THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES FRA GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA -. Ni|U obstat. Geokgius Canning, S.J., Censor Depu talus. imprimatur. Guliemus Propositus Johnson, Vicarius Generalis. Westmonasterii, Die 20 Septembris, 1905. Fra Girolamo Savonarola A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY BASED ON CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS BY HERBERT LUCAS OK THE SOCIETY OK JESUS SECOND EDITION-REVISED ST LOUIS, MO. B. HERDER, 17 South Broadway LONDON AND EDINBURGH: SANDS & COMPANY 1906 7 3 ' • /^6 PREFACE ' I V HE present work owes its inception to the circumstance A that, in the month of February 1898, the writer received for review Dr Ludwig Pastor's brochure Zur BeurtJieilung Savonarolas. Dr Pastor had, as every one interested in such matters is aware, treated at some length of the career of Savonarola in the third volume of his Geschichte der Pdpste im Zeitalter der Renaissance. His presentment of the facts as well as his judgment upon them, had, however, been some- what sharply criticised by various writers, and more par- ticularly by Dr Paolo Luotto in an elaborate apology for Savonarola entitled II vero Savonarola e il Savonarola di Lodovico Pastor. To this volume, together with some less im- portant publications, the tract, Zur Beurtheilnng Savonarolas, was a rejoinder. To review the pamphlet, then, was to sit in judgment upon two experts ; and such a task it was manifestly unreasonable to undertake without having made some acquaintance with the subject at first hand. This again it was hardly possible to do without discovering how considerable a mass of con- temporary documentary evidence — published indeed, but scattered through the volumes of the Archivio Storico Italiano, the Appendices to the works of Quetif, Perrens, and Villari, the collections of Gherardi and Cappelli, etc., and thus inaccessible to the ordinary English reader — was available for the use of any one who should care to bring it together, in a compendious Vll 1 ?.f\R 1 fid viii PREFACE form, within the compass of a single volume. And this task, considering the interest of the subject for all students of ecclesiastical history, it seemed worth while to undertake. The original purpose, then, with which the writer com- menced his study of the Savonarola literature has been long since left behind. With Dr Pastor or Professor Luotto as the principals in a controversial contest we are not concerned. Our endeavour throughout has been, primarily, to set before the reader the facts of Savonarola's life, and a summary of the documentary evidence bearing thereon; and secondly to express, with, we trust, becoming moderation and reserve, our own judgment on such points as have given rise to a divergence of views upon his actions, his words, his aims and intentions, and on the actions and motives of those who, in greater or less measure, took part in the conflict which issued in the final catastrophe of his condemnation and execution. In the carrying out of this undertaking we have striven to keep in mind, for our own guidance, the wise words of Dr Grauert : " Halten wir alle an einer streng sachlichen Diskussion fest ; damit wird der Wissenschaft am besten gedient. Die heftigen Kampfe der Arrabbiati und Piagnonen sollten sich unter uns nicht erneuern ! " x So much, in substance, and for the most part verbatim, was said by way of introduction to the first edition of this work, published in 1899. The circumstance that the second edition is printed from the stereotype plates which served for the first, has made it necessary to restrict the changes in the text and notes to such emendations and additions as could be made without disturbance of the pagination. The revision has, however, by no means been confined to 1 Histurisches Jahrbnch der Gorres-Gesel/schaft, 1899, p. 107. PREFACE ix merely verbal corrections. In particular it has been possible to take account, though less fully than we could have wished, of what has been written on the subject, since 1899, by Mr E. Armstrong (pp. 100, 177, 179, 219, 236, 407, 429, 441), by Dr Joseph Schnitzer (pp. 48, 144, 221, 253, 384, 428, 430), and by Father J. L. O'Neil, O.P. 1 (pp. 180, 231, 247, 442), to whose criticisms in the San Francisco Monitor (nth and 1 8th November 1899), as well as to his monograph on the excommunication of Savonarola, we are further indebted for corrections or modifications, in the text or the notes, on pp. 10, 51, 138, 214, 215, 216, 219, 252, 297, 429. As regards Mr Armstrong, we have to express our sincere regret that we did not, in preparing the first edition of this biography, make use of the valuable article on Savonarola contributed by him to the English Historical Review so long ago as 1889. 2 We are now glad to acknow- ledge that, in several of the particulars on which we had ventured to dissent from Prof. Villari, we had been anticipated by Mr Armstrong. Instances of this may be found, in the present edition, at the foot of pp. 84, 135, 164, 165. 3 It is, however, a satisfaction to find that, approaching the subject from quite different points of view, we had been led to similar conclusions on these points though not on others, by an independent study of the same evidence. In addition to the writers who have been named, we have to express our thanks to other reviewers of the first edition, notably to Dr William Barry, Mgr. Bellerheim, 1 See the " Bibliographical List," infra, pp. xi. sqq., s. v v. - The single quotation from this article which the first edition contained (infra, p. 367 ncle) was one of the very few which were taken at second hand ; in this case from Pastor's History of the Popes, vi. 36 (E.T.), as was, of course, duly indicate !. 8 See also p. 172 note. x PREFACE " Tychicus," and a contributor to the Athenaeum. It only remains to add that pp. 441-442, the last in the book, have been rewritten ; that some minor alterations have been made on pp. 358, 434; and that the descriptive details in the " Bibliographical List " {infra, pp. xi.-xx.) have been slightly abbreviated in order to make room for additional items. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST Many of the works in the following list are cited in the course of the book by the author's or editor's name alone, or by such abbreviations as are indicated below. Allegretti, Allegretto. " Diari delle cose Sanesi del suo tempo." In Muratori, " Rerum Italicarum Scriptores," xxiii. 767 sqq. Mediolani, 1733. :i Annali del Convento di S. Caterina di Pisa, Estratti degli." In " Archivio Storico Italiano," vol. vi. part ii., pp. 399 sqq. Firenze, 1848. " Archivio Storico Italiano, ossia Raccolta di Opere e Docu- menti inediti o divenuti rarissimi risguardanti la Storia d'ltalia." 5 Series and Appendix. Firenze, 1842 sqq. Cited as "A.S.I." References are to the First Series unless another is specified. Armstrong, Edward. " Savonarola " ; an article in the " English Historical Review" (cited as "E.H.R."), vol. iv. (1889) ; being a critical review of the second edition of Villari's " Storia di G. S." ,, ,, A review of the first edition of the present work, in " E.H.R.," vol. xvi. London, 1901. m „ Florence (1.) : "Savonarola"; being chap. v. of the " Cambridge Modern History " (cited as "C.M.H."), vol. i. Cambridge, 1902. Benedetto da Firenze, Fra (O.P.), "Vulnera Diligentis." This unpublished tract, by a contemporary and fervent disciple of Savonarola, tells the story of his career in the form of a dialogue between "Agricola" {i.e. Benedetto himself) and " Volpe,'' or, in one part, between "Agricola" and " Propheta " (Savonarola). Considerable extracts from it are given in Villari, i. Append, pp. lxxxiv. sqq., and ii. Append, pp. lxxxiii. sqq. XI xii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST Benedetto da Firenze, Fra (O.P.). "'Cedrus Libani,' ossia vita di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, scritta in terzetti da Fra Benedetto da Firenze l'anno 15 10; connote. Per cura del P. Vincenzo Marchese de' Predicatori." In "Archivio Storico Italiano,' Append, vol. vii., pp. 41 sqq. Firenze, 1850. Bernardino da Lucca, Fra (O.P.). " Definitio contra injustam ex- communicationem latam erga fratrem Hieronymum Savonarolam ferrariensem." In Mansi's Appendix to "Miscellanea Stephani Baluzii," i. pp. 593 sqq. Lucae, 1761. ,, „ ,, " Discorso sopra la dottrina et opere del reverendo Padre fra Girolamo Savonarola . . . fatto in Roma sotto . . . papa Paulo IV. alia presenza dell' illustrissimi . . . Cardinali della Santa Inquisitione . . . 1558." In Que'tif, ii. 561 sqq. Botonio Timoteo (O.P.). See below under Burlamacchi, P. Burlamacchi Pacifico (O.P.). "Vita del P. F. Girolamo Savonarola, riveduta poco dopo ed aggiunta dal P. F. Timoteo Botonio" (O.P.). Lucca, 1761. The "Life" which, since the days of Mansi, who first published it, has borne the name of Burlamacchi, was certainly not written by him. In most of the MSS. in which it has been preserved it is not even attributed to him, or is ascribed to him only by a later hand. Fra Pacifico Burlamacchi, who entered the convent of S. Marco in 1499, the year after Savonarola's death, died in 15 19. But the biography ascribed to him in Mansi's MS. is based, as Villari has shown, on an anonymous and hitherto unpublished Vita Latina, which was written by an inmate of S. Marco between 1520 and 1530. By "Burlamacchi," then, we must be understood to mean the unknown author, who, by a con- vention now generally accepted, is usually cited under that name. Quetif, writing while " Burlamacchi " was still un- published, quotes from him under the name of " P. Timotheus Perusinus." " Father Timothy of Perugia " was the " P. F. Timoteo Botonio " who is mentioned in some of the MSS. as having revised and enlarged the work of Burlamacchi. Who- ever the author of the " Life" may have been, his work derives its value from being a reproduction, with comparatively un- important modifications, of the Vita Latina. (See Villari, Pref. pp. viii sqq.) BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST Xlll Cappem.i, Antonio. "Fra Girolamo Savonarola e notizie intorno il suo tempo." In "Atti e Mcmorie delle RR. deputazioni di Storia patria per la provincie Modenesi e Parmesi," vol. iv. Modena, 1869. Principally letters from Manfredo Manfredi, Ferrarese envoy at Florence, to Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara. Cerretani, Bartolommeo. "Storia Fiorentina." Considerable extracts from this unpublished work are given in Ranke, " Historisch-bibliographische Studien," pp. 335 sqq. Cinozzi, Fra Placido (O.P.). " Estratto d'una epistola fratris Placidi de Cinozis Ordinis Praedicatorum S. Marci de Florentia, devita et moribus reverendi patris fratris Hieronimi Savonarole de Ferraria, fratri Jacobo Siculo, eiusdem Ordinis Vicarius generalis (sic), post mortem dicti Prophete." In Villari and Casanova, pp. 3 sqq. Firenze, 1898. This is probably the earliest biographical notice of Savonarola. From it a good deal of Burlamacchi's " Life" is taken verbatim. Cinozzi was a diligent hearer and disciple of Savonarola, and his "Letter" appears to have been written shortly after Fra Girolamo's death. Commines, Philippe de. "The Memoirs of Philip de Commines, Lord of Argenton," etc. (English Translation.) Ed. A. R. Scoble, 2 vols. London, 1892. Conti, Augusto. "Storia della controversia di Fra Girolamo Savonarola coi Frati Minori." In "Archivio Storico Italiano," Terza Serie, xiii. pp. 177 sqq. Firenze, 187 1. An extract from the unpublished "Cronaca" of Dionisio Pulinari (O.F.M.), written about 1570 ; which in its turn embodies the account of the " Cimento del Fuoco " given by Fra Mariano da Firenze (O.F.M.), a contemporary, in his "Brevis Chronica Provinciae Thusciae." Cosci, Antonio. " Girolamo Savonarola e i nuovi documenti intorno al medesimo." In " Archivio Storico Italiano," Quarta Serie, iv. 282 sqq., 429 sqq. Firenze, 1879. A valuable essay on the fresh light thrown on the story of Savonarola's life and death by the documents embodied in the earlier volumes of the "Archivio Storico Italiano." Creighton, Mandell (Jatc Bishop of London). "A History of the Papacy during the period of the Reformation," vol. iii. " The Italian Princes, 1464-1518." London, 1887. xiv BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST "Diario Ferrarese dall' anno 1409 sino al 1502, di autori incerti." In Muratori, "Rerum Italicarum Scriptores," xxiv. 173 sqq. Mediolani, 1738. " Eliot, George." "Romola." New Edition. London, 1878. Filipepi, Simone {alias Botticelli, S.). "Estratto della Cronaca di Simone Filipepi, novamente scoperto," etc. In Villari and Casanova, pp. 452 sqq. This tract is one of the earliest biographical notices of Savonarola, being referred to by Fra Benedetto da Firenze (see above, under Benedetto, etc.), and also by Lorenzo Vivoli (see below, under Vivoli, etc.), both con- temporaries of Savonarola. Gherardi, Alessandro. " Nuovi Documenti e Studi intorno a Girolamo Savonarola." Seconda Edizione. Firenze, 1887. This collection contains documents, derived from various sources, which throw light on every stage of Savonarola's career. Grauert, Hermann. " Savonarola." In " Wissenschaftliche Beilage zur Germania." Jahrgang 1897-98, pp. 265 sqq., 273 sqq.) 283 sqq., 297 sqq., 305 sqq. Grisar, Hartmann (S.J.). " Zu den neuen Publikationen iiber Savonarola." In " Zeitschrift fur katholische Theo- logie," iv. 391 sqq. Innsbruck, 1880. Guasti, Cesare. " II Savonarola e i Lucchesi. Nuovi Docu- menti." In " Giornale Storico degli Archivi Toscani," vi. 122 sqq. Firenze, 1862. Guicciardini, Francesco. "Del Reggimento di Firenze, Libri due." In " Opere Inedite di Francesco Guicciardini," ii. 1 sqq. Firenze, 1858. „ ,, " Discorsi intorno alle Mutazioni e Riforme del Governo Fiorentino." In " Opere Inedite," etc., ii. 235 sqq. ,, „ "Storia Fiorentina." In "Opere Inedite," etc., vol. iii. ,, „ "Istoria d'ltalia," vol i. Milano, 1803. Horsburgh, E. L. S. " Jerome Savonarola." London, 1901. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST xv " Irish Rosary, Thk." Dublin, 1898. A series (June to October) of anonymous articles on " Savonarola." Landucci, Luca. " Diario Fiorentino dal 1450 al 1516." Ed. Jodoco del Badia. Firenze, 1883. A continuous and strictly contemporary record of events in Florence by an ardent admirer of Savonarola. Landucci was a physician, and the owner of a small estate near Florence. Lottini, L. Giovanni (O.P.). "Fu veramente escomunicato Savonarola?" Milano, 1898. Lungo, Isidoro del. " Fra Girolamo Savonarola." In "Archivio Storico Italiano," Nuova Serie, xviii. part ii. pp. 3 sqq. Firenze, 1863. A collection of letters, chiefly from Paolo Somenzi, Milanese envoy at Florence, and Francesco Tranchedino, Milanese envoy at Bologna, to Lodovico Sforza, Duke of Milan. Luotto, Paolo. " II Vero Savonarola e il Savonarola di Lodovico Pastor." Firenze, 1897. Apart from the controversial merits of this work, whatever they may be, it is valuable as containing very numerous extracts from the sermons of Savonarola. Lupi, Clemente. " Nuovi Documenti intorno a fra Girolamo Savonarola." In " Archivio Storico Italiano," Terza Serie, iii. 3 sqq. Firenze, 1866. A collection of the official reports of various debates in the " Collegio " and the " Consiglio de' Richiesti " concerning the affairs of Savonarola. „ ,, " Documenti Pisani intorno Fra Girolamo Savonarola." In " Archivio Storico Italiano," Terza Serie, xiii. t8o sqq. Extracts from the correspondents of the Anziani of Pisa with their envoys at Venice, concerning the affairs of Savonarola. MacHardy, E. "Savonarola." London, 1901. Mansi, Joannes Dominicus. " Monumentorum Historicorum Appendix." In "Stephani Baluzii Miscellanea," etc., vol. i. Lucae, 1761. Various documents relating to Savonarola are in this Appendix, pp. 527 sqq. See under Bernardino da Lucca, Burlamacchi, Savonarola (Lettere), etc. xvi BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST Marchess, Vincenzo (O.P.). Lettere Inedite di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, e Documenti concernenti lo stesso." In " Archivio Storico Italiano," Appendice, viii. 73 sqq. Firenze, 1850. The "Documenti" chiefly consist of the correspondence of Becchi, Bracci, and Bonsi, Florentine envoys at Rome, with the Signory and the Ten of Florence. Cited as " Marchese." M ,, " Sunto Storico del Convento di San Marco di Firenze." In "Scritti Vari del P. Vincenzo Marchese," vol. i. Terza Edizione. Firenze, 1892. Mariano, da Firenze, Fra (O.F.M.). "Brevis Chronica Provinciae Thusciae." A portion of this chronicle, embodied by Pulinari in " Alcuni ricordi," etc. (see below, under Pulinari) is given in Conti, " Storia della controversial etc. (see above, under Conti). Meier, Karl. " Girolamo Savonarola aus grossen Theils hand- schriftlichen Quellen." Berlin, 1836. Mirandola, G. F. Pico della. See under Pico della Mirandola, G. F. Muratori, Lodovico. " Rerum Italicarum Scriptores," vols, xxiii. and xxiv. Mediolani, 1733-38. Cited as " R.I.S." Nardi, Jacopo. "Istorie di Firenze." Ed. Agenore Gelli, 2 vols. Firenze, 1858. M " Breve Discorso . . . per informazione delle novita seguite in Fiorenza, dall' anno 1494," etc. In Villari, i. Append, pp. lxxv. sqq. Oliphant, Mrs. " The Makers of Florence." London, 1876. O'Neil, J. L. (O.P.). "Jerome Savonarola. A Sketch." Boston, 1898. n „ " Was Savonarola really Excommunicated ? " Boston, 1900. Parenti, Piero. "Storie Florentine." A series of extracts from this unpublished chronicle is given in Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," pp. 112 sqq. Others are given in Ranke, "Historiscb-biographische Studien," pp. 342 sqq. t and passim in the notes to the work. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST xvii Pastor, Ludwig. "Geschichte der Papste im Zeitalter der Re- naissance," vol. iii. Freiburg, 1895. Third Edition, 1899. „ „ " The History of the Popes from the close of the Middle Ages." From the German, etc. Edited by Frederick Ignatius Antrobus, of the Oratory, vols. iv. v. vi. London, 1894-98. All references are to the English Transla- tion, except where passages are quoted from the original. ,, „ "Zur Beurtheilung Savonarolas." Freiburg, 1898. A rejoinder to the criticisms of Luotto, Commer, and others. Perrens, F. T. " Jerome Savonarola, d'apres les documents originaux," etc. Deuxieme Edition. Paris, 1856. Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni Francesco. " Vita R. P. Fr. Hieronymi Savonarolae Ferrariensis, Ord. Praed." In Quetif, vol. i. Pitti, Jacopo. " Istoria Fiorentina." In "Archivio Storico Italiano," vol. i. Firenze, 1842. Procter, J. (O.P.). "The Dominican Savonarola and the Reformation." London, 1895. Pulinari, Dionisio. " Alcuni ricordi delle cose di fra Girolamo da Ferrara," etc. (written in 1578). Extracts from this un- published tract are given in Conti, " Storia della Contro- versial' etc. (see above, under Conti), and in Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," etc., pp. 351 sqq. [Quetif, Jacques.] "Vita R. P. Fr. Hieronymi Savonarolae Ferrariensis Ord. Praedicatorum, Authore 111. D. Joan. Franc. Pico Mirandulae Concordiaeque Principe, Notis accurata. . . . Additionibus insuper, Actis, Diplomatibus, Epistolis, Scripto- rumque monimentis aucta et illustrata." 2 vols. Parisiis, 1674. The editor's name does not appear on the title-page or else- where. The " Additiones," a very valuable collection, are in vol. ii. Roth volumes are referred to as "Quetif." Ranke, Leopold von. " Savonarola und die florentinische Republik gegen Ende des xv. Jahrhunderts." In " Historisch-biographische Studien, von L. von Ranke." Leipzig, 1S78. b xviii BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST Savonarola, Girolamo. " Apologeticum Fratrum Congregationis S. Marci de Florentia." In Quetif (" Additiones") ii. 77 sqq. „ „ "Compendium Revelationum inutilis servi Jesu Christi Patris Hieronymi de Ferraria Ord. Praedic. Impressit Florentiae ser Franciscus Bonaccursius a. sal. mdcccclxxxxv. v. non. dec." Also in Quetif, i. 216 sqq. (The tract, with a preface by Girolamo Benivieni, is paged continuously with Quetif's edition of Pico della Mirandola's " Life," as a supplement thereto. But the supplement appears to be an afterthought, as there is no reference to the tract on the title page, and " Finis" occurs on p. 212.) „ „ " Del Dispregio del Mondo." In Villari i. Append, pp. viii. sqq. Also in Bayonne, iii. 5 sqq. „ „ " De Ruina Ecclesiae." A Poem, com- posed in or about 1475, w ' tn explanatory notes by the author. In Villari and Casanova, pp. 402 sqq. „ ,, "De Ruina Mundi." A Poem, com- posed in 1472. In Villari and Casanova, pp. 400 sqq. „ „ " De Simplicitate Vitae Christianae." " Libro di Frate Hieronymo da Ferrara Delia Semplicita della Vita Christiana Tradocto in Volgare." Firenze, 1496. Also in Bayonne, i. 211 sqq. „ „ "F. H. Savonerolae (sic) Ferrariensis Ord. Praed. de Veritate Prophetica. Dyalogus." S.l.s.a. „ „ Lettere. (1) " R. P. Hieronymi Savonarolae Ferrariensis O.P., etc., Epistolae Spirituales et Asceticae." Ed. Quetif. Paris, 1764. (2) " Lettere Inedite di Fra G. S." Ed. Marchese. (See above, under Marchese.) (3) " Lettere di Fra G. S." In Villari and Casanova, pp. 419 sqq. (4) Many of these letters are also in Bayonne, vol. iii. (5) Others, of a more public character, in Quetif ("Additiones") vol. ii. (6) Others in Mansi's Appendix to Baluzius, i. 584 sqq. (see 'above, under Mansi ) ; Gherardi, pp. 278 sqq., etc. „ „ Opere. (1) "CEuvres Spirituelles choises de Jerome Savonarole," etc. Trans, par E.-C. Bayonne, 3 vols. Paris, 1879-80. (2) " Scelta di Trattati e altri Scritti di Fra G. S." In Villari and Casanova, pp. 335 sqq. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST xix Savonarola, Girolamo. " Prediche." The following are the principal series of the published sermons of Savonarola. The various sets are for the most part printed separately, and it has seemed unnecessary to give details as to the editions. We give, however, the dates of the delivery of the sermons, so far as these can be ascertained. On the First Epistle of S. John. Advent, 1491 (or 1492). On the Psalm : " Quam bonus." Advent, 1492 (or 1491). "Super Arcam Noe." Lent, 1494. On Aggaeus. Autumn and Advent, 1494. On certain Psalms. Before and after Lent, 1495. On Job. Lent, 1495. On Amos and Zacharias. Lent, 1496. On Ruth and Micheas. Summer, 1496. On Ezechiel. Advent, 1496, and Lent, 1497. On the Psalm : " Domine Deus meus." Ascension Day, 1497. On Exodus. Lent, 1498. Numerous extracts from the Sermons of Savonarola are also given in Villari and Casanova, pp. 31 sqq. ; in Villari, i. Append, pp. xii. sqq., xxviii. sqq., and in the course of the work passim, and in Luotto. „ „ " Triumphus Crucis : De Veritate Fidei," s.l.s.a. Also: "The Triumph of the Cross." Translated by J. Procter (O.P.). London, 1900. "II Savonarola e la Critica Tedesca ; " an Italian translation of articles by J. Schnitzer, H. Grauert, "Spektator," and M # Brosch ; and of the passages relative to S. in Pastor's "Gesch. der Papste." Firenze, 1900. Schnitzer, Joseph. " Savonarola im Lichte der neuesten Literatur." Four articles in " Historisch-politische Blatter fur des katholische Deutschland " (cited as "H.P.B."), vol. xxi. Miinchen, 189.8. „ „ " Die neueste Literatur iiber Savonarola." A second series of articles in "H.P.B.," vol. xxv. Miinchen, 1900. Tocco, Felice. " II Savonarola e la Profezia." In " Vita Italiana nel Rinascimento" (a collection of lectures by various authors). Milano, 1893. Villari, Pasquale. " La Storia di Girolamo Savonarola e de' suoi Tempi." Nuova Edizione. Seconda Impressione, 2 vols. Firenze, 1898. The Appendices to these two volumes contain a great mass of illustrative documents. XX BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST Villari, P. and Casanova, E. " Scelta di Prediche e Scritti di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, con nuovi document! intorno alia sua vita." Firenze, 1898. "Vita Latina." See above, under Burlamacchi, P. Vivoli, Lorenz - ). "Giornate." Lorenzo Vivoli was that faithful disciple of Savonarola, to whose diligent reporting we are indebted for the preservation of most of the sermons preached by him from T494 to 1498. The "Giornate" are a series of dialogues between "Soma" and "Didimo," in which " Soffia " (i.e. Vivoli himself) gives his reminiscences of Savonarola. They are entirely similar in character to the dialogues in the "Vulnera Diligentis" of Fra Benedetto. (See above, under Benedetto.) Important extracts from this unpublished tract are given in Villari, i. Append, pp. lviii sqq. (" il Proemio," etc.), and ii. Append, pp. lxxi sqq ("il fine della terza ed il principio della quarta Giornata "), and pp. cviii sqq. ("la sesta Giomata"). NOTE. A word may here be said on the use of quotation marks throughout this work. They must of course be taken to indicate that, where they are used, nothing has been added to the words of the writer or speaker who is quoted. By reason, however, of the prolixity which was habitual with Savonarola and with some of his contemporaries, a certain amount of compression has been occasionally used, without any explicit indication (beyond the present) that this has been done. CONTENTS CHAPTER I GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA, I452-8I Paduan origin of the Savonarola family, 1 — Michele Savonarola settles at Ferrara, 1 — Niccolo Savonarola and his family, 2— Ferrara under Borso d'Este, 3 — Works of Michele Savonarola, 3 — Character of Girolamo, his disappoint- ment in love, 4 — His studies ; despondent views ; the tract, " De Ruina Mundi," 4f. — His religious vocation and flight from Ferrara to Bologna, 6 — The tract, "Del Dispregio del Mundo," 6f. — The tract, "De Ruina Eccleske," 8 — Medieval interpretation of the Apocalypse, "Babylon" and " the harlot," 9 — Religious virtues of Fra Girolamo, 9 f. CHAPTER II FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY : ROME AM) ITALY UNDER SIXTUS IV. AND INNOCENT VIII First sermons at Ferrara 1481 ; their comparative ill-success, 11 — War between Venice and Ferrara, dispersal of Dominican students, nf. — Fra Girolamo appointed "Reader" of Holy Scripture, 12 — He preaches at S. Lorenzo in 1482 ; his rival, Fra Mariano, 12 — Disappointment at failure of these sermons, 13 — He preaches in Tuscany and Lombardy, 14 — The Chapter at Reggio ; Savonarola meets G. Pico della Mirandola (the elder), 14 — The three "conclusions" first announced at San Gimignano, 14 f. — Summary of Savonarola's views by G. F. Pico della M. (the younger), 15 f. — Dr Barry on the Papacy under Sixtus IV. and his successors, 16 f. — Character and Policy of Sixtus IV., 17 ff. — Election of Innocent VIII. ; the "Oratio pro Ecclesia," 21— Condition of Rome and Italy under Innocent VIII., 22 f. — Despots and bastard princes, general demoralisation, 23 f. — A brighter side to the picture, 24 — But on the whole the evil predominates, 25. CHAPTER III THE PREACHKK : HIS TEACHING AND HIS METHODS Sa\ narola returns to Florence, 1489 ; his lectures on the Apocalypse, 26 — Begins to preach at S. Marco, August 1490, 26 — Difficulty of giving a fair idea of his ordinary preaching, 27 f.— Constant and abundant use of Holy Scripture, 2S- xxi toil CONTENTS And of the "Summa" of S. Thomas Aquinas, 28— Artificiality and strained allegory, 29 f. — His ascetical system compared with that of the " Spiritual Exercises," 31 f.— The tract, " De Simplicitate Vitae Christiana," 31— Tendency to exaggeration; undue depreciation of ceremonies, 32 f. — In- vectives against vice ; commendation of works of mercy, 34 — His piety ; devotion to the H. Eucharist, and to the B. V. M., 35— Results of his preaching ; were they ephemeral ? 36 f.— The charge of exaggerated asceticism itself exaggerated, 38 ff. — Organisation of religious reform ; processions ; the bonfire of vanities, etc., 40-41— His devices characterised by a certain extravagance ; danger of reaction, 42 f. — Reformation of the children of Florence, 43 ff.— Repression of gambling ; he invites the Signory to exercise severity ; the children's police, 46 f. CHAPTER IV ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY: THE "COMPENDIUM REVELATIONUM" Savonarola's thoughts mainly concerned with the prophetical writings of the O. T., 49— He conceives himself to hold a special prophetic mission, 49 f.— The question as between a genuine mission, delusion, or imposture cannot be evaded, 51— The Church has not decided the question, but the " Dyalogus de Veritate Prophetica" has been placed on the Index, 51— Summary of the "Compendium Revelationum," with notes from the "Dyalogus," 52-63— Manner of revelation, 52— God's designs upon Italy, and His choice of Fra Girolamo for His messenger, 53 f.— Conformity of his predictions with Holy Scripture, 54 — The vision granted to Fra Girolamo on 1st April 1495, 54 ff.— Dialogue with the Tempter, 55 ff.— The vision of the B. V. M. and of the Lilies, 61 ff.— The question as to possible delusion re-stated, 64— Savonarola's own tests: (1) Subjective certainty ; open to delusion, 656°. — (2) Fulfilment of predictions ; perhaps accounted for by natural sagacity, clear vision of supernatural truth, and conjecture, 68 ff.— (3) Good results of the predictions; not always a sure test, and in this case qualified by the admixture of undesirable results, 70 ff.— (4) Acceptance of the predictions by "all good men"; the assertion open to question, 72— Moreover, the preacher's habitual flattery of Florence casts suspicion on the genuineness of his claim, 72 f. CHAPTER V SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE' MEDICI Savonarola preaches in the Duomo at Florence, Lent 1491, with growing success, 74 — Lorenzo sends five citizens to remonstrate ; Savonarola is firm, and predicts the death of Lorenzo, Innocent VIII. , and Ferrante I. of Naples, 75— Sermon in the Palazzo, Easter 1491 ; warnings against " Tyrants," 76— Lorenzo sets up Fra Mariano as a rival to Savonarola, 77 — Savonarola's reply to Mariano on "the times and the moments," 78 — Character of Mariano, 79 — Savonarola elected Prior of S. Marco ; decline* to visit Lorenzo, 79 f. — Lorenzo seeks to conciliate Savonarola, 80 f. — Death of Lorenzo de' Medici ; the rival accounts, 81 ff. CONTENTS xxm CHAPTER VI SAVONAKOI.A AND PIERO DE' MEDICI — SAVONAROLA AT BOI.OGNA— THE SEPARATION OF S. MARCO FROM THE LOMUARD CONGREGATION Character of Piero de' Medici ; no trace of an open opposition to him on the part of Savonarola, 85 — The vision of the two Crosses, 86 — The vision of the Sword of the Lord, 87 — Fra Girolamo preaches the Lent at Bologna, 1493 ; the story of Madonna Bentivoglio, 88 f. — Project for the separation of S. Marco from the Lombard Congregation, 89 f. — Unfounded conjecture of Villari regarding the mission to Bologna, 90 — An incident in the career of Fra Mariano, 90 f. — The Memorial of the Brethren of S. Marco in favour of separation, 91 ff. — Savonarola's letter to "una Badessa di Ferrara" on the same subject, 93 ft". — Political interests engaged in the project of separation, 96 — Negotiations in Rome, supported by the Signory, 96 f. — Papal Brief authorising the separation extorted by Cardinal Caraffa, 97 f. — Piero de' Medici is (apparently) appointed arbitrator, 98 ff. — Savonarola's letter to Piero, 100. CHAPTER VII THE CONGREGATION OF S. MARCO — EXTENSION OF THE REFORM Torriano, General of the Dominicans, supports S. Marco against the Lombards, 101 — The work of reform at S. Marco strenuously taken in hand ; great increase in the number of the community, 102 f. — Extension of the reform to Fiesole, Pisa, Prato, and Bibbiena (S. M. del Sasso), 104 — Efforts of the Signory to extend the reform to these convents ; Savonarola receives the powers of a Provincial, 105 f. — Correspondence relative to Fiesole and Pisa, 106 f. — The establishment of a colony from S. Marco at Pisa, 107 f. — No real "freedom" in the transaction, which owed its completion to political influences ; collapse of the scheme, 109 — The convent at S. Maria del Sasso, 109 — The older "Tuscan Congregation," no — Correspondence relative to Prato, establishment there of Friars from S. Marco, 1 1 1 f. CHAPTER VIII THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING Prudence suggests the abstention of religious from Politics, but the rule may admit of exceptions, 113 — Two phases of Savonarola's political activity, 113 — The French invasion under Charles VIII. claimed by Savonarola as a fulfilment of prophecy; the new Cyrus, 113 ft. — When was the prediction first made? Probably not till negotiations were already on foot, in 1493, 1 15 ft". — Strange mistake of Savonarola relative to his own course of preaching, 117 ff. — Villari's exaggeration of the suddenness of the news of the invasion, 119 — Yet a real panic was caused by the sack of Rapallo, etc., 120 — Responsibility incurred by Savonarola in favouring the invasion, 121 ff. — Probable aims and motives of Charles VIII., 122 — Embassy of Piero to Charles VIII.; surrender of the fortresses, 123 — Popular indignation; xxiv CONTENTS Savonarola's sermons on Aggaeus, September 1494 ; the call to penance, 124 f. — He begins to protest against "questi governi " ; debate on the situation, 125 — Piero declared incapable of governing ; a new embassy to be sent, 126 — Savonarola appointed one of the ambassadors ; his speech to the King, 127 ff. — Was he justified, or deluded, in hailing Charles VIII. as God's agent? 129 — Piero's return ; his cold reception ; his flight from Florence, 130 — Savonarola speaks of Piero's flight as the work of God, 13 1 — Amnesty and recall of Anti-Medicean exiles, 132 — Charles VIII. at Florence ; Savonarola's services at this crisis, 132 f. — The formation of the Holy League, 31st March, 1495, 133 — Efforts to induce Florence to join the League, 134 — Savonarola favours the French alliance ; the vision of the Lilies, 134 f. — The Pope pro- bably justified in resenting Savonarola's action, 135 — The return of Charles VIII.; Savonarola's advice to d'Este of Ferrara, 136 f. — Savonarola meets the King at Poggibonsi ; he reports the interview, 138 f. — The King to be punished for non-fulfilment of his promises, 139 f. — The revolt of Pisa; Savonarola's views on this subject ; surely not a matter of divine revelation, 140 f. — Savonarola's letters to Charles VIII., 141 ff. CHAPTER IX THE FRIAR AND THE FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION Cardinal Capecelatro on Savonarola's political activity, as contrasted with the abstention of S. Philip Neri from politics, 145 — Savonarola's account of his drifting into politics under divine guidance, 145 f. — Entire abstention was for him perhaps impossible ; yet he seems to have gone too far, 146 — The return of exiles after Piero's flight a source of danger ; but a yet greater danger to be feared from Piero's return, 147 — Savonarola's salutary and opportune counsels of peace, 147 f. — A constitutional re-organisation necessary, in which Savonarola took a prominent part, 148 — The Florentine notion of political liberty ; a participation in active government desired by all, 148 f. — Nature of Florentine constitution ; the Signory, the Ten, the Eight, etc., 149 f. — Disadvantage of frequent changes of administration ; practical safeguards, 150 — The Parlamento as an ultimate resource ; the device of the " Balia" in times of crisis, 150 — The constitution under the Medici, the Council of Seventy, 151 — The Seventy now abolished; temporary appointment of Accoppiatori, 151 — Thanksgiving for a peaceful revolution; but further changes needed, 152 — Savonarola lays down the principles of a suitable reform, 6th December 1494, 152 ff. — Great collection of alms; popularity of Fra Girolamo, 154 — Soderini recommends the establishment of a Great Council on the Venetian model, 155— Savonarola supports Soderini's pro- posals ; his Advent sermons attended by the leading men of the city, 155 ff. — Vespucci opposes Soderini, but the latter prevails, 158 — The Great Council established; the Council of Eighty, 158 f. — Fiscal legislation ; the amnesty and the law of appeal from the " Sei fave" proposed, but warmly contested, 159 ff. — Political parties ; Ottimati, Palleschi, or Bigi (Greys), Frateschi or Bianchi, 160 f. — Da Ponzo opposes Savonarola on the question of the " Sei fave " ; the measure at last carried, 162 f. — Details of the measure ; Vespucci's change of front ; Villari's view contested, 164 f. — Resignation of Accoppiatori ; abolition of Parlamento ; the latter advocated by Savonarola, 165 f. — CONTENTS xxv Provisions against return of Medici ; Savonarola's vehement language, 167 — Its fruits two yearsjlater (1497) in the case of Bernardo del Nero and his com- panions ; their appeal disallowed ; their condemnation and hasty execution ; divergence of views on Savonarola's attitude in this affair, 168 f. — The ques- tion again raised as to Savonarola's political activity ; a great opportunity ; Savonarola's views entitled to consideration, and probably sound ; but not to be upheld as alone consistent with the Gospel, 170 f. — Drawbacks of the new constitution ; divergent views entitled to respect, 172 ff. — Savonarola's un- measured invectives against opposing parties, 175 f. — The constitutional ques- tion bound up with that of the League, 176 — Savonarola's services to Florence ; his mistaken claim to a special divine commission, 176 f. — The affair of Savonarola's invitation to Lucca ; probably misinterpreted by Nardi and Villari ; more reasonably viewed by Cosci and Guasti, 177 ff. CHAPTER X PROPHET AND POPE (i) The Brief Inter ceteros, 25th July 1495 ; Savonarola summoned to Rome, 180 — Savonarola's reply, 31st July ; his " reasonable excuse " ; the "Compendium Revelationum," 1S1 f. — The excuses probably valid ; yet such as might have been overcome ; his attitude as concerning the claim to a prophetic mission, 182 ff, — The Brief, Quia divini consilii, 8th September 1495 > Savonarola inhibited from preaching ; S. Marco restored to the Lombard Congregation, 184 ff. — The Brief, Quam mult a et varia, 9th September, addressed to Maggi ; Maggi is appointed judge of Savonarola's prophetic claim, 186 — Savonarola's reply, 29th September ; he professes submission ; protests against misrepresentation ; maintains his right to prophecy ; appeals to the tests of his mission ; objects to reunion with the Lombards, and to the appoint- ment of Maggi as his judge, 186 ff. — The reply not defensible ; yet allowances must be made, 192 f. — The Brief, Licet itberius, 16th October 1595 ; prohibition of preaching maintained ; the other demands of the former Briefs withdrawn, 194 f. — The harsher expressions of the Brief admit of explanation, 195 f. — Savonarola refrains from preaching for several months ; diplomatic corre- spondence on the affair ; the Signory and the Ten plead the cause of Savonarola at Rome, 197 ff. — The reform of the children, of the Carnival, etc., 198 f. — A verbal permission for Savonarola to resume his sermons probably extorted by Caraffa, 199 f. — Savonarola resumes the ministry of preaching; sermons on Amos and Zachariah, Lent, 1496 ; his attitude towards the Pope, 200 f. — Further correspondence and debate on the subject; Savonarola at Prato and Pistoia, 202 ff. CHAPTER XI PROPHET AND POPE (2) Savonarola at Prato ; political and moral reform of the city, 206 f. — Corre- spondence of Savonarola with Lodovico Sforza, Duke of Milan, and with Galeazzo della Mirandola, 207 f. — Somenzi hopes to win over Savonarola to xxvi CONTENTS the League, 208 — Savonarola returns to Florence ; sermons on Ruth and Micheas, May 1496 ; his mission to all Italy ; warnings and invectives, 209 f. — "Scandalously false, or scandalously true ?" the alleged offer of a Cardinal's hat to Savonarola ; he wishes only for the red hat of martyrdom, 210 — Distress at Florence ; the war with Pisa ; waning popularity of Savonarola ; his sermon on 20th August 1496, 211 — Plot against Fra Girolamo ; a forged letter to Charles VIII., 212 — The Emperor at Pisa; alarm at Florence; Savonarola's sermon, 28th October, 212 — The safe arrival of the corn ships from Marseilles; revival of Savonarola's popularity, 213 — The Brief, Reformatieni et Aiigmento, 7th November 1496 ; a new Congregation " of the Roman and Tuscan Province" established, 213 f. — Savonarola's criticism of the Brief ; Torriano carries out the measure, but not unfavourably to Fra Girolamo, 214 ff. — The " Apologeticum Fratrum S. Marci" ; the project of the new Congregation declared to be impossible, unreasonable, mischievous ; obedience not due to such a precept, 216 ff. — The "Apologeticum" discussed; Professor Schnitzer's view ; it cannot be sustained, 220 ff. — The sermons on Ezechiel, Advent 1496 ; the Signory and the Eight exhorted to severity ; " conventicoli " to be suppressed, 222 — Diplomatic correspondence with Milan, Ferrara, and Rome ; Florence and the League ; despatches to and from Becchi and Bracci, 223 ff. — Bernardo del Nero elected Gonfaloniere ; a hostile Signory, 224 — The sermons on Ezechiel resumed, Lent 1497 ; Savonarola apostrophises the "profligate Church"; and threatens to cry, " Lazarus, come forth ! " presentiment of impending excommunication, 228 f. — Abortive attempt of Piero de' Medici, 229 f. — The " Arrabbiati " in power ; the plague ; preaching prohibited ; the outrage on Ascension Day, 1497, 230 f. CHAPTER XII THE EXCOMMUNICATION Savonarola's enemies active in Rome ; Fra Mariano and Gianvittorio da Camerino ; the Brief of excommunication (Cuw sape), 13th May 1497, sent by Camerino, 232 — Camerino dares not deliver the Brief ; dissensions at Florence ; the Signory hostile but the Ten favourable to Savonarola ; a Committee of Public Safety appointed, 233 — Becchi ascribes the Brief to Caraffa and Lopez ; the Ten write in support of Fra Girolamo, 234 ; Savonarola's letter of remonstrance to the Pope; the tract, "De Triumpho Crucis," 234 f. — Publication of the Brief, Cum sape, 18th June ; summary of its contents, 235 f. — Savonarola's manifesto, addressed ' ' to all Christians " ; the validity of the ex- communication denied ; refusal to obey vindicated ; threats, and appeal to a forthcoming miracle, 236 ff. — Savonarola's second letter on the excommunica- tion ; the question of its validity discussed by him in the light of Canon Law, 239 ff. — Review of the question; canonists do not support Savonarola's view; an "intolerable error" may vitiate a sentence ; what is an "intolerable error"? unreasonableness of appeal to public opinion ; canonists misquoted ; an unsound opinion of Gerson, 241 ff. — Savonarola mistaken ; the authority ol Torriano and Caraffa ignored ; the affair casts discredit on Savonarola's claim to a divine mission, 251 ft CONTENTS xxvil CHAPTER XIII THE LONG SILENCE Savonarola observes silence for eight or nine months ; friendly Signories ; the execution of the Medicean conspirators, 254 — The plague; charity of Savonarola; "The Triumph of the Cross," and other writings, 255 — The Signory repeatedly write to Rome in support of Savonarola, 255 — Murder of the Duke of Gandia ; the Pope's momentary resolution to reform his life and the Roman court ; Savonarola's letter to him, 25th June 1497 ; diplomatic and other correspondence ; the Commission of Reform, 255 ff. — A Debate on the Excommunication, 5th July 1497 ; the Signory write to the Pope in favour of Savonarola, 262 f. — The "Subscription" or joint letter of Florentine citizens, and of the Brethren of S. Marco in support of Fra Girolamo ; these documents not sent, 263 f. — Debate on the "Subscription"; unfavourable comments, 264 — Further correspondence ; letters of Becchi, the Signory, Savonarola, and Manfredi, 264 ff. — Savonarola to the Pope "for Absolution," 13th October; professions of submission with refusal to obey, 267 ff. — Four letters from Manfredi to d'Este, 269 f. — Savonarola officiates publicly on Christmas Day, 1497 ; special mission of Domenico Bonsi to Rome ; despatches from him, 270 f. CHAPTER XIV SEPTUAGESIMA I498 Christmas 1497, and Epiphany 1498 ; Savonarola's friends are scandalised at his public exercise of ecclesiastical functions, 272 — He commences to preach on Septuagesima Sunday, nth February, 272 ff. — The Excommunication declared invalid ; the Pope a "broken tool"; the precept of union not binding; he will never seek absolution; " S' io mi fo mai assolvere . . . mandami in inferno!" 273 ff. — Mercenary clergy who will absolve for money; "Turn them out ! " 277 f. — Fulfilment of prophecy alleged as a proof that the Excom- munication is null ; God will grant a miracle in His own good time, 278 f. — Lawlessness ; the preacher's words no hasty utterances but the expression of his deliberate opinion, 279 — The sermon on Sexagesima Sunday, 18th February ; to maintain the validity of the Excommunication is heresy ! Vocations to the priesthood, 280 f. — Inconsistent action of the Pope; his enemies seek the ruin of the city; S. Paul withstanding S. Peter, 379 f. — The sermon on Quinquagesima Sunday, 25th February ; the idols of the Gentiles, 2S2 f. — A solemn appeal to God to work a miracle ; the procession of the children ; Florence on the eve of a new election, 283 f. CHAPTER XV THE DEI I A RATION OF WAR (LENT I498) The sermons on Exodus, Lent 149S ; Savonarola declares war against "the wicked " men of Rome, 285 — Shameless vice in high places ; bastard sons no longer called "nephews" ; wanted, "a Bull to authorise a virtuous life," xxviii CONTENTS 2S5— The war is between Christ and Satan ; Tacopone da Todi and Boniface VIII., 286 f.— Savonarola styled " a son of iniquity" in a Papal Brief, 287— The "evil influence" to be resisted ; the hosts of heaven are preparing a hostile expedition, 287 f. — The Book of Exodus affords suitable comparisons ; the Pope likened to Pharaoh, Savonarola to Moses, his enemies to the Egyptians, 288 f.— Fresh invectives; the dogs of the clergy; bricks without straw, 289 f. — The prophetic claim; an ambassador from God ; the "Truth," 290 ff.— Delay in fulfilment of prophecy no disproof of its truth; rival prophets; persecution a test of truth, 292 f.— Some noble passages; faith a participation in the divine immutability ; false devotion ; " The tabernacles of God " ; the aspirations of the Hebrew pilgrim ; " Misericordia ! " 293 ff. CHAPTER XVI THE POPE AND THE SIGNORY Letters of Manfredi, Somenzi, Bonsi, and Taverna, 296 ff.— Attempt on Bonsi's house in Rome; Bonsi and the Ten at cross purposes, 298 f. — More letters from Bonsi ; the Pope to the Signory (Brief, Intelligentes superioribus temporibus), 26th February ; an interdict threatened, 299 ff. — Letters of Somenzi; the Carnival (1498) described; election of new Signory hostile to Savonarola, etc., 301 f. — A debate ; representations to be made to the Pope on behalf of Fra Girolamo ; alleged intention of the Signory to precipitate a crisis, 302 f.— The Signory write to the Pope, 3rd March; further diplomatic correspondence, 303 ff. — The Pope's reply to the Signory, 9th March; "vain and sophistical arguments"; the authority of the Holy See must be maintained, 305 — Cardinal Ascanio Sforza on Savonarola ; the Bonsi correspondence continued, 306 f. — Savonarola to the Pope, 13th March ; a plain warning, 307. CHAPTER XVII A FULL-DRESS DEBATE The most important of the debates on Savonarola held on 14th March, 308 ff. — Divergent opinions (1) as to the action of the Pope, who has "acted in a paternal manner," or, has "treated Florence as he would not have treated Perugia " ; (2) as to Savonarola himself, though for the most part his holy life and salutary doctrine are recognised ; (3) as to the course to be adopted in view of the threatened interdict, which some declare to be of small moment, but others deem of the highest importance, 308 ff. — The matter referred to a special committee, 315 — Savonarola to be "persuaded" to desist from preaching, 316. CHAPTER XVIII THE LULL BEFORE THE LAST STORM Inadequate apprehension by the Ten of the gravity of the situation ; the Signory play for a crisis, 317 — Somenzi distrusts and beguiles the Ten, and seconds the effort of Savonarola's enemies, 317 f. — Correspondence of the Signory CONTENTS xxix and the Ten with Bonsi ; indignation of the Pope ; renewed threats of an interdict, 318 f. — Letters from Somenzi and Tranchedino ; Savonarola has ceased to preach, but the Pope may yet not be satisfied ; dissensions at Florence ; Florentine merchants in Rome find themselves in jeopardy, and seek protection from the Signory, 319 f . — Bonsi reports the Pope still indignant; efficacious means must be taken to satisfy him, 320 f. — Sforza and d'Este on the affair of Savonarola ; indignation of d'Este at the dedication to himself of Pico's " Apology," 321 f.— Further despatches, chiefly of Somenzi and Tranchedino, 322 f. — The Signory, after a long delay, report to the Pope that Savonarola has been forbidden to preach, 31st March 1498, 324 — Savonarola determines to write to European sovereigns, exhort- ing them to procure a Council for the deposition of the Pope ; the letters drafted but not sent ; preliminary despatches sent, or to be sent, by trusted friends to persons at the several courts ; Mazzinghi's letter to Guasconi intercepted, 324 f. CHAPTER XIX THE ORDEAL BY FIRE Fra Domenico at Prato ; he is opposed by Fra Francesco di Puglia ; Francesco challenges Domenico to an ordeal ; the challenge accepted, but Francesco leaves Prato, and the matter falls through, 326 f. — Domenico and Francesco preach at Florence in Lent 1498, the challenge repeated ; divergent views as to its precise terms, 327 f. — Savonarola ignores the challenge; but Domenico accepts it ; the Signory take the matter up ; the parties at cross- purposes ; Fra G. Ughi and Fra G. Rondinelli offer themselves ; Rondinelli and Domenico finally chosen, 328 ff. — Savonarola publishes his views on the ordeal, 331 — Difference of opinion concerning the motives and intentions of the parties, 332 — Numerous volunteers on the side of Fra Girolamo ; the fact insisted on in letters to Rome ; it apparently makes a deep impression, 332 ff. — Debate on the subject ; some insist on the folly of the proceeding ; others urge that it be carried through. Cold water, or warm ? " Try it on all the Friars!" 334 ft". — Conditions of the trial; decrees of banishment in case of failure, 336 f. — Preparation for the ordeal; Savonarola's purpose to preclude treachery, and, as alleged, to alarm the Franciscan champion, 338 f. — Arrangements of the Signory to avoid a riot; Doffo Spini and the Compagnacci ; della Vecchia and Salviati with their troops stationed in the Piazza, 339 f.— Both parties proceed to the scene; the Dominicans with pomp and ceremony, the Franciscans more quietly ; which is attributed to want of serious purpose, or to fear, 340 ff. — Further negotiations ; a change of garments ; Domenico proposes to enter the fire with the consecrated Host ; this is disallowed ; a shower of rain ; both parties to go home ; Savonarola asks and obtains an escort ; popular indignation ; taunts and gibes, 342 f. — Both parties claim the victory ; Te Deum at S. Marco and S. Croce, 344 f. — Further discussion of motives and intentions ; were the Franciscans in earnest ? 345 ff. — The Pope and Cardinals at first opposed to the ordeal ; but no effective measures taken ; the Franciscans subsequently thanked by the Pope ; and pensioned by the Signory ; " the price of blood," 347 f. xxx CONTENTS CHAPTER XX THE RIOT Palm Sunday, 1498; a quiet morning; Ughi to preach at the Duomo ; the sermon disallowed by the Canons ; expectation, suspense, and a stampede, 349 f. —Stone-throwing revived under distinguished patronage; a crowd of boys and roughs ; attack on Cambini's house ; two murders, 351 f.— The crowd before S. Marco; "monkish munitions of war," 352 f.— A skirmish in the Square; "panting like a bull," 354 f.— What were the Signory doing? Decree of banishment against Savonarola, 355— The crowd drawn off ; della Vecc-hia arrested ; looting of Valori's house, and murder of Valori ; more loot, 355 ff.— The mob returns to S. Marco ; attempt to set fire to the convent ; the great bell tolled ; Fra Domenico endeavours to stop all active resistance ; the procession through the cloisters ; six hours' prayer, 358 ff. — The skirmish in the convent ; prisoners of war ; dismissed with a caution and a blessing, 360— Fra Benedetto's shower of bricks ; the church door forced; a midnight fusillade ; adjournment to the " libreria greca" ; abandon- ment of the defence ; death of Panciatichi ; Gini, wounded, receives the Dominican habit, 360 f.— A message from the Signory; Savonarola's fare- well address; he receives the Holy Communion; Fra Malatesta's alleged treachery; arrest of Savonarola and Fra Domenico ; the "Via dolorosa," 362 f. CHAPTER XXI THE TRIAL Reasons for dealing at length with the trial of Savonarola, 364— Incredible that so many eminent Dominicans and others should have been guilty of judicial murder ; an explanation to be sought, 365— Some propositions which may be assumed, 365 — Many good men believed the condemnation just, 365 — This not accounted for by the falsification of the evidence, 365— Savonarola had himself urged a strict administration of severe laws, 366 — And this especially with regard to political plots, 366— The project of calling a Council to depose the Pope a real plot, 367— A sentence of imprisonment at Florence might have been inadequate, 368— The morality of his act not to be judged by actual or hypothetical success, 368— The main facts are beyond question, and were sufficient to secure condemnation, 369— Falsification of the evidence by SerCeccone, 369 — Arrest of Savonarola, Domenico, Salvestro, and nineteen others, 370— A secret examination decided on, 370— Election of new magistrates hostile to Savonarola, 370— The commissioners appointed to examine the prisoners, 371— Deceptive report of the proceedings; the use of torture, 371— Brief of Alexander VI. authorising the examination, 372— Papal demand that Savonarola be sent to Rome ; debate thereon, 373— The Signory demand and obtain absolution from censures incurred, 374— The "process" garbled, published, and suppressed, 375— The second examina- tion ; examination of other prisoners, 376— The confidence of Savonarola's adherents shaken, 377— Letter of the community of S. Marco to the Pope ; they disown Savonarola, 378— Letter of Fra Niccolo da Milano, offering to give evidence, 379— Secrets alleged to have been communicated "in con- CONTENTS xxxi fession," 379— Debates on the examination of the other prisoners, 380 ff.— The Signory request the Pope to allow the execution of Savonarola to take place at Florence, 383— A tithe on the goods of the clergy granted, 383— Komolino and Torriano appointed papal commissaries; their character, 388 f. CHAPTER XXII THE DEPOSITIONS OF FRA DOMENICO, FRA SALVESTRO, AND NINETEEN OTHERS The Deposition of Domenico and the rest more trustworthy than that of Savonarola; heads of examination, 385 f.— (1) The alleged revelations of Savonarola; Domenico's evidence ; Salvestro's vision of angels ; "one h«art and soul ; " Salvestro's visions granted for the use of Fra Girolamo, and adopted by him as his own ; also, on one occasion, by Domenico himself, 386 f. — Domenico was aware of Savonarola's conviction that Alexander was "not a Christian, nor a true Pope," 388— Maruffi's evidence; talking in sleep ; at first distrusted Savonarola ; afterwards reassured by him, 388— Fra R. Ubaldini on the internal discipline of S. Marco ; three "gran maestri" ; discontent and murmuring ; Savonarola's reproof ; recurring doubts ; Sal- vestro's gossiping habits ; Domenico a man of spotless life but of great obstinacy, 389 f.