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THE INNER LIFE
RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES
COMMONWEALTH.
LONDON :
BARCLAY AND FEY, PRINTERS, ETC.
COLLEGE HILL, CANNON ST.
S !
H tc.
THE INNER LIFE
RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES
COMMONWEALTH:
CONSIDERED PRINCIPALLY
WITH REFERENCE TO THE INFLUENCE OF CHURCH ORGANIZATION
ON THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.
By ROBERT BARCLAY.
LONDON:
HODDER AND STOUGHTON,
27, PATERNOSTER ROW.
MDCCCLXXVI.
[All Rights reserved.']
PREFACE.
For the last eight years the leisure of a busy life has
been devoted to the collection and arrangement of the
materials for this Work.
Some of the Eeligious Societies of the Commonwealth
have not hitherto been deemed worthy of an accurate
and pains-taking study, others have had the history of
the theological opinions or sufferings of their members
in the cause of Religious Liberty fully told; and all have
been described rather in their political and external, than
in their internal relations. It has been my aim, in the
historical portions of this volume, to enable the people
who are described, to tell us in their own words, what
was the origin, the object, and structure of the Societies
to which they belonged, and also to give a practical turn
to the enquiry — how far the schemes of Church organ-
ization described in this volume have attained their real
objects.
The present is irrevocably linked with the past — what we
see — is the result of what has preceded it, to a greater
extent than we are always willing to admit. The reli-
gious forces which were developed at this interesting
period of our history are far from being fully spent.
The harvest of good or evil is not yet fully reaped.
The stand-point from which the subject has been
treated, differs essentially from that of many other
writers. The reader will, however, agree, that it is
desirable to contemplate the religious history of our
country from all the points of view which may tend
to elucidate it. Some aspects of the history of the
period may have their importance, and yet have escaped
the notice they deserve, while others may be obscured
by the mist of a prejudice which is merely the result of
imperfect information.
Whatever treatment the history of the Christian Beli-
gion may receive from historians, and whatever may be
the fate of Religious Societies, we may be sure (to
use the words of one who suffered martyrdom * for his
opinions respecting the constitution of a visible Church),
that the smallest portion of "Divine truth is immortal;
it may perhaps long be bound, scourged, crowned, cruci-
fied, and be laid for a season in the grave, yet the
third day it shall rise again victorious, and rule and
triumph for ever."
References have been clearly and copiously given to the
sources of information which have been used in the pre-
paration of the Work. Some of these are special and
* Baltbasar Hubmier, born 1480, at Friedsburg, near Augsburg, burnt 1528, at
Vienna.
XI
original, and others have not hitherto (as far as I am
aware) been drawn upon by any English writer. To
acknowledge the obligations I am under to those who
have most kindly and heartily assisted me, is not only
a duty, but also a pleasure, and their names are placed
below.
To the Heads of the departments at the
British Museum.
,, George Bullen, Keeper of the Printed
Books in British Museum.
„ Librarians of Lambeth Library.
,, Librarians of Sion College Library.
„ Henry Bradshaw, University Library,
Cambridge.
„ John E. B. Mayor, M.A., of St. John's
Cambridge.
„ E. B. Underhill, LL.D., Editor of the
Hansard Knollys Society's publica-
tions, for the use of his Library and
. MSS.
,, Francis Fry, Esq., F.S.A., Cotham,
Bristol, for the use of his valuable
collection of Early "Friends' " tracts,
&c.
„ Thomas Goadby, B.A., Chilwell Col-
lege, near Northampton.
„ Fielden Thorp, M.A., York.
,, Bobert Barclay, Esq., Bury Hill, near
Dorking.
,, The Authorities at the Record Office.
To H. 0. Coxe, Librarian of the Bodleian.
,, Librarians at the Guildhall Library.
,, Librarian of Dr. Williams' Library.
„ Dr. F. Nippold, of Berne.
,, Dr. C. A. Cornelius, of Munich.
,, P. A. Tiele, of the University Library
of Leyden.
,, John Waddington, D.D.
„ F. W. Gotch, LL.D., Baptist College,
Bristol.
,, Herbert S. Skeats.
„ J. H. Millard, Secretary of Baptist
Union, Huntingdon.
" The Executors of the late W. Thistle-
thwaite, for the use of MS. Notes of
Minute Books inspected by him.
,, Stafford Allen, Esq., Stoke Newington,
who joined me in arranging a special
search for documents in the locali-
ties where the Society of Friends
had its rise.
,, J. Angus, D.D., Regent's Park Col-
lege.
,, A. Gordon, M.A., Norwich.
I am greatly indebted to Dr. J. G. de Hoop Scheffer, for his valuable information and
help, and for the loan of books from the Library of the Mennonite College, and
transcripts and translations from the archives of the Mennonite Church, &c, at
Amsterdam.
Those who have kindly assisted me, who are not mentioned, and also the following
Representative Bodies, will equally accept my thanks.
The Representative Committee of the Society of Friends, for the use of their un-
equalled collection of original tracts and other works, and for placing at my disposal
their ancient and valuable collection of Records and Letters, particularly the Swarthmore
MSS., a collection made under George Fox's direction, and most of them endorsed with
his own handwriting. An addition to this collection has lately come into their hands.
Xll
These MSS., with two thick foolscap volumes of the same original collection of papers
belonging to myself, added to the vast number of original Minute Books of the
Society of Friends noted below, have placed in my hands advantages which have not
been made use of to the same extent by any historical writers except Sewel and John
Barclay (the author of "The Life and Times of Jaffray"), and A. B. Barclay, who
published the " Letters of Early Friends " (the Author's father and uncle).
The Minute Books of the following County Meetings, comprising a mass of church
records existing in an unbroken series through all their gradations, and linked
with those of the Yearly Meetings at Devonshire House from the year 1669 to the
present time, have been more or less thoroughly searched, and the results extracted
systematically : —
The Meetings of London and the environs, Bristol and Somerset Monthly and
Quarterly Meeting Records and Letters, with those of Dublin and Ireland, Aberdeen,
Edinburgh, Cumberland, Westmoreland, Yorkshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, Cheshire,
Sussex, Surrey, Devon and Cornwall, Reading, &c.
A portion of the collection of the somewhat rare works
of Caspar Schwenkfeld, dispersed in consequence of the
death of Dr. Frederick Schneider of Berlin, opportunely
fell into my hands. This placed within my reach im-
portant and accurate information respecting the life and
teaching of this most estimahle and extraordinary man
— who, it will be seen, exercised a deep and powerful
influence upon the development of the principles of the
Eeformation.
Kobert Barclay.
Reigate, 1876.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Meeting for Worship of the Old Flemish
Mennonites ...... Frontispiece.
The Head Costume of Women between 1648
and 1750 page 440
Chronological Table of Important Religious
Events, from the Rise of the Society of
Friends to the present time . . . page 549
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction . xxi
CHAPTEE I.
The Nature and Objects of a Visible Church 1
CHAPTER II.
The course of Religious Opinion in England prior to 1640. The Rise of the
Baptists, the Presbyterian and Anglican Parties in the Church of England,
the Familists, and Brownists 10
CHAPTER HI.
The course of Religious Opinion in England prior to 1640 (continued). The
Rise of the Barrowists, Johnsonists, Separatists or Early Independents . 39
CHAPTER IV.
The course of Religious Opinion in England prior to 1640 (continued). The
Ancient Church of Amsterdam. Henry Ainsworth, Francis Johnson, John
Robinson, and John Smyth. The Rise at Amsterdam and Leyden of the
English Congregational, or Independent Churches, Johnson's Presbyterio-
Independent Church, and the English General Baptist or Mennonite Church 61
CHAPTER V.
A short History of Menno, the Founder of the Continental Mennonite Baptists.
His Religious Principles, Testimony against War, Oaths, and Frivolity in
Dress, etc. Strict Church Discipline. Practice of Silent Prayer in the
Religious Worship of the Mennonites. Rise of the Collegianten of Rynsburg.
The resemblance of their Views and Practices to those of the "Plymouth
Brethren " of the present day 78
CHAPTER VI.
The course of Religious Opinion in England prior to 1640 (continued). The
Return of Helwys to England. He founds the first General Baptist Church.
He is followed by Henry Jacob. He founds the first Independent Church,
on the Principles of John Robinson. The Principles and Practice of the
English Separatist Churches at Amsterdam and Leyden .... 93
Appendix to Chapter VI.
Reprint of " The last Book of John Smyth, called the Retraction of his Errors and
the Confirmation of the Truth;" also "The Life and Death of John Smyth,"
XVI
Appendix to Chapteb VI. — Continued.
by Thomas Piggott ; also the EngUsh version of "John Smyth's Confession
of Faith," in one hundred Propositions, replied to in 1614, by John Robinson,
of Leyden.
CHAPTER VII.
The course of Religious Opinion in England prior to 1640 (continued). The
increase of the Puritans, Baptists, and Brownists. The Virginia Company
found a Colony in America. The Company is a pecuniary failure. They at
last invite the Separatists in Holland to emigrate. John Robinson's Church
at Leyden accept the invitation, and found the Church of the "Pilgrim
Fathers " at Plymouth. Laud persecutes the Puritan Party, and supports
the High Church Party. Accession of Charles I. Religious agitation . .118
CHAPTER VHI.
Meeting of the Long Parliament. Ejection of the Royalist Clergy. The West-
minster Assembly. The Puritans endeavour to force the Geneva Model of
Church Government on the Country. "Lay" Preaching. Women preach.
The Independents and Baptists oppose the Presbyterian Scheme. Denne,
Lamb, and others, preach the Gospel to the common people . . . 132
CHAPTER IX.
The Origin, Opinions, and rapid Spread of the " Seekers " or " Waiters. " Milton's
Views respecting " Sects " and " Schisms." The State of the Country. The
Puritans. " The Scruple Shop." True Causes of the Opposition of the
"Sectaries" to the Presbyterian Party. Prophecy is held to be a Minis-
terial Gift. The "Letter" and the "Spirit." Both Parties proceed to
extremes. An Anglican Prophet. "Miracles" and "Gifts of Healing."
Religious Excitement produces Religious Insanity 173
CHAPTER X.
On the Origin and History of the Doctrine of the " Inward Light, Life, Seed," &c,
promulgated in England by George Fox. Controversy in Amsterdam be-
tween Nittert Obbes and Hans de Rys. Hans de Rys advocates the Views
of Caspar Schwenkfeld, of Silesia. Some Account of Schwenkfeld, his
Opinions and his Followers* Connection between the Friends and the
Mennonites 221
CHAPTER XL
On the Internal History and Development of the Society of Friends. George
Fox is converted. He Preaches at Baptist Meetings. Commences in 1648
to form a Society. Has an Interview with Oates, the celebrated General
Baptist Preacher. He collects a Band of Preachers. Is invited to Swarth-
more Hall. The Substance of the Preaching of the " Children of Light."
Margaret Fell. Fox's Opposition to a Ministry supported by the State. His
approval of a Ministry freely supported by Congregations .... 253
XV11
CHAPTER XII.
PAGE
The Custom of Preaching in the Churches "after the Priest had done," when the
Church was "Eemodelled after the Fashion of Scotland." The Early
Friends, by doing so, did not intentionally disturb Public Worship. Fox
requested to preach in the Churches. Not indicted for disturbing Congrega-
tions. " Prophesying " of Laymen approved by " First Book of Discipline " of
he Church of Scotland. Churches treated as Public Buildings. The right
of Laymen to preach in Churches. Prophesying usual among the Indepen-
dents and Baptists. Featly and the Baptists. The character of the Preach-
ing of the Friends, and the Beasons of their Opposition to the Presbyterian
Clergy 274
CHAPTEB X1TI.
Evangelistic Work of the Preachers in connection with Fox, at Bristol. Physical
Effects produced by their Preaching similar to those produced since among the
Wesleyans and Independents. Another Account of the Bise of "Quakerism"
at Bristol. The success of the Preachers in influencing "prophane" people.
The "Upstart Locust Doctrine" is found to produce faithfulness, honesty,
and truthfulness. "Public" and "Betired" Meetings. Becords of the
Church at Bristol. 308
CHAPTEB XIV.
Richard Baxter meets the Itinerant Preachers. His dislike of Lay-preaching.
Questions addressed to the new Ministry, by Baptists and Friends. The
Preachers under the control of Fox. Care taken in the employment of ^
Women Preachers. Evangelistic Work in London 328
CHAPTER XV.
The organization of the Society of Friends by Fox, coeval with its rise. The
General Baptist Churches; their "Apostles," "Elders," "Deacons," " Over-
seers," or " Visitors." The Co-operative Independency of these Churches,
and their Membership. Similarity of the Constitution of the Ancient
Society of Friends, their Church Officers, their Membership. Originally an
Adult Membership. The Bishop summonses the Quakers to go to " Church"
as " by Law appointed," and their reply. Strictness of their Discipline.
Their Views on Baptism and the Lord's-supper. One of the Early
Preachers baptizes a Convert. They keep a "Love Feast," as "the early
Christians " did, at Aberdeen 351
Appendtx to Chapteb XV.
MS. Paper by Edward Burrough, entitled " Some few Beasons why we Deny the
Church of England, and are of this way, and such who are scornfully called
Quakers."
A
xvm
CHAPTER XVI.
The position of the Travelling Ministry in the Society. The method of their
PAGE
" orderly dispersion " according to the necessities of the Churches. Their
control transferred by Fox from himself to the Standing Committee of
Ministers in London. Women Preachers allowed to supplement the work of
the " Brethren," but not to direct affairs relating to the Ministry. The
•* Ministers' Meetings," their Spiritual life and energy. The establishment
of Church Officers simultaneous with the rise of the Society. The gradual
change from an "Independent" to a " Connexional " Church System;
•' Canons of George Fox." The Meetings for Worship. Silent Prayer.
Disuse of the Bible in Worship, and its origin. The establishment of the
Central Yearly Meeting in London. The action of Fox respecting Marriage 379
Appendix to Chapter XVI.
Petition from " Friends" to the Council of the Lord Protector, 1658, hitherto
unpublished. Paper by Naylor, illustrating the Controversy between the
"Friends " and the Calvinists, respecting " Sin for a term of Life," entitled
" Several Queries to be answered, by Thomas Ledgard," &c.
A CHAPTER XVII.
The Influence of the Seekers and Banters upon the Internal Development of the
Society of Friends. The rise and prevalence of the Views of the Banters.
The successful promulgation of their Views among the Seekers. The " Spiri-
tuels " of Calvin's time. The Opinions and Practices of the Banters. The
M aggie tonians. The Influence of Beligious Excitement, Persecution, and
War, in producing Beligious Madness. Naylor . . • ... . 409
Appendix to Chapter XVII.
Beprint of portions of " Heights in Depths and Depths in Heights," &c, by John
Salmon. London, 1651. " The Light and Dark side of God," by Jacob
Bauthumley. London, 1650.
CHAPTEB xvrn.
Influence of the line of thought of the Banters and Seekers upon the Society of
Friends. Perrott. Opposition to Fox, and the Ministry as a distinct Office in
the Church. " The Spirit of the Hat "— Penn on " The Liberty of the
Spirit." The conduct of Fox under petty opposition. Story and Wilkinson
lead the dissatisfied Party. They advocate the " Independency of Churches."
Barclay enters the lists with his " Anarchy of the Banters." The Principles
of Church Government advocated in this Work. Pennington and Livingstone
pronounce against them. The Separatists denounce "Outward Teachers,"
and plead the sufficiency of " the Inward Teacher " 429
CHAPTEB XIX.
The Story and Wikinson Party oppose Singing, while Fox and Barclay acknow-
ledge it to be a part of Divine Worship. The Singing of the "General
Baptists." The rise of " Congregational Singing" at Geneva. Its intro-
XIX
Chapter XIX. — Continued.
PAGB
duction into England. Organs and Cathedral Singing. Sternhold and
Hopkins' Psalms. Congregational Singing in New England. Its rise
among the Independents and Baptists. Their objections to the Singing of
the Church of England. Hymn Tune published by Seweli Margaret Fell
encourages Singing. The Separation takes place. Attempts at reconciliation
at Drawell and Bristol. Meeting-houses seized by the Separatists. The
Controversy turned over to ELwood. The " Rhyming Scourge " and
" Rogero-Mastix." Missionary Effort and a Teaching Ministry condemned
by the Separatists. The " Ranter " and " Seeker " Congregations disappear 451 /
CHAPTER XX.
The Persecutions of the Restoration. Disorganization of the Machinery of the
Free Churches for Religious and Secular Teaching. Internal History of the
Society of Friends resumed. Their Spiritual prosperity and increase in
numbers. Difficulties as to Religious Instruction and the Membership of
children. The Theocratic Church Government carried out by the Friends,
the Baptists, and to some extent by the Independents. Vanity in Dress
repressed. The Theocracy embraces the whole outward life of man . . 474
Appendix to Chapter XX.
A Declaration of some of those people in or near London, called Anabaptists, that
own and believe God's love in the death of His Son is extended to all men ;
and that are in the belief and practice of the doctrine of Christ, contained in
Hebrews v. 1, 2.
CHAPTER XXI.
The Fear of " Human Learning " among the Baptists and Early Friends. Its v
origin. Defective Education causes a difficulty in the employment of " Lay"
Preachers. The Baptists commence to Educate their Ministers. The Inde-
pendents instruct their " Lay " Preachers at the charge of the Churches.
Decrease of the Standard of Education in the Society of Friends. Their
Ministers decrease in Influence. Quietism. The support of the Poor by the
Church exerts an influence unfavourable to Church Extension. New Poor
Law established in the Society of Friends. Birthright Membership and its
results ^ 502
CHAPTER XXH.
Introduction of " Ruling Elders " in the Society of Friends. Baxter's " private "
opinion respecting "Lay Elders" of the Presbyterian System. He would
not call them " Dumbe Doggs." New " Overseers " appointed in the Society
of Friends. Testimony of certain Members of the Church of England to the
value of the Travelling Ministry of the Society of Friends. Letter of John
Fry to the Morning Meeting. The Position now occupied by the Ministers.
John Wesley's observations on " Lay Elders ".,.... 522
Appendix to Chapter XXH.
Bishop Hall, on " Lay Elders."
A 2
XX
CHAPTER XXIII.
PAGE
The Effects of the omission, hy the Society of Friends, of the systematic reading
of the New Testament in Public Worship. Secularization of the New
England Theocracy by the admission of "Nominal" or "Political" Mem-
bers, similar in its effects to the introduction of "Birthright Membership"
among the " Friends." Recapitulation of the effect of their Internal Legis-
lation. Ackworth School founded. Whitefield's relations with the Society
of Friends. Their part in the Abolition of the Slave Trade and Slavery.
Their advocacy of the Lancasterian School System, Prison Reformation, the
Amelioration of the Criminal Code, and the Bible Society. The Society
decreases rapidly in numbers during this period 540
Appendix to Chapter XXIII.
Extracts from an Address to the Society of Friends, commonly called Quakers,
on their excommunicating such of their members as marry those of other
Religious Professions. London, 1804.
CHAPTER XXTV.
J The " Hicksite," or Pantheistic Secession in the American Society of Friends.
The Irish Secession. Religious condition of the Society of Friends in
America. Report of the "Friends' Bible Society" of Philadelphia. The
Yearly Meeting of Philadelphia pronounce that the origin of the difficulty
was the want of Christian Teaching for the young, and the admission of un-
taught persons to Membership. The Nature of Hicks' Teaching. Want of
Religious Teaching traced to the old distrust of " Human(e) Learning." . 557
CHAPTER XXV.
The " Beacon " Controversy in the Society of Friends. Object of the "Beacon."
The " Manchester Committee." The suggestions of Crewdson, Boulton, and
others, for the benefit of the Society of Friends. Crewdson is suspended
from the Office of a Minister. He and his followers secede. Effects of the
system of Governing " Elders" during the Controversy. Beneficial effect of
the establishment of Sunday Schools and Home Mission efforts in the
Society of Friends. The " Friends' Foreign Mission Society " . . . 571
CHAPTER XXVI.
The General Position of the Presbyterian, Independent, and Baptist Societies,
prior to the Preaching of the Wesleys and Whitefield. The Extinction of
the old Presbyterian Churches. Ancient Independency at Rothwell, &o.
Organic changes in the Independent Churches, the Calvinistic, Baptist, and
General Baptist Churches. The Preaching of the Wesleys and Whitefield.
The iremployment of Lay Preaching. The Decline of the " Dissenting
Interest " arrested by Wesleyan Methodism. Dr. Doddridge, and his advice
to the " Dissenting Interest " 587
XXI
CHAPTER XXVTL
PAGE
History of the Modern Mennonites, particularly in relation to their Christian
testimony against War. The Dutch Mennonites. The Mennonites of the
Vosges. Their Customs. The Prussian and the Eussian Mennonites. Re-
marks on the Modern Principle of Universal Military Training, and the incom-
patibility of War with the Principles of Christianity. The history of the Rise
of the French " Friends " 606
CHAPTER XXVHI.
On the relative Position and Power of Increase shown by various Ancient and
Modern Religious Societies in the Propagation of the Gospel. Evidence
furnished by the Census of 1851. Mr. Mian's Statistics and the American
Government Census. The Position of the Society of " Friends." The
" Church of England." The Independent and Baptist Churches. The
Methodists. The " Primitive " Methodists. The power of Lay Preaching.
The experience of the Welsh Free Churches. The New Connexion of
General Baptists 629
Appendix to Chapter XXVHI.
Government Statistics. Statistics of Religious Societies, &c. Table 1 — Showing
proportion per cent, of Attenders on Public Worship, both to Population
and Sittings, according to the Census of 1851. Table 2 — Statistics of
Churches (United States of America) showing Number of Sittings. Table 3
— Statistics of the Society of Friends in England. Table 4 — Statistics of the
Progress of the Western Yearly Meetings of the American Society of Friends.
Table 5 — Statistics of Meetings and Meeting-houses belonging to the Society
of Friends in England. Table 6 — Details from the United States Census,
showing the Increase and Decrease of Seat Accommodation in the Orthodox
and Hicksite branches of the Society of Friends, for every State in the Union,
with the Ratio of Increase of the Population for every State. Table 7 —
Statistics of the New Connexion of General Baptists. Table 8 — Annual In-
crease of certain Metropolitan Baptist Churches. Tables 9 — Annual In-
crease and Decrease of certain Baptist Churches in Great Britain. Remarks
on Table 9. Table 10. — Summary of Statistics of Methodism in England
and America. Table 11 — Statistics of the Sunday Schools connected with
the Methodist Societies in Great Britain. Table 12 — Statistics of the
Methodist New Connexion. Table 13— Satistics of the Progress of the Bible
Christian Society. Table 14 — Statistics of the Progress of the Methodist
Society. Table 15 — Primitive Methodist Society. Statistics of Sunday
Schools and Teachers. Table 16 — Statistics of the United Methodist Free
Churches. Table 17— United Methodist Sunday Schools.
CHAPTER XXTX.
Recapitulation. The Structure of the Religious Societies of the Past. The Sur-
vival of certain Principles of Church Structure ; their Object and Effect. The
Introduction of New Principles of Action. Conclusion 674
INTRODUCTION.
A few years ago the writer was much impressed by some
statements which came under his notice respecting the
religious needs of London. He endeavoured by personal
inspection to make himself acquainted with many of the
various Christian Missions carried on in London. He also
engaged in the work as far as his opportunities allowed.*
While thus occupied he was deeply impressed by the fact
that Home Missions not in connection with any Church,
and without any system of membership, had few of those
elements of success, vitality, and stability, which the direct
efforts of Christian Churches to extend their borders and
church system, seemed to him to possess.
