passed in 1846 to that of the far more difficult, and far more complicated, Babylonian character and language, which formed the chief subject of his investigation and researches from 1846 onwards. In the remoter times of cuneiform study it had been usual for investigators to speak loosely of ' the cuneiform writing,' ' the cunei- form character,' and even of ' the cuneiform language ' ; but very little progress could have been made in the investigation of the phenomena before it must have been remarked that in different inscriptions entirely distinct characters were employed, whence a suspicion would necessarily arise, that the languages to which they gave expression were also different. In point of fact, it was very soon perceived that, at the least, three distinct classes of cuneiform writing must be recognised, and it w^as agreed to give them, provisionally at any rate, ethnic names — the names of great nations, by whom the ' M. Oppert, in the Compte Rendu des Seances de la Societe de Geographie de Paris, No. 6, 1B95. STUDY OF THE BABYLONIAN CUNEIFORM 325 countries wherein the writings are at present found were anciently inhabited. One, that which decidedly held the first place in Persia, was called ' the Persian Cuneiform ' ; another, which in Persia held a subordinate place, but had almost exclusive possession of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, was called 'the Babylonian Cunei- form ' ; while the third, which was more widely spread than either of the other two, was, perhaps not very happily, called ' Median,' or ' the Median Cuneiform.' Cuneiform decipherment, it was early felt and admitted, could not be regarded as having attained to anything like completeness until, at any rate, these three clearly distinct forms had been subjected to an equally rigid investigation, and equally yielded up their secrets to the investigator. Accordingly, Sir Henry, or Major Eawlinson, as he then was, no sooner felt that he had exliausted the first branch of the inquiry — Persian Cuneiforms — than he addressed himself with his accus- tomed vigour and energy to the second branch — Babylonian Cuneiforms, to which he had long been looking forward, and for which he had long been making careful preparation. In the course of the year 1847 he had copied accurately, and at some risk (as already related ^), the entire series of Babylonian inscriptions at Behistun. In the same and following years he had made transcripts from the Nineveh marbles, as they passed Baghdad on their way to England. Simul- taneously, he had devoted himself to the study of the Hebrew and Arabic languages.- In 1848 he gave him- self wholly to the task of Babylonian decipherment. His task was rendered infinitely easier than it would have been otherwise by the fact, which no intelligent observer was ever found to doubt, that in the great See above, pp. 145, 155. ^ Supra, p. 157 J S26 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON inscription at Behisturi — as in the Acliasmenian inscrip- tions generally — the second column was a translation, or at any rate an equivalent, of the first. Thus the powers or values of the characters, instead of being merely conjectured, could be almost certainly ascer- tained from the many proper names which had to be represented in the Babylonian column wherever they had occurred in the Persian. As these proper names amounted to nearly a hundred, the material upon which it was possible to work was superabundant. The first trial was made upon the names that occurred in the Babylonian ' Detached Inscriptions,' which were easy of access, and happened to be peculiarly well-cut and legible. These inscriptions furnished a list of sixteen proper names of men, and suggested a phonetic value for forty-six characters. Subsequently, the mode adopted with these sixteen names was extended to those which occurred in the main document itself, with the somewhat startling result, that the characters em- ployed appeared to amount to some hundreds, and the system employed appeared to be exceedingly compli- cated and unusual. In the first place, it was soon seen that the same sound might be expressed by several difierent signs, which sometimes (perhaps generally) had a certain resemblance, but occasionally were as different as possible. Secondly, it appeared that the characters constituted, not an alphabet, but a sylla- barium, the elementary consonants, 6, c, d, /, g, &c., having no representatives, but, en revanche^ in com- bination with a vowel, being represented six times over. The Babylonians acknowledged three only principal vowels, «, i, and u ; and, seeing that these three vowels could, each of them, be associated with a consonantal sound in two different ways, preceding it or following it, DETERMINATION OF THE ALPHABET 327 they, for the most part, assigned to each consonantal sound six forms, representing the sound as followed or preceded by each of the three vowel sounds. Thus, the guttural k appeared in six wholly different forms, which respectively represented the sounds ka^ ki, ku, and ak, ik, uk ; the labial p had the same number of six forms, viz., pa, pi, pu, and ap, ip, up ; the liquid 7)i blossomed out into the six forms ma, mi, mu, and am,, im, um, and the same completeness belonged to the consonantal sounds /, n, 1\ s, sh, and v. Other con- sonants, however, for some inscrutable reason, were mulcted of this full luxuriance. The gutturals kh and g, the labial b, and the dental d had three forms only, kha, khi, khu, ha, hi, hu, &c., &c. Next, it appeared that a large amount of the signs represented what may be called completed syllables, syllables where a vowel sound was enclosed between two consonantal ones, e.g., bar, sar, sin, hit, tur, and the like. In addition to these, a number of signs turned out to be purely ' determina- tive ' ; that is, to show that the word whereto each was attached was a word of a certain class, e.^., the name of a god, the name of a man, of a country, a metal, a month, &c. finally, as research went on, it became distinctly evident that a certain number of the signs used were ' polyphones,' that is, stood in different places for different sounds, the same form, for instance, standing in one place for mat, and in another for kiir. The whole system thus appeared to be extraordinarily complicated ; and it was only after several }■ ears of most careful study that Sir Henry ventured to put before the public his solution of the ' Babylonian Cunei- form ' problem in a form similar to that in which he had previously published his solution of the Persian problem. The Babylonian Memoir, published in the ' Journal 328 MKMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON of the Eoyal Asiatic Society' in the year 1851, com- prised first, a copy of the great Babylonian inscription of Behistun in the original (Babylonian) character, with an interlined transliteration of the same, and a literal translation of it into Latin, printed on seventeen plates, and extending to a hundred and twelve long lines of cuneiform writing ; secondly, nine smaller detached inscriptions from the same place, together with three short epigraphs from Nakhsh-i-Rustam, similarl}' trans- literated and translated ; thirdly, a list of 246 Baby- lonian and Assyrian characters,^ with their phonetic powers, ideographic value, if any, and phonetic powers arising from ideographic values ; fourthly, an analysis of the Babylonian text of the great inscription, with an English translation, down to the end of the first column (38 lines of the cuneiform text) ; and fifthly, the commencement of a 'Memoir on the Babylonian and Assyrian Inscriptions,' unfortunately never com- pleted, which deals with two, but two only, of the Assyrian characters, the signs for a and e. This essay, incomplete and imperfect as it was, laid open to the learned world, and indeed to students generally, the entire subject of Babylonian and Assyrian Cuneiform, giving them a mass of material on which to work ample for an exhaustive inquiry, and at the same time supplying them with a theory which they might examine, test, criticise, dissent from, and supersede, if they were able. It is not too much to say that, what- ever defects and imperfections in details may have been discovered and pointed out by the numerous acute critics of diverse nationalities who brought their varied and trained powers to bear on the subject, no general * M. Oppert makes the number of distinct characters amount to 318. {Expedition Scientifique en Mcsopotamic, vol. ii. p. 120.) PUBLICATION OF BABYLONIAN MEMOIR 329 coufutatioii of Sir Henry Eawlinson's reasonings, no reversal of liis theory, has been effected. Assyrian Cuneiform study, as developed, whether in England or on the Continent, whether by Fox Talbot, George Smith, Theophilus Pinches, and Professor Sayce, or by M. Jules Oppert, M. Fran9ois Lenormant, M. J. Halevy, and others, has been based and has rested on Sir Henry Eawlinson's exposition of the Babylonian