— (2) The letters to princes ; Mazzinghi's testimony ; his letter to Guasconi ; the sovereigns of Europe invited to take in hand the reform of the Church, 391 f.— Del Nero's deposition ; his letter to his brother Niccolo, 393— (3) Alleged political intrigues ; no serious charge substantiated ; Salvestro the only offender ; deposition of Pietro Cinozzi ; Savonarola's wise abstention from local politics ; the lobbying of Salvestro, 393 ff. — Depositions of Lionello Boni, Francesco Davanzati, Ruberto Ubaldini, and Domenico Mazzinghi, 396 f.— Depositions of Baldo Inghirlami and Andrea Cambini ; the latter mainly concerned with the affairs of Francesco Valori ; unpopularity ofValori; no secret intrigues at S. Marco, 397 ff.— (4) The "subscription" on behalf of Savonarola ; evidence of Ubaldini, who was employed in the affair ; the first signatures; "barbers and clerks" ; some of the opposition party sign ; others refuse ; Valori's change of front ; the letter never sent, by reason of the plague, 401 ff. — Ubaldini's evidence supplemented by Salvestro and Cambini ; a letter from Bracci to Ser Bastiano originated the affair, 403 f. — (5) The ordeal; Domenico's firm assurance that he acted under divine guidance, 404 f. — A tribute to the character of Fra Domenico, 405 f. CHAPTER XXIII THE EXAMINATION OF FRA GIROLAMO Motives for distrusting the alleged confession of Savonarola ; the use of torture ; the falsification of the evidence ; yet the documents are of historic interest, and of some value, 407 — Vivoli and Fra Benedetto on the "processes" ; the written confession of Savonarola ; Ceccone's notes ; the official copy in the Archives ; the published edition ; discrepancies among all these attested by Vivoli and Benedetto, 407 ff. — Yet, by the admission of Vivoli and Benedetto, the falsification concerned motives and intentions rather than facts ; they admit, too, the vacillation of Savonarola ; are they independent witnesses? xxxii CONTENTS 409— Equivocation or prevarication ; defended under the circumstances by Vivoli and Benedetto, 410 f.— The first process ; alleged revelations not really such ; but doubtful whether this admission is genuine, 411 f.— Political action of Savonarola ; his design to make Valori Gonfaloniere for life, 413— But he refrained from all meddling in the details of politics ; names of his political friends, 414 f.— Dealings with Charles VIII.; and with various minor princes and lords, 415 f.— Alleged disobedience to the Pope; the ex- communication ; the letters to and from ambassadors, etc., 416 f. — Relations with Piero de' Medici; the threats to "turn the key" and "open the casket"; the prediction about " many barbers," 418— The "subscription," or joint letter; the project of a Council ; the design "to do great things in Italy," 419 f.— The ordeal ; his dislike of the project ; his design to frighten the adversary, 4201'. — The garbled attestation, 421 — The second process; omitted as of minor interest, 421— The third process before the Papal Com- missaries ; application of the torture ; principles which lay at the root of this method of examination ; they were approved and even urged by Savonarola himself, 421 f.— The interrogatory ; concerning knowledge gained in confession ; concerning dealings with and letters to princes ; concerning the assertion that Alexander VI. was no true Pope ; loose and inaccurate terminology used by Savonarola and his companions concerning secrets known "in confession" ; his dealings with women in relation to his alleged revelations, 423 ff. CHAPTER XXIV THE END The main charge against Savonarola, viz., the attempt to procure a General Council for the deposition of the Pope, abundantly proved, 429 f.— This attempt a contraventien of the Bull of Pius II., Execrabilis ; the plea that Alexander was not a lawful Pope ; this plea not supported by the Bull of Julius II., Cum tarn divino, which was not retrospective, 43of.— Dr Grauert's opinion that a simoniacal election to the Papacy was invalid by virtue of earlier legislation ; the opinion not shared by the present writer ; but apparently held by mediaeval canonists of distinction, 431— Savonarola probably in good faith ; but his act, as that of a private individual, not defensible, 432 f.— What was the duty of the Commissaries? The extreme penalty legally incurred ; danger of a schism ; the unconstitutional action of Savonarola compared with that of Bernardo del Nero, to whose execution Savonarola had consented, 433 f.— The letter of the Commissaries, or of Romolino alone ; it contains calumnious accusations in contradiction with the evidence ; yet not all its statements false; the truth sufficient, on Savonarola's own principles, to justify the sentence ; but his companions might have been spared, 434 ff.— It is possible to acquit Savonarola of grave moral fault with- out condemning his judges, 436 f.— The closing scene ; Savonarola in prison ; prayer, meditation, ascetical tracts; the sentence and execution, 437 f. — A moral victory ; Gordon and Kitchener ; Savonarola and the Catholic Refor- mation of the sixteenth century ; fulfilment of his predictions, though not as he had foreseen it ; yet his errors must be recognised, 439^ — Savonarola and the saints ; the tragedy of his life ; recognition of his doctrinal orthodoxy not inconsistent with censure and punishment of his acts, 439 ft. — Savonarola and the saints; the " Elenchus " of Benedict XIV.; Savonarola's fame injured -ather than enhanced by indiscriminating eulogy, 441 f. CHAPTER I GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA, 1452-81 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA, the subject of this biography, was born at Ferrara on 21st September, 1452. The family name first appears in history in the person of one Antonio Savonarola, of Padua, who, in the middle of the thirteenth century distinguished himself by his patriotic resistance to the tyranny of Ezzelino da Romano, the captain-general of Frederick II. in Lombardy, and in memory of whom one of the gates of Padua is still known as the Porta Savonarola} It would seem, however, that the ancestry of Girolamo cannot be continuously traced beyond another Antonio who lived about a century later, and of whom nothing is known but his name. 2 In 1440, Michele Savonarola, the great-grandson of this second Antonio, was summoned to the court of Ferrara by the Marchese Niccolo d'Este, a prince who like others of his time loved to play the Maecenas, and to surround himself with learned men, as well as with brilliant courtiers ; and here Michele became the progenitor of a branch of his family which has survived down to the present century. 3 After the death of the Marchese Niccolo, in 1441, Michele became court physician to his successors, Lionello (f 1450) and Borso d'Este (f 147 1), by whom he was both esteemed and con- 1 Villari, i. 1. 2 Cittadella, UAlbero Genealogico dellafam. di S., in Gherardi, pp. 1 sqq. 3 The Ferrarese branch of the family became extinct in 1S44. The Paduan branch had still three representatives in 1877 (Gherardi, loc. cit.), and some members of the family may probably stiil survive. A diploma granted to Michele by Lionello d'Este commences with the words : " Delectabantur prisci illi excellentissimi et Reges et Principes, ut quisque magis poterat, apud se clariores et in quocumque virtutum disciplinarum ac bonarum artium genere praestantiores viros habere," etc. (Villari, i. Append, p. iii. ). A 1 2 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA siderably enriched. 1 He had five sons, the youngest of whom, Niccolfc Savonarola, was the father of Girolatno, himself the third among five brothers. Of these, Ognibene, the oldest, followed— after the fashion of the day — the profession of arms; Bartolommeo, the second, has left no record ; Marco, the fourth, after having received the priesthood, followed Fra Girolamo into the Dominican Order, where he was known as Fra Maurelio ; and Alberto, the youngest, became a physician, and in this capacity earned an enviable reputation for his charity to the poor. 2 Of Niccolo, the father of these sons, nothing whatever is known, except that he seems to have shown a due solicitude for Girolamo's education; 3 and it appears to be an altogether gratuitous conjecture of Villari's that he was a spendthrift. 4 It was, however, to his mother, Elena Buonaccorsi, and to his grand- father Michele, that the future preacher was chiefly indebted for his earliest training. 5 The age, as is well known, was one of great 1 It was characteristic of this "age of bastard princes" that both Lionello and Borso were the illegitimate sons of Niccolo d'Este. They had been, however, legitimised, in order that the succession might be secured to them. Borso d'Este was raised to the rank of Duke of Ferrara in 1452, on occasion of the coronation of the Emperor Frederick III. He died in 1471, and was succeeded by Ercole, the legitimate son of Niccolo. Ercole became in after years an ardent admirer of Fra Girolamo, and the letters of Manfredi, his ambassador at the Florentine Court, published by Cappelli, throw a good deal of light on the history of the Friar. 2 Pico (Quetif, i. 4) says of Michele : " Virum egregie pium fuisse Michaelem et pauperibus nulla mercede mederi solitum," giving as his authority the testimony of his own mother, Bianca d'Este. "Alberto," says Burtamacchi, " f u medico assai dotto in quell'arte, la quale esercito in molta carita, medicando per Vamor di Dio gran numero di poveri" (p. 13). Burlamacchi (pp. 12, 13) and Fra Benedetto (Villari, i. 3) enumerate the brothers of Savonarola as above. Cittadella, in his Albero Genealogico della famiglia S. (Gherardi pp. 1 sqq. ), gives their names in the following order : Bartolommeo, Alberto, Ognibene, Girolamo, Marco. But it seems clear, from Girolamo's letter of farewell to his parents, of which we shall presently have occasion to speak, that Alberto was younger, not older, than himself, for he specially commends him to his father's care. Villari follows, as we have done, the authority of the earlier biographers, as against Cittadella. 3 Pico, p. 6 ; Burlamacchi, p. 14. 4 ' ' Passo i suoi giorni bazzicando nella Corte, consumando il patrimonio che suo padre aveva cogli studii e colla industriosa perseveranza raccolto" (Villari, i. 2). No authority is given for this statement, or for a somewhat similar one which may be found in Marchese, Sunto Storico, pp. 107-8. Michele had enjoyed a rich pension, as we learn from the diploma above referred to. This, of course, his son did not inherit. No further explanation is needed of the alleged circum- stance that he was less wealthy than Michele. 6 His indebtedness to his mother may be inferred from the affectionately confidential character of his letters to her. That Michele undertook his early educaton is asserted by Fra Benedetto, Pico, and Burlamacchi. Michele died about 1466 (Cittadella, in Gherardi, p. 6). GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA 3 luxury and of splendid pageants, designed among other motives to keep the people in good humour, and to reconcile them to the despotism of their petty princes. 1 And among these princes the Marquises and Dukes of Modena and Ferrara were noted for the magnificence of their establishments. Of Borso d'Este Villari writes : H It may appear strange that we should say that he obtained so great a name chiefly by the luxury of his court, and by the festivities with which he continually amused the people of Ferrara ; but it is no less true. . . . He was always attired in cloth of gold, and the richest stuffs of Italy were displayed in the dresses of his courtiers ; . . . even his court fools became famous ; and the printed descriptions of his/t'te.y circulated from one end of Italy to the other.'' 2 Michele Savonarola did not perhaps altogether escape the taint of the prevalent subservience. Tiraboschi mentions a work of his in praise of his patron Duke Borso. 3 But he seems to have had an eye for the contemptible side of court life, and his unpub- lished tract entitled De nuptiis Battibecco et Serrabocca ("Of the marriages of Chatterbox and Closelips ") is a satire on the frivolity and buffoonery which were rife in Ferrarese society, and which disgusted while they amused him. 4 He was, moreover, the author not only of some medical works which enjoyed a certain repute in their time, but also of several ascetical tracts ; and the contempt which from an early age Girolamo Savonarola manifested for the vanities of the world may perhaps be in part ascribed to the influence of his grandfather's writings. From his boyhood Girolamo was noted for his love of solitude and for his somewhat melancholy disposition, 1 " La plebe vi inclina Q.e. alia tirannide) molte volte, perche quando il tiranno ha del savio, ha sempre cura della abbundanza, e la diletta spesso con festt e giostre e giuochi publici ; e gli piace la magnificenza della casa e corte sua, che sono le cose che pigliano le genti basse" (Guicciardini, Del Reggimento di Firenze, Opp. Ined. ii. 213). Of Lorenzo de' Medici, Machiavelli writes: "In times of peace he caressed the city (of Florence) wiih feaaing, ani plays, and tourna- ments, and representations of ancient triumphs, to delight and entertain his people ; his only design being to see them pleased, ihe city supplied, and the nobles resprcted" {History of Florence, Eng. Trans., 1680, p. 188. Cf. Pastor, v. 101 sqq.~). 2 Vi'llari, i. 10. 3 De felici progressu illustrissimi Dorsi Estensis ad Marchionatum Ferraris (Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura ftaliana, Firenze, 1809, vi. 447). Borso d'Este at least deserved praise for having successfully maintained his dominions in the enjoyment of peace, and for having abstained fiom acts of personal oppression (Diario Ferrarese), in Muratori, Return Itahcatnm Scrip/ores, xxiv. 233). 4 Cappelli, p. 9. Chatterbox and Closelips marry respectively Madame Loquacity and Madame Taciturnity, 4 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA and after a single visit to the ducal court he could never be persuaded to set foot in it again. 1 When he was approaching his twentieth year the young man experienced, as so many others have done before and since, the pangs of disappointed love. From the year 1466 onwards the Savonarola household had for their next neighbour, in the Via di S. Francesco at Ferrara, a distinguished Florentine exile, Lorenzo Strozzi ; and Fra Benedetto da Firenze, alone among Girolamo's biographers, has left it on record that Girolamo offered his hand to a young lady of the Strozzi family, who, according to Cittadella, can only have been Lorenzo's daughter, Laodamia. 2 She, however ("la quale fanciulla era nientedimeno bastarda e non legiptima "), forgetful as it would seem of the stain upon her own birth, replied with some haughtiness that such an alliance was ill suited to the dignity of so illustrious a house as that of the Strozzi. The retort was obvious : and if we may believe Fra Benedetto, Savonarola did not spare the feelings of the supercilious maiden. It should be added, however, that the incident seems to have made but a passing impression on the mind of Girolamo, for in a sermon preached many years later he plainly declares that he never had a mind to marry (non volsi mai donna). 3 In the meanwhile, thanks to his habits of solitude and his earnest diligence, Girolamo had made remarkable progress in his studies, and had devoted himself in particular to that of philosophy and theology after the approved methods of his time, following St Thomas as his favourite author, but holding in abhorrence what he regarded as the vain subtleties over which the humanists, even more than the schoolmen, were apt to waste their energies. It is evident, too, that he had already at this time acquired a degree of familiarity with Holy Scripture which might perchance astonish some of those 1 " Si dilettava assai di star solo. . . . Parco era nel conversare, standosi la piu parte del tempo ritirato e solitario. . . . Solo una volta in vita sua entr6 nella Rocca dov'era la corte del suo Principe," etc. (Burlamacchi, pp. 14-15). 2 Fra Benedetto, Vulnera Diligentis, in Gherardi, pp. 7 sqq. Michele Savonarola had purchased his house in 1452, a few months before Girolamo's birth. The Strozzi had been exiled from Florence since 1434, but it was not till 1466 that Lorenzo Strozzi came into possession of what had hitherto been the Palazzo Paganelli, which was separated from the Casa Savonarola by a narrow lane. Benedetto, who says that he learned the incident from Fra Maurelio, does not give the name of Girolamo's innamorala, but she has been identified by the genealogical and topographical researches of Cittadella (Gherardi, pp. 3, 4). 3 Gherardi, p. 4. GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA 5 — if any still survive — who imagine that ignorance of the Bible is one of the characteristic marks of an otherwise well- instructed Catholic layman. But it was not merely as a matter of personal inclination that Girolamo Savonarola shunned the Court of Borso and of Ercole d'Este, and avoided the dissipations of a worldly life. His poem De Ruina Mundi, written in 1472, showed that he had looked about him to some purpose, that he took a comprehensive view of the state of affairs throughout Italy and elsewhere, that he was fully alive to the worst features of the Renaissance, with its revival of pagan ideals and pagan vices, and that he augured ill for the future. "Were it not [he says] O Master of the world, that Thy providence is infinite, I should be chilled with horror on seeing the world turned upside-down, and virtue utterly travestied. . . . But I believe, O King of Heaven, that Thou dost delay Thy chastisements in order to punish the more severely those who are most guilty ; or, perchance, because it is near at hand, Thou dost wait for the day of final judgment. . . . That man is esteemed happy who lives by rapine, and battens on the blood of other men, who robs the widow and the orphan, and brings the poor to ruin ; that soul is deemed noble and of great price (gentil e peregrina) which can succeed in making most profit by force or fraud, and which despises heaven and Christ Himself. . . . The earth is so overcome with wickedness that it can never more lift its head. Its capital, Rome, lies prostrate ( A terra se ne va il suo capo, Roma) never more to resume its noble office (of being the head of the world). . . . 'Tis not enough that Sulla, Marius, Catilina, Ccesar, Nero, should have injured her, now men and women vie with each other to inflict some wound upon her. Gone are the days of piety and the days of virtue (Passato e il tempo pio e il tempo casto). . . . Beware, my sons, that you put not your trust in any one who is robed in purple (Che a purpureo color tu non ti appoggie) ; flee from palaces and stately halls (loggie), and take care not to speak your thoughts save to a few ; else you will have all the world for your enemy." Filled as he was with such thoughts, it is not surprising that his mind should have turned to the religious life. But from the writing of impassioned poetry to the prose of resolute action, the transition is not always easy, and we have it on his own authority that at first he brushed aside the idea of becoming a monk or a friar, and even resolved that such a thing should never be. But the attraction of grace at last prevailed, and a sermon preached by an Augustinian friar at Faenza in 1474, determined him to take the once dreaded 6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA step. Yet, foreseeing the opposition of his parents, he feared to make his resolution known to them, and it was not until after Easter of the following year that he at last left his home and family. The feast of St George was kept at Ferrara on 24th April, and the day was observed as a public holiday. Under cover of the general excitement he started unperceived for Bologna, and, having made the journey on foot, offered himself as a novice in the Dominican convent of S. Domenico. 1 Having been received there he immedi- ately wrote to his father a letter which gives some insight into his character and disposition. " The motives [he says] by which I have been led to enter upon the religious life are these : the great misery of the world, the wickedness of men . . . their pride, idolatry, and fearful blasphemies ; whereby things have come to such a pass that no one can be found acting righteously. Many times a day have I repeated, with tears, the verse : " ' Heu, fuge cruueles terras, fuge littus avarum.'" 2 After telling how earnestly he had prayed for light, and after suggesting the reasons which should lead his father to rejoice rather than lament over the resolution which he had taken, he informs him that he has left "upon the books in the window" a paper which will more fully explain his state of mind. This paper, or tract, which has been brought to light in our own days, is entitled, Del dispregio del Mondo (Of the contempt of the World)? Like the poem De Ruina Mundi, it is an impassioned lament over the miserable condition of the world, which, for its cruel oppression and shameless moral corruption, is likened to Egypt in the days of the Exodus, and 1 Pico, p. 11 ; Burlamacchi, p. 15 ; Villari, i. 16. 2 The letter is given in full by Villari, i. , Append, pp. v. sqq. 3 A writer in the Irish Rosary, July 1898 (p. 313), made much of the ignor- ance of this tract displayed in the columns of the Tablet. But when the earlier articles of the Tablet series were written, the author of them had access only to Horner's English translation of the first edition of Villari's Life, which does not contain the Dispregio ; and it was perhaps in some degree excusable that he should be unaware that the text had been given in full in the Appendix to the second edition of the Italian original. He did not, however, merely quote " Villari's opinion of it," but reproduced that writer's summary of the tract, the accuracy of which might, he thought, fairly be assumed. The Dispregio was first published by Capponi in 1862 (not 1868, as Bayonne and the writer in the Irish Rosary incorrectly state), in an edition of only eighty copies. It next appeared in a French translation in Bayonne's CEuvres Spirituelles . . . de /. S., iii. 6 sqq. (published in 1880) ; and, lastly, the original text was made generally accessible by Villari in his second edition (1887). In the present memoir all references are to the recent reprint (1898) of this second edition of Villari. GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA 7 to Sodom and Gomorrah. Vice, says the writer, is praised, virtue is scorned and derided. " He who lives chastely and modestly is called a man of no spirit ; he who believes and hopes in God is deemed a simpleton. But the man who knows how to plunder orphans and widows is called prudent, he who can hoard the greatest store of gold is deemed wise, and the man who can devise the most cunning fashion of robbing his neighbour is looked upon with respect. Everywhere does wickedness abound (omnia sunt plena impietate) ; everywhere does usury and robbery flourish ; on every side are heard horrible and filthy blasphemies ; the most abominable vices are everywhere freely practised. 'There is not one who acts aright, no, not one.' And yet there are simple folk, unlettered rustics, and untutored women, who put to shame the vaunted but false wisdom of the world ; boys and youths who flee from the world and its lusts." Why should not he — the writer— follow their example? Why should not he rise up and, together with the little ones of Christ, take his flight from these scenes of cruelty, these haunts of unbridled avarice and ambition ? Let the blind votaries of the world pass judgment on themselves, let them judga whether the end of the world be not at hand (an novissimum tempus sit). As for himself, he will flee from Egypt and from Pharaoh, and will sing with Moses, Cantemus Domino, and the rest, and with Simeon : Nunc dimittis scrvum tuum . . . in pace. x It must, we think, be admitted that the words of this tract hardly justify the remark of Villari : " He besought the Lord that the waters of the Red Sea might open a passage for the good and might drown the wicked ; but at the same time he cannot conceal the hope that the rod which is to command these waters might one day be put into his hands." The canticle of Moses, which Savonarola quotes, celebrates an accomplished fact rather than expresses a wish ; and of the alleged hope that the rod of command might be put into his own hands there is no trace whatever. 2 But it is perhaps not hypercritical to see, both in the De Ruina Mundi and in the Dispregio, traces of a constitutional tendency to take a pessimistic view of the state of affairs ; a tendency which is not, certainly, inconsistent with great personal holiness, but which, if not kept in 1 Villari, i., Append, pp. viii. sqq. 2 The Irish Rosary (p. 314) rightly calls attention to Villari's inaccuracy here. And it is right that we should entirely withdraw our own remark (based on Villari's error) about the alleged indication of " self-concentration " and " incipient pride." On the other hand, we cannot accept our critic's description of the Dispregio, as " nothing else than a texture of Scripture florets, beautifully woven, taken chiefly from the canticle of Moses . . . and the 'Nunc dimittis' of Holy Simeon." The two canticles in question are quoted only at the conclusion of the little document, whose " soul -stirring pages" are, we may observe, two in number (or three in Bayonne's French translation). 8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA due check, might well lead, in later days, to regrettable exaggeration of speech, and possibly also to imprudence in action. The present writer has been charged with "betraying la mania delta critica — a carping spirit," because it has seemed to him that in the earliest utterances of Savonarola some presage of his future might be found. But whoever is of opinion that in his later years Savonarola erred, and also that his error was in great measure the outcome of his natural disposition, will obviously be led to look for traces of that natural disposition even at the outset of his career. Rightly or wrongly, it is clear that from his early youth Savonarola took an exceedingly gloomy view of the condition of his times, and if there is any truth in the opinion that his subsequent schemes of reform were in some cases rather drastic, this shortcoming cannot be altogether dissociated from the pessimistic tendency revealed by the poem and the tract, of which we have given the substance. For seven years Fra Girolamo lived in retirement in his convent, yet not without an earnest outlook upon the Church at large, as is attested by his ode De Ruina Ecdesiae. In this short piece the poet addresses himself to the Church, personified as a chaste virgin of venerable aspect, to whom he feelingly complains that the virtues of old times are no more ; no more do preachers tell the truth boldly ; no more do holy doctors shed abroad the light of sound doctrines ; no more do saintly contemplatives, devout virgins, zealous priests and bishops, adorn the Church with their virtues. "Thus spake I," he says, " to that venerable and loving Mother (la pia Madre antica), out of the great desire that I feel to weep without ceasing (per gran desio che ho di pianger sempre)." Then the holy Virgin leads him into her cave, and in turn pours forth her own lament. Hither she has retired ever since she saw a proud harlot (the spirit of worldly ambition) enter the city of Rome, and bring everything to ruin. And when the youthful novice expresses the wish that these wings of pride could be clipped or broken, the answer is : "Tu piangi e taci ; e questo meglio parmi." 1 1 " Do thou weep and hold thy peace ; so seemeth best to me." The whole poem is expressed in highly figurative language, to which, however, the key is supplied in a series of notes by Savonarola himself. It is much to be regretted that Villari and Casanova (Scelta, pp. 402 sqq.) have given only a few stanzas of this canzone, with the corresponding notes. The very limited edition of the poems by Guasti is practically inaccessible, and we have only (in addition to the extracts in Villari and Casanova) the French translation by Bayonne, who does not give the notes. GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA 9 It is to be observed that the "proud harlot" of Savonarola's poem is not the Church of Rome, however corrupted in the person of her rulers, but the pride, luxury, avarice, and ambition which had so taken possession of the city as (in his view) to rule it like a strumpet-queen This idea of describing, under the image of the "scarlet woman " of the Apocalypse, the worldly spirit which had become dominant in Rome, did not originate with Savonarola. According to Felice Tocco, Piero Olivi, just two hundred years previously, had spoken of "the carnal church" as " l'empia Babilonia"; 1 and Petrarch had spoken of Avignon, then the residence of the Popes, as "l'avara Babilonia, fontana di dolore, albergo d'ira, scuola d'errori, tempio d'eresie." 2 It is obvious, however, that Fra Girolamo here strikes the keynote that was to ring through so many of those later utterances in which with unsparing severity he inveighed against the vices of the Roman court. We are not now passing judgment upon these invectives, but merely pointing out that they have their root in the preacher's earliest writings. That Fra Girolamo from the outset of his religious life distin- guished himself by the most exact observance of the vows and of the rules of his Order, is the uncontradicted testimony of his earliest biographers. His practice of poverty, say Cinozzi and Burlamacchi, was most rigid, and he deeply deplored the relaxations in this matter which had crept into the convents of the Order. His purity was altogether beyond reproach or even the suspicion of a fault. To his superiors he was, at least in these early days, most docile in all things, and his spirit of humble obedience showed itself in the deference with which he treated not merely his equals but even his inferiors. A father of great authority, who had been his confessor for a considerable time, and whom Burlamacchi declares to have been * "Cosi fa d'uopo che l'empia Babilonia Nel profondo del mare si sommerga." That " l'empia Babilonia " signifies " la chiesa carnale " is Tocco's comment, which may presumably be trusted. 2 Felice Tocco, II Savonarola e la Profezia, one of a collection of conferences published under the general title of Vila Ilaliana nel Rinascimento (Milan, 1S93 ; pp. 354-57). We are glad to be able to correct an error into which we were led while preparing the articles on Savonarola for the Tablet. In one of these we had explained (with Villari, i. 24), that by the i: proud harlot," Savonarola meant Rome. As the writer in the Irish Rosary has pointed out, Fra Girolamo's own interpretation of his own words (which we had not then seen) must be taken as decisive. io GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA the B. Sebastian Maggi, is said to have declared — with a freedom which a confessor in our days would hesitate to permit himself — that it was doubtful whether he was guilty even of venial sin deliberately committed. 1 As an instance, by no means without significance, of his solid virtue, we may mention that whereas already before his entrance upon the religious life he bad con- ceived a marked distaste for the study of metaphysics, it is clear from his published writings on the subject that he devoted himself to such studies with all the zeal which the most perfect obedience could prompt. 2 All this being so, it is no matter for surprise that within seven years of the commencement of his novitiate his superiors appointed him to the responsible post of "lector" to the novices, a position which he filled first at Bologna and subsequently — as will hereafter appear — at Florence. At the same time, it may be per- missible to surmise that it might have been better for himself, personally, had a longer period elapsed before he was advanced to such a post of authority. It seems to us that if ever there was a man who needed the guidance of another, not necessarily of higher intellectual gifts or superior virtue, but of a more evenly-balanced judgment and less impressionable character than himself, that man was Fra Girolamo Savonarola; and to the lack of such masterful guidance in the earlier years of his religious life may not improbably be attributed, at least in some degree, the aberrations (as we cannot but regard them) of his later career. 3 1 Cinozzi, p. 4: Burlamacchi, pp. 20, sqq. 2 Burlamacchi, p. 21. 8 Here again we have had the misfortune to incur the strictures of our courteous critic in the Irish Rosary, who takes us to task for our presumption in venturing to find fault with the action of men so distinguished for holiness of life and other high qualities as Maggi and Bandello {Irish Rosary, p. 317). It must be remembered, however, that Maggi was precisely the man to whom, a few years later, Savonarola refused to submit when ordered to do so by the Pope, and that Bandello, as General of the Order, felt himself obliged to inhibit the paying of posthumous honours to Savonarola (Marchese, Suti/o Storico, p. 106). It is at least possible that in after days both these distinguished men saw reason to regret the somewhat rapid promotion of Fra Girolamo to a position of trust and authority. Of course, if Savonarola's subsequent action be judged capable of a complete vindi- cation, there is no need to call in question the prudence of his superiors in the matter of his first appointments. In this case it will only be necessary to regret the subsequent blindness of these same superiors ; a consequence to which it is possible that our critic has not fully adverted. But if it be lawful to hold, as many have held, that Savonarola afterwards fell, not necessarily into any grave fault, but into more than one serious error of judgment and of conduct, then it is not superfluous to consider whether the way may have been in some degiee paved for such a lapse in the circumstances of the earlier years of his religious life. CHAPTER II FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY : ROME AND ITALY UNDER SIXTUS IV. AND INNOCENT VIII. IT was in 14S1 that Fra Girolamo began to exercise the ministry of preaching. His first course of sermons was delivered in the church of Santa Maria degli Angeli at Ferrara. Eight years after- wards, in a letter written to his mother from Pavia, where he was then engaged, he implies that his work for souls in his native city had not met with that measure of visible success which might have been desired. " Many a time it has been said to me at Ferrara, by those who saw me employed in this work of travelling from city to city [to preach] that our brethren must be greatly in need of men" — i.e. of competent preachers — "as who should say: 'If they set so worthless a man as you to so great a task, they must indeed be in need of workers.'" 1 The principle, he declares, still holds good that no man is a prophet in his own country. But it would obviously be ungenerous and unfair to press too closely such an avowal on the part of a man whose sensitiveness to any appearance of ill-success was the counterpart of his earnest zeal ; and we may feel sure that the good seed sown at Ferrara did not fail to bear good fruit, even though the results were not visible to the eye of the preacher himself. In the autumn of the same year the threatened outbreak of hostilities between the Venetians and Ercole d'Fste occasioned a general disturbance of the various courses of study which were cariied on at Ferrara.'- The Dominican students were dispersed to other convents of the Order, and among them Fra Girolamo was sent to that of S. Marco at Florence. Fra Vincenzio Bandello, who ' Savonarola to his mother, 25th January 1490 (Marchese, p. 113). - " I'er cagion dclla guerra che avevon messa e Viniziani al Duca tli Ferrara, s'era intromesso in detta citta ogni studio generale e particulare " (Cinozzi, p. 10). 11 12 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA was at that time Prior of S. Marco, at once appointed him professor or " reader," of Holy Scripture in the convent, a choice which was greatly appreciated by his pupils, who held him in great veneration. His earnest exhortations to them to study the Bible were long re- membered, and an eye-witness told Cinozzi how Fra Girolamo used to come to class with his eyes bathed in tears, as one who had prepared his lecture rather by meditation than by study. 1 He was further appointed to preach the following Lent (1482) in the church of S. Lorenzo, and Cinozzi, who himself attended this course of sermons, has left it on record that "neither his gestures nor his pronunciation gave satisfaction," so that before the end of Lent the audience had dwindled down to less than twenty-five persons, all told. 2 Meanwhile, large crowds flocked to hear the discourses of a man who in later years was to be numbered among the most bitter enemies of Fra Girolamo. This was the Augustinian Fra Mariano da Gennazzano, then preaching at Santo Spirito. Fra Mariano must certainly have been a man of considerable oratorical power, for Politian, who went to hear him, with a strong predis- position to criticise him unfavourably, declares that the very sight of the friar in the pulpit was enough to dispel his prejudices, and that he remained in a manner enchanted with his sermon. But the features of Mariano's eloquence which Politian praises are his musical voice, with its melodious cadences, his rhetorical pauses, his rounded periods ; 3 qualities, it is needless to say, which do not necessarily characterise the truly apostolic preacher. " I never knew [he adds] a more discreet and agreeable man. He neither repels his hearers by undue severity, nor deceives them (?) by too great leniency. Many preachers deem themselves lords of life and 1 " Che piu presto avea meditato qualche cosa che studiato la lezione " (Cinozzi, loc. cit.). He adds, however : " Ma, perche la possedeva molto bene, sodisfaceva ottimamente." It would seem that for this part of Savonarola's career Cinozzi is the original authority from whom Burlamacchi (p. 23) has drawn. 2 " Ne in gesti ne in pronunzia satisfece quasi a nessuno, in modo che mi recordo ... all ultimo restammo fra uomini, donne, e fanciulli, manco di xxv." This, then, is not, as we had conjectured ('/'ablet, 7th May, p. 721A), a mere exaggera- tion of Burlamacchi's. Burlamacchi says : " E d'avvertire che nel principio del suo predicare ne voce, ne gesti, ne modo alcuno aveva, che fusse convenevole ed accomodato a tale exercizio " (p. 21) ; a statement which hardly seems to justify the more emphatic expressions of Villari : " I suoi modi per6 e le forme del dire erano rozzi e negletti, la pronunzia aspra, le parola incolte, il gesto vivacissimo, quasi violento" (i. 72). a Politian to Tristano Calco, 22nd March 1490 (Villari, i. So) FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 13 deatli, abuse their powers, look askance at everything, and weary men by perpetual admonitions. Mariano is moderation itself. A stern ( < n sor in the pulpit, he has no sooner quitted it than he becomes genial and courteous." l Affability and geniality are excellent qualities in themselves ; and we may credit Fra Mariano with having at the outset wished to be, after the fashion set by the Apostle, "all things to all men." But the step from courteous affability to courtier-like servility is one which is only too easily taken ; and Fra Mariana appears to have become a thorough courtier. He was in high favour with Lorenzo de' Medici, who had — as Machiavelli tells us — shown his esteem for the friar by building a convent of his Order (that of San Gallo) near Florence. 2 The favour thus shown him by Lorenzo was repaid in later days by a misplaced loyalty to his family, and Fra Mariano — as will appear in the sequel — was banished from Florence in 1497 in consequence of his complicity in a plot for the restoration of Piero de' Medici. It is no matter for surprise that Fra Girolamo should have been so discouraged by this open and apparent failure as to have determined, in the bitterness of his disappointment, to renounce for ever the work of preaching, and even — if we may believe Burlamacchi — to have announced this determination to his handful of hearers. Nor were there wanting candid friends who urged him to take this resolution. 3 But such a purpose, even had it been in his power to carry it out, was not likely to be of long duration. A member of the Order of Preachers, inflamed as Fra Girolamo was with zeal for souls, and conscious of powers which only needed exercise to become in the highest degree effective, must surely have felt, sooner or later, that the call to work in the vineyard was too imperative to be disregarded on the strength of the ill-success of his first attempts. 4 But however this might have been, the matter was 1 This passage, apparently from the letter above referred to, is given by Pastor, v. 183, after Reumont, Lorenzo de* Medici, ii. 390. - Machiavelli, Works (Eng. Trans.) p. 188. 3 " E anco essendoli detto da altri secondo che li udi' dire di poi piu volte" (Cinozzi, p. 11). " Siccome anco da mold era consigliato, et pubblicamente to disse al populo" (Burlamacchi, p. 24). 4 Gherardi (pp. 38, 39) has brought to light two interesting letters from Giovanni Garzoni, a notable professor at Bologna, to Savonarola. Garzoni had been consulted by Fra Girolamo as to his prospects of success in the pulpit. His first letter is full of encouragement — of a sort. " Si philosophiam et theologiam cum oratoria coniunxeris, immortalem laudem consequeris," But in his sec i 4 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA settled for him by those to whom he owed obedience, and during the years which followed we find him repeatedly engaged in preach- ing in various towns of Tuscany and Lombardy. It is impossible, for lack of sufficient data, to give a connected account of these missionary expeditions, and it must be sufficient to mention, as known scenes of his labours, San Gimignano (1484-85), Brescia (i486), and Pavia. He retained, however, till i486 his office of professor at S. Marco. 1 Meanwhile he had attended, in quality of deputy or representative of his convent, the general chapter of his Order held at Reggio in 1482 j and at this gathering of distinguished men, his words on whatever may have been the subject or subjects under debate appear to have attracted much attention, and to have gained for him the favourable notice of the famous Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, who was present. 2 According to Burlamacchi, this meeting gave occasion to Pico to endeavour — not without success — to induce Lorenzo de' Medici to procure the recall of Savonarola to Florence. But the dates are quite inconsistent with this statement. 3 In 1482 Savonarola had not yet left Florence, and his return to that city, after he had left it in i486, did not take place till 1489. The detection of this circumstantial error, which is due to Gherardi, does not, however, necessitate the rejection of the whole story of Fra Girolamo's presence at the chapter, and of his meeting there with Pico della Mirandola. 4 San Gimignano, which we have already mentioned as the scene of Savonarola's missionary labours in 1484 and 1485, is a small town in the neighbourhood of Siena, whose " monuments and lofty letter he laments that Fra Girolamo has "declared war against Priscian, the grammarian," and in a bantering strain advises him to heal the wound which his own hand has inflicted. The letters are undated, and are perhaps separated by a considerable interval of time. 1 Villari, i. 84-S8. 2 Burlamacchi (p. 24) says that Pico, " sentendo disputare fra gli altri il P. F. Girolamo, tanio resto preso dalla dottrina sua mirabile, che non gli pareva poi poter vivere senza lui." The somewhat detailed description of Savonarola's attitude and discourse on this occasion which is given by Villari (i. 78, 79) is supported by no reference to any authority. :i Burlamacchi, ibid. The date of the chapter has been determined by Gherardi, p. 378. 4 Di Creighton (v. 148) writes : " Gherardi . . . shows that the chapter at Reggio was held in 14S2, which disposes of the story conclusively." But not of the whole story. FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 15 towers . . . and churches, still adorned with the charming pro- ductions of Domenico Ghirlandajo and Benozzo Gozzoli, still testify that [it] was once a flourishing seat of culture and of art." * It was here that for the first time Savonarola gave utterance in set form to those three propositions which were afterwards to play so important a part in his preaching : — (1) The Church shall be scourged : (2) And afterwards renovated : (3) And this shall happen soon. We have the authority of the repeated assertion of Fra Girolamo himself for saying that these famous propositions were not, in the first instance, put forward as the outcome of any special revelation, but simply as conclusions deducible from the application of the laws of divine Providence as these are enounced and exemplified in the pages of Holy Scripture. 2 "It seemed to him [says Pico della Mirandola] that the majesty of divine justice required that terrible penalties should fall on wicked men, and especially on those who, being placed in authority, corrupt the people by their bad example at a time when the human race, sunk in wickedness (perdition), had for so many ages abused the patience of God, and when the peoples of Asia and Africa were involved in many errors and in the darkness of ignorance. He thought, too, that the order of divine providence indisputably demanded the same chastisements, seeing that from the very beginning of history (ab ipso rerum primordio) we have the record of a series of wonderful and mysterious judgments, whereby the lovable clemency and the terrible justice of God are alike made manifest." 3 The writer goes on to speak, by way of illustration, of the punish- ment of our first parents, of the world by the deluge, of Egypt in the days of Pharaoh, and of the cities of the plain. And what was the state of things now? Popes were declared — and hardly any one doubted the truths of the assertion— to have gained their position by fraud and simony, and, when they had gained it, they indulged their worst passions, and appointed as cardinals and bishops men like- minded with themselves. They lived without true religion, and were even believed to scoff at the faith. From the vices of Popes, Pico passes to those of secular princes, who, he says, exercised a Villari, i. 76. E.g. Compendium Rcvelationum v Ed. Quetif), p. 226, and elsewhere, Vita, c. v. ; Quetif, i. 17. 16 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA. tyrannical oppression, and gave themselves up to rapine, to violence, to flattery, to lust, to sacrilege ; and all this so commonly that it might truly be said, in the words of Holy Scripture, that not one could be found who did right. That this passage from Pico's " Life " fairly represents, as he alleges, what Savonarola himself had told him of his own thoughts, may readily be admitted; and it must be remembered that in order to understand Savonarola's mind it is more important to know what he believed about contemporary history, than to ascertain the actual facts. Probably Fra Girolamo was persuaded that Innocent VIII., and perhaps even Sixtus IV., were men of personally wicked lives ; for we can hardly regard the use of the plural number to be simply and solely a rhetorical device, and Pico is speaking of that period of Fra Girolamo's preaching which preceded the election of Alexander VI. And indeed from the biographer's point of view it does not greatly signify that Savonarola should have been mis- informed as to the vices of this or that individual Pope of the three in whose calamitous times his career as a preacher fell. The signs of the times were sufficiently clear to one whose mental vision was that of the pure of heart, and fully justified him in declaring that such open and rampant wickedness could not for ever go unpunished, and that it must surely bring retribution, not merely in the unseen hereafter, but also in those chastisements of God which often fall upon human society in this visible world, though they do not always fall with heaviest stroke upon the most guilty. The history of the reigns of Sixtus IV., Innocent VIII. , and Alexander VI., has been made familiar to English readers, both Catholic and Protestant, by the historical works of Pastor and of Crei^hton. Dr Barry has recently expressed himself concerning this period in the following terms : " He [Savonarola] had been driven by war from Ferrara to S. Mark's at Florence in 1481. The war was due to Sixtus IV., one of that evil succession in the Papal chair which, between Paul II. and Paul III., during some sixty years, scandalised Christendom by their luxury, their greed, their vices, or their paganism. None among them has left a more dismal inheritance of scandalous stories than Sixtus IV. In all, however, the 'solicitudo omnium ecclesiarum' was subordinate to the crooked and atrocious policy of a petty Italian prince, intent upon aggrandising his resources and establishing his house upon the ruins of the neighbouring States, regardless of the thunder that was already filling the heavens with FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 17 a purple cloud. Those who have searched into the annals of the time agree in this judgment, however they may vary in the strength of the language that expresses it. 1 We quote these words because they seem to express just that view of the situation which Savonarola himself undoubtedly took. We do not ourselves believe that either Sixtus IV. or Innocent VIII. (during the years of his pontificate) can be justly accused of personal immorality, still less of "paganism." 2 Indeed, the piety of Sixtus, and in particular his devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary, is well attested. 3 And he might more reasonably have been charged with reckless prodigality than with grasping avarice. 4 But his unblushing nepotism, wherein he far outstripped the worst offenders among his predecessors, and was equalled only by those who immediately followed him, is notorious; and it was mischievous to the last degree. 5 Nor can either Sixtus or Innocent be acquitted of responsibility for the intrigues, or of complicity — at least by silence and allowance — in the scandalous excesses of the unworthy men whom, for family or political reasons, they advanced to the highest positions in the Church and in the Papal States. 6 And it was, in fact, precisely these unworthy .promotions under Sixtus IV. which rendered possible the choice of his successor Innocent VIII., and which paved the way for that crowning scandal, the simoniacal election 1 Savonarola : In Memoriam (S. Petet's Magazine, May 1898), p. 167. 2 "As regards Infessura's most serious accusation, that of gross immorality, in that corrupt age such a charge was but too frequently flung at any enemy. . . . No trustworthy contemporary . . . has a word to say on the subject " (Pastor, iv. 417^^.). " Infessura . . . has blackened his memory with accusations of the foulest crimes. These charges, made by a partisan who writes with un- disguised animosity, must be dismissed as unproved" (Creighton, v. 115). When Villari writes (i. 25), "La scandaloza libidine di Sisto non conosceva limiti di sorte alcuna," he is following Infessura, and showing himself to be no safe guide. 3 " Cujus ante imaginem ita intentis et mente et oculis orare solitus erat, ut horaespationunquam connivere sit visits" (Sigismondo de' Conti, apud Creighton, v. 113). " With touching perseverance, the feeble old man made his pilgrimages of devotion to the churches of Santa Maria del Popolo and della Pace, which he had built in honour of the Blessed Virgin" (Pastor, iv. 418). * Pastor, iv. 428. 5 This is fully admitted by Pastor (iv. 419), and strongly urged, as might be expected, by Creighton (v. 62, 63). " Other Popes," he writes, " had been nepotists a little, but to Sixtus IV. nepotism stood in the first place." 6 Pastor (loc. at.) speaks of " that unfortunate attachment to his nephews . . . which entangled him in a labyrinth of political complications, from which, at last, no honourable exit was possible." B 18 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA of the ever-infamous Alexander VI. 1 Sufficient allowance, it is true, has not always been made for the difficult position in which Sixtus found himself on his succession to the Papacy, nor have the motives which actuated him been always justly estimated. He cannot fairly be blamed for having wished by every lawful means to consolidate the dominions which he held in trust for the Church, or for having sought to round off his frontiers by such a transaction as the purchase of Imola from Galeazzo Sforza of Milan, by way of protection against the dangers to be apprehended from intriguing neighbours. 2 Nor again is it to be wondered at that he should have desired to be served by subordinates who would, as might be supposed, be thoroughly devoted to himself, and who might be relied upon to carry out those vigorous measures of home govern- ment which could alone secure the internal peace and well-being of the States of the Church, an object which he undoubtedly had at heart. 3 And it may not unreasonably be maintained that the effective carrying out of this twofold purpose would in the long run have greatly conduced to the welfare of the Church at large. 4 But granting that his aims were less crudely ambitious than they are deemed to have been, even by so fair-minded an historian as Dr Creighton, it cannot be pretended that Sixtus had solely in view the welfare of the Church. And even had his motives been as purely unselfish as they were in reality mixed, it must not be forgotten that the aim and the end do not justify the means. Assuredly, no aim or end could justify the promotion of the crowd of needy relatives whose mischievous influence was the bane of 1 Pastor, iv. 416 ; v. 233. 2 Among these neighbours not the least dangerous was Lorenzo de' Medici, whose treacherous conduct towards the Pope is dealt with by Pastor (iv. 270 sqq., 291 sqq.). 3 On the home government of Sixtus IV., cf. Pastor, iv. 426. 4 When Dr Creighton (iii. 101) exhibits Sixtus in the light of "an Italian prince who was engaged in consolidating his dominions into an important State," and says that he "pursued" this object "passionately, to the exclusion of the other duties of his office," and again (p. 102), that " the object which Sixtus IV. set before himself was not a lofty one," we are inclined to think that he is hardly fair to the Pope. Given the temporal power as an actual fact, it is easy to see how the duty of establishing the government of the Papal States on a satisfactory basis might seem to claim the first place in the order of execution, though not in that of ultimate importance. And the same view of the situation appears to have been taken by a much greater man than Sixtus, his nephew, Julius II. FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 19 this disastrous pontificate. 