London contains, according to the best statistical infor-
mation we possess, about 850,000 to 1,000,000 persons who
attend no place of worship. It may help us to form some
idea *of the want of success on the part of every section of
the Christian Church in grappling with such a state of
things, if we recollect that by comparing the seat accommo-
dation already provided with the persons Jit and able to attend
*He has pleasant recollections of Field Lane Refuge, and would commend this
excellent institution to those who have personal service to offer.
XXIV
worship in London, we find that if all the churches,
chapels, and buildings devoted to public worship were filled
to their last seat, there would be still left outside the
buildings as many people as the whole population — men,
women and children — in the cities of Leeds, Bristol,
Sheffield, and Birmingham. As the writer walked at night
through the narrow streets teeming with a labouring popu-
lation, the question how this great city is to be evangelized,
seemed to him to be worthy of something more than a
moment's thoughtfulness or a passing sigh. It is difficult
for any person who has not been engaged in the work to
grasp the sad reality, of the utter inadequacy of the means
now in existence to accomplish the end which is sought.
The increase of the population is constantly outrunning the
attempts which are made to bring the poor under the direct
influence of Christianity, while the sum total of the irre-
ligion caused by the neglect of the various sections of the
Christian Church in times past, remains and increases.
The hearty co-operation of Christians of all denominations
during last year in enabling two American Lay Preachers
to address large masses of the London population, seems
to shew that the desire, on the part of the Christian public,
of influencing the irreligious classes exists, if the means of
effectually doing so are to be found. The importance of the
subject will be seen when it is stated that more than
one-third of all the crime in England is committed in
London. In this city 73,000 persons are taken into
XXV
custody every year, and 100,000 paupers are relieved by
the poor law authorities every week.
The means at present in existence for the evangelization
of London consist, first, of certain Societies employing
paid agency, which are not churches, but which are in-
tended to supplement the deficiencies of all churches;
secondly, the Missions of individual Christians, who are
often left to cope with difficulties which can only be over-
come by united action ; thirdly, the Home Mission agency
of particular churches, the object of which is to remove the
obstacles which exist to the direct action of these churches ;
and lastly, the work of Christian Churches in forming
offshoots from the original body. This last method is
seldom employed, except for the purpose of obtaining
religious ordinances for those portions of the middle classes
and the labouring population who already appreciate and
are willing to bear the pecuniary burden requisite to obtain
them. It is comparatively seldom that the degraded and
depraved, or even the sceptical well-to-do artizan classes, are
sought for as church members. We honour those Christians
who go forth alone, sacrificing their time, their health, and
the pleasures of their own fire- side, to preach the Gospel.
Like John the Baptist, they are preparing the way of the
Church of the Future. But there is about this isolated
action a want of permanence. No organization exists fitted
to supply the description of labourers they need to supple-
ment their efforts, and to obtain and judiciously to apply
XXVI
the needful funds. The zeal which commenced the work is
not communicated to others ; it is like a plant which does
not succeed in propagating its species. This isolated action
is most aptly compared by an eloquent writer to the " Bed
Cross Knight," " pricking forth alone in quest of adven-
tures ; " and he draws a contrast between this antique and
picturesque method of seeking the foe, and the scientific
organization of modern armies. He very justly remarks
that the necessities of Christ's Church in the present day
require that the warfare should be waged on somewhat
different principles.
With regard to those societies which employ paid agency,
they are worthy of the most hearty support, but their
warmest supporters would themselves acknowledge that the
necessity for them arises mainly from the imperfect manner
in which Christian Churches have performed their duty. A
vast army of voluntary labourers is needed, and these
can only be supplied, in the case of London, by the zeal
and earnestness of the members of the various churches
in the environs. It is constantly asserted that the only
thing which is lacking is this zeal and earnestness. The
writer, on the other hand, believes that in every religious
denomination, and probably in every congregation in the
suburbs of London, there are ■ a considerable number of
truly Christian men and women who are fully capable of
the self-sacrifice which such a service in the cause of their
Lord and Master requires, but that, from a variety of circum-
XXV11
stances, they are perfectly unable to create a sphere of action
for themselves ; and that such is the nature of our religious
organizations that they are found, wlien fairly tested, unable
to afford a place for every one who is willing to work in the
service of Christ. Enthusiasm and self-sacrifice soon die
out when an adequate object, and the right means of
accomplishing that object, do not present themselves. It
is a mistake to believe that those who possess right feeling
and right principle will always find a position of usefulness
in the Home Mission field, and one in which they are
fitted to excel. Men are impelled to make great sacrifices
when they see the necessities of the work in which they are
engaged, and their enthusiasm rises in proportion to the
difficulties which surround them, if only they are in a
position which holds out the possibility of accomplishing
their object. Where there is one man capable of com-
mencing home missionary operations alone in the Metro-
polis, or any of our large towns, there are a thousand who
would work as patiently, and with equal success in pro-
portion to their varied gifts, if they were kindly taken by the
hand and shewn a congenial sphere of labour for their
common Lord.
On further consideration of the subject, the author thought
he saw a great difference between the various churches, in
respect of their evangelizing power. It seemed to him that
an examination of the question as to what tends to help
and what tends to hinder, the exercise of the converting
XXV111
and assimilating power which is inherent in the Christian
religion, might be of advantage to other Keligious Societies
as well as to the Society of Friends, of which he found
himself a member — positively without thought or choice,
and simply by the accident of birth.
The internal history of this Christian Church, and certain
other Religious Societies, seemed to him calculated to
illustrate the subject. The Society of Friends exhibited in
the early stages of its existence, an amount of energy and
vitality which form an extraordinary contrast with its sub-
sequent history. In the year 1700 it was a strongly
organized and increasing church. It was probably as
numerous, compared with the population, as the Wesleyan
Society fifty years after the Wesleys had commenced
preaching. The internal history of the Society of Friends
possesses a special interest, because it is unquestionably
the history of a great experiment in church organiza-
tion. It advocated many great principles which, when
first promulgated, were held up to the scorn of the
religious as well as the irreligious world. The larger
number of these have been insensibly adopted by other
churches, because they were found to be in accordance with
both the letter and the spirit of the Gospel. The extraor-
dinary amount of misrepresentation and persecution which
the Society of Friends received was borne with a patience
and Christian fortitude which was equally extraordinary, and
won for it the respect of its bitterest enemies. The part
XXIX
which this church took at the period of the Restoration is
now admitted to have had no inconsiderable influence in
deciding the issue of the struggle which won for England
" the priceless jewel of religious liberty." In the fearful
sufferings of those times, the testimony of the Society of
Friends to the great principles which were at stake partook
of the character ascribed to its founder. " It was as sound
as a bell, and as stiff as a tree." The history of the Christian
Church hardly presents a more striking picture than the
stand made by this Society, for the right of Englishmen to
worship Grod according to their conscientious convictions.
In later times, it is not too much to say that the religious
character of many of the members of this society, and their
labours for the good of their fellow men, have commanded
the respect of all the churches, and sincere regret has been
expressed by prominent members of other denominations at
their decline in numbers. In tracing the causes which led
to this decline, the writer will endeavour to shew that the
principles which led to the sudden rise and increase of this
Society, are those which have governed and must govern
every vigorous and increasing church ; and that the prin-
ciples of church government which led to its rapid and
almost unexampled decline in numbers, are such as offer a
lesson of warning to other Christian Churches. The present
position of the Society of Friends is that of just maintaining
its numbers, and there are grounds for believing that a
revival of religion is taking place within its borders, which,
XXX
if not overcome by the almost insuperable obstacles to
church extension it has accumulated during the last 150
years of its existence, may eventually place it in the foremost
rank of those churches who honestly add to their numbers
by christianizing the masses of the irreligious population.
The original design of the founders of the Society of
Friends — its position and stand point in relation to the
Keligious Societies of the times, its elements of strength
and weakness, and the very reasons of its existence — have
been, in the author's view, very inadequately understood.
One of his objects has been to exhibit this Society as one
of the links in the chain of experiments in church organization
which were made at the period of its rise. He trusts, that
however inadequately he may have treated the subject, he
has succeeded in rescuing it from the narrow views; — of
those, on the one hand, who regard the rise of the Eeligious
Societies of the Commonwealth as the mere outbreak of the
wildest fanaticism, and of those, on the other hand, who
have regarded the Early Friends as the apostles of a faith
and of a church too nearly approaching a perfect form of
Christianity ,«for continued existence in this evil world. The
intelligent public will, the author believes, see grounds for
believing that an intelligent adaptation of the ideas of
George Fox to the religious needs of after times, might
have more fully realized his idea of a Working Church, and
might have been more richly blessed in supplying the reli-
gious needs of our labouring population.
XXXI
The author trusts that he has succeeded in throwing some
light, however small, on the mutual relations, the origin,
and the religious practices of the Free Churches which
sprung into existence during the period of the Civil Wars
and the Commonwealth.
Great pains have also been taken to present to the reader
reliable religious statistics, which will furnish him with a
general idea of the success and vitality of some of the
principal systems of church government in England and
America,
CHAPTER I.
The Nature and Objects of a Visible Church.
It is needful for us in this enquiry to have a clear view of
the nature and objects of a church society. We are not
here speaking of the Invisible Church to which all belong
who are united by faith to Christ, the great Head of the
Church. The oneness of the Church of Christ consists in
our having ' one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, one God
and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in
us all.' We shall not discuss the question whether it was
intended by our Lord that Christians should form one vast
and far-reaching Society, because not only has experience
shewn that such an attempt to produce an outward uni-
formity is a failure, but every year tends to shew that the
oneness of which our Lord spoke, was a oneness which is in
perfect harmony with "diversities of administration,"* which
gives free scope to a variety of means of effecting the one
great object, and consists in our having One Spirit. The
whole analogy of the supply of the common wants of man-
* 1. Cor. xii. 5. "And there are variety of ministries," — appointed services in the
Church in which, as their channels of manifestation the ^apirxjuaTa would work — "but
the same Lord " (Christ the Lord of the Church whose it is to appoint all ministrations
in it). These Siaicoviat must not be narrowed to the Ecclesiastical Orders, but
understood again commensurately in extent with the gifts which are to find scope by
their means." — Alford's Greek Testament (in loc.)
B
kind shews that the gifts and talents of men are best
exercised on this principle.
When Christianity appeared in the world, those who
viewed it in its external development called it a " Sect."
The Apostle Paul was called by Tertullus " a ringleader
of the sect of the Nazarines;" and the Jews at Eome spoke
of the Christian Church as a " sect which is everywhere
spoken against." Precisely on the principles upon which
we may feel sure the Apostle Paul would have defended
the church at Kome — as a society whose origin was the
result of an effort to follow more fully what they believed to
be the whole revealed will of God — so any particular society
of Christians in the present day may shew that they are
no " Sect," for where the " Spirit of the Lord is there is
liberty." Surely history has shewn us sufficiently clearly
that the attempt to form churches on the principle of
securing, at all cost, uniformity, has been the source of
endless bitterness and divisions ; while a liberty, which
is the result of Christ's spirit, has tended to produce
unity, harmony, and a co-operation in the same object,
which is a substantial pledge of the oneness of the true
church.
It is (as Archbishop Whately remarks) a striking proof
of the superhuman wisdom which guided the writers of
the New Testament, to find that they give us no directions
for any special form of outward church government, or
worship, or society. Still, the principles which must govern
the societies called churches are not obscurely dealt with in
the New Testament. Men were gathered by the Apostles
into outward societies, often very small in number, e.g. the
church in the house of Aquila and Priscilla, in the house
of Philemon, of Nymphas. These too were organized
societies — even before the Day of Pentecost an organized
society had been formed whose names were enrolled to the
number of 120, and who exercised the functions of a
society, may be seen from Acts i. 15-26; and as they
increased in numbers they required a larger amount of
organization. That they considered themselves as members
of an organized society is evident from Acts vii. 1-6.
The Apostles ordained elders in every city ; there were to
be those who bore " rule," and those who " submitted "
themselves. Christ was the " chief shepherd," but still
there were to be under shepherds, who were to act in His
loving authority. Keligious differences between brethren
were to be told (in case they could not settle them privately)
to "the church," and if a man neglected "to hear the
church" he was to be to the Christian as "a heathen
man and a publican." The church was to be built of
living stones, mutually supporting each other on the
foundation Christ Jesus ; and there could be no Christian
communion, although there might be the most friendly
intercourse in all the relations of daily life between the
believer and the "infidel."
But what the church should be is summed up in the great
principle that " The Church " is His body. The relation
of the members of the human body to the head, and the
mutual relations of the members of every part of the highly
organized whole, shews the dependence of the church
upon Christ, and the diversity, yet perfect harmony, which
exists among the members, if they are all aiming to carry
out the great purpose of that head. Every member has
an office; every part, larger or smaller, is one with the
body; and every individual member is a representative of
the body, precisely as any one member of a plant or animal
belongs to that species of plant or animal and no other, and
has, so to speak, an identity of its own, just as a single
B2
feather from the tail of a humming bird, is sufficient,
we are told, to mark the species from which it has fallen.
Again, every member of the body has a freedom of action
peculiar to its own sphere, but it is nevertheless beneficially
governed by certain other members.
The Church is compared to a flock, an army, a kingdom.
There are no flocks without shepherds; no armies where
men are indiscriminately privates and officers; no kingdoms
where rulers and subjects are convertible terms. No
worldly society could be regulated on such a principle.
The analogy which the human body would seem to suggest,
is that of a freedom of the various members — a government
which is felt to rest its authority upon the supply of certain
needs of the subordinate members, and these again minister
to the needs of those exercising higher functions, both re-
ceiving benefits which are perfectly reciprocal. A Christian
may be really united to the Church universal, in a desert,
or a prison; but who will venture to say, that because
Christ there supplies all His need without human
means — religious isolation is Christ's ordinary method of
doing this ? If a Christian voluntarily forsakes the appoint-
ed channels of Divine grace and help, which are described
in the New Testament as only existing in connection with
a Christian Society, will he remain a member of Christ's
mystical body ? Who will venture to say that a Christian
is performing all his duties, as described in the New
Testament, if he does not seek the communion of the
saints; if the establishment and comfort of the Church
members is a matter of indifference to him; and if he does
not do his part, however small, in assisting in the
propagation of the Gospel ?
It remains to be shewn how these ends can be effec-
tively accomplished without outward means and organized
5
societies.* We shall endeavour to exhibit, in the historical
part of this volume, the practical results of a Church
virtually abrogating this function of a Christian Society.
We cannot doubt that tins constant allusion in the New
Testament to general principles, and not to details, was
intentional, and that the object was to prevent Christians
from attaching to outward institutions any inherent sanctity,
and to lead them to be willing to adapt their plans of
working to the needs of human nature, and the times in
which they live, by continually asking how far any institu-
tions they may adopt conduce to the outward development
of those holy desires and good purposes which the Great
Head of the Church is continually raising in the hearts of
the true followers of Christ, but which can be effectually
thwarted by the arrangements of a Church Society in such
a way as to prevent their practical application. Man has
been created with a faculty for combining in societies, and
* This has been attempted by Mr. Henry Dunn, in a book entitled " Organized
Christianity," Simpkin, London, 1866. Mr. Dunn considers that the propagation of
the Gospel is not within the province of a Church, and he has maintained, we think,
with more ingenuity than success, that the "entire absence of any organization for
aggressive purposes was the great peculiarity of the primitive Church." Mr. Dunn
seems to us to prove too much. His application of Matt, xxviii. 19, 20, as a
command applying to the Apostles only, shows how nearly "extremes meet," and
strengthens the Romanist theory of an "Apostolical succession." In a subsequent
work he feels bound to show how Christianity is to be perpetuated, and suggests a
plan which would speedily assume the aspect of a gigantic organization for the evan-
gelization of our large towns. Mr. Dunn appears to us to take for granted that because
certain Church organizations have done their work very imperfectly, and great evils
have been found to exist in connection with them, that no other plans will succeed
more perfectly. Considering how little change has been effected in the organization
of Christian Churches, and how little the philosophy of Lord Bacon is thought to
be applicable to these matters, it seems unreasonable to suppose that no change for the
better will be effected. Because men once rode in stage coaches, it was no reason for
thinking railway travelling an impossibility ; and because no " flying machine " has, as
yet, been successfully constructed, it would be very rash to assume that either the prin-
ciples or the materials are lacking in nature for its construction.
6
is able, by the exercise of a purely human intelligence, to
contrive special applications of the general principles we
find in the New Testament which relate to the constitution
of a Christian Society, precisely as he adjusts from time to
time the machinery of a Society having secular objects.
Therefore, although the Church may be called a Divine
Institution, any of its particular arrangements cannot be
called so except so far as they actually accomplish the
revealed will of its Founder, and serve the purposes for
which Christianity exists, and for which Christ died.
The great leading principle expressed in the New Testa-
ment, is that the Church is " His Body." All the members
of the Church have some office. True it is that " the Body
without the Spirit is dead," but it is equally true that the
Spirit without the Body cannot effect its desires and aims.
We are " workers together with God," and when we refuse
to be so, we frustrate those loving purposes which God has
towards our race — purposes which He designs to accomplish
by human instrumentality. The elaborate machinery of a
steam-engine is useless without the motive power; but
without this machinery the steam will not accomplish the
object which is designed.
There seems in the present day to be a growing spirit of
impatience of the avoidable and unavoidable defects of
Church Government. It seems, too, to exist side by side with
a strange indisposition to make the needful effort to correct
and remove those things which are obviously at variance
with the great general principles laid down in the New
Testament. It must be admitted that this indisposition does
no honour to Christianity, and causes the purity of the motives
of its professors to be suspected by the irreligious world.
There is also, in some instances, a curious objection to
adopt measures in harmony with those fundamental principles
of human nature which men very carefully consider in the
structure of any Society intended to carry out a purely
secular object. Is it not, therefore, possible to conceive
that there are defects in the machinery made use of in
Church Societies which injure the cause of Christ ? May
it not be antiquated, cumbrous, and ill-adapted for its
work ? May not this reasonably account for the fact that
the proper amount of work is not got out of it ? To carry
out the illustration still farther, is there not a disposition
among Christian men to cry out for more "steam" than
is given to us, without inquiring whether, in our application
of the supply which is furnished, we are obtaining the full
amount of its power ?
It seems obvious that the object of every Society is not
mere existence, but to secure certain ends. The object of
the Church has been denned by a most able modern writer
in these words : " The Christian Church is that Divine
Institution for the Salvation of man which Jesus Christ has
founded upon earth. The object and end of the Church is
that the salvation wrought out by Christ should be com-
municated to, and appropriated by, every nation and every
individual. Outwardly the Church manifests itself in the
religious fellowship of those who, having become partakers
of this salvation, co-operate in their own places and ac-
cording to the measure of their gifts and callings towards
the extension and development of the Kingdom of God.
Christ, the God-Man, who is exalted to the right hand of
power, is the sole Head of the Church ; the Holy Spirit who
is sent by Christ in order to guide the Church to its goal
and perfection, is its Divine Teacher." * The preaching of
the Word, the study of the Holy Scriptures, the reception
* See Kurtz's Church History, Introduction.
8
of the believer, baptized by the Holy Ghost, into the
household of God — the visible Communion of the Saints, —
are some of the outward means by which the Holy Spirit
works in and by it.
If this definition of the visible Christian Church be a
correct one, the objects and ends of a Christian Church
(a society linked or not with other societies) must be, first,
to promote the growth of grace in its members ; secondly,
to carry forward the work of the Gospel on a plan in which
all, as members of Christ's Body, can lovingly unite. Surely
various outward Church Societies may exist, all having the
same objects. The Church is His Body, and the differences
of constitution, and organization of various religious Church
Societies, is no proof of schism or sectarianism. They, too,
may be all members of His Body. These differences of
organization are an unmixed good, so far as they are efforts
to attain in this way, a unity and agreement in practical
working, which, as the world is constituted, could not be
otherwise obtained. If, on the other hand, it can be
affirmed truly that this is not their object, but that it is
to separate Christian Brethren who are one in Spirit, and
to incite them to attack and despise each other, such
Societies are an unmixed evil, and, although they may be
called Christian Churches, they have no claim to be called
so. The Army of Christ may have different battalions, but
as long as they act under the orders of their one great
Head — if there be subordination to Him in the several
divisions — real and substantial unity may exist. It may
only be our ignorance of the military art which induces us
to long that they may be formed into one vast phalanx. If
they are animated by one great object — to fight against the
common foe — we may be sure that they will all be made
use of by their great Captain.
9
In discussing the organization of individual Churches, and
the various relations between distinct Church organizations,
the great fundamental principle which must govern us is
that "the Church is His Body." As in the human body, the
relations between the groups of members is more distant,
while the relations between the various parts of the smaller
members is more close and intimate. All that the various
existing Churches require to bind them more closely
together is greater earnestness in the two great objects of
the Church of Christ, viz., the evangelization of the world,
and the development of a nearer approximation to the
measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ in their
individual members. They must both go together, for the
first aids in the development of the second, and this reacts
on the first. Active effort in the evangelization of the
world, is to the Church what exercise is to the human
body, the members cannot enjoy health without it, they
will disagree and not work harmoniously. If the health of
the individual members is maintained by exercise, if all are
aiming at the same great object in sympathy and in unison,
an intelligent subordination and harmony will enable the
body to perform miracles of strength and endurance, and
thus carry out far more fully the object of Christ its Holy
Head. We shall now proceed to inquire what were the
reasons which induced Christian men to establish in
England a variety of religious organizations.
CHAPTER II.
The Course of Religious Opinion in England prior
to 1640. The Rise op the Baptists, the Pres-
byterian and Anglican Parties in the Church op
England, the Familists, and Brownists.
It is impossible to take a correct and reasonable view of
the opinions and practices of any of the Religious Societies
of the Commonwealth, unless we endeavour clearly to under-
stand the causes which led, first, to the temporary abolition
of Episcopacy and the overthrow of the Established Church,
and, in the second place, how certain religious opinions
were gradually formed; which produced, as their practical
result, the English Presbyterian party, the Independent
and Baptist Churches, and the Society of Friends.
George Fox commenced his ministry in the year 1648,
and therefore our subject will lead us to look both back-
wards and forwards from this historical standpoint. We
shall endeavour to trace how, under the excitement of the
stirring events of the time, certain phases of religious
truth were preached in every part of the United Kingdom,
principally by " lay " or private persons, and produced an
outburst of religious activity and energy which has always
been regarded with some degree of astonishment.
The Society of Friends was the last religious society
formed during the extraordinary period we are about to
11
contemplate, and those facts which explain its relation to
other religious societies, will be found to throw considerable
light on their internal history and mutual relations. Con-
siderable obscurity rests upon the history of the religious
societies of Commonwealth times, from the fact that each
Church was "independent." The internal history of the
Society of Friends is more clear and connected, from the
fact that it was the first free Church formed in England
which was not "independent," but connexional in its
character. In subsequent chapters we shall shew the
structure of this Church, the difficulties experienced by its
founders, the changes which took place in its constitution,
and its consequent decline in numbers.
It is, however, of the utmost importance to have a clear
view of the origin and the distinct character of the religious
opinions of the persons who are termed "Puritans,"* and to
distinguish them from those of the people called Separatists,
Brownists, Barrowists, Johnsonists, and afterwards Indepen-
dents and Congregationalists ; and those again who are
termed Anabaptists or Baptists. This is the more needful,
because most of these names were invented in order to hold
up to public ridicule three important and distinct lines of
religious thought, and to some extent, of religious practice ;
and they have thus been, too successfully, confused under
the common idea of a factious opposition to the reformed
Church of England.
As we shall afterwards shew, the rise of the "Anabaptists"
took place long prior to the formation of the Church of
England, and there are also reasons for believing that on
* The word "Puritan" is used throughout this volume in its original meaning, viz., of
a person who desired the reform of the Church of England in a Presbyterian sense.
The application of the word (since the ejection of the 2000 Puritan ministers from the
Established Church in 1662) to any Nonconformist, has led to serious misconception.