version of the great Behistun inscription of Darius Hystaspis, and has found this basis a solid and secure foundation. He did thus for the second branch of cuneiform research almost more than he had done for the first ; since in the first he had for predecessors Eugene Burnouf and Chris- tian Lessen, while in the second he had no predecessor, and cannot be said to have owed much even to his contemporary fellow-labourers, Dr. Edward Hincks and Dr. Jules Oppert. The Babylonian Memoir was followed within a brief space by a number of short publications, chiefly in the ' Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society,' or in the 'Athenaeum,' on the subject of the Assyrian documents disinterred by Mr. Layard, Mr, Loftus, and himself at Mneveh, whereby the knowledge of the Assyrian Cunei- form, slightly distinct from the Babylonian, was advanced and promoted. These publications, however, were rather historical than philological ; and, though it is necessary to mention them in the present place, they need not be further dwelt upon. It has been said that Sir Henry Eawlinson 'had nothing to do ' with the decipherment of the third form of cuneiform writing — that which has been called, somewhat inappropriately. Median or Medic. ^ This, ' See the obituary notice of M. Henri Cordier in the Compte Rendu des Seances de la Societe de Geographic de Paris (No. 6, 1895), where 880 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON however, is not strictly correct. No doubt he made over to Mr. Edwin Norris in a great measure the consideration of this brancli of the inquiry, and the pubUcation of the ' Memoir on the Scythic Version of the Behistun Inscription' (1852), intended as a com- panion to the Persian and Babylonian Memoirs of Sir Henry Eawlinson, was entrusted to him ; but the two were to a large extent fellow-labourers in this field; they consulted together ; and I have in my possession letters ^ wherein Mr. Norris requests Sir Henry's views on difficult points in the etymology and the interpreta- tion. Moreover, Sir Henry himself published more than one short notice on the subject, as, for instance, in his letters to the Asiatic Society and the ' AtheuEeum ' in the year 1853 on " Inscriptions in real bond-fide Scj'thian Languages allied more or less with the so-called Median Language of the Achasmenian Inscriptions,' "' and in his ' Notes on the Primitive Babylonian Lan- guage,' in the 'Journal of the Asiatic Society '' for 1866. Indeed, as Sir Henry Eawlinson was among the very first to enter upon the examination of the so-called Median, and published his general views on the subject in his ' First Cuneiform Memoir ' "^ as early as the year 1846, so he continued always to devote considerable attention, if not to the Achasmenian Median itself, yet at any rate to the cognate Scythic dialects — the primi- M. Oppert is quoted as saying, ' Rawlinson n'a rien eu a faire avec I'inscription mc'diqiie, la troisieme des "langues maitresses " que, suivant rexpression heureuse d'uu iiiaitre, il avait plu a Darius de parler ii son empire sur le rocher de Behistun.' ' In one of these letters, dated September 11, 1863, Mr. Norris says: ' i\Iany thanks for your vahies of unknown signs, which enabled me to get on with the inscription. Several I saw after I had written, but for the most part I was in ignorance.' . '^ Athenceum of February' 19 and June 18, 1853 (pp. 2'28 and 741-42). ' Journal vf tlie lioyal Asiatic Society, vol. x. pp. 32-39. HELPS DECIPHERMENT OF MEDIC CUNEIFORMS 331 tive Babylonian or Accadian, of which he was the first to point out the existence,^ the Elymcean, and the Armenian. It must be granted, however, that the conchisions to which he came with respect to the third — the Median or Scythic — branch of cuneiform inquiry are to be gathered only from scattered and occasional notices in scientific publications, and are no- where embodied in such an elaborate and bulky work as the ' First Cuneiform Memoir ' on the Persian Cunei- form inscriptions, which runs to above six hundred pages, or even as the 'Second Cuneiform Memoir' on the Babylonian transcript of the great Persian inscrip- tion at Behistun, which runs to above a hundred and fifty pages. Doubtless it is to be regretted that even these main works of the orreat cuneiform discoverer are in- complete. The Babylonian Memoir, while completing the transcription, transliteration, and Latin translation of the Behistun inscription, pursues the analysis of the text only to the end of the first column, and breaks off in the account begun of the alphabet at the second letter. The Persian Memoir terminates abruptly, not only in the middle of a chapter, but in the middle of a word. The many avocations of the writer may be accepted as to some extent an excuse for this want of finish, but it cannot be denied that in his character there was an element of impatience which made pro- longed labour at a set task distasteful to him. He liked the first plunge into a subject, and the broad views and bold outlines which are suitable at the incep- tion of a new work ; he disliked the elaboration of ' See the notice of ' The Primitive Inhabitants of Babylonia ' in a communication to the Royal Asiatic Society, read on December 1, 1855, and a further notice in the Athencsuni of December 8, in the same year. 332 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON details, and the careful working out in due proportion of all the subordinate matters "which are necessary in order to produce finish and completeness. It may be said that he did the work of a pioneer rather than that of a thorough and perfect explorer. Still, his position in the front rank of cuneiform discoverers and deci- pherers is indisputable, and has been generously borne witness to since his decease by one of those best entitled to compete with him for the absolute pre- eminence. M. Jules Oppert, the learned Professor of Assyriology in the College de France, has thus written of his rivil : — ^ Eawlinson etait un homme d'un genie prime-sautier, et, ce qui est encore plus rare, il avait le don de tomber juste. On pent dire de lui, que presque toutes les idees qu'il a enoncees etaient vraies. II a donne le branle a toute cette etude plus que Hincks, qui I'a precede dans quelques points, mais qui avait I'esprit plus irlandais et plus etrange que Eawlinson, qui etait Anglais et pratique. C'etait en outre un homme d'un grand courage personnel ; il se fit hisser sur un echafaudage le long de I'immense rocher de Behistoun, a 300 pieds au-dessus du sol, pour copier et pour estam- per cette grande inscription en trois langues, dont on doit le texte k son courage seul. La planchette sur laquelle il etait assis etait tenue par des cordes confiees aux mains d'ouvriers persans, qui a tout moment pouvaient le jeter dans I'abime. C'etait un homme qui avait de la methode dans tout ce qu'il faisait, et il suppleait par de larges et vastes connaissances aux lacunes que le manque du temps pris par ses occupa- tions militaires pouvait avoir laisse subsister dans sa preparation aux etudes. Depuis trente ans il ne travaillait pas personnellement, mais il dirigeait des publications du British Museum. Les jeunes AUe- ' See the Compte Rendu des Seances de la Societe de Geographie de Paris, No. G, 1895, already more than once quoted. TESTIMONY BORNE TO IILM BY M. OPPERT 333 raands et Anglais feignent de ne pas le connaitre ; un Auglais me disait meme qu'il n'avait jamais lu une ligne de Sir Henry Eawlinson. Je lui repondis — ' I supposed just so, because, if you had read them, your papers would be less imperfect than they are.' En verite, Eavvlinson fut moins un scholar, dans le sens anglais du mot, qu'un decouvreur dans le genre de Botta et de Layard. Son concurrent, le rev. Edward Hincks, a pu ^tre nomme 1' Adams de Killyleagh, tandis qu'il etait lui le Leverrier de Bagdad, I'un dans le ' Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society,' I'autre dans les ' Transactions of the Eoyal Irish Academy.' II est permis de dire qu'apres Eawlinson il n'y avait plus qua glaner dans la traduction de la tablette perse de Behistoun. Notre Euo-ene Burnouf, en Allemasjne Christian Lassen, en Angleterre Edward Hincks, ont partage avec lui I'honneur d'avoir etudie I'inscription assyrienne. Eawlinson n'a rien eu a faire avec I'inscription medique, la troisieme des ' langues maitresses ' que, suivant lexpression heureuse d'un maitre, il avait plu a Darius de parler a son empire sur le rocher de Behistoun.^ Depuis nombre d'annees Eawlinson publiait peu lui-meme ; n^anmoins, avec la collaboration simultanee ou successive d'Edward (1. Edwin) Norris, George Smith, Theophile Pinches, il a donne les tablettes et les cylindres du Musee Britannique. Directeur de la Eoyal Asiatic Society, il aidait par son esprit large, son travail constant, son influence meritee, k developper les etudes auxquelles il avait voue sa vie. H a ete bien certainement le conseiller le plus sur de son frere, le chanoine Georges Eawlinson, le celebre historien des grandes monarchies de I'Orient. ^ On this remark, see above, pp. 329, 330. 