1 The fault, and it was a grievous one, brought with it its own retribution. The instruments of his choice proved too powerful for the hand that would have wielded them ; and the naturally energetic character of Sixtus degenerated into a lamentable weakness under the domination of the untamed and untrained upstarts in whose hands he had placed the reins of power. The mad extravagance, the scandalous luxury, the un- blushing immorality of Cardinal Pietro Riario received no effective check from the Pope, who seems, indeed, to have been infatuated in his affection for this graceless nephew. And the insatiable ambition of Pietro's brother, the Count Girolamo Riario, entailed political consequences in which Sixtus only too readily allowed himself to be involved. 2 It is, moreover, important to notice, that the circumstances of the time were such as to bring the misdeeds of the Pope, or rather of his representatives, very prominently under the notice of Savonarola. It was shortly before the departure of Girolamo from his father's house for the Dominican novitiate, that Eleanora of Aragon, daughter of Ferrante, King of Naples, arrived at Ferrara as the wife of Ercole d'Este. And the reception of the newly-married couple in Rome, on their way from Naples, had been on a scale of sumptuous magnificence, "which startled even the luxurious princes of Italy." This was mainly the work of Pietro Riario, who achieved thereby an unenviable though splendid notoriety throughout Italy, and more particularly in the city of Fra Girolamo's 1 Five of the nephews of Sixtus were made cardinals by him, viz. Giuliano and Cristoforo della Rovere, Girolamo Basso, Pietro Riario, and Raffaelle Sansoni. Of these only two, Giuliano della Rovere (afterwards Julius II.) and Girolamo Basso, were in any way worthy of their high office. Girolamo Riario, brother of Pietro, was made Count of Forll and afterwards of Imola, and married Caterina, daughter of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan ; Lionardo della Rovere married a natural daughter of Ferrante of Naples, and was made Duke of Sora ; Girolamo della Rovere married the daughter and heiress of Federigo, Duke of Urbino ; while for other members, lay and clerical, of the Rovere and Riario families, matrimonial alliances and ecclesiastical appointments, only less distinguished, were plentifully provided. s Dr Pastor, following Schmarsow, speaks of the character of Sixtus as showing moments of great energy alternating with intervals of reaction and weakness, and adds with truth : " The crafty Girolamo relentlessly turned these weaker moments to account" (iv. 430). Dr Creighton writes (iii. 103) : " It is impossible not to feel that the low savagery and brutal resoluteness of Count Girolamo were echoes of the natural man of Sixtus IV., which (in his case) had been in some measure tempered by early training and the habits of self-restraint." 20 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA birth. 1 This same cardinal was, moreover, about the same time, created Archbishop of Florence, and his solemn progress, as Legate of Umbria, through Florence, Bologna, Ferrara, Milan, and Venice, served to impress upon the minds of the inhabitants an indelible memory of the lengths to which the pompous splendour of a haughty ecclesiastical parvenu could go. 2 But worse than this was to follow. In 1478 the nefarious conspiracy of the Pazzi, in which Girolamo Riario and Francesco Salviati, Archbishop of Pisa, were implicated as principals, took effect in the sacrilegious murder of Giuliano de' Medici in the Cathedral of Florence, and Lorenzo himself narrowly escaped the same fate. 3 It is absolutely untrue to say that Sixtus had any hand in this awful crime. 4 But it can hardly be questioned that he had it in his power to take effective steps for its prevention at a time when he must have foreseen, to say the least, the probability that a murder would be committed ; 5 and the necessity under which he found himself of protesting against the utter dis- regard of ecclesiastical immunities, and of the most elementary form of justice, with which Salviati was punished by the Florentine authorities, and against the unjust, as well as illegal, imprisonment of Cardinal Sansoni-Riario, unfortunately gave a colour of plausibility to the opinion of those who regarded Sixtus as an accomplice in the crime. 6 Moreover, the memory of the interdict which Sixtus 1 The proceedings are described in detail by Pastor, iv. 241 sqq. ; Creighton, iii. 64 ; Gregorovius, vii. 233 sqq. 2 Pastor, iv. 250 ; Gregorovius, vii. 235 sqq. The Cardinal died a few months after his return to Rome (1474). 3 Lorenzo had wished to purchase Imola from Galeazzo Sforza, but Sforza, yielding to the Pope's entreaties, had sold the city to him instead, and Girolamo Riario had been appointed to this lordship. Lorenzo had retaliated by supporting Niccolo Vitelli, lord of Citta di Castello, in his rebellion against the Pope. Sixtus, in his turn, had transferred the management of the Papal exchequer from the Medici to the rival family of the Pazzi. An additional cause of dissension had occurred in the appointment of Salviati to the archbishopric of Pisa against the will of Lorenzo. To these circumstances, and to the family quarrels between the Medici and Pazzi, must be ascribed the coalition of Girolamo Riario and Arch- bishop Salviati in this nefarious design against Lorenzo and his brother Giuliano. The best account of the conspiracy is in Pastor, iv. 300 sqq. 4 This is clear from the confession of Montesecco, quoted by Pastor [loc. cit. ) and Creighton (iii. 75). 8 Creighton, loc. cit. ; cf. Pastor, iv. 312, who, though he blames Sixtus, is perhaps too lenient in his judgment. 6 To cite only two instances, Guicciardini {Sloria Fiorentina, p. 37) says plainly: "Concorreva in questo trattato non solo il conte, ma eziandio la Santlta FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 21 had laid upon the city of Florence on this occasion was still fresh when, just twenty years later, Savonarola laughed to scorn the threat of a similar interdict, repeatedly uttered by Alexander VI. So, too, the war with Ferrara, though not precisely " due to Sixtus IV.," was undoubtedly due to his nephew, Girolamo Riario, and what seemed like an unscrupulous attempt at spoliation, to which the Pope gave his full sanction, could hardly fail to make a deeper impression on the mind of Fra Girolamo than it might otherwise have done, when he saw it directed against his own native city. 1 It is true that, before the close of 1482, the Pope concluded a peace with Naples, Milan, and Florence, whereby the possession of his States was guaranteed to the Duke of Ferrara ; but the war was continued by Venice. Sixtus now turned his arms against that Republic, and the Florentine interdict of 1478 was followed by the Venetian interdict of 1484. And even apart from the special injustice of the war against Ferrara, it is clear that the honour of the Holy See was seriously compromised by complicity in the petty rivalries of the Italian States. It was the news of a peace which he deemed dishonourable between the League and Venice that hastened the death of a Pope whose reign, notwith- standing his many personal good qualities, which have been too often overlooked, had been on the whole a most grievous calamity to the Church. It is not easy to say in what light Fra Girolamo regarded the election of Innocent VIII. The inscription which prefaces the poem called Oratio pro Ecc/esia, written shortly after that election, seems to show that he regarded the peaceful conclusion of the conclave as the result of a divine intervention ; while, on the other del Papa ne era conscia"; and Nardi writes: "Dagli sdegni di queste due famiglie fu causata la infrascritta perniziosa congiura . . . secondo che allora si diceva non senza saputa del medesimo Pontefice" (i. 17). Of the prompt and savage vengeance taken on this occasion Guicciardini (pp. 40 sqq.) speaks at some length. Salviati, after being flogged, was hanged without trial ; and more than fifty persons, among whom some were certainly innocent, were executed on the same clay, and many others later. Cardinal Sansoni-Riario, a mere youth, and free from complicity in the crime, was held prisoner for some weeks (cf. Pastor, iv. 314, sqq.). 1 Pastor has shown (iv. 350) that Sixtus had a real grievance against d'Este. But it may safely be said that he would never have gone to war with Ferrara but for the intrigues of Girolamo Riario with Venice. He sought the support of the Republic for his designs upon Naples, and the duchy of Ferrara was held out as a bait (Pastor, loc. cit.\. 22 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA hand, it is clear from the poem itself that he was still full of appre- hensions for the future. 1 The opening lines, which occur again at the end of the poem, are these :— Jesu, dolce conforto e sommo bene D'ogni affannato core, Risguarda Roma con perfetto amore. Rome, or more explicitly the " holy Roman Church," has been brought by the demon to a sad pass. Soccorsi a la Romana Tua Santa Chiesa, che il demonio atterra, etc. The principal reason for the poet's dread of impending disaster lies in the wealth and in the corresponding avarice of the clergy :— E quanto sangue, oime ! tra noi s' aspetta Se la tua man pietosa, Che di perdonar sempre si diletta, Non la riduce a quella Pace che fu quand' era poverella. But if the election of the new Pope seemed for a moment to be due to a special intervention of Providence for the avoidance of a schism, the history of Innocent's reign is enough to convince the student of ecclesiastical history that Fra Girolamo must have seen his worst apprehensions only too speedily realised. It would be unjust to Innocent, as it would be unjust to Sixtus, not to credit him with a genuine desire for the welfare of the Church. But both Pontiffs seem to have been infatuated with the idea that the cause of God can be forwarded by the adoption of a thoroughly worldly policy, and that self-seeking can go hand in hand with the duty of seeking the Kingdom of God. As Girolamo Riario, after the death of his brother, Cardinal Pietro, had ruled Sixtus IV., notwithstanding that Pope's admitted force of character, so the weak and vacillating Innocent allowed himself to become a tool in the hands of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, and of his own son (born before his entrance 1 The poem bears this superscription : " Oratio pro Ecclesia— Quando, mortuo Sisto IV., suscitavit diabolus dissentionem in Ecclesia : 1484, de mense augusti. Dominus i^itur apposnit manum ; et facta concordia, in brevi electus est In- nocentius VIII., non sine admiratione ovium, quae de schismate dubitabant " (Villari and Casanova, Sulla, p. 413). FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 23 into the ecclesiastical state) Franceschetto Cibb. 1 And more than this ; to the scandal of unblushing nepotism was now added the further scandal of a Pope eager to arrange, and to celebrate with almost unparalleled magnificence, lucrative and politically ad- vantageous marriages for his own children and grandchildren. 2 ~>The condition of Rome itself under these Popes may be truly, and without exaggeration, described as disgraceful. While Pinturricchio and Ghirlandajo, and Melozzo da Fori! and Perugino and Mantegna and others were busily engaged in the adornment of the Sistine Chapel, of the Vatican, and of other palaces and churches ; while numerous sacred edifices were being erected, which too often testified to the wealth and ostentation rather than to the devotion of their founders ; while the streets of Rome were being straightened, and widened, and paved ; — these same streets were daily and nightly the scene of murderous brawls, of which the open feuds of the della Valle and Santa Croce, of the Colonna and Orsini, afforded only the most noteworthy examples. Of the venality and corruption which prevailed among the officials in the Papal Court, and of the increas- ing prevalence of sensual vice even among ecclesiastics of the highest standing, it is needless to speak in detail. It may be enough to recall to mind, as an indication of the state of affairs, that when Lorenzo de' Medici sent his son Giovanni (afterwards Pope Leo X.) to Rome, to be invested, at the early age of eighteen, with the dignity of cardinal — to which he had already been appointed three years earlier — this not over-scrupulous father warned the youthful ecclesiastic that he was going to a city which was a very sink of iniquity, and that it behoved him to take every precaution to preserve himself from contamination. 3 And of the rest of Italy what is to be said, but that this was the dark age of a race of petty despots, all of them — with hardly an exception — debased in character as many of them were tainted in 1 Pastor, v. 242, 265, 368 sqq. Giovanni della Rovere, Giuliano's brother, was made captain-general of the Papal forces. As regards Franceschetto, it must be remembered that he was thirty-five years of age at the time of his father's election (Creighton, iii. 120 note). " It is certain that from the moment Giovanni Battista [Cib6, i.e. Innocent VIII.] entered the ecclesiastical state, all the accusa- tions against the purity of his private life cease " (Pastor, v. 241). - We allude to the marriages of Franceschetto Cibo to Maddalena de' Medici, and of Battistina, the Pope's grand -daughter, with Don Luigi, grandson of Ferrante of Naples (Pastor, v. 269, 285 sqq). * Pastor, v. 358 sqq. 24 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA blood ; tyrannising over their people with heedless oppression, and too often exercising and setting the example of a worse kind of tyranny by their shameless profligacy ; continually engaged in plotting against one another, and plotted against, in their turn, by their own subjects ; that the murder of Giuliano de' Medici in the Cathedral at Florence, in 1478, had been preluded by that of Galeazzo Sforza on S. Stephen's Day, 26th December 1476, in the Church of S. Stefano at Milan ; and that these tragedies were only the most conspicuous and successful examples among a score of treacherous murders in the highest ranks of society ; that it was an age of decadence for the religious orders no less than for the secular clergy ; and that among the laity the vaunted Renaissance was in too many instances nothing better than a re-birth of ancient paganism, with its unfaith and its nameless vices ? 1 There was, of course, as Dr Pastor has shown, a brighter side to the picture. Holy men and women lived their lives in the fifteenth century as they have done in every age of the Church. The outburst of fresh life and vigour which characterised the Renaissance period was, to a considerable extent, turned to good account, and diverted into worthy channels. The wide-spread demoralisation of the ruling classes was after all by no means universal, even in the higher ranks of society, and it had certainly not yet taken possession of the middle classes and of the poor. There is abundant evidence in the diaries and chronicles of the time that the spirit of faith and of charity was still strong in the people ; and were we to confine our attention to the numerous charitable institutions which adorned the city of Florence as the fifteenth century was drawing to a close, we might almost imagine that we were reading the history of a golden age of religious fervour. 2 1 "With a few honourable exceptions, almost all the Italian princes of the Renaissance were steeped in vice ; the crimes of the Borgia family were not without parallels in other princely houses. ^Eneas Sylvius 1'iccolomini, in his ' History of Frederick III.' says : ' Most of the rulers of Italy in the present day were born out of wedlock.' When Pius II. came to Ferrara in 1459, he was received by seven princes, not one of whom was a legitimate son. . . . Cruelty and vindictiveness went hand in hand with immorality, etc." (Pastor, v. 114. See the whole of the second section, pp. 98-182, of the Introduction to this volume). The story of Galeazzo's murder (and of the wickedness which provoked it) is told by Creighton (iii. 72 sqq.\ and more briefly by Pastor (iv. 290). Cf. Villari, i. 28, 29. 2 On the brigh er aspects of the Renaissance period in Italy, cf. Pastor, v. 1-97. FIRST YEARS IN THE MINISTRY 25 On the whole, however, it cannot he denied that, at the time of which we speak, the evil influences that were at work threatened to be victorious. The ruling classes were, as has been said, deeply corrupted, and the poison was rapidly spreading through every stratum of society. Such, very briefly and roughly sketched, was Italy when Savonarola, no longer an unknown friar, but a preacher who had already made his mark, came to Florence for the second time, never again to leave— except for very brief intervals — the city of his adoption CHAPTER III THE PREACHER : HIS TEACHING AND HIS METHODS WHEN Fra Girolamo returned to Florence in 1489, or early in 1490, it was to resume his office of professor or reader at S. Marco. His lectures on the Apocalypse, however, which were delivered during the following summer "under a damask rose tree at the end of the garden," were attended not only by his own brethren, but by many of the most learned men in Florence. And as the number of his auditory daily increased, so that the place was incapable of accommodating all who wished to hear him, both his brethren and his lay hearers began to urge him to speak again in public. One Sunday evening, in the guest hall, their entreaties became more than usually importunate. " Pray," he said, " till next Sunday, and you will understand what is to be done " — that is to say, they were to pray that he might be guided to act for the best in the matter. When Sunday came round once more, he told them that on that day week he would preach in the church, adding, says Burlamacchi, that he would continue to do so (either in S. Marco or elsewhere in Florence) for more than eight years, as in fact he did. 1 The first sermon of this long course of preaching was delivered on Sunday, 1st August 1490. The same writer graphically describes the eagerness of the crowds which now flocked to hear a man who, disregarded as he had been a few years previously, had since made himself a name in so many cities of northern Italy, and whose private discourses had already attracted the attention of many of the elite of Florence. 2 1 " Circondato egli di nuovo da Frati per haver la risposta, disse lor sorridendo con allegra faccia : Domenica prossima legeremo in Chiesa, et sara letione et pre- dicatione ; aggiungendo : Et predichero piu d'otto anni ; come poi si veririco" (Burlamacchi, p. 28). On the dates here given, see Gherardi, pp. 373 sqq. '*■ Villari (i. 94) has given a rather fanciful picture of the effects of this first sermon, attributing to a single occasion what Burlamacchi says of the general effect of a whole series of discourses. 20 THE PREACHER 27 He continued his expositions of the Apocalypse, and, as Villari puts it, "the walls of S. Marco now echoed for the first time with his three famous conclusions." The effect of his preaching was from the first marked, yet various. It awakened enthusiasm, aroused opposition, in some cases even provoked contempt. On the whole, the prevailing judgment seems to have been unfavourable, not indeed in its estimate of his oratorical powers, which were un- questionably of the highest order, but in its attitude towards the novelties — as they seemed — which he put forth. 1 But notwith- standing external opposition, and internal feelings of discouragement and depression, he held on his way with that fearless courage which characterised him throughout his career.' 2 And now, before we proceed to follow the series of events, it seems desirable to say something in general concerning the leading features of his teaching from the pulpit. Here, however, we find ourselves confronted with a very real difficulty. We had been inclined to make it a matter of reproach against Villari and Casanova that the extracts from Fra Girolamo's sermons which they have given, the former in his " Life," and both together in the recently published Scelta de Prediche are almost exclusively of a polemical or denunciatory character ; whereas it would be a great mistake to suppose that all his preaching was of this kind. This reproach it had been our wish to avoid in the present volume ; and lest it should be thought that we wish to minimise his great and conspicuous merits by the familiar device of "faint praise," we had determined — so far as the space at our disposal would allow — to present the reader with a series of selected passages which might serve to illustrate his ordinary manner when dealing with ordinary and non- contentious topics. But, in fact, Savonarola's sermons, except when he launches out into the language of invective or of self-defence, do not readily lend themselves to quotation, at least in English. Very 1 Nel qual tempo commicio a suscitarsi gran contraditione, et a dividersi quasi tutta la citta, dicendo alcuno chi'egli era semplice et buono homo ; alcuni ch'egli era dotto ma astutissimo; molti che attendeva a visioni false et stolte" (Burlamacchi, p. 28). 2 Dipoi crescendo tuttavia piu la grandissima contraditione ; egli nel con- siderarla diventava alle volte pusinanime,** etc. (Burlamacchi, ibid., and similarly Savonarola himself in his Compendium Revclntionum ; Quetif, ii. 227). On the other hand, he bears witness to his own outspoken boldness at this time. " Ricordatevi voi gia parecchi anni sono quando io cominciai prerlicare la in S, Marco ; che io vi dicevo che io ero la gragnola et che [chi] non la volessi sentire, stessi coperto," etc. (S. 7 on Amos ; Lent 1496). 28 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA numerous and lengthy extracts are indeed to be found in Dr Luotto's somewhat bulky work, and in addition to these we have not shirked the task of reading through a very considerable proportion of Fra Girolamo's sermons in their entirety ; but the prolixity of the preacher's style is such that our search for passages which might be here reproduced without the risk of wearying the English reader, has been, we regret to say, unrewarded. We shall, indeed, have occasion, later on, to pick out — as Villari and Casanova have done — stirring passages of a polemical or apologetic character, which compel attention either by virtue of their force of language, or by reason of their bearing on the events of Fra Girolamo's later years. But as regards his more pacific sermons, such as those on the First Epistle of S. John, preached in the Advent of 1491 or 1492, and the Lenten course of 1494, we must needs confine ourselves to a brief account of the topics on which he loved to dwell, and of the method which he followed in handling these topics. Beyond all question the most striking feature of Savonarola's preaching is his constant use of the language of Holy Scripture, and of Scriptural allusions. His method is, professedly, that of continuous exposition of one or other book of the Bible, chapter by chapter and verse by verse ; but to say this gives no idea of the extraordinary wealth of illustration whereby in his discourses the Old Testament is made to throw light on the New, and the New on the Old, and every book from Genesis to the Apocalypse on every other book. 1 The allegorical interpretation of the text is, indeed, habitually carried to excess ; the etymological disquisitions in which he occasionally indulges are generally fanciful ; his applications of the words of Holy Scripture are often strained and far-fetched. But with every allowance for such shortcomings, there can be no doubt that, as regards the use of Holy Scripture in the pulpit, preachers in our own day might learn — as Luotto has insisted at great length — a useful lesson from Fra Girolamo. Yet it must not be forgotten that precisely the same lesson is to be learned, and probably with greater profit, from the homilies of Origen, of S. Augustine, S. John Chrysostom, S. Leo, S. Peter Chrysologus, S. Gregory the Great — in a word, of the whole long line of the Fathers of the Church, Eastern and Western. 1 We say that his method is " professedly" that of continuous exposition, be- cause it very often happens that the continuity is so broken by lengthy digressions extending sometimes through several sermons, as to be almost lost sight of, THE PREACHER 29 Another noteworthy feature of Savonarola's sermons, and one which per se is most worthy of imitation, is the use which he makes of the Summa of S. Thomas Aquinas. This is particularly con- spicuous in the discourses delivered in the Lent of 1494, where very numerous references to the Summa may be found noted in the margin of the Venetian edition of 1536. 1 Nevertheless, although these sermons are distinguished by many excellent qualities, we cannot follow Luotto when he would set up Savonarola as a model preacher. Besides the defects which have been already noted, whole series of his discourses are characterised by a certain artificiality and fancifulness of which it cannot even be said — according to the hackneyed phrase — that it is to be admired rather than imitated. To us at least it seems in no sense admirable, except so far as even a misplaced kind of ingenuity may demand the tribute of a qualified appreciation. We may take an example from the Lenten sermons of 1494, which have just been mentioned. Here we have a succession of nearly forty discourses " Super Arcam Noe " — on the building of Noah's Ark — the general plan of which is as follows. In view of the coming tribulations a vessel is to be built in which the faithful may take refuge from the Flood. The length of the Ark is interpreted as signifying faith, its breadth charity, its height hope. Accordingly, with very few exceptions, each of the discourses sets out from one or other of the three texts : " Walk while ye have the light" (John xii. 35); "Seek ye the Lord while He may yet be found " (Isa. lv. 6) ; and " Blessed is the man whose hope is the name of the Lord" (Ps. xxxix. 5). So far, good; for there is no reason why a most excellent course of sermons should not be preached on the three theological virtues, or why a single text, or two, or three should not do duty for the whole of such a 1 They commence at f. 18. Presumably they are to be found in other editions also, but we can speak only of the one which lies before us. Of the sermons preached before 1491 we have only the preacher's rough drafts, in Latin, several of which Villari has published (vol. i. Append, pp. xii. sqq., xxviii. sqq.). When Vivoli says of the Lenten Sermons of 1492 (he means 1494) " sono stmnpate latine, benchc molto scorrette, eke Dio perdoni a chi cosi stampar le fece" he hardly goes beyond the admission which the editor himself makes in his Preface. It was not till 1495 (1494 stylo florentino) that Vivoli himself began to make his most valuable and very faithful reports, at first, as he s.jys, "in sustanza piu per un suo exercitio che per altro," but afcei wards, "appunto de verbo ad verbum" (Villari, i. Append, pp. lix., lxi.). The very important scries of sermons preacned in the Autumn and Advent of 1494 were reported by Stefano da Codiponte (Villari, i. 227). 30 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA course. But this is not all. On each day the preacher undertakes to provide ten planks for the construction of the Ark, and it is here that the overstrained artificiality makes itself apparent. In some cases the ten planks are suitable enough for their purpose. They are ten points of dogmatic teaching concerning the attributes of God, 1 or concerning the Holy Trinity, 2 or ten motives for the love of poverty, 3 or ten salutary counsels for a time of tribulation, 4 or the like. But as Lent draws towards its close, the exigencies of this complicated design reduce the preacher to strange expedients. The planks make their appearance adorned with strange and mysterious devices, and inscribed with texts of Holy Scripture ; 5 and one cannot help feeling thct too large a place is here given to mere imagination, and that the truths which the preacher wishes to inculcate would come with greater force if they were urged with more simplicity. So, too, at the outset of each sermon, with a few exceptions, Satan is introduced as presenting himself, usually under some disguise, to trouble the preacher or his hearers with some objection or specious temptation. To such a quasi-parabolic method of introducing the answer to current popular fallacies no objection can be raised so long as the narrative is palpably and professedly fictitious. But so thin is the dividing line which separates these mere fictions from the closely analogous visions which Fra Girolamo was wont — more especially in subsequent years — to communicate to his hearers, that one cannot help suspecting that the assiduous culture of the imagina- tion which these fictions bespeak may have been a predisposing cause which exposed him to the danger of illusion in the matter of his visions. 6 This, however, is a point on which we shall have more to say in the next chapter. But when we turn from these defects — if defects they be — of form, of arrangement, of exegetical and imaginative setting, to the substance of Fra Girolamo's discourses, a careful examination of a sufficient number of them (for we do not profess to have read them 1 Sermones Super Arcam Noe (Venice, 1536) ff. 22 sqq. 2 Ibid., ff. 59 sqq. 3 Ibid., pp. 106-7. The motives are (1) Because our Lord said " Blessed are the poor" ; (2) because He set the example of poverty ; (3) because the Apostles set the same example ; and so forth. 4 Ibid., ff. 114 sqq., 1 19 sqq. 8 Ibid., ff. 128 sqq. ' Compare especially the long dialogue witli "the Tempter" in the remark- able vision of 1st April 1495, which is recorded in the Compendium Revelalionum, and summarised in the next chapter. THE PREACHER 3 1 all), and of his ascetical works, affords, we gladly admit, far more satis- factory results. Indeed, it may safely be said that, when reduced to its simplest elements, Savonarola's ascetical system shows a some- what remarkable similarity with that which is outlined, and in part developed, in the book of the Spiritual Exercises. With Fra Girolamo, as with S. Ignatius of Loyola, the first thing to be done, when men are to be brought back to the right path, is to get them to understand the end for which they exist, the purpose for which they have been created ; to get them to recognise that as man has been created by God, so also he has been created for God ; that as he comes from God, so also he goes to God, whether for the reward of eternal happiness (the attainment of his end), or for punishment (the penalty of having failed to attain it); that the full realisation of the purpose of creation is therefore not to be sought or found in this world but in the next ; that, consequently, man's every serious effort ought to be directed towards the attainment of his eternal destiny ; that a partial realisation of the purpose of our creation is possible in this life, but that it is to be found only in union with God by faith, hope, and charity ; that such an union with God is, in its perfection, attainable by those alone who despise the riches, honours, and pleasures of this world. According to Fra Girolamo the dispositions which are requisite for the attainment of true happiness here below may be summed up in the one word "simplicity." Internal simplicity is purity of intention or single- ness of aim; external simplicity is a resolute detachment of ourselves from whatever is "superfluous," or — as S. Ignatius would say — from those created things which instead of being regarded and used as necessary or helpful means whereby we may seek our true end, are perversely loved and clung to for their own sake, and so become hindrances instead of helps. 1 On 1 Cf. the tract, De Simplicitate Vitae Christianac (especially book ii. c. 2), and the sermons on the First Epistle of S. John, passim. The same principles are likewise inculcated in the sermons "Super Arcam Noe "—especially in the earlier ones {e.g. ff. 52-54)— and elsewhere {cf S. 2 on Amos). That the resem- blance between Savonarola's teaching and that of the "Spiritual Exercises " is more than an accidental coincidence we dare not affirm ; but there are several particular instances which suggest that S. Ignatius may have been acquainted with the writings of Fra Girolamo, and that he purposely guarded his own disciples against some of the mistakes into which the perusal of those writings might betray an incautious reader. The " simplicity " of Savonarola's ascetical system answers in great measure to the " indiffeientia " of the Ignatian book. 32 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA this whole range of topics, on the unspeakable joy and unshaken stability of the soul which seeks and finds its peace in union with God, with God the source of all happiness, with God the eternal and immutable ; on the danger of a disturbance of this peace if only a man allows himself to be distracted and drawn aside by any inordinate attachment to creatures — on topics such as these Savonarola is at his very best. And yet even here a certain tendency to exaggeration, from which Fra Girolamo seems never to have been quite free, asserts itself. Among the external things which distract the mind from God he reckons ecclesiastical ceremonies, as they were carried out in his own time. It is, indeed, easy to understand his feelings on the subject. From his point of view, the pomp and pageantry of the age had invaded the sanctuary, and this to the grievous detriment of true interior piety. And it must certainly be admitted that the days in which Burchardus, the Master of Ceremonies to Alexander VI., systematised the rubrics of the Roman ritual, were days in which too many ecclesiastics compounded for their lack of true devotion by their solicitude for ceremonial splendour. There was only too much ground for regarding the ceremonialists as the Pharisees of their time ; in his scheme of the division of Christians into three classes they were to be numbered among the " tepidi," men who professed to be religiously minded without being really so, who allowed them- selves to be deceived, and deceived others, "sub specie boni," and who held a middle place between the "cattivi" or "tristi" — the open scoffers at virtue and religion— and the truly devout. Still, it is strange to read, in a sermon by an eminent Catholic preacher, that : " If any one should wish to bring back any people to the true way, first of all the children must be withdrawn from all ecclesiastical ceremonies." For although Fra Girolamo forthwith adds the proviso : " That is to say when they are being trained by those who have not the interior spirit," he goes on to recommend, as a practical measure, that they be withdrawn " at least from many functions " ; and presently he says that he would like, if it were possible, to see "omnes indulgence et cetera" done away with, whatever the "cetera" may be. 1 Elsewhere he urges that in the primitive Church an elaborate ceremonial had no place; and in one of his sermons he even goes so far as to say that, if human nature were 1 See the rough draft of a sermon (1492 or 1493) published by Villari, i. Append, pp. xxxiv. sqq. THE PREACHER 33 less imperfect, even sacraments would be superfluous. 1 It is not for us to condemn what the Church has not condemned, but some at least of these expressions of opinion appear to us to approach perilously near to the theological "note "of "rashness." It would have been wiser, perhaps, instead of lamenting the invasion of the sanctuary by ceremonial pomp and splendour, to rejoice rather that these things, as well as the arts, had been brought into the service of the Church ; and it ought to have been possible to turn to good account a feature of contemporary ecclesiastical life which was at least not bad in itself, and which, with the fullest approval of Popes and saints, has after all survived Savonarola. And it is one of the ironies of life that the very man who was so ready to find tault with an elaborate ceremonial, as likely to distract the mind from God, was himself — as will presently appear — the contriver of functions the like of which had never been seen in Florence before, and which were, to say the least, less suited for perpetuation than those of which he spoke so slightingly. 2 So too it would, to say the least, have been wiser to abstain from somewhat contemptuous references to that form of devotion which shows itself in the desire to adorn and beautify the House of God. 3 In this matter, too, abuses are possible, and no doubt existed then in a greater degree than now. But Fra Girolamo speaks sometimes as if a thing which is liable to abuse were bad in itself. But to return to more fundamental matters, Savonarola knew, as well as did S. Ignatius, that it was not enough to direct men's minds 1 Sermons on the Psalms (28th May 1495). 2 In the main, no doubt, Savonarola's views on the subject of ceremonial were sound. "Tiepidi, lasciate le vostre cerimonie," he says, " nelle quali havete posto el vestro fine" (S. 6 on Aggaeus ; cf. S. 10). His fundamental principle is, that the end is to be steadily kept in view, and that it is a reversal of right order when what ought to be only a means to the end is made an end in itself, and thereby becomes a hindrance. (Elsewhere he has a passage about benefices, which are so often sought for as an end in themselves, instead of being regarded merely as a means to that one great end of God's service.) The principle is excellent ; it is in the application of the principle that Fra Girolamo appears to go somewhat astray, or at least somewhat too far. 3 In the Sermons Super Arcam, f. 137, the first plank represents two churches, "una cum tabernaculis paupercula, altera ornatissima," and it is plain that the poorer and less ornate building has the preference. And in another passage he speaks with scorn of those who go about asking ladies to give or to make altar- linen, cottas, vestments, etc., when they ought rather to provide for their families. What he says on the subject is not formally erroneous, but his words at least suggest a condemnation of what is in itself praise woi thy. C 34 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA to their true end, and to disabuse them, intellectually, of the fallacies of worldliness, without also arousing in them a deep and abiding horror and detestation of sin. And here he was, if not in all respects at his best, at all events confessedly most forceful. The prevalent vices of the day, avarice, simony, usury, gambling, impurity, were lashed by him with a very fury of zeal which, in the space of a few years, changed the face of the city, and not merely reduced to a relative minimum the actual volume of vice, but in great measure compelled the vicious to hide away their wickedness, and at least to refrain from giving open scandal. Of Fra Girolamo's invectives against vice we shall have occasion to give some specimens here- after ; but, in the meanwhile, we would remark that even if it be admitted (as we think it must) that in this particular he exceeded the bounds of moderation, one motive at least which most powerfully influenced him, and which goes far to explain and even to justify his vehemence, was the overmastering desire to deliver the innocent and the frail, children and the gentler sex, servants and dependents and the poor, from the tyranny of evil example, of wicked fashions, of aggressive lust, and of oppressive greed and cruelty. Nor was it merely the spiritual needs of men for which Fra Girolamo would make provision. The corporal works of mercy were, in his eyes, only less important than the spiritual, and his views on this subject must be allowed to have been eminently practical. The wars and political disturbances of the period had led to a great neglect of agriculture, and swarms of needy peasants flocked into Florence during the years of Savonarola's ministry in that city. It should never be forgotten that Savonarola set himself with all his immense energy to the work of providing for their necessities; not merely by urging again and again the duty of coming to their relief, but also by taking efficacious means for the collection and distribution of abundant alms. Yet while he lays stress on the duty of paying a fair wage, of abstention from oppressive usury, and of almsgiving on the part of the rich, he also inculcates with the utmost earnestness and urgency the duty of labour and of patience on the part of the poor ; and it is interesting to note how he insists that the best form of almsgiving is to provide employment for those who are capable of it. 1 Nor must we pass over in silence the evidences of a deep and tender piety which are to be found in abundance in his discourses. 1 Luotto, pp. 33 sqq. THE PREACHER 35 It would have been to little purpose to discuss and expound, in the terms of scholastic philosophy and theology, drawn from the Suvunn of S. Thomas, the teaching of the Church concerning the adorable Sacrament of the Altar, unless the apprehension of this teaching had been made to subserve the ultimate end and purpose of exciting true devotion. The picture which Fra Girolamo draws of the preparation of a good Christian family for their Easter Communion is as beautiful as it is lifelike. The duty of confession and communion at this holy time is not to be treated as a purely personal matter which concerns the individual only, and to which as little reference as possible is to be made in ordinary domestic intercourse. Rather it is a duty which concerns the entire family as such, and is to be performed by all together. After all have attended the public offices of the Church on Holy Saturday, and have returned home betimes, the head of the household is recommended to assemble its members ("il messere e la madonna con i figliuoli intorno, e i servi e le serve") for the recitation of the penitential Psalms and the Litanies, and for a short meditation, before retiring to rest. They will do well to rise early, and to recite together the Office of Our Lady, and once more to spend some time in meditation, before proceeding to their parish church there to receive our Lord. 1 Second only to his devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, and to the Passion of our Lord (of which latter we cannot here speak in detail) was his filial veneration of the Virgin Mother of God. " Tu sei certa speranza Di tutti gli om mundani Ch' in te non ha fidanza Si vol volar senz' ali." Thus, echoing Dante, he addresses her in one of his poems, and her praises occur again and again in his sermons. Dr Luotto gives a long and beautiful passage, in which certain passages from the Book of Wisdom, which are applied to Our Lady in the Liturgy, are made the vehicle of counsels addressed to different classes of the faithful. Mary is " a fruitful vine," therefore her sons should be " as grapes that are fused in one wine of charity." Mary is the " Mother of beautiful love," but not of the profane and sensual love of this world, therefore her daughters should adorn themselves in a manner that becomes modest women, not in such a way as to excite evil 1 Luotto, pp. 45, 46. 36 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA passions. In Mary is " all hope of life and of truth,'' therefore let the little ones, who have life yet before them, look to her for example and for help. 1 ) Of the immediate results of Fra Girolamo's preaching there is, as has been said, no manner of doubt. Enthusiastic admirers and deadly enemies, Piagnoni and Arrabbiati, are alike agreed that the face of the city was changed. Florence, writes Ghivizzano, the Mantuan envoy, has become like a monastery. The lascivious songs, called Carnelascialeschi, which used to be heard on all sides at the time of the Carnival, and to the composition of which even Lorenzo de' Medici demeaned himself, gave place to pious canticles ; and the gaudy pageants in which the gilded youth of Florence took delight were relinquished in favour of religious processions. The money which but for Fra Girolamo would have been squandered on finery and luxury, or which would have been lost at the gambling table — for the passion for high play was one of the moral plagues of the city, and had infected every class of society — now found its way to the friars' alms-boxes, and through them to the poor. All this it would be vain to deny, nor has it been called in question by those who have felt constrained to pass an unfavourable judgment on his prophecies, his political action, and his resistance to the lawful authority of the Pope. But even apart from these things, and others which have been already mentioned, there still remain several points in connection with his preaching on which widely divergent opinions have been expressed. In the first place, it has been asserted with some emphasis by Dr Pastor, and has been implied even by so large-hearted a judge of men as Cardinal Newman, that the success of Fra Girolamo's preaching was ephemeral. After his tragic death, writes Newman, "things went on pretty much as before." "The religious enthusiasm which he had aroused, the moral renovation which he had effected," says Dr Pastor, "were transitory. They were like a fire which blazes up quickly, and quickly dies away." 2 We are inclined to think that statements of this kind are apt to create a somewhat false impression. It is no doubt invariably the case that every great religious revival is followed by a certain reaction ; and no missioner, unless he be very inexperienced indeed, expects that the fervour, which for the moment he may, with God's help, succeed in arousing, will be permanently maintained at the 1 Luotto, pp. 56 58. a Pastor, iii. 154. Cf. Filipepi, pp. 490, 495 sqq. THE PREACHER 37 same pitch. But he knows well that it is a great matter to stir men to a sense of sin, to excite them to acts of contrition and to deeds of penance, and to fill them even for the moment with some degree of enthusiasm in the good cause of their own salvation. He knows very well that many will fall back, some sooner, some later, into their old ways ; but he also trusts that it will not be so with all ; and he has a well-grounded confidence that zeal in the ministry of the word will surely bear some fruit, however modest the harvest may be when judged by a human standard. Whether the harvest be more or less abundant, whether the results of his apostolic labours be more or less enduring, will depend, under God, partly upon the purity of his motives, the self-abnegation with which his work is carried on, the fervour of prayer with which it is accompanied, but partly also upon natural or acquired gifts of eloquence, energy, sympathy, tact, and the like ; and very largely on the prudence of his conduct and the appropriateness of his methods. Now we are entirely of opinion that if the work of Savonarola had been carried out with greater prudence, the ultimate results of his labours would have been more far-reaching and more permanent ; more like those which were achieved by that other great preacher whose tercentenary has recently been celebrated, the Blessed Peter Canisius. But when we bear in mind the life-long impression made by the preaching of Savonarola upon men like the younger Pico della Mirandola, Girolamo Benivieni, Fra Benedetto da Firenze, Fra Placido Cinozzi, Simone Filipepi, and others of more or less distinction in the world of politics, literature, or art, we are forced to the conclusion that there must have been many hundreds of persons, of whom no record has been preserved, in whose souls that same preaching bore fruits that never entirely withered away and decayed. 1 For this reason we feel bound to enter a protest against any sweeping statement to the effect that the success of Savonarola's ministry was merely ephemeral. The harvest indeed was not so abundant, or of so hardy a growth, as under other circumstances it might have been ; and the tares of spurious prophecy and visionary self-delusions, unconsciously sown by him, sprang up and fructified only too plentifully side by side with the wheat of sound doctrine and of Christian piety. 2 But while we fully recognise this, it is well that we should not close our 1 Dr Pastor bears witness to the salutary influence exercised by Savonaiula on some of the most eminent among the Florentine artists of the day (iii. 14647). ' i Pastor, v. 200 jy Savonarola to Pittorio, 3rd August 1497 (Cappelli, noh Il8; Luulto, pp. •77-78)- 4 o GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA 9, 10), and he is careful to repeat again and again that he does not intend in this matter to impose or assert the existence of any strict obligation. 1 Nor can he be justly charged with an exaggerated asceticism on the strength of his advice with regard to the frequentation of the Sacraments. " My children," he says, addressing the young, " do not any longer content yourselves with a yearly confession ; I would have you confess more frequently ; at least five times in the year." Again, he specially recommended confession and communion at the time of the Carnival, by way of precaution and protest against the wickedness of which this season was commonly made the occasion. Monthly or fortnightly confession is commended to those who wish to live devout lives. 2 But the public spiritual ministry of Fra Girolamo was by no means confined to his utterances from the pulpit. If the reforms which he had at heart were to be effectively carried out there was need of organisation. An impressionable and vivacious people like the Florentines could not — as it seemed to him — be weaned from their pageants and festivities, which tended more and more to assume a character of scandalous licentiousness, by the purely negative method of repression ; nor, on the other hand, could these same people be expected to invent a substitute for themselves. Accordingly, we find that one of the most remarkable features in his great work of reformation lay in the devising of religious celebra- tions which were to take the place of the unhallowed and often sinful diversions of the past. In so doing he was only carrying out the principle adopted by the Church in her peaceful warfare with paganism long centuries before ; 3 a principle, too, which had been, and was to be, carried out in Christian Italy by many another devoted priest besides Fra Girolamo. We have already touched upon the point above, but it deserves more particular treatment here. " Had there been bonfires in the old time," the bonfires of the capanucci during the Carnival ? " There was to be a bonfire now, consuming impurity from off the earth. Had there been symbolic processions ? There were to be processions now, but the symbols were to be white robes, and red crosses, and olive wreaths — emblems of peace and innocent gladness — and the banners and images held aloft were to tell the triumphs of goodness. ... As for the collections from street passengers " — made by means of stilt, or rods 1 Luotto, pp. 162, sqq. a Luotto, p. 38. 8 Luotto, p. 149. THE PREACHER 4' with which the importunate solicitors of alms stopped the way — " they were to be greater than ever — not for gross and superfluous suppers, but for the benefit of the hungry and needy." 1 So writes the author of Ro?nola, and indeed, it cannot be doubted that the processions organised by Fra Girolamo were in the nature of very solemn acts of public religious worship, well suited, in their main features, to the character of the people who took part in them. Possibly Dr Pastor, in dealing with this branch of the subject, has not sufficiently taken account of the wide gulf which separates the childlike enthusiasm of the people of Italy from the comparatively undemonstrative disposition of the Teutonic races. 2 At the same time, after making every allowance under this head, it would seem that Savonarola can hardly be exonerated from the charge of imprudence as regards some at least of the extra-liturgical functions which he set on foot. All the world has heard of the famous "pyramid of vanities," in which, on more than one occasion during his ministry, an immense collection of immoral books, lascivious pictures, masks, mirrors, " dead hair," cosmetics, cards, dice, daggers, all the apparatus of licentious gallantry, of extravagant play, of vindictive passion, were publicly consigned to the flames in a great holocaust of penitence. The act, taken by itself, was well con- ceived, and need cause no surprise. We read of such bonfires in the life of S. Bernardine of Siena half a century earlier, 3 and we read of them in the lives of other successful preachers in Italy down to a much later date. But some at least of the details of this and similar celebrations, as carried out under the directions of Fra Girolamo, are such that, when we read the description of them, 1 Romola, ch. xlix. " Tenevano bastoni lungi in mano acci6 che non pas- sasseno se prima non pagavano qualche cosa," writes Somenzi, describing the proceedings. Del Lungo explains : " Era l'usanza delli stilt, come chiamavano que' bastoni, co'quali sbaravano la via a' cortei delle spose novelle per averne di che far cene e baldorie. II I'rate accorto volgeva a bene li stromenti di corruzione per poi toglierli anatto. Anche i famosi bruciamenti potrebber crcdersi ispirati da que' capanncci carnevaleschi, intorno a cui i ragazzi ardevano stipa e fascine, ballandovi pazzamente d'intorno e giuocando a' sassi" {A. S. I., N.S. xviii., ii. 9). 2 Luotto reminds Dr Pastor (p. 143) that plenty of customs have survived in Italy down to comparatively recent times which would be deemed ridiculous in any northern country. In Florence itself, for several centuries, each newly-elected archbishop went through a symbolical ceremony of betrothal with the abbess of S. Pier Maggiore, this lady representing the Church of Florence. * Luotto, p. 157. 42 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA given in all simplicity by his devoted follower Burlamacchi, it is difficult to repress a smile. We read of a solemn procession in which there walked more than five thousand boys, 1 many of them "in the form of beautiful angels," others carrying alms-boxes, followed by the religious of the different Orders, the secular clergy, and then the laity, men, women, and girls, all in their order. " So great was the fervour of that day that not children and women alone, but also men of station and position . . . laying aside all human respect, robed themselves in white garments like the children, and danced and sang before the ' Tabernacle ' {i.e. the image of our Saviour, which was carried in the procession) like David before the ark . . . crying out loud with the children ' Viva Gesu Cristo, Re nostro ! '" In this order the procession, after visiting S. Giovanni and the Duomo, returned at last to S. Marco, whence it had set forth. There all the Friars came forth from the convent, vested in albis, " each one wearing a garland on his head, and they formed in a great circle round the entire Piazza, dancing and singing Psalms." 2 " Had there been dancing in a ring " (we quote again from Romold), " under the open sky of the piazza, to the sound of choral voices chanting loose songs? There was to be dancing in a ring now, but dancing of monks and laity in fraternal love and divine joy, and the music was to be the music of hymns." This, surely, was to carry the principle of adoption and adaptation, the principle of spoiling the Egyptians, a little too far. It may very well be that the dance, as Cosci has suggested, was little more than a processional march round, with steps keeping time to the music ; but Friars wearing garlands on their heads must surely have trodden dangerously near to that proverbial precipice over which it is so easy to fall from the sublime to the laughable. 