12
the continent of Europe small hidden christian societies,
who have held many of the opinions of the "Anabaptists,"
have existed from the times of the Apostles. In the
sense of the direct transmission of Divine Truth, and the
true nature of spiritual religion, it seems probable that
these Churches have a lineage or succession more ancient
than that of the Eoman Church.* The question is, how-
ever, rather interesting as an obscure historical problem,
than important in a Christian point of view. It must also
be borne in mind that the continental Baptist f societies
which sprang into vigorous life in the time of Luther, were
" Independent " churches. But in England, although traces
* In the year 1140, one Enervinus, "the humble minister of Steinfield" in the
diocese of Cologne, addressed St. Bernard for instruction as to the manner in which
certain heretics were to be treated. " They also confess that besides the baptism of
water they have been baptized with the Holy Ghost and with fire." He mentions
some among them who denied the dogma of transubstantiation, made void the priest-
hood of the Church, denounced the Sacraments, baptism only excepted, which is
administered to adults. They claimed antiquity for their doctrine, and that "it had
been hidden from the time of the Martyrs." I am indebted for this interesting quota-
tion to a MS. sketch of the History and Literature of the Baptist Denomination
previous to the year 1700, by Dr. Underhill. These were the Catharists, and Neander
says they abstained from swearing, their yea and nay being a substitute for the
strongest attestations. They had a membership of " auditores " and " perfects," and
cared for their own poor. The rise of the Waldenses, according to Dr. Pius Melia, took
place at Lyons in 1170, certainly not earlier than 1160 (see pp. 2 and 5, " Origin of the
Waldenses," London, 1870), and it is obvious from Dr. Melia's own authorities that
the Waldenses asserted that their Church had its origin prior to Peter Waldo, and that
Father Moneta, in the year 1244, challenged them to prove the fact, and Brother
Keinerius, also writing in the year 1250, distinctly states that " some people say that
it (the sect of the Leonists) has endured from the time of Silvester, and some say from
the time of the Apostles," although he does not give any approval to the assertion.
The refutation of Jean Legers' misrepresentations, Dr. Melia furnishes, and other
evidence from Waldensian MSS., &c, is most valuable and important.
t These Baptist Societies, the readers must bear in mind, were not immersionist.
The Unitarian Baptists at St. Gall, in Switzerland, about 1527, seem to have been the
first who used baptism by immersion. They afterwards took refuge in Poland. See
p. 75 of this work; also, J. Kessler's Sabbata, a MS. reprinted by the Historical Society
of St. Gall, with Cornelius' Geschichte von MUnsters Aufruhr H., pp. 32, 33, 36, 37, 64.
13
are found in our history of the existence of the opinions of
the "Anabaptists " from the earliest times, and particularly
subsequent to the time of the Reformation, it is doubtful
whether any churches or societies of purely English Baptists
had a distinct consecutive existence prior to 1611. In 1536,
however, certain Baptist Societies in England sent a depu-
tation to a great gathering of the Anabaptists near Buckholt,
in Westphalia. As remarked by Bishop Burnet, the " Ana-
baptists " between the period of the Reformation and this
date were principally Germans, who were driven by the
troubles on the Continent to find refuge in England.* It
is stated by Governor Bradford, of New England, thatf the
first Separatist or Independent church in England was that
of which "Mr. Rough was pastor, andCuthbert Symson a
deacon, in the time of Queen Mary," when they were burnt
by Bonner. The church book containing the names of the
congregation was left with Simpson's wife, and, although
Mr. Rough was three times placed on the rack, he would
not discover either the book or the names. Prior to 1571
a Separatist Congregational Church was formed of which
Richard Fitz was pastor, and Thomas Rowland deacon.
A Mr. Bolton was one of the " elders " of this church.
The Puritan party also had its rise in the reign of Queen
Mary, and consequently prior to the final sanction of the
t New England Memorial, p. 347.
* [Strype's Parker, p. 287.] Many natives of the Low Countries, however, exiled by
religious persecution, had settled in Norfolk and Suffolk as early as 1560. A sect arose
in the diocese of Ely, many of whose tenets were incompatible with any (then established)
form of church government, and resembled those of the Anabaptists and the "Friends."
Fuller, in describing a congregation of Dutch Anabaptists, says that the " English
were as yet free from that infection." But it is worthy of notice that the abjuration of
certain members of a congregation of Dutch Anti-paedobaptists, shews that some of the
distinguishing views of George Fox relative to oaths, &c, were held in England in
1575, viz.; "that it is not lawful for a christian man to take an oath; and of the
14
constitution of the Church of England by Parliament. The
Reformation of the Church was confessedly not completed
in the reign of Edward VI., and the early part of the reign
of Queen Elizabeth. When the sanction of Parliament was
asked in 1571 to the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of
England (which were in January, 1562-3, only agreed upon
unlawfulness of all war."(a) [Crosby Vol. I., p. 68.] Even prior to this a public instru-
ment made in 1530, May 24th, in an assembly of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishop of Durham, and others, by order of King Henry Till., containing divers heret-
ical erroneous opinions, &c, we find the view stated of the unlawfulness of all war,
by a people who held that Jesus Christ " hath not ordeyned in his spirituall kingdom —
wbich is all trewe cristen people — any sworde, for He Himself is the King and gover-
nour without sworde and without any outward law. Cristen men among themself
have nought to do with the sworde, nor with the lawe, for that is to them nether nede-
f ul nor profitable. The secular sworde belongeth not to Crist's kingdom for in it is noon
but good and justice. Criste saith that noo cristen shall resist evil nor sue any man
at the lawe." " Concilia Magnae Britannia et Hibernise " a Wilkins, 1738. [I have been
favoured with this quotation by the kindness of E. B. Underbill, L.L.D.] Henry VHI.,
in 1539, mentions the foreign Anabaptists in a proclamation. These views and the
provision for their own poor may be taken to prove the connexion of this class of
Christian people from 1530 to 1600, with the Dutch or German Anabaptists.
(a) I annex the form of recantation, which has been furnished me by the kindness of Mr. T. Y. Bayne, of
Ch. Ch. Library, Oxford :—
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 1575.
The Form op Recantation prescribed to Certain Anabaptists.
Whereas I, N. N., being seduced by the spirit of Error, and by false teachers, his ministers, have fallen
into many damnable and detestable Heresies, viz., first— That Christ took not flesh of the substance of the
blessed Virgin Mary.* 2. That infants born of faithful parents ought to be rebaptized. 8. That no
christian man ought to be a magistrate, or bear the sword, or office of authority. 4. And, That it is not
lawful for a christian man to take an oath. Now by the grace of God, and through conference with
good and learned ministers of Christ His Church, I do understand and acknowledge the same to be most
damnable and detestable heresies, and do ask God, here before His Church, mercy for my said former
errors ; and do forsake them, recant, and renounce them from the very bottom of my heart. And, further,
I confess that the whole doctrine and religion established in this Realm of England, as also that which is
received and practised in the Dutch Church here in this city, is sound, true, and according to the Word of
God, whereunto in all things I submit myself, and will most gladly be a member of the said Dutch Church
from henceforth, utterly abandoning and forsaking all and every Anabaptistical Error.
Copied from MS. in library of Ch. Ch. Oxford, Arch. W. Misc., 21, p. 349.
* This shews that these Anabaptists were the followers of Melchior Hofmann. See B. N. Krohn's
Goschiehte, Leipsic, 1758, pp. 820 to 822. He says that the celebrated David Joris had travelled from
Strasburgto Ylieszingen in Seeland, with the purpose of proceeding to England, and met three Anabaptists
who had escaped. He therefore decided to remain in the Netherlands.'— See note, page 88.
15
by convocation without alteration in a Puritan sense by a
majority of one vote), the House of Commons declined to
adopt the thirty- sixth and the other articles relating to the
hierarchy and ritual of the Church.* This shews the purely
political character of the Puritan movement. It concerned
the things of religion, but it remained from this period to
the accession of Charles II., true to the one idea of sub-
stituting by constitutional means, a Presbyterian form of
State Church for the Anglican. The division of the
Church of England into the Puritan, and what may perhaps
be termed the Anglican party, took place at Frankfort in
1554. f The reform irig party were driven into exile during
the reign of Queen Mary. Some went to Geneva, others
Basle, Embden, Wesel, Strasburg, and Zurich. At Frank-
fort they were most numerous. A congregation was formed
which was allowed to meet in the French church ; it was
agreed that they should not quarrel about ceremonies, but,
at the desire of the magistrates at Frankfort, subscribe the
confession of faith, and establish the discipline of the French
Protestant Church, which was virtually the same as that
afterwards called Presbyterian. The celebrated John Knox
was sent for from Geneva, and two other clergymen from
Strasburg and Zurich, and were elected their ministers.
They used King Edward's prayer-book in part only, omit-
ting certain ceremonies, the litany, and responses. John
Calvin supported them in this course. The English divines
at Strasburg sent Grindal and Chambers with a pressing
letter exhorting them to full conformity. Dr. Cox, who
had been tutor to King Edward VI., coming to Frankfort,
* Dr. Toulmin's Edition of Neal, 1837, vol. i., p. 123, and " Waddington's Congrega-
tional History," p. 4.
f A brief discourse of the troubles begun at Frankfort in the year 1554, about the
Book of Common Prayer and Ceremonies, 1575.
<
16.
broke the agreement previously entered into, interrupted
the service, and eventually persuaded the majority of the
church to follow the same course, and to forbid John Knox to
preach, and, by shewing to the magistrates certain passages
in a book of his, reflecting on the Emperor of Germany,
compelled him to flee to Geneva. This party was reinforced
by considerable additions from England, on which the old
congregation went to Geneva, where they were welcomed,
chose Knox and Goodman as pastors, and set up what
was called the Geneva Discipline. The struggle, in which
the Puritans were defeated in Queen Elizabeth's time, and
in which they were partially successful in the time of the
Commonwealth, was substantially the establishment in
England, by the authority of Parliament, of the Geneva
Discipline as carried out in Scotland under John Knox.*
The English Puritan party, throughout their history, bore
the character and stamp of men trained in the school of
John Calvin, who may be considered as the originator of
the Presbyterian Church. According to Calvin the whole
body of the people were the Church ; where two or three
were gathered together there was a Church ; but the system
of Calvin eliminated the voluntary consent of the two or the
three thus gathering, and forced, under heavy penalties, the
ungodly and the unbeliever into the Church. The officers
of the Church were Ministers, Doctors, or Teachers, Lay-
Elders, and Deacons who formed the Consistory or Church
government. The people were admitted to the right of
exercising a veto upon the appointment of officers. The
Church was co-extensive with the State because it embodied
every citizen, and every citizen was subject to the discipline
* For the influence exerted on the English Church by John Knox, see Dr. Lorimer's
41 John Knox and the Church of England." H. S. King, London, 1875.
of the Consistory. The censures of the Church were carried
out by the sword of the State. The constitution of the
theocracy established by Calvin, embodied in its most
perfect form, the union of the Church and State, and it is
one of the most curious studies in history. Calvin's object
was to found a state resembling that of the Israelites under
Moses, and the result was one of the most fearful ecclesias-
tical tyrannies to which mankind has been subjected. The
discipline of the Church was carried out with a severity in
which the gentle influences of Christianity can hardly be
traced. Spies or watchmen were appointed to report even
the conversation of the citizens, and the Consistory had
power to examine all the citizens, without respect of
persons, on the tenderest point of conscience. To impugn
Calvin's doctrine or the proceedings of the consistory, sub-
jected persons to banishment on pain of death. The well-
known case of Servetus, a learned physician of Unitarian
views, simply illustrates the ordinary features of the
theocratic government founded by Calvin, carried out to
their extreme results. He escaped from the prison of the
Inquisition only to be burnt alive at Geneva. The influence
of Calvin upon the Protestant Churches of Europe was very
great. Geneva sent forth into all parts of Europe apostles
of a new school. It united the stern principles of the
Mosaic economy with a purely intellectual view of the
Christian religion. It substituted for a priesthood, Minis-
ters, Lay Elders, and Deacons, giving to them the
semblance of popular approval, and the most crushing
oligarchical power. The school of Calvin grasped clearly
certain important points of Christian teaching, but it
cannot be contended that Christian love, without which
the Apostle Paul declares all other Christian gifts are
nothing worth, was the principle which governed Geneva
c
18
when Calvin exercised an influence in Church and State
more powerful than that of the greatest of the popes. The
power of Calvin's system over that of any previous Protes-
tant reformer's, consisted in a greater logical consistency.
It freed protestantism from all dependence upon human
tradition. It sought to bring every sphere of life under
the rigid rule of a church which claimed exclusive possession
of the truth, and was prepared to maintain its position in
the field of argument. It therefore suggested to Protestant
princes a speedy and powerful method of reform. The use
of Christianity as a means of strengthening the secular
power seemed to be illustrated by the example of Geneva.
Calvin's system, while it secured outward conformity, con-
tained within itself the seeds of its own destruction. At
first it appeared to be fully successful, but the history of
Geneva and of New England tell us how lamentably this
system of Church government failed in promoting the true
religious interests of the people. At the commencement of
the reign of Elizabeth the clergy of the Church of England
were principally Eoman Catholics. They passed resolutions
in convocation that authority in things ecclesiastical belonged
only to pastors in the Church and not to laymen.* The
Act of Supremacy,! entitled, " An Act for restoring to
* See Articles agreed upon in Convocation in 155g, referring to Strype's Annals.
Oxford Edition, i., 41, 81 ; Fuller, ix., 55.
f The Act of Supremacy of Henry VIII., constituting the King's Majesty " Supreme
Head of the Church of England," and giving the Crown " full authority to visit,
repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all errors, heresies, abuses,
contempts, and enormities which, by any manner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction,
ought to be reformed, repressed," &c, was forced on the whole body of the clergy
under the penalty of outlawry. To acknowledge a layman to be the head of an eccle-
siastical body was, in their opinion, such an absurdity that they could not yield to it
in the first instance without the clause " as far as is agreeable to the laws of Christ."
The King accepted this for the moment but obtained the consent of Parliament and
convocation shortly after to its omission.
19
the Crown the ancient jurisdiction over the State, Eccle-
siastical and Spiritual, and abolishing Foreign Power,"
passed in 1559, controverted this declaration of the inde-
pendence of the Church, and made Elizabeth supreme
governor in all spiritual and ecclesiastical things and
causes. The Act of uniformity passed at the same time
re-established King Edward's prayer book, and the Queen
was empowered by it to ordain and publish such further
ceremonies " and rites as may be for the advancement
of God's glory, and the edifying of his Church, and the
reverence of Christ's holy mysteries and sacraments."
Elizabeth was in favour of the old popish rites and cere-
monies, and restored the Romish clerical vestments, which
were allowed by King Edward's first liturgy to remain in
use. It was with great difficulty that her bishops dissuaded
her from retaining the use of images. By the Act of
Supremacy the Church was linked with the State. This
Act of Queen Elizabeth's reign has entailed on our country
greater evils than either tongue or pen will ever be able
adequately to tell. But it was a thing done in opposition
to Boman Catholicism, and was considered as absolutely
essential to the maintenance of the Protestant religion.
We can well account for the attachment of Elizabeth and
the Stuarts to Episcopacy. All the instincts of a hierarchy
are on the side of arbitrary power. This single Act has
more or less swayed the politics of England from that day
to this. Whenever the fate of political parties has hung in
the balance, the under current of opposition to this disas-
trous union, has turned the scale or materially affected the
course of events. By the Act of uniformity, " he who
ventured to address his Maker publicly in other language
than that of the Book of Common Prayer, was liable to the
loss of goods and chattels for the first offence, to twelve
c 2
20
months' imprisonment for the second offence, and confine-
ment for life for the third offence." * The State was made
protestant by Act of Parliament. The clergy (under the
degree of M.A.) were compelled to buy a New Testament
for their own use, in Latin and English, with paraphrases.
Two or three discreet persons were to be appointed in every
parish to see that all the parishioners went to church on
Sundays and holy days, and bowed at the name of Jesus,
under heavy penalties. Every parish was to provide a
Bible and one of Erasmus's paraphrases upon the Gospels
in English,! and to set them up in every church. There
was at first great dearth of education among the clergy, and
many had but little ability beyond that of reading well. In
the year 1562 the Queen printed the Homilies " anew," on
the ground that all which be appointed ministers have not
the gift of preaching sufficiently to instruct the people which
is committed unto them. } The clergy and people had the
Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and the Homilies
again placed before them, and thus found themselves, by
this summary process, members of the Eeformed Church of
England. To use the words of the martyr Barrow, "All
this people with all these manners were in one day, with
the blast of Queen Elizabeth's trumpet — of ignorant papists
and gross idolators — made faithful christians and true pro-
fessors." The ranks of the clergy were rapidly filled by
* Price's History Noncon., vol. i., p. 138.
t "Item, payd for a boke callyd the 'Parraphras of Erassmus,' vs.," p. 67. Soe
Church Wardens' Accounts, St. Michael, Cornhill, printed for private circulation by
A. J. Waterlow, Esq., from 1563 to 1607 ; also p. 176, date 1587, " Paid unto Mr. Sadlor
for avoidinge of an excomunicaco for nut having in the church a ■ Paraphrase of
Erasmus.' " The book is then bought and paid for in the next entry. [This is a most
interesting reprint. — Ed.]
J The Homilies were published by Edward VI. in 1517.
21
able and learned protestants, many of whom had fled from
the persecutions under Mary. It was impossible under
these circumstances for the clergy to read their Testaments,
and to have any knowledge of the principles and practices of
the continental Protestant Churches, without coming to the
conclusion that if England was to be a Protestant country
in the face of so large a portion of the old Koman Catholic
element in both clergy and people, the Eeformation must
go farther than Elizabeth was inclined it should go. Hence
the spread of the great Puritan movement; and it is
important to notice the points which were at first objected
to by the Puritan party. The copes, surplice, caps, and
gowns worn by the Komish clergy were objected to.
Absolute conformity to the ceremonies prescribed in the
Book of Common Prayer, saints' days and holydays bearing
the name of a creature ; the sign of the cross in baptism ;
kneeling at holy communion (which was associated with
the worship of the Host) ; the introduction of organs in
churches, and the singing of psalms by a choir, or by a
part only of the congregation, instead of the whole and
distinctly ; the introduction of the cathedral mode of wor-
ship, of singing their prayers, and of the antiphon or
chanting of the psalms by the two sides of the choir in
turns. All these were matters objected to.
The great struggle in Elizabeth's reign was between that
party among the clergy who objected to these things, and
the bishops nominated by the Queen for the purpose of
maintaining them. Elizabeth was determined to have
uniformity of practice and discipline in the church, and her
resolve to enforce the ceremonies was seconded by a
succession of archbishops with a rigour and cruelty worthy
of the Komish Inquisition, and by a variety of enactments
enforced by this Queen's almost despotic power. The
22
Puritan movement in the reign of Elizabeth was one in
which the clergy were chiefly concerned, although it had
a large number of supporters and sympathisers among the
nobility and gentry. Knox had visited Scotland in 1555,
and took his final departure from Geneva in 1559. Eliza-
beth supported the reformation in Scotland by force of arms,
and, from the year 1560 the jurisdiction of the Court of
Kome was renounced, and the Church was remodelled by a
commission of which John Knox was a member. They
adopted the Geneva plan, but appointed superintendents,
instead of bishops, to plant and erect churches, and appoint
and oversee ministers. The superintendents were to be
chosen, or deprived by the ministers and elders of the several
provinces. The assemblies of the Kirk were divided into
classical, provincial, and national — the national assembly
being the last court of appeal. The result of the severities
of Elizabeth in England, seconded by her prelates (who
soon made ample use of the power with which she invested
them), was to leave large numbers of the most learned and
able of the clergy without means of support. They there-
fore travelled up and down the kingdom, preaching where
they could obtain hearers, taking for their support what
was given them. They received both temporary and
permanent shelter among the nobility and gentry. Pro-
testant principles continued thus to spread, and also the
objection to the ceremonies. The setting up of the Presby-
terian form of Church government in Scotland, and the
constant communication between the most learned of the
Puritan clergy and the celebrated Protestant divines on the
Continent, combined with the relentless persecution carried
on by the prelates, had the effect of emboldening the
Puritan party, and some of their leaders petitioned Parlia-
ment, and met secretly at Wandsworth in conference, to
23
frame a model of Presbyterian Church government on
paper,* to elucidate their object with a view to submitting
it to Parliament. The question was mooted, " May the
ministers proceed to the work of Church reformation without
the assistance of, or tarrying for, a magistrate ? " f and it
appears that the question was distinctly answered in the
negative. They now objected not only to the ceremonies
and the matters above mentioned, but generally to the
ecclesiastical constitution of the newly established church.
They objected to the arbitrary power of the bishops in the
spiritual courts, to the want of a godly discipline, and to the
promiscuous access of all persons to the Lord's table. The
Church was described in the articles asa" congregation of
faithful persons," and they thought that power should be
lodged somewhere to inquire into the qualification of such
as desired to be of her communion. They objected to the
responses in the church service — to the words, " with my
body I thee worship " in the marriage service ; to the words
in the burial service, " in sure and certain hope of the
resurrection to eternal life ; " to the use of the apocryphal
books; to the appointment of "dumb," or non-preaching
ministers ; to the fact that the presentations to the livings
were in the hands of the Queen, the bishops, and lay-
patrons, instead of the people ; to the use of " godfathers
and godmothers " in baptism ; to the custom of confirming
children as soon as they could repeat the Lord's prayer,
thus entitling them to receive the Lord's supper before they
came to years of understanding ; to the practice of the
bishop laying his hands on the children in confirmation,
and the idea of its sacramental efficacy. All these which
may be termed practical objections, were additional points
* Waddington's Congregational History, p. 6. f Ibid., p. 11.
24
beyond those first raised. There was, at first, no difference
in doctrine betweeen the conformists and the Puritan
reforming party. The principle of coercion in religious
matters by the State was admitted by both parties : the
objection to it was, that it was exercised excessively or upon
the wrong side. The principle of the endowment of religion
by the State was admitted by both parties — this was not a
matter which troubled the most uneasy Puritan conscience.*
The leader of this section of the Puritans was Thomas
Cartwright, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and
Lady Margaret professor of that university. Cartwright
was expelled from the university and went to Geneva.
After his expulsion he wrote a defence of the address of the
Puritan party to the Parliament, and maintained that the
subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles " had no founda-
tion in law, but was an act of sovereignty fraught with
the utmost peril." f He maintained a controversy with
Whitgift, from Geneva, and this greatly tended to diffuse
the Puritan views, which now came to be identical with
those of the Presbyterian Church established in Scotland.
In the year 1571 the ministers of the town of Northampton,
with the consent of the bishop, the mayor, and the justices,
instituted the celebrated " prophesyings." }
These " prophesyings " were exercises framed on the
pattern of the assemblies of Corinthian Christians, accord-
ing to the apostolic rule, that " all may prophesy one by one,
that all may learn, and all be comforted " — 1 Cor. xiv. 1-3.
* Neal 1, chap. 5, p. 159. Marsden, Early Puritans, p. 239.
t Dr. Waddington's History, p. 7.
\ These were not novel religious exercises to the Puritan section of the Church — at
Frankfort, according to the " olde discipline in the citie of Franckford," "prophesie"
was to be " used every fortnight in the English tongue for the exercise of the said
students, and the edifying of the congregation." — See " History of the Troubles," &o.