384 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON CHAPTER XXI POSITION AND WORK AS A GEOGRAPHER — FIRST ESSAYS COM- MUNICATED TO THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY BY VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, 1838-184C — THEIR VALUE TO ORDINARY GEOGRAPHY — THEIR INTEREST IN CONNECTION WITH THE STUDY OF COM- PARATIVE GEOGRAPHY — FURTHER WORK AS A COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHER, 1841-1857 — APPLICATION OF HIS GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE TO PRACTICAL OBJECTS — CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA — EARLY CONNECTION WITH THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY — ELEVATION TO THE PRESIDENCY OF THE SAME — ADDRESSES — IMPORTANT MEMOIRS — TESTIMONY BORNE TO HIS MERITS AS A GEOGRAPHER BY SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM AND SIR FREDERIC GOLDSMID Sir Hexry Rawltnsox's work as a geographer began as far back as the year IS 36. He had always been a careful observer of natural features during his previous wanderings, and had qualified himself for accurate scientific description by making himself familiar with the use of the necessary astronomical instruments ; he was also a fair chartographer, and capable of illus- trating his descriptions by maps and plans. But hither- to his travels had been in regions previously traversed, and sufficiently described, by Europeans ; and hence he had felt no call to occupy himself in labours that would have lacked the charm of novelty. But in the year 1836 circumstances gave him the opportunity of breaking new ground, and visiting districts that had not only never been described, but had never even been trodden, by a European. With the spirit of enter- POSITION AND WORK AS A GEOGRAPHER 335 prise that characterised him he at once rose to the occasion. On a march which commenced at Zohab, in Persian Kurdistan, and after passing through IQiuzistan and a considerable part of the then almost wholly unexplored province of Luristan, he made such careful and extensive notes, that he was emboldened in the ensuing year (1837) to throw them into the form of a narrative, and to submit the narrative to the Eoyal Geographical Society for pubHcation in their Journal, if thought deserving of it. The intermediary, who presented the paper to tlie Society, and recommended it to their notice, was no less a personage than Viscount Palmerston, then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,^ who was thus the first to introduce the subject of this Memoir into learned circles as an aspirant for literary honours. The paper thus backed was, of course, accepted, and was read before the Society at the two sittings of January 14 and January 28, 1838, after which it was published in the Society's Journal for the year 1839,- where it occupied ninety pages. Two years later, in 1840, the Society awarded Sir Henry Eawlinson its Gold Medal on account of this, his first, geographical paper. The first geographical paper was soon followed by a second, and the second by a third. In the autumn of 1838 Sir Henry, then simply Major, Eawlinson had made an expedition from Tabriz through Persian Kurdistan to the ruins of Takht-i-Suleiman, and thence by Zanjan and Tarom to Ghilan on the Caspian. ' Introduced to Lord Palmerston in the year 1861, at the lodgings of Dr. Jeune, Master of Pembroke College, Oxford, and then Vice-ChanceUor, I reminded hina of this, when he expressed himself as much pleased that it should have fallen to his lot to discharge so agreeable a duty. - See the Journal of the Hoyal Geographical Socictij for 1839, vol. ix. part i. pp. 26-116. 336 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Although in this expedition he had traversed no ab- solutely virgin ground, yet he had noted so much which previous travellers had overlooked, and had come to such novel conclusions, that he felt justified in remit- ting to the Geographical Society at one and the same time two memoirs, and asking for them publication in their organ. One of these was, like his first paper, in the main, a description of his journey and of the coun- tries which he had passed through ; but the other was more ambitious, since it dealt with important points of comparative geography, and was an attempt to identify some obscure and rarely visited ruins in North-Western Persia with one of the most important of ancient sites. The Society, somewhat to his surprise, accepted both papers, and published them simultaneously in the year 1841 in the tenth volume of its Journal, where together they occupied 158 pages. ^ The value of these papers to ordinar}^ descriptive geography was not perhaps very remarkable. They filled up comparatively few gaps in that map of the world, which the Geographical Society is always endeavouring to complete and perfect. They were written in a plain, unattractive style, with little word- painting, and no ' purpurei panni.' Still, the great geographer, Eitter, found them of considerable service, and made copious use of them in the ninth volume of his ' Erdkunde,' and Mr. Greenough, President of the Eoyal Geographical Society in the year 1840, says of their author in respect of them : — The Founder's Medal has been awarded to Major Henry Creswicke Rawlinson, in testimony of the services he has rendered to geography by his researches in Susiana and Persian Kurdistan, and for the light ' See the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society for 1840, vol. x. pp. 1-158. EAHL^' MEMOIRS IN GEOGKAPIIICAL .JOURNAL 337 thrown by him on the comparative geography of those regions. The papers which entitle him, in the judg- ment of the Council, to this public testimony of your gratitude and respect, and which have appeared in the ninth and tenth volumes of our Journal, are the result of the information which he was able to procure, either in his marches through that country, or in the course of his travels when not professionally employed. The area described comprehends the provinces of Kirman- shah, Luristan, and Khuzistan. In those parts of his Memoirs which are most strictly geographical the author has traced, both with the pen and with the pencil, two important routes, which never before were inserted on any map or visited by any European. The one is the shortest and most direct line of communication between the towns of Bisitun (Behistun) and Dizful ; the other runs from Nineveh to Ecbatana, and extends under the mountain ridge of Pusht-i-kuh to the river which is now called Sefid Eud, formerly the Amardus. The physical fea- tures of the country in the neighbourhood of these routes are clearly, and, no, doubt, accurately detailed.* But the especial value of the Memoirs, as Mr. Greenough clearly saw at the time, was not so much in the additions which they made to the stock of ordinary, or positive, geography, as in the light which they threw on the far more difficult and complicated branch of the subject, which is known to students of the science under the designation of ' Comparative Geo- graphy.' Comparative Geography is one of the most important handmaids of history. It seeks to ' reconcile to the natural and necessary conclusions of modern experience the obscure, ambiguous, and often con- tradictory records of ancient writers,' historical and other, to identify ancient with modern sites, and so to ^ Journal of the Royal Geograpliical Society, vol. x. p. xlviii. 388 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON give a life and reality to the old narratives, in which they would l^e otherwise lamentably deficient. Much critical acumen, much erudition, and much sagacity is needed for the successful pursuit of this branch of geographical science, on their distinction in which has mainly rested the reputation of several eminent geo- graphers, as D'Anville, Eennell, Vincent, and Chesney. That Major Eawlinson, though as yet only twenty-eight years of age, possessed these qualities in a remarkable degree, may be concluded from the eulogium passed upon him by Mr. Greenough in concluding his notice of these early Memoirs : — In the person of this gallant officer (he says) we find united to the sterner qualifications of a geographer the accomplishments of the scholar, the antiquarian, and the man of taste. Familiar with all the accounts that had appeared either in ancient or modern times in regard to the region which he was about to explore, equally conversant with dead and with living lan- guages, observation and erudition acted reciprocally on his mind, sometimes exciting, sometimes restraining the speed with which he pressed on to his conclusions. To form a just estimate of his merit we must look not only to the termination of his labours, but to the severe self- discipline he underwent lest he might not feel qualified to commence them. Another most important