3 The procession above described took place in 1497,; but m T 49^ tne programme was more highly developed. This time we read of three circles ; an inner ring of novices each attended by a child " dressed as an angel," 1 Cinozzi, p. 10. The numbers are variously given by Landucci, Somenzi, and Burlamacchi. Cinozzi's estimate is moderate. 2 " Tutti i Frati convennero usciti dal Convento senza cappa in albis con una ghirlanda in capo per uno, e fecero un ballo tondo grande quanto la piazza, cantando e salmeggiando innanzi " (Burlamacchi, p. 121). a " Fur die Lacherlichkeit soldier Mittel hatte Savonarola keinen Sinn" (Pastor, iii. 151). Did not Savonarola on this occasion simply transfer to the streets of Florence a piece of Fra Angelico's picture of the Last Judgment ? The preacher 43 a second ring of students (" giovani del Convento") each with a lay youth for his companion, and a third and outer ring of priests and older religious, wearing garlands, and each accompanied by a grave citizen. 1 It can hardly be wondered at, that Florence became the laughing - stock of Italy, or that Fra Girolamo should himself have felt that he was taking a bold step. Speaking of one of his earlier processions he says : "I have for once made you all become as fools. It is not so? But it is not we who have done this, it is Christ. . . . Often have I preached to you against worldly wisdom, and now it seems that you yourselves wish to confound it by your actions. What will you say if one day I shall make you commit a yet greater folly ? But it will not be my doing, it will be Christ's, that one day you shall even dance, in the piazza yonder, round the crucifix, the old as well as the young ; and what will you say then ? " a And he goes on to warn his hearers that although occasionally it is well to be foolish with a holy folly for Christ's sake, yet this is not to be done often. As a rule, gravity is to be observed, but the example of David is worthy of our imitation on occasion. Who does not see that the perfervid enthusiast is here allowing his better judgment to be dominated by his imaginative reminiscences of Old Testament scenes; and that he is at pains to justify the process by investing the workings of his over-excited fancy with a kind of divine halo ? And who does not see that by such excesses he was preparing the way, as Dr Pastor points out, for a disastrous reaction ? ! It would be difficult to speak too highly of the splendid work which Fra Girolamo, ably seconded by Fra Domenico Buonvicino da Pescia, carried out in reformation of the children and youth of Florence. Like S. Ignatius of Loyola, he wisely perceived that whatever hope there might be of the reform of society at large lay in the rising generation. And what he effected in this particular has been admirably set forth by Cinozzi. " I must tell you [he writes] of the fruit which his teaching produced in the children, boys and girls, of the city. And first I will speak of the girls. You know that, speaking generally, it seems as though they have naturally no other inclination except to dress themselves showily, and 1 Rurlamacchi, p. 126. a S. 42 on Amos, etc. (Luotto, pp. 139-40). 3 " Er bedachte nicht . . . dass die Gewaltsamkdt seinei Bekehrungs- maschinerie cine (icgenbewegung hervorrufen mussle " (Pastor, lii. IS 1 )- 44 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA to give themselves up to all manner of vicious vanity (di cose massime lascive e vane), and to spend wellnigh all their time in these things. But all this they put away under the influence of the Father's preaching. Not that they laid aside what was suitable to their state of life, or that they showed themselves wanting in good breeding ; but they deprived themselves of all superfluities and of unbecoming costumes, saying to their mothers— and especially those of noble birth : ' Mother, whatever you would have spent on our adornment, give it to the poor of Jesus Christ.' And so, having given themselves entirely to our Lord, they lived in the greatest charity. " But words fail me when I try to set forth the change, the wonderful, stupendous, and almost incredible conversion, of so many thousands of boys of every condition of life. What they were, how deeply plunged in every kind of vice, every one knows who has lived in this city. Their dress bespoke both pride and a shameless lack of modesty ... so that Florence had become another Sodom, a thing horrible to think of ; they were gamblers, blasphemers, and given up to every kind of vice. But under the influence of the Friar's preaching they became entirely changed, laid aside their vain and unbecoming modes of dress, desisted from the vices of which I have spoken, and became so fervent as to be an example to all Florence. In their faces there shone the radiance (uno splendor) of divine grace, so that by their means a great work was achieved." 1 It would not of course be safe to take quite literally every word of this description, coming as it does from the pen of an enthusiastic admirer of Savonarola. But about the main facts of the case there can, we think, be no manner of doubt. And we may be quite sure that it has been reckoned to Fra Girolamo's account by the divine lover of children that he succeeded in winning over so many thousands of them, for a time at least, to a good and edifying life. And it would be ungenerous to blame him with any degree of severity for whatever element of excess or unwisdom it may be possible to discover in hie efforts on their behalf. And yet if a biographer is not to be a mere panegyrist, he must needs take account of defects. It would therefore be a mistake to pass over in silence certain elements in Fra Girolamo's scheme of social regenera- tion which were, to say the least, of questionable prudence, and which, in our own days no less than in his, have been somewhat severely criticised. 1 Cinozzi, p. 7. We have been obliged to paraphrase one or two portions of this passage, and also to omit a portion of the writer's very plain-spoken description of the wickedness which had prevailed before Fra Girolamo came to the rescue of these victims of bad example and of evil influences, as well as of their own bad passions. THE PREACHER 45 Cinozzi has told us that Savonarola not only reformed the children themselves, but also by means of them set on foot "extensive operations" ("si facevono operazioni grandissime "). With the help of Fra Domenico they were organised into a kind of spiritual militia, divided into companies corresponding to the several quarters of the city, each with its own gonfaloniere and staff of officers. The duties assigned to them were not merely the preservation of order, the securing of regular attendance at the church services, and the repression of abuses among themselves, but also the collection of alms for the poor, and in particular the levying of contributions for the bonfire of vanities. 1 The pro- ceedings, as viewed from a purely naturalistic standpoint, have been vividly depicted by George Eliot. "The beardless inquisitors, organised into little regiments, doubtless took to their work very willingly. To coerce people by shame, or other spiritual pelting, to the giving up of things which it will probably vex them to part with, is a form of piety to which the boyish mind is most readily converted ; and if some obstinately wicked men got enraged, and threatened the whip or the cudgel, this also was exciting." And again, after speaking of the procession as "a sight of beauty," she writes : " Doubtless, many of these young souls were laying up memories of hope and of awe that might save them from ever resting in a merely vulgar view of their work as men and citizens. There is no kind of conscious obedience that is not an advance on lawlessness, and these boys became the generation of men who fought greatly and endured greatly in the last struggle of their Republic." 2 And certainly, without taking this merely utilitarian view of religious ceremonies and religious organisation, we may commend the wisdom which enlisted the enthusiasm of the young folk of Florence, and drilled it to a holy purpose. But, unfortunately, the wisdom of Savonarola was not of that kind which knows where to draw the line in the employment of means for the attainment of an end excellent in itself; and, unfortunately, he did not confine his troops of young enthusiasts to the laudable work of collecting alms, and heaping up gewgaws in a bonfire. They might be usefully employed, he conceived, for the purpose of the much- needed repression of gambling. So widespread and so disastrous in its consequences had this passion become, that the intervention of the civil government seemed to be imperatively called for; nor can we 1 Cinozii, p, 9. i J\omo!a, ch. xlix. 46 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA be surprised that Fra Girolamo should have welcomed stringent legislation on the subject. And here we must needs pass over, with the briefest possible mention of it, a matter on which we should have liked to dwell at greater length. In estimating the character of Fra Girolamo's ministry, account must be taken of the sternness with which in his sermons he repeatedly called on the Signory to repress public vice, not gambling alone, but blasphemy also and scandalous immorality, by the infliction of the severest penalties. 1 Whatever may be thought of the wisdom or unwisdom of inflicting such penalties in an age very different from our own, it may at least be doubted whether it formed a part of the office of a Christian preacher to stir up the civil magistracy to this particular form of activity. But to return to the children. Fra Girolamo used the ascendency which he had gained over them, and the associations in which he had organised them, for the purpose of exercising through them a kind of inquisitorial surveillance over the households even of their own parents. And when we read that he en- couraged children and servants to give information to the magistrates concerning domestic breaches of the law, we cannot be surprised that his action should have given offence ; and there was at last some cause to fear lest he should give to the children themselves a false idea of their own position and importance which might, in the long run, be mischievous in its results. 2 "I hear," said Fra Girolamo in one of his sermons, "that gambling goes on in the city. It is for you, my lords, to take measures that gambling be prohibited even in private houses. You, children, if you know of such cases, accuse the delinquents ; but do not attempt to force an entrance into private houses, for I do not wish you to create a scandal." 3 And again : " The children have more zeal for the glory of God than you have. But opposition has been aroused against them by citizens, priests, and friars. . . . 1 Pastor, loc. cit. ; Eeitrtheilung, pp. 58 sqq. ; Luotto, pp. 184 sqq. 2 Fra Girolamo, in at least one of his sermons, called upon the Signory to pass a law whereby any slave who gave information against his master should be forthwith liberated if his accusation were proved true (Luotto, p. 203). That there should have been slaves at all in Italy in the fifteenth century was nothing short of a detestable and demoralising abuse, to the enormity of which Dr Pastor has done full justice {History, v. 126 sqq.). But it does not follow that Savona- rola's proposal v»as a wise one; and possibly it was calculated rather to cause irritation, and to lead to the levying of blackmail, rather than materially to diminish the evil against which it was directed. 3 S. 17 on Amos (Luotto. p. 186) THE PREACHER 47 Why should they be hindered from doing good? These children are the scourge wherewith the Lord purges His temple — a scourge which makes its way through the whole city, overturning the tables of the money-changers, that is to say of the gamblers. To what a pass are we Christians come, that when any one seeks to do good, be he priest, or friar, or child, every one is down upon him?" Yet again he cries : "Children, go round and see how matters stand, for I hear that gambling has begun once more. The Board of Eight will give you permission to confiscate the cards of those whom you may find gambling. . . . Therefore, my children, go round and see that no gambling goes on." And in fact Burlamacchi tells us how a deputation from the children waited on the Signory, and how one of their number made a set speech before them to this effect : " Magnificent and most excellent Lords ! The Almighty God, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, King of Kings and Lord of Lords, who of His goodness and clemency wishes to be in a special manner the King of this city, and His Mother, Mary, ever Virgin, our Queen, have delivered this city from bondage, and restored it to liberty, to the end that it might better reform itself. . . . And for this purpose they send us their prophets [i.e. Fra Girolamo and Fra Domenico da Pescia] to give us light and fervour of spirit through their holy preaching. Therefore, leaving aside our old evil customs and abominable vices, let us conform ourselves to a better mode of life. ... As for us, we have completed our own scheme of reform, and have set it down in writing ; wherefore we pray your lordships to confirm it by your authority, in order that we may the more courageously carry out our undertaking, and hunt down (perseguitare) the vices and horrible crimes which hitherto have prevailed in our city, planting in their stead holy virtues and good customs." No one of course supposes that the youthful spokesman expressed himself precisely in these words. But it is an admirer of Savonarola who gives us the substance at least of this unique oration. The reader may draw his own conclusions ; our own impression is that these youngsters were in some danger of being trained up to a particularly odious form of Pharisaic pride. No wonder that many of the Florentine citizens, at least of the more worldly sort, were minded to send their children elsewhere, that they might be delivered from the domination of this extraordinary Friar. " Send them away whither you will," he cried, "you will see that they will return." 48 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA It is, however, only fair to Savonarola to add that, among the virtues for which his youthful apostles are said to have been con- spicuous, was that of obedience to, and respect for, their parents and elders. No one, assuredly, would accuse the Friar of having con- sciously imbued them with anything resembling a spirit of in- subordination or self-conceit; nor again would we be understood as suggesting that some little failing in this direction was an evil comparable with those from which he had delivered them. But the danger was there ; and the measures and methods which created it appear to us to have at least fallen short of the perfection ot apostolic prudence. S. Francis Xavier was, to say the least, as eager to avail himself of the ministry of children as Fra Girolamo Savonarola ; but we take leave to doubt whether the system of youthful police and espionage which Fra Girolamo set on foot would have had his full approval. 1 1 Dr Schnitzer (ff.P.B. xxv. 355) draws attention to the fact that, before the time of Savonarola's ministry, the lads of Florence had distinguished them- selves by a sort of hooliganism which made them a terror in the city. " Pueri quoque mir.i Florentine utentes licentia," says the Sienese historian, Tizio, and Landucci (Diario, pp. 21, 53, 66) gives several concrete instances of their violence. This, as Dr Schnitzer very rightly says, should be taken into account in any estimate which m.iy be formed of Savonarola's efforts to drill and organise them to some good purpose. CHAPTER IV ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY : THE COMPENDIUM REVELA TIONUM SAVONAROLA, as has been seen, opened his career of preaching at Florence, in August 1490, with a series of denunciatory sermons. And although, in the following Lent, when he preached in the Duomo, he took for his subject " the Gospels," there could be no doubt that his mind was predominantly occupied with the thoughts and convictions which he had drawn from his study of the prophetical books of the Old and of the New Testament. So deep was his sense of the similarity of the circumstances of his own time with those of the decadence of the kingdom of Judah, that he conceived himself to have been specially inspired by God to warn his fellow-countrymen — not of Florence alone, but of all Italy — of the terrible chastisements which were about to fall upon them, and even believed that special revelations on the subject had been accorded to him. We say advisedly that he conceived himself to have been thus inspired and thus favoured with divine revelations, because — for reasons which we shall presently give — we cannot admit the probability that either the inspiration or the revelations were genuine. Nor is it without reason that we have determined to take account of this claim at a comparatively early stage of our review of his ministry at Florence. For it is no exaggeration to say that its assertion is the very keynote of his preaching. It is an enthusiastic admirer of Fra Girolamo, Father Ceslas Bayonne, who writes : — "The mission to announce publicly the coming renovation of the Church, preceded by the chastisement of all Italy, this was the culminating point of the glorious apostolate of Girolamo ; whoever does not study him under this aspect is incapable of estimating his true character, the unity of his life, the greatness and the beauty of the part which he was D * 9 50 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA providentially called to fill in the Church at the close of the fifteenth century." 1 And Savonarola himself, who had hardly begun to speak in the character of an inspired prophet, when remonstrances on the subject were made to him by the partizans of Lorenzo de' Medici, tells us that he had determined to alter his method in some degree, but that he felt himself compelled by an irresistible power to persevere with his prophecies and the recital of his revelations. " I remember [he says] that when I was preaching in the Duomo, in the year 1491, after I had composed my sermon for the second Sunday in Lent entirely on these visions, I determined to suppress it, and for the future to abstain from touching on these matters. But God is my witness that throughout the whole of Saturday and of the succeeding night as I lay awake, I could see no other course, no other doctrine. At daybreak, worn out and depressed by the many hours I had lain awake, while I was praying, I heard a voice that said to me : ' Fool that thou art, dost thou not see that it is God's will that thou shouldst keep to the same path ? ' The consequence of which was that on that same day I preached a terrible sermon." 2 And he thus expresses his conception of the office imposed upon him by God Himself. "The Lord," he says, "has placed me here, and has said to me : ' I have placed thee as a watchman in the centre of Italy . . . that thou mayest hear My words and announce them ' (Ezech. iii. 17) . . . The Lord says : 'If I show thee and tell thee that a sword is to come, announce the sword ; if they will not be converted, thou wilt have obeyed, and shalt be safe. But if the sword come, and thou have not announced it, and they perish unwarned, I will require their blood at thy hands, and thou shalt bear the penalty.' " 3 Here assuredly is an uncompromising claim. It is not merely that he is to warn his hearers of those punishments with which God has threatened the sinner in the next world, or to remind them that in the ordinary course of God's providence the 1 Bayonne, quoted by Luotto, p. 291. 2 Compendium Revelationum, in Quetif, ii. pp. 227-28. 3 S. 48 on Amos (Luotto, p. 260). It would have been well perhaps, if, instead of trusting to an imaginary mission, which had all Italy for its sphere of influence, he had paid attention to the prudent counsels of S. Antoninus, his predecessor (half a century earlier) in the office of Prior of S. Marco. " The mission to preach," he says in effect, ' ' is one which comes indeed ultimately from God, but which must be communicated through the channel of lawful ecclesiastical authority, and must be confined to the place for which the commission is given " iSumma Theologica, part iii. tit. xviii. cpp. 1, 3). ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 51 broad road of criminal self-indulgence, of avarice and luxury and heartless oppression of the poor, all but infallibly leads to disaster in one shape or other ; but these truths of faith and of reason are supplemented by a message which, like another Ezechiel, he, Girolamo Savonarola, has been personally commissioned to deliver from the vantage-ground of "the centre of Italy." It is a claim which is so forcibly obtruded upon our notice from the outside as almost to preclude a mere suspension of judgment. It is a claim which must be either allowed or disallowed. We are not, indeed, shut up to the alternative proposed by Dr Luotto, viz. that Savonarola was either a true prophet, inspired by God, or a rank impostor. 1 There is a middle term lying between these two extremes ; and that middle term is the very simple hypothesis that he was deluded, as so many men, before and since, have been deluded in the matter of visions and revelations. Was then Savonarola really deluded, or are we to regard him as a true prophet ? We have been admonished, by a learned admirer of Fra Girolamo, that this is a question which must be left to the judgment of the Church. And of course to the Church alone it belongs to pronounce an authoritative decision on such a matter ; so that whatever is said on the subject must be said with the fullest submission to any such decision, if — which does not seem at all probable — the Church should at any time undertake to settle the question. The fact, however, that the Church has not spoken authoritatively, and is not in the least likely to do so, assuredly does not stand in the way of an attempt to form a prudent judgment on a question which has always been treated as open to discussion, and which must needs be of interest to the student of ecclesiastical history. Since, however, our purpose in this biography is not so much to enforce our own opinion as to provide the reader with such data as are necessary, and may perhaps be sufficient, to enable him to form an opinion of his own, it has seemed well to set forth here a rather full abstract of the Compendium Revelationmn, a work in which Fra Girolamo undertook to give a complete account of the matter ; to which we will append, in the form of footnotes, such further elucidations of his views or convictions on the subject as may be drawn from the Dyalogus above mentioned. From the nature of the case the two books in great measure cover the same ground. 1 Pastor, B utiheilung, p 30. 52 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA "Though I have [he writes] during a long period of time foretold, by divine inspiration, many future things, nevertheless, bearing in mind those words of our Saviour : ' Give not that which is holy to dogs,' I have always maintained a prudent reserve in regard of these matters (semper fui in dicendo parcior). Wherefore my 'conclusions' have been few, though the reasons wherewith I have urged their acceptance have been many. But I have never set forth the manner or the number of my visions ; since the Holy Spirit did not inspire me to do this, nor did I think it necessary for the good of souls. But now I am led to set down in writing some of the chief predictions which I have publicly uttered, because my words have often been both misreported and misinterpreted. This, however, I will do compendiously, omitting details, except in the case of the vision with which I was favoured on the Octave of the Feast of the Annunciation (1495), and concerning which I then publicly preached. " My reason for writing is that I neither can nor ought to endure that the mysteries of God should be held up to ridicule. I know, indeed, that even this book will be misunderstood by many, but I am confident that the pure and simple of heart will read it with profit. " Before proceeding to a narrative of facts, I must first briefly declare the nature (modum) of prophetic revelation. He is rightly called a prophet who sees things which are beyond the scope of the knowledge which is natural to any creature ; and in particular ihose future things (futura contingentia) which depend on the free will of man. To know these belongs to God alone, who may, however, reveal them to whom He will. " Now, God in revealing such matters does two things. In the first place, He infuses a certain supernatural light, by means whereof the prophet perceives (a) that the things which are revealed to him are true, and (6) that they proceed from God. And so efficacious is this light, that it gives the prophet full certainty on the two points which have been mentioned, just as the light of reason makes the philosopher certain of his first principles, and makes the ordinary man certain that two and two make four. 1 Secondly, this supernatural illumination being presupposed, 1 On this prophetical "light," Savonarola discourses at considerable length in the second and third Books of the Dyalogus. When the eye sees colour, he argues, it cannot be deceived because colour is its "proper object." "If all mankind were with one voice to bear witness, saying that the lily is not white but black, still you would maintain that it is white." (S. Ignatius of Loyola, in the Spiritual Exercises, more shrewdly makes allowance for what we may call spiritual colour-blindness.) Now, as there is a physical light whereby we discern colours, and an intellectual light whereby we apprehend primary truths, and a supernatural light of faith whereby we assent to revealed mysteries, and the "light of glory," whereby the blessed see God face to face, so (intermediate between these two last) there is a prophetical light whereby he to whom it is given perceives the truth and the divine provenance of what it is given him to ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 53 God sets before the prophet that which He wishes him to know and foretell ; and this in various ways, viz. either with or without a vision ; or by means of a symbolical vision whereof the significance is made known to him, as in the case of Daniel (Dan. ii. 36) ; or by means of words which the prophet hears as uttered by various persons, which words — as well as the vision aforesaid — he knows to be formed by the ministry of angels." The writer then proceeds to apply this to the matter in hand : — "Almighty God [he says] seeing that the wickedness of Italy, and in particular that of her rulers, both ecclesiastical and secular, is increased beyond endurance (Italia: peccata . . . multiplicari nee ea diutius ferre valens), has determined to purify (expiare) His Church by a terrible scourge. And since, as Amos the prophet says : ' God will do nothing which He has not revealed to His servants the prophets,' it is His will that for the sake of His elect this scourge should be foretold. And whereas Florence is placed in the midst 0/ Italy, like a heart in the midst of a man's body, He has deigned to make choice of her, to the intent that from her, as from a centre, this prophetic a?inonncement should be spread abroad through all Italy, as we see to be in fact the case. "God, then, having among others made choice of me, His unworthy and unprofitable servant, for this purpose [of announcing the coming disasters] caused me to come to Florence, by order of my superiors, in the year 1489. In this year, on Sunday, 1st August, I began publicly to expound the Apocalypse in our church of S. Marco. And in the course of my preaching throughout that year I repeatedly (continuamente) insisted on three points [viz. the three which have been mentioned above, p. 15]. And these three conclusions I endeavoured to prove by means of probable arguments from Holy Scripture, and in particular by comparisons which I drew between what is there read and what is now actually happening. 1 But at this time I refrained from saying anything which would imply that I had received any special revelation on the subject, because I saw that my hearers were not rightly disposed for the reception of this secret. But in the years which followed, perceiving that know, in the manner described above. He then, as it were, touches and handles the truth, so that he can no more be deceived than a man can be deceived in thinking that he is awake and not merely dreaming. It is true, indeed, that this subjective test is directly and immediately valid for himself alone, and that other proofs are needed to convince others than himself ; nevertheless hi3 own testimony about his own conviction is not without weight, for those who have good reason to believe him to be a man of unimpeachable veracity and rectitude of intention (Book iv.). 1 This seems to be a fair paraphrase of the words : " Ita vero tres con- clusiones probabilibus argumentis et divinarum Scriptural ura figuris, atque aliis similitudinibus seu parabolis ex his formatis quae modo in Ecclesia fiunt" (Ou^tif, ii. 226-27). 54 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA the minds of men were gradually becoming more ready to believe, I occasionally introduced some prophetic vision, which, however, I set forth merely in the form of a parable. But then when I saw how much opposition and ridicule arose on all sides, I began to grow afraid, and firmly determined to preach on other matters ; but I was unable to carry out my resolve. For whatever else I read or thought about only moved me to disgust, and as often as I made an effort to preach on some other subject, I could never satisfy myself." ' Here follows the passage, quoted above, about the occasion on which he tried in vain to compose a sermon which should contain nothing about the visions. Fra Girolamo concludes this part of the treatise by calling his hearers to witness how the Holy Scriptures, as expounded by him, have frequently exhibited a most remarkable congruity, or parallelism, with the actual course of events, and by briefly relating the action which he took in connection with the French invasion and with the reform of the Florentine constitution. Of these matters we shall have to speak in their proper place. For the present we pass on to the second portion of the Compendium, which is a verbatim report or reproduction of a sermon preached by Savonarola on ist April 1495. In this discourse, after speaking of the delay in the fulfilment of certain promises which he had made in God's name to the people of Florence, Fra Girolamo tells how he determined to go on an embassy to the Queen of Heaven on the festival of her Annunciation, to beg her intercession on behalf of his beloved city, and how, having done so, he received from her a favourable answer {i.e. to the effect that she would use her intercession) which he at once communicated to the people in a sermon delivered at S. Marco. Moreover, he had announced that on the octave day of the feast he was to be favoured with a fuller reply, in which it should be made known to him what had been the issue of her prayers on behalf of Florence. Wherefore, he continues, on the night which preceded the octave day, being about to start upon his embassy, he considered with himself what companions he should take. Rhetoric and Philosophy offered themselves, but he would have none of them ; and he finally chose Faith, Simplicity, Prayer, and Patience. Thus accompanied he set out upon his journey, but was soon met by the Tempter * " Usque adeo deficiebam ut mihimet ipsi displicerem." ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 55 himself, in the guise of a hermit of the desert, who entered into conversation with him on the subject of his revelation and prediction. The conversation is reported in the form of a dialogue, of which we give the substance. The Tkmpter.— Although I dwell in solitude, yet, by means of a special revelation, I have learned the good results of your preaching, and also that you are animated by a good intention. But it has also been made known to me that you are misguided by a certain simplicity. For in order to draw the people from vice to virtue you have predicted various tribulations. But this is not lawful; for God, who is the Truth, wishes His preachers to be entirely truthful. Savonarola. — I am not so ignorant as to be unaware that God loves the truth, and that it would be a grievous sin to utter a lie in the pulpit. 1 And to say that by means of a lie I have wrought good results is to say what is self-contradictory. For the results (fructus) themselves show that I have not lied. Nay, I have often publicly called God to witness, and I do so now, that if ever I have uttered a deceptive state- ment, / would that He should blot me out of the Book of Life. T. — Well, then, if you are not a deceiver, at least many think that you are moved by a certain spirit of melancholy, or that these visions are but dreams, or the effect of a lively imagination. S. — So far from being melancholy, I am filled with a great joy, and I experience an illumination and behold visions which are beyond nature. For 1 have studied philosophy, and I know how far the natural light of reason can go. I know that those things which are made known to me are beyond its scope, and especially what are called futura contingentia. Moreover, I cannot but recognise the entire conformity between the present state of affairs and these expositions of Holy Scripture which, without any straining of the text, I have publicly given. 2 But these things, as even a dullard must be aware, cannot arise from a melancholy tempera- ment, or from dreams, or from a strong imagination. T. — Then it is the effect of some conjunction of stars at your birth, etc. S. — This is a foolish objection, and astrology is mere folly. T. — Well, then, these things may happen by the power of the devil. S. — I have read the Bible, and the lives and writings (doctrinas) of the saints from beginning to end ; and therefore I know sufficiently all the marks whereby diabolical visions may be distinguished from those which are divine. But experience also shows how greatly they differ ; 1 Similarly in the Dyalogus (book i.) : " Non sunt facienda mala ut eveniant bona." 2 In the Dyalogus he alleges, among other confirmatory proofs, that the prin- ciples of his prophetical interpretation of Holy Scripture have become so familiar to his hearers that even unlearned women can tell beforehand how he is going to turn a passage. "Nam vel ipsae mulieres cum primum Evangelia vel alias S. canonis lectiones pronuntiamus, antequam a nobis declarentur ex iis quae apparent Statim quod in eis declarandis consilium nobis futurum sit ipsae antea praesentiunt." 56 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA (i) because the things which I have foretold are much more certain for me than their first principles for the philosophers ; (2) because I see that what I have foretold is exactly coming to pass, and I have never been deceived even in the smallest detail. Again, the devil is an enemy of virtue ; and it is not to be thought that he would be content to see such excellent results produced without either ceasing from his alleged guidance, or at least drawing me into some mistake which would destroy my credit. 1 Again, in the city of Florence all, or nearly all, the men of good life adhere to my teaching, while the openly wicked attack both it and me. Yet, notwithstanding their opposition, this teaching of mine continues to advance and prosper, so that the number of our disciples constantly increases, while that of our opponents grows less ; and our work gathers strength, while the efforts of our adversaries grow weaker and are coming to naught (penitus corruere). 2 T. — Say what you like : for my part I cannot believe that our Lord has ever spoken to any one since His ascension. S. — On the contrary, it is related that He has spoken to many since then : first of all to S. Paul ; then again to S. Francis, and to many other saints. Moreover, Christ died for sinners, and allows Himself to be handled by sinners in His holy Sacrament, is it then to be wondered at that He should speak to a sinner? 3 But men are so blind that they pronounce that to be impossible which to God is easy. T. — I admit that this was possible in former times, but not in our days, when there are plenty of other means of instruction. S. — These other means are sufficient for external instruction. But this is to little purpose unless men also have the internal light of grace. But over and above this ordinary supernatural light, there is often need of a more special illumination, particularly in the case of those who must enlighten others, and the more so when circumstances are such as to make it very difficult to judge what is best to be done. All the volumes of Scripture and the doctors do not provide for every individual case. But, again, there is a quite special reason for a revelation at the present time. For since a renovation (mutatio) of the entire Church does not usually take place without being preceded by grievous tribulations, spiritual and corporal, it is necessary that under such circumstances the elect of God should be prepared and strengthened. And therefore God, foreseeing such a renovation, warns His people, comforts and consoles them, through the mouths of His prophets. (Here Amos iii. 7 is again quoted.) 1 The mistake might be, not one which would destroy Fra Girolamo's credit, but one which would endanger the peace of the Church. 2 It would seem as if when these words were written Fra Girolamo looked on external success as a guarantee of divine favour. We are not alone in thinking that he was deceived by the apparent loyalty of the Talleschi or Bigi, of whom more anon. It certainly could not be said that the number of Savonarola's disciples continued to increase to the end. 3 Similarly in the Dyalogns, hook i. ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 57 T. — But did not our Lord say: "It is not for you to know the times and the moments " ? S. — If you will look more closely at the text you will see that this is not said of all " times and moments," but of those times and moments " which the Father has kept within His own power"; as, for instance, the day of Judgment. But as for other times and moments, that of the deluge was made known to Noe, to Jeremiah the seventy years of captivity, to Daniel the seventy weeks, etc. T. — But why has God chosen you rather than so many others ? S. — Why did He choose S. Peter? It is not for men to criticise the acts of God. T. — Are you then holier than others ? S. — These gratuitous gifts (gratiae gratis datae) are given principally for the benefit of others. And did not God inspire Balaam? T. — I hear that you have got your prophecies from certain foolish women. S. — Every one knows that I rarely speak with women. It is not to be supposed that I should place such trust in them as to dare to affirm with certainty what I had learned only from such a source. By so doing I should expose the faith to danger and myself to shame, in the event of some prediction failing. T. — It is said that you enjoy the friendship of princes, and that your knowledge of their plans enables you to prophesy. S. — It would be folly to trust in the changeable dispositions of princes. Even their lives are not secure. To know with infallible certainty what is about to happen to them, or through them, is beyond the scope of the intellect even of an angel. T. — They say that you converse with the politicians of the city, and thus come to know the intentions of foreign princes. S. — The objection does not deserve an answer. Common-sense teaches that no certain knowledge is to be had by such means. T. — They say that by means of your remarkable cunning (summa astutia), and your intimate knowledge of constitutional politics, you have excogitated these predictions, which you have then so craftily expressed, that, in the event of their non-fulfilment, you might always be able to devise some way out of the difficulty (excusationis latibula). S. — It is now five years since I began to predict these things which have happened just as I foretold. Then they said I was a simpleton, but, now that the event has shown that I was right, they turn round and ascribe it all to my astuteness, and say, moreover, that I did not speak plainly. 1 But I spoke very plainly about the French invasion, and I 1 There is a curious passage in the Dyalogm in which Savonarola declares that under the influence of the prophetic light he has m;ide progress, not only in religious knowledge, but also in philosophy, mental and moral, ami in political and economical science: "in economicae et politicae peritia, quarum rerurq oliin penitus expers eiam " (book iv,), 5 g GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA hope that many further details will hereafter be revealed to me, which I shall set forth with equal plainness. T.— I am told that you draw your prophecies from the writings of S. Brigit and Abbot Joachim. S.— I assure you that I have never found any pleasure in reading such things. My brethren can testify that all my delight is in the Holy Scriptures, in comparison with which everything else seems insipid. The revelation of S. Brigit I have never read, and little or nothing (rara admodum aut nulla) of those of Abbot Joachim. And if you do not believe this, at least do not impute to me such folly as it would be to assert with so much confidence the truth of my predictions if I had no better foundation than this."? But the strongest argument in my favour, and one which ought alone to be sufficient, is that sinners have been con- verted by my preaching. 1 It matters not to me whether the truths which I preach are or are not based on the prophecies of others, provided only that men are converted. I have no desire to be regarded as a prophet, for this is a name which carries a heavy burden of danger. But in fact I have read no other prophecies except those of the Bible ; and if, per- chance, at the persuasion of friends, I have glanced at one or another, I have laid them aside after a hasty perusal, neither condemning nor approving them, but leaving them to the judgment of God. T.— These alleged revelations of yours ought to have been kept secret, for so the Fathers teach. S. — Then Moses, Isaiah, and the rest ought to have been silent, and so, too, S. Benedict, S. Vincent, S. Catherine of Siena, S. Brigit, and a host of other saints. Of course, such things are not to be spoken of unless God should so command, or the good of our neighbour (deo pariter monente) should require it. Every one knows that I speak of these things only in public. In private I never speak of them except under seal of secret to some familiar friend. Believe me, I keep many things locked up in my own breast, which I have never made known, and never will make known, unless God should otherwise inspire me. T. — Whoever predicts future things should confirm the truth of his predictions by miracles. [An argument is here added from a text of the Decretals, c. Cum ex injuncto, Extrav. de haereticis, which with its answer need not be here reproduced.] S. — This is not true. Few of the prophets worked miracles. The case of Jeremiah, who was accused of being a false prophet, was to be determined, not by miracles, but by the event. Moreover, it is un- necessary that I should prove my mission by miracles, for I have never maintained that I have been sent by God alone, and not by my superiors. 1 Besides the general argument from results, Savonarola, in the Dyalogiis (book v.) urges the particular instance of the Community of S. Marco. The brethren, he says, are two hundred and fifty in number, most of th=:m men of good family and education. They believe the prophecies. Is it conceivable that God should have allowed them to be deceived ? ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 59 For every one knows that I was appointed by them to the office of preaching. Nor can I be called a heretic. [This is an allusion to the text of the Decretals mentioned above.] For I have taught no dogma contrary to the Christian Faith, and I have always submitted, and do now submit, my teaching to the judgment of the Holy Roman Church. T. — In a word, I don't like to believe in a hurry. For it is written : "He who is quick to believe is fickle of heart." S. — On the other hand, it is written: "Charity believeth all things." Both are utterances of the Holy Spirit, and they show that a distinction must be drawn. Some things we ought to be slow to believe, e.g. detractions and whatever is against our neighbour's character. But we ought to be prompt and ready in giving credence to whatever promotes a virtuous life. S. Ambrose, S. Augustin, S. Jerome, S. Gregory, and other holy Fathers were prompt to believe even what was told them by ignorant persons, provided they were of good life. T. — If we are to believe all such visions, we shall certainly be deceived. Therefore it is written : " Prove the spirits whether they be of God." S. — Herein lies a secret which not every one can comprehend. The light of faith is a supernatural endowment (forma) which is specifically the same in all who have it. Now this light has a natural affinity for the truth as for its proper object. Therefore no one who is endowed (informatus) with this light can firmly adhere to any error which is contrary to the faith. But as often as a sincere and faithful man hears something which is beyond the reach of his intellect, it is impossible that, if he acts in conformity with this light, he should give a firm assent to what is false ; but he always leaves it to the judgment of God and the Church. Moreover, those who live well and act sincerely (recte ad Deum ambulant) have a special illumination, by reason of the intimate bond of union between charity on the one hand, and faith and simplicity on the other; 1 as it is written : " Exortum est in tenebris lumen rectis corde." And by virtue of this illumination they are inclined to discern, without fail, divine revelations and operations. And so it is that in these matters the good have not been deceived, but the wicked have. T. — But I observe that the wisest and shrewdest of men hold these revelations in contempt. S. — It is not a question of human wisdom, but of a good life. God chooses the foolish things of this world to confound the wise. T. — Those who believe these things are few in number by com- parison with those who hold them in derision. 1 " Propterconjunctionemcaritatis cum fide et mentis rectitudine et simplicitate." This seems to be the true reading, as given in the edition of 1495. But cf. Quetif, p. 261. Similarly in the Dyalogus (book i.) he argues that, since faith always inclines a man to believe what is true, therefore no man can, stante habitu fidci, pertinaciously contradict a divinely-inspired prophecy or the like. It is on this ground that he has said of those who obstinately oppose him that they have not the faith, are no true Christians, and the like. 60 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA S. — The argument is frivolous. The truly wise are few, but the number of fools is infinite. But again you must distinguish between those who have actually heard the preaching themselves, and those who have only heard about it from others. Among the actual hearers an overwhelming majority are also believers, in fact, there is hardly one among my hearers who does 7iot also believe. But among those who have not heard me, I admit that those who do not believe are in the majority. For it is one thing to hear a man speak who inwardly feels these things, and to experience the fire (impetum) of the living voice, and to feel the force of the preacher's words, and to perceive the order and method of his reasoning, and its conformity with Holy Scripture, and quite another thing to hear the cold and dry recital of the same truths by another who does not inwardly feel them, and from whom they come in a pointless succession of words, without life or spirit. T. — Many say that you have predicted things which have not come to pass. S. — Whatever I have predicted has either already happened, or will most certainly happen, nor will a single jot of it be unfulfilled. Of course, in private conversation, I may have made mistakes like any other man. Therefore in the pulpit I have warned my hearers to place no more reliance on my private utterances than on those of any one else. Moreover, the prophetic spirit is not always with me, but, as with other prophets, so with me it comes and goes. Nor does God reveal every- thing, but more or less, according to His will. It is foolish to object that I cannot read the secrets of hearts, for this I do not pretend to do. But whatever I say in the pulpit has first been sedulously weighed in the balance of prayer, and tested by comparison with the sacred text and with natural reason. T. — But surely it would be much better for you to be silent, for your name is a byword in Florence and throughout Italy. S. — My endeavour is to please God, not men. All who preach such things are regarded as foolish by the wise of the world. T. — If you only made yourself ridiculous it would not so much matter, but you expose yourself to danger. S. — I know very well what the prophets and Apostles have suffered, and I know the blessing pronounced on those who are persecuted for Christ's sake. T. — I see that you have an answer ready for every objection. But some are of opinion that you deliberately deceive the people in order to gain honour, and glory, and riches. S. — Though it is not for me to justify myself out of my own mouth, yet, for the sake of the doctrine of Christ, I will answer with what modesty I may. I confess myself to be a sinner, and in need of God's mercy. But remember that to God alone it belongs to see into the heart of man. Those who speak as you report do so without foundation, for, on the one hand, they cannot read my conscience, and on the other hand, they have no external sign by which to substantiate such a ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 61 judgment. For assuredly I have not gained the things which they suppose me to seek. The objections of the Tempter which follow next in order con- cern the affair of the separation of S. Marco from the Lombard Congregation of the Order of Preachers, and the political activity of Savonarola, with which topics we shall have to deal in future chapters. We therefore omit them here, and reproduce only the last of this long series. T. — At any rate, I think you might preach about virtue and vice, and leave prophecy alone. S.— My answer is, that causes are known from their effects. The result shows that the prophecies have, in fact, helped the cause of moral reform. At this point the companions of Fra Girolamo are observed by him to be smiling and conversing together, and on being asked : "Qui sunt sermones quos confertis ad invicem et estis laetae?" they make known to him with whom he is talking. The rest of the book is taken up with his experience in the court of heaven, when the doors had been opened. Into the details of this description, Dantesque in its minuteness, we need not enter, but we give in substance the reply of the Blessed Virgin Mary to his embassage. "O city of Florence [she said], beloved of our Lord Jesus Christ my Son, and of myself, hold fast to your faith ; persevere in prayer ; be strengthened in patience. For by these means you will attain to eternal salvation, and will gain glory among men." Having said this much she fixed her eyes on me and was silent. But I, with great confidence, replied : " These, O Virgin Mother, are words of general import : but thou must needs dispense thy goodness with a more liberal hand." Then she addressed me in the vernacular with such propriety and elegance of speech (adeo acommodate et eleganter) that I was astonished. " This is the answer which you must give to my beloved people. It is true that they are sinners, and that by their wickedness they have deserved all manner of evils, especially by reason of so many who will not believe what for some years past you have predicted : and this not- withstanding that my Son has granted so many signs as to leave them without excuse. For although faith is a gift of God, nevertheless, but for their perversity and insincerity, they could have received such light from my Son as would have enabled them to believe all without difficulty. Warn them, therefore, to lay aside their hardness ot heart, lest in the time to come God should be angry with them, whereas, heretofore, in 62 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA spite of their demerits, He has had regard to the prayers of the blessed in heaven, and of the just on earth, and has committed all power to me. 1 " For the city of Florence shall become more glorious, more powerful, and more wealthy than it has ever been, and shall extend its borders more widely than ever, beyond all the expectations of many. Whatever she has lost [e.g. Pisa], and whatever she may yet lose, shall be restored to her, together with fresh acquisitions. But woe to her rebellious subjects, for they shall be severely punished. And it is now four years since, among other things which you have predicted, it was foretold to the Pisans that, in the time of your tribulation, they would seek to regain their freedom, and that this would be the cause of their ruin, which will certainly come to pass." Hereupon Fra Girolamo asks whether Florence will be afflicted with tribulations " before the consolations." Mary replies : — " You have predicted the renovation of the Church, which will certainly take place, and that quickly. You have also, under the illuminating guidance of the Holy Spirit, foretold that the conversion of the infidels, i.e. of the Turks, the Moors, and others, will shortly take place, so that many who are now alive will see it. Now this renovation and extension of the Church cannot take place, as you have declared, without many previous tribulations. Therefore let it not seem strange if Florence, too, should have her share in these troubles ; but she shall suffer less than the rest." Herewith she gave my angel a great globe wherein the whole of Italy was contained. This my angel opened, and forthwith I saw Italy disturbed, and many great cities therein distressed by immense tribula- tions, which I am forbidden to disclose. I saw the city of Florence likewise disturbed, but much less than the rest. Then the Blessed Virgin gave me a smaller globe, whereon was inscribed, in Latin, that first and briefer response which has been given above. But on opening the globe I saw the city all aflower with lilies, which also extended on every side beyond the city walls. Whereupon I joyfully exclaimed : " O Lady, it seems that these lilies match well with those greater lilies [i.e. the fleur-de-lys of France] which have recently begun to extend their shoots." To this she made no answer, but observed that if the neighbours of Florence, who rejoice in her troubles, knew what evils were to fall upon them, they would rather bewail their own dangers than be elated at the tribulations which others suffer. Then I asked her what reply I was to make if I were asked whether these promises were absolute or conditional. She answered : " These things are granted absolutely {i.e. without condition), for God will make 1 " Propter crebras orationes beatoiuin . . . et justoruni . . . omnem mini contulit potestatem " (p. 356). ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 63 use of every means (omnia media procurabit atque producet) whereby these graces may be brought to their destined issue. Wherefore do thou assure the incredulous that not a jot or a tittle shall pass away, but all shall be as has been said. Let the wicked then do all the evil they can, they will not be able to hinder these benefits, wherein, however, they shall themselves have no share. As for the good, they shall be afflicted with less or greater severity, according to their conduct, and in particular according as they show themselves exact or remiss in administering the laws against blasphemers, gamblers, the corrupters of youth, and other criminals." " But [he asks] what am I to say if the question is put to me : 'When shall these things be?'" She replied: " Cito et velociter: Soon and speedily. But as when you first began to predict that these things would happen ' soon and speedily' you used to add : ' I do not say that they will happen within one, or two, or four, or eight years,' without however mentioning a longer interval than ten years, and yet the scourge came sooner than was expected ; so now you must say ' soon and speedily,' without determining any limit of time, and perchance these things, too, will come to pass sooner than is thought." " With these words," says Fra Girolamo, " I was dismissed." Finally, after a passage concerning the French invasion, he reminds his hearers that although the promises made to the city are absolute and irrevocable (quamvis haec absolute et irrevocabi/iter universae civitati promissa sunt), yet they are not made to each citizen in- dividually. But if any one will take note of the names of the believers and the incredulous, he will find that the latter will have to suffer, by comparison with the former, a sevenfold share of dis- aster. Many, he admits, will laugh at the details of this vision ; but let them read Ezekiel and Daniel and Zachariah, in whose visions they will find plenty of mysterious details. Nor are all the circum- stances of the visions of the prophets set down in Holy Writ. But this vision he has felt compelled to describe in detail. Not even the Gospels, and the teaching of Christ Himself, escaped con- tradiction. The reader has now before him a tolerably full if not a tediously circumstantial summary of Savonarola's own vindication of his claim to be regarded as a true prophet. Once more, then, we ask ourselves, was he deluded ? And we proceed to give our reasons for thinking that he was. 1 1 The question is discussed at considerable length by Prof. Schnilzer {H.P.B., xxi. 562 s,]ij. ; cf. xxv. 265, 413 sqq.~). He does not venture to decide it. but seems, on the wh >le, favourable to Savonarola's claim. So far as we can 64 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA In the first place, without denying that the gift of prophecy, like that of miracles, may be, and has been, communicated by God under the New Testament no less than under the Old, we assert, without fear of contradiction, that prophecy does not play the same prominent part under the Christian dispensation as it did under the Old Law, and that in any individual case the privia facie presumption is against the genuineness of an alleged private revelation, or vision, or prophecy, rather than in its favour. For experience shows that these are matters wherein men are peculiarly liable to delusion ; and the very least that can be said is, that when a man openly lays claim to the prophetic gift the burden of proot lies upon him, and not upon those who deem it the wisest course to suspend their judg- ment, and to await the event. And when, after the ultimate issue has been awaited, it is found that the event is at least not openly and palpably in favour of the claim, the adverse presumption gathers strength. Now this appears to us to be plainly and obviously the case with Savonarola. No one can pretend that a sufficient interval of time has not elapsed since the death of Fra Girolamo, whose fourth centenary was celebrated a few years ago, to allow of a calm and reasonable judgment being passed upon his alleged prophetic gifts ; yet who can say that the verdict of prudent men, even of those who joined together in May 1898 to celebrate his memory, is unanimously favourable to him in this particular point ? And yet, if the claim were clearly and plainly valid, a practically unanimous verdict is, as it seems to us, what we have a right to expect before admitting the claim. This consideration, however, does not after all carry us further than a prima facie presumption; and we must look for some more definite indications of truth or of error. see, he does not suggest any point in its favour which we have overlooked. He lays, however, particular stress on the predictions concerning the King of France which so deeply impressed Philipe de Comines (" Mais touchant le Roy et les maulx qu' il diet luy debvoir advenir, luy est advenu ce que vous voyez ; qui fut, premier, la mort de son fils, puy la sienne, et ay veu des lettres qu' il scripvoit au diet Signeur "), and on the astounding calumny of the Friar's enemies that he made use of knowledge gained in the confessional. " Habuit," says Burchardus (Diarium, Ed. Thuasne, ii. 462), " intelligentiam cum pluribus ex patribus in civitate Florentiae et extra eum . . . residentibus, qui ei confessiones Christi fidelium revelarent cum confitentiuin nominibus et cognominibus " (!) But a charge based on the merest go-sip, as idle as it was cruel, deserves — as it seems to us — no serious attention, except as an evidence of the lengths to which malice could go. (See also infra, p. 144 note.") ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 65 We turn then, in the next place, to the tests by which Savonarola was content to try his own predictions. These are : — (a) His own subjective certainty. (b) The fulfilment of so many of his predictions. (c) The admirable results produced by his prophetic utterances. (d) The alleged fact that they were accepted by the good and rejected by the wicked. 1 Now, as regards the test of subjective certainty, Fra Cirolamo in his Dyalogus makes one of his interlocutors object that this kind of certainty could by the nature of the case be valid only for himself. And indeed he allows the force of the objection, and admits that, as far as other men are concerned, his own certainty does not of itself constitute an adequate reason for their assent. 2 Nevertheless, it may be argued, when a man, whose veracity and integrity of purpose are beyond reasonable suspicion, assures us that he is infallibly assured of some truth which he alone can know (in this case the fact of a revelation made to himself), his testimony de- servedly carries considerable weight as creating a presumption in his favour. 3 And this must of course be admitted in regard of all such subjective experiences as are not of their very nature apt to be illusory. But here again Fra Girolamo has anticipated the implied exception. Eliphaz (in the Dialogue) reminds him that many men have been persuaded of the truth of their revelation and yet have been deceived. To this he can only reply that if they had more carefully and conscientiously examined their experiences, they would have discovered their mistake ; 4 adding, however, that in his case the reluctance with which he embarked upon this perilous sea, the earnestness with which he has prayed for light, and other like cir- cumstances known to those who really knew him, are all in the nature of cumulative evidence tending to establish, even for others, 1 The^e arguments recur again and again in Fra Girolamo's Sermons. 2 Dyalogus, book v. 3 "The arguments which I have used," he says in effect, "are valid for those 'penes quos non sum de mendacio suspectus ' " (book iv.). But without bringing against the Friar any accusation of mendaciousness, it is obviously possible to entertain the hypothesis of delusion. 4 "Mihi crede, si hujusmodi somniantes certo examine sua librassent, lumine naturali rationis et supernatural! lumine fidei ea confeiendo, non utique falsi (lA decepii) essent : nee dubia pro certis affirmassent " (book iii.), E 66 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA a strong presumption that he has not been deceived. 1 On some of these points we shall have occasion to touch presently. For the present we must be content to record our conviction that the vehemence with which Fra Girolamo insisted on his own infallible certainty is alone sufficient to arouse a well-founded suspicion. 2 "The revelations of one who does not show positive signs of a consistent humility," says Gerson, "or whose actions are not in accord with his protestations of humility, are not to be accepted as genuine." 3 Now the knowledge that such exceptional experiences are too often attended with delusion, ought, it might seem, to keep one who is truly humble from an over-weening confidence in his own immunity from such deception ; and Savonarola's calm assurance that he is familiar with all the subjective tests of such phenomena, serves only to remind us how limited is the range of psychological knowledge, and how unconscious Fra Girolamo appears to have been of these limitations. Nor was it merely that he professed the most absolute certainty concerning a matter in which the possibility of delusion ought perhaps to have been more constantly kept in mind. On at least one very solemn occasion he publicly called upon God to strike him dead upon the spot if his words were not divinely inspired. 4 Now it is clear that no man has a right to demand that God should work a miracle ; and, while the challenge was well calculated to make a deep impression on the ignorant and the credulous, to any one who was not simply carried away by the 1 " Primum in simplicitate cordis mei nuntio tibi . . . quod non mentior : nam sedulus veritatis semper observator fui. . . . Semper hoc primum doctrinae fundamentum esse putavi." And again : " Si quis non solum secundum rationem sed etiam juxta evangelicam normam Dei gloriam totus intendens recte vixerit, et quotidie roget ab eo quod ad suam et aliorum pertinent salutem, ilium minime credendum est quod Deus tantum errorem dissimulet et a diabolo . . . decipi assidue permittat " (ibid.). But it is not necessary in this case to postulate diabolical agency, and, on the other hand, we cannot safely assign limits to the divine permission of self-deception. 2 Take, for instance, this one sentence : "Fateor inde [i.e. ex revelationibus] ita fidei lumen in me adauctum ut quae ad ipsam Christi fidem pertinent jam non credam, sed propemodum dicam et palpem " (book iv.). Could this be said without presumption? 3 Amort, De Revelationibus, etc., p. 84. There is of course no lack of protes- tations of humility in Fra Girolamo's writings, e.g. " Spiritus hie meus . . . ab omni superbia et inani gloria me purgare et custodirc potissimum curavit" (ibid.). And certainly from pride and vain glory of the vulgar and grosser sort Fra Girolamo was conspicuously free. 4 This was on 27th February 1498. ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 67 feelings of the moment it could prove nothing, or rather it could only prove that Savonarola was capable of stooping to a rhetorical device which was unworthy of himself, irreverent towards God, and of its very nature deceptive. We are willing to believe that in uttering this challenge Fra Girolamo acted in good faith ; but we find it impossible to believe that one who could thus unwittingly deceive others was not himself the victim of a delusion. Again, it seems hardly possible to doubt that Savonarola went out of his way to expose himself to the danger of self-deception. The recipient of what seem to be visions or apparitions, says S. John of the Cross, should as far as possible resist and reject them, and should by no means take pleasure in them. This, he says, is a safe rule, because, if they be in reality Divine favours, God will know how to work the effect which He desires. Let the soul, he adds, neither keep such visions or apparitions stored up in the memory, nor allow itself to be guided by them in its actions or designs. 1 Speaking of words which seem to be addressed by God to the soul, he says : " It is impossible that a soul which does not regard such words with suspicion {quiz has allocutiones internets non horret) should not be frequently deceived"; 2 and he altogether condemns the conduct of those who interrogate God in the hope of receiving a direct response. 3 It is true that Fra Girolamo assures us, as has been said, that he very reluctantly entered upon his prophetic ministry, and he has told us how on one particular occasion he tried without success to compose a sermon in which nothing should be said of his visions. But a single effort of this kind falls far short of that persevering and consistent attitude of self-distrust of which S. John of the Cross here speaks, and which is recommended by so many others who have written on the subject. Again and again did Savonarola " interrogate God in the hope of receiving a divine response " ; and not merely this, but he allowed his hearers to know that he had done so, and that he expected an answer on a definite date. This surely was to invite delusion, and to expose himself to a serious temptation. There is, moreover, another aspect of the argument from his own subjective certainty, advanced by Savonarola, of which account must be taken. Starting from his own unshaken conviction that he was the recipient of divine communication, Fra Girolamo proceeded to assure his hearers that if only they were more pure of heart they too 1 Amort, pp. 207, 216. - Ibid., p. 228. s Ibid., p. 210, 68 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA would be so enlightened by the Holy Spirit that they could not fail to recognise the truth of his prophetic utterances. There is, to our thinking, something questionable in this rather disconcerting appeal to a tender conscience. No one has a right to expect or demand from God a larger measure of illumination than is necessary and sufficient to enable him firmly to assent to the truths of faith, or again, to enable him rightly to apply the rules of Christian prudence, whether to the occasional crises or to the ordinary conduct of life. And, consequently, no one has a right to persuade another to attri- bute to his own sinfulness or want of purity of heart the absence of some more special enlightenment. There can be no doubt that, especially in Fra Girolamo's later years, many devout and God- fearing persons were sorely perplexed concerning the matters now under consideration ; and it would seem that his influence practically tended to drive such perplexed souls to take refuge in a highly illusory and dangerous form of iiluminism. Savonarola did indeed openly profess not to claim that the truth of his predictions should be accepted as a point of faith ; yet, by publicly and repeatedly declaring that God would severely punish the incredulous, he im- posed a burden of duty where, so far as we can see, no obligation could lie. And when he goes so far as to say that the persistent, or, as he would say, the obstinate and pertinacious rejection of his revela- tions was inconsistent with the possession of the " habit of faith, "and that those who were guilty of this were no true Christians, he appears to us to have so evidently transgressed the limits of his right to judge, and to express his judgment, of others, that once more the very vehemence of his language seems to recoil upon himself. But, after all, it was not the subjective test, if such it deserves to be called, on which he laid the chief stress in his repeated demands upon the faith of the Florentines, and his warnings that they would be punished for their unbelief. His principal appeal was to the signs whereby God had confirmed the truth of his predictions. And these signs were of two kinds, viz. the actual and exact fulfilment of what had been foretold, and the results of his preaching in the moral reform of the city. Now, as regards the fulfilment of predictions, it surely cannot be maintained with any confidence that those of his pre- dictions of a public nature which were fulfilled transcended the limits of human foresight. It must of course be admitted that Savonarola was distinguished among his contemporaries by a remarkable clearness of vision into the future. But this clearness of vision, as it seems to ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 69 us, may with the highest probability be adequately accounted for by a certain natural sagacity, coupled with a deep sense of the moral corruption of the times, and that kind of acquaintance with the ways of divine Providence which he had gathered from deeply pondering the historical records and prophetic warnings of the Bible, and which had become in a manner instinctive with him. Not indeed that every man of noble character and of pure heart learns to read the signs of the times. Yet nobility of character, and a spotless purity of life, are undoubtedly predisposing conditions which, when united with natural sagacity, render possible a truer forecast of the future than is to be expected from those who are blinded by passion, and distracted by the petty interests of the passing moment. Then, too, a certain allowance must be made for the possibilities of happy conjecture, and also for the influence of the prophetic ideals, if we may so style them, which were current in his time. Savonarola lived in an age when the minds of many earnest men, and women too, were drawn by a kind of irresistible attraction to venture on predictions of future events. We may well believe Fra Girolamo when he assures us that he had paid but scant attention to the vaticinations of those who may compendiously be styled his fellow-prophets, though some of them lived two centuries or more before his time. Nevertheless, the general drift of their predictions was common property, and nothing was more natural than that such a man as Savonarola should be unconsciously influenced by them. 1 He was not the first to foretell that grievous calamities were to fall upon the Church, nor was he the first to predict that salvation should come by the hand of a temporal prince, and that this prince should be not the Emperor but a king of France. The difference lay herein, that when Savonarola began to thunder forth his warnings, 1 On the subject of mediaeval prophecy the two best dissertations known to us are those of Tocco, " II Savonarola e la rrofezia,"in Vita Italiana nel Rinascimento (pp. 352 sqq.), and of Rohr, "Die Prophetie im letzten Jahrlundert vor der Reformation," usw., in the Historisches Jahrbuch, xix. pp. 29 sqq., 547 sqq. Among the predecessors of Savonarola Tocco enumerates the Abbot Gioachino (ti202), Piero Olivi (I-129S), Amaldo da Villanova, Ubertino da Casale (circ. 1305), Stoppa de' Bostichi, Angelo de Monticelli, Giovanni di Roquetaillade, S. Brigit of Sweden, S. Catherine of Siena, Tomassuccio da Foligno, Giovanni delle Celle, the Abbot Telesforo (circ. 13S6), S. Vincent Ferrer, and several others. Rohr adds some German names to the list. Speaking generally, they all agree in predicting terrible chastisements. Some hold that the end of the world is at hand. Others, like Savonarola, predict a great religious revival, the conversion of the Turks, etc. ?o GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA the prospects of a French invasion were conspicuously imminent. His prediction that the French king would indeed come was, as every one knows, fulfilled. But the high hopes based upon the French invasion were doomed to bitter disappointment ; and the veracity of the prophet could be saved only by the explanation that the promises of a reformation to be brought about by means of Charles VIII. had been subject to conditions. But with respect to certain other predictions which have been related in the foregoing chapter, viz. that of the conversion of the Turks, and of the prosperity of Florence and the extension of her dominions, Savonarola committed himself to the uncompromising assertion that they were not conditional, but absolute and irrevocable ; and in the concluding paragraphs of the Compendium Revelationum he went as near as was possible to a definite statement that they would be fulfilled within ten years. 1 Now, the only conclusion which, as it seems to us, can be reasonably drawn from the complete mis- carriage of these promises, thus absolutely and irrevocably made, is, that those predictions which were fulfilled were after all nothing better than shrewd conjectures, put forth with impassioned con- viction and most courageous boldness, and, as we are willing to believe, in all good faith, but conjectures after all. As regards the moral reformation of Florence, we would say (i) that it was not exclusively the result of Savonarola's prophecies as such, but principally the fruit of his earnest inculcation of Christian doctrine and of Christian morality, and his severe condemnation of vice ; and (2) that although it was undoubtedly helped forward by his predictions, this of itself proves nothing. If the predictions had not produced some good results, they could not have possessed even the semblance of a claim to be regarded as divinely inspired. Many a child has been terrified by false alarms into saying its prayers. But this does not prove that the creations of a child's imagination have a real and independent existence. Many a simple soul has been stirred to feelings of devotion, and even perchance to acts of very real and solid virtue, by some tale of legendary hagiology. But this does not dispense M. Duchesne 1 On 3rd May 149S, he assured his hearers that some of those then living should see the conversion of the Turks ; and on 28th May lie told them (alluding to Pisa) that they should have everything back, and, moreover, that their dominions should be increased. He told them, too, that in the coming plague the "Tepidi" should die in proportionately greater numbers than the devout. Was this prediction verified ? ON THE WATCH-TOWER OP' ITALY 71 and the Bollandists from the necessary, if sometimes ungracious, task of turning the search-light of historical criticism upon traditions of spurious or doubtful origin. Moreover, it is by no means clear that the results of Fra Girolamo's prophecies, and more particularly of the reiterated assertion of his claims to be regarded as an inspired prophet, deserve to be called purely and simply good. To take only a simple instance — was it a good result that in later days the people of Florence should be encouraged to set at naught the menaces of the reigning Pope even though that Pope was Alexander VI., and to listen rather to one who explicitly declared that he held his commission directly from God? Was it not one result of the prophetic claims of Savonarola that the city of Florence was brought perilously near to schismatical disobedience? This is a point which we cannot develop here without unduly anticipating the course of the subsequent narrative. But the mere mention of the conflicts which occupy so large a portion of the record of Fra Girolamo's last years, and which are so intimately bound up with the question of his alleged divine mission, may be sufficient as a reminder that the moral reformation which he undoubtedly effected was not the only result of his preaching. " In the absence of convincing proof," says Gerson, " no private revelations are to be accepted as indisputably genuine until after the death of the person who professes to have received them . . . [nor] until all his acts, words, and writings, to the end of his life, have been first examined." And the reason is, that "the devil often for a long time tells the truth (inculcat vera) that he may at last draw a man into error (persuadeat falsa)." 1 Of course we do not postulate, in Savonarola's case, any special diabolical agency. There can be no doubt that much which is by mediaeval writers ascribed to the direct action of the Devil may be set down to the account of natural causes. But the caution that alleged revelations are to be judged not merely by their immediate results, but by their remoter issues, is one in which S. Thomas Aquinas is at one with Gerson and other writers. 2 Amort lays it down that : " Doubtful revelations, if they bring with them the danger of . . . causing dissensions in the Church, are to be prohibited by public authority." And still more to the purpose is the " rule " that : " Revelations, on the 1 Amort, p. 64. 2 Ibid., p. 233. 72 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA strength of which it is pretended that the recipient of them is dispensed from the observance of some law, natural or ecclesiastical," deserve no credence. 1 How far these last rules are applicable to the case of Savonarola is a question which must be judged in the light of subsequent events. But it is right that they should be at least mentioned in this place. But what is to be said about the plea, repeatedly urged by Fra Girolamo, that all, or nearly all, good men recognised his prophetic mission, while those who called it in question were men of abandoned life, or at least such as were only externally religious and devout ? 2 Unfortunately, we can only reply by denying the alleged fact. There is no reason whatever, that we can see, for calling in question the high character of some of those who, during Fra Girolamo's lifetime and since, have believed him to be deluded. Nor can we admit that Savonarola had any right to proclaim that the apparent uprightness of some of his adversaries was no better than a cloak for hypocrisy or hidden wickedness. He himself admitted that it was not given to him to read the secrets of hearts. And even had he possessed such a gift, its possession would not have released him from the duty of observing the natural law which prescribes respect for our neighbour's reputation. The bearing of these remarks, as well as of others which we have had occasion to make in the course of this chapter, will appear more fully in the sequel. There is, however, yet another consideration which claims our attention before we can, for the present at least, dismiss the subject. Among the reasons which render the prophecies of Fra Girolamo at least open to suspicion is the strange flattery of the city of Florence with which they are inseparably bound up. It is of course conceivable that God should have chosen Florence as the scene of special manifestations of His goodness and power, and that He should have destined the city to be the centre whence the leaven of reformation should spread throughout Italy, and even throughout the world. But it may be doubted whether, if such had been His design, He would have wished this design to be 1 Amort, pp. 270, 281. 2 He speaks of the "Tepkh, quos saepe redarguo, et quibuscum assiduus mihi est conflictus. , . . Hi sunt, mihi crede, Pharisaei ; qui cum Herodianis con- silium inicrunt ut nos caperent in sermone" (Dyalogus, book v.). ON THE WATCH-TOWER OF ITALY 73 communicated in set terms to the citizens, who were perhaps already somewhat prone to a certain civic pride and corporate self- sufficiency. 1 And it may also be doubted whether the Providence of God could be truly described as so solicitous for the civic liberties of the Florentines, and at the same time so indignant with the citizens of Pisa for their efforts to secure independence for them- selves. And whatever may be thought of these a priori probabilities, it may at least be questioned whether, in any intelligible sense, the work of ecclesiastical reform can be said to have actually spread from Florence. 1 " Great," says Fra Girolamo, in one of his sermons (S. 8 on Amos, 9th June 1495) " > s tne blessing of creation. Still greater is the favour of having been created in the image of God. Greater still that of having been born among Christians. But : Maggior beneficio ancora e che tn sia nato in questa grande cipta, et non in molti luoghi del christianismo dove si vive come bestie. Phi grande ancora che dopo molte tenebre. . . . Dio t' habbia illuminata : et prima t' ha illuminata delle cose interiori . . . et poi di fuori. Item t' ha illuminata superabundante- mente, et hatli dato cose che non si danno a molti, cioe ad rivelarti le cose future. Non fecit laliter omni nationi. . . . Grande beneficio e stato ancora questo, che havendo voluto Iddio prenuntiare queste cose ad tucta la Italia egli habbi electo te nella quale s'habbino ad predire queste cose, et da te spendersi il lume nelle altre." H CHAPTER V SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE' MEDICI "AVING preached during the Advent of 1490 at S. Marco, . in the following Lent Savonarola occupied the pulpit of the Duomo (commonly called in contemporary documents S. Maria Reparata, or S. Reparata), 1 and his sermons began to produce a marked impression in the city. His predictions of impending disaster, and his fearless denunciations of vice, drew upon him the attention of all classes, and from the outset gave occasion to much division of opinion and sentiment. He himself, in a letter to his faithful friend and fellow-labourer, Fra Domenico Buonvicino da Pescia, who was then preaching at Pisa, gives us a glimpse of the state of affairs, and reveals his own inmost thoughts, hopes, and convictions : — " Our affairs [he writes] go on prosperously. For God works wonder- fully, although we experience much opposition from the great men of the city, as I will more fully explain to you on your return. At present it is not expedient to write about such matters. Many have feared, and some still fear, that I may be treated as was Fra Bernardino. 2 And indeed I have been in some danger (res nostra non fuit sinepericulo in hac parte) but I have always hoped in the Lord, knowing that the heart of the king is in the hand of the Lord ; He will turn it whithersoever He will. I trust in Him that He will do great things by means of my words (per os nostrum) ; for He daily consoles me, and strengthens my timidity by the words of His angels (per voces spirituum suorum), who often say to me : ' Fear not, speak boldly whatever God shall inspire you to say, for the Lord is with you. The Scribes and Pharisees fight against you, but they shall not prevail.' ... I frequently predict the renovation of the Church, 1 We also find the forms S. Liperata and S. Liberata. Liperata is obviously a corruption of Reparata, and Liberata an erroneous correction of the barbarous Liperata. 2 Fra Bernardino da Feltre, a Franciscan preacher of great holiness of life, who has received the honour of canonisation, had been expelled from Florence in 1488 by reason of the vehemence with which be had inveighed against usury [cf. Pastor, v. 109 sqq.). 74 SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE' MEDICI 75 and the coming tribulations, but never absolutely, and always basing my predictions on some passage of Holy Scripture (semper cum fundamento Scripturarum) ; so that no one, unless he be perversely disposed, can find fault." » The guarded allusions, in this letter, to some opposition and danger which the preacher has recently experienced, are explained by an incident which Savonarola's biographers have erroneously placed in the latter part of the year 149 1, but which almost certainly belongs to this Lent. He received a visit one day from five of the leading citizens of Florence — Domenico Bonsi, Guidantonio Vespucci, Paolantonio Soderini, Filippo Valori, and Bernardo Rucellai — all of them men who had rendered distinguished services to the State in various embassies, but whose united diplomacy was to meet with a signal check when brought to bear on the intrepid Friar. They came to warn him that, by his freedom of speech, he exposed both himself and his convent to serious risk ; but when they found themselves in his presence their courage failed them, and they faltered in the delivery of their message. For it was, in fact, a message which they had come to deliver, as the Friar himself roundly told them. It was Lorenzo de' Medici, he said, who had sent them ; and he bade them admonish him to do penance for his sins, for that God was no respecter of persons, and would not spare the princes of the earth. And when the envoys of the great man reminded him that he might perchance be sent into exile, as Fra Bernardino da Feltre had been, he replied : " I care nothing for your threats of exile, because this, your city, is but a tiny patch (come un grano di lente) on the surface of the earth. But," he added, " this new fashion of teaching will triumph, and the old will collapse. And although I am a stranger in the city, and Lorenzo the first man in the State, yet I shall stay here, and it is he who must go hence." Then he proceeded to speak of the condition of Florence, and of all Italy, in terms which caused his hearers to marvel at his knowledge of political affairs. 2 Moreover, about the same time he declared, in 1 Gherardi, pp. 281-82. 2 Cinozzi, pp. 13, 14; Burlamacchi, p. 31 ; Villari, i. 139. Cinozzi and TUulamacchi say nothing of the threat of exile, which Villari has presumably drawn from the Vita Laiina, or from the Vulnera Diligentis of Fra Benedetto, neither of which documents has liiiluito been published in lull. Such a threat, expressed or implied, is however presupposed by Savonarola's assertion th.it lie should stay in Florence, and that Lorenzo must go thence, and seems to be alluded to in the letter to Fra Domenico quoted above. 76 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA the presence of many witnesses, that Lorenzo, the Pope, and the King of Naples would all soon die. 1 The prediction was ful- filled, so far as the Pope and the Magnifico were concerned, in the following year, 1492. Ferrante, King of Naples, died in January 1494. This incident of the embassy of the five citizens Savonarola himself related from the pulpit five years afterwards, two of the five being actually present. 2 Three of them, in fact, became, after the death of Lorenzo, firm supporters of the Friar. In the meanwhile Lorenzo, whether because he dreaded the consequences of any extreme measure, or, as we are willing to believe, from some more honourable motive, refrained from any attempt to carry into effect the threats with which he had in vain sought to terrify him. 3 Not only was Fra Girolamo left entirely unmolested, but he was invited to preach in the Palazzo, before the Signory and the other magistrates of the city, on the Wednesday in Easter week. He told his hearers plainly that he did not feel altogether at his ease in addressing so unwonted an audience. " I am not master here," he said, " as in the church, and therefore I must behave with a certain politeness (me urbanius habere), like Christ in the house of the Pharisee." 4 But whatever his feelings of embarrassment may have been, they did not hinder him from expressing himself with remarkable freedom concerning the duties of those who were entrusted with public offices. All the good and all the evil in the State, he said, depended on its chief or prince; "if he would come with us, he might render the city holy." 5 But some men, when they enjoy power, become "incorrigible tyrants," 1 Villari, loc. cit. ' This is expressly stated by Cinozzi [loc. cit.), who heard the sermon, and saw the men among the audience. 3 Guicciardini writes : " Non piaceva il predicare del S. a Lorenzo ; nondimeno, parte perche non lo toccava nel vivo, parte perche d'avere altra volta cacciato da Firenze Fra Bernardino . . . aveva ricevuto carico nel popolo, e forse avendo qualche riverenza a Fra Jeronimo . . . non gli proibiva il predicare," etc. (Sloria Fiorentina, p. 123). 4 From the rough draft of the sermon jotted down by Savonarola himself, and printed by Villari (vol. i. Append, p. xxxiii.). s The allusion is to Nathanael, who, though no fisherman, accompanied S. Peter on the lake of Galilee as related in S. John xxi. 1 sqq. This passage is the Gospel of the day on which Fra Girolamo was preaching ; and the application is, that the secular power should be invited to co-operate with the preachers of the Gospel. SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE' MEDICI 77 guilty of all manner of injustice and oppression. On reading these words it is easy to jump to the conclusion that an offensive allusion to Lorenzo de' Medici was intended ; but, in fact, so far as can be judged from the rough draft which is all that has been preserved of this sermon, the preacher's condemnation of the abuses of arbitrary despotism was quite general in its form ; and it was followed by an exhortation to those whom he was addressing to act far otherwise. Let them keep steadily in view not their own private interests but the public good. Let them set Christ before their eyes, and place their own hopes in the eternal happiness of heaven. Thus, and thus alone, can they make the people happy. 1 Although, however, Fra Girolamo's sermon in the Palazzo was not, in our opinion, quite so calculated to give personal offence to the head of the State as Villari seems to think, we cannot wonder that Lorenzo should have wished to raise a barrier against the growing influence of the Friar. His private efforts to induce Savonarola to modify the character of his sermons having failed, he induced Mariano della Barba (da Gennazzano) to undertake the task of controverting his conclusions, and publicly to admonish him that the prediction of future events, and the adoption of an unusual style of preaching, was a mark of presumption, and was calculated to arouse dissension among the people. 2 Accordingly, on Ascension Day 149 1, Fra Mariano openly attacked Savonarola in a sermon, preached at San Gallo, on the text : " It is not yours to know the times and the moments," etc. Cinozzi, who was present, declares that the preacher's manner was such as to alienate from the preacher many of his friends and admirers, and among them Cinozzi himself; and 1 Villari, loc. cit. In the Gospel (Joe. cit.), the Apostolic fishermen are bidden to cast the net on the right side of the ship, and this after day has dawned. The preacher, by an obvious moral application, condemns the conduct of those who "cast their nets by night, and on the left side," i.e. who seek their private interests by unjust means ; and he exhorts his hearers to cast on the right side, and in full daylight, i.e. to act in all things with justice, and with an eye to the common good. Moreover, the common good of the people is to be understood in a Christian sense. - " Ordino col detto Fra Mariano che facessi una predica nella quale si contenessi che il dir cose future e predicar fuor del consueto era cosa presuntuosa, e non era se non mettere sedizione ne' popoli " (Cinozzi, p. 14). Burlamacchi reproduces Cinozzi's words so precisely that there can be little doubt as to the source from which he has drawn. It is this which makes us a little suspicious as to the details which he here and there adds to Cinozzi's simpler narrative. Moreover, even where his statements of fact are admitted, caution is needed with reference to his imputation of motives. 7 8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA that by this one sermon he may be said to have lost the reputation which he had built up in the course of many years. 1 Burlamacchi hereupon informs us that this was the fulfilment of a prophecy which Savonarola had previously made to Domenico Benivieni. Benivieni had told Fra Girolamo that if only he had the eloquence of Mariano he would be an unrivalled preacher. Savonarola had replied — according to Burlamacchi — in words which echoed, while they reversed, those of S. John the Baptist concerning our Lord : " Me oportet crescere, ileum autem minui — I must needs wax greater, but he must grow less." For the honour of Fra Girolamo we would willingly believe that he never uttered these words, or that what he did say had been misunderstood and so misreported. 2 However this may be, Savonarola deemed it his duty to reply to Mariano's discourse, which he did by delivering, either on the following Sunday, or on the festival of Pentecost, a powerful sermon on the same text. What was the nature of his reply we are not told, but it may be taken for granted that it was substantially identical with what he wrote on the subject in his Compendium Revelationum, with which the reader has already made acquaintance. One passage Cinozzi has preserved for us, which it may be worth while to repro- duce here. Addressing himself to Fra Mariano, who, however, was not present, the preacher said : — " My brother, I would that you were here ; but I trust that at least my words will be reported to you. Do you not remember that not many days since you came to me here at S. Marco, and with great humility and 1 " Nel modo del suo procedere monstro tanta passione che etiam quelli che eron suo familiari e suo difensori, si accorsono e conobbono che procedeva da gran passione. E io mi ricordo, essendo a detta predica, che ero uno di quelli che piu tosto dependevo dalla parte sua che dal P. f. Ieronimo ; e quella fu causa insieme con molti altri di lassar le sue predicazioni. Fuvvi a detta predica Lorenzo e el conte Giovanni della Mirandola, che anco lui allora era contra P. f. Ieronimo, messer Agnolo da Montepulciano e quasi tutto il fiore delli uomini da bene ; in modo che all' uscir della predica fu fatta discissione inter omnes. Ma certo quella fu quasi causa di fargli perdere la reputazione che avea acquistata in parecchi anni," etc. (Cinozzi, p. 15). Yet, in the years 1492-93-94, Mariano preached on three successive Good Fridays at Ferrara, a circumstance which makes it clear that his reputation was by no means gone {Diario Ferrarese in Muratori, Scrip/ores, xxiv. 288). Later still, he often preached in Rome before the Pope. 2 Savonarola had said to Lorenzo's deputies that the new style 0/ preaching would prosper, and that the old would decline {vide supra). We venture to suggest that Burlamacchi has taken hold of these words and given them an offensively personal turn. SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE* MEDICI 79 meekness gave me to understand that my preaching gave you great pleasure, and appeared to you calculated to produce much fruit, and that you offered me your services, and declared that you would be always ready to help me, with more to the same effect ? Who, then, has now put it into your head to speak as you do? Why have you so suddenly changed your mind ?' u Whereby, adds Cinozzi, every one understood that Mariano had so acted out of complaisance to others, and also (though this does not seem to follow) because he found that his own following grew daily less. Shortly afterwards Mariano left Florence for Rome, where he was subsequently elected general of his Order. He seems to have become almost as great a favourite with Alexander VI. as he had been with Lorenzo de' Medici, and his influence was openly used in opposition to Fra Girolamo. Before his departure, how- ever, the controversial passage of arms, of which we have spoken, was followed by an interchange of courtesies between the rival preachers. Mariano invited Savonarola to sing the High Mass on some great festival at S. Gallo, and Savonarola accepted the invitation. 2 It is not easy to form a just estimate of Fra Mariano's character and motives. That he was a worldly-minded man, and a com- plaisant courtier, can hardly be denied ; but it is at least probable that, while he admired the fervid eloquence and courageous zeal of Fra Girolamo, he sincerely believed that his vaticinations were mischievous in their effects, or at least dangerous in their tendency. Burlamacchi, after his wont, regards his acts of courtesy to Savonarola as due to mere hypocrisy. To this hostile verdict we cannot, in the absence of better evidence, subscribe. Mariano's character will not, of course, for a moment bear comparison with that of his great rival. But while we recognise that the future General of the Augustinians was no hero, and that he had many faults and failings, we venture to doubt whether he was really no better — as Burlamacchi would have us believe — than an odious hypocrite. But to return to the relations between Savonarola and Lorenzo. In the course of this same year, 1491, Fra Girolamo was, by an unanimous election, chosen Prior of the convent of S. Marco. The convent had been founded and greatly enriched by Cosimo de' Medici, and it was indeed one of the most striking monuments of the 1 Cinozzi, p. 15. 2 Burlamacchi, p. 34; Villari, i. 143. 80 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA princely munificence of this great family. 1 It need not, then, cause any surprise that a custom should have arisen whereby each newly elected Prior used, after his installation, to visit and pay his respects to the head of the founder's house. Burlamacchi, indeed, represents that the visit was made to Lorenzo in his capacity as head of the State (per riconoscerlo come capo della Repubblica), but we venture to doubt whether this statement fairly represents the real origin of the usage. 2 However this may be, it was natural that Lorenzo should expect from Savonarola this customary mark of recognition. But whether it was that he regarded the act as savouring too much of an acknowledgment of a right of patronage, or whether he desired to mark his disapproval of the political supremacy which the family had gradually acquired, Fra Girolamo altogether declined to set foot in the palace of the Medici. He owed his election, he said, to God alone, and God alone should have his acknowledgments. Lorenzo, on his side, grumbled that a stranger had come to live in his house, and yet would not pay him a visit. 8 Whether, perchance, Fra Girolamo might have acted more prudently had he conformed to a custom which, after all, need not necessarily be regarded as an abuse, we will not undertake to say, but he is at least entitled to the credit of having been, on this occasion, as on so many others, staunch in his adherence to what appeared to him to be the best course of action. It is, on the other hand, greatly to the credit of Lorenzo that he showed no spiteful resentment against the new Friar in consequence of the omission of this ceremonial visit. More than once he visited the convent, and walked in the garden with the friars, doubtless with the intention of meeting the Prior. But he seems to have refrained from asking to see him personally ; and Savonarola, on his side, declined to leave his cell to welcome the distinguished visitor, unless the latter should expressly send for him. 4 Never- 1 S. Marco had previously been a monastery of Silvestrine monks. The Dominicans of the stricter observance obtained possession of the house and church in 1435 ; but the whole fabric of the convent was in such a state of dilapidation that Cosimo determined to rebuild it entirely, and the work was entrusted to Michelozzo Michelozzi. The splendid library of S. Marco was also the gift of Cosimo. The walls of S. Marco, as every one knows, are still bright with the frescoes ef Fra Angelico (Marchese, Sunto Storico, pp. 44 sqq.). 2 Burlamacchi, p. 29. 3 Burlamacchi, loc. cit. 4 Burlamacchi, p. 30. "While admiring the spirit of Savonarola," writes Father O'Neil, 0. 1'., " we are tempted to regret that he did not meet Lorenzo, SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE' MEDICI 81 theless, Lorenzo did not desist from his hopes of winning over the inflexible Prior. He sent to the convent a considerable sum of money as an alms, but Fra Girolamo transferred it at once to the confraternity of the "good men of S. Martin," to be distributed among the poor, saying that silver and copper money was enough for the needs of the brethren, and that they had no need of gold. 1 He used, adds Burlamacchi, to say in the pulpit that it is the busi- ness of a watch-dog to bark and to attack robbers, and not to allow itself to be silenced by the bribe of a bone or other food. Whether, in using these words, or others to the same effect, Savonarola intended to allude to Lorenzo's alms appears to us to be very doubtful. We should prefer to attribute the alms themselves to the generosity of the donor; and to suppose that the sending of them to the Buoni Uomini di S. Martino was due to Fra Girolamo's love of religious poverty and his charity to the poor, rather than to any desire to mark his independence of Lorenzo. It seems to have been his usual custom to decline the responsibility of distributing the alms which he collected for the poor. And so long as there was a kind of charity organisation society — of a thoroughly Christian character — in active operation in the city, it was surely the part of prudence to help its members to carry on their beneficent work. We do not yield to Burlamacchi himself in our admiration of Fra Girolamo's refusal to accept Lorenzo's gold for the use of the convent; not, however, because it was Lorenzo's, but because "to give is more blessed than to receive." Early in the year 1492 Lorenzo fell seriously ill at Careggi, his villa, some two miles distant from Florence, and it soon became evident that his end was drawing near. In this extremity Lorenzo caused Fra Girolamo to be sent for that he might assist him in his last moments. According to Cinozzi and Burlamacchi, although Don Guido degli Angioli, his chaplain, and Fra Mariano della Barba were both at hand, Lorenzo declared that he would have no other confessor but the Prior of S. Marco, for that he was the only true " religious " of his acquaintance. 2 Burlamacchi adds that, when Without any sacrifice of dignity this could have been effected, as Lorenzo had practically ' gone half way.' " And he adds, in a note : " Perhaps the course of events might have been changed had these men first met then," etc. {/erome Savonarola, p. 24). 1 Burlamacchi, loc. cit. "Cinozzi, p. 16; Burlamacchi, p. 37. "Hieronymum vocari jussit, Tirum scilicet intrepidum, et quern nee blanditiis nee ullis artibus a veritate flecti posse comperisset " (Pico, p. 24). r 82 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA first summoned, Fra Girolamo demurred, bidding the messenger tell Lorenzo that he was not a man suited for this purpose (dite a Lorenzo, ch'io non sono il suo bisogno) because it was impossible that they should agree, and that therefore it was not expedient that he should go. On receiving this message, the sick man bade the messenger return, and charged him to tell Fra Girolamo that he was ready faithfully to carry out whatever instructions he might have to give. 1 Of this hesitation Cinozzi, an earlier witness, says nothing, and we take leave to regard this part of the story as apocryphal. It is, to say the least, hardly creditable to the memory of Savonarola, for it might surely be expected that a man of truly apostolic zeal would hasten without a moment's delay to the assistance of a dying sinner, whatever his worldly condition might be. What passed between these two great men at this their only interview will never be certainly known. If we might trust the narrative of Cinozzi and Burlamacchi, with which that of Pico agrees in the main, Lorenzo proposed to make his confession, but Savonarola declared that he must first remind him of three conditions under which alone he could hope for pardon. He must have a lively faith in the mercy of God, he must make restitution of all ill-gotten goods, and he must restore their liberties to the people of Florence. His faith in God's mercy Lorenzo fervently professed ; and he promised, so far as was possible, full restitution wherever it was due, and undertook to leave suitable directions to his heirs to do in this behalf whatever he might be unable personally to carry out ; but on hearing the third demand he made no answer, and Fra Girolamo departed without having received his confession. 2 But notwithstanding the authority of Savonarola's early biographers we venture to think that these details are intrinsically all but incredible. We can hardly believe that Fra Girolamo would have made his own conception of political duty (on which after all a difference of opinion was possible) a test of the fitness of a sinner to receive absolution at the hour of death. And 1 Burlamacchi, loc. cit. 2 Cinozzi, p. 16. Burlamacchi (p. 38) makes Lorenzo declare that three crimes troubled his conscience beyond all others, viz. the sack of Volterra, the mis- appropriation of the funds of the Monte di Pieta, and the bloodshed which had followed the conspiracy of the Pazzi. He is careful, however, to let it be understood that all this was said by way of preliminary to the sacramental confession. Pico (p. 24) agrees with Cinozzi, and omits the details given by Burlamacchi. SAVONAROLA AND LORENZO DE' MEDICI 83 we are still more unwilling to believe him to have been so forgetful of his duty as to reveal to any one what had passed on such an occasion. For although, as is alleged, no kind of sacramental confession was even begun, a priest, under such circumstances, would be bound by a strict obligation, under the natural law, to observe the seal of secrecy. Nor again can we readily believe that Lorenzo would have confided to his friends, as Burlamacchi suggests that he did, the details of the interview. 1 Moreover, the account of the matter given by Politian, who was actually present when Savonarola entered the room, is quite inconsistent with the story as told by Cinozzi, Pico, and Burlamacchi. 2 According to Politian, Fra Girolamo came, not to hear the confession of Lorenzo, but to comfort him with words of friendly counsel. He exhorted the dying statesman to hold firmly to his profession of the Catholic faith, to resolve upon a good life for the future if he should recover, and to be resigned to die if God should so will. To these admonitions Lorenzo made the answers that were to be expected of a Christian at the point of death. And when Savonarola was about to leave the room, the dying man asked him for a parting blessing, whereupon Fra Girolamo recited the prayers for the departing, and Lorenzo devoutly joined in the responses. 3 For our part we prefer to accept Politian's version of the facts rather than that of Cinozzi, Pico, and Burlamacchi, not merely because it is more honourable to Lorenzo de' Medici, but also 1 The sole authority for the story, as given by Cinozzi, is Fra Salvestro Maruffi, though he thinks that he heard it also from Fra Girolamo himself. Salvestro was notoriously a gossip, and it is not safe to place any reliance upon his reminiscences, especially when reported at second hand. Burlamacchi asserts, however, that Domenico Benivieni used to relate the same story on the authority of certain intimate friends of Lorenzo. 2 Villari is at pains to show that the two narratives are not inconsistent, and even that Politian's account implies that Savonarola refused to absolve Lorenzo. Unless we are much mistaken, Politian's letter implies rather that Fra Girolamo did not come for the purpose of hearing Lorenzo's confession, or at least was not asked to do so. He had, in fact, already received the last sacraments (5 "drunken" counsel of the Florentines were certainly verified when Piero de' Medici, instead of either preserving a prudent neutrality like his neighbour the Duke of Ferrara, or at least counting the cost of a determined resistance to Charles VIII., first provoked him by an uncalled-for show of amity with the King of Naples, and then abjectly yielded to his most exorbitant demands. 