25
Crowds of laity attended them. At first laymen were per-
mitted to take a part in these exercises, but after a time,
in consequence of some irregularities, the clergy alone
exercised their gifts. A president was chosen. The first
minister began and ended with prayer, and explained a
text of Scripture previously chosen. He was followed by
another minister, who added what he thought deficient, or
explained what seemed to him obscure, and was followed
by a third — the first not occupying longer than three
quarters of an hour. The whole was conducted with the
greatest solemnity. These exercises increased the number
of able preachers, and fostered in the people a spirit of
inquiry and of Biblical research. They spread through the
kingdom with great rapidity, but, in spite of the earnest
support of the venerable Archbishop Grindal, who remon-
strated with Elizabeth in a letter full of earnestness and
christian feeling, they were ordered in 1577 to be sup-
pressed. Grindal never afterwards regained the favour of
the Queen, and death removed him from the scene with a
conscience void of offence toward God in the matter.
Elizabeth shewed that she possessed the spirit of her
sister Mary, by burning alive, in 1575, two Dutch Ana-
baptists, John Wielmacker and Hendrick Ter Woort, out of a
congregation of thirty who had assembled for worship
in a private house in Aldersgate, and,- although Fox the
martyrologist interceded for them, she was immovable.
The " Family of Love," or Familists, came into notice
about this time. The name of their founder was Henry
Nicholas or Niclaes.* He was born at Minister, in "West-
* The first preacher sent by Niclaes we have notice of, was Christopher Vitells, a
joiner, who came from Delph to Colchester in the reign of Queen Mary, in 1555. He
ultimately recanted. — " Strype's Annals," vol. ii., part ii., pp. 284 to 286.
26
phalia, in 1502, and founded this extraordinary secret
religious Society between the years 1541 and 1590. It has
been for many years a puzzle to English historians. The
researches of Dr. Mppold, of Emmerich,* have however
thrown much light upon the history of its founder, its
character and organization. The title assumed of the
"Family," or " House of Love," afforded a ready topic of
abuse. Mr. Marsden says, and we think justly, that " the
insinuation of immorality is utterly without support." We
will first mention those facts respecting this Society which
are generally known to English historians. In 1580 a
proclamation was issued by Queen Elizabeth against them, in
the strongest terms. She resolved not only to have their
heresies severely punished, but to "root them out from
further infecting of her realm." They have been supposed
hitherto to have been a Protestant sect, and one of their
peculiarities was that they attended the religious services
either of the Church of England, or in foreign countries, of
/ the Koman Catholic Church, without scruple. They refused
to criminate themselves by oath, and escaped punishment
except when taken at their private meetings. They pre-
sented a supplication to James I. which was published at
^ Cambridge, 1606, in which they complain that many of
them have been cast into prison, and beg the king to judge
of them by the christian rule, " Ye shall know a tree by its
fruits." They say they utterly disclaim and detest all the
disobedient and erroneous sects of the Anabaptists, the
Brownists, the followers of Penrie, the Puritans, &c, and
that his Majesty is under a great misapprehension of them.
With the Puritans they say they " have nothing in common."
* In his monograph on H. N. and the House of Love, published in the Zeitschrift fur
die historische Theologie, 1862.
27
"They," the Puritans, "are for pharisaical, self-chosen, out-
ward traditions, rather than for the performing of judgment,
mercy, and faith, and such like true and inward righteous-
ness." They agree with all the Holy Scriptures as we
do understand them. The end of all Henry Nicholas's
writings, say they, is " that all people, when they hear,
read, and do perceive their sins estranging from God and
Christ, might bring forth fruits of repentance and newness
of life, according as the Holy Scriptures require of every
one, and that they might in that sort become saved through
Jesus Christ, the only Saviour of the world." Their books
are of a very mystical character, and all bear the same
stamp of a belief in a prophetic inspiration which supple-
ments or supersedes the Scriptures; and in the new
revelation granted to Henry Niclaes. The reader of the
works of the Familists has to seek their doctrines in a
wilderness of vague and high-sounding words. He gropes
his way like a traveller in the mist, and is only here and
there rewarded by a gleam of something which seems like
sunlight. He soon finds it to be a delusion, and again and
again he plunges into the darkness. The result of our
examination has however been, that they maintain the
doctrine of the fall and the satisfaction for sins made by
Christ,* but add that "our recovery from the fall and the
repentance or satisfaction for our sins, must have another
performance and fulfilling than many men suppose."
" Now if all (as you say) should be fulfilled or satisfied,
then I conceive nothing should be wanting in God's work,
* The first exhortation of H. N. to his children, and to the Family of Love. London, *
1665, p. 11. " They love not God, but are such as hate him and contemn his law
and word, account the blood of the Lord Jesus Christ that cleanseth and saveth our
souls, for impure, and disdain his salvation."
28
and all things must be restored to his right form." " And,
seeing that there is yet defect therein, therefore I ask where
doth the fault lie (in God or in us) that the work of God
and his will is not performed in all, on us, and in us, and
that not the righteous and the good life of Jesus Christ, but
the sin and the death reigneth and hath dominion over us.
For methinks that the right ground of this is not yet by
any entered into or understood, and that the most necessary
part of our godliness in Christ Jesus, and the obedience
thereto which God requireth of us through His Son Jesus
Christ, is still to be performed by us and in us."* They taught
that Christ came to reinstate man in the state he was in
before the fall, and that man came by means of the Spirit
of God into unity with God, and not merely when he was
dead, but that man was called while on this earth to shew
forth his glory, and that the end and fulfilment of what is
written respecting Christ was love.f We shall recognize in
this passage the teaching of something resembling the
doctrines of " sanctification and perfection " as taught by
Fox, and later by John Wesley, and which were becoming
greatly obscured or wholly lost sight of in the teaching of
the Puritan or Presbyterian party. The teaching of the
Familists is described in a list of the opinions said to be
expressed in 1579 " by them in conference, by those who
talked with them, J although some of these articles are
denied by Theophilus, one of them." Article 3. — " That
those preachers which do take in hand to preach the word
of God before man be regenerate (i.e., before they are them-
* Mirabilia Opera Dei. Brit. Museum — no title — probably 1574.
t " Grundliche Berichtungen," 1549. See pp. 482 and 484 of Nippold's Paper.
J A confutation of certain articles delivered unto the "Family of Love," by W.
Wilkinson, M.A. Dedicated to the Bishop of Ely. Dated 1579. Brit. Museum.
29
selves regenerate) do take the office of the Holy Ghost out
of his hands." Article 4. — " That those that be doctors or
learned, cannot preach the word truly because Christ sayeth
it is hidden from the wise and prudent." Article 16. —
" When there is contention there is not the Spirit of God."
Article 20.—" That the Bible is not the Word of God, but
a signification thereof, and the Bible is but ink and paper,
but the Word of God is spirit and life." Article 22. —
" That there are some which are now living which do fulfil
the law in all points." It is important to notice* that the
Familists held that the law of God, in the Ten Command-
ments and the New Testament, was binding on Christians.
It has now been found that the Familists cannot be termed
a Protestant sect. Henry Nicholas had no sympathy with
Luther and the Reformation. He had, he said, "read
Luther's writings, but they had not pleased him, both on
account of their reviling the priestty office of the Church, and
also because the ground of true righteousness, and the
fulfilment of godliness in Jesus Christ, was not taught in
them, and also that the common people were not reined in /
with a good and godly discipline." "People," he said,
" who were outside the Family of Love, threw away the
Bomish services and ceremonies much too soon." These
were the figures and symbols of true Christianity. " The
Beformers brought in other services, but got little love and
righteousness by it, and did not understand the value of the
figurative services of the Bomish Church ! " These cere-
monies were only practised in right form by those in whom
Christ dwelt. The " House of Love " and the " Service of
* Dr. Nippold considers the tendency of their views to be Antinomian, but we do not
find in their writing any such bias, and he does not furnish us with evidence sufficient
to show that this was the practical effect of their teaching.
30
Love" was the reinstatement of the Kingdom of God, and
was the " fulfilment of all forms and figures." The whole of
the movements of the Society which Nicholas founded, were
conducted with the utmost secrecy. They have, however,
received a full elucidation in two manuscripts discovered at
Ley den,* and the revelation which they furnish of the
elaborate hierarchy which this enthusiast attempted to
perpetuate, proves that his sympathies lay with Eoman
Catholics, and that, on the belief in an extraordinary
revelation made to himself, he attempted to spiritualize and
to fulfil what he deemed to be the hidden meaning of the
Eoman Catholic church, and to found a new society. His
idea being, that the last and final dispensation was the
perfect union of humanity with God, expressed by " Love,"
as the highest state of Christian perfection.
The services and ritual of both the Eoman Catholic and
the Anglican churches were approved for all those persons
who had not come into the new and higher dispensation
which had been revealed to the prophet, and were indifferent
for his disciples, who were free to use or disuse them. The
admission of members was thus ordered : No person younger
than thirteen years of age could be a member. If desirous
to become members, they were first to "confess" their
" walk in life" and "the inclinations of their hearts," to
one of the Elders. He then pronounced them Members,
desired for them the power of the Lord, with a solemn
" Amen." He then warned them to be true to the
" Service of Love " and to further the word of grace and
true righteousness before God and men.
In the Order of the Priesthood there is an interesting
* The " Cronica des Hiisgesinnes der Lieften," and "Acta H. N.," in the Library
der Maatschappy van Nederlandsche Letterkunde at Leyden.
31
parallel between the " House of Love " and the Eoman
Catholic hierarchy. At the head of the whole community
stood the " Highest Bishop." Next to him the " Twenty-
four Elders." Then the " Seraphims or Archbishops."
Then three orders of priests, viz., " the Priests of the Stool
of the Majesty of God, or the Bishops ; " then " the Priests
of the Eule of God," and lastly, the lowest grade, the
" Priests of the Paradise of the Lord." They were con-
secrated with no fewer than eight distinct holy " waters,"
and eight distinct holy " unguents," the seventh and eighth
for the highest bishop, the sixth and fifth for the arch-
bishops, bishops, and twenty-four elders," and the others
for the lower orders of the priesthood. The priests were
to be able to read and write, and to be well practised
in the German language, which was the " holy language."
The priests were to give up all property except " themselves,
their mind and knowledge." They were to be supported
by tythes from the members, which were strictly required
from all kinds of property, which was carefully specified.
The tytlw of the tythe belonged to the higher orders of the
priesthood. Two of the Elders of the Rule brought the
" free will offerings " of the society to a meeting, at which
the "Archbishop " received and " brought it to the Throne
of the Divine Majesty."
In the consecration of the Priests, the Seraphims " first
got rid of the corruption of earthly marriage." After being
separated from all their friends and blood relations, and
" giving themselves to reading and prayer," they were
consecrated, the archbishop kissing them on the cheek
and blessing them. In this way they were deemed spirit-
ually celibates, while marriage was in no way interfered
with. A man and his wife might both be priests, but
the female sex could not enter any but the lowest grade.
32
Saturday and Sunday were both holy days. No wine was
to be drunk, and no work done. They met on Sunday for
divine worship. The Elders of the Kule of God showed out
of the writings of Henry Nicholas " what the Service of Love
was, and the obedience of the faith of Jesus Christ and his
priestly office in his Catholic church." Complete obedience
to the priest was strictly enjoined. Nicholas made a new
Calendar, and a variety of holy days, in addition to the
usual festivals of the Church. The day of the birth of
John the Baptist and the Virgin, and Christmas day, were
mentioned as specially holy.
The seeds of the downfall of this extraordinary religious
society were contained in the belief it enjoined in the great
revelations made to Nicholas, and generally in the opinion
that new revelations were to be looked for to guide
the whole Christian Church, without the test of sensible
miracles. The Prophet ordered everything to the minutest
particular, even as to the succession of the property of the
members, &c, as if the society were to last for ever. It
lasted not much more than half a century on the Con-
tinent, and lingered in England, where they were the most
numerous, till the times of the Commonwealth, when they
preached in the open air in 1645. This strange religious
society, which had defied the power of Elizabeth to uproot,
then silently disappeared in the fierce and open struggle of
the time between truth and error.* We add at the foot of
the next page a short history of the life of Nicholas, (q.v.)
* The Familists preached publicly in 1645. We find a Mr. Randell preached " that a
man baptised with the Holy Ghost knew all things." He taught that " there was a
resurrection here and perfection," and appears to have quoted 1 Cor. xv. 57, in proof of
it. " This," says the author of the pamphlet, " is not to be allowed at the present time."
"A Brief Discovery of the Blasphemous Doctrine of Familism." London. 1645.
33
We have sufficiently shewn that the Puritan party did
not attempt a separation from the Church of England.* We
have shewn also that a regularly constituted church was
formed in Queen Mary's days, and another about 1571,
of which Eichard Fitz was pastor, " who professed and
A SHOET HISTOKY OF HENBY NICHOLAS, OE NICLAES.
Founder of the " Family of Love."
Henry Nicholas's father was an upright man, very zealous in the performance and
ceremonies of the Eoman Catholic church. He took little Henry every day to the
mass and preaching, and explained to him that everything in the mass must be ful-
filled in the inner life of every man through Jesus Christ. At family prayer, when eight
years old, he asked his father " why he thanked God 1 " The father explained to him
the forgiveness of our sins in Jesus Christ, and the foundation thus laid for the true
life of godliness. But the boy replied that " he could not notice that sin was lessened
and man brought to true righteousness." His father said he must not doubt the grace
of God, but simply believe it. Little Henry replied that " he did not in the slightest
degree doubt that through the death of Christ an entrance was made for us into the
kingdom of God, if we followed Him in his path of suffering." But what troubled his
mind was this, that there must be a reinstatement of man into his primeval state of per-
fection, and thus the rent made by sin would be taken away. Now this had not yet
happened to man, and so that God must have willed to fulfil the reinstatement of man
to his perfect righteousness which was destroyed by sin, in another way than that in
which most men suppose. The father was at his wits' end, and so the question was
propounded to his father Confessor, a Franciscan friar, but he and his brethren could
give no answer, and the child was told not to trouble his mind about such questions,
which would only procure him a whipping. But he answered his Confessor that he
knew he was quite young to investigate the deep and hidden things of God, and that
all he wanted was to be taught. The friar, seeing the boy ready to doubt respecting
the satisfaction of Christ for our sins, allowed him to speak, and he again assured him
that this was not what he doubted about. The question in his mind was how we are
to be brought into the state of Adam before he fell, and into the true righteousness of
Christ, and the power taken from death, and the true godliness in Christ fulfilled in us.
He asked, were we still indebted for the fruits of repentance or not ? The child's
intellect was not satisfied by the answers he received. In his ninth year this was
explained to little Henry in a vision. " Suddenly a great light and clearness of God in
the form of a mountain approached him and penetrated his whole being. This
* Field and Wilcocks, who prescribed the Puritan address to Parliament, after
explaining their objects to the archbishop's ohaplain in their prison, said, " We are not
for an unspotted church on earth, and therefore, though the Church of England has
many faults, we would not willingly leave it." " Dr. Waddington's History," p. 7.
D
34
practised that cause before Mr. Browne wrote for it." * The
views of the Separatists were now advocated by Kobert
Browne. He was first cousin to Lord Burghley and
chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk. He was a young man of
great ability and clearness of expression, and a good
Short history of Henry Nicholas, continued.
answered his questions, how we axe to attain to the perfection of God. He himself
was now penetrated by the divine Spirit, and now he is become " a divine man." This
"unity of being with God " was " the true fulfilment of godliness in Christ, and was
the great day of judgment upon earth." When the vision was over he found himself
awake, but so wearied that he slept again. In this sleep the further step was reached
that he was directly called to be a Prophet to enlighten others. Then followed a
vision of "tearing wolves" and other wild beasts. He was terribly frightened, and
woke, crying, "Ah, ah, what will be the sentence passed upon my soul? " His parents
came to his bed with the question, " What was the matter ? " but he merely said that he
felt unwell, and imparted his revelations to no one. These wild beasts described the
third period of his life and figured the wicked who were unavailingly to persecute him.
When he was twenty his parents gave him a virtuous young lady for wife, and he took
a mercantile business. God blessed his trade. In his 27th year he was put in prison
on the suspicion of Lutheranism, but after a severe examination they found him a
sound Catholic. Later he went to Amsterdam. In his 30th year, in Amsterdam, he
associated with some who had " fallen away from the Catholic Church, but exercised
themselves with righteousness." He became, Arnold says in his Kirchen and Ketzer
Historie (Th. ii. B. xvi. C. 21, p. 36), " a good friend of David Joris," the celebrated
Anabaptist, " who wrote to him confidentially." He was again thrown into prison, but
"nothing uncatholic " was found in him. He kept aloof, he says, from all Anabaptist
sects. In his 39th year he received another revelation. As in his youth, God appeared
to him and penetrated his whole being. The Holy Ghost poured the true love of Jesus
Christ over him. He said to him, " Fear not, I am He who is All in All." " I will
reinstate everything, as I have spoken through my prophets, and set up the house of
Israel again in its glory." " Now in the full maturity of my holy understanding I will
reveal myself more fully, and what thou could'st not bear in thy youth, so that thou
makest known everything to the children of men which I impart to thee. For, for this
purpose I have borne thee from thy youth on my heart, for a house for me to dwell in,
and up to this time I have preserved thee from all destruction in which the evil and
ungodly shall inherit eternal death, and the good and obedient eternal life." He was
then made more entirely one with the will and word of God, and God commanded him
to put his revelations in print and publish them, and gave him as companions in the
service of the word, " Daniel," " Elidad," and " Tobias." He lived nine years in
Amsterdam, and then received a revelation to go to Emden in his 39th year. From
•SeeDialogue printed in 1593, quoted by Dr.Waddington, "Congregational Martyrs,"p.l5. .
35
preacher. His object was to form separate congregations
in each parish. He visited various parts of the country, in
conjunction with Robert Harrison, forming churches. In
Norfolk and Suffolk the Separatist Churches met in such a
close and secret manner, that Dr. Freke, the Bishop of
Short history of Henry Nicholas, continued.
this time he stood forth as a Prophet and founder of a sect. He seems to imply that
he was imprisoned (? tortured and released) at Embden. He remained there, busied him-
self with his writings. He and his followers appear to have used these in obtaining
proselytes. They did not teach in public. All his steps were in secret, and he sought
to win disciples by personal influence. He received at Emden another revelation, and
this time it enabled him to take in "the whole host of heaven and the perfection of
God." He carried on his mercantile business, taking business journies from Embden
all over Holland and Brabant, from 1540 to 1560.* His wealth was not insignificant.
His wife died shortly after 1560. He had three daughters and two sons. In his 59th
year the council of Embden concluded on his imprisonment, but he was not to be found.
His goods were confiscated, and a warrant for his apprehension was issued to the
magistrates of other towns and lands. It is probable that in this year he went to England,
afterwards to Kampen, and some years later to Cologne. In his 64th year the word of
the Lord came again to him ; only the twenty-four Elders and the four Seraphs of the
House of Love were to travel with him, and a new and better organization of the
Society was resolved on. This led to disputes, the subject of which was, that he was
desirous of enacting a stricter obedience than some of his followers desired, and his
inspiration was questioned. He appears to have died about 1570. One of his earliest
and principal adherents was Henry Jansen from Barneveldt in Gelderland. He is •
called in the Familist Tracts " Hiel." The British Museum is very rich in these tracts.
Mr. J. H. Hessels (Librarian at Trinity College Library Dublin), in December, 1869,
published in " Notes and Queries," a list of Familist Tracts. The following are in the
British Museum: "Mirabilia Opera Dei," 852, g 1, 5 ; "Evangeliam Begni," 4408,
g 1656; "The First Epistle," 697, b 31 ; "A Publishing of the Peace upon Earth,"
697, A 26, 1574 ; " Evangelium Begni," 697, a 26 ; " The Prophetie of the Spirit of
Love," 697, a 26, 1574; "Comffidia, Gren Coll.," 11,158; "Dicta," H. N., 697, a 26;
"Proverbia," H. N., 697, a 26; " Second Exhortation of H. N.," 4408, g 448, g, 2nd
Tract; "Epistle unto Two Daughters of Warwick," 4106, b 1608; "Fidelitas," 697,
A 26 ; "A Good and Fruitful Exhortation," 697, a 26 ; " An Apology," &c, e 1610, date
1656 ; Against the Familists— " A Displaying," c 21, a, 1579 ; " An Answer," 3932, -~
1579; " A Confutation," &c, 852, g 1, 1579; "A Supplication," 852, g 1, 1606; "J.
Ethrington," e Vxj 7 '■> "An Exposition of the Ten Commandments," year 1586., MS.;
Henry Ainsworth's " A Refutation," &c, Amstd., 1608, 4106 b ; " A Description of the
Sect," &c, 1641, 1326, o 4.
* This entirely disposes of the theory of Krohn in his history of Melchior Hoffman, p. 827, that the
Englis hman "Henry" who paid the expenses of the delegates at the great meeting of Anabaptists at
Buckholt, in 1536, was Henry Nicolaes.
D 2
36
Norwich, found it impossible to suppress them. Browne
was soon apprehended, but was set at liberty and became
pastor of the English Church at Middleburgh in Zealand
in 1581, where he formed a church on his own plan, having
for his colleague Robert Harrison, who succeeded him. He
published a book in 1582 — " A book which sheweth the life
and manners of all true christians." He maintained that
Christ is the Head of the Church ; that every congregation
of christians is a church free from all external control ; that
the government of the Church by civil power is " the
kingdom of anti-christ ; " that the office of " teaching or
guiding "is a " charge or message committed by God to
those who have gifts for the same ; " and that the people of
the congregation were the proper judges of their gifts, and
should have the election of their minister. In 1584 he is
found in Scotland. He returned to England in 1585, and
itinerated, diffusing his views wherever he came — he was a
man of fiery temperament and a popular preacher. His
success was therefore greater than that of a mere writer.
Browne was at last induced by his relative Lord Burghley,
to desert the cause he had espoused, and in 1586 a post
was found for him as schoolmaster in St. Olave's Grammar
School in Southwark, and finally he received preferment to
a church in Northamptonshire. The opinions held by the
" Separatists," as may be seen from a tract published in
1582, entitled, " A true description, out of the Word of God,
of the Yisible Church," * were " that the Church universal
containeth in it all the elect of God that have been, are, or
shall be ; that the Church visible consists of a company and
fellowship of faithful and holy people gathered in the name
* This corresponds in some parts verbally with a paper found by Dr. Waddington in
the State Papers endorsed "Jerome Studley," one of the Separatist prisoners.
37
of Christ Jesus, their only king, priest, and prophet, being
personally and quietly governed by His offices and laws,
keeping the unity of the faith in the bond of peace, and in
love unfeigned." Every stone hath His beauty, His burden,
and His order, all bound to edify one another, exhort, re-
prove and comfort one another. In this church they have
holy laws to direct them in the choice of every officer what
kind of men the Lord will have. The pastor must be apt
to teach, no young scholar, able to divide the word aright ;
he must be a man that loveth goodness, wise, righteous,
holy, temperate, modest, humble, meek, gentle, and loving ;
a man of great patience, compassion, labour, and diligence
— he must always be careful and watchful over the flock
whereof the Lord hath made him overseer, with all willing-
ness and cheerfulness. Their doctor or teacher must be a
man apt to teach — he must be mighty in the Scriptures,
able to convince the gainsay ers. Their elders must be of
wisdom and judgment, endued with the Spirit of God, able
to discern between cause and cause, between plea and plea ;
always vigilant and superintending to see the statutes,
ordinances, and laws of God kept in the Church, not only
by the people, but to see the officers do their duties, but
not to intrude into their offices. Their deacons must be
men of honest report. Their relievers or widows must be
women of 60 years of age at the least, given to every good
work, to minister to the Sick.* Such were the views and
aims of the men who were loaded with reproaches by all
parties, and deemed to be aiming at the overthrow of both
the christian religion and the State.
* But the existence of these regular church officers was not to debar other members
of the Church from tbe exercise of prophecy which was manifested according to their
gifts and abilities. All the saints were exhorted to the exercise of their gifts as " most
needful at all times, especially when the teacher or pastor were imprisoned or exiled."