testimony to the excellence of Sir Henry's work in these early Essays has been recently borne by the existing President of the Eoyal Geographical Society, who thus expressed himself in his address to the Society at the anniversary meeting of May 27, 1895:— We find another pattern for writers of geographical memoirs in the memorable communications of the late Sir Henry Eawlinson on his journey through Persian EXCELLENCE AS A COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHER 339 Kurdistan to the ruins of Takht-i-^uliman, and on the site of the Atropatenian Ecbatana. There may be only- one Ecbatana site at Haniadan, or the illustrious geo- grapher's theory may be correct as to the existence of another in Media Atropatene. My object in referring to these Memoirs is not to uphold either contention, but to point out that no one but a geographer, trained to lay down his routes with accuracy, and with an eye to take in and comprehend the physical aspects of the country he traverses, was capable of discussing the question as Sir Henry discussed it. He was only twenty-eight years of age at the time, and I mention this to show that the combination of learning with energetic exploration need not be an attribute of advanced years. Every young explorer may be a Eawlinson as soon as he is convinced that diligent acquisition of knowledge is as necessary for dis- tinguished success as high courage and contempt of danger and of hardships. For, although young in years, Eawlinson was a ripe scholar when he left the camp at Tabreez in October 1838, and set out on his adventurous journey. When he had completed his examination of the ruins at Takht-i-Suliman, drawn careful plans, mastered the physical aspects of the surrounding countr}^, and considered all the routes leading across it, he proceeded to the identification of the site by the light of his profound knowledge of Eastern history, and by a comparison of Persian manu- scripts with Byzantine chronicles. But it must be remembered that this was done while still in Persia, not after returning to England, and coming within reach of great libraries. His critical method was a sure and safe one. He first verified the ruins of Takht- i-Suliman in Oriental geography, then identified the name given them by the early Arabs with one in Byzantine writings ; next he traced up the fortunes of the place through the flourishing periods of the Eoman Empire, and finally came to the dark period of the Median dynasty, when the name of Ecbatana first appears. He z 2 840 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON thus set out from a fixed base of direct and well-estab- lished proof, and built up a superstructure upon a sure foundation. As his argument gradually ascended alono- the chain of evidence into fields of more re- mote inquiry, criticism could, at any point, withhold assent to his opinions without endangering the stability of any part of the preceding argument, so that later critics might reject the theory of a northern Ecbatana apart from that at Hamadan ; but such dissent in no way impugned the principal part of Eawlinson's argu- ment, by which he proved the origin of the name of Takht-i- Suliman, its identity with the Shiz of Persian and Arab writers, and the identit}^ of Shiz with the Byzantine Canzaca. I have explained the method adopted by our late President in applying his geogra- phical researches and his historical learning to the elucidation of one of the great problems in Asiatic Com- parative Geography, because it is identical with the method of D'Anville and with the method of Eennell. But his Memoirs convey to us a more important lesson. They prove to us that there is nothing to prevent a young explorer from making himself thoroughl}^ ac- quainted with the previous history of any region he may select for the subject of his researches, before he commences his actual work in the field. If he only acquires such knowledge after his return, it will be a continual source of reo-ret to him that he did not possess it when he was on the spot, when it would have jyuided him to fresh investiofations of ever increasinsf interest. . . . Eawlinson had some advantages at the opening of his career which were denied to Eennell, yet his success was equally due to his own merits. Selected, early in life, as one of the officers who were designated to organise the troops of the Shah of Persia, he devoted every spare moment to the study of the history of the region whither his duty had taken him, perfecting himself in the language, collecting manu- scripts, and mastering the works of Greek authors, as well as the more modern publications on the subject of EXTENT AND VARIETY OF HIS ERUDITION 341 his labours, as a necessary preparation, and as an indispensable qualification for geographical exploration. Tliis is the explanation of the remarkable fact that so young an officer was able to send home papers to this Society which, as Mr, Vaux has truly remarked, have thrown more light on the geography of the part of Asia he described than any other work, ancient or modern. If Eennell is a model whose methods should be ex- amined and imitated by all classes of geographers, our late President, Sir Henry Eawlinson, is assuredly the man whose example should be studied and followed, more especially by military men who become devotees of our science.^ The erudition displayed, especially in the ' Memoir on the Atropatenian Ecbatana,' is certainly extra- ordinary, and when considered as possessed by a youth of only twenty-eight j^ears of age, and one who, since his seventeenth year, had been continuously engaged in active military employment, must be pronounced un- precedented. Not only are the ordinary classical geo- graphers, Herodotus, Xenophon, Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy, Isidore of Charax, and Stephen of Byzantium familiar to him and quoted extensively, and the works of such little read writers as Hyde, Asseman, D'Herbelot, Moses of Chorene, Bar-Hebrseus, Anquetil Duperron, Quatremere, De Guignes, St. Martin, Brisson, Gosselin, Malte Brun, laid under contribution, but the entire range of the Byzantine historians has evidently been ransacked, and Procopius, Theophanes, Cedrenus, Georgius Syncellus, Tzetzes, Theophylact of Simocatta, George of Pisidia, et hoc genus onme, have laid open their stores of information to the indefatigable student, whom neither a stilted style nor a corrupt form of Greek ^ Sir Clements E. Markham in the Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society for July 1895, pp. 9-11. 342 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON has daunted, and who has shrunk from no drudgery in his quest for information. Nor is this all. The author is as familiar with Arabic and Persian as with Greek and Latin — the stores of Oriental learning are open to him — and not only has he an intimate acquaintance with such well-known writers as Yakut, Mas'udi, Tabari, Firdausi, Idrisi, Abulfeda, but he has at his fingers' ends the writings of a score of other Easterns, names unfamiliar to European ears, such as Zakariyah, Kazvini, HamduUah, Nizami, Jeihani, Ibn Jansi, Hamzah Isfahani, Ibn Atliir, Ibn Juzi, Mosa'er, &c. Nay, more, he possesses, and makes use of, Persian and Arabic MSS. that have never been published, yet which are of great value, as the Noz-hatu-1-Kolub, the Ferhengi-Eeshidi, and the Athalo-1-Beldan. It was this wealth of Arabic and Persian illustration, which gave to the paper on the Atropatenian Ecbatana its distinctive character, and caused the learned Society of Geographers to feel that a new man of eminence, a geographer in the highest sense of the word, was risen among them. Nor can it be denied that this remarkable early promise had an ample fulfilment in the future. The papers published in the ninth and tenth volumes of the * Geographical Journal ' were followed up by a long series of most valuable communications to the same periodical, as well as to the ' Transactions ' and the 'Athenaeum,' extending over a numbr of years and embracing a vast variety of subjects, which will compare favourably with the contributions to geo- graphy of any other writer of our time, and are dis- tinguished by the same or even a wider range of erudition than the early papers, and a similar combina- tion of extensive knowledge with rare critical acumen. LATER GEOGRAPHICAL PUBLICATIONS 343 Among these communications may be especially men- tioned a paper on the ' Comparative Geography of Affghanistan,' written at Candahar in 1841, and pub- lished in the ' Geographical Journal ' of 184:^ (vol, xii. pp. 112-114); another on the 'Identification of the Biblical Cities of Assyria, and on the Geography of the Lower Tigris,' read before the Geographical Society on April 4, 1851 ; a third, entitled ' Observations on the Geography of Southern Persia,' published in the Geo- graphical Society's ' Proceedings ' for 1857 (pp. 280- 299) ; and a fourth on ' Biblical Geography,' published in the 