1 But the not unimportant question here arises : When were these predictions first made? Savonarola himself declares that it was subsequently to the vision of " the sword of the Lord," i.e. at some time after the close of Advent 1492, and therefore not before the year 1493, that he first began to speak "by divine inspiration" about the coming of the new Cyrus. 2 Moreover, since he spent the Lent of 1493 at Bologna, the prediction cannot be placed earlier than the summer or autumn of that year, and probably not before Advent, or possibly not before the Lent of I494- 8 Burlamacchi throws no light upon the subject, for he merely repeats the state- ments of the Compendium Revelationumt Cinozzi, however, who seems to imply that he himself repeatedly heard the prediction, tells us that it was uttered " in 1494," when Fra Girolamo " was preaching at S. Lorenzo." 5 Unfortunately this is an intrinsically impossible statement, for the simple reason that in 1494 Fra Girolamo did not preach at S. Lorenzo, but in the Duomo. The only course of sermons which he preached at S. Lorenzo was, as Vivoli very These writers can hardly have been directly influenced by any words of Savonarola. They express the ideas current at the time ; ideas, however, to which the letters of the French king (to which both refer) helped to give currency. 1 Cinozzi (p. 18) and Burlamacchi (p. 67) trace in some detail the fulfilment of the ' ' prophecy " so far as it concerned the vacillating policy of Piero. 2 "Post ista" {Compendium Revelationum, loc. cii.). 3 Probably not before Advent, for there is no evidence to show that Fra Girolamo delivered a course of public sermons in the summer or autumn of 1493. 4 Burlamacchi, p. 67. 5 Cinozzi writes (p. 17) : " Nel 1494, predicando in S. Lorenzo, disse formaliter quete parole (essendo in pace tutto il mondo, ando che dalla maggior parte era deriso) : ' Credetemi quello che vi dico, e' verra presto uno di la da e monti a uso di Cyro,' " etc. ; and presently, after giving the words about the drunken men, he adds : " E le parole supra dette del Padre, le udi' da lui molte volte," which may perhaps be taken (though we do not think they ought to be so taken) to mean no more than that at a subsequent period the writer frequently heard Savonarola repeat what he had previously said. It is not safe to lay too much stress on the words: "Essendo in pace tutto il mondo," or on the remark about the derision with which the prediction was listened to, for Savonarola himself assures us {Compendium Revelationum, loc. cit.) that he was laughed to scorn even when the disaster was immediately imminent. n6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA explicitly states, the Lent of 1492. 1 It might indeed be urged that Cinozzi's recollection of the place where he heard the words is to be trusted rather than his assignment of the date at which he heard them. But, on the other hand, he would have the strongest motive for giving the earliest possible date ; and if the prediction had indeed been uttered in Lent 1492, while Lorenzo de' Medici was still alive, or immediately after his death, the circumstance would have been so remarkable that it could hardly have escaped explicit notice. More- over, Savonarola himself implies that at the time when the Advent of " Cyrus " was foretold, Piero de' Medici was already in power. 2 But in fact there are, as has been seen, independent grounds, based on Savonarola's own words, and on the facts of his life, for rejecting any hypothesis which would place the prediction so early as 1492. On the other hand, we cannot be certain that it ought to be placed so late as the Lent of 1494. For the sermons preached during that season are extant, and they do not contain the prophecy, nor— with every allowance for incomplete reporting— is it easy to see in which of them it could have found an appropriate place. 3 Either, then, it was in Advent 1493 that Savonarola first began to speak of the Cyrus who was to come, or else the prediction uttered in Lent 1494 was so far of the nature of an obiter dictum that it has found no place in the published report of the sermons. The question as to the precise date of the prediction (which so far as we are aware has not been discussed by any other writer) might seem indeed to be of little or no importance were it not that throughout the later months of 1493 negotiations were on foot between Charles VIII. and the princes of northern Italy having reference to the projected expedition. And at least from the commencement of 1494 it was matter of common knowledge that the invasion was being actively planned. 4 This being so, the 1 Vivoli, Prima Giornata, in Villari, i. Append, p. lix. 2 "Eos praesertim innuens qui tunc gubernabant " {Compendium Revela- tionwn, loc. cit.). 3 That the published sermons Super Arcam belong to 1494, not (as Vivoli and Villari suppose) to 1492, will be shown in a subsequent note. 4 The first negotiations on the part of Charles VIII. with the Republic of Venice were opened shortly after 25th April 1493 (Storia Veneziana, in Muratori, R. I. S. xxiii. 1 201). It is true that Com mines (Memoirs, book vi. ch. \.,Eng. Trans., ii. 119 sag.) writes: " In the year 1493 the king advanced to Lyons, to examine into his affairs [i.e. in connection with the expedition] ; but nobody ever imagined that he would have passed the mountains himself." But the rumour of a probable invasion had certainly gained general currency very early in 1494, if not sooner, THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 117 hypothesis of a divine revelation hardly seems necessary to account for Savonarola's words, assuming them to have been uttered in Advent 1493 or Lent 1494. 1 It was of course impossible that any one should, by purely natural means, foresee with full certainty the issue of the negotiations and preparations that were afoot. But the circumstances of the time at least afforded grounds for a shrewd conjecture both as to the general results of the invasion, and as to the individual policy of Piero de' Medici, of which indeed he made no secret. Obviously, if the invasion was to be successful, Piero's line of action would be shown, by the hard logic of facts, to have been politically futile. And a strong desire, such as Fra Girolamo unquestionably entertained, would at least go a long way to inspire confidence in the event. The event, as it happened, justified the prophet's confidence, until — with quite unforeseen suddenness — the political pendulum swung back, the young King of Naples quickly recovered what his father had so quickly lost, and Charles VIII., the expected Cyrus, beat an inglorious retreat. 2 We are the more inclined to think that, in this matter of the prediction of the French invasion, Fra Girolamo was deceived as to the divine origin of his predictions, because, in connection with this very matter, he seems to have allowed himself to be strangely deceived as to his own past action. Less than two years after the invasion he wrote these words : — " It is well known to those who have habitually heard me, how pre- cisely the portions of Scripture which I have expounded have corre- sponded to the actual condition of affairs. Among other instances there for Landucci writes, under date 29th January : " E a di 29 . . . ci fu, come el Re di Napoli era morto. Alcuni dicevano eke gli era morte di maninconia, percki intendeva tuttavolta eke' I Re di Franeia passava " {Diario, p. 66). Allegretti in his Diari Sanesi first mentions the French expedition on 7th March (Muratori, xxiii. 868). 1 If we might believe Nardi's description of the prevalent feeling we should have to say that Fra Girolamo only gave public utterance to thoughts which were already in the minds of many. " Per la qual cosa (viz. the rumour of the impend- ing invasion) in tutti i luoghi e nella corte della Chiesa romana massimamente, era nato gran travaglio e perturbazione, come se Iddjo avesse eletto questo principe per suo singolare instrumento a causare qualche rilevato efTetto nella sua santa Chiesa" (i. 20, 21). Speaking of a later time (June 1495) the author of the Diario Ferrarese says: "Tutta Italia gridavano ad una voce: Franza ! Franza ! praeter li Signori e Signorie " (Muratori, xxiv. 309). 2 Ferrante of Naples died, as has been seen, in January 1494, before the invasion. His son Alfonso abdicated, just a year later, in favour of Ferrante II, u8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA is one which has excited the wonder of men who are distinguished for ability and learning, viz. that whereas from the year 1491 till 1494, with the exception of one Lent at Bologna, I preached on Genesis during the whole of every Advent and Lent, and whereas I always took up the exposition of the text at the point where I had left it at the close of the previous Advent or Lent, I could never reach the chapter on the Flood until these tribulations had already commenced. Moreover, whereas I had supposed that I should be able to expound in a few days the mystery of the construction of the Ark, so many new thoughts offered themselves day by day that I spent the whole Advent and Lent of 1494 on that mystery." l Now, as a simple matter of fact, it is not true that Savonarola preached on Genesis in every Advent and Lent from 1491 to 1494, with the sole exception of the Lent at Bologna. The period in question embraces three Advents and four Lents, of these, the Lent of 1491 was occupied with sermons "on the Gospels" i.e. on the Gospel lessons of the respective days ; one Advent was devoted to the exposition of the First Epistle of S. John, and another to that of the Psalm : " Quam bonus Israel Deus." This would leave the Lenten seasons of 1492 and 1494, and the Advent of 1493 as the basis of the sweeping statement which we have quoted from the Compendium RevelationumP- Moreover, it is only by a straining of language that he can be said to have preached continuously on the sixth chapter of Genesis throughout the Lent of 1494, 1 Compendium Eevelationum, pp. 228-29. He obviously means the Advent of 1493 an d the Lent of 1494. 2 The Lent sermons of 1491 "on the Gospels'* are attested by the rough drafts which still survive, and of which several have been published by Villari. They obviously belong to a Lent, and can belong to no other Lent. The Lenten course of 1492, preached at S. Lorenzo, is mentioned by Vivoli, and there is no reason to doubt that these sermons were on the Book of Genesis. But Vivoli is mistaken in supposing that the printed sermons Super Arcam belong to that year, an error in which he has been followed by Villari (i. 200, and Append, p. lix.). They undoubtedly belong to 1494, for at the head of the discourse for the Tuesday in Holy Week it is mentioned that this day fell on 25th March, as was in fact the case in 1494, but not in 1492. But these discourses, in their turn, allude to previous sermons on the same subject as having been preached in the preceding Advent (1493). Consequently the sermons on the Psalm, " Quam bonus," notwithstanding Luotto's ascription of them to Advent 1493, must really belong to a previous year, i.e. either to 1491 or to 1492. Internal indications make it clear that these discourses, and also the sermons on the First Epistle of S. John, belong to the Advent and Christmas season ; but it is not clear which of the two series is earlier in date. At any rate the two Advents, of 1491 and 1492, are both accounted for ; and it will be seen from what has been said that the list of Savonarola's sermons given by Luotto (p. 18) needs revision and correction. THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 119 inasmuch as the great bulk of the sermons delivered during that season have no connection with the text of Genesis vi. beyond the purely artificial arrangement by which, as has been said, ten points of general instruction are in each discourse made to do duty as ten planks of the mystical Ark. When, then, Burla- macchi writes : " This was wonderful, that whereas he expounded Genesis for many years, and was engaged in explaining the con- struction of the Ark, he could never reach the words : ' I will bring on the waters of a deluge ' until the King of France had entered Italy with his army," it appears to us that he is creating a mystery when in reality there is none. A preacher who could occupy the whole of Lent with discourses professedly based on three or four verses of Genesis (vi. 13-16), and who could choose his own time for the resumption of his series of sermons, would experience no difficulty in reserving the critical text for the appropriate historical and psychological moment ; and one who was so deeply convinced of his mission to read and interpret the signs of the times would be under the very strongest inducement — an inducement none the less powerful because it was not fully present to his consciousness — to exercise this very obvious device of rhetorical economy. Again, it would seem that Villari has rather unduly emphasised the precise aptness of the occasion on which Savonarola preached on the text : " Ecce adducam aqua diluvii super terram." " It was [he says] the 21st of September, a memorable day for Savonarola and for Florence. The Duomo could hardly contain the crowd of people who, full of a new anxiety, now more keen than ever, had awaited him since the morning. At last the orator mounted the pulpit, and having first gazed upon the audience, and perceived the unwonted trepidation by which it was dominated, he cried with a terrible voice : Ecce adducavi aquas, etc. His voice seemed like a clap of thunder bursting within the church ; his words seemed to strike everyone with a stormy panic. Pico della Mirandola relates that a cold shiver ran through all his bones, and that his hair stood on end, and Savonarola himself declared that on that day he was not less deeply moved than his hearers." 1 We do not pretend to say that this narrative is, so far, exaggerated ; for Cerretani, a very impartial witness, attests the extraordinary connection produced in the city — not indeed by this individual 1 Villari, i. 203 ; Compendium Revtiationum, p. 229. 120 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA sermon— but by these September discourses generally. 1 But when Villari goes on to say that " precisely during these days the news had arrived like an unexpected thunderbolt, that an inundation of foreign troops was sweeping over the Alps to conquer Italy," he is perhaps stretching the facts a little to suit a theory. The fact is, that on 5th August the French ambassadors were already in Florence, treating with the Signory for the passage of the king's troops, and were assured that the Florentines were the king's most faithful friends. 2 The king actually set out upon his march on 22nd August ; on 5th September he arrived at Turin, and on the 21st the report reached Florence (though it afterwards proved unfounded) that he had entered Genoa. 3 It is perfectly true that many even of those who had desired the advent of the king had by this time been seized with a kind of panic fear at his approach, and the tidings of the sack of Rapallo (8th September) had increased the alarm ; 4 but it may not unreasonably be suggested that this very alarm, still further intensified as it was by the preacher's vehemence, may have helped men to discover so peculiar an opportuneness in the text on which Fra Girolamo preached on the Feast of S. Matthew 1494. So far from suggesting that the news of the invasion had come "like an un- expected thunderbolt," he himself says very simply that " when it was now known that the French king with his army had already entered Italy," he preached on the text : " Ecce adducam aquas." It is not without reason that we insist on the insufficiency of the grounds on which a special divine revelation is claimed for Savonarola in connection with the expedition of Charles VIII. If he was not the recipient of such a revelation, if he was— in plain words — deluded in this instance, as we believe him to have been in others, then his action in relation to this event was such as to involve him in a very grave responsibility, from which nothing but the plea of good faith can relieve him. The two men who more than all others helped to draw upon 1 " Aveva predicato in Santa Liperata, et avendo a l'entrata del re di' Francia in Italia a punto chiuso l'Arca con tanto terrore, spaventi, e grida e pianti, aveva fatto alcune prediche, eke ciascuno quasi semwivo, sanza parlare, per la citta sbigottiti s'agiravano" (Cerretani, quoted by Villari, i. 203 n.). ' J Landucci, Diario, 5th August. He cautiously adds: " Benche io non abbi queste cose se non per pubrica voce e fama." But the value of his testimony is precisely this, that he lets us know what the " pubrica voce e fama" was, 3 Landucci, 21st September. « Pastor, v. 434-4S, THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 121 Italy the flood of the French invasion were Lodovico Sforza, the Regent (afterwards Duke) of Milan, and Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, who afterwards sueceeded Alexander VI. on the Pontifical throne as Julius II. The primary pretext for the expedition was, of course, the claim to the kingdom of Naples which Charles had inherited, as he alleged, from Rene of Anjou. 1 But it may be safely said that the wish to enforce this futile claim would never have caused the king to cross the Alps were it not that he was stimulated to the enterprise by external influences. 2 The motive which led Lodovico to desire the invasion was his fear lest he should be dispossessed of his own usurped dominion over Milan by the King of Naples. The rightful holder of the Dukedom was Lodovico's nephew, Gianiraleazzo Sforza, whose wife Isabella was niece to Ferrante of Naples. Lodovico kept Giangaleazzo, a youth of weak health and character, in close confinement. Isabella naturally sought the redress of her own and her husband's grievances at the hands of her family. 3 On the other hand, the Cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincoli (as he is commonly styled in contemporary documents) helped to give to the expedition something of the semblance of a war waged in the cause of religion and of the Church. He was the chief among a number of the cardinals who more or less avowedly entertained hopes of securing the deposition of Alexander on the ground of his simoniacal election, and who at least professed a desire to bring about the reformation of the Church by means of a general Council. To the Cardinal della Rovere it was perhaps principally due that the invader displayed on his standards the legends : " Voluntas Dei " and : " Missus a Deo." And a letter/rom Stefano Taverna to Sforza shows that the usurper of Milan well understood the value of the Cardinal's help as giving respectability and even a certain dignity to the expedition. 4 But while these two men were the prime movers of the scheme, it can hardly be doubted that Fra Girolamo likewise contributed, though in a subordinate degree, if not to the first bringing on, at least to the furtherance of the invasion. To be hailed as the Cyrus who was to do the Lord's work in Italy was unquestionably calculated to remove the vacil- lating indecision which so long held back the king from entering 1 Commines, Memoirs, book vii. ch. i. ; Etig. Trans, ii. 96. 2 Commines, ibid., p. 9S. B J bid., pp. 102, 107. * Pastor, v. 423 sqq. , 544. T22 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA seriously upon his undertaking. And if it be contended on the one hand, and conceded on the other, that Charles probably never even heard of Fra Girolamo and his predictions until he had already set foot in Italy, he at least had not been long there before he received, at the hands of the Florentine prophet, the most explicit assurances that God would be with him in his enterprise. 1 As regards the actual designs and motives of Charles VIII., whose programme included the recovery of Jerusalem and the conquest of the Turks, there is perhaps room for some difference of opinion. Pastor writes : " It is difficult to believe that he could have enter- tained any serious hopes of conquering Jerusalem in the course of his intended expedition against the Turks." 2 Ranke, on the other hand, represents him as thoroughly in earnest about the scheme for the deposition of the Pope. 3 But it is obviously impossible to gauge the real mind of a man so thoroughly under the influence of imagina- tion, and so little capable of any sustained effort. The larger schemes no doubt served to feed his ambition, and to persuade him that in its gratification he was doing a great work. How it came about that Fra Girolamo had several interviews with the French King must now be explained. Piero de' Medici had, on the very eve of the invasion, gone out of his way to make an ostentatious display of his disposition to espouse the cause of Alfonso of Naples. While the French envoys were actually in Florence, endeavouring to obtain the consent of the Signory to the passage of the invading army (" chiedendo el passo"), Piero paid a visit of ceremony to the Duke of Calabria, the son and heir of Alfonso — a foolish course to adopt unless he was sure of the support of the Signory and of the people in the resistance which he proposed to offer to Charles VIII. 4 But this support altogether failed him. There was a strong party in Florence (perhaps not altogether uninfluenced by Savonarola's 1 The letters which he wrote after the conquest of Naples, and to which, as has been seen, the Sienese and Ferrarese diarists refer, show how thoroughly he was imbued with the ideas impressed upon him by Fra Girolamo. 2 Pastor, v. 453. 3 Ranke, Historisch-biographische Studien, p. 233. 4 " E a dl 5 d' agosto 1494, ando Piero de' Medici incontro al Duca di Calavria in quello d' Arezzo, a vicitarlo, come si va a vicitare un gran maestro, un signore. Essendo in Firenze gl' inbasciadori del Re di Francia, e chkdendo el passo . . . e inteudendo questa andata di Piero, presono sospetto," etc. (Landucci, Diario, P- 69). THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 123 preaching) which was in favour of maintaining friendly relations with France ; and Piero's appeal for efficient help towards putting the city and its possessions in a state of defence proved entirely futile. 1 Besides which he found, to his alarm, that on other grounds also his personal influence was greatly on the wane. Under these circum- stances he rather suddenly changed his plans. He set out from Florence at the head of an embassy of distinguished citizens to greet the French king ; but the embassy had hardly left the city when, with a few personal friends, he left the company of his fellow am- bassadors, and, in the mood to make any concession that might be demanded of him, and thinking thus to secure for himself person- ally the support of Charles, he sought the royal camp. 2 That these were his real intentions, and not merely imaginary motives attributed to him by his enemies, is made clear by an extraordinary letter which he wrote at this time to his secretary, Piero Bibbiena, bidding him to assure the envoy of the King of Naples of his unalterable attach- ment to the Angevin dynasty, to excuse his present action on the ground of extreme necessity, and to explain that he hoped to be able to help Alfonso more effectually by his influence with Charles VIII. than he could do by attempting to exert authority over his fellow- citizens to force them to an open alliance with Naples. " I go," he writes, "as a victim to the sacrifice (trahor ad immolandum)." 3 Under these circumstances it is no wonder that when Charles VIII. demanded, as pledges of the fidelity of Florence, the temporary cession of Pisa, Leghorn, Sarzana, and Pietrasanta, and a subsidy of 200,000 florins, Piero at once complied with the modest request; himself handing over the fortresses of Sarzana and Pietrasanta, and 1 Nardi, i. 26. This historian, though decidedly hostile to Piero, gives him credit for having made strenuous efforts to provide for a war. 2 Nardi, i. 26, 27. " Piero," says Guicciardini, " seguitando . . . benche in diversi termini e poco a proposito, l'esemplo del padre Lorenzo quando and6 a Napoli, una sera furwsamente, accompagnato da Jacopo Giunfigliazzi, Giannozzo Pucci, e altri amici suoi, se ne ando a Serezana a trovare il re " (Storia Fiorentina, pp. 107-8). 3 Piero de' Medici to Bibbiena, 27th October 1494. The letter was first published by Fabroni, and has been reprinted by Gelli in his edition of Nardi (i. 27). Piero's words are as abject as they could well be. "Abbandonato da tutti cittadlni fiorentini amici et inimici miei, non mi bastando piu ne la reputazione, ne Ii denari, ne il cedito a sostenere la guerra ... ho preso per partito, non pote:-.do seivire per le furze (le quali jam defecerunt) alia M. del Sig. Re Alph., servirla almeno colla disperalione, la quale mi conduce a Jar mi in potere del Re di Francia senza conditione speranza di bene ale 11 no," etc. 124 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA promising the rest. 1 The king himself appears to have been surprised at the alacrity of Piero's submission, and he despatched Lorenzo Tornabuoni to Florence to enquire whether the concessions had been made with authority. 2 The indignation excited by the news thus received was naturally very great, if not among the common people, who were not yet fully awakened to a sense of their political importance, at least among the more considerable citizens, and in particular among the officials of the republic. When, however, Villari describes the populace as thronging the streets and squares, carrying in their hands the old and rusty weapons of a bygone day, determined that something must be done, yet quite undetermined what that something ought to be, needing — yet only needing — a leader and a cry to give a definite action to their energies, he draws a fancy picture which, so far as we have been able to discover, finds no support in contemporary docu- ments. 3 Had the case really been as he represents it, we can hardly doubt that Fra Girolamo, who precisely at this juncture commenced a new series of sermons (the discourses on Aggaeus) would have made " Peace ! " his chief watchword. He himself tells us, in the Compendium Revelationum, how on those first days of November he " spared neither voice nor lungs " in his passionate appeals to the people, so that his exertions had quite exhausted him. 4 But the burden of his preaching on those days, as the reader of the sermons 1 Nardi {Joe. cit.) says that Piero offered the fortresses "quasi che spontanea- mente" ; Pitti (p. 31) and Gaddi {II Priorista ; in A.S. I, iv. part ii. p. 42) both say that they were demanded by the king. But both agree that Piero began by assuring his majesty that he was ready to do anything that might be demanded of him. 2 " El Re volendo intendere el vero se gli aveva questa comissione, e' venne qui Lorenzo di Giovanni Tornabuoni, ch' era andato col detto Piero . . . e ando alia Signoria, che gli fusse dato questa comissione ; e nollo vollono fare. E Lorenzo un poco sbigottito non torno in la" (Landucci, p. 71). 3 Villari, i. 224-25. He gives Nardi as his authority. But Nardi only says : " Queste cose intese in Fiorenza dalla Signoria e dal populo, diedero universalmente gran perturbatione alia citta " ; and there is reason to think that even this state- ment is rather exaggerated. Gaddi (p. 43) speaks of "ammiratione e dispiacere grande," and Pitti (p. 31) of " ammirazione e disturbo"; but both describe this stormy feeling as showing itself mainly in the official debates of the Collegio. Landucci, a man of the people, with no pretensions to political importance, says very simply : "Onde Piero fu un poco biasimato" (!) And he forthwith hastens to make charitable excuses for him : " E fece come giovanetto, e forse a buon fine, poiche si resto amico del Re, a lalde di Dio" (p. 71). 4 Compendium Revelationum, p. 236. THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 125 on Aggaeus may see for himself, and as Savonarola explicitly tells us, was not " Peace," but " Penance." l And undoubtedly, in making use of the general alarm to arouse the people to a sense of sin, and to move them to shame and repentance, he went to the very root of the real evil which, apart from all political complications, afflicted the city. And although " peace and union and charity " were not, as Villari seems to imply, the leading themes of his opening discourses, his call to penance, and his insistence on the thought that the course of events lay in the hand of God, did much to predispose the people to a peaceful solution of the practical political problem which now presented itself. That Fra Girolamo himself recognised the existence and the gravity of the constitutional crisis is at least suggested by a phrase that occurs in the first of these sermons. " Do you not remember," he asks, " how often I have told you that God will renovate His Church . . . and that the sword is near at hand, and that these governments (questi governi) are displeasing to God?" 2 Of course the words " questi governi " refer principally to the misrule of Alexander VI. and his predecessors, but the form of the expression is such that it can hardly be understood otherwise than as including in its scope the secular government of the Italian princes, of those "tyrants" who were his particular aversion, and among them of Piero de' Medici. How marked was the effect of his words clearly appears from what happened within the next few days. On 4th November a special assembly of the more prominent citizens was summoned by the Signory to discuss the crisis. 3 The debate has been reported in considerable detail by Cerretani, whose account of it has been re- 1 "Tunc" (i.e. on the first three days of November) " solvenda tantum pane et aqua jejunia, et frequentes ad Deum orationes universo populo indixi, saepe altius exclamans verba ab eodem [revelationis] fonte hausta . . . scilicet: O Italia . . . O Florentia . . . propter peccata tua venient tibi adversa. O clerica, propter te orta est haec tempestas" (Compendium Revelationem, loc. cit.). 3 S. 1 on Aggaeus. With reference to the choice of the Book of Aggaeus (Ilaggai) for exposition at this time, Villari (i. 227) writes: " Aggeo fu il profeta che parl6 agli Ebrei, usciti appena dalla servitii di Babilonia, indtandolj a ricostruire il tempio ; e facile quindi comprendere, perche il Savonarola lo prendesse allora ad esporre." 3 " Perche la Signoria, facendo incontanente (but really after an interval of a week) chiamare a se i piu savi e prudenti cittadini (chiamavansi questi cosl fatti conscgli Pratiche), accio che sopra il ben essere della repubblica in quei travagli consigliassero " (Acciaioli, Vita di P. Capponi ; A. S. I. iv. part ii. p. 29). i 2 6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA produced, presumably with fidelity, by Villari. 1 On such occasions the ordinary procedure was that, although all might vote for or against any proposal that might be made by the Signory, no one might speak unless invited to do so, and this under restrictions which must have been somewhat galling to men of an independent spirit. But on this eventful day feeling ran so high that more than one member of the council rose unbidden to speak, and the aged Tanai de' Nerli felt himself constrained to apologise for the presump- tion of his own son in venturing so to do. The occasion, however, was not one for forms and ceremonies, and the discussion was brought to a head when Piero Capponi roundly declared that Piero de' Medici was no longer capable of ruling the Republic, and that it was time to have done with this " childish government " (" ormai e tempo uscire di questo governo di fanciulli "). 2 As a practical measure he proposed that a fresh embassy should be sent to Charles VIII. to deal with him independently of Piero ; and that while the king should be assured of a friendly welcome to Florence, and a hand- some subsidy should be offered him, efficacious measures should be taken to provide against any abuse of the hospitality which they were about to show him. 3 The troops in the pay of the Republic should be concentrated in the city, and the citizens should hold themselves in readiness to come forth under arms in the event of any intolerable 1 Villari, i. 227 sqq. 2 This is confirmed by Acciaioli ("Disse quelle vulgate parole: Essere ormai tempo di uscire di governo di fanciulli e di ricuperare la liberta," p. 30), though Gaddi (// Priorista, p. 43) attributes the words to Jacopo de' Nerli. Acciaioli (loc. cit.) adds that, as they left the palace, Giovanni Vettori said to Capponi that his words would put Piero de' Medici in danger of his life should he return to Florence. "In that case," said Capponi, "it is to be hoped that he will not return." 3 It is noteworthy that not a word seems to have been said about revoking the concession made by Piero. Capponi distinctly approved the offer of a large subsidy : " Non si sia da noi mancato in nulla di cio che e onesto con questo Christianissimo principe nit tralasciato di contenlare con danari I'avara natura de' Francesi" (Villari, loc. cit.). And in the agreement ultimately made with the king, on 25th November, it is expressly stipulated that the fortresses (including Pisa, which in the meanwhile had revolted from Florence) should remain in his custody during the war. " Tertio convenerunt : quod civitas Pisarum, et arx, una cum oppido et arce Liburni, remaneant in manibus dictae Regiae Majestatis, illasque retinere possit durante sua impresia regni Neapolitani. . . . Quinto etiam convenerunt : quod civitas Serzanae, et arces dictae civitatis, et Serzanilla, et oppidum Petrae Sanctae, remaneant etiam in manibus dictae Regiae Majestatis durante dicta sua impresia." (The text of the treaty is given in A. S. 1. , i. 362 sqq.) The subsidy, however, was reduced from 200,000 ducats to 120,000. THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 127 action on the part of the French. Rut above all, he said in con- clusion, let Fra Girolamo Savonarola, who has won for himself the love of the people, be sent with the other ambassadors. These provisions were adopted by a vote of the Signory taken on the follow- ing day. At the urgent solicitation of his friends, both religious and secular, Fra Girolamo undertook this mission. 1 But he made the journey on foot, apart from the other envoys, attended by two companions of his own Order. 2 Before setting out, he addressed to the people a moving discourse on behalf of internal peace. " The Lord has heard your prayers," he said, "and has caused a great revolution to end peaceably " ; words which show that he, at least, clearly understood the significance of the recent act of the Signory in disowning the acts of Piero de' Medici. " Persevere, then, O people of Florence, in good works, persevere in peace. If you wish the Lord to persevere in His mercy to yourselves, be merciful to your brethren, to your friends, to your enemies. . . . The Lord saith unto you . . . ' I will have mercy.' Woe to those who disobey His commands." 3 He has himself left on record the speech which, on this occasion, he addressed to the King. It is in more than one respect character- istic of the man, and while we may and do admire his fearlessness, and the excellence of his practical advice, it may be permissible to regret the assurance which he gave to the king that his expedition was in accordance with the divine will. "Almighty God, in whose hand is all power and royalty, communicates His goodness to His creatures in two ways, viz. by mercy and by justice. . . . And whereas the immense goodness of God has now for so many years patiently borne with the sins of Italy, and has so long waited for her repentance, whereto He has sweetly called her by the voice of many of His servants ; and whereas she, on the other hand, has turned a deaf ear to the admonition of her pastor, and has rather abused the patience of God in her pride, and has daily multiplied her crimes, despising the holy sacrament of baptism and the blood of Christ, and putting on the brazen face of a harlot ; therefore the Supreme and Omnipotent God has determined to proceed by way of justice, and to execute judgment on her. But because God is wont to temper justice with mercy, it has 1 " In quo patres Ordinis nostri et alios civcs mature consulens, ab omnibus unanimiter ad hanc profectioncm adhoitatus fui " [Compendium Rcvclatiomon, P- 237). 2 Villari, i. 231, who refers to 1'arenti. 8 S. 3 on Aggaeus; Villari, loc. cit. 128 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA pleased Him to reveal to one unprofitable servant of His the secret (sacramentum) of His intention to reform His Church by means of a grievous scourge. This secret His servant — having learnt the same by divine inspiration and visions — began, more than three years since, to proclaim to the people of Florence, as those who are here present, together with the whole population of the city, can testify. But God, who cannot deceive, has brought to pass everything, down to the smallest detail (ad unguem), which has been foretold by His command, so that men have no hesitation in believing that the rest of what has been predicted will certainly be fulfilled. " And although that same unprofitable servant never mentioned your Royal Highness by name (numquam Tuae Coroae nomen protulerit) since God did not so will, nevertheless, it was you to whom he alluded (praedicando circumscribebat ac latenter indicabat), and it was your arrival that was to be looked for. Accordingly, at last you have come, O King ; you have come as God's minister, the minister of His justice, and may your advent have in every respect a happy issue. With joyful heart and cheerful countenance we welcome you. Your arrival has filled with joy every servant of Christ, and every one who pursues justice, and is zealous for the cause of holy living ; for they hope that through your ministry God will put down the proud and exalt the humble, will extirpate vice and magnify virtue . . . and will reform whatsoever is in need of reformation. Go forward then in gladness, in security, in triumph, since you are sent by Him who on the tree of the Cross vic- toriously won salvation for us. " Nevertheless, most Christian King, receive these words of mine with attention, and lay them to heart. The unprofitable servant, to whom this secret has been revealed, exhorts and admonishes you in the name of God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of the whole court of heaven, that whereas you have been sent by Christ, you should, after His example, everywhere exercise mercy. But most of all in His city of Florence, which, though it labours under the burden of many sins, yet counts among its members many servants of God of both sexes, both secular and religious. For their sake you ought to preserve the city, to the end that with a more tranquil mind they may intercede with God for the good success of your expedition. And the same unprofitable servant exhorts and admonishes you in God's name to use every effort for the protection and defence of the innocent, of widows, and of orphans, and most especially to defend the honour of those spouses of Christ who dwell in convents, lest you should be the occasion of fresh sins. For if wickedness should by your means be increased, know that the power given to you from on high will be shattered (infirmum redderetur). He further exhorts you, in God's name, to show yourself ready to forgive offences, whether on the part of the people of Florence or of any one else ; for if any offence has been given, it has been because men did not know that you had been sent by God. Remember, therefore, your Saviour, who, as He hung upon THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 129 the Cross, mercifully forgave His executioners. And if, O King, you observe these things, God will augment your temporal kingdom, and will everywhere make your arms victorious, and will at last confer upon you the everlasting kingdom of heaven." 1 Such were his words as reported for us by himself, and they partly justify the plea, which he afterwards urged in self-defence, that his predictions with regard to Charles VIII. had been subject to conditions. But it is tolerably obvious that in the meanwhile the practical effect of his words would necessarily be to encourage the King in his undertaking, while the chances were that his warning would soon be forgotten. It is no doubt true that God can and does employ unworthy instruments for the unconscious working out of His own higher designs. " There's a divinity that shapes our ends, Rough-hew them how we will." But the very conviction that this is so, and that the ultimate issues of the best-laid schemes of politicians are so entirely hidden from our fore-view into the future, should teach — at least to those whose profession ordinarily holds them aloof from participation in such affairs — the lesson of extreme caution, and of extreme un- willingness to take upon themselves the task of interpreting and forwarding by such means the designs of God. Of course, if Fra Girolamo had received a genuine revelation to that effect that Charles VIII. of France was the divinely-appointed regenerator of Italy and of the Church, there is no more to be said. In this case, he only did the bidding of his Master, and no human critic has a voice in the matter. But the presumption, to say the least, appears to us to be entirely in favour of an explanation by natural causes such as we have suggested. For, in fact, the king did nothing, absolutely nothing, to justify the expectations which had been aroused by the preacher. The verification of these pre- dictions of which " no iota " was to fail, was confined to the fact, and the momentary success, of an invasion which it required no seer to predict. And it is just possible that the prediction was one of those which tend to verify themselves by hastening the progress, if not the inception, of the events to which they refer. 2 1 Compendium Kevela/ionum, pp. 240-42 (abridged). 2 At Bologna, in 1496, one Raffaele da Firenzuola, "cum saepius fabularetur de regimine civitatis, et diceret Regem Franciae in Italiam ad castigandum tyrannos iterum adventurum," was arrested, examined under torture, and sentenced to perpetual banishment from Bologna (Annates Bononienses ; Muratori, xxiii. 914). The rule of Giovanni Bentivoglio at Bologna was unquestionably I I3 o GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA From a purely diplomatic point of view the embassy was, as even Nardi admits, of little importance. 1 But its arrival at Pisa, together with the news which he received from his friends in the city, made it clear to Piero that he had lost the confidence of the home govern- ment. 2 In the hopes, however, that his presence on the spot might turn the tide in his favour, he hastily returned to Florence on 8th November, and entered the city towards evening without encounter- ing any opposition. 3 But when, on the following day, he attempted to enter the Palazzo of the Signory with an armed force, the door was closed in his face ; and when he and his immediate followers made a futile attempt to raise the city in his favour, their shouts of " Palle ! Palle ! " (the rallying cry of the Medici) were drowned by answering shouts of, " Popolo e Liberta ! " and the tumult quickly assumed proportions so alarming that Piero sought safety in a precipitate flight from the city. 4 He was accompanied by his brother, the Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici, who was disguised in the habit of a Franciscan friar. 5 It is the opinion of contemporary writers, by no means friendly to the Medici, that, with a little firm- ness and tact, Piero might still have held his own ; but this was neither the first nor the last occasion in the course of his ignoble career on which he suddenly passed from the extreme of ill-timed self-assertion to the opposite extreme of poltroonery. 6 He had tyrannical. But the civil government is after all entitled to protect itself against the subversive attempts of self-constituted prophets. 1 " Si che ancora che il Frate parlasse molto efficacemente . . . questa ambasceria fu di poco momento " (Nardi, i. 28). 2 Nardi, i. 31. s "E a di 8 di Novembre 1494, torno qui in Firenze Piero de' Medici . . . e quando giunse in casa, gitto fuori confetti e dette vino assai al popolo, per recarsi benivolo, etc." (Landucci, Diario, p. 74). 4 The stirring events of that Sunday evening are graphically described by Landucci. It was ' ' while the bells were ringing for Vespers " that Piero attempted to enter the Palazzo. The people were summoned into the Piazza by the great bell of the Palace, tolling for a " Parlamento." " In un momento si cominci6 a gridare in Palazio Popolo e liberta, e sonare a Parlamento, e gridare dalle finestre Popolo e liberta." 8 " El povero Cardinale, giovanetto, si rimase in casa, e io lo vidi alle sue finestre colle mani giunte ginocchioni, raccommandandosi a Dio. Quando lo vidi m' inteneri'assai. ... E veduto partire Piero, si disse che travesti come frate, e ancora lui se n'ando con Dio" (Landucci, loc. cit.). 8 A crowd of unarmed citizens, says Nardi, called after him to take himself off (" che si dovesse andar con Dio "). " Onde ancor che egli di sua natura fusse animoso e gagliardo prese (non so come) tanto sbigottimento (secondo che piacque a Dio) che dalle grida di pochi disarmali che piu con le parole col volto e coi gesti Q THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 131 hardly left the city when a decree of outlawry against himself and the Cardinal was passed hy the Signory, and after the fashion of the time a price was set on both their heads. 1 It was only at the urgent demand of Charles VIII. himself that this sentence was commuted, a few days later, to one of simple banishment. 2 In this coup d'etat Fra Girolamo, who was not yet returned from his embassy, could, of course, take no part ; nor is it in the least likely that he would have done so had he been present within the city walls. But after the event there could be no manner of doubt as to his sentiments regarding it. More than once he subsequently referred to the flight of Piero as a deliverance which the Florentines had owed to the special Providence of God. " It was God who relieved you of the presence of this ' strong man armed,' " he said, alluding to the Gospel parable (Luke xi. 21 sqq.); "let no one say, 1 It was I who did it ' ; let no man boast of it and say, ' I was the cause of it.' For there was none who had the strength to overthrow so great a power. But God was stronger than he ; He has deprived him of his spoils, and of his own property, and has relieved you from his dominion over you." 3 That the flight of Piero was indeed a deliverance, and that he ought, on no account, to be readmitted to the city, was clearly the prevalent feeling in Florence. Two days later, the mere rumour of an intended attempt on the part of de' Medici to effect his return called forth so large a crowd, and so violent an expression of popular feeling, that Landucci regards the false report as a providential circumstance which gave the emissaries of the king, who were already in the city, an opportunity of seeing for themselves what the Florentine people were capable of doing in an emergency. 4 But con le becche de' cappucci, che altrimenti, lo spaventarono, ristretto in mezzo dei suoi staffieri si parti de piazza," etc. (Nardi, i. 33). The writer goes on to tell how the governor of the city prison was seized, and all his prisoners set free ; and these, he says, were the first-fruits of the liberty which the city now regained after sixty years of slavery. 1 Landucci, p. 75. a Articles 16-20 of the treaty {A. S. I. i. 371 sqq.). 3 Sermon on the third Sunday in Lent 1496. 4 " Mai si vide simile unione, cosi presto, piccoli e grandi, con tante g> ida Popolo e liberta . . . per tal modo che fu permesso dal Signore che si facessi una tal pruova di questo popolo, in questo tenpo pericoloso de' Franciosi, che tuttavolta entravano in Firenze con cattivo animo di metter Firenze a sacco. E veduto un popolo a ordine di questa natura, mancorono di animo assai " (Landucci, nth November). 132 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA while public sentiment was at this juncture so strongly opposed to Piero, there seems to have been comparatively little disposition to execute vengeance on his former friends and supporters. The palace of the Cardinal de' Medici was looted, with several other houses, and a very few of the more prominent Mediceans were arrested, but they do not appear to have suffered any serious penalty; and it is most remarkable that, on this occasion, hardly a drop of blood was shed. 1 It is probable, indeed, that the near approach of the French king, and the general sense of alarm, helped to mitigate the violence of factious hatred. 2 But contemporary writers are agreed that it was to the influence of Fra Girolamo, far more than to any other cause, that Florence owed, at this crisis of her affairs, the preservation of internal peace. And to his influence may probably be ascribed the generous measure of amnesty, on behalf of political exiles, which was passed at this time. 3 Nor was this the only boon for which, about this time, the city was indebted to the great preacher. Although the warnings which he had addressed to Charles VIII. were forgotten only too soon after his departure from Florence, it is fair to attribute the com- paratively good behaviour of his troops, while they were actually within the walls of Florence, in great measure at least to the im- pression made upon him by these warnings. And when the pro- tracted sojourn of the vacillating monarch threatened to be the occasion of a tumult, it was Fra Girolamo who went to him once and again, and solemnly admonished him in God's name to go forward upon his expedition, and to relieve the Signory of the doubtful and dangerous honour — or rather of the well-nigh intolerable 1 The sacking of the houses and several arrests are mentioned by Landucci (9th, ioth, and 12th November) ; but the only casualty recorded by him is the death of a servant of the governor of the city gaol, "che grido Palle," and a bad wound which one of the Tornabuoni received in the course of the riot. Nardi explicitly says (i. 35) : " Furon dette case saccheggiate interamente senza offesa d'alcuna persona." The looting was soon put a stop to, by order of the Signory (Landucci and Nardi, loc. cit.). 2 " The sense of tremendous danger . . . fortunately subdued all dissensions among the different sections of officials," etc. (Oliphant, The Makers of Florence, p. 282). 3 " E a di 14 (Novembre) venerdi entro Lorenzo di Piero Francesco de' Medici . . . e alcuni altri usciti e confmati, perche avevano ribanditi tutti gli usciti dal trentaquattro (1434) in qua" (Landucci, p. 76; similarly Nardi, i. 35). This Lorenzo and his brother, cousins of Piero, were at enmity with him. They now assumed, says Nardi (i. 36), the name of Popolani, but in fact became sup- porters of the aristocratic party. THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 133 burden— of his presence. 1 And so, having entered the city on 17th November, he left it on the 28th of the same month, to the intense relief of all parties and classes. And here we may depart somewhat from the chronological sequence of events. Leaving aside for the moment the considera- tion of the internal affairs of Florence, we may briefly indicate the nature of the subsequent relations of Fra Girolamo with the French king, and his attitude to the whole question of a French invasion. Charles VIII. had not been many months in Italy before Lodovico Sforza, who, on the death of Giangaleazzo had succeeded to the Dukedom of Milan, and was no longer in any danger from the side of Naples, saw reason to change his mind, or at least his policy. Venice saw its own independence threatened ; the young king of Naples saw his opportunity in the condition of the French troops, already demoralised by their sojourn in Italy ; the jealous fears of Spain and of the Empire lest the balance of power in Europe should be disturbed by the French successes in Italy were aroused ; and the result was the conclusion of the " Holy League " of 31st March, 1495, for tne ostensible purpose of the protection of Christendom against the Turk, and the maintenance of the rights of the Holy See and of the Empire, but having for its more immediate object the expulsion of " the barbarians " from Italy. 2 We have no wish unduly to extol the motives which actuated the members, and in particu- lar the Italian members, of this "Holy" League. Exalted aims and noble actions were hardly to be looked for from men like Alexander VI. or Lodovico Sforza, or from the youthful Ferrante of Naples. Nevertheless, the immediate purpose of the alliance was objectively good and patriotic. 3 For, as Gregorovius has pointed out, an unique opportunity was offered to an united Italy at this 1 Villari, i. 255. 2 Pastor, iii. 336. " Der Turkenkrieg war der Vorwand dazu, der wirkliche in geheimen Artikeln ausgesprochene Zweck die Bekampfung des franzosischen Eroberers " (Gregorovius, vii. 369). This League was the first of a long series of similar alliances, having for their object the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe, and it is with some justice that Gregorovius writes that from it the history of modem Europe takes its commencement. 3 Speaking of the first months of the invasion, Gregorovius says : " So lament- able was the weakness of Italy in 1494, that a despot like Alfonso II. (of Naples) would have deserved the praise of having been its only patriotic prince, if only his motive for resistance had been a genuine patriotism" (vii. 338). In the meanwhile, Alfonso had abdicated in favour of his son, Ferrante II. 134 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA crisis of her history. 1 But Italy was not united. Florence and Ferrara stood aloof from the League ; and when a second invasion seemed to be in contemplation, the Pope complained that the obstinacy of the Signory threatened to bring ruin on the whole peninsula. 2 That Florence and Ercole d'Este did thus stand aloof was due in no small measure to Fra Girolamo. The ambassadors of hostile Milan and of friendly Ferrara alike represent him as the principal opponent of the League ; and the Bishop of Orvieto, the Papal envoy, bitterly reproaches the Signory with allowing its policy to be controlled by the Friar to its own great disgrace. 3 Tran- chedino, in a letter to Sforza (9th November 1496), rather cynically suggests that the best remedy for this state of things will lie in the efforts of a rival preacher (da Ponzo) to convert the populace to the political views of the Duke of Milan. 4 Dr Luotto indeed is at pains to show that Savonarola did not openly preach against the League. 5 This, in a sense, is true, and the Friar's worst enemies acknowledge that he abstained from any explicit declaration on the subject. 6 But his words, though guarded, were plain enough to leave no doubt as to their meaning. The League was concluded on 31st March 1495, and was solemnly published on 12th April. Now, it was on 1st April of that year that Fra Girolamo communicated to his hearers that "Vision of the Lilies" which has been already recorded in these pages. It is true that when Fra Girolamo asked Our Lady (so he told his hearers) whether it were not fitting that the lesser lilies should combine with the greater, he received no direct reply to this question, but only some words of menace against those neighbours of Florence who spoke ill of her. 7 1 Geschichte, vii. 372-73. 