38
In 1589 and 1590 were written the celebrated " Martin
Marprelate " tracts. They were dispersed all over the
kingdom, and contained a scurrilous attack of the most
satirical kind upon the prelates. They show that the
tyranny of the bishops was becoming most unpopular.
Their language appealed not to truly Christian men, but
to the people, and they doubtless tended to widen the
struggle and give it a popular as well as a religious aspect.
The authors were never discovered. The expression "dumb
dogs" (as applied to the bishops' creation of that period, of
ignorant, non-preaching ministers) occurs in them, although
its use may doubtless be traced farther back.
Brownism now spread rapidly, and in 1591 an Act was
framed which affected the laity as severely as the clergy.
It was levelled against those who in any way impugned
" Her Majesty's power and authority in causes ecclesias-
tical," against those who in any way dissuaded any from
coining to church, or receiving the communion, under
penalty of perpetual banishment, and a felon's death if
they returned from banishment. Sir Walter Kaleigh de-
clared, on the passing of this Act, that there were above
20,000 Brownists in England, and asked, if they were
banished, who was to maintain their wives and children ?
Note. — See page 14 (continued).— Joan Booher was burnt 2nd May, 1650, for maintaining that Christ
assumed nothing of the Virgin Mary, but passed through her as a conduit pipe.— See Fuller's Church Hist.,
iv., 42 (Brewer); Andrewes' Sermons, p. lib (Ed. 1632) "Beformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum," ch. v.;
Fleury Hist. Eccl., book xviii., ch. 24. Ann Askew also held this opinion of Melchior Hofmann, no doubt
handed down from a much earlier time. The following quotation has been kindly given me by J. E. B.
Mayor, M.A.— Greg. Naz. Ep., 101 (ii.,S5b, ed. Bened.)
CHAPTEE III.
The Course of Religious Opinion in England prior
to 1640 (continued). The Rise op the Barrowists,
Johnsonists, Separatists, or Early Independents.
In the year 1586, John Greenwood and Henry Barrow,
who were fellow students at Cambridge, joined the Separa-
tists. Greenwood was domestic chaplain at Rochford Hall.
Henry Barrow, B.A., was the son of Thomas Barrow of
Shipdham, in Norfolk, and, after leaving Corpus Christi
College, he studied the law at Gray's Inn. He was a
frequenter of the Court, and of dissipated habits. Walking
on Sunday in London, he heard a Puritan preacher preach-
ing very loudly, and turned into the church. The preacher
" sharply reproved sin, and sharply applied the judgments
of God against the same." The result was an entire change
of life in Henry Barrow, and he became a noble witness for
the truth of God. Greenwood was arrested for reading the
Scriptures to twenty-one persons, at the house of Henry
Martin, in the parish of St. Andrew, by the Wardrobe, in the
year 1586. Barrow visited his friend in the Clink prison.
He was then arrested without warrant, placed in a boat
and taken to the Palace of Lambeth, and was imprisoned in
the Gate-house by Archbishop Whitgift. For six years
40
Barrow and Greenwood occupied themselves in prison in
writing tracts, explanatory of their views, on scraps of
paper, which were conveyed, by those who had access to
them, with great secrecy to Holland, where they were
printed and again conveyed to England, and circulated by
the Separatists. This led, by the providence of God, to the
accession to the ranks of the Separatists, of a leader of great
eminence, Francis Johnson. He was the son of the Mayor
of Eichmond, in Yorkshire. He was a Fellow of Christ's
College, Cambridge, and defended the views of the Puritans
in a sermon at St. Mary's Church, for which he was
imprisoned. Francis Johnson was a preacher to the
company of English, of the Staple at Middleburg, in
Zealand. He was highly respected, and in receipt of " a
considerable maintenance," and was " so zealous against
this way," that when " Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood's
refutation of Gifford was privately printing in this city, he
not only was a means to discover it, but was made the
ambassador's instrument to intercept them at the press and
see them burnt, which charge he did so well perform, as he
let them go on until they were wholly finished, and then
surprised the whole impression," and by the magistrates'
authority he had the whole burnt, reserving two copies —
" one to keep in his own study, and the other to bestow
upon a special friend." He sat down to read it superficially,
but was " so taken, and his conscience was troubled so that
he could have no rest in himself, until he crossed the sea
and came to London to confer with the authors who were
in prison and shortly after executed." He did not return
to Middleburg, but joined himself to the society of Separa-
tists in London,* and when he again reached Amsterdam,
* Governor Bradford's Dialogue, printed in " New England Memorial," p. 334.
41
at his own cost, reprinted the books he had burned. About
the same time John Penry came to London. He was a
young Puritan preacher, and his object was to obtain the
aid of the Queen and Parliament for the speedy evangeliza-
tion of Wales. He visited Barrow, who told him that he
was seeking " to bring in Christ by the arm of flesh, and
not by the power of His Word, and virtue of His Spirit,
into the hearts and consciences of men," and so reasoned
with him that Penry cast in his lot with the despised
Separatists. The prison authorities now relaxed the close
confinement in which Greenwood had been placed at the
Fleet Prison, and he was transferred to the house of Eoger
Eippon. This opened the way for the formation of
a regular Congregational Church. Francis Johnson was
chosen pastor, John Greenwood teacher, and Daniel Studley
and George Knyveton elders. They baptized the children
of believers and administered the Lord's Supper with
extreme simplicity. The place of meeting of the Church
was changed every time they met. Their meetings excited
great alarm, and on December 5th, 1592, Francis Johnson
and John Greenwood were seized at the house of Edward
Boyes on Ludgate Hill, and committed to prison. On the
23rd of March, 1593, Barrow, Greenwood, Studley and
others, were fined for pubhshing and dispersing " seditious
books," asserting the independence of the Church of Christ
from all external interference. On the following day
Barrow and Greenwood were brought to Tyburn, and "tyed
by our neck to the tree, were permitted to speak a few
words." * They were then reprieved, and then, with a
refinement of cruelty, because they would not promise in
future " to come to church," were again conveyed to Tyburn
* Letter, dated " 4th or 5th of 4th Month, 1593."
42
and suffered death as felons ; their wives and children were
cast out of the city, and their goods confiscated. The reason
of this proceeding was, that the House of Commons had at
first refused to pass a Bill against the Barrowists and
Brownists, making it a felony to maintain any opinion
against the ecclesiastical government; and the day after
this " dislike " had been shewn by the House, Barrow and
Greenwood " were early in the morning hanged." This
blow of the Queen and bishops was followed up on the 5th
of April, 1593, by another. They surprised the Separatist
Church at Islington, and 56 were taken prisoners and
brought up with others also for examination. John Penry
and Francis Johnson were taken at this meeting. On the
29th May, Penry was hung, and one of his friends was
actually brought into the High Commissioner's Court, and
charged with having " received and entertained the said
Penry," and before his arraignment, " did then promise to
pray for him ! " Penry addressed a touching " protestation "
before his death, to the Lord Treasurer Burghley. Hard,
indeed, must have been the hearts which were not touched
with the simple eloquence of a young man who had lived
for the good of others. "Iain a poor young man," said
he, " born and bred in the mountains of Wales. I am the
first, since the last springing up of the Gospel in this latter
age, that laboured to have the blessed seed thereof sown in
those barren mountains. I have often rejoiced before God
(as He knoweth) that I had the favour to be born under
Her Majesty, for the promoting of this work. . . . And
being now to end my days, before I am come to one half of
my years in the likely course of nature, I leave the success
of my labours unto such of my countrymen as the Lord
will raise up after me, for the accomplishing of that work,
which in the calling of my country unto the knowledge of
43
Christ's blessed gospel, I began Whatever I
wrote in religion, the same I did simply for no other end
than for the bringing of God's truth to light. I never did
anything in this cause (Lord, thou art witness) for con-
tention, vain-glory, or to draw disciples after me." He
wrote to his wife, " 6th of the 4th month, of April,
1593 — I am ready, pray for me, and desire the Church
to pray for me, much and earnestly. The Lord comfort
thee, good Helen, and strengthen thee ; be not dis-
mayed, I know not how thou doest for outward things,
but my God will provide. My love be with thee, now and
ever, in Jesus Christ." He besought the Church to " take
my poor and desolate widow, and my mess of fatherless
and friendless orphans with you into exile, withersoever
you go," and commended them to " Him who will hear
their cry, for he is merciful." He died, " looking for that
blessed crown of glory, which of the great mercy of my God
is ready for me in heaven." In accordance with Penry's
advice, the Separatist Church, as far as they were able,
went to Amsterdam in 1593. Francis Johnson petitioned
Lord Burghley, the Lord Treasurer, who appears to have
had some feeling for the persecuted Separatists, or some
desire to thwart the "prelate of Canterbury." Henry
Jacob, a Puritan minister in Kent, was, during Johnson's
imprisonment in the Clink, induced to discuss the questions
between the Puritans and Separatists, with the view of
convincing Johnson, but the result was that he joined the
Separatists. The operations of the Church of the Separa-
tists in Southwark, were not merely confined to the
metropolis; they had a staff of preachers, among whom
was John Smyth (who, we shall shew, occupied an im-
portant position in the movement, and was destined to be
the leader of a new school of opinion) and four others.
44
John Smyth and others preached in Somersetshire. Barrow,
before he died, left a stock for the relief of the poor of the
church, which materially assisted them in their exile.
We now pause in the thread of this history of the
Separatist Church, to define their position with reference to
the Puritan party in the Church. Henry Barrow was a
layman. He saw clearly that the substitution of the
Puritan or Presbyterian system of Church government for
the Episcopal or Anglican system, would not give that
freedom from external control, which was an essential
condition of the growth of the Christian religion as taught
in the New Testament. It was the sacerdotal system which
was the root of the evil. A mere change from prelacy to
Presbyterianism would not rid England from the govern-
ment of priests. If the language of Barrow and Greenwood
was at times uncompromising, and even bitter, let us
remember the treatment to which the whole body of this
little church was subjected. The Puritan party were against
them. They stood alone, without sympathy from those who
had suffered with them for the testimony of a good con-
science. Forty- two ministers were employed by the bishops
as detectives, and instructed to visit the Separatist prisoners
twice a week, to entrap them into some expressions which
could be used against them at their trial. Six Puritan
ministers were told off for the purpose of conferring with
Barrow and Greenwood. In a petition to the Lords of the
Privy Council, they complain that the " Romish prelacy and
priesthood left in this land," had, by " the great power and
high authority they have gotten into their hands . . .
above all, the public courts, judges, laws and charters of
this land," persecuted, imprisoned, detained at their pleasure
their " poor bodies without any trial, release, or bail per-
mitted." They were thrown into Newgate, " laden with as
45
many irons as they could bear," they were " beaten with
cudgels in the prison . . . cast into Little Ease," *
where they ended their lives. " Many aged widows, aged
men, and young maidens have perished," they say, in
prison, " within these five years." The bishops' pursuivants
" break into their houses at all hours of the night . . .
break up, ransack, rifle, and make havoc at their pleasure."
The " two special points on which we dislike them," writes
Bancroft, were "their departing from our churches, and the
framing to tliemselves a church of tlieir own." Barrow and
Greenwood were greatly grieved by the tendency to unfaith-
fulness, in the whole Puritan party, to their conscientious
convictions. " All the precise Puritans," he says, " who
refuse the ceremonies of the church, strain at a gnat and
swallow a camel." He deems them " close hypocrites ; "
he thinks " they walk in a left handed policy, as Master
Cartwright, Wigginton, &c. . . . These your great
learned preachers, your good men that sigh and groan for
a further reformation, but their hands (with the sluggard)
deny to work : these would raise up a second error by so
much the more dangerous, by how much it hath more show
of truth. . . . Thus the Puritans would still have the
tvhole land to be ■ the church.' " Their reformation was not
to be effected by " the word preached," but they " would
have all redressed in one day," by a political change of the
outward form of the so-called church, f in which they would
include the whole commonwealth, instead of calling men
* The technical term for an awful hole into which their bodies were crushed, and so
constructed as to render sleep almost impossible. The early Friends were also thus
treated. In one case the prisoner died simply from the pressure.
t Barrow's " Brief Discovery of the False Churches," chap, xxiii., pp. 274, 275. Ed.
1707.
46
"into the right practice of the gospel ... by the
power of his own word and spirit, as it hath wrought in
their hearts true repentance and conversion." Barrow
maintains the essential distinction of Church and State,
and reproves Calvin's proceedings at Geneva as " rash and
disorderly . . . where he at the first dash made no
scruple to receive the whole state, and consequently all the
profane, ignorant people, into the bosom of the Church, and
to administer the sacrament to them. . . . Whereby
the Church became a just reproach, even to the wicked
hereticks, &c, nay, that which is worse and more to be
lamented, is that it became a precedent and example to
the greatest part of Europe to fall into like transgression." *
They set the clergy above the people, who are not to have a
free voice in their Synods and select Classes of ministers.
These synods are to have " absolute power over all churches,
doctrines, and ministers ; to elect, ratify, or abrogate ; to
excommunicate or depose at their pleasure. Their decrees
are most holy." The Presbyterian party simply substituted
pastors and elders for parsons and questmen, synods for
commissionary courts, high councils instead of high com-
missions. "As for these new officers, these elders," he
says, with much sagacity, that it is an injurious device for
keeping the people from the knowledge and performance of
their duties in the Church of Christ ; they will be " the
wealthiest, honest, simple men in the parish, that shall sit
for cyphers by their pastor, and meddle with nothing," and
the people will get nothing but " the smoaky, windy, title
of election " of their pastors only.f The " pontificals," he
says, refute the scriptural right of the people in a christian
• Barrow's "False Churches," pp. 59 and 60. Ed. 1707. t Ibid, pp. 278, 279.
47
church to govern their own affairs, " by Machiavel's con-
siderations and Aristotle's politics, instead of the New
Testament." Barrow complained that the Book of Common
Prayer was set above the Bible. " This book, in their
churches, must have the sovereignty ; it may not be gain-
said or controlled ; or, if it be, the Word of God must give
place." * He says that prayer is a spiritual sacrifice, that
the Holy Spirit is given to teach us to pray. " Shall we
think that God hath at any time left his children so singly
furnished, and so destitute of his grace, that they cannot
find words according to their necessities, and faith to
express their wants and desires, but need to be taught, line
upon line, as children new weaned from the breasts, what
and when to say, how much to say, and when to make an
end. ... Is not this presumptuous," he asks, respect-
ing the liturgy, " to undertake to teach the Spirit of God,
and to take away his office, which instructeth all the
children of God to pray with gifts and groans inexpressible.
. . . Yea, the Apostle John saith we need no other
teacher to these things, than the ' anointing ' which we have
received, and dwelleth in us."
Barrow was strongly opposed to ritualism. " How like
children, or rather masking fools, are these great clerks
dressed ! " If the false church of the prelates was the
" first beast " in the Bevelations, then surely the Presby-
terian system would prove, if it were established, the
" second beast."
Barrow objected strongly to pulpits,! which he complains
would " receive no more than one person — except it be a
* " A Brief Discovery of the False Churches." See quotation from this edition in
Hanbury, vol. i., p. 43. 1590.
f Barrow's " False Churches," p. 263. Ed. 1707.
48
suggestor or prompter as is practised in some particular
places," which gives us curious insight into the customs of
the times in the Church. " Neither," says he, " ordinarily
does," any " more than one " preacher " at a time " speak
in the church, and " for the most part disputes by the
hour-glass, which being run out, his sermonication must
also be at an end." Whatever doctrine he may preach,
whether he handles the subject "unsufficiently" or "un-
savorily," no " supplies of others " can be had, and the
congregation has no power and must put up with it. The
preachers, too, " have a prescribed time when to begin,"
and a " prescript place called a pulpit." The prophesying
of the Puritans was also not the prophesying described
in the New Testament. " The members of the Church
being divers, and having received divers gifts, are
(according to the grace given to every one) to serve the
Church ;" if they have the gift of prophecy, then are they to
exercise it according to the proportion of faith, keeping to
the Word of God always. " It belongeth," he says, " to
the whole church, and none of them ought to be shut out."
Dr. Some merely " traduces the ordinances of Christ,"
when he calls this practice " anabaptistical." * Barrow
held that the universities were a complete failure, in their
mission of training christian ministers. " If the tree be
known by the fruit, and the nest by the birds, then let the
present state of the most general part of the clergy shew
what kind of seminaries and colleges these universities are."
Doctors of " divinity " are a remnant of popery. He desires
that the "whole Church might be trained in schools, to
teach the tongues, or in any laudable or necesssary art," and
that " the Protestant nobility, as well as the common people,
* Barrow's " False Churches," pp. 247—253. Ed. 1707.
49
were prophets ;" but these things should not be taught in
" monkish, confused, idle, profane colleges and fellow-
ships," but in a holy, sanctified, reverend, grave manner."
The colleges are " the very hives and nurseries of these
armed locusts, and venomous scorpions and teaching priests,
as popes, cardinals, archbishops, &c," and they have "fought
under the pope their captain general." The very names of
the month and the week are heathenish, and christian men
should say " first month, first day of the week," &c* The
practice of wearing mourning " for set and stated months,"
and "black attire outwardly," he disapproves as a heathen,
not a christian custom, t Greenwood gives a lamentable
account of the state of religion among the Puritan party in
the Church of England. Their " preachers run for hire and
wages," instead of protesting against the state of the
ministry in the church ; they do not withdraw the people
from " dumb and plurified pastors." They " make a show
as though they sought a sincere reformation of all things
according to the gospel of Christ, and yet support "the
bishops, their courts and accomplices, and all those detest-
able enormities which they should have utterly removed
and not reformed." " Long were it to relate their arts
and engines whereby they hunt and entangle poor souls —
their counterfeit shows of holiness, gravity, austereness
of manners, preciseness in trifles, large conscience in
matters of greatest weight, especially of any danger;
straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel, hatred and
thundering against some sin, tolerating, yea, colouring some
other in special persons; cunning, insinuating into and
witholding the known truth of God in respect of times, and
places, and persons — dissembling, hiding, and witholding
* Barrow's " False Churches," p. 204, <fcc. f Ibid, p. 197.
B
>
50
it in their public ministry and doctrines, when it may
draw them into any trouble and trial, yea, baulking, if
not perverting the evident scriptures, as they arise against
any public enormity of the time, under colour of ' peace,
christian policy, and wisdom,' whereby these scorpions
so poison and sting every good conscience, so leaven
them with hypocrisy, &c, that their "whole auditory'
are so ' entangled with their snares,' that ■ scarce any
of them, without the special mercy of God, are ever
recovered or brought to any soundness, stability, or upright
walking, to any conscience, true faith, or fear of God.' "
We cannot expect to find men in the position of Barrow
and Greenwood weakly sparing the great Puritan party. If
Christianity requires us to carry out in practice our con-
scientious convictions, we must agree, that while Barrow,
Greenwood, and Penry exhibited the same description of
courage as that of the early christian martyrs, the course of
the Puritan party in the reign of Elizabeth was not
altogether worthy of themselves and ^fcheir cause. The
cause of the Separatists was that of spiritual religion, while
that of the Puritans was a compromise. Their private
religious convictions had to be sacrificed to their political
aims. Although Greenwood says that he " never conversed
with the ' Brownists ' or their writings," and that the
Brownists attended church while his followers did not,
there can be no question that the opinions of the followers
of Barrow and Greenwood, and those of Kobert Browne, were
nearly identical.
But we must remember that the Separatist Church at
Southwark, formed by Barrow, Greenwood, and Penry, and
of which Francis Johnson, Henry Jacob, and John Smyth
were members, has a history distinct from that party of
" Brownists " who may be considered as persons holding the
51
same opinions, but who had merely commenced to hold reli-
gious meetings; while the " Barrowists," or " Johnsonists,"
had the courage to separate entirely from the Established
Church, and to form a distinct society or Church of their own.
In the year 1597 there was a project for forming a settle-
ment in America, and the imprisoned Separatist Church
appear to have heard of it and petitioned her Majesty " that
as means are now offered of our being in a foreign and far
country, which lieth to the west from hence in the province
of Canada," they might be allowed " to do her Majesty and
our country good service " and "in time greatly annoy the
bloody and persecuting Spaniard about the Bay of Mexico."
On the 25th May, 1597, it appears that "Abraham Yan
Hardwick and Stephen Van Hardwick, merchant strangers,
and Charles Leigh, merchant of London, trading," under-
take a voyage of fishing and discovery unto "the Bay of
Canada, and to plant themselves in the Island of Kainea
(an Island near Newfoundland)," simultaneously made
" humble suit to her Majesty to transport out of this realm
divers artificers and others, persons that are noted to be sectaries,
whose minds are continually in an ecclesiastical ferment, whereof
four shall at this present sail thither in those ships that go
this present voyage." * These four prisoners were Francis
Johnson, pastor of the Separatist church at Southwark,
Daniel Studley, one of their elders, with George Johnson
(the brother of Francis Johnson, and of whom we shall
hear again) and John Clark. The voyage proved disastrous,
but it had finally released them from prison, and they found
their way to Amsterdam, where the remainder of the exiled
Church, who had preceded them,f elected Francis Johnson
* Register of the Privy Council, found by Dr. Waddington and quoted in his " Con-
gregational History," p 114.
f In 1593. Johnson's reply to White, p. 63. • Ainsworth's reply to Paget, p. 45.
E 2
52
as their Pastor, and the celebrated Henry Ainsworth as
Teacher, and Daniel Studley and others as Elders. Here
we leave them and return to John Smyth, who remained
in the Marshalsea Prison in Southwark, and was liberated,
probably in consideration of his having been " sick nigh
unto death," and having " doubted of the separation nine
months." * After conferring with certain Puritan ministers f
at the house of Sir W. Bowes at Coventry, he received no
satisfaction, but never repudiated the Separation ; he tells us
he then formed, and became pastor to a Separatist Church
at Gainsborough in the year 1602, where Bradford informs
us "by the travell and diligence of some godly and zealous
preachers, and God's blessing on their labours, as in other
places of their land, so in the north parts many became
enlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance
and sins discovered unto them, and began, by His grace to
reform their lives and make conscience of their ways." At
a later period another Separatist Church was formed at
Scrooby, of which Kichard Clyfton was pastor, and to him
succeeded the celebrated John Robinson, "William Brewster
being Elder. These churches were therefore on the borders
of Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire, and main-
tained a close connection. The church at Scrooby was held
in a manor house of the bishop's, which was in the occupa-
tion of William Brewster, who held the position of postmaster
between 1594 and 1607, J and this doubtless secured this
church from disturbance for a longer period. The date of
John Smyth and "his company" leaving England for
Amsterdam is not known, but it is probable that this took
place between 1604 and 1606, and the formation of the
* •' Parallel Answers, Observations," Ac, by Jobn Smyth, pp. 1 and 128-9.
t These were Dod, Hildersham, and Barbon — " Brook's Puritans," p. 196.
{ Hunter's " Founders of New Plymouth," pp. 66, 68.
53
Scrooby Church took place about 1606.* Smyth addressed a
letter "to certain brethren in S.," which may doubtless be
taken to have been written to the Scrooby church, from
Amsterdam at this date, and in which he expressed the
utmost confidence of the ultimate success of the movement,
" although you are but few in number, yet, considering that
the kingdom of Heaven is as a grain of mustard seed, small
at the beginning, I do not doubt but you may in time grow
up to be a multitude, and be, as it were, a great tree full of
fruitful branches." f Smyth, after a certain period, supported
himself at Amsterdam by practising physic. " He usually
took nothing of the poorer sort, and, if they were rich, he
took half as much as other doctors did, excepting some who
were well able and well minded, urged more upon him."
He lived "sparingly" rather than "that any should be
in extremity." On one occasion, " seeing one slenderly
apparalled, he sent them his gowne to make them clothes."
He was "well beloved of most men and hated of none."