'Athen^um' of April 12 and April 19, 1862. Even more elaborate and of still greater value are the ' Monograph on the Oxus,' read before the British Association in 1870, and published in the 'Geographical Journal' for 1872 (vol. xlii., pp. 482-513), and the ' Notes on Seistan," read before the Geographical Society in 1873, and published in the ' Journal' of the ensuing year (vol. xliii., pp. 272-294). These studies were, on account of the special interest felt to attach to them, published also in a separate form, and obtained a considerable circulation. One of the special features of Sir Henry's efforts as a geographer was his readiness to apply his geographical knowledge to practical objects. Lord Strangford, speaking at a meeting of the Geographical Society in 1867, ' held up as highly worthy of imitation the com- bination of scientific life with practical life which had been made by Sir Henry Eawlinson while engaged in the public service in the heart of Central Asia. Such a combination,' he said, 'was quite unique.'' It was certainly a combination very characteristic of Sir Henry Eawlinson as a geographer. Whenever geographical problems touched practical life, he was ready to pro- 344 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON (luce from the stores of liis geographical treasury such an amount of practical information as fairly surprised his contemporaries. Whether it was a question of the best route for an overland telegraph from Constanti- nople to Kurrachi,^ or of mihtary operations in the region about the mouths of the Euphrates,"^ or again of trade routes between Turkistan and India,^ or of debatable frontiers in Seistan,"* or along the Oxus,'^ Sir Henry was always ready with a paper, which, if not exhaustive of the subject, at any rate threw upon it an amount of light that would have been with difficulty procurable from any other quarter. About the year 1S75 Sir Henry's reputation as a geographer induced the editors of the new edition of the ' Encyclopaedia Britannica ' (Messrs. Black and Co., of Edinburgh) to appl}' to him for assistance in the geo- graphical portion of the great work which they had in hand, and to intrust to him in the first instance the preparation of an article upon Baghdad, the great city of the Caliphs, where he had himself resided so many years. This notice, which extended to four large quarto pages, was followed by shorter ones on * See the Report of the British Association for 1861, pp. 197, 198 ; and compare the Proceedings of the Boyal Geograjjhical Societi/ for the same year, pp. 219-221 ; the Atheneeum for March 2, 1861, and the Transactions of the Boyal Society of Literature, vol. vii. pp. 137-168. ^ Compare the Proceedings of the Boyal Geographical Society for 1857, pp. 280-299, 351-363, with the Atheneeum for February 14, 1857, p. 216, and May 16, 1857, pp. 630, 631, See also the ' Notes on the Ancient Geography of Mohamrah and the Vicinity,' in the Journal of the Boyal Geographical Society for 1857, pp. 185-190. ^ See Proceedings of the Boyal Geographical Society for 1869, pp. 10-23. ' ' Notes on Seistan,' read before the Royal Geographical Society- on January 27, 1873, and published in a separate form in 1874. •' See ' Monograph on the Oxus,' first read before the British Associa- tion at Liverpool in 1870, and published in a separate form in 1872. CONNECTION WITH GEOGRAPIIICAJ. SOCIETY 345 l^usliire, Bussorah, Herat, and Ispahan, and also by two others of about equal length with that on Baghdad, treatmg respectively of the Euphrates and of Kurdistan. These articles, contributed between the years 1875 and 1882, were at length found to occupy more time than could readily be spared from more important tasks, and "were discontinued after the last-mentioned year, although the writer outlived the completion of the entire edition. Sir Henry's connection with the Eoyal Geographical Society, which began, as we have seen, so early as 1838, was brought to a close, on the other hand, only very shortly before his death. It extended over a space of more than fifty years. His first paper was read at the Society's rooms in January 1838 ; he was elected a Fellow in 1814 ; he became a Vice-President not long- after (1864) ; he acted as President during the last ihness of Sir Eoderick Murchison in 1870 ; and he was formally elected as actual President in 1871. In 1873 he resigned this office as too laborious; but in 1874, a year later, he consented to re-assume it on the resig- nation of Sir Bartle Frere, and again held it for a biennium, from 1874 to 1876. It was not till 1893 that, on account of the failure of his health, he severed his connection with the Society altogether. A graceful tribute was paid to his memory shortly after his death by one of the most distinguished of his recent colleagues, Sir Frederic J. Goldsmid, who thus wrote in the Society's Journal : — Any attempt in these pages to render an account of Sir Henry Eawlinson's services to geography, by pre- senting a mere resume of his relations with the Society of which this ' Journal ' is the organ, were indeed trouble in vain. No. statement of the kind could be 846 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON complete without an exposition of the vakie of his work, and the accompHshment of such a task would involve a political retrospect as well as a combination of geo- graphical details, each of which would supply material for a goodly sized volume. But although the un- adorned record may be insufficient to satisfy the re- quirements of critics and connoisseurs, it may possess its usefulness as an obituary notice, in which sense it is now put forward. At the period of his decease, Rawlinson's name had been borne on the list of Fellows for more than half a century, for he had been elected in 1844, and five years before his election he had received the Founder's Medal for ' great services to geography ' rendered in Persia. These were exemplified in the circumstance that from 1833 to 1839 he had 'explored with great zeal, perseverance, and industry, the provinces of Luristan, Khuzistan, and Azerbaijan, and the mountain ranges which divide the basin of the Tigris from the elevated plains of Central Persia.' The historical and archaeological research displayed on this occasion by a young officer of the Indian army, other- wise conspicuous for professional ability, were so remarkable, that his qualifications as an explorer were at once oenerallv recognised. . . . Amono- the more recent papers which he contributed to the Society's ' Journal ' or ' Proceedings,' may be mentioned the mono- graph on the Oxus and the exhaustive notes on Seistan, as indicative of his unfailing acquaintance with places of which he had made a careful study, but had had no personal experience on the spot. But his treatment of the many questions which arose during his occupation of the President's chair showed that he could give his mind to the world's regions generally, irrespective of Persia and Central Asia, and he proved himself a good all-round bearer of office. . . .But Sir Henry's strong point was Central Asia ; and herein we may quote that able critic Lord Strangford, [who says] referring to a former seance of the Society : — ' The extreme and indeed unique value of every word GOLDSMID'S TRIBUTE TO HIS MEMORY 347 which falls from Sir Henry upon any subject connected with Central and Western Asiatic research is, perhaps, less appreciated here than it is on the continent and in Eussia, or than it will be by our children ; but what we wish here chiefly to lay stress upon is the direct practice, tendency, and bearing with which he applies his enor- mous, acquired, and theoretical lore each time that he addresses the popular meetings of the Society.' . . . It has been truly said that, in this exceptionally distinguished officer, there passed away the most com- manding, and certainly the best known, figure among English Orientalists. May we not add that his fine presence and practical usefulness will be equally missed among statesmen and geographers ? ^ ' See the Geographical Journal for May 1895, pp. 495-97. 349 INDEX Abdallah, Siiltan, tomb of, 158 Abdul Medjid, Sultan of Turkey, 211, 212 Abdur Eahinan Khan (Amir of Atfghanistan), xxi, 272, 282, 283, 287-289 Abyssinian expedition, 1867, 247- 256 Achtemenian kings, the palace of the, 174 Affghan War of 1839-1842, xv, xvi, 71-134, 251, 253 ; of 1878-9, 264, 272, 276-279 Afifghanistan, Sir Henry Eawlin- son and Russia's Central Asian policy, XV, xxi, 257-259, 271, 272, 286, 287 Ahmedabad, 25, 26 Ak Tepeh, 287 Akbar IGian, 114, 117, 133 Akhaltzik, 215 Akrum Khan, 81, 82 Aktur Khan, Atfghan chief, 79, 81, 122 Albert, Prince Consort, and Sir Henry Eawlinson, 162 Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, presentation of terra-cotta relic to, 166, 167 Alcock, Sir Rutherford, 266 Ah Mnsjid, 276 All Shah (son of Shah Futteh Ali), 44, 55 Alikhanoflf, Colonel, 287 Alison, Mr., succeeds Sir Henry Rawlinson at Teheran, 230, 231, 232, 234, 237 Anaitis, worship of, 174 Anglo-Russian Boiindary Com- mission, 264. 