2 Manfredi to d'Este, 20th July 1496 (Cappelli, n. 84). It would, however, hardly be fair to blame Ercole d'Este for adhering to that policy of peaceful neutrality which was traditional in his family, and to which the Diarist of Fer-rara frequently alludes. E.g. (Muratori, xxiv. 358), "II Duca di Ferrara in questo tempo se ne stava in Ferrara in santa pace, et ogni dl cavalcava ora ad una ora ad un' altra Gies» ad udire Messa in canto, et lassava guerrezare a chi voleva. " 3 Tranchedino and Somenzi to Sforza (del Lungo, nn. 16, 19, 30) ; Manfredi to d'Este (Cappelli, nn. 81, 82). 4 Un pari de frate Mariano, che intendo e ritornato la et ha comenzato a predicare anche lui con grande concorso, sara meglior mezo, etc. (Tranch. to Sforza, 9th November 1496; del Lungo, n. 18). s Luotto, cap. xx. 6 Somenzi to Sforza, 28th October 1496 (del Lungo, n. 16). 7 S. 29 on Job, Luotto, p. 345. See above, p. 62. THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 135 But a Florentine must have been blind indeed who did not see in the question itself an obvious allusion to the alliance of the lilies of Florence with the lilies of France ; and such indeed was the interpretation unhesitatingly put upon it at the time. 1 True, Fra Girolamo subsequently declared that the people had misunder- stood his vision of the lilies great and small. 2 But if Savonarola used language of the kind which we once heard described as " so ambigu- ous that only one construction could be put upon it," his apologists must not be surprised if it was then, and is now, construed accord- ingly. Again, Fra Girolamo might say, again and again : " Florence, I have not bidden you to enter into any league except with Christ," 3 but when he added that he had explained to them for their better information, "who was the minister of Christ," all the world knew, as well as if he had said it plainly, that he meant no other than the King of France. 4 And indeed he was, as we have seen, ready enough to assure the king himself that, when he had spoken of a divinely-sent deliverer, it was Charles VIII., and none other, who had been thus designated. Now, without entering into the question as to the authority of the Pope in matters purely political, one may at least hold that Alexander VI. had a right to demand that the pulpit should not be employed, and that the eloquence of a distinguished preacher should not be engaged, in fomenting opposition to his designs for the liberation and defence of Italy. He might, of course, be mistaken in his policy, but so might Fra Girolamo ; and the Friar's persistent attempt to enforce his views by an appeal to his own special mission from the Almighty was, on any hypothesis, fraught with grave possibilities of danger. 5 The inglorious return of Charles VIII. from Naples and Rome without having moved a finger for the carrying out of the reforms which Savonarola had imagined that he would effect, might perhaps 1 A.g. by the chronicler Parenti : "Affermo come veduto avea i gigli insieme unirsi e del Re di Francia ed il nostro " (Gherardi, p. 122). 2 " O frate, tu hai pur detto : Gigli e gigli. Tu non lo intendi quello " (S. 19 on Ruth, Luotto, p. 348). 3 Luotto, pp. 346, 347. 4 " Bene e vero che ti ho detto qualche particolare, e chi I minislro di Cristo, per illuminarti " (S. 13 on the Psalms, Luotto, p. 347). 6 " Still more open to doubt is the expediency of raising again the ghost of foreign invasion for purely Florentine ends, or even in the cause of religious reform, and the resistance to the expressed wishes of almost all Italy " (Armstrong, E.H.R., iv. 445). 136 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA have warned him of the danger of over-confidence in the genuineness of his inspiration. The faith of some among his friends and admirers soon began to waver. Full of anxiety, the Duke of Ferrara wrote to Manfredi, his ambassador at Florence, in 1496, bidding him to enquire of Fra Girolamo what was now to be thought of the state of affairs. Was it still to be believed that an alliance with France, or at least abstention from the league against France, was in accordance with the designs of God, specially made known to the Friar? And what were those to do who, in Florence and elsewhere, had lived in expectation that the King of France would return to do the work of which Fra Girolamo had said so much ? Savonarola replied, through Manfredi, that Italy was undoubtedly to be laid waste (" patire exterminio et gran ruina "), and likewise that the Church was un- doubtedly to be reformed ; that if the King of France did not undertake a second expedition this would be because such was the will of God ; and that those who had lived in hopes of his return would have no reason to regret having entertained such hopes. 1 A few months later Savonarola, consulted by Manfredi on behalf of his master on the subject of his relations with France, replies that he will pray for light. The result of this prayer is a con- fidential document or " polizza " to the following effect : " Our friend [i.e. the French King] is not utterly rejected by God (non e repprobato), but he is deceived by his advisers, and if he chooses he may yet do great things." It would be well to help him — i.e. in plain words, to induce him once more to invade Italy — by sending to him some prudent and trustworthy man who should open his eyes. Such an envoy ought to be a religious and prudent man, " and one who believes these things." "Your faith," he concludes, "has deserved that this secret of the Lord (!), in whom alone you should trust, should be made known to you." Now it is of course impossible to demonstrate, by any kind of a priori argument, that Fra Girolamo did not hold a divine commission to carry on negotiations of this kind with the princeling of Ferrara, and to inform him whether Charles VIII. was or was not " repprobato." But this much we may at least suggest, that before accepting the hypothesis of divine inspiration, it were well at least to try whether the facts are compat- 1 Manfredi to d'Este, 28th April 1496 (Cappelli, n. 100). The Duke's letter, to which this is a reply, has not been preserved. THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 137 ible with the simple hypothesis of delusion. It is difficult to see what else, in substance, Savonarola could have answered if he had become uneasily half conscious of the failure of his predictions, and at the same time had been instinctively anxious to save his reputa- tion as a true prophet. Is not this, after all, the real explanation of the matter? Had he not been disappointed in his hopes? and is not his correspondence with d'Este only one among several instances occurring in his life of the lengths to which self-deception can go? The reader must judge for himself how far this explanation of the matter is or is not confirmed by the subsequent course of events. Meanwhile when Charles VIII., on his return from his rapid but abortive conquest of Naples, once more approached the neighbour- hood of Florence, the greatest alarm again prevailed in the city ; and indeed the circumstances were such as to justify the worst apprehensions. Already, while the king was still in Rome, a special embassy had been sent to urge upon him the fulfilment of certain promises embodied in the treaty of the previous November, and to warn him that the Signory and people of Florence would on no account tolerate the return of Piero, and that they would resist to the death any attempt upon their liberties. 1 Notwithstand- ing their warning, the king allowed Piero to accompany him on his march northwards ; and when this was known, the city was hastily put in a state of defence. 2 The news of these preparations, and some words which the Florentine envoys addressed to him, with more perhaps of republican spirit than of diplomatic prudence, aroused his anger; and the danger of an open rupture, especially if he should attempt to pass through Florence, became imminent. 3 When Charles had reached Siena, with Piero still in his company, a fresh embassy was despatched with commission to enquire by what route his Majesty proposed to pass through the Florentine territory, in order that the Signory might make provision for the provisioning of his army. The king curtly told them that he would go by what 1 Nardi, i. 62. 2 Nardi, ibid. " E in questi di tuttavolta si forniva d'arme la citta, e ponevasi a ogni canto kgni per potere isbarrarc la citta. Stava ogniuno in grandissimo sospetto e di mala voglia, perche si stimava che'l Re ci voleva male" (Landucci, 1 2th June, p. 108). 3 " E da nostri orutori avendo udite alcune parole piii tosto gagliaide che savk-, ne piese qualche sdegno " ^Nardi, he. c.V.). I3 8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA route he chose, and that they had better make provision every- where. 1 It was under these circumstances that certain influential citizens begged Fra Girolamo to use his good offices with the king ; for his words, as they confidently believed, would be more efficacious than those of any official envoy. He undertook the informal embassy, and went to Poggibonsi, on the road to Siena, to meet the king. The account of his embassy cannot perhaps be better given — with the view of setting forth his own ideas about it — than by setting before the reader an extract from the very characteristic sermon which he preached on his return. " Here I am once more among you. You ask me : ' Father, have you brought us some good news?' Yes, good news; I bring nothing but good news. You know that in time of prosperity I brought you bad news, and now, in your tribulation, I bring nothing but good news. Good news for Florence ! Bad news for other places ! . . . ' Oh, but we want to know more, Father. Can you give us particulars?' Well, don't you think that it is a good piece of news that Florence has begun to return to a Christian way of living ? For a good life is the truest happiness ; and happiness is only to be found where men live well and fear God. " 1 have been yonder in the camp, which is like being in hell ... Do not ever allow yourself to desire to be a great lord, for such men never have an hour of true peace and happiness. " Moreover, don't you think it a piece of good news that God has lifted the cloud from over you, and hast sent it over others ? But you say : 'It is we who have caused it to move on.' This is just what I told you that you would say, attributing all to your own prudence. But I tell you now that your prayers have been the wind which has driven away this cloud. It is the hand of God which has done it all ... ' But we want to know more, Father. You have been to the king. Have you nothing to tell us ?' Nay, I was not your ambassador. I had no commission from the Signory or from the Ten, though I was asked to go by some friends. So, not having been sent by you, I have no occasion to report to you the results of my embassy. I have reported it to Him who sent me. But I will tell you this : I went, and I sowed good seed, which in its time will sprout and grow, and you shall gather the harvest and shall eat. ' Oh, 1 Nardi, i. 63-4. Nardi and Landucci differ somewhat in their view not so much of the actual facts as of the motives at work. Landucci writes (14th June, p. 108) : " Ogniuno pregava Iddio che non venissi per Firenze, e fumo esalditi daDio." Nardi says, on the other hand: "Non voile pertanto venire il re a Fiorenza per lo sdegno preso," etc. Pertanto! as if one of the objects of Fra Girolamo's embassy had been to persuade him to come. This was not Savonarola's view when, on his return, he invited the people to thank God that the cloud had passed from them to others (che Iddio abbia levato il nuvolo d'addosso a te e tnandatolo addosso ad altri) ; Villari and Casanova, Scelta, p. 160). THE FRIAR AM) THE FRENCH KING 139 Father, this is a parable ; we want plain words.' Well, tl en, I will explain it. 1 I went on your behalf, and out of the love which I bear to you. Do you think I would risk my life were I not certain of the truth of the things which I tell you ? " I went to his Majesty, and I told him certain things which if he shall do it will be well with him — well for his soul and for his kingdom and for his subjects. I told him that he must stand well with Florence, and act well by Florence, and that if he would not do it for love, he should do it perforce ; that if he should so act it will be well with him, but woe to him if he doe3 not so act ; and I told him in detail (though I will not tell you, for it is not fitting that I should) what will befall him. He heard me with kindness, and promised me to do what I bade him, and he promised it to you, and I tell you again that if he does not fulfil what he has promised per amore, he shall do it perforce. And it is God Himself, who speaks in me, who will make him do it. . . . "This I say in conclusion, that God has opened His hand to this 'barber,' the King of France, and has given him all that he wanted in Italy ; but if he fails to do what I have told him, I tell you, and I would have all the world to know, that God will withdraw His hand. And if he fails to perform for the Florentines what I have bidden him to do, never- theless we shall have everything, if not of his goodwill, then perforce. Meanwhile, our arms must be prayer and fasting." a In view of these words Manfredi can hardly be said to have exaggerated when he wrote to d'Este that the Friar had preached a sermon in which " he assured this people that everything which he had recently promised and predicted on their behalf would un- doubtedly come true (indubitatamente li succederia in effecto), ex- plaining that he had found the king well disposed to the city." 3 But the months went by, and the expectations which the preacher had aroused were not realised, and we read, under date 5th February 1497, that "the Friar has begun to preach against the King of France, saying that he will come to grief (che'l capitara. male), because he has not carried out what God had commanded him, and because he has not fulfilled his promises to this people ; and that God has already punished him in part by having deprived him of sons, and by having made him lose his honour and reputation ; and 1 In the sermon, as it stands, he postpones the explanation, and afterwards returns to the subject. We omit the intervening portion. 2 S. 22 on the Fsalms (Villari and Casanova, Scelta t pp. 160 sqq.). The word "barber" is an allusion to the "hired razor" of Isaiah vii. 20. It was one of Fra Girolanio's favourite predictions (and a remarkably true one) that Cod would send " many barbers" into Italy, of whom Charles VIII. was only the first. 3 Manfredi to d'Eslc, 22nd June 1495 (Cappelli, n. 77). 140 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA that perhaps he will cause him to lose his kingdom and his life." 1 Are not these suspiciously like the accents of a disappointed seer, vexed at the failure of his own predictions, and hiding his vexation — from himself if not from others — under cover of fresh menaces against the author of his disappointment ? And what are these royal promises, the non-fulfilment of which was declared to have brought down the anger of God upon the head of Charles VIII. ? One of the first results of the French invasion had been the revolt of Pisa from the dominion of Florence. Now the conquest of Pisa was one of the reputed glories of Florentine history ; and it was very natural that its threatened loss should be deeply resented, and that the Republic should have negotiated with Charles to induce him to bring it once more into subjection, in con- sideration of a goodly subsidy, which was in fact duly paid in sundry instalments. On the other hand, the citizens of Pisa no doubt esteemed the boon of independence no less than the citizens of Florence, and the revolt of Pisa was an incident of somewhat similar character, as it precisely coincided in time, with the expulsion of the Medici from Florence. 2 Nor is it to be wondered at that rather than allow themselves to be sold — as they conceived it — to the Florentine Signory, the Pisans should have preferred to accept the protection of Venice, or some other powerful neighbour. What the rights and the wrongs of the quarrel between the two cities may have been we do not pretend to say ; but common sense would at least suggest the extreme improbability that a local dispute of this nature 1 Sommario di lettere da Firenze (Cappelli, n. 96). The faithlessness of Charles VIII., and the indignation excited by his repeated failure to perform his promises, are frequently referred to in Landucci's Diary. 2 "The new Republic of Florence had soon to face the fact that revolutions do not come singly. The news was brought, that on the same day on which Florence expelled the Medici, Pisa had revolted from the Florentine yoke" (Creighton, iii. 189). This was one of several coincidences connected in various ways with the life of Savonarola, which marked the closing years of the fifteenth century. Another was the death of Fra Girolamo's friend, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, on the very day on which Charles VIII. entered Florence. A third was the murder of the Duke of Gandia (son of Alexander VI.) within a day or two of the publication of Savonarola's excommunication at Florence, and a fourth was the death of Charles VIII. only a few weeks before that of Fra Girolamo himself. Nor was Pisa the only town which revolted from Florence at this time. The little city of Montepulciano took the opportunity to transfer its allegiance to Siena, and it must be supposed that Montepulciano was likewise included in the things which were to be restored to Florence. Needless to say, Charles VIII. never restored Pisa. THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 141 should have been the subject of divine communications to Fra Girolamo or to any one else. Savonarola himself, however, betrayed no misgivings on the point. That Pisa should be again brought into subjection to Florence was part of the scheme of Providence as conceived by him. According to his prophetic gospel, God was deeply concerned about the liberties of Florence. The liberties of Pisa were, it would seem, a matter of quite secondary importance. And so we find this apostle of civic freedom pleading with Charles VIII. at Poggibonsi for the restoration of the lesser city to the obedience of the greater. And when, on his return after the embassy, he told the Florentine people that they should " have everything " from the French King, either per amore or by force, no one could doubt that " everything " included Pisa, and the contemporary chronicler Parenti can hardly be blamed if — giving the sense rather than the actual words of the preacher — he declares that Fra Girolamo promised his hearers that Pisa should be restored. Surely this was a matter which the Friar-ambassador might have left to be dealt with by secular politicians. And surely the plain truth is this, that as Fra Girolamo was deluded about himself and his own supposed divine mission, so he was also deluded about the im- portance of Florence in relation to the divine designs. The two forms of delusion were of a piece ; and his flattery of his fellow- citizens harmonised well with his own unconscious self-flattery. It may indeed seem strange to speak of him as flattering a people whose vices he lashed with the unsparing scourge of the most terrible in- vective, but the preference so frankly given to Florence over Pisa as a special object of Divine Providence was flattery enough for a people whose pride assuredly needed no encouragement. Our account, however, of the relations between Savonarola and Charles VIII. would be manifestly incomplete were we to leave out of account the letters which he wrote to the king. Of these, five have been preserved, one of which, however, as belonging to the closing months of his life, must be reserved for consideration here- after. Of the other four, one is of considerable length, but is so entirely characteristic of the writer that it seems well to set forth its contents at some length : — 26th May 1495 ; Savonarola to Charles VIII. 1 — The love of God and zeal for His honour constrains me to love your Majesty (tua Corona) 1 Yillari, i. Append, pp. xc\ii. sqq. The king was at this time in Rome. 142 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA and this all the more because I am assured (son certo) that among all other Christian princes God has made choice of you for the carrying out of this mystery of the renovation of the Church, of which a beginning has already been made. 1 I write, then, to admonish you of what is necessary for your salvation. For it is God's will that for the attainment of this end (viz. salvation) men should use the appropriate means ; and so you, in particular, having been chosen by God to do a great work, must adopt suitable means for carrying it into execution. I remind you, then, that it was God Himself who in time past enlightened me concerning your arrival in Italy, and concerning the victory which you have gained ; and on His part I declare to you that if you do not take measures to secure that your barons and ministers should act otherwise than as they have hitherto done, God will withdraw His hand, and will cause the people to rebel against you, and will bring you into great tribulations, and you and your army will incur the gravest danger. For it is not enough, in the sight of God, that you should yourself be of good will, and should abstain from evil doing ; but it is your duty to correct and restrain your subjects from oppressing the people and cities (of Italy) and from extortionate practices. Remember the example of Saul, who, having been chosen by God, was afterwards rejected by Him. I warn you on the part of God Himself not to treat the Florentine people so. And I give you this warn- ing, not principally for their sake— for I am a stranger among them — but for your own good, and for the honour of God. If you had acted in accordance with the words which I addressed to you just before your departure for Florence, all would have been well with you, and the people would now be crying out : " Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord." Know, then, most Christian king, that it is God's will that the Florentines should be well treated by you, especially in view of the treaty to which you have sworn. Remember what God said of Sedecias, who violated his treaty with the heathen king Nabuchodonosor : " Qui dissolvit pactum, numquid effugiet," etc. Remember what I have heretofore declared to you by word of mouth, and in writing, viz. that the people of Florence are most loyal to you, with the exception of a small number who, in spite of the will of the majority, have pursued an opposite policy. 2 Notwithstanding all the efforts that are being made to detach them from you they remain faithful, and this is mainly the result of our preaching? It would be well for you if you would seek the good of the city, and not that of any private citizen, for such men seek their own advantage, 1 This beginning of the renovation of the Church was, of course, the reform effected at Florence itself. 2 I.e. Piero de' Medici and his friends. 3 "Tenelo (i.e. il popolo) disposto, a quei che si dice, alia volta di Franza, dimostrandogli che questo Re christianissimo omnino habbia a refonnare la Chiesa et essere victoriorissimo in questa sua impresa,"etc. (Manfredi tod'Este, i8th May 1495 ; Cappelli, n. 54). THE FRIAR AND THE FRENCH KING 143 and not yours, and they would be the first to desert you if the occasion should offer. 1 Remember how, whereas you have shown do sign of favour or love to the city, and whereas others have striven to bribe her to oppose you, she has stood firm in her loyalty, and will continue so to stand with the help of our preaching and exhortations. It is God's will that we should hold to our alliance with you, and you with us, and that under your protection her liberty and dominioa (liberta et signoria) should prosper and flourish. For the divine goodness had determined to put down those tyrants and private citizens who seek to usurp authority over her, as they have done in the past ; for this new and popular government has been established by God, and not by man, and therefore He wills that it should prospers Once more, then, I warn you that if you do not act as I have said, God will send you such tribulations that you will be forced to do what of your own good-will you have not hitherto chosen to do. And the reason is, because God has chosen this city, and has filled her with His servants, and has determined to magnify her and raise her up, and whoso toucheth her toucheth the apple of His eye? All this I have written in the name, and at the bidding, and under the enlightenment of God. Do not allow yourself to be otherwise advised. For what I have written is as true as the Gospel, and any opposite counsel is to your hurt. That Savonarola was the chosen prophet of God, Charles, His chosen king, and Florence His chosen people, these are the three notes which, like a fundamental chord in music, dominate the whole of his utterances at this time. But they nowhere make themselves so plainly heard as in the Friar's addresses and letters to the king. The other three letters to which we have referred are undated, but belong to a somewhat later period than the one which has been given above. Omitting wearisome repetitions, their purport is briefly as follows : — i. It was God who brought you to Italy, and it is He who has brought you safely back to your own country. Having experienced the truth of 1 Again he alludes to Piero who, it may be remembered, was at this time with the king. 2 " E a dl primo d'aprile 1495, predico frate Girolamo, e disse e testifico come la Vergine Maria gli aveva rivelato come la citta di Firenze aveva ad essere la piu groriosa (sic), la piu ricca, la piu potente chi ella fussi mai, dopo molte fatiche : e promettevalo assolutamenti. E dlceva tutte queste cose come profeta ; e la maggiore parte del popolo gli credeva " (Landucci, 1st April 1495, P» io 3)- This is an outsider's view of the sermon of "The Lilies." Of "the new and popular government " we shall have to speak in the next chapter. 3 Zech. ii. 8. A rather bold application to Florence of the words spoken by Zechariah of Jerusalem. I4 4 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA my predictions, you ought not to look for any other sign. 1 have never written to you but by His command. In God's name I bid you give back to Florence what belongs to her {i.e. especially Pisa]. It is because you have not done so that misfortune has overtaken you. But God is more prone to mercy than to justice. Therefore, if through evil-doing you have suffered, much more may you hope to prosper by doing what is right. 2. God illuminates the hierarchies of angels in such a way that the lower choirs, or orders, receive their enlightenment from the higher, and so downwards in gradation to men. And among men he enlightens the rest of the Church by means of His elect. And as the lower angels believe the higher . . . so He wills that men should believe in His prophets^ when they are enlightened by them. Those who, with simplicity, have thus believed, have prospered and have gained life everlasting. Those who have not done so have been rejected by God, and have lost not only temporal life and possessions but also eternal. My words are not mine, but God's. 3. I greatly regret to hear of your troubles. But they were foretold. Do not think that it is by your own prudence that you have escaped from them. If you do not mend, I warn you that God will withdraw His hand from you. Think well of my words, and do not give ear to those who, seeking their own interests, advise you otherwise. 1 1 Villari, i. Append, pp. cviii. sqq. Dr Schnitzer (H.P.B. cxxv. 267) is of opinion that the ascription of so late a date as the winter of 1493-4 to Savonarola's first predictions of the French invasion cannot be sustained. He calls our attention to a passage in the "Sermons on certain Psalms and on Aggaeus" (preached in November and December 1494) in which the Friar says that "several years before there was any rumour of these wars," he had predicted " great tribulations," and that about two years previously he had used the phrase : "Ecce gladius Domini super terram cito et velociter" (see above, p. 87). But it is to be observed that general predictions of this kind are not quite the same thing as a definite prophecy of the coming of the French king. The testimonies which Dr Schnitzer quotes from Marsilius Ficinus and from Guicciardini must be interpreted in the light of Savonarola's own words ; and it may confidently be asserted that if the preacher had really made a definite announcement several years, or even one year, previously to the event, he would not have omitted to mention this fact when he was setting forth his own claims to the possession of prophetic gifts. CHAPTER IX THE FRIAR AND THE FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION COMPARING Savonarola with S. Philip Neri, Cardinal Capecelatro wrote, in the first edition of his life of that Saint : — Philip's reformation succeeded better than Savonarola's, and was more lasting, because he kept it free from all alloy of civil or political reform ; he trusted to its immense indirect influence on civilisation and govern- ment. Savonarola, on the contrary, combined and confused the two reforms, and thus limited and retarded both. It was not altogether his fault ; the state of things in Florence was such that he could hardly avoid this combination. . . . He deemed himself compelled to combine and almost identify two causes in their very nature distinct, and saw the cause he loved perish in the overthrow of its ally. 1 Whether in the latest edition of the same work the illustrious writer has seen reason to modify this particular paragraph we do not know ; but to us at least it appears to embody a fair judgment on the case. On the one hand Savonarola's participation in the internal politics of the Florentine Republic, of which we have now to speak, was in some measure forced upon him. But while we recognise this, it is right and reasonable, on the other hand, to recognise and to lament that his action was not in all respects marked by that prudent reserve and self-restraint which in the saints of God is found to be not in- compatible with a zeal as ardent — to say the least — as that of Fra Girolamo. In his Nineteenth Sermon on Aggaeus, preached during the Advent of 1494, Savonarola gives a graphic account of the manner in which he had drifted — but always, as he alleges, under divine guidance — into the troubled waters of political life. " The Lord [he says] has driven my barque into the open sea . . . the wind drives me forward, and the Lord forbids my return. ... I communed 1 Capecelatro, Life of S. Philip Neri (Eng. Trans.)L 261-62. K H5 i 4 6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA last night with the Lord, and said : ' Pity me, O Lord ; lead me back to my haven.' ' It is impossible ; see you not that the wind is contrary?' ' I will preach, if so I must ; but why need I meddle with the government of Florence?' ' If thou wouldst make Florence a holy city, thou must establish her on firm foundations, and give her a government which favours virtue.' 'But, Lord, I am not sufficient for these things.' 1 Knowest thou not that God chooses the weak of this world to confound the mighty? Thou art the instrument, I am the doer.' Then was I con- vinced, and cried : ' Lord, I will do Thy will ; but tell me, what shall be my reward?' 'Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard.' 'But in this life, Lord?' ' My son, the servant is not above his master. The Jews made Me die on the Cross ; a like lot awaits thee.' ' Yea, Lord, let me die as Thou didst die for me.' Then He said : 'Wait yet awhile ; let that be done which must be done, then arm thyself with courage.'" 1 These words, better perhaps than any others which we could quote, exhibit on the one hand the moral greatness of the man, his presenti- ment of coming trials, and his courageous readiness to face them, while on the other hand they lay bare the fundamental flaw of self-decep- tion which, like a geological " fault," runs through every stratum of Savonarola's public action as preacher, as prophet, and as politician. For taking a part, and even in some sense a prominent part, in Florentine politics it would, we think, be well-nigh absurd to blame him. The circumstances of the time seem to us to have demanded that he should not stand altogether aloof. A priest is not by profession a fireman ; but when the town is ablaze he must hand the buckets, or work the pumps, like any other citizen ; and if no one is at hand to guide the proceedings, he must give the needful direc- tions just as an officer of the brigade would do. The fault that may perhaps be found with Savonarola — and it was found with him in his own time — is that he did not know where to stop; that he suffered himself, according to his own metaphor, to drift too far upon the sea of politics, and then persuaded himself that his drifting was entirely due to heaven-born tides and breezes specially designed by Providence to shape his course. While tracing, in the preceding chapter, the relations between Savonarola and Charles VIII., we have considerably anticipated the course of events within the city of Florence itself. It has been already seen that immediately after the flight of Piero de' Medici there had been a remarkable abstention from hostile measures against those among the citizens who were well known to have been 1 S. 19 on Aggaeus (Creighton, Histc»y of the Papacy, iii. 219-20). THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 147 the most powerful supporters of himself and of his father Lorenzo. And while this wise moderation may in great measure be ascribed to the influence of Fra Girolamo, it was also largely due to the general alarm and excitement caused by the near approach of Charles VIII. But no sooner had the invader left the city than a new and very grave constitutional crisis arose. Already, before the arrival of the French King, a large number of political exiles had been recalled, as has been said, to Florence. These were, for the most part, men of the party most hostile to the Medici, and, being now re-established in the city, they were naturally disposed to support any measure which should have for its object the expulsion of the more prominent Mediceans, or even the shedding of their blood. 1 On the other hand, Piero de' Medici himself was actively pushing his interests with Charles VIII., and the king's agents were continually urging the Signory to allow him to return. 2 But, if he should return, it was not merely the restora- tion of a now unpopular regime which was to be feared, but the certainty that he would find means to wreak terrible vengeance on those who had been instrumental in his expulsion, or who had incurred his hatred by their subsequent action. Under these circumstances it would seem that two things were desirable from the point of view of a true and enlightened patriotism ; on the one hand, to make provision against the possibility, at least for the present, of Piero's return, and on the other hand, to dissuade the personal enemies of Piero from venting their wrath upon his former adherents. And this latter point was pre-eminently one which might well invite the most earnest and strenuous efforts of a Christian preacher. That Savonarola did exert himself, and with conspicuous success, to this effect is the ungrudging testimony of the historian Guicciardini. After the execution of one Antonio di Bernardo, he tells us, other victims would surely have been sacrificed to gratify political hatred were it not that Savonarola loudly and earnestly proclaimed from the pulpit that now was the time not for justice but for mercy ; and elsewhere he speaks in the very highest terms of his unsparing, and successful efforts to preserve 1 " Erano nella citta molti che arebbono voluto percuotere Bernardo del Nero, Niccolo Ridolri, Pier Filippo (Pandolfini), messer Agnolo (Niccolini), Lorenzo Tornabuoni, Jacopo Salviati, e gli altri cittadini dello Stato vecchio " (Guicciardini, Storia Fiorentina, p. 122). 2 Nardi, i. 47. i 4 8 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA the people of Florence from the folly and wickedness of factious vengeance. 1 Nor did Fra Girolamo desist from his counsels of peace until, in March 1495, a measure of general amnesty was finally passed. 2 In the meanwhile, however, the city needed something more than an amnesty. The government which was appointed immediately after the departure of Charles VIII. was of a provisional character, and it failed from the very outset to command general confidence, so that some measure of constitutional reorganisation became a matter of necessity. In this reorganisation Fra Girolamo took, as will presently appear, a very prominent part. The Florentine notion of liberty was not precisely what we understand, however vaguely, by the term. Liberty to a respectable citizen of Florence meant something more substantial than freedom from oppressive burdens and irksome restrictions, something more than the mere absence of positive obstacles calculated to hinder a private individual from aspiring, if he were so minded, to take part in the government of the city. He wished, not merely to have a vote in the election of his representatives, nor again merely to be himself theoretically eligible for any position of trust for which his 1 "Men," says Guicciardini, " like Piero Capponi, and Francesco Valori were opposed to vengeful measures ; but so many influential citizens were in favour of them, and the turbulent populace (a chi piacciono tutte le novita e travagli) were so strongly inclined to them, that such measures would almost certainly have been passed but for the influence of Fra Girolamo" (pp. 121-22). 2 The successful efforts of Fra Girolamo on behalf of peace and concord during the interval are attested by Parenti, by the letters of Manfredi to d'Este, and by the Diary of Landucci, the chief sources of strictly contemporary evidence for this period. On 20th December Manfredi writes that there is fear of a commotion in the city, but that "el nostro Fra Hieronimo se affaticha quanto el po con ricordi et opere amorerole . . . al quale e dato molto credito, ma non tanto quanto bisognaria da omni homo." He seeks only the common good, union, and peace (Cappelli, n. 29). On the 21st Landucci refers to the same danger: "Tuttavolta si stava in tremore che non s'accordavano e cittadini. Chi la voleva lessa e chi arosto, chi andava secondo el Frate e chi gli era contro ; e se non fussi questo Frate, si vieniva al sangue" {Diario, p. 93). On 17th January : " Predico F. Girolamo e molto s'impacciava di questa pace e unione de' cittadini" (p. 97). Finally, on 16th, 18th, and 19th March he records how : " Si praticava la pace de' cittadini," and how the pacificatory measure was successively passed (1) by the Collegio, (2) by the Oltanta, and (3) by the Consiglio Maggiore. " E disse la petizione che non si riconoscessi fatti di Stato dal dl della cacciata di Piero di Medici, etc." (p. 103). It was immediately after this that Fra Girolamo delivered those sermons concerning his embassy to the Queen of Heaven (25th March and 1st April) which mark th£ very flood-tide of his hopes and aspirations for Florence. THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 149 abilities might fit him. It was his ambition to enjoy, in his own individual person, at least a short spell of real office, to have his own individual finger, for at least a brief space, in the pie of actual administration. To compare small things with greater, it was as if in some modern English hamlet it had come to be the understood thing that every tradesman in the place should have his turn as a member of the parish council, and that every member of this body should from time to time be appointed on one or other of the local committees. Not that the ideal of which we have spoken was ever fully realised in Florence ; and there were always those who wished to see the distribution of the civic offices restricted according to their own notions of what constituted respectability. But to a much greater extent than might easily be imagined these offices were always within the reach of a relatively large number of citizens ; and the general desire to have in one's time a turn of office is reckoned with by writers like Guicciardini and Giannotti as natural to a free citizen, and as a tendency which, while it needed to be kept in check, must also be reckoned with in any scheme of civic polity. 1 The recognition on all hands of the reasonableness, within limits, of this desire accounts for what to the modern mind appear the two most remarkable features of the Florentine constitution. In the first place, all the magistracies changed hands every few months, and, secondly, in most elections the drawing of lots formed an essential part of the proceedings. 2 The administration was in the hands of a number of Committees, or Boards, the first place among which was held by the Signoria, consisting of the Gonfaloniere di Giustizia, or Chief Magistrate, and eight Priori delle Arti, or representatives of the City Companies, or Trades, of whom two were chosen from each of the four quarters or 1 In any project of government, says the spokesman in one of Guicciardini's Discorsi, two ends must be kept in view. The first is, that all, rich and poor, without distinction, should equally enjoy the protection of the laws. " II secundo fine . . . e, che i beneficii della Republica, cioe gli onori e gli utili publici che ha, si allarghino in ognuno quanto si pu6 e in modo che tutti i cittadini ne participino il piu che sia possibile " {Discorso i., sulk Mulaxioni, etc., Opere Inedite, ii. 238. Similarly Discorso hi., p. 276; cf. Villari, i. 241). 2 E.g. under the reformed constitution the nominations for the various magis- tracies were made by electors whose names were drawn by lot. The voting was for or against the persons thus nominated (Guiccardini, Storia Fiorentina, p. 125). In his two first Discorsi the same author makes two spokesmen debate a point which turns on the relative preponderance of the sortilege or of the majority of votes in two rival schemes of an elective process. 150 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA districts of the city. The Signory was appointed for a period of two months, and re-election within certain limits of time was pre- cluded by law. Its authority was limited, in practice, by that of the Board of Ten, the Died di Liberia, appointed every six months, to whom belonged the administration of foreign affairs, whether of war or of peace. There was, besides, a Board of Eight, the Otto di Balia, whose function was the administration of criminal, and to a great extent of civil justice, and who held office for a term of four months. Along with the Signory there sat, as consultative as- sessors, the sixteen Gonfahnieri delle Compagnie, i.e., the captains of the city militia, and twelve Buoni Uomini, or Procuratori del Palazzo, appointed for this purpose. The sixteen and the twelve, together with the Signory, formed the Collegia, though the Collegia is sometimes distinguished from the Signory. Such a form of government, whatever its advantages, un- questionably had very serious drawbacks; and it might seem as if the frequent changes of administration must have been fatal to the carrying out of any consistent line of policy. Indeed this difficulty was fully recognised by some of the shrewdest politicians of the time. A partial safeguard, however, against the arbitrary use of so brief a tenure of power lay not only in the traditions of the past, and in a kind of patriotic loyalty to the city, which seems to have been maintained even in the midst of party strife, but also in a certain practical responsibility to the elective body. 1 And the history of Florentine politics is, in large measure, the history of the various schemes devised under varying circumstances for the establishment of a satisfactory system of election. 2 Behind all such schemes and systems lay, as the court of ultimate appeal at critical moments, the Parlamento or general assembly of the people in the Piazza, to which they were summoned by the tolling of the great bell of the Palazzo. Again and again in the history of the republic, from the old times of the Guelfs and Ghibellines downwards, the city was rent by factions ; when matters came to a crisis a Parlamento was called ; dictatorial power — termed Balia — was conferred for a specified period either on the Signory for the time being, or else on some special committee of 1 " It is difficult to say which side, when in power, ruled best. Both sides hid a certain dogged regard for the city, and desire to enrich and adorn and make her great" (Oliphant, p. xviii.). Again, it is important, Guicciardini urges, that the city magistrates should not be beholden to any individual or to any faction, but should be responsible to a large body of electors (Discorso iii., pp. 268 sqq.~). a Guicciardini, Slona Fiorentina, pp. 1, 6, 7, 14, etc. THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION r 5 i public safety nominated by the victorious faction j and then in virtue of this dictatorial power the chiefs of the vanquished party were banished, and new measures were enacted to establish what for the moment appeared a more suitable mode of appointment of the city magistrates. 1 But through all these changes the name and form of these magistracies was maintained, and thus a very real continuity is found in the history of the Florentine republic in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By measures which it is not necessary here to specify in detail, Cosimo and Lorenzo de' Medici had contrived so to control the appointments to the administrative offices of the State that while they were too wise to seek to exclude their political opponents from all share in the government, they were at least always assured of a working majority on the Boards. To this end, Lorenzo had secured, through the vote of a Parlamento, that the appointment of the Signory and the other greater magistracies should be in the hands of a Council of Seventy, of whom the greater number were his own adherents. 2 And thus, while Cosimo and Lorenzo had been able to deal with the princes of Italy on a footing of equality, everything had been done in the name of the Signory, of whom they had been in theory the deputed spokesmen, but, in reality, the masters. But now, after Piero's flight, and the departure of Charles VIII., everything was in confusion. 3 Now, as before, the continuity of the form of government was maintained unbroken. The Signory was still in office, and no one proposed to abolish the Died di Guerra e Pace, or the Otto di Balia, or the Dodici Buonuomini, or the Gonfalonieri delle Cottipagnie. But the Settanta, the Medicean Council, was discredited, and on 2nd December a Parlamento swept it away as a Parlamento had erected it twenty-three years before. 4 In its place a committee of twenty Accoppiatori was established, who, for a period of twelve months, were to have the appointment of the Signory and the Ten and the Eight, and who were, in particular, to take such measures as might seem to be necessary to prevent the return of Piero de' Medici. 5 1 Instances occurred, for example, in 1393, 1433-34, and 145S (Guicciardini, loc. tit.). " Gino Capponi, in A. S. I., i. 317, where the text of the Provisioni whereby the Settanta were appointed, is given in full (pp. 321) ; Villari, i. 236. 3 " E come fu partito (il re), sendo la citta disordinata, si volsono gli animi a riformare lo Stato " (Guicciardini, Storia Fiorenlina, p. 120). 4 Landucci, p. 89. 6 Landucci, ibid. ; Guicciardini, loc. cit. ; Pitti, p. 34. That they were ex- pected to secure the city against Piero seems to be implied by Nardi, i. 66. I S 2 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA The Accoppiatori were chosen, and the new magistrates were appointed by them on the following day (3rd December). 1 It was felt that at least a first step had been taken in the direction of good order and government, and that the occasion was one for rejoicing. On Monday, 8th December, at the recommendation of Fra Girolamo, a public procession was held " in thanksgiving to God for benefits received." 2 But Fra Girolamo himself was shrewd enough to perceive that, although there was much to be thankful for, much yet remained to be done; and his views on the situation are ex- pressed in the very remarkable sermon which he preached on Saturday, 6th December. It is one of his most characteristic discourses, and the reader will not fail to observe the abrupt transitions from purely spiritual topics to political themes. The suddenness of these transi- tions is not due to our own process of summarisation, but is equally marked in the full text of the sermon as published : — '"Sing to the Lord a new song, for He hath wrought wondrously' (Ps. xcvii. 1). We have completed our Ark, and have entered it, and have passed safely through the beginning of the deluge. And now, as Noe might have addressed those who were with him in the Ark, so I say to you that you owe to God a deep debt of gratitude. Now, gratitude is to be shown in three ways. First, by recognising that our deliverance is due to God ; secondly, by praising Him for having delivered us ; thirdly, by making Him some return. And as we cannot make Him a return which is worthy of Him, we must, at least, give Him what He asks of us, our hearts' love. * Son,' He says, ' give Me thy heart.' " Moreover, the flood is not yet past. It has only commenced. There- fore, we must perform works of mercy in order to propitiate God, and secure His help in the troubles that are yet to come. " Remember that after the Flood the world, purified thereby, entered on a new stage of its history. So, by means of this flood, God desires to renovate His Church. "Whoever wishes to act wisely must set before himself, in the first place, the love of God, which must expel self-love and merely human fears. Unfortunately, many in our time, even of those most highly placed (i gran maestri), have lost the love of God, have their hearts set on earthly things, and are sunk in vice, so that they are become blind, and have lost the guidance even of the natural light of reason in the practical conduct of affairs, and so they have recourse to astrology and superstitious 1 Landucci, p. 90. 2 Landucci, ibid. Pitti remarks (p. 35) that the common people, who knew very little about constitutional liberty, imagined that they had now gained it, but that "alcuni de' piu savii e piu affezionati alia repubblica " thought otherwise. THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 153 practices. And this is the case not merely with seculars, but even with priests and prelate. " But do you, O Florence, seek to renew your understanding by having recourse to God, and have no fear of Cyrus or of any other instrument of His designs. Thank God for having preserved you so far, and trust Him to bring you safely through all future troubles. " You have changed your form of government, but if you wish your polity to endure, you must change your manner of life, you must sing to the Lord ' a new canticle.' The first thing that you must do is to pass a law which will secure that henceforth no one shall be able to make himselj supreme in the State (farsi capo) ; otherwise you are only building on sand. . . But, above all things, remember that if your laws are to be good, they must be founded on the law of God, for the observance of which the grace of the Holy Spirit is necessary. " I have told you that whereas God has prepared a great and universal scourge, nevertheless, He loves you, and wishes you well : ' Misericordia et Veritas obviaverunt sibi, justitia et paxosculatae sunt.' God wishes to save you, and to save you for Himself: 'SalvabitJ/'^'dexteraejus.' Let no one imagine that he can aggrandise himself so as to be able to say, 'Florence is my city.' Florence is God's city ; therefore, if you wish to consult for the welfare of Florence, consult God first in prayer, and come to your debates after having first confessed and communicated. It has been said (viz. by Lorenzo de 1 Medici) that states cannot be governed by paternosters, but this is the saying of a despot, not of a true prince. Despots govern after this godless fashion, but their rule is of short duration. Live, then, like Christians, and come to the sermons which will teach you so to live. Whoso will not hear the word of God offends God, and gives scandal. Therefore, come, all of you, and let the more distinguished among you be the first to set a good example to the rest. If you be thus well grounded in the fear of God, He will give you grace to find a good form of govern- ment, one which will make it impossible for any one to usurp authority (inalzare il capo), either after the manner of the Venetians or in some other manner, as God may inspire you. As for other measures, which may be necessary for good government, and for the administration of justice, we might speak of them if it should please the citizens that we should deliver an exhortation in the palace. 1 " Humility, charity, and simplicity— these are the three things which I must especially recommend to you. Choose for your magistrates those who show their humility by their unwillingness to be brought forward (che fuggono lo stato per umilta). If you see that they are fit for office, choose them in spite of themselves, for they will be more enlightened than the proud. Choose again, men who are truly charitable, and who 1 " Se e cittadini si contenteranno che se ne faccia qualche esortatione in palazzo." These words, in which Fra Girolamo gives so broad a hint that he would like to be invited to speak his mind in the Palazzo, have been omitted, strange to say, by Villari and Casanova, 154 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA will be disposed to mitigate the burden of taxes, etc. And as for simplicity, you must learn to live more sparingly, and without so much pomp and ceremony. Then you will become truly wealthy, and will have the means necessary for the carrying on of your wars, and for the defence of the city. " Let the rich give to the poor out of their superfluity, and let priests set the first example. And you nuns, too, must contrive to do without so many knick-knacks (cosuccie). And to you poor I say, if you wish to be helped, be good and behave well, and God will help you. Do not accept alms unless you be really in need. If you can support yourselves by work, you are bound to do so, and to accept alms when you can earn your livelihood would be an injustice." 1 It is worthy of note that the portion of this discourse which seems to have made the deepest impression on men not specially interested in political questions was the appeal for alms. " On Saturday, 6th December [says Landucci], Fra Girolamo preached and arranged for a collection on behalf of the ' poveri vergognosi ' {i.e. the ' respectable ' poor, the class who will starve rather than beg) and it was made in four churches ... on the following day. And the amount collected, in money and materials, was incredible, with such love and charity did every one give." 2 On 8th December, in connection with the procession above- mentioned, a second collection was made, and it amounted, says Landucci, to not less than that of the previous day. On ioth December Manfredi writes to d'Este an enthusiastic account of the popularity which Savonarola enjoys, and of the immense quantity of alms, estimated at six or seven thousand ducats, which he has collected for the poor : — "Questo nostro frate Hieronimo Savonarola ha tanto credito et gran concorso in questa citta, che e una stupendissima cosa ; ha facto di molte bone proviggione per subvenire alii poverhomini di questa citta et contrada, che molti et infiniti ve ne sono. Ha trovato elimosine da questi Signori tra di danari grani et altre cose che ascendono al valore de cinque on (sic) sei milia ducati. Lo e adorato e riverito come Sane to; et invero le bone opere sua li fanno havere questo bon credito in questa citta." 