He did " good both for soul and body." J This eminent
man, while honoured by those who opposed him in England
for his great talents, and on all hands admitted to have
been one of the most able of the Separatists, has been
charged by his brethren with the inconstancy of his
opinions, and the charge has been repeated by modern
writers. For this there appears not to have been the
slightest ground, excepting that, in his desire to possess the
whole truth, he carried out the principles of the Separation to
their logical issue. He was the first enunciator in England
of the great principles of complete and perfect religious freedom
as opposed to a partial toleration by the state of certain
* Hunter's "Founders of New Plymouth," p. 89.
f " Paralles, Censures, Observations," by John Smyth. 1609, last four pages.
J See " Life of John Smyth," recently found in York Minster Library.
54
" tolerable " opinions. His life and death do honour to his
christian character, while the General Baptist Churches, of
whose religious principles he was enunciator, were the
consistent and uniform advocates of religious liberty.
The records of the Ecclesiastical Court at York show that
information was given against William Brewster, of Scrooby,
on December 1st, 1607, and about this period many of the
Church appear to have attempted to reach Holland. In the
spring of 1608 another attempt was made by a larger number,
and a secret arrangement was made with a Dutchman to
take them on board his ship between Grimsby and Hull,
but by the time the first boatful had been taken to the
ship, " the country was raised to take them ... a
great company, both horse and foot, with bills and guns,
and other weapons." The Dutchman thereupon " swore
his country's oath, ' sacremente,' and having the wind fair,
waiyed his ancor, hoysed sayles and away." Thus the men
were separated from their wives and children, who were
thus left without " a cloath to shift them with more than
they had upon their baks, and some scarce a peney about
them . . . pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these
poor women in their distress, what weeping and crying on
every side; their poore little ones hanging about them,
crying for fear and quaking with cold." Being thus appre-
hended, they were hurried from one place to another, and
from one justice to another, till in the end they knew not
what to do with them, for to imprison so many women
and children for no other cause than that they must go
with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable. " To
be shorte, after they had been thus turmoyled a good
while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they
were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms,
and notwithstanding these storms of opposition, they all
~1
55
gat over at length " * to Amsterdam, where they found
their husbands, who had encountered a fearful storm. John
Kobinson and William Brewster remained in England till
they had helped the weakest members of the flock to join
their brethren, and after they had lived at Amsterdam
about a year, in communion with the exiled Separatist
Church from Southwark, Eobinson advocated their removing
to Leyden, where he founded the celebrated Church from
whom the Church at New Plymouth, commonly called that
of the Pilgrim Fathers, was an offset. The Church in
Southwark was not, it appears, entirely suppressed, for in
October, 1608, mention is made of a nest of Brownists,
"whereof five or six and thirty were apprehended."
Before following the Separatists to Amsterdam, we must
turn again to England. The publication of " Hooker's
Ecclesiastical Polity," (of which the first four books were
published in 1594, the fifth in 1597, and the remaining
three, after his death in the year 1600) marks the rise of
another party in the Church of England which was destined
to play an important part in the great events which took
place later, and were taking place when Fox appeared on the
scene in 1648. This party was conscientiously opposed to
Puritan principles both in discipline and theology. James
Arminius began to teach his system of theology, when Pastor
at Amsterdam, in opposition to that of John Calvin, as early
as 1591, f and the Church of the Separatists (in which
Ainsworth was Pastor) contended with Arminius at an early
period. Whether from this source, or whether the progress
* Bradford's " History of Plymouth Plantation," pp. 10 to 16, printed by the Mass.
Historical Society, Boston, 1856.
t "Mosheim." 17th Century. Sect, ii., chap. 3; Part ii., note b, p. 459, Maclaine's
Translat.
66
of thought had led many minds to the same conclusion,
it is certain that Arminian doctrines took rapid hold of the
party in the Church of England represented by Hooker,
and that a similar division took place in the Separatist
Church at Amsterdam, which, as we shall show, led to the
formation of a new Church by John Smyth, of whom we
have already spoken. Arminius taught, in opposition to
Calvin, "that Jesus Christ, by his death and sufferings,
made an atonement for the sins of all mankind in general,
and of every individual in particular, but that none but
those who believe in Him can be partakers of this divine
benefit ; that it is necessary to man's conversion and salva-
tion that he be regenerated and renewed by the operation
of the Holy Ghost, which is the gift of God through Jesus
Christ ; that this divine grace or energy of the Holy Ghost,
which heals the disorders of a corrupt nature, begins,
advances, and brings to perfection everything which can be
called good in man, and that this grace does not force the
man to act against his inclination, but may be resisted and
rendered ineffectual by the perverse will of the impenitent
sinner," and eventually his followers taught that " the
saints might fall from grace," although Arminius taught
that this was a matter which required a further and atten-
tive examination of the Holy Scriptures.* Above all, he
rejected the doctrine of Calvin respecting predestination and
the Divine decrees, &c. "Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity"
is the most able defence of Episcopacy and the principles of
the Established Church of England, which has ever issued
from the press, and Pope Clement VIII. said concerning
it, " There is no learning that this man hath not reached
mto, nothing too hard for his understanding. His books
* "Mosheim." 17th Century. Chap. 3, parta iv< andv.j pp. 461, 462.
57
will get reverence by age, for there are in them such seeds
of eternity, that if the rest be like this, they shall last
till the last fire shall consume all learning." Hooker*
maintains against the Puritans, that though the Holy
Scriptures are a perfect standard of doctrine, they are not
a rule of discipline or government, nor is the practice of
the Apostles an invariable rule or law to the Church in
succeeding ages ; that the Church is a Society like others,
capable of making laws for her well being and government
provided they do not interfere with, or contradict the laws
and commandments of Holy Scripture — where Scripture is
silent, human authority may interpose — the Church is
therefore at liberty to appoint ceremonies and establish order
within its limits, and that all who are born within the
confines of an Established Church and are baptised into it,
are bound to submit to its ecclesiastical laws, and he vindicates
the ceremonies and orders of the Church from the objections
of the Puritans. But the splendid genius of Hooker, how-
ever great its influence in forming a clearly defined party in
the Church of England, was unequal to the task of con-
vincing those who were relentlessly persecuted, and their
reply was practically the same as that of young William
Penn, who, when Charles II. sent Stillingfleet to him in
the Tower to convince him by arguments, replied, " The
Tower is to me the worst argument in the world." The
actions of Whitgift, and the existence of the Court of High
Commission, were more eloquent and convincing than the
arguments of Hooker. " The sufferings of the Puritans,
says Price, " during the primacy of Whitgift, are not to be
parallelled in the history of Protestant intolerance, unless
* " Walton's Life of Hooker," p. 61 in Hooker's Works. Dobson's Edit. 1825.
Cowie <fe Co., London.
58
perhaps, exception may be made of the times of the Second
Charles." We venture to think that the sufferings of the
[Restoration far exceeded those of Elizabeth's reign, but
whether this was the case or not, Elizabeth carried out a
policy which she conceived necessary to consolidate a newly
Established Church, and which nearly all of those who
suffered under it, agreed was in principle correct, viz., the
principle of coercion by the state in matters of religious
opinion. Even the Separatist Church, whose history we
have been tracing, presided over by Henry Ainsworth at
Amsterdam, held (see Article 39th of their confession) that
it was " the duty of princes and magistrates to suppress
and root out by their authority all false ministries, voluntary
religions, and counterfeit worship of God, yea, to enforce all
their subjects, whether ecclesiastical or civil, to do their duties
to God and men." *
We cannot, in justice to the Church of England in
Elizabeth's time, avoid the conclusion that the whole
question in the mind of a Puritan, or even Separatist, or
Brownist, of this period, respecting the iniquity of all
persecution, turned on the conclusion that he was right, and
the advocates of Episcopacy were wrong. The heartless
cruelty which the bishops under Elizabeth displayed to their
unfortunate victims, cannot however be excused on this
ground.
In 1603 " the Brownists, Barrowists, Johnsonists," &c,
petitioned the King's Most Excellent Majesty. They state
that some of them are " constrained to live as exiles in
* So Greenwood (when pressed in his conference with Sperin and Cooper) said,
"Both the magistrates ought to compel the infidels to hear the doctrine of the Church,
and also with the approbation of the church, to send forth men with gifts and graces to
instruct the infidels, being as yet no ministers or officers unto them." Dr. Waddington'g
Historical Papers, p. 186. Second Edition.
59
foreign lands," and that ".others" are "still in our
country." They refer to the " confession of our faith
already exhibited to your Majesty," * and shortly state the
points of difference between themselves and the Church
of England. The first Article asserts that the officers of
the Church of Christ should be only those which He has
appointed " in his last will and testament." Second —
Churches are "particular churches." Third — They are
companies of people " separated from the world by the
word of God, and joined in a voluntary profession of the
faith of Christ : no atheist, misbeliever, heretic, or wicked
liar is to be received or retained." Fourth — Laymen,
" discreet, faithful, and able men, though not in the office
of the ministry," may be appointed to preach the Gospel,
and that those " who are converted to the Lord " may be
joined " in holy communion with Christ our Head." Fifth
— Each Church has power to appoint five sorts of officers,
as before described, and that no " antichristian hierarchy "
is to be " set over, or retained in the Church of Christ."
Sixth — Such officers' duties are " to feed the Church of
Christ," and ought not " to be burdened with the execution
of civil affairs, such as marriages, burying the dead," &c.
Seventh — They are to be supported by the purely voluntary
contributions of the Church, and not by " popish livings,"
or Jewish tithes, and that therefore the land, or like
revenues of the prelates and clergy yet remaining, being
still also baits to allure the Jesuits and seminaries into the
land, and to introduct to them to plot and execute their
wonted evil courses in hope to enjoy them in time to come,
may now by your Highness be taken away and converted to
better uses, as those of the abbeys and nunneries, which
* Additional MSS. Brit. Museum, 8978 (138c) p. 238.
60
have heretofore by your Majesty's worthy predecessors, to
the honour of God and great good of the realm. Eighth —
Each particular Church has the power of admonishing or
excommunicating their members. Ninth — That the Church
be not governed by popish canons, &c, but by the New
Testament. " That the Lord be worshipped in Spirit and in
truth." The Lord's prayer and " the liturgy of his own
Testament " might be used, but no other, such as the
" Book of Common Prayer" "translated from the popish
liturgy." Tenth — The Churches not to observe " days and
times, rites or ceremonies . . . but that Christian liberty
be retained." Eleventh — All "monuments of idolatry in
garments;" all "temples, altars, chapels, and other places
dedicated heretofore by the heathens or antichristians to
their false worship ... by lawful authority," are to be
razed and abolished, not suffered to remain to the nourishing
of superstition, much less employed for the true service of God.
Twelfth — Popish degrees in Theology, &c, to be abolished,
that the colleges may become " well-springs of true learning
and godliness." Thirteenth — The sacrament only to be
administered to the " faithful," and "baptism to their
seed or those under their government," according to the
simplicity of the Gospel." Fourteenth — Finally, that " all
churches and people (without exception) are only to be
bound to submit to the order which Christ as Lord and
King hath appointed." They pray the King that "the
ancient and only true way of Christ being revived," they
may be protected, and express the conviction that Christ
will make all things concur to free his Church from, and
destroy the " mummery of that anti-christian defection and
iniquity," for " strong is the Lord of Hosts, and He will
perform it."
CHAPTER IV.
The course op Religious Opinion in England prior to
1640 (continued). The Ancient Church op Amsterdam.
Henry Ainsworth, Francis Johnson, John Robinson,
and John Smyth. The Rise at Amsterdam and
Leyden op the English Congregational or Indepen-
dent Churches, Johnson's Presbyterio-Independent
Church, and the English General Baptist or Men-
nonite Church.
We now return to the Separatist Church at Amsterdam.
The first portion of the exiles, as before stated, reached this
city in 1593. Henry Ainsworth joined them about this
period, and occupied a prominent position prior to his
formal election to the office of " teacher " to the Church,
conjointly with Francis Johnson, who was elected " Pastor."
This took place on the arrival of Johnson. The history of
Ainsworth, prior to his settlement in Amsterdam, is still
involved in obscurity. He came " out of Ireland with
other poor," Governor Bradford tells us. He concealed his
wants from his fellow refugees ; he was " a single young
man and very studious," and Roger Williams speaks of him
as living on ninepence a week, and upon boiled roots.* On
• M
Reply to Cotton's Letter," by Roger Williams, p. 39.
62
settling at Amsterdam he became porter to a bookseller
there, who discovered his skill in Hebrew and made it
known to his countrymen. " He was a man of a thousand,"
says his contemporary, Governor Bradford. In the opinion
of some learned members of the University of Leyden,
Ainsworth " had not his better for the Hebrew tongue in
the University, nor scarce in Europe." He was " of an
innocent and unblamable life and conversation, of a meek
spirit and calm temper." He wrote annotations on the
Pentateuch, the Psalms, and the Song of Solomon, which
are even now held in high esteem. The influence which
Ainsworth and Johnson's church, and the Church at Leyden
exerted upon the course of religious opinion in England was
unquestionably large. The Churches of Amsterdam and
Leyden not only calmly thought out, but carried out for
themselves in exile, all that is comprehended in the
principles of the Congregational or Independent Churches
of our times. Every particular Church was a distinct
society, having Christ as its prophet, priest, and king ; it
was a " company of people called and separated from the
world by the Word of God, and bound together by voluntary
profession of the faith." The congregation had power to
elect their own officers, " pastors, teachers, elders, deacons,
and helpers, whose maintenance should be of the free and
voluntary contributions of the Church." No one was to be
a member but on a public confession of his faith, neither
any infants, but such as are " the seed of the faithful " by
one of their parents, or under their educational government.
A certificate was required if a member removed from one
congregation to another.
In 1596 this Church, to correct the misstatements of
their enemies, and promote the cause of true religion,
issued " The confession of faith of certain English people
63
living in exile in the Low Countries," in English.* It
was translated into Latin in 1598, and was reprinted in
1607,t dedicated to the " students of Holy Scripture in
the christian Universities of Leyden, in Holland, of St.
Andrew in Scotland, of Heidelburg, Geneva, and the other
like famous schools of learning in the Low Countreyes,
Scotland, Germany and France," and was sent to the pro-
fessors of these universities. This Church consisted, after
the accession of the last band of fugitives who came out
with Kobinson and Brewster in 1608, " of about 300
communicants, { before their division and breach, and " had
you seen them in their beauty and order as we have done,
you would have been much affected therewith." For a
short period, therefore, we find the following eminent men
worshipping together in this church. Henry Ainsworth,
Francis Johnson, Kichard Clifton, John Eobinson, John
Smyth, Thomas Helwisse, William Brewster, and William
Bradford, who was afterwards the Governor of the New Ply-
mouth Colony, who had been bom in the village of Auster-
field, and had been a member of the third Separatist
Church formed at Scrooby under Richard Clifton and John
Robinson's ministry. At this period Francis Johnson and
Henry Ainsworth were respectively their " pastor " and
teacher ; they had four Elders — Daniel Studeley, Stanshall
Mercer, George Knyveton and Christopher Bowman — and
three Deacons, and one " ancient widow for a deaconess "
who 'was above sixty years old; she visited "the sick
* A copy of this is in the British Museum, 4to. 22 pp., with preface dated 1596,
another in the Lambeth Library.
f A copy of this second edition, 12mo. 55 pp., is in York Minster Library ; a third
edition was published.
X " Governor Bradford's Dialogue, New England Memorial," p. 355.
64
and weak, especially women, and as there was need, called
out maids and young women to watch and do them other
helps as their necessity did require; and if they were
poor, she would gather relief for them of those that were
ahle, or acquaint the deacons, and she was obeyed as a
mother in Israel, and an officer of Christ
She honoured her place, and was an ornament to the
congregation; she usually sat in a convenient place in
the congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand,
and kept little children in great awe from disturbing the
congregation." Robinson, with Brewster, Bradford,
and the rest of the Scrooby Church, seeing that some
contention had arisen between John Smyth and the
Church,* and finding that their good offices were not
likely to be of any service, after remaining at Amsterdam
for about a year,f thought it best to remove, before they
were involved in any controversy, to Leyden, the end
of 1608, or early in 1609, where "they continued for
many years in a comfortable condition, enjoying much
sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort together
in the ways of God, under the able and prudent government
of Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster, grew in
knowledge and other gifts and graces of the Spirit of God,
and lived together in peace, and love, and holiness. . . .
And many came unto them from divers parts of England,
* Bradford's " History of Plymouth Plantation," p. 16. See also Helwy's Letter,
quoted in " Evans' Baptists," Vol. I., p. 210 ; the correct date of the original is 12th
March, 1609, the date printed in Evans is erroneous. Dr. Scheffer has kindly examined
this for me. This difference of opinion was respecting the Scriptures, probably
respecting the distinction between the Old and New Testament dispensations; but
Smyth was convinced by the arguments of Johnson and Ainsworth, and " revoked
them."
t Bradford's " History of New England Plantation," p. 16.
65
so as they grew a great congregation . . . not much
fewer in number " than the " ancient Church " at Amsterdam.
Elder Brewster was occupied in printing books to send to
England. Henry Jacob had also become convinced of the
scriptural character of the principles of the Separatists, and
also sought refuge at Middleburg, from whence he corre-
sponded with Kobinson at Leyden. The proceedings of the
Separatist Church excited a lively interest in England, and,
as we have seen, their principles were actively disseminated
by their tracts printed in Holland and secretly circulated.
To christians in the present day, who have an intelligent
knowledge of church history and of human nature, it will
not appear extraordinary that differences of opinion should
arise among a little band of men who were bent upon work-
ing out into a practical form a change in the principles
of Church government so vast and momentous. Smaller
matters of difference in State Churches have produced far
greater dissensions and bitterness of feeling, even in times
when courtesy of language and demeanour in religious
controversy is the rule and not the exception. It soon
became obvious that the principles of church structure
which they had discovered by the careful and conscientious
study of Holy Scripture, involved the necessity, for the sake
of unity in the essentials of Christianity and peace in each
particular association of Christians, of their dividing into
distinct Churches. Their first dissension is humourously
described by Bishop Hall to have been respecting the lace
in Mrs. Francis Johnson's sleeve. Bradford tells us that
she had been a merchant's wife and had a competent fortune,
and that, although a godly woman, " she wore such apparel
as she had formerly been used to " and " suitable to her
rank;" yet, that such was the strictness and rigidness in
dress of some in those times, that whalebone in the dress
F
66
or sleeves, or even starch in a collar offended them. The
father and brother-in-law, because Mrs. Johnson would not
cut her garments to the precise degree of plainness which
they deemed christian simplicity, kept up a pertinacious
opposition. The controversy raged for eleven years, and
after four years' contention, the Church excommunicated
G-eorge Johnson and his father, whom no reasonable
" reformation in apparel " would satisfy.
Owing to these and other dissensions in the church,
Francis Johnson altered his views upon the important
point of the government of the church. He now considered
the government should be vested in Elders chosen by the
congregation, and that these should be both "Killing
Elders " and " Teaching Elders," while Ainsworth con-
sidered it should be vested in the Church of which the
Elders are a part. Eobinson concurred with Ainsworth.
They deemed the Bishops or Elders to be the only ordinary
governors, but they were not to be "lords over God's
heritage " as if " the church could not be without them."
The importance of the question was not measured in
their minds by the present issue. A hierarchy in the
Church of Christ originated in this very thing, viz., that
the people did not maintain their right of voting on
equal terms with their officers. "If we should let the
true practice of the G-ospel go, posterity after us being
brought into bondage, might justly blame and curse us,
that would not stand up for the right of the people."*
* "An Animadversion to Mr. E. Clifton," &c, by Henry Ainsworth, Amsterdam,
1613, p. 125, U.L.C. " Touching the ministry, it is said, ' A man can receive nothing
except it be given him from Heaven,' John hi. 27. Now to the ministers it is given to
feed, guide, and govern the Church, but not themselves to be the Church, and to
challenge the power of the same in things pertaining to the Kingdom of God. . . .
Such giving place to the usurpation of the ministers was the means of Antichrist's
67
The advice of the Church at Leyden was sought, and
Eobinson suggested a wise and salutary middle course, viz.,
that all business of the Church should be first considered
and resolved on by the Pastors and Elders privately, and
then submitted ultimately to the church. This controversy
took place during the year 1609, and in the year 1610, on
December 15th and 16th, Ainsworth and those who agreed
with him quietly withdrew, and Francis Johnson and
Richard Clifton, who agreed upon the subject of the deci-
sion of all matters by the Elders, formed a distinct Church.
The system of government which they advocated did not
seem to work well, for differences again arose in this
Church. Some years after, Johnson removed to Embden
with a portion of his Church. It seems probable that
Ainsworth's Church was strengthened by this proceeding,
and by Clyfton's death. Ainsworth died the end of 1622,
or early in 1623. The celebrated John Canne, who after-
wards became Pastor of the Baptist Church in Bristol, was
Pastor of Johnson's Church in 1632 and 1634.* Ainsworth
is described by Bradford as having " an excellent gift of
teaching and opening the Scriptures," as " very modest
and amiable ... of an innocent and unblameable
life and conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper,
void of passion, and not easily provoked ; " while one who
had lived with him at Amsterdam, says " he lived and died
unblameably, and I am thoroughly persuaded that his soul
beginning and climbing to bis pre-eminence, wbicb, bad the people resisted at first,
and practised tbe Gospel in tbe order set by Cbrist, he could not have prevailed
. . . . if the holding otherwise in judgment should let the true practice of tbe
Gospel go, posterity after us being brought into bondage, might justly blame and curse
us, that would not stand for the right of the people in that which we acknowledge to
be their due."
* For these dates my authority is " The Life of Ainsworth." Edinburgh, 1709. p. 34.
F2
68
rests with his Saviour." In 1608 (that is about two years
previously to the division of the ancient Church of
Amsterdam) differences arose between John Smyth and
Francis Johnson, Ainsworth, Clifton, and John Kobinson,
which placed him at issue with both " the ancient Church "
at Amsterdam and the Church at Leyden. Smyth and
Thomas Helwys, John Morton and some thirty- six other
persons, separated from the Church. Helwys* and Smyth
had associated in England. Smyth mentions that he
ministered to his necessities when he was sick at Bashforthf
(probably Babworth, a village in the neighbourhood of
Scrooby, and of which Clifton was then rector). John
Smyth had associated with Hans de Bys and Lubbert
Gerrits, celebrated ministers among the Mennonite churches
in Amsterdam, and the ground on which he retired from
the "Ancient Church" was, first, the importance of baptism
being administered, as a sign of admission into the Church,
to adults or persons of competent age to understand its meaning,
and not to infants who happened to be " the seed of the
faithful." Secondly, of the entire distinction between the
Old and New Testament. Both portions of the Sacred
Becords had hitherto, by all the Puritans and the Separatist
and Brownist Churches, been considered as equally binding
upon Christians. There were some other matters of differ-
ence, but he went even beyond this; he renounced the
opinions of Calvin and espoused those of Arminius. These
opinions were then considered to be heresy of the deepest
dye, and they raised for him a host of enemies.
* It seems probable tbat Tbomas Helwys belonged to eitber tbe Scrooby or the
Gainsborough Church. " Joan Elwisse, the wife of Thomas Helwys," being prosecuted
before the Ecclesiastical Court at York on July 26th, 160J. — " Waddington's Congre*
gational History," p. 163.
t *' Smyth's Confession and Life," York Minster Library.