2S5, 286, 288, 289 ' Annual Register,' quoted, 204 Antiquaries. Society of, 164 Antonetti, Signor, 173 Ararat, Mount, 47 Asiatic Society of Paris, 310, 312, 313 ' Archteologia,' 156, 164 Arghandab, 93, 94, 124, 125 Ai-gyll, Duke of, 244, 264 Artaxerxes Ochus, his palace at Susa, 174 Asshur-bani-pal, 175 Assyria and Assyrian discoveries and excavations, xvii, 154, 163, 165, 166, 172, 175, 176, 178, 181 183, 186, 188, 189, 242, 261, 328. 329 Assyrian Excavation Society, 184, 185-188 'Athenaeum,' the, 165, 241, 242, 261, 329 TC.-331, 342-344 Athens, 210, 211 Atta Mohammed, 88, 91. 94, 114, 115, 110, 117, 124 Attock, 134 Auckland, Lord, 69, 72, 73, 259 Ayrton, Acton Smee and Frederick, 12 Azerbijan, 46, 47 Baba-Wulee Pass, 122, 123, 124 Babel, the Tower of. See Birs-i- Nimrud Babylon and Babylonian inscrip- tions and excavations, xvii, xviii, 23, 145, 150, 151, 15:Mr>7, 162. 163, 165, 166, 171-173, 178, 179. 186, 188, 195, 261, 325-329 Baghdad, xv, xvii, xviii, 60, 138, 140, 143. 147, 148, 150, 158. 159. 168, 169, 171-173, 196-199 Bahrani Mirza, Governor of Kurd- istan, 56, 59, 60, (il, 64, 65, 66 Bakir Khan, the robber-chief, 37- 39 Bariatinski, Prince, 216-219 Barukzyes, the (Afl'f^han tribe), 74, 87, 88, 99 100. 101, 102, 103, 121 850 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Bayazid, 47 Beaconsfield, Earl of, 205, 244, 280, 282, 290 Beau Brummell, 297 Behistiin monument, the ' Rosetta Stone ' of cuneiform discovery, xviii, 58, 59, 65, 66, 143-148, 153-157, 159, 171, 309, 310, 313, 320, 322, 326-329, 333 Belus, Great Temple of, 188 Bentinck, Lord William, Governor- General of India, 35 Bethune, Sir Henry, 65 Bilingual readings, cuneiform and Phoenician, 242 Birs-i-Nimrud (' Tower of Babel '), 173, 188-195 Blackheath, Dr. Myers's educational establishment at, 19 'Black Obelisk,' 154 Bokhara occupied by Russia, 258 Bombay, Sir Hem*y Rawlinson's voyage to, 21-24 Bosanquet, 242 Bostan Khan, 90 Botta, M., 177 Boutcher, Mr., 186, 187 " Briggs, Mr., Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, 311, 314 British Association, 343, 344 British Museum, 165, 166, 172, 174, 176, 177, 183-188, 240, 241, 243, 261, 290, 295. 300, 301. 332 Bouverie, Mr. Philip PleydeU, 243 Broadfoot, Lieutenant, 84 Browne, General, a commander in Second Affghan "War, 276 Brussels Conference on African exploration. 1876, 273 Bulwer, Sir Henrv, 211. 212, 234, 235 Bm-nes, Sir Alexander and Charles, 84 Burnouf, M. Eugene, 56, 311, 312, 314, 318, 321. 329, 333 Burrows, Sir George (physician), 11 Burrows, General, defeat of, 279 Bushire, 36, 37 Bussorah, 140 Cabul, during the Affghan War, 1839-1842, XV, 72, 84-87, 95-97, 99 103, 108, 110, 112-121. 125- 127, 129-134, 137 ; murder of Sir P. L. Cavagnari at, 278 ; occu- pied by British troops, 279 Cady, Mr., 216 ' Calcutta Review,' 257 Cameron. Colonel, 168 Campbell. Sir Alexander and Lady 22 Campbell, Sir John, 40 Candahar during the Affghan War, 1839-1842, svi, 72-129, 137, 251 ; trouble respecting loss of ac- counts, 135, 136; occupied by British troops in 1879, 276; reoccupied. 279 ; after the war, 280-283 Canning. Sir Stratford, 140, 151, 152, 160, 186, 196-198, 244 Caradoc, the, 210 Cavagnari, Sir P. L., his murder, 278 Chadlington (birthplace of Sir Henry Rawliuson), 1, 4-7, 9, 20 Chaldiea, xviii, 173. 261 Chambers, Colonel, 81 Charles II. and Robert Rawlin- son, 2 Chesney, 338 China war, 250, 255 Christie, Captain, 122, 129, 130 Chuplanee. 90 Chiu'chill, Lord Randolph, 264 Clare, Lord, Governor of Bombay, xiv. 35 Clarendon, Lord, 201 Clifton Zooloirical Gardens, 149 Clio, the, 140 Clyde, the. 36 Collier, Sir Robert. 244 Connaught. Duive of. 269 Conolly. Colonel. 73, 253 Conservative r. Liberal Policy in Afifghanistan, 282, 283 Constanthiople, 211 Coombs, Lieutenant, 83 Cordier, M. Henri, 329 Cork. Lord. 244. 246 Cottle. Amos. 9 Cotton, Sir Willoughby, 72 Cowlejs Lord and Lady, 209 Cranbrook. Viscount, 264 Creswicke. the Misses. 4, 8, 9 Crknean War, the, 196-199 Ciunberbatch, Captain, 21 Cmieiform inscriptions and dis- coveries. Sir Henry Rawlinson's interest in, xvi -xviii, 38, 56-58, 143, 144; his First (Persian) INDEX- SSI Memoir, 144-148, 150, 151, 163; his Second (Babylonian) Memoir, 150, 151, 153. 154, 159, 171, 324- 3*29 ; the cuneiform of Western Asia, 240-242 ; fonr vohmies pubHshed in 1870-1884, 261 ; Sir Henry KawUnson as a dis- coverer, 307-318 ; his mode of alphabetical identification, 318- 320 ; translation of the Persian inscriptions, 321-324 ; the Median (or Scythic), 329-331 D'Anville, 338, 340 Darius Hvstaspis inscription, xvii, 65, 143"; 157, 174, 309, 310, 318- 820, 329 Davis. Mr., 9 Dehh. 91, 93 Delamain. Captain, 129 Delane, Mr.. 244 Deluge, the, 301 Derby. Earl of, his Ministry, 207, 208. See also Stanley, Lord Devonshire, the Duke of, 244 DiUigan Pass, 220 D'Israeli. Mr. Sec Beaconsfield, Earl of Dittel, M., 144 Diyalah, 147 DizfiU, 61 Dolma Baghche Palace, 211 Dooranis, the (Affghan tribe), 74, 76, 78, 79, 81, 82, 87, 88, 94, 95, 97, 100, 101, 103, 109, 112, 122, 125, 126, 128 Dost Mohammed, Amir of Affghan- istan, 68 n., 72, 75, 76, 78, 259 Dover, reception of the Shah at, 267-269 Dufferin, Lord, 244 Dmilop, Mr., M.P. for Greenock, 203 Diirand, Colonel, 138 Ealing School as an educational establishment, 11 East India Company, xviii, 18, 167, 171, 200, 202 Ecbatana. See Hamadan Edinburgh degree, 290 Edinburgh, Duke of, 269 Egyptian cartouche at Susa, 174 EUenborough, Lord (Governor- General of India), xvi, 118, 119, 120, 126, 127, 131, 132, 138-140 Elliot, Mr. C. Boileau, 312 Ellis, Sir Henry (Principal Libra- rian to the British Museum), 174 - 178, 181-187 Elphinstone, Lord, Governor of Bombay, 199 Elphinstone, Major-General, com- manding in Afighanistan, 85, 87, 98, 99, 100 Elwand, Mount, 56 ' Encyclopaedia Britannica,' 261, 344, 345 England, General, his share in first Affghan War, 110, 111, 113, 128, 135 Erwan, 220, 221 Esarhaddon, 175 Evenlode, the river, 4, 5, 6 Ejiuack tribes, 281 Farrant, Colonel, 36, 168 Fatima, the shrine of, 39 Ferrukh Khan (Persian Foreign Minister), 228, 229, 231, 232 Ferozepoor, 134 Finot, Baron, French Consul-Gene- ral, 219 Fitz-James, Captain, 36, 140 Fowler, Sir Henry, 264 France, its Ninevite and Babylonian Commissions, 178-180, 188 Frere, Su- Bar tie, 265 ; President of the Royal Society, 345 Fresnel, M., 178 Frome. representation of, 244 Froude, J. A., 244 Fiu-ness Abbey, the abbots of, 1 Futteh Ali. Shah of Persia, his reception of the British detach- ment, 40-44 ; his heir appointed, 45, 46; death, 47, 48; Russian present to, 51 ' Garden of the Gulistan,' 41 Geography, Sir Henry Rawlinson's contributions to, 334 Ghazees, the (Moslem fanatics), 88?;., 107, 108, 109, 114, 117, 122, 123, 125 Ghilzyes, the (Affghan tribes), 75, 76, 79, 81, 88, 91, 94, 95, 121 Ghoni, battle of, 137 Ghuzni during the great Affghan War, 1839-1842, 72, 109, 117, 118, 121, 126, 127, 129, 130, 137, 279 852 MEMOIR OF SIR IlEXlfV KAWMNSON Gladstone, Mr., 244, 247 Gokcha Lake, 220 Goldsinid, Sir Frederic J., 345-347 Gooioo, the, 91 Gori, 215, 216 Grant Duff. Sir M. E., 284 Granville, Earl, 269 Greek inscriptions at Susa, 174 Greenongli, Mr., President of the Royal Geographical Society, 336, 337, 338 Griffin, Captain, 81 Griffin, Mr. Lepel, 282, 283 Grotofend, Professor, cuneiform discoverer, 310, 311, 312, 321 Gundamok, Treaty of, 277, 278 H.\CKBL0CK, Mr. WiQiam, 203 Hakimn-'l-Mamalik, 269 Halevy, M. J., 329 Hall, Rev. Robert, 9 Hamadan (Ecbataua), its cuneiform inscriptions, 56, 57, 155, 309, 314, 318, 339 340 Hartington, Marquis of (now Duke of Devonshire), 264 Haupt, Mr. Paul, 241 Heath, Mrs., 02 Herat, xv, xxi, 65-69, 71, 75, 121, 226, 275, 280, 281, 283, 285 Herkomer, Mr., 244 Hester, Mr., 144 Hibbert, Hon. A., 296 Hillah, 180 n. Hincks, Dr. Edward, 181, 242, 329, 332, 333 Hodder, Mr., 173 Hogg, Sir James, 299, 300 Holcombe. Lieutenant, 83 Hook, Theodore, 297 Houghton, Lord, 244 Howard, Frank, 11 Hussein Ali Khan Gervooss, 209 Hykukye, 111, 113 Hyslop, Dr., 190 Hystaspes, 309, 310, 317, 320, 329 India, Su- Henry Rawlinson in, XX, xxii, 21-36, 70 ; and the Great Affghan War, 71 ; debate in the House of Commons on, 203. 204 ; cause of the Sepoy outbreak in, 253 ; Bill for the better govern- ment of, 257 ; effect of Russia's Central Asian Policy on, 257- 260 India Council, xix, 205-207. 260-264, 284, 290, 295, 302 Ionia, proposed annexation to Greece, 211 Jackson, Dr. Cyril, 3 Ja-ckson, Lieut., 135 Janbaz, the (Affghan tribe), 84, 87 89, 90, 91, 94 Jehungeer Mirza, Prince of Affghan- istan, 43 Jellalabad, 75, 118, 126, 127, 133, 276, 279 Jerrold, Douglas, 299 Jesireh, 150 Jeune, Dr., 335 Jones, Captain, R.N., 144 Jones, Sir William, 312 ' .Journal de Constantinople.' 221 Jugdulluk, 134 Kaleeshuh, battle of, 137 Kalundar Khan, 90 Kauffraann, General, 274 Kazakh, 220 Kaye's ' Life of Sir John Malcolm,' quoted, 23, 24, 73, 74, 77, 94-96, 103, 109, 111, 112, 114, 122, 127, 131 Keane, Sir John, 72 Kemball, Mr., Vice-Consul at Baghdad, 159 KembaU, Sir A., 267 Kensenstern, Mr.. 210 Kenvon, Lord, 297, 298 Kerivhah River, 175 Khanlau-s. the, Affghan tribe, 76 Khannitoff, General, 219, 220 Khelat. 