3 But the passage in Fra Girolamo's discourse of 6th December which was destined to have the most enduring and far-reaching effects was that in which he had hinted at a revision of the con- stitution, and at the introduction of a form of government after the 1 Villari and Casanova, Scelta, pp. 127 sqq. 2 Diario, p. 90. We have not translated literally, but have given the substance of the entry under 6th December. > Cappelli, n. 27. THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 155 manner of the Venetians. The appointment of the Accoppiatori was of its nature provisional ; hut it is extremely improbable that any im- mediate measure would have been taken towards the bringing about of a more radical change, had it not been that the matter was warmly taken up by Pagolantonio Soderini ; and Guicciardini gives it as a matter of common report that it was Soderini's exclusion from the Board of Twenty which prompted him to move the question of a change of government at so early a date. 1 It is probable that his views were already well known when Fra Girolamo delivered this sermon from which we have just quoted ; and the preacher's words appear to allude to the question as one which had already been publicly bruited. But if we may trust Guicciardini, whose account is confirmed by Nardi, no definite proposal was brought before the Collegio till after Savonarola had prepared the way by his utterances in the pulpit. 2 At any rate it is certain that to these two men, Soderini and Fra Girolamo, the course which events actually took was mainly due. In the course of the very next week the question of a new constitution formed the subject of protracted but fruitless debates in the Palazzo ; and it was then that Savonarola, in his famous thirteenth sermon on Aggaeus, delivered on Sunday, 14th December, opened his mind more fully on the subject. 3 In this discourse, 1 " Maravigliossi la brigata chc in questa elezione fussi rimasto adrieto Paolan- tonio Soderini ... in modo cbe si disse poi publicamente che per questo sdegno Paolantonio per mutare lo Stato persuase a Fra Girolamo e lo adopero per instru- mento a predicare, si facessi il Governo del popolo " (Guicciardini, Storia Fiorentina, p. 121). In the Sloria Fiorentina Guicciardini writes " Paolantonio," but elsewhere he uses the form " Pagolantonio," which seems to have been more common among his contemporaries. 2 " Cominciu a predicare per parte di Dio . . . che Dio era quello che aveva liberato la citta della tirannide, e che Dio voleva si mantenessi libera, e si riducessi a uno Governo populare alia Viniziana. E con tanta efficacia . . . ci si riscaldo su, che benche dispiacessi assai a Bernardo Rucellai . . . e altri primi del Governo, pure non opponendosi scopertamente, e sendo questa opera favorita dalla Signoria, sicomincib a tenerne pratica " (Guicciardini, Storia Fiorentina, p. 124). Pitti, on the other hand (p. 35), declares that after Soderini had proposed his plan "in una pratica di riforma," and had met with much opposition, he conferred with Fra Girolamo, and induced him to preach in favour of the plan. The two accounts may be in a manner reconciled if we place the " pratiche di riforma " in the week which intervened between Saturday, 6th December, and Sunday, 14th December. 3 Cinozzi (p. 20), followed by Burlamacchi, speaks of the debates as lasting " alle cinque e sei ore di nottc," which in December would mean till 10 or II P.M. and not, as Mr Horner, Villari's English translator, absurdly renders it, "till five or six in the mornincr." I5 6 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA which was attended by the Signory and all the magistrates, and to which men only were admitted, he entered frankly and unreservedly on the exposition of a constitutional programme. 1 He took for his text the words : " Receive instruction, ye that judge the earth : serve ye the Lord with fear" (Ps. ii. 10, u). The rule of one man is best, he declared, when the prince is good, but when the prince is a bad man it is the worst form of polity that could be devised. Moreover, in choosing a polity, regard must be had to the character of the people to be governed. Elsewhere, the government of one man might be for practical purposes the best, "but in Italy, and especially in Florence, where both strength and intellect abound, where the people are subtle in mind, and restless in spirit, the government of one must become tyrannical." The consequence is not quite obvious, but to Fra Girolamo all is clear. Woe, then to Florence, if she should once more become subject to a tyrant ! "Tyrant is the name of one who leads a wicked life, more wicked than all others, an usurper of other's rights, a destroyer of his own soul and of that of the people " ; and therefore, the first thing to be done was to close the door once and for all time against a despotism. Then, adroitly if unconsciously mingling flattery with counsel, the preacher continued : — " Purify your minds, attend to the common weal, forget your private interests ; and if by such a course you reform your city, it will be rendered more glorious than it has ever yet been. And you, the people of Florence, will in this way commence the reform of all Italy, and will spread your wings over the world, bringing reformation to all nations (!). Remember that the Lord has shown clear signs that He desires a reno- vation of all things, and that you are the people who have been elected to begin this great work." After laying down the two principles that the law of God is the foundation of all good government, and that the aim of every polity should be the general good of all, he comes at last to the practical point, viz. that for the city of Florence here and now a Great Council "after the manner of the Venetians," will afford the best and most secure basis for the new constitution. 1 " E questa mattina, che fu domenica, predico, e non voile donne ma uomini, e voile e Signori, che non rimase se none el Gonfaloniere e uno de' Signori in Palagio, e fuvvi tutti gli Uficj di Firenze " (Landucci, p. 92). On Sunday, 21st December, and again on 28th December, we find the entry " predic6, e ancora non voile donne " (pp. 93, 94). Landucci estimates Fra Girolamo's audience on these days at from 13,000 to 14,000 persons, THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 157 "A Great Council is the best form of government for this city, one similar to that in Venice. . . . And you need be in no degree ashamed to imitate it, for they received it from God, from whom every good thing comes. You may have seen that, ever since that government existed in Venice, there has been no strife or dissension of any kind ; it is im- possible, therefore, to escape the conclusion that it is in accordance with the will of God." ' Pagolantonio Soderini, who in the course of an embassy to Venice, had learned to esteem very highly the constitution of that Republic, was, as has been said, the leading advocate of the scheme of a Great Council after the Venetian model. The principal opponent of the measure was Guidantonio Vespucci, who represented that so large a consultative body, of which the majority must necessarily consist of men who had little or no practical experience of political affairs, would prove both unwieldy and incompetent. His own preference was for a more aristocratic or oligarchical form of polity, a governo stretto according to the political terminology of the day, such as had prevailed in pre-Medicean times. 2 At the outset, he seems to have had the support of a majority in the Collegio, for the leading families in Florence were naturally opposed to a measure which would throw open the highest magistracies to men who would otherwise aspire to them in vain, and who, as they believed, or affected to believe, would surely prove themselves unequal to the task of administration. 3 But Savonarola's eloquent advocacy of the Great Council had made a deep impression. In his great sermon on the third Sunday of Advent (14th December), Savonarola had pro- posed that each bench of the magistracy should draw up a scheme of government, and that these various schemes should be laid before the Collegio. 4 This was done on 19th December, and the plan proposed by the Ten, of whom Soderini was the most distinguished 1 Villari and Casanova, Scelta, pp. 75 sqq. 2 The speeches of Soderini and Vespucci are given in extenso by Guicciardini, Storia a" Italia, i. 200 sqq., 207 sqq. ; ed. Milan, 1803. Whether they are taken from the official reports of a debate, or are imagined by Guicciardini, we do not know. Probably the latter. 3 Speaking of Soderini's proposal Pitti writes (p. 34) : " II che fu aspramente da' principali cittadini impugnato, desiderosi di conservarsi uno stato ristretto." Cinozzi (p. 20) represents the opposition as so strong that it seemed certain to prevail. 4 This is what was actually done, as will appear ; but, in fact, Savonarola's suggestion was slightly different. The sixteen Gonfalonieri delle Compagnie were each to draw up a plan. Four of these were to be selected for presentation to the Signory for a fiml choice (Villari and Casanova, Scelta, pp. 86-87). 158 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA member, and no doubl the spokesman, was more favourably received than any other. The main provision of this scheme was the appointment of a Consiglio Grande (or Consiglio Maggiore, as it is called in official documents) of some 3000 members, which was to be summoned once a week, and of a lesser Council of Eighty, whose members were to be ready to assemble as often as the Signory should require their advice. 1 Savonarola was then invited to speak at the palace, where he warmly advocated the adoption of Soderini's plan, which was finally carried on 23rd December. 2 The two ancient but practically inoperative Councils of the Comnne and the Popolo were at the same time abolished. The Great Council, it should here be explained, was by no means a purely democratic body. It was to consist at the outset of those only who had themselves held, or whose immediate ancestors had held, either by actual or honorary tenure, one of the greater magistracies. 3 But at the commencement of each year, its numbers were to be reinforced by the elective co-option of sixty new 1 Along with the Ottanta sat the Signory, the Ten, and other magistrates who might be collectively invited. The whole assembly thus formed was called the Consiglio de' Ric/iiesli, whose members were analogous to the Pregati of Venice (cf. Nardi, i. 51). On the Great Council see also infra, p. 179, note 3. 2 " Fu commesso a' Gonfalonieii, a' Dodici, a' Venti, a' Dieci, agli Otto, che ognuno ordinassi un modo di vivere populare. La quale cosa sendo fatta, e piacendo piu quello de' Dieci, fu mandato per Fra Girolamo, al quale fu letto questo modo ; e lui avendolo approvato con parole savie ... si vinse e approvo" (Guicciardini, Storia Fiorentina, pp. 124-25). It would seem from this that any proposal for the establishment or maintenance of a " governo stretto " had already been vetoed. The text of the law of 23rd December is given in the Appendix to Guicciardini, Del Reggimento di Firenze, pp. 228 sqq. The final provision for the weekly meetings of the Consiglio Maggiore was enacted on 14th May 1495 (p. 232). 3 In a Florentine eletcion the first stage was the selection, by voting or rotation, of a number of names which were to be " imborsati," or put into a bag for the drawing of lots. The lots were, so to say, "drawn double," i.e. the number drawn was double the number of the seats to be filled. Out of the names so drawn half were selected by elective voting. The man who actually obtained the seat on whaterer Board might be in question was said to have been seduto in that office. His companion, who missed the appointment, was vtdulo. He had been "seen," his name had been mentioned, in connection with it, and this was held to be an honourable distinction. It was as if to have been next on the poll to the successful candidate at a parliamentary election were to entitle the person so placed to some privilege, immunity, or franchise. This legal fiction seems to have originated in the time of the Medici. Ambitious parents, says Giannotti, would strive that their names, and the names of their sons, might at least be " imborsati " for the drawing by lot, so that when the election (from among the names thus drawn) was made, even though they were not actually chosen they might at least have been " veduti " (Giannotti, Delia Repubblica Fiorentina, in Villari, i. 286). THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 159 members. 1 Its primary function was elective. Its establishment was, in fact, one among many plans which from time to time were devised for the purpose of securing suitable appointments to the magistracies. But it was also to exercise legislative authority. All new measures of importance were in the first instance to be dis- cussed by the Signory or the Collegio, then, if passed by them, to be submitted for further debate to the Ottanta, or Consiglio de' Richiesti, and finally to be referred for confirmation or rejection (but without discussion) to the Consiglio Maggiore. 2 Of the fiscal legislation which followed the laying of these foundation-stones of the new constitution it is not necessary here to speak. But with the decree of general amnesty, which has already been mentioned, and which was not carried until 19th March, there was linked another measure of which something must here be said, for it involved Fra Girolamo in a long and bitter controversy with a rival preacher. Savonarola was deeply convinced that a remission of pains and penalties to which men might be held liable for past political offences would be of comparatively little avail unless provision was made against the abuse of justice under the influence of any sudden outburst of factious hatred in the future. He therefore proposed that in all graver criminal cases an appeal should lie from the sentence passed by a two-thirds majority of the Signory or the Otto to the lesser Council of the Ottanta. This was called the law of appeal from the set fave, or " six beans " ; for the voting at Florence was conducted by means of " beans," and as the Signory consisted of nine members, six votes were always required for a capital sentence. 3 It may seem strange, at first sight, that such a measure should have met with any kind of opposition, and it is to be feared that the motives which prompted the opposition which it actually did encounter were not of a very exalted character. Parenti, who has left a very 1 Law of 23rd December in Guicciardini, Del Keg., p. 228. 2 An instance of this is found in Landucci, 16th, iSth, 19th March 1495 (" Vinsesi tra' Signori e Colegi ... si vinse nell' Ottanta ... si vinse nel C. M.," pp. 102-3). 3 " Conforto . . . perche ognuno piu sicuramente si potessi godere il suo e allora e in futurum, e not fussi in potest ci di sei Signori perturbare a sua post a la cittci, e cacciare e ammazzare i citladini a arbitrio loro, come si era fatlo in molti tempi passati, e con questo mezzo farsi Crandi, si levassi tanta autorita alle sei fave," etc. (Guicciardini, Storia Fiorentina, p. 126). 160 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA minute and strictly contemporary account of the whole progress of the affair month by month, declares that the difficulty arose in the first instance from the Signory which held office in January and February 1495. The measure of 23rd December had indeed estab- lished the Consiglio Grande, but this body had not yet entered upon the full exercise of its powers. The Accoppiatori still had the right of appointing the Signory until the termination of their own lease of office, and the men whom they appointed had no mind to see their own powers curtailed. 1 Their objections to the pro- posed measure were, however, professedly inspired by an altogether honourable patriotism, and found considerable support among the members of the aristocratic party which had opposed the establish- ment of the Consiglio Grande. It was true that under the new regime the members of the Signory and the Eight would not always be men of distinguished family ; but they would be always the "magnificent" Signory and the "highly respectable" (spettabili) Eight. And it was alleged that to allow any appeal from their decision would be to derogate from the honour due to personages who in their representative capacity at least were so exalted. 2 Another motive, however, of a more practical character, seems to have been at work. The Ottimati were even more apprehensive than the popular party of the return of Piero de' Medici, for on 1 The Gonfaloniere appointed for January and February was one Filippo Corbizi ; " il quale era uomo di pochissima qualita," says Guicciardini. But he very explicitly states that the appointments for January, March (Tanai de' Nerli) and May (Bardo Corsi) were made by the Accoppiatori. Landucci, on the other hand (Diario, 29th December, p. 94), says that the Signory for January were appointed by the Great Council. "E'l primo Gonfaloniere fu uno de' Corbizi, che non fu sanza dolce allegrezza, parendo un governo popolare e piu comune." Guicciardini is, however, more to be trusted than Landucci on a constitutional question. The appointment of Corbizi was probably a concession to popular feeling. 2 " La nuova Signoria, corrctta gia dai primi del reggimento, i quali in nessuno modo deporre la grandigia voleano, ad ailentare circa al procedere bene per il popolo comincio. II popolo, di gia accortosi di tal umore, rugliava benche occultamente, e a frate Ieronimo per aiuto ricorreva. Esso, non cessando dallo animare detto popolo al bene comune, publicamente in pergamo a muovere comincio, che per niente la Signoria per le VI. fave confinare potessi. . . . Questa cosa nelt alie dava cC grandi, i quali con questo bastone tenere sotto gli uomini diseqnavano. Per6 forte sparlavano contro a tale provisione, mostrando che cib era torre raputazione alia Signoria" etc. (Parenti, Istorie Florentine ; Gherardi, p. 112. Gherardi gives in extenso the long section of the Istorie in which Parenti deals with the whole matter). THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION i6r them rather than on men of low degree his vengeance, it was feared, would surely fall. Now, to secure his exclusion it was deemed most desirable that the hands of the actual government should by all means be strengthened, and that no opportunity should be allowed for the hatching of plots for his return, or for securing the ac- quittal of any one who might be found guilty of complicity in such plots. Parenti says that when the project of an amnesty and of the law of appeal was first broached, it was observed that the Bigi (i.e. the Medicean faction) were greatly rejoiced, and that they were beginning to hold private meetings and to gather strength ("vedendosi i Bigi rallegrare e stare senza timore, anzi insieme ragunarsi e intendersi "), and therefore the proposal was deemed dangerous. 1 The Mediceans, or Palleschi — so called from the palle, or balls (originally pills), which were the device of the Medici, and which are familiar to us all as the sign of a pawnbroker's shop — at this time made a show of being followers of Fra Girolamo, and — having much to expect from him — made common cause with the popular party, the Bianchi or Frateschi. Hence their name of Bigi, or Greys, as politicians of a neutral tint, neither Bianchi nor Neri, neither black nor white. Many shrewd men of the aristocratic faction thought that Fra Girolamo was being hoodwinked by the treacherous friendship of the Bigi, and in after days he himself bitterly reproached them for their ingratitude. 2 The opposition to the proposed law of appeal was energetically supported by a Franciscan preacher, Fra Domenico da Ponzo. " He was," says Parenti, " a man of considerable learning, but not of holy life, and therefore the 'Grandi ' had little difficulty in corrupting him, and in stirring him up against Fra Girolamo ; though indeed," he shrewdly adds, " it generally happens that preachers are jealous of one another." One would willingly believe that da Ponzo no less than Savonarola acted in good faith ; and it may very well be that, from the strong conviction which he seems to have entertained, and which he certainly expressed, as to Savonarola's delusion in the matter of his prophecies, he was led by the fallacious logic of feeling to look with suspicion upon any proposition emanating from such a 1 Gherardi, p. 114. 8 ".Si conoscea,"says Parenti, " che, sotto ombra di bene, i Bigi per paura si li erano sottomessi, ed a loro cautela esso ci6 strigneva." He adds that, in his opinion, the Friar proceeded in all good faith ("a tutto buono cammino andassi "), and advised what he deemed best for the city (Gherardi, loc. cit.). L 162 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA quarter. 1 But with every allowance that can reasonably be made, it seems impossible to excuse the Franciscan's interference in the question of the seifave. In plain English, it was no business of his. The Signory might be trusted to look after its own honour and dignity without the help of the preacher at Santa Croce. In fact, the Signory summoned both preachers before them, together with one Fra Tommaso da Rieti, superior (" reggente ") of the Dominician convent of Santa Maria Novella. Savonarola was asked to prove that he held a divine commission to preach, pre- sumably on political matters. After listening to the other two for a while, Savonarola turned on his heel ("ne' panni ristrettosi si parti"), saying that he knew what he was about, that time would bring the truth to light, and that evil would befall them if they did not follow his advice. 2 It was perhaps the inevitable result of the very decided line which Fra Girolamo had now taken, that as he had made him- self at once the mouthpiece and the adviser of one political party, the opposition party should look for a mouthpiece and an adviser of its own, and that Florence should be entertained with the not very edifying spectacle of these two rival preachers maintaining con- tradictory theses from their respective pulpits. 3 But at least it must be said in Savonarola's favour that, considering the case on its merits, the advantage on the whole probably lay on the side of the proposed measure which was to legalise the appeal from the sentence of the Signory or the Eight. 1 " Costui {i.e. da Ponzo), montato in pergamo, mostro che profeti piu non erano ne essere poteano, e chi per parte di Dio parlava o dicea parlare, dava evidente segno che da quelle- molto si scostava" (Parenti apud Gherardi, p. 113). Whether he was right or wrong in his opinion, da Ponzo can hardly be acquitted of the reproach of officiousness — to use no stronger word — in publicly blaming his rival. 3 Gherardi, p. 114. 3 Cf. Cosci, pp. 298-99. It is no matter for surprise that Manfredi should have written to d'Este (25th March 1495) : " Dubito che sara necessario a provvedere che uno de epsi lasse el predicare, quando voglino continuare in toccare el facto del Stato et del guberno della citta " (Cappelli, n. 48). In fact, before the date of this letter : " fatti advertiti i predicatori come divideano la citta, essi prudentemente dalla impresa si tolsono, pregando Iddio che pigliare l'ottimo partite ci lasciassi'' (Parenti, loc. cit., p. 117) ; which was probably the best thing they could have done. But their silence on the subject was of short duration, for on the very next page we read : " I predicatori, benche detto avessino di cio piu non volere parlare, nientedimeno instigati credo dalle parti, pure nella materia cntravono," etc. Cosci perhaps does not express himself too strongly when he writes (p. 299) : " I. a lotta politico-fratesca comincio ad errere scandalosa fin dal principio." THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 163 " We must modify somewhat [he said] this authority of the set feme by granting an appeal to the Eighty. . . . You say that this is to diminish the authority of the Signory. But I say rather that it is to increase it. Either the Signory wishes to act unjustly (in some particular case), and this it ought not to be empowered to do ; or it wishes to execute justice, and in this case it is well that it should have the support of a larger council of good citizens." 1 As usual the reasoning is a little at fault ; but there can be no doubt that a check on possible judicial injustice was needed, and it is at least highly probable that no better venue could have been devised in the case of an appeal than the Council of Eighty. The Signory of January and February, however, succeeded in staving off the measure, but under the new government appointed for March and April the balance of parties was shifted. Several members of the new Signory were in favour of the measure, and the war with Pisa indirectly helped the cause. The projected law of appeal had been linked with that measure of general amnesty which has been already mentioned, in the hope, perhaps, that the larger measure would float the special ordinance. Now one of the great obstacles which had stood in the way of both was, as has been said, the fear which was entertained of the Mediceans. But now, under stress of the Pisan crisis, it had been necessary, according to the fiscal methods of the time, to levy contributions from wealthy citizens, and among these some of the Palleschi had helped to supply the sinews of war. 2 There was then something of a revulsion in their favour ; it was felt that this was no time for criminal prosecution on account of political offences, real or supposed, especially in the case of men who had at least made a show of patriotism. And with this temporary lull of anti- Medicean feeling, the opposition to the law of the set fare likewise grew weaker. Fra Girolamo continued to press the matter, and, notwithstanding the persistent opposition of da Ponzo, the twofold law was passed on 16th, 17th, and 19th March in the Collegio, the Ottanta, and the Consiglio Maggiore respectively. 3 It was passed, 1 S. 1 on the Psalms (Epiphany, 1495) ; Villari, i. 293. 8 Guicciardini (Storia Fiorentina, p. 126), Pitti (p. 39), and Naidi (i. 56), all treat these circumstances as closely connected. 3 " Marzo. Entrata la nuova Signoria di uomini di stima e di condizione, sendovene alcuni strettissimi parenti delli esosi al nuovo reggimento, un altra volta l'omori del farsi la pace universale e di levarsi la autorita delle 6 lave risurse. Da una parte la autorita di frate Ieronimo e la presa giusta del farsi pace aveano grande forza ; da 1' altra parte il peucolo in cui condotti ci aveano per il 164 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA indeed, not precisely in the form in which it had been first pro- posed by Savonarola. The right of appeal was established, but the appeal was to lie, not to the Eighty but to the Great Council. Villari will have it that a kind of " infernal " malice and treachery on the part of certain prominent citizens underlay this change. Vespucci, who had before vehemently opposed the proposal, now strongly supported it in the form in which it was laid before the Collegio ; and Villari suggests that the real motive of this sudden change ot front was the hope that the abuses and disorders which were sure to arise if contested criminal cases were brought before so numerous a body, might hereafter serve to discredit the whole scheme of popular government. 1 For our part, we are disposed to take a different view of the matter. 2 It was unquestionably one of Vespucci's main objects to make the return of Piero impossible. Now, whereas it was conceivable that the Medicean party might, by an adroit manipulation of political wires, secure a majority in the Ottanta, it was perhaps less probable that they would ever be able to gain the favour of the Consiglio Maggiore. Nor has Villari adduced loro malo governo chi detta pace domandava, stoglievano il popolo a consentirvi. . . . Queste ragioni favore ancora piglievano da' conforti di frate Domenico da Ponzo" (Parenti, apud Gherardi, p. 1 1 5). Da Ponzo, according to the writei^ rivalled Fra Girolamo in predicting a glorious future for Florence, if only no false step were taken. Parenti likewise explains (p. 1 16), as we have done above, the bearing of the Pisan war on the whole question. The controversy between Savonarola and da Ponzo is mentioned in numerous contemporary documents, e.g. Castiglione t*> Sforza, 24th January (Cappeili, n. 35) ; Manfredi to d'Este, 25th March (" Se detraheno et mordeno spesso nel loro predicare, secondo che me e riferito " ; Cappelli, n. 48) ; Madonna Guglielmina della Stufa to her husband, 25th May (" Io ve so dire che noi avemo asai che respondere de quelo se dicie a predicato costi el Ponzo. E in soma ne sete biasimato grande- mente, d' averlo lasciato predicare : benche io non stimi che gli abia deto tante cose, quante se dicie" ; Gherardi, p. 1 29) ; as well as by Nardi, Parenti, etc. 1 Villari, i. 395 sqq. 2 Mr Armstrong (E.H.R. iv. 450 sqq.~) has, we think, quite conclusively shown that the testimony of contemporary writers altogether contradicts Villari's theory about the "arte ed astuzia quasi infernale" which he attributes to the Ottimati on this occasion. No one supposes that party politics at Florence were perfectly straightforward, but it is well to be sparing in the use of superlatives. Lupi, who has published a series of debates touching on the history of Savonarola, but belonging to a later period of his life, very sensibly writes : " Udimmo i nomi faziosi di Piagnoni, di Arrabbiati, di Bigi e di Compagnacci, e gli credemmo nella lor parte tutti d'un istesso valore, di un sentimento ugualmente forte: . . . che poi vi fossero cittadini moderati, imparziali, nemici solo di queste patrie discordie, a nessuno parve cadere in mente" (p. 4). THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 165 any kind of proof that the change of venue from the Ottanta to the Consiglio Maggiore was really the work of the Ottimati, and not rather of the popular party. The speech of Luca Corsini, a prominent member of that party, in favour of the bill, was not less emphatic than that of Vespucci. 1 However this may be, Fra Girolamo appears to have raised no objection to the change ; and after the measure had once been passed, he always spoke of it as one of the mainstays of the new constitution, and took credit to himself for its introduction. 2 Da Ponzo, on the other hand, found satisfaction in assuring the people that they had been deceived. 8 But here he disappears from the scene. The next thing which was needful was that the Accoppiatori should be induced to lay down their office. This, it is easy to understand, they were unwilling to do. After some delay, however, certain members of the Twenty who were well disposed to Fra Girolamo, set the example of a voluntary resignation ; under the pressure of public opinion the rest followed suit, and the Board ceased to exist on nth June I495- 4 Finally, in order to secure the stability and permanence of the constitution which we have thus barely outlined, a law was enacted prohibiting for all future time the calling of a Parlamento ; for it was felt by the friends of the new constitution that no form of govern- ment was secure against the sudden impulses of the mob, who had l See the speeches in Villari, i. 298 sqq. Parenti (Gherardi, p. 117) suggests that as the Ottimati saw the time approaching when the Signory would be chosen by a popular election {i.e. by the Great Council), they began to see that for their own sakes it would be well to limit the power of a government so appointed. But he says no: a word about the change of venue. Savonarola indeed had suggested that the appeal should lie to the Ottanta, but there is nothing to show (so far as we are aware) that this proposal was ever embodied in any projet de lot that was actually drawn up. a "Of Savonarola's opposition," says Mr Armstrong, "there is not a word." Both Machiavelli and Guicciardini, as he points out. ascribe the measure to the Friar. " It is clear that the only alternative before the State was appeal to the Grand Council or no appeal ; and that Savonarola was preaching in favour of the appeal to the Grand Council is conclusively proved by the fact that he continued to preach for the appeal after the pratica of March" (E.H.R. iv. 451). 3 Parenti, loc. cit„ p. 121. 4 Nardi (i. 66-67) gives as one ©f the reasons why there was no longer any need of the Accoppiatori, that the fear of Piero de' Medici and of the French king was now at an end (" per essere passato il timore del re e di Piero de" Medici.") And yet their resignation to"k place only a few days before Fra Girolamo's embassy to Poggibonsi. The real reason for the desue to be rid of them was more probably a sense of their incompetence (cf. Guicciardini. Storia Fiorentina, p. 131). 1 66 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA so often been betrayed into surrendering their freedom under the Mattering pretext that they were exercising it. 1 Such was the work of the winter of 1494-5, and of the following spring and summer, and among all the men who contributed to its successful completion the foremost place must indisputably be given to Fra Girolamo Savonarola. How unreservedly he regarded it as the direct work of God has been already seen ; with what vehemence he expressed himself with reference to those who should oppose it or attempt to overthrow it, will sufficiently appear from passages such as the following. After speaking in general terms against the institution of the Parlamento, or occasional general assembly of the people, as "an instrument of destruction " which must be abolished, he says : — " Be assured that a Parlamento means nothing less than to take the governing power out of the hands of the people. Keep this in mind, and teach it to your sons. People, so soon as you hear the sound of the bell to call a Parlamento, arise, and unsheath your swords. What is it your wish to do ? Cannot this Council {i.e. the newly established Consiglio Grande) do everything ? What law do you wish to have made ? Cannot the Council make it ? I would have you make this provision — that as soon as the Signory enter upon their office, they shall take an oath not to call a Parlamento ; and if any one should secretly attempt to call one, let him who discloses the attempt, if he be one of the Signory, receive 30,000 ducats; if another person, 1,000. And if he who makes the attempt be one of the Signory, let him lose his head; if another person, let him be declared a rebel, and let all his goods be confiscated. And let all the Gonfalonieri {i.e. the captains of the civic guard) on entering upon their office take an oath, that so soon as they hear the sound of the bell calling a Parlamento, they shall forthwith hasten to sack the houses of the Signory, and let the Gonfalonieri who shall sack one of the houses receive one-fourth of the property found therein. . . . Further, if the Signory are going to call a Parlamento, the moment they set foot on the Ringhiera let them no longer be considered as holding office ; and any one cutting them in pieces shall not be guilty of sin." 2 " This," says Villari, "was a momentary extravagance of language." But Luotto very frankly admits that passages comparable with the above recur again and again in the sermons preached by Savonarola in 1496. 3 1 Villari, i. 306. The abuses of the appeal to the Parlamento have been well set forth by Mrs Oliphant, Makers of Florence, p. 290. ,J S. 26 on the Psalms (Villari, i. 307-8). 8 Villari, loc. cit. ; Luotto, p. 368. THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 167 The discourse from which we have quoted was delivered on 28th July, 1495. O n x 3 tn August, the law abolishing for ever the appeal to a Parlamento was passed. Conspiracy for the purpose of calling one of these assemblies was to be punished with death, "and a reward of 300 florins shall be given to him who shall reveal such a conspiracy." 1 On nth October of the same year, in view of a threatened attempt by Piero de' Medici to effect by force an entrance into the city — "Holding up the crucifix, he openly, and with a loud voice, advised that any one who should propose the restoration of a despotism in Florence should be put to death ; and that whoever would bring back the Medici should be dealt with as the Romans dealt with those who desired to bring back Tarquinius. ' Wilt thou,' he said, ' who are not willing to pay respect to Christ, have respect for private citizens ? Execute justice, I say to you. Off with his head ! — Be he the chief of any family whatever, off with his head ! . . . . Place confidence nowhere but in the Consiglio Maggiore, which is the work of God and not of man ; and whosoever would change it, whosoever would place the government in the hands of a few, may he be eternally accursed by the Lord.'" 2 Four days later the Friar's words bore fruit in a Provisione whereby it was declared that " Piero de' Medici having . . . made many attempts against the liberty of Florence, and having been declared a rebel . . . may be put to death by any one with impunity," and a price of 4000 gold florins was put upon his head. 8 This last measure, we may add, was regarded as unwise even by some of those who did not desire Piero's return. 4 1 Villari, i. 309. » Villari, i. 387-8. 3 Villari, i. 388-9. 4 Guicciardini, Del Reggimento di Firenze, p. 216. This treatise, to which we shall frequently have occasion to refer, is cast in the form of a dialogue, in which the principal speaker is Bernardo del Nero, the other interlocutors being Pagolantonio Soderini, Piero Capponi, and Piero Guicciardini, the author's father. The dialogue, though fictitious, is founded upon a conversation actually held by these distinguished men at Bernardo's villa in the winter of 1494-95. It is extremely valuable, not merely as showing what were the views held by experienced politicians concerning the constitutional changes then in progress, but also as illustrating the possibility of friendly discussion on the burning questions of the hour among men of very opposite opinions. This friendly feeling was not likely to he promoted by the kind of language which Fra Girolamo, occasionally at least, allowed himself to use. Guicciardini himself, it should be added, was a firm supporter of the Consiglio Grande. 168 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA It would perhaps not be rash to say that the Friar's words also bore fruit in an unforeseen way when the veteran statesman, Bernardo del Nero, with four companions, Lorenzo Tornabuoni, Niccolb Ridolfi, Gianozzo Pucci, and Giovanni Cambi, suffered death on 22nd August 1497, for complicity in a plot for the restoration of Piero. The tragedy is at least so closely connected with the political line taken by Savonarola, that we may be pardoned for anticipating the course of events by relating it here. Bernardo was pronounced guilty in so far that, having been Gonfaloniere di Giastizia at the time, he had not revealed the plot to the Signory. The others were condemned as active participants. This was an occasion on which the law authorising an appeal from the set fave, or sentence of the Otto, to the Consiglio Grande might perhaps have been expected to take effect. 1 There were, it is true, special circumstances which, in the opinion of many, invalidated the right of appeal in this particular case ; for the proceedings had been by way of impeach- ment before a special council of some 130 officials convened ad hoc, and not simply by way of a trial before the Otto. The larger council having passed a resolution declaring the conspirators worthy of death, the Eight, by a majority of six to two, voted that the resolu- tion should take effect. Then arose the question of allowing the appeal, which was referred to the Signory. Four were in favour of the appeal, five against it. This being so, the appeal would probably have been allowed, but for the violent interposition of Francesco Valori, who happened to be the principal political sup- porter of Fra Girolamo. Seizing the ballot-box, and advancing to the bench of the Signory, he fairly frightened the Provost into putting the question "that justice be at once executed." Moreover, by his violent conduct and language — only too faithful an echo of the words of the preacher — he succeeded in securing a unanimous vote where at the previous scrutiny there had been a majority of only one. 2 Savonarola has been severely blamed for 1 It had taken effect on occasion of the conviction of Filippo Corbizi and others for participation in a political plot in April 1496. The appeal was allowed, but did not avail to obtain a reversal of the sentence (Guicciardini, Storia Fiorentina, p. 142 ; Landucci, Diario, 27th and 28th April, 8th May, pp. 130-32). 2 The whole proceedings are set forth at considerable length, and the final scene graphically described, by Pitti, Istoria Fiorcntina, pp. 43-49. Speaking of Valori he says: " Itone a pic (dfdla pancata d. Signoria) batte forte sul desco col bossolo de'partiti": and then, after reciting his violent harangue (which is given by Villari, ii. 55-6) he adds: "Quasi furibondo distese il braccio con il THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 169 not having interposed, during the period over which these proceed- ings extended, in order to secure for the conspirators the exercise of a right which he himself had helped to establish. The reproach is strongly urged against him by the author of Romola} Villari, on the other hand, and the gifted authoress of The Makers of Florence, entirely exonerate him. 2 It may at least be said that he was under no obligation to interpose on behalf of men whom he re- garded as dangerous traitors. A more far-seeing sagacity, howe%'er, to say nothing of a more large-hearted charity, might perhaps have suggested that a greater danger to the public welfare lay in the gratification of the thirst for political vengeance. Within a year both Francesco Valori and Savonarola himself were to fall victims to the violence of Florentine party spirit. A few months later, says Guicciardini, every one regretted the death of the five conspirators. "But this regret cannot," he adds, "restore them to life." 3 The condemnation of Bernardo and his companions, for the time at least, alienated from the Friar several of the leading citizens of Florence ; among them, Pagolantonio Soderini, Gianbattista Ridolfi, and Piero Guicciardini. 4 These particular incidents, however, lie somewhat aside from the question which now claims consideration, viz. what is to be thought of the very active part which Fra Girolamo took in initiating the new constitution of Florence? bossolo in niano, invitando il Martini (the provost) alia risoluzione." The resolution having been put: "La pronta proposta del Martini, e la presenza feroce del Valori, sbigotti di maniera li quattro Signori aversi che renderono nella sua mano favorevole partito ; e fattone il bulletino agli Otto, ne fu subito da loro la deliberazione eseguita " (p. 49). The five condemned men were executed at dead of night. 1 Romola, ch. lix. 2 Villari, ii. 58 sqq. Oliphant, Makers of Florence, p. 312 sqq. 3 S tori a, p. 164. 4 Pitti, p. 50. " Resto Francesco Valori . . . celebrato dal popolo come un nuovo Catone . . . con odio grandissimo degl' interessi co' morti, e con invidia non poca de' principali della sua medesima setta. Fra i quali Pagolantonio Soderini, per gratincarsi ai Palleschi ; Giovambattista Ridolfi. per la morte del suo fratello ; Piero Guicciardini, per l'affronto ricevuto da lui, si accostarono (per tirarlo addietro) agli avversarii del Frate." Such was the judgment of later days. At the time, the Signory wrote of the affair to Bracci (31st August, 1497 ; Villari, ii. Append, p xlix) a<= of one : " Di che speriamo la nostra Republica havere imortale obigalione a Dio ; per havere passato questo peiicolo imminente alia liberta, per la avaritia, ambitione, et perfidia di questi homini scelesti el dolorosi (/>. 'tiisti') cittadini." But thev would naturally use strong language in seeUi g to justify their action at Rome. !7o GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA We have no wish whatever to express disapproval of his action in the matter, simply because it does not perchance seem to fit in with post-Tridentine notions of ecclesiastical propriety. But judging his conduct in the light of principles fully recognised in his own time, and also in the light of subsequent events, it does seem to us that, in the proceedings which we have briefly summarised, he went too fast and too far. A great opportunity had no doubt arisen. The welfare of the republic depended in great measure upon his action. The State was in need of help, and that help it was in his power, more than in that of any other man, to give. There was no lack of general principles on which it was important to insist, and on some if not on all of which Fra Girolamo did insist at this crisis. For instance, that the law of Christ should be the basis of all government in a Christian people (as against the cynical dictum of Cosimo de' Medici that a State cannot be governed by paternosters) ; that political duties cannot be dissociated from moral obligations, and that the giving of a vote for or against a measure is a matter not merely of expediency, but of conscience; that it is sometimes a duty to come to a prompt decision even when the grounds for such a decision are, in the nature of things, only probable, and that this duty now lay upon those who were responsible for the welfare of the republic ; that in weighing the grounds for such a conclusion the end to be obtained, viz. the general welfare, ought alone to be steadily kept in view to the exclusion of all side issues ; that in weighing the advice given by rival politicians, account should be taken of their motives, so far as their motives might be gauged by a review of their past career; that the example of neighbouring States, whose circumstances resembled their own, might well weigh more than abstract political theories ; and last, but not least, that when a decision should be reached it would be the duty of the disappointed minority to submit to the accomplished fact, and loyally to abstain from all underhand efforts to upset a constitution which would deserve, as it would require, much patient forbearance until it had become consolidated by time. 1 It need hardly be said that principles like these are capable of indefinite expansion and illustration at the hands of an orator gifted as Savonarola was. To have given advice of this kind would have been entirely in keeping with the preacher's religious profession ; 1 The need of such patient forbearance is more than once referred to, or im- plied, in Guicciardini, Del Reg., e.g. pp. ioo, 119, 124. THE FRIAR AND FLORENTINE CONSTITUTION 171 and to have developed with all his wonderful eloquence, and driven home with all his fiery energy, the fundamental truths of political morality, would have been to confer a real boon upon his fellow- citizens. To have done this, as he was so well fitted to do it, would have been to exercise the functions of the true educator, whose aim is to teach his pupils to work and think for themselves, rather than to attempt to smooth the path to knowledge by doing their work for them. Nor, again, considering the circumstances of the time, could we have blamed Fra Girolamo if — being invited by the Signory — he had expounded before them, like any other speaker, his own individual views as to the decision which ought to be taken. His preference for the Consiglio Grande was well worthy to carry weight in the discussion ; and when the Council had been once established, secret plots and machinations, having its downfall for their end, deserved all the reprobation which disloyalty to any other form of duly established government would rightly have called forth. But it was one thing to insist, as any Christian preacher might on occasion find it his duty to insist, on general principles of political morality, or again, under exceptional circumstances, to tender his advice on questions of constitutional politics ; it was a very different thing to invest his own personal opinions in a manner with the authority of the Gospel, and to say in God's name what God had perchance given him no commission to say. Assuming the bona fides of Fra Girolamo, it will be understood that we do not intend to impute moral blame in connection with every single logical or practical result from what we believe to have been an initial error ; but having in view only the objective truth of the matter, we may safely say that it is always a mistake — and it may be a very mis- chievous mistake — to pretend to certainty where probability alone is available as the guide of life and action, or to claim a directly divine sanction for that which is divine only in the sense in which the natural outcome of human prudence and sagacity is a God-given boon. There was much to be said in favour of a Council " alter the manner of the Venetians." It is quite possible, nay, highly probable, that under the circumstances no better basis of govern- ment could have been devised by or for the Florentine Republic. But in endeavouring to form a judgment on the matter, two points must be steadily kept in mind. First, that as a matter of simple fact this copying of the Venetian polity was like the enacting of Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark ; and secondly, that as a matter of 172 GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA opinion, many shrewd contemporary politicians regarded the omission as fatal. Venice had its Doge elected for life. To make the resem- blance perfect, Florence should have had its Gonfalo?iiere a vita, or at the very least it should have elected a President of some kind whose tenure of office could be reckoned by years and not by months. 1 And in fact after the new constitution — formed under the influence of Fra Girolamo — had been on its trial for eight years, the need of such a provision made itself so keenly felt that in 1502 Piero Soderini, nephew of Pagolantonio, was chosen perpetual Gonfaloniere? We are not saying that this ought to have been done sooner. We can easily understand that in 1594 the special circumstances of the time may have made any such provision practically impossible. 3 In the days which followed Piero's expulsion it is probable that not even the eloquence of a Savonarola — had he cared to devote it to such a cause — could have induced the people of Florence to elect or accept one of the Medici, under altered conditions, as the constitutional head of the State ; nor would Piero, it may be surmised, have been con- tented to accept or to hold such a position under the needful restric- tions. 4 On the other hand there was, perhaps, no one else whose known capabilities or services to the State — not to speak of other qualifications — would have made him an acceptable candidate for a lengthened term of presidency. 5 And for these reasons among others it may well be that no better scheme of government could have been devised than that which was actually adopted. At the same time it must be remembered that there were politicians of high character who regarded Piero's expulsion as 1 Guicciardini, Del Reg., p. 1 36 ; Storia, cap. xxv. ; Discorso III., pp. 272- 273. Of the Venetian Republic he says that: " E stato grandissimo fondamento lo avere uno Duce perpetuo, e se ne vedde ancora lo esempio per contrario in noi, otto anni (1494-1502) dopo lo essere fondato il vivere populare ; dove il non essere chi tenessi cura del governo particularmente ci condusse in tanto precipizio che la salute nostra nacque molte volte piu tosto da Dio o dal caso che dalli uomini o dal sapere." 2 Guicciardini, Storia, loc. cit. 3 Guicciardini, Del Reg., p. 183. 4 Nardi, when relating the debates which preceded the restoration of the Medici in 1 5 12, shrewdly remarks that it was well understood that the proposed guarantee against molestation, which was to be granted in their favour, practically amounted to a guarantee that they should be allowed to molest others (ii. 3 sq PROPHET AND POPE 191 have been in commotion. " Moreover, had my words baen believed, Italy would not now be smitten with such tribulations as we see. For whereas I foresaw its afflictions ... I foretold that a sword was to come, and I showed that penance was the only means whereby peace might be attained." All Italy, then, ought to be grateful to him for having taught her the way to peace such as Florence now enjoys, a peace which she might also have enjoyed had she betaken herself to the one remedy of penance. As for what concerns the reunion with the Lombard Congregation, it is an injustice to call religious men of edifying life "perverse friars." It is false that the separation was obtained by the efforts of some, whereas a public document shows it was asked for by all. It was sought and obtained, not that we might indulge in laxity, but that we might live a life of greater strictness. Nor was the separation obtained in a surreptitious manner ("subdole"), but after long discussion, and in view of the fact that the Tuscan Congregation had originally been independent of the Lombard. It was rather the Brief of union which had been surreptitiously obtained. ' It is not true that he has refused to go to Rome. He had written in accordance with the ordinances of the Canon Law, to set forth his reasonable excuses, which he now repeats. He is surprised that his Holiness should not have received the letter, of which he now sends a second copy, so that the Pope may see how falsely he has been accused of disobedience. As for the appointment of the Vicar-General of the Lombard Con- gregation to enquire into his case, Maggi is a judge whom he has every right to regard with suspicion ; for it is notorious what controversies have prevailed between the Lombard and the Tuscan Congregations, and how the Vicar and his brethren have not ceased to molest the convents of Tuscany. 2 It is contrary to all principles of justice to appoint an enemy as judge ; nor can a man be lawfully required to appear before such a judge. He is therefore justified in declining to obey his Holiness in this matter ("impune non paremus Sanctitati Vestras") in view of the grave causes which he can allege. He has many enemies whose violence and plots make it impossible for him to leave Florence, as he has already explained in his former letter. How then can his Holiness put him under obedience to the Vicar-General of Lombardy, who will have it in his power to send him to places where his life will be in danger? And as for the source of this danger, it has arisen simply because he has proclaimed the truth, and because the truth excites hatred. He concludes with an eloquent recital of the services which he has rendered to the city of Florence in liberating her 1 See above, pp. 91 sqq. a The letters (iSth June, 16th November 1493) in which the General