69
We have here the commencement of another important
religious movement in England. A tendency was now
manifesting itself for Independent and Brownist Churches
to become Baptist Churches. John Smyth and Thomas
Helwys having adopted the opinions of the Mennonites,
propagated their views and practices, and thus became the
founders of the English General, or Arminian Baptist
Churches. Bishop Hall, in his controversy with John
Kobinson, pastor of the Leyden branch of the Separatist
Church, says to his opponent, " There is no remedy, you
must go forward into Anabaptism, or come back to us "
(i.e., the Church of England); "all your Babbins cannot
answer the charge of your re-baptized brother John Smyth
— ■ If we be a true church you must retain us ; if not, you
must re-baptize. If our baptism is good, then is our con-
stitution good.' He tells you true, your station is unsafe,
either you must forward to him or back to us." * " Where-
upon," we are told, " this so alarmed those with which
Mr. Smyth held communion that they cast him out of the
Church." The force and piquancy of this turned upon the
point, that Bobinson and Ainsworth held "that such as be
of the seed of the faithful, or under the government of any of the
Church, were, even in their infancy, to be received to
baptism, and made partakers of the sign of God's covenant
made with the faithful and their seed through all genera-
tions." f Where, argued Bishop Hall, will be the difference
between the Church of England and the Church of the
Separation, in the course of a few years ? You will have as
many unfaithful members as we have.
After Smyth, Helwys, and their company had separated
* Bishop Hall's Works, Vol. ix., pp. 400, 385. Ed. J. Eatt, London, 1808.
t Article XXXV. of the " Confession of the Church of Amsterdam."
70
from the communion of the ancient Separatist Church,
the first action, which they took in forming themselves
into a Church state, has excited much interest and com-
ment. The materials for a clear and connected history
of Smyth's conduct have only lately come to light. It is
important to mark the features of the rise of by far the largest
section of the English (originally non-immersionist) Baptist
Churches. Eobinson states * that Smyth baptized himself
and afterwards Mr. Helwisse, and thus qualified themselves
for the administration of baptism to their church. This
has been doubted by many writers, because of its intrinsic
improbability, and because, from their point of view, there
seemed to be something irrational or extravagant in a
man baptizing himself. \ It had, however, a rigid logical
consistency from the point of view which Smyth occupied.
The subject has, however, been set at rest by a manuscript
document, discovered by Dr. Scheffer in Amsterdam, by
which it appears that Smyth and thirty- two persons, wishing
to unite themselves to the Waterlander Mennonite Church
in Amsterdam, of which Lubbert Gerritts was Pastor, pro-
bably in the early part of the year 1609, confessed their
error, " that they undertook to baptize themselves contrary
to the order appointed by Christ." Thomas Helwys, John
Morton, and two others still defended the propriety of such
* " Of Eeligious Communion, Public and Private, with silencing of the clamour raised
by Mr. Thomas Helwisse against our retaining the baptism received in England, and
administering of Baptism to infants. As also a Survey of the Confession of Faith
published in certain conclusions by the remainders of Mr. Smyth's company." By
John Robinson, 1614. Reprint by R. Ashton, London, 1851, p. 168.
f See "Discovery of the Errors of the English Anabaptists," by E. Jessop, "who
some time walked in the same errors with them," p. 65, margin, London, 1623. " Mr.
Smith baptized himself first and then Mr. Helwis, and John Morton with the rest.
. . . . I would now demand of you your warrant for a man to baptize himself."
This work is in U. L. Cant.
71
a course, viz., that " whosoever shall now be stirred up by
the same spirit, to preach the same word, and men thereby
being converted, may, according to John, his example, wash
them with water, and who can forbid ? " The question of
the manner of baptism does not come up, and there can
hardly be a doubt that the practice of immersion had not
then arisen, and was not deemed important. Helwys and
Morton take the view, that if elders must ordain elders, and
if elders are alone able to baptize, this is to go back to the
idea of an " apostolic succession," and he asks, " Hath the
Lord thus restrained His Spirit, His Word, and ordinances,
as to make particular men lords over them, or the keepers
of them? God forbid." It is contrary to the " liberty
of the Gospel, which is free for all men, at all times
and in all places ; yea, so our Saviour Christ doth testify,
wheresoever, whosoever, and whensoever two or three are
gathered together in his name, there is He in the midst
of them." * Smyth, on the other hand, held that it was
because he then thought that there was "no Church to
whom we could join with a good conscience," that " there-
fore we might baptize ourselves ; " but when he and
Helwys admitted that the Mennonite Churches were
" true Churches," and had true ministers, " from which
baptism may orderly be had," it was not proper for " two
or three private persons " to baptize " and set up churches,
without first joining themselves to " true Churches " already
existing. " I deny," he says, " all succession, except in the
Truth, and I hold that we are not to violate the order of
the primitive Church except necessity urge a dispensation."
* See letter signed Thomas Helwys, William Pigott, Thomas Seamer, John Murton,
dated Amsterdam, 12th March, 1609, in the archives of the Mennonite Church, and pub-
lished by Evans. [Dr. Scheffer kindly re-copied this for me.]
72
It " was not lawful for every one that seeketh the Truth
to baptize, for then there might be as many Churches as
couples in the world." * John Smyth and forty-one persons
signed a confession of faith, drawn up by Hans de Eys, and
approved by Lubbert Gerritts, the Pastor of the Waterlander
Mennonite Church. This was found by Dr. Scheffer in the
Mennonite archives at Amsterdam, and is published.! This
is nearly a verbatim translation of Hans de Eys and Lubbert
Gerritt's confession of faith, { and Hans de Eys says, con-
cerning it, " This short confession I first wrote on entreaty,
and on behalf of several Englishmen fled from England for
conscience sake." §
Some questions, however, arose among the Mennonites,
and eleven of the forty-two English signatures are oblite-
rated, which tends to show that some members of the
English Church were dissatisfied, and the records of the
Mennonite Church mention no other union with the English
than the union of the 18th of January, 1615. The first
Baptist (non-immersionist) Church formed in London by
Helwys, Smyth's co-pastor, was therefore formed prior to
the union of the parent Baptist Church in Amsterdam with
the Mennonite Church. This does not, however, alter the
fact, first, that they coincided in all the views of the
Waterlander Mennonites, || and signed the confession of the
* " Smyth's Confession of his Errors," recently discovered in York Minster Library.
t "Evans' Baptists," vol. i., p. 245.
I " Schyn's History of the Mennonites," p. 172, published at Amsterdam in 1723, in
Latin.
§ " Schyn's History," Vol. ii. p. 157, line 35, Dutch edition. Amsterdam, 1744.
|| This is confirmed by the tract recently found in York Minster Library, " Smyth's
Life." The Confession consists of 100 prepositions. This is stated by Eobinson
("Eeligious Communion," 1614, Ashton's reprint, p. 236) to be Smyth's, and p. 237, to
be published by the " remainders of Mr. Smyth's company after his death," i.e., August,
1612. It was found in MS. in the Mennonite Library, and a translation published in
Evans, vol. i., p. 257.
73
celebrated Hans de Rys, and joined the Church of Lubbert
Gerritts. Secondly — That those who were members of the
congregations founded by Helwys's Church in England,
were accepted as members by the Mennonites as soon as they
resided in Holland, without baptism or any ceremony what-
soever ; and, thirdly, that these Churches corresponded one
with another, and that the English Churches agreed to refer
their differences to the decision of the Mennonite Church;
and that in 1626 there were Churches corresponding with
the Waterlander Mennonites of Amsterdam, in London,
Lincoln, Sarum, Coventry and Tiverton.* It appears from
this correspondence, that a slight difference of opinion
respecting war and the use of arms had, even then, com-
menced, although " some of us," it is said " are of the
same with you " with regard to war. We may therefore
conclude that the first Arminian Baptist Churches in
England were really Mennonite, and that at least, in some
of these Churches, the doctrines, practices, and discipline of
the Mennonites were practised. This link in the evidence, at
once explains the origin of many of the new and strange reli-
gious opinions and practices which seem at once to have burst
into vigorous life, when the civil war in England had fairly
commenced. There does not seem to be any evidence that
the method of baptism introduced into England by Smyth
and Helwys, differed in its method of administration from
the baptism generally adopted by the ancient Mennonites,
viz., by pouring a little water upon the head of the person
baptized. The practice of immersion appears to have been
introduced in England, on the 12th September, 1633.f
* Evans, vol. ii., p. 26.
t It is termed in the original documents quoted by Crosby, Vol. i., p. 149, a " new
baptism;" and also by Featly in the "Dippers Dipt," in 1645, "a new leaven" (see
74
In the Independent Church, established by Henry Jacob in
1616, to which we shall afterwards allude, several persons
being convinced of the necessity of entirely setting aside
infant baptism, even to the " seed of the faithful " (as
administered in Ainsworth's church), and administering it
to such only who professed faith in Christ, desired to be
dismissed from that congregation, and it was agreed that
they should be considered as a distinct Church.* This new
Church then conferred upon the proper method of adminis-
tering this ordinance in its primitive purity, and decided
p. 182) , and says that none of the ancient Anabaptists practised it. In 1642 Edward
Barber wrote " The Vanity of Childish Baptism," in which it is proved that baptism is
dipping, and that those who have baptism without dipping have not a New Testament
baptism. Pagitt also, in his " Heresiography," London, 1648, p. 33, says, "yea, at this
day they have a new crochet come into their heads, that all that have not been plunged
nor dipt under water are not truly baptised, and these also they re-baptize ; " also 669 f 22,
No. 59, folio sheets B.M. "Anti-Quakerism, or, a Character of the Quakers from its
Original and First Cause," writen by a pious gentleman who hath been thirteen years
amongst the Separatists, &c.
Verse 13. Then did you muse and cast your care
All for an administrator,
But here in England none was seen
That used aught but sprinkling.
Verse 14. At length you heard men say
That there were saints in Silesia,
Who, ever since the Apostles' time,
Had kept this ordinance pure, divine ;
Hither, alas ! you sent in haste,
And thus you did some treasure waste,
But when your messengers came there,
You were deceived as we are here,
" But this they told you in good deed,
That they of baptism had need," <fcc.
This seems to indicate that the English Baptist Church first applied to a Church in
Silesia. It is believed the only " Saints " in Silesia were the followers of Caspar
Schwenckfeld, who disused baptism with water, and received only those who tliey
considered had received spiritual baptism.
* " Crosby," vol. i., pp. 148, 149.
75
that this was to immerse or plunge the entire person of the
recipient, hearing that it had been practised in the Nether-
lands from the year 1619 by the Collegianten, who had, it is
thought, received this method of baptism from the Polish
Baptists, who in their turn had received it from the Swiss
Baptists, by whom it was practised as early as 1525.* The
Collegianten were a body of christians closely connected
with the Waterlander Mennonites, although holding some
peculiar views which will be hereafter explained. This
English Church, after sending in the first instance to the
" Saints " in Silesia, commissioned Richard Blount, who
understood Dutch, to act for them; and John Batten, a
well-known Collegiant, the teacher of a congregation of
Collegiants at Leyden, baptized him by immersion. They
thus overcame the difficulty of finding a proper adminis-
trator,! because, as Crosby quotes, " though some in this
nation rejected the baptism of infants, yet they had not
that they knew of, revived the ancient custom of immersion,"
i.e., in England. After this period baptism is not only
defined in the Baptist confessions of faith as proper to be
administered to persons professing faith in Christ, but it
is also -stated that the proper method is by immersion. J
* The Collegianten were the first persons who practised immersion in the Netherlands.
John Geesteranus was the first person who was dipt at Rymburg. (Van Nimwegen,
pp. 39, 48 ; Oudaen, pp. 36, 37. I give these quotations on the authority of Dr.
Scheffer of Amsterdam.) The Unitarian Baptists of Poland had offered this man a
professorship at Eakow. J. Kessler's " Sabbata," a MS. printed by the Historical
Society at St. Gallen, Switzerland, it appears that Uliman, afterwards a teacher in the
Church of Anabaptists at St. Gallen, was dipt. Cornelius Geschichte der Munster
" Aufruhrs," ii. pp. 32, 33, 36, 37, 64. John Denk, the friend of Ludwig Hetzer, and
his co-operator in the version of the prophetical books of the Old Testament, 1527,
was a member of this congregation. The Swiss Unitarian Baptists sought a refuge
in Poland, and in 1550 the rite of immersion was practised in Poland.
t " Crosby," vol. i., pp. 101, 102.
\ See the Confession of Faith of 1646, Articles 39 and 40. This was the confession
of faith of this Church, and is the earliest in which the method of baptism is defined.
76
Considerable light may, we feel sure, be yet thrown upon
the early history of the churches of the Commonwealth, by
a minute and accurate study of the state of religion in
Holland during the half century prior to the struggle be-
tween the King and Parliament. We shall therefore
notice the tenets, mode of worship, and church discipline
of the Mennonites, and the Collegianten, who were closely
allied to them, and we shall thus be able to account for
some of the peculiar opinions and practices of the General
or Arminian Baptists, and the Society of Friends of that
day.
It has often been remarked, by those who have studied
the early history of the Society of Friends, that there were
religionists in England who held views similar to those of
"the Friends," prior to the preaching of George Fox.
These were the General or Arminian Baptist (originally
non-immersionist) Churches, which were founded by
Thomas Helwys, John Morton, and their companions.*
* It is certain that there existed in England, prior to this, ' ' Anabaptist " Churches.
In August, 1536, there was a great gathering of the Anabaptists near Buckholt, in
Westphalia, after the fall of Munster, to compose their differences upon tbe subject of
the bearing of arms in order to further the interests of the kingdom of Christ, and
respecting some other matters. The violent party were represented by Battenburg,
who approved the views of the Munster faction, and it is well to note that this man
regarded the tenet of adult baptism as quite unimportant compared with the extirpation
by the sword of the enemies of the "Kingdom of God," and had abolished it among
his followers previously to this meeting. The party in direct antagonism were repre-
sented by TJbbo Phillips (although he was not present), who opposed all war and
revenge as antichristian, and maintained the purely spiritual character of Christ's
Kingdom. The third party represented was that of Melchior Hofman. David Joris,
the originator of a fourth party, acted the part of mediator, and subtilely maintained
that if the Battenburgers were right, the time was not come to set up the " Kingdom of
the Elect," and that for the present, therefore, the power must be left in the hands
of the hostile and unbelieving magistracy. There can be little doubt that the Con-
tinental Baptist movement, beginning prior to or simultaneously with the Beformation,
was used for purely political purposes by the revolutionary party, and that this meeting
77
We have shown that these Churches were substantially
Mennonite. That some of these Churches gradually altered
their views cannot be doubted, but that many of them
substantially held to the Mennonite faith and practice, will
be shown in the course of the history. So closely do these
views correspond with those of George Fox, that we are
compelled to view him as the unconscious exponent of the
doctrine, practice, and discipline of the ancient and stricter
party of the Dutch Mennonites, at a period when, under the
pressure of the times, some deviation took' place among the
General Baptists from their original principles.*
at Buckholt was the commencement, not only of the disentanglement of the Baptist
Churches from these political aims, but of the active propagation of the great idea
concerning the entire distinction between the province of the Church and that of the
State, (a) This was afterwards developed by Menno, who was a follower of Ubbo Phillips.
A certain Englishman of the name of "Henry" was very active in promoting this
meeting, and himself paid the travelling expenses of the deputies. England was
represented by John Mathias, of Middleburg (who was afterwards burnt at London
for his adhesion to the tenets of Melchior Hofman). It is interesting to notice that
the representatives of England were very indignant at the loose views of the Munster
party. [See Dr. Nippold's " Life of D. Joris," in the Zeitschrift fiir die Historische
Theologie," vol. 1863, pp. 52 to 55.] The result of this conference was, that the power
of the unruly Anabaptists was completely destroyed. See Boosen's "Life of Menno,"
Leipsic; also Krohn's "History of Fanatischen Wiedertaiifer," and of "Melchior
Hofman," Leipsic, 1758, pp. 327, 333. Krohn's supposition, that this "Henry "was
Henrick Niclaes, is quite beside the mark, as may be seen by comparing the dates.
(a) In 1572, Strype in his " Ecclesiastical Memorials " informs us, Whitgift found that the Anabaptists who
had fled in 1568 from Alva's persecution, taught " that the civil magistrate had no authority in ecclesias-
tical matters."
* Several ministers of the Society of Friends, who have travelled in Bussia and else-
where in modern times, have been struck by the striking resemblance between the
Mennonite Churches and the Society of Friends.
CHAPTEE V.
A shoet History op Menno, the founder of the Conti-
nental Mennonite Baptists. His religious principles,
testimony against war, oaths, and frivolity in dress,
etc. Strict Church Discipline. Practice of silent
PRAYER IN THE RELIGIOUS WORSHIP OF THE MeNNONITES ;
KlSE OF THE COLLEGIANTEN OF EyNSBURG. THE RESEM-
blance of their views and practices to those of the
" Plymouth Brethren " of the present day.
It must be borne in mind that the great principles of reli-
gious liberty, and those views of Church government which
led to the formation of the Independent and Baptist
Churches, (and, as we shall subsequently show, the Society
of Friends) new and strange as they were in England, and
leading to important changes, had been practically worked
out in Holland for many years. At this period Holland
was in the enjoyment of a large measure of religious liberty,
which had been purchased by the blood and awful sufferings
of the martyrs of the ancient Mennonite and other Eeformed
Churches.*
* The 13th Article of the Act of Union of Utrecht, 1579, the Magna Charta of the
Dutch Republic, stipulated that the provinces of Holland and Zealand were competent
to grant so much religious liberty as they thought fit, and the other provinces could
restrict it according to what the quietness and prosperity of the country, the right of
the clergy, and the judicature of the magistrate should require, provided that everyone
privately enjoyed full liberty of religion, and for religion's sake, neither should be
troubled or examined. The Calvinistic Reformed Church was the State Church, and all
other religions wore tolerated.
79
Menno Simons, was born in the year 1492, at Witmarsum,
a village half-way between Bolsward and Harlingen, and
was ordained a priest of the Eomish Church at Pinningen
in West Friesland, in Frisia, a province of Holland, in
1516, and died in 1559.* He had witnessed the constancy
of the Baptists under persecution. He conferred with
Luther, Bucer, and Bullinger, on the subject of infant
baptism, but they all differed one from another in the
grounds on which they supported the practice. It was,
however, as he tells us, " alone by the reading and medita-
tion on Holy Scripture," and the illumination of the Holy
Spirit, that he came to the knowledge of the " true baptism
and supper of the Lord," and he began "publicly to teach
from the pulpit the doctrine of true repentance;" and on
the 11th January, 1536, he left the Bomish Church, joined
himself to a Baptist community of which Obbe Phillips (who
ordained Menno a teacher and Elder) was a member, f
In 1537 or 1538 he published his third work— " The
Beautiful and Fundamental Doctrine of the Word of God :
admonishing all who call themselves christians to the
heavenly regeneration and new birth, without which no
. * These dates are from those given hy Menno's own daughter to Peter Jan Twisck
(see his Chronicle, vol. ii., pp. 1075 and 1201) , and are incorrectly given in B. K Eoosen's
" Life of Menno." Leipsic, 1848.
t Obhe Phillips had been admitted a member by the messengers sent by Jan Mathys
Backer, and he was sent out by Melchior Hoffman, who again, was a disciple of the
Baptist congregation at Strasburg which originated from the dissenting members of
Zwingle's Church in Switzerland, (a) and we are thus carried back to the rise of the
Baptists in Switzerland. There is not the slightest proof of any connection between
the Waldenses and the Mennonites, although asserted by a long list of Dutch historians,
e.g., Galenus Abrahams and H. Schyn. The statement originated with Jacob Mehring
in 1647.
(a) See Jehring's " Griindliche Historic of the Controyersies of the Baptists and Mennonites," 1720,
p. 232, &c.
80
one can be a true christian." In this work he speaks
of the new birth " which is begun by God, the Word
and Holy Spirit, of which the most certain fruit is
a new life, and a walking in true repentance and all
the christian virtues, according to the example of our
Lord. . . . These regenerate persons constitute the
true Christian Church, who worship Christ as their only
and true king, who fight not with swords and carnal
weapons, but only with spiritual, i.e., with the "Word of
God and Holy Spirit. They seek no kingdom but that of
grace. They conduct themselves as citizens of heaven.
Their doctrine is the word of the Lord, and everything
not taught therein they reject. They exercise, after the
example and institution of Christ, the sacred supper in
commemoration of the death and benefits of Christ.
Their Church discipline is extended to all who are
impenitent sinners, without distinction, and they with-
draw from perverse apostates according to the Word of
God. They lament every day their daily sins and carnal
infirmities, and by this course are always profiting. They
have no other justification than that which is by faith of
Christ, and which is of God by faith. They leave the
things that are behind, and press towards the mark of
their high calling," &c. His sixth work is entitled, " The
Evident Doctrine of the Word of the Lord, concerning the
spiritual resurrection, and the new heavenly birth." The
substance is stated to be, " Awake out of sleep and rise
from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light." Dirk
Philips, a Mennonite minister coeval with Simon Menno, in
a tract called, " Brevis Confessio de Incarnatione Domini
nostri Jesu Christi," also expresses himself much in the
language in which Fox expressed his views. He says,
" it is not sufficient to confess and know all these things,
81
but we must accept this Jesus Christ as the Eternal Word
and Incorruptible Seed of the Eternal God the Father, by
the Holy Spirit in ourselves to preserve and retain Him,
for in Christ neither circumcision availeth anything, nor
uncircumcision, but a new creature." ( Menno denies also
(as Fox afterwards) that his followers are a " sect." He
taught the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, but objected to
the words " Trinity" and " Person," which he held to be
unscriptural. He held that God created no creature to
condemnation, nor desired the death of a sinner, but sought
his repentance and eternal salvation. Menno held that no
christian could swear or carry arms, or wage war, or
revenge himself in any way whatever, and that magistrates
should be obeyed in all things not contrary to the Word
of God. Since the office of a magistrate compelled men
to use the sword, to take an oath, and other matters con-
trary to the duty of Christians, it was impossible for a
Christian man rightly to fulfil it. Prior to the meeting of
the Continental Anabaptists at Buckholt in Westphalia * in
August, 1536, the differences between them did not take a
definite form, but after that period there was no fellowship
between the rebellious Anabaptists of Luther's time, and
the followers of Menno. Menno, in January, 1537, placed
himself at the head of those who entirely protested against
the violent and fanatical party .^) The Mennonites had
therefore no relations with the followers of Nicholas Stork,
Mark Stubner, Martin Cellerarius and Thomas Munzer.
The tenets of the followers of these men, and their manner
of life, were wholly different from those of the Mennonites,
for the former indulged in enthusiastic revelations which
superseded Holy Scripture, rejected the liberal arts, abolished
* See Note, p. 76 of this work.
Q
82
all books but sacred books, contended for a community of
goods, and maintained that their mission was " to build the
kingdom of Zion," and to destroy the office of the magi-
strate, and by armed force to set up the kingdom of Christ,
for they allowed the use of the sword, and waged war.
It does not appear that the Church discipline of the
Mennonites was commenced by Menno ; it was received
from the Swiss Baptists, but was doubtless improved and
rendered more efficient by him. He was very active in
enforcing the importance of Church discipline upon his
followers by his writings, and held that the outward and
visible " church vanished, where Church discipline is not
exercised," and that " the words and works of the members
of a Church should agree." He was very successful in his
ministry, which he exercised not only in his own church,
but in the neighbouring ones, and the result of this was that
a number of compact and vigorous churches were founded.
He laboured in Embden, in Cologne, in Wismar and Holstein,
as well as in Frisland. His works show him to have been a
man of learning and ability. He gave up all for Christ,
and lived a life of incessant labour and suffering, from the
persecution to which he was subjected. The unsparing
opposition he received from the clergy, supported by the
State, naturally caused him to take an unfavourable view of
their motives. " I fear," he wrote, " that all who so serve
for pay, are priests of the high places," 2 Kings xii., " False
prophets," Mat. vii., " thieves and murderers."