76 Khelat-i-Ghilzye, 79, 86. 98, 110. 118-121, 276 Khojuck Pass. Ill, 113, 122 Kluilberg, Colonel, 288 Khushki-Nakhud, 279 Klnisistan, 61 Kila Azeem Khan, 129 Kiloh Sherghat, 173, 179, 180, 190 Killa-chuk, 93 Killah Abdoolah, 120 Kimberley. Earl of, 264, 285 Kipling, Rudyard, 303 Kirmanshah, xv, 56-59, 60, 64, 65, 147 Kirmanshah tribes, 158 Kizzelbashis. the, 76, 87 Ivlaprotli, olO INDEX 353 Kohistanis. the, 76 Kohundil, 121 Koiuarot'l', General, 287 Koran, the, 304 Kotais, 214, 215 Kotul-i-Moonha. 124, 125 Kovunjik, 176, 178, 181. 182, 185, 186, "188 Kuhibiakine, General, 220 Kuni, shrine of Fatima at, 39 Kiir. the, 216. 220 Kurdistan, 55-60 Lakitsa, siege and conquest of, 176 Lassen, Professor, 56, 315, 316, 818, 321, 333 Lawrence. Sir John, his Indian pohcy, 259 Layard, Henry Austin, his re- searches in Nineveh and contact with Sir Henry Eawlinson, 151, 153, 159, 172, 176, 177, 181, 183, 256, 329, 333 Le Brun, 144 Leacroft, lie v. Mr.. 190 Leech. Major. 73, 77, 85, 98 Leeson, Captain, 90, 93 Leighton, Sir F., 244 Lenonnant. M. Francois, 329 Leopold, King of the Belgians, summons conference on African exploration. 273 Lessar, M., 286 Lessen, Christian, 329 Lindow, Henry Lindow, uncle of Sir Henry Eawlinson, 296 'Literary Gazette.' 165, 261 Livingstone, Dr., 298, 299 Loftus, Mr. W. K., 173, 174, 176, 184, 185-188, 196, 329 Longfellow, his poem : ' The Day is done,' 305-306 Lowther, ^Mrs., 233 Lughman, 117 Lumsden, Sir Peter, 286, 287 Lynch, Major, 73, 79 Lytton, Earl, Viceroy of India, his policy in India, 272-279 Lyveden, Lord. See Smith, the Right Hon. R. Vernon MABI1.LE, school fight w4th, 16 Macdonald, Lord, 11 Mac arren, Mr., 17 Macgregor, 83 Maclaren, Colonel, 80 Macnaghten, Sir William, xvi, 73, 74, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85 McNeill, Sir John, 40, 44, 66, 67, 69, 73 n. Magdala, 248, 250, 252 Mahmoud, Sultan, of Ghuzni, his tomb, 132 Mahra Khan, 122 Malcolm, Sir John, Governor of Bombay, xiii, xiy, 22-24 Malta, 210 Manucheher Khan, Governor of Kurdistan, 66 Markham, Sir Clements R., Presi- dent of the Royal Geographical Society, 338-34i Mazar-i- Sharif, 277 Median Cuneiform writing, 144, 145, 325, 329-331 Meer Alim Khan, 91 Mehemet Khan Envir Toman, 222 Melikoff, Prince, 217 Meliti, 215 Melvill, James C, 200 Meran, 214 Merodach, Temple of, 173 Merv, Russia and, xxi, 275, 285. 287 Mesopotamia, researches in, xvii, xviii, 184, 185, 196, 240, 300, 301 Millais, 244 Milman, Dean, 244 Mirza Ahmed, 96, 97, 100, 105, 106, 108, 114-117 Mohammed Mirza, Prince (after- wards Sliah of Persia), 45,46, 48, 49, 65-69, 71 ; death, 158 Mohammed Wali Khan, Governor of Zohab district, 59, 60 Mohl, Dr. Julius, 311, 314 Molesworth, Lord, 298 Money, WiUiam Taylor, 18 Monk, ]\Iiss Elizabeth, 2 Mookoor, 129 Moolah Khuja, 125 More, Mrs. Hannah, 9 Mosul, its ruins, 159, 173, 186 Mugheir, 190 Miiller, Professor Max, 164, 165 Murchison, Sir Roderick, 264, 265, 345 Murghab, 287, 312 Murray, Sir Charles, 206, 207 Murray, Mr. John, 163 Mushir ed Dowleh, 231 Mustafa et I\lamalik, 228 Myers, Dr., 19 A A 364 MExMOm OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Nakhsh-i-Rustam inscription, xvii, 143, 144, 328 N3,sr ed-Din, Shah of Persia, xix, 209, 222-230, 234 ; visits to Eng- land, 266 270 Napier of Magdala, Lord, 256 Nebuchadnezzar, cylinder of, 191- 195 Nepaul Residency, 139, 140 Nejitunc, the, 21 Newab Jubbar Khan, 98 Newman, Cardinal, and Professor F. W. Newman, 11, 12 Nicholas, Rev. Dr., and his sons Francis and George, 11, 13, 14, 18 Nicholls, Sir Jasper, 118, 119 Nicolson, Captain, 117 Niebuhr, his Persepolitan inscrip- tions, 143, 144, 321 Niffer, antique from, 166 Nirarud, archaeological discoveries at, 154, 173, 176, 178, 182, 186, 188 ' Nineteenth Century,' 261, 277, 280, 281 Nineveh, archaeological researches in, 153, 166, 175-179, 186, 187 Nitocris, the, 140, 153 Normanton, Lord, 16 Norris, IMr. Edward, 240, 241, 330, 333 Northbrook, Lord, 271 Northeote, Sir Stafford (afterwards Lord Iddesleigh), 259, 264 Nott, General, his share in the Afighan War, and association with Sir Henry Rawlinson, xvi, 77, 82, 85-87, 90, 92-95, 99, 104, 105, 107, 112-114, 118-122, 125- 133, 135, 137, 138. 251, 277 Nottray, Lieutenant, 83 Oliphant, Lawrence, 209 Ooloos, the, 92 Oppert, Ur. Jules, 179 n., 180 n., 181, 242, 324, 329, 332, 333 Ouseley, Sir Gore, 315, 316 Outrain, Sir J., 110, 120, 130 ' Oversands,' 1 Oxford University, 164 Oxus, 344, 346 Pai Kuli inscription, 147 Palmer, 85 Pabiierston, Viscount, 203-205, 236, 244, 247, 335 Parsewan Horse, 122, 123 Pasmore, Colonel, 37, 42, 50, 51, 168 Paton, Captain, 85 Pelly, Mr. John Hmde, 18 Pelly, Captain (afterwards Sir Lewis), 232, 2.33 Pendjeh incident, the, 264, 286-288 Perotfski, General, 73 Persepolis, cuneiform inscriptions at, 38, 144, 174 Persia, Sir Henry Rawlinson in, xiv-xx, 24, 35 70, 139-160, 163, 165, 171-199, 207 238, 301, 309, 325, 330, 331; her designs on Herat and Candahar, 121, 280, 281 ; strained relations with Turkey, 196 ; her relations with England and Russia, 229 ; Rus- sia's intentions regarding, 257 Persian Kurdistan, Sir Henry Rawlinson's explorations in, 335, 336, 344 Phipps, Mr. C. B., letter to Major Rawlinson, 166, 167 Peiwar Kotal, 276 Pinches, Theophilus, 329, 333 Place, M., 178, 179 Pocock, Dr., 8 Pollock, General, his share in the great Affghan war, 114, 118, 119. 133, 137, 138, 277 Poonah, Sir Henry Rawlinson's ride from, to Panwell, 26-34 Porter, 144 Poti, 213 Pottinger, Major, 75, 98, 99, 130 Powell, Mr., 35 ' Quarterly Review,' 258 Quetta, 76, 111-113, 119-120, 122, 126, 135, 281 Rassam, Mr. Hormazd, 173, 176, 177, 179, 186, 187 Rawlinson, Abram Tyzack (father), 1, 3-8 Rawlinson, Alexander (abbot), 1 n. Rawlinson, Alfred, 291-293 Rawlinson, Curwen, 2 Rawlinson, Henry, 2 Rawlinson, Henry (grandfather), 3 Rawlinson, Henry Creswicke (after- wards Sir Henry), summary of his official life by Lord Roberts, xiii-xxii ; his ancestors, 1-8 ; birth, 1, 8 ; his sisters and brother, 8 ; early education, 8-10 ; INDEX 355 later education : school life at Ealing, 11-18 ; nominated for a cadetship under the East India Company, 18 ; studies at Black- heath, 19, 20 ; visits Cheltenham races and sails for Bombay in the Neptune, 21 ; Sir John Malcolm and, 22-24 ; study of Oriental literature, 23-25 ; life as a sub- altern at Bombay and other places, 24-27 ; selected for service in Persia, 24, 35, 36 ; his ride from Poonah to Panwell, 27-34 ; en- counter with Bakir Ivhan, 37 n- 39 n. ; visits the shrine of Fatima at Kum, 39 ; his account of Shah Futteh All's reception of the British detachment, 40-44 ; and investiture of Prince Mohammed, 45, 46 ; attempt on Mount Ai-arat, 47 ; on the characteris- tics of Mohamined Shah, 48, 49 ; duties in Persia in 1835, 50; gi'anted an audience hy the Shah, 51 ; present at the Coronation, 52-55 ; official duties, travels, and study of cuneiform inscrip- tions in Kurdistan, 55-66 ; rides after and intercepts the Shah en route for Herat, 66-68 ; encoim- ter with Captain Vickovich, 67 n., 68 ?;. ; studj' of cuneiform, ancient Persian, and comparative geogra- phy at Teheran and Baghdad, 68-70 ; interest in cuneiform in- vestigation in 1839, 72 ; appointed political agent at Candahar (1840), 72, 73, 76 ; his association with General Nott in Aflfghanistan, 77 ; difficulties in collecting revenue at Candahar, 77-79 ; correspondence on the unsettled state of the Affghan tribes, 79-85 ; his action at Candahar after the Cabul disaster, 86, 87 ; plot to murder him by the Ghazees, 88 n., 89 n. ; plan to disperse the disaffected Janbaz, 89 ; correspondence with General Nott recommending an attack on Prince Sufder Jung, 91, 92 ; precautions for the pro- tection and defence of Candahar, 93-95 ; on the policy of Mirza Ahmed, 96-97 ; action and despatch regarding the order to quit Candahar, 98-103 ; his activity among the tribes, 103 ; clears Candahar of its disaffected population, 104 ; his description of General Nott's attack on hos- tile tribes, and their efforts to capture the city, 105, 107 ; his negotiations with rebellious tribes and concern regarding the relief of Candahar, 109, 110, 112; his replies to General Nott's proposals respecting the capture of Mirza Ahmed and Mohammed Atta, 115-117; views on Lord Ellen- borough's letter ordering the evacuation of the city, 119-121 ; his account of General Nott's attack on the Doorani, 122-125 ; his friendly relations with Nott, and account of the evacuation of Candahar, 127, 128 n. ; accom- panies Nott's brigade to Cabul, 128, 130 ; examines inscription on Sultan Mahmoud's tomb, 132 ; visits General Pollock's army at Cabul, 133 ; termination of his Affghan services, 133, 134 ; trouble respecting Candahar accounts, 135, 136 ; suffers from brain fever, 136 ; slighted by the Authorities, 136 ; General Nott's testimonial, 137; made a C.B., 138 ; acquaintance with Lord Ellenborough, 139 ; appointed political agent in Turkish Arabia, 139, 140 ; reception at Baghdad and official duties, 140-143 ; re- sumption of cuneiform studies, 143-148, 150, 151, 153 ; as a tamer of wild animals, 148-150 ; contact with Layard, 151-154, 159 ; final visit to Behistmi, 155- 157 ; study of Hebrew and Arabic, 157, 158 ; life at Bagh- dad in 1849, 158 ; return to Eng- land, 158-160 ; his Second Cunei- form Memoir, 159, 171 ; reception in England, 161 ; as a chess player, 161, 162 ; woi'k in London : lectures before learned societies and contributions to periodicals during 1849-1851, 162-165 ; the British Museum Trustees and hi gift to the Prince of Wales, 165- 167 ; letter to East India Com- pany, 167-169 ; a Brevet-Lieu- tenant-Colonelcy conferred, 169 ; 356 MEMOIR OF Srii HENRY RAWLINSON other honours, 169-171 ; return to Baghdad, 171-172 ; in charge of Assyrian and other excavations, 172-195 ; poHtical anxieties : letter from Lord Stratford de Redchtfe, 195-199; accident to Sir Henry and return to Eng- land, 199 ; retires from East India Company's service, 200, 201; a K.C.B., 201, 202; nomi- nated a Crown Director of the East India Company, 202, 203; M.P. for Reigate, 203 ; speech on Lord Palmerston's India Bill, 204 ; becomes member of the India Council, 205, 206; ap- pointed envoy to Persia. 206- 208 ; starts for Teheran : visits en route, 208-221 ; reception there, 221, 222 ; disquietmg political intelligence, 222-224 ; resolves to resign, 224-226 ; [ reasons for so doing, 227, 228 ; effect at Persian Court, 228, 229 ; despatch relating final interviews with the Shah, 230-232 ; taking leave of the Embassy. 232, 283 ; his resignation explained by Lord John Russell, 233-237 ; re- turn to England, 239 ; resump- tion of cuneiform studies and work at the British Museum, 240-242; marriage, 243; contact with distinguished men, 244 ; elected for Frome, 246 ; interest in Indian affairs, 247 ; speech on the Abyssinian question and its result, 247-256 ; action on Bill for amending Government of India Act, 257 ; interest in the ■Central Asian question, 257, 258 ; Lord Roberts on the effect of Sir Henry's Memorandum on the subject, 258-260 ; close of his Parliamentary career and re- appointment to India Council, 260 261 ; his literary laboiu-s, 261 ; work as member of the India Council, 262-264 ; Secretaries for India under whom he served. 264 ; connection with Royal Geographical Society, 264 266; attends on Shah of Persia during his visit to England, 266-270; publishes his ' England and Russia in the East,' 270 272 ; attends Brussels Conference, 273 ; interviews and correspon- dence with Lord Lytton on Eng- land's Eastern policy, 273-276 ; defends his lordship's action, 277 ; views on the general Affghan question, 280-281 ; contrasts Liberal and Conservative policies, 282, 283 ; elected as Chairman of Political Committee of India Council, 284, 285 ; his share in Affghan Boundary understand- ing, 288 ; honorary degree of LL.D. Edinburgh conferred, 290 ; work at the British Museum and on the India Council, 290 ; death of Ladv Rawlinson, 291 ; his sons' careers, 291-293 ; his illness and death, 293, 294 : appreciation of, by his son : personal characteristics and oc- cupations, 295, 296 ; sporting instincts, 296 ; as a raconteur, 297-300 ; his library, 300 ; cimeiform note-books, and love of novel-reading, 300, 301 ; health during closing j-ears, 301, 302 ; guiding principles of action, 302, 303 ; not dogmatic in religious matters, 303, 304 ; his favourite poem, 305, 306 ; as cuneiform discoverer, 307-322 ; M. Oppert's testimony, 332, 333 ; position and work as a geo- grapher, 334, 335 ; his papers on the subject, 335-343 ; founders' medal of Royal Geographical Society- awarded, 336 ; extent of his erudition, 341, 342 ; unique characteristics as a geographer. 343, 344 ; contributions to the ' Encj'clopaedia Britannica,' 344, 345 ; connection with the Royal Geographical Society and value of his work, 345-347 Rawlinson, Henry Lindow (uncle), 3 Rawlinson, Henry Seymour (now Sir Henry), 29^-293; his esti- mate of his father, 295-306 Rawlinson, Richard, 3 Rawlinson, Robert (royalist), 2 Rawlinson, Thomas (abbot), 1 n. Rawlinson, Thomas (Lord Mayor of London), 3 Rawlinson, Walter. 2 Rawlinson. Sir AVilliam, 2 INDEX 367 Redcliffe, Lord Stratford de. See Canning. Sir Stratford Reeve, Henry. 244 Eeigate, representation of, 203, 209 Eennell, oi38. 340 Rich, 144 Ridgeway. Sir J. West, 288 Ripon. Marquis of, Viceroy of India, 279, 285 Bitter, 336 Roberts, Field Marshall Lord, on Sir Henr}' Rawlinson's life and work, xiii-xxii ; his ' Forty-one Years in India,' quoted, 258, 259, 275-279 ; his share in the second Aflfghan War, 276, 279 Rose, Colonel, 168 Ross, Dr., 60 Rothschild, Baron, 244 Royal Asiatic Society, 65, 70, 144, 146, 147, 151, 154, 157, 159, 162- 165. 171, 189, 195, 242, 261, 310, 311, 313, 314, 322, 328 331, 333 Royal Geographical Society, Sir Heni-y Rawlinson and the, 61, 68, 70, 165, 261, 264-266, 295, 298, 299, 385-337, 341, 343, 344, 347 Royal Institution, 164 Royal Society, 324 Eoj-al Society of Literature, 261, 324, 344 Roza, 131, 132 Russell, Lord Jolan, and Sir Henry Rawlinson, 172, 174, 230-232, 234, 235, 236-288, 247 Russia, her policy in Asia, xv, xix, XX, 67, 68, 71, 121, 158, 223, 226, 229, 280. 283, 247, 257- 260, 270, 280, 285 ; at war with Turkey, 196, 197 ; her mission to Cabul, 274-278 SabjEan antiquities, 165, 166 St. Martin, M., cuneiform discove- rer. 310. 311, 312, 321 Sale, Sir Robert, 11, 83, 114 Salisbvury, the Marquis of, 244, 264 Saloo Khan, 106 Sandford, Mr. Ashford, 243 Sassanian antiquities, 147, 165, 166 Sayce, Professor, 829 Schimmelpenninck, Mrs., 9 Schouvaloff, Count, 244 Schultz, Dr., 811, 812 Seistan frontier, 275, 281, 344, 346 Sennacherib inscriptions, 175, 176, 177 Seymour, Mr. Alfred, 243, 291 Seymour, Mr. Henry Danby, 236, 243. 291 Seymour, Miss Louise C. H., mar- riage to Sir Henry Rawlinson, 243; her death, 291 Shah Kamran, chief of Herat, 75 Shah Soojah, Amir of Affghan- istan, and the great war of 1839- 1842, 72, 74, 76, 78, 80, 85, 87, 89, 93, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 109 Shamil, the. his capture, 216 219 Shapur, the cave of, 37, 88 n. Shee, Colonel, 168 Sherbrooke, Lord, 244 Sherif Khan, discoveries at, 175 Shiel, Colonel, 36, 168 Shir Ali, Amir of Affghanistan, 259, 272, 274-277 Shir Ali, Wall of Candahar, 283 Shumshoodeen Khan, 129, 130, 131 Shuster, 61, 63 Simonich, Count, 220 Sipah Salar, 228 Smith, Mr. George, 240, 241, 242, 243, 329, 333 Smith, Mr. Richard, 4 n., 8 Smith, Mrs. Brooke, 64 Smith, the Right Hon. R. Vernon, 202 Somnauth, the Temple of, 132 ' Sporting Magazine,' quoted, 27-34 Stacey, Colonel, 112, 119, 122, 123, 125 Stael, M. de, 244 Stanley, Dean, 165, 244 Stanley, Lord (afterwards Earl of Derby), 205, 206, 207, 247, 256 Stewart, General D., his share in the second Affghan War, 276, 279 Stoddart, Colonel, 253 Stolietoff, General, his mission to Cabul, 274 Strangford, Lord, 848, 346 Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord. See Canning, Sir Stratford Strong, Rev. V. H. S., 157 Sufder Jung, Prince, 81, 91, 92, 94,97, 106, 115, 121, 126, 127, 128 Sukkur, 119, 126, 135 Suleiman Khan, Governor of the Zohab district, 59 Sultan Khan, 233 358 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY RAWLINSON Siimiid Khan, 91 Suram, 215 Siisa and Susiana, discoveries in, 61 , 172, 174, 175 Sutlej, 135, 137 Tait, 123 Taj Mohammed, 90 Takht-i-Bostan, inscriptions at, 57, 58 Takht-i- Suleiman, ruins of, 335, 339, 340 Talbot, Mr. Fox, 181, 329 Taplow, 296 Taylor, Colonel, 60, 140 Taylor, Mr. John, 173 Teheran, account of the reception of the British detachment at, 40- 44 ; Sir Henry Rawlinson's re- ception at, 221 Thackeray, W. M., 299 Theodore, King, of Abyssinia, 248, 249, 250, 254, 255 Thomas, Edwin, 147 Thomson, Mr. Ronald, 232 Thornton, Sir Edward, 285 Tiflis, 216, 219, 220 Tiglath-Pileser I. inscription. 181 'Times,' the, cited, 11, 237, 270, 287 Timour, Shahzada, 102, 115, 116, 122, 127, 128 Tonietta, M. Joseph, 188, 189 Turf, Mr. Abram Tyzack Rawlin- son's interest in the, 7, 8, 296 Turkey, her relations with Persia and Russia, 196, 197, 275 Turkish Arabia, Major Rawlinson as Political Agent in, xvi-xviii, 139, 140, 142, 167, 173, 200 Turner, General, 11 Tyzack, Miss Martha, 3 Upton, Hon. G., 35 Ussuf ool Dowleh, Afifghan min- ister, 44 Van, inscriptions at, 312 Vaux, 242 Vickovich, Captain, the Russian Agent, XV, 67 ?i., 68 n., 71 Victoria. Queen, and Sir Henry Rawlinson. 162; her presents to the Shah, 221, 222 Victoria Institute, Bath, 164 Vincent, 338 AV ALTER, Mr. John, 244 Watts, G. F., 244 AVensleydale, Lord, 233, 244 AVestergaard. Professor, 143, 144, 320 ». Wilberforce, Bishop, 244 Wilbraham, Colonel, 168 Williams, Colonel, 168 Wilson, Captain, 90 AVood, Sir Charles, 226, 236 AA^oodbiu-n, Colonel, 81 AA^oodfall, Colonel, 168 Wornum, R. 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