(We have now seen, that some of the principal points both
of doctrine and practice, which occupied the mind of Fox,
were advocated by Menno. The work of Christ in the
person of the Holy Spirit ; the Word and the Light, as a
real, personal, active agent in the conversion of sinners,
and conferring on the christian the power to exhibit a holy
83
life and walk before the world, and the absolute denial of
the title of " christian " to persons who evidently do not so
live, were characteristic of the teaching of the two men.^
The Mennonites strongly condemned infant baptism, and
made use of adult baptism. It was administered by pour-
ing water on the head of the person received into the visible
church, who was believed, on credible evidence of a change
of life, to be washed, cleansed, and sanctified in the name of
the Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God, — not as
conferring the slightest grace, but as emblematical of the
state of the believer. The Lord's Supper they received in
the same sense, as a thing which Christ has ordered to be
done, not claiming for the outward act any ritual efficacy.
It was kept twice or thrice a year among the Waterlander
Mennonites. The washing of the saints' feet they also
considered as a command of the Lord.* The Waterlander
Mennonites, however, at the period when their views
were promulgated in England, did not practise this cere-
mony. The agreement of their membership did not rest
upon a purely doctrinal basis in the shape of any creed,
but on the general sense of the Church, or Churches, of
the plain meaning of the New Testament Scripture.
The Mennonite Confessions of Faith were, as in the case
of the early Baptist Churches in this country, generally
used for the purpose of avoiding misapprehension, and
to prevent . the ignorant abuse with which they were
loaded from misleading the public! They denied any oath
* This practice of the Mennonites is mentioned in " Barclay's Apology," in connection
with the Lord's Supper.
f In 1676 an ancient member made a declaration before the notary, that the Water-
lander Mennonites never had a confession of faith, and that Hans de Kys' confession
was merely a private action of his, and that sixty or seventy English people wished to
join themselves, but did not like to do so till they knew what the Waterlanders believed.
L. F. Hues' "Aufrichtige Nachrichten der Mennoniten," Jena, 1743, p. 93.
Q 2
84
to be lawful to a Christian. They considered all war, or
bearing of arms, or the resisting an unrighteous power, to
be unlawful, and that all revenge is forbidden to the
Christian. No merchant was allowed to arm his ship.
No appeal to the Courts of Law was allowed among the
Brethren, and all disputes were referred to the Church, or
to arbitrators chosen by the Church, excepting when a
brother was acting as a guardian, &c. They were bound to
submit to human government as an ordinance of God, but
Christ was the sole head ol the Church. No office in the
Church conferred headship. " We are brethren in the
Church, not masters, or servants." They excommunicated
all who married unregenerate persons, and at one time, those
who belonged to other religious societies, and put them out
of the Church.* All unnecessary ornaments in dress, even
buttons and buckles not absolutely useful, were disused, and
they were generally precise and simple in their dress and
the furniture of their houses. They believed that Elders
(exercising the varied gifts of " prophets, pastors, teachers,
helps, and bishops"), and Deacons were the only two classes
of divinely established officers of a Church. The deacons
had charge of the Church collections, and were often
teachers, generally remaining in the office for three or
four years, and sometimes for life. They sat with the
Elders in the ministers' meeting. They considered that
human learning does not qualify for the ministry, and they
did not allow their children to go to universities, lest they
should be injured in their spiritual life. Their ministers
wore the same dress as other members. They held that
the calling of ministers must be either " immediately " from
* This is now abolished among the modern Mennonitea.
85
God, or through the members of the church.* No hire
should be given to ministers ; if they were poor and had no
fortune, the congregations assisted them with the means of
living — special help was however given them ; in some
instances a house or shop was hired for them.f Their
meeting houses were very plain, and had galleries or plat-
forms where the ministers sat. In their worship they first
sang a hymn.]: The practice of regularly singing the
psalms was not followed. They then, both ministers and
people, engaged in silent prayer, the men kneeling and the
women sitting, till one of the preachers rose. After he had
finished, they again engaged in silent prayer, and they ended
by singing a hymn. Prior to 1663 there was a " liberty of
prophesying " or preaching in the congregation, irrespect-
ively of the preaching of those in office. §
Silent prayer in worship was practised from the rise
of the Mennonite congregations; there is no historical
notice of its introduction. It was falling into disuse among
the Waterlander, the Flemish and old Frisian Mennonites,
in 1723. || The practice of the ministers regularly praying
* "Von Gott unmittelbar," p. 35, "Life of Menno Symons," or "Eoosen," p. 35,
Leipsic, 1848.
f Menno says, " The true Teachers and Pastors must live by the labour of their
hands, and God will care for them in their necessity ; " " they are distinguished from the
preachers of the world who run of themselves — who seek sure incomes, benefices, &c."
I This practice can be traced as early as 1574. Keitze Aitzes, burnt at Leeuwarden
in Frisia, in 1574, speaks of a dispute wth a minister of the Eeformed Church, who
reproached Eeitze Aitzes that " the Eeformed sung the Psalms of David ; the Menno-
nites, on the other hand, Hymns, composed not by God but by men." There are other
indications in their martyrologies, that in ancient times the singing of Hymns was the
common rule in their worship.
§ L. Klinckhaenar, "Liberty of Speaking in the Congregations of Believers," 1655.
" The Custom of Liberty of Speaking among the Mennonites," 1663.
|| " Schyn's History of the Mennonites," Ed. Lat., 1723, p. 40.
86
aloud was first introduced among the Waterlander Menno-
nites by Hans de Kys. They all, however, approved vocal
prayer in the congregation, but they did not approve it as
" a law and constant rule whereof nothing is to be found in
Holy Scripture."* Silent prayer was, however, practised
by many congregations of the Waterlander Mennonites in
1661, and appears to have been the rule. The custom of
silent prayer gradually declined, and was finally abolished
about twenty years ago. The use of the Bible in the
Mennonite congregations, by the ministers, existed from the
earliest times, and in some instances three or four brethren
were chosen for the express purpose of reading a chapter of
the Bible before the time of silent prayer. They objected
to the practice of commencing a sermon by reading a text.f
At a burial any of the preachers were free to speak or not.
Instead of a spoken " grace " before meals, they made a
long solemn pause for silent thanksgiving. J Their members
were composed of those only who professed faith in Christ,
and application was made either verbally or in writing;
sometimes they were examined before the meeting of
Elders and Deacons; afterwards "they were presented to
the Meeting for Discipline or Church-Meeting" by the
Elders, and every brother in the meeting was asked if he
had any objection to this person as a member. They were
then baptised before the congregation, being previously
* See tract by Jacob Jansen, in reply to a tract by F. Lansberger, Pastor of tbe
Beformed Cburch, attacking tbe Flemisb Mennonites at Eotterdam, in 1596, for tbeir
" strange and anti-scriptural metbod of silent prayer."
t Tbis was objected to in tbe same manner by tbe followers of Fox and tbe Early
Independents. J. Lydius mentions it in " Historie der Beoerten van Engeland," 1649,
2nd Ed., p. 78.
J Tbis custom bas been practised in Holland from time immemorial, not only
among tbe Mennonites, but among tbe Calvinists and Lutherans.
87
asked if they confessed their sins, and looked to God for
deliverance, through Christ, from the punishment and the
defilement of sin, and if they have taken the resolution to
serve God all their life long. They were next asked if they
believed according to the Scriptures, in God the Father
Almighty, and in Jesus Christ His only Son our Lord, and
His life, death, resurrection, and ascension, and coming
again to judgment ; and lastly, whether they approved the
teaching of the congregation to be according to God's
Word. Menno held that Christian parents were bound to
" lead their children to Christ," and " not to spare any
trouble to bring them to the worship of God; " that " by
teaching, exhortation, discipline, and example," they were
bound, " continuing steadfastly in prayer for them," to train
them up in a Christian life and conversation, and that the
Church was bound to take charge of orphans. Children,
however, were not to be baptised, or admitted to the visible
Church until they were of sufficient age to comprehend the
duties of a Church member. There were two Church meet-
ings; the meeting of Elders, Teachers, and Deacons, and that
of the Members. At the former, subjects eventually brought
before the congregation were discussed, although the power
of determination lay entirely with the members. At this
meeting, the doctrine and conduct of the preachers were
discussed, and an appeal made to the congregation if need-
ful ; the conduct and behaviour of the flock came under
notice, they were warned and encouraged, and the supply
was arranged of teachers, ministers, or elders to help
congregations needing their ministrations. At the meet-
ing of Church members was transacted their discipline.
The women were not admitted to it.* Each of their
* Originally women were not admitted by Fox to Church Meetings. See p.
88
churches was independent of other churches in the exercise
of the discipline. The elders were chosen with the unani-
mous consent of the congregation, but teachers exercised
their gifts with a general consent. There were often from
four to six ministers in each church. The subjects which
came under the notice of the church meeting for discipline
were, first, those members " who having once been illumi-
nated and confessed the doctrine of Christ/' fall away and
become heretics. Secondly — "those who manifest the
works of the flesh." Thirdly — " those who marry those
who are without." *
Although the independency ol each congregation was
strictly maintained, the tie of mutual love and brotherhood
between these congregations was very strong, and they
sent delegates to a yearly meeting of the Churches, where
they decided upon measures concerning the support of
the poor,f the maintenance of public worship, and the
distribution of the ministers to congregations which needed
them ; and any causes of dissension which could not be settled
in the particular congregations were brought here for settle-
ment by way of appeal. The Yearly Meeting could not,
however, constrain the independent congregations, but only
advise, beseech, and press their duty in the matter upon
them. These Yearly Meetings were not always held in the
same place, but circulated. This may have given rise to
the " Circulating Yearly Meetings" amongst the Early
Friends, which existed prior to the central or London
Yearly Meeting. The travelling expenses of the teachers
* Article XVIII of " Confession of the Frisian and German Confession of 1626."
See pp. 79, 87, 105 to 107. " Schyn's History," 1723.
t Menno expressed himself on the subject of the poor almost in the words used by
Fox a century later — that the churches were to "allow no beggar to exist among
them." Koosen's "Life of Menno," p. 68.
89
who were engaged in supplying the needs of the congrega-
tions who were imperfectly supplied with ministers, were
contributed by the Yearly Meeting of the united Churches.
They also supplied the pecuniary necessities of the poorer
congregations. Although the different Mennonite churches
do not all unite in one Yearly Synod, they so unite for
common purposes in case of persecution or other suffering,
and summon delegates from all the churches to a meeting
in Amsterdam. In 1743 there were about 197 congrega-
tions of Mennonites in Holland and Belgium, and 400
teachers. The old Flemish, the Frisian, the united Water-
lander and Flemish, appear always to have been on friendly
terms. There were some in Menno's days (probably the
followers of Caspar Schwenkfeld) who " urged the inward
baptism and rejected the outward." Dirk Philip exhorts
Ins fellow believers to beware of those who contemn all
external worship of God and institutions as " trifles or
toys," and he says they quoted Gal. vi. 15, in support of
their views, " by which they thought to weaken and reject
baptism and other divine rites." * We shall, in a future
chapter, show the connection between the followers of
Caspar Schwenkfeld and the Mennonites.
In 1619 a new sect arose at Kynsburg, among the Menno-
nites, called Collegianten (they were called so from their
meetings, which were termed Collegia). Four brothers,
John, Adrian, William and Gisbrecht Van der Kodde, who
lived in the villages of Ugstgeist, Keinsburg, and Warmund,
were its founders. William left behind him various learned
works. His name as an author is well known as Gulielmus
Coddaeus. Like the other Mennonites they were Arminian
in doctrine. They agreed in most points with other
Schyn's History," part ii., pp. 207, 208. Ed. 1723.
90
Mennonites. They maintained the testimonies respecting
war and oaths, and they revived the ancient practice (among
the Mennonites) of a full liberty of preaching or prophesy-
ing, i.e., it was not restricted to elders or teachers chosen
from the congregation, and they administered baptism by
immersion. Their views closely approximated in some
respects to those of the " Plymouth Brethren " of our days.
They insisted upon the suspension of all controversies, and
a toleration of all opinions which are not condemned in the
Bible. They acknowledged all spiritually minded Christians,
admitted them to the table of the Lord, and allowed them
to sing and speak in their meetings. All were at liberty to
pass judgment upon, or to dissent from, the preaching of
another. They required no conformity of religious opinions.
They were persons who loved Christ and accepted the Holy
Scriptures, who met together for the worship of God. They
extended the right hand of fellowship to all Protestants who
confessed that Jesus Christ was the Son of the living God.
They acknowledged them all as members of the same body
of Christ, and therefore assemble round one table of the
Lord, and sought in this way the unity of the spirit, the
bond of peace. They considered that the office of teacher hath
ceased in the church, and that now Christians " needed not
that any man should teach them," because the New Testa-
ment now exists, &c. Their baptism simply involved the
admission of the person, by the ceremony of immersion, into
the Church universal, not into their particular section of it.
They had no membership strictly speaking, unless the
possession of the fruits of the Spirit, on which they laid
great stress, and the attendance of their meetings, could be
so called, although they had the same principle of organiza-
tion as the other Mennonites, and a simple method of
collecting and distributing alms. They had no communion
91
with wicked persons. They had a yearly gathering, at
which they kept a free table for those persons not able to
afford it, to which the various meetings sent delegates.
Precisely as they admitted an attender of their meetings to
preach or pray, they admitted his singing of a hymn. They
also sang together as a congregation, and gave special atten-
tion to the selection of the most beautiful hymns for use in
their meetings. In 1743 they still had eighteen places of
worship. Their largest meeting was at Amsterdam, and
they originally held it in the Meeting House of the United
Waterlander and Flemish Mennonites. The facility with
which their ideas were propagated, and their influence upon
religious opinion in England, was doubtless greatly assisted
by the fact of their friendly relations with the Waterlander
Mennonite church in Amsterdam. A large number of their
attenders were members of other Mennonite Churches, and
in some instances a minister of a Mennonite church was at
the same time a preacher among the Collegianten ; and the
Waterlander used their meetings as a means of exercising
the gifts of their younger ministers. In their worship there
was a time of silence between the various discourses
preached, and they prayed standing. They were called by
their neighbours in Eeinsburg (the place where they origi-
nated) " the sect of the prophets." In 1743 they were
called " Quakers " by the common people.* Their great
characteristic was the repudiation of the office of teacher in
the church, and the stress they laid upon the description of
preaching which they termed prophesying, which they held
should be open to all spiritually minded christians. As
long as other branches of the Mennonites maintained their
* " Kues Aufrichtige Nachrichten der Collegianten oder Eeinsburger," p. 244, Jena,
1743.
92 .
extreme rigidity and intolerance of differences of opinion
among themselves, the Collegianten maintained their posi-
tion, but on the introduction of more liberal and enlightened
christian views among them, they lost their raison d'etre.
In 1787 their last general assembly at Kynsburg was held,
and in 1791 their meetings at Amsterdam and Kotterdam
ceased, and the last became extinct at Sardam in 1810.
Thus passed away this interesting attempt to form a Church
without a distinct membership, and without church officers
having positive duties as pastors. Their works, Orphan
House and Hospital, still remain to attest their christian
love. Many tracts were published in Holland on the sub-
ject, and the views of the Collegianten occupied a consider-
able amount of attention among the Mennonites.*
* The whole of this chapter has been carefully corrected by my friend Dr. Scheffer,
the Principal of the Mennonite CoUege in Amsterdam.
CHAPTEE VI.
The Course of Eeligious Opinion in England prior to
1640 (continued). The Eeturn of Helwys to England.
He founds the first General Baptist Church. He
is followed by Henry Jacob. He founds the first
Independent Church on the Principles of John
Eobinson. The Principles and Practice of the
English Separatist Churches at Amsterdam and
Leyden.
We now return to our narrative, and proceed to give an
account of the views of Ainsworth, Johnson, Eobinson, and
Smyth. Thomas Helwys, as we have before shown, agreed
substantially with Smyth in his religious opinions. The
slight difference between them was followed* by Helwys
returning to England in 1611, or the early part of 1612,
and founding a Church in London.! A portion of Smyth's
Church returned with him. Helwys is supposed to have
published " A Declaration of Faith, of English People
remaining in Amsterdam, in Holland," printed in 1611
in English, since he refers to it in a subsequent work. J
* See "Reply to Helwys, of Flight in Persecution," by John Robinson, 1614. Ashton's
Reprint, vol. ill. p. 159.
f B>id, p. 160.
\ See Dr. Underbill's preface to the reprint, " Persecution for Religion," &o.
94
It is stated by some writers, that Helwys was Pastor of
Smyth's Church at Amsterdam after his death.* This is
inconsistent with the facts we give.f His work, dated
1611, and dedicated to Hans de Eies } and the various
Mennonite churches, shows that there was at that moment
a division of feeling between them, and that Smyth and
the majority of his Church were one in sentiment with
Hans de Kies, and this tract appears to be the act of a
person about to leave them. Helwys, although he had
misunderstood Smyth, was actuated by the highest
motives, and feeling that "the salvation of thousands of
ignorant souls in our own country," who, from lack of
instruction were perishing, might depend upon his braving
persecution, left for England. Smyth was greatly pained
at the " Separation," and the harsh terms in which he was
condemned by his former friends in this work. He was
not hasty in replying, but before his death (in August,
1612), in his last work, with touching christian gentleness
* Crosby states, that " a little after Smyth's death, Helwys and his people published a
confession of their faith," at the end of which there was an appendix giving some
account of Mr. Smyth's last sickness and death, which he says he was unable to meet
with. This nearly corresponds with the tract to which we have referred, and shall
refer again (without title, but) called " Smyth's Confession and Life," lately found in
York Minster Library. The work speaks of Smyth writing this tract "not long before
his death;" this gives its correct date 1612 or 1613. This is signed "T. P.," probably
Thomas Piggott [see signatures at end of Short Confession, "Evans' Baptists," vol. i.,
p. 252], and the scope of the work is to vindicate John Smyth's memory, and to explain
the difference between him and Helwys, and renders it probable that it was published
by another offset from Smyth's Church, after his death, and not by Helwys. It is this
tract which is replied to by Eobinson in 1614, in " A Survey of the Confession of
Faith," published in certain conclusions by the remainders of Mr. Smyth's company
after his death. We print this tract as an appendix to this chapter.
f Helwys defends himself in " A Short Declaration of the Mystery of Iniquity," 1612,
" against the reproaches cast upon them after their return from exile? Dr. Underbill's
preface, Tracts on Liberty of Conscience, p. 88.
J An advertisement to " The New Fryelers (Freewillers) in the Low Countries," 1611.
95
and humility, after withdrawing all harsh expressions to his
opponents by name in his various works, he tells Helwys
that difference " in judgment for matters of circumstance
(as are all things of the outward church) shall not cause
me to refuse the brotherhood of any penitent and faithful
christian whatsoever." Helwys, he says, had condemned
him merely for a slight difference of opinion. " What shall
I say for my apology ? Shall I say that my heart yet
appertaineth to the Lord, that I daily seek mercy and ask
forgiveness, that I labour to reform myself wherein I see
my error, that I continually search after the truth, and
endeavour myself to keep a good conscience in all things."
John Smyth died in August, 1612, and was buried in the
New Church at Amsterdam.* The whole tenor of this work,
and the short account of his life and death, tend to show
that Helwys returned to England previously to Smyth's death.
Morton was associated with Helwys, and about 1615 was a
teacher in a Separatist church in Newgate. \ In 1626 we
find that Morton's Church numbered 1.50 members, and that
prior to 1624, eighteen persons had seceded under a Pastor
of the name of Elias Tookey, and formed a new church. {
At this period, in communion with Morton's Church, there
were five General, or Arminian Baptist Churches in intimate
communication with the Mennonite Church of Hans de Kies
* Smyth's burial is registered in the register of the New Church of Amsterdam,
on the 1st of September, 1612, where he was buried, and at the time of his decease he
lodged in the hinder part of the " great bakehouse," then belonging to John Munter
where religious meetings were held by the English who joined the Mennonites. I am
indebted for this to Dr. Scheffer, who has, by searching these registers, established
a date of great importance in the history of the English Separatist Churches in Holland.
The date of the death of Smyth has been variously stated, and no authority has hitherto
been given for the date.
t "Evans' Baptists," vol. ii., p. 33, quotation from "Truth's Victory," London,
1545, p. 19. { " Evans' History," vol. ii., pp. 25, 40, & 26.
96
at Amsterdam, viz., London, Lincoln, Sarum, Coventry, and
Tiverton. In 1612, Helwys published "A Short Declara-
tion of the Mystery of Iniquity," in which he condemned
flight in persecution. This was replied to by Eobinson, in
1614, in his work on " Eeligious Communion, private and
public, with the silencing of the clamour raised by Mr.
Thomas Helwisse against our retaining the baptism received
in England, and administering of baptism unto infants; as
also a Survey of the Confession of Faith, published in certain
conclusions by the remainders of Mr. Smyth's company after
his death." * This led to the famous work by Morton (?) and
his associates, published in 1615, " Persecution forKeligion
Judged and Condemned." f On the side of Eobinson, the
permission by our Saviour was pleaded, to fly from persecu-
tion, and he contends for our liberty either to fly or to abide
as seems best for the cause of God's truth. On the side of
Helwys and Morton, it was contended that it had " been
the overthrow of religion " in England, " the best, able, and
greater part being gone, and leaving behind them some few"
who had been brought into greater affliction and contempt.
Many had " fallen back," and the enemies of christian truth
had exulted. The saints, they said, " overcame " (not by
flying away), but " by the blood of the Lamb, and by the
word of their testimony," and they " loved not their lives
unto the death."
This treatise of the eminent members of the Church
founded by Helwys, accurately discriminates between the
* This is treated by Eobinson as expressing equally the sentiments of Helwys and
his Church. It seems probable that there were three "remainders" of "Smyth's
company," Helwys' Church in London, the Church in Amsterdam which united with
the Mennonites, and another English offset, who published " Smyth's Life," <fcc, in
English.
f See Dr. Underbill's preface to the " Hansard Knollys' Society's Reprint, " p. 89.
97
office of the magistrate in civil matters, and the claim to
interfere in Christ's Chnrch. " Earthly authority belongeth
to earthly kings, but spiritual authority belongeth to that
one spiritual King who is King of kings." * Kobinson
on the other hand, contended that magistrates have
" no power against the laws, doctrine, and religion of
Christ," but they could use the civil sword " against the
contrary" and also th?»t the godly magistrate might "use
his lawful power lawfully for the furtherance of Christ's
kingdom and laws." f We have therefore a distinct line
drawn between the clear and full principles of religious
liberty advocated by Helwys, and the associated churches of
the General, Arminian, or Mennonite Baptists, and the
modified principles of Eobinson and the churches of the
" Moderate Independents." J
As we shall hereafter show, the Plymouth Church, com-
monly called the Church of the Pilgrim Fathers, and the
Assembly Independents, strictly followed the principles of
Eobinson. These Churches were advocates of a limited
toleration of " tolerable " opinions, and their principles
appear to have strictly governed their actions, and led
them at last to the point of accepting State aid, and of
using the sword of the magistrate to repress the Churches
opposed to them in opinion. The tendency to fusion with
the Presbyterians, which this section of the Independent
Churches showed, is thus readily explained.
* See " Hansard Knollys' Society's Reprint," p. 134.
f "Religious Communion," Ashton's reprint, p. 277.
X Peter John Zwisck of West Frisia, a Mennonite, published in the year 1609, " The
Jjiberty of Religion." The object of this work was to show that many and differing
sects brought no injury to states, and that heretics so called should not be converted
by the sword or the civil power, but by the Word of God. Christ's kingdom, he says,
is not of this world, and therefore the Gospel should not be preached by force of arms
H
98
In 1614, Leonard Busher, who is believed to have been a
member of Helwys' and Morton's church, presented to
King James and the Parliament, his petition for liberty of
conscience, which was published in 1614, under the title of
" Keligion's Place, or a Plea for Liberty of Conscience ; "
and in 1620 was published " A Most Humble Supplication of
many of the King's Loyal Subjects . . . who are per-
secuted only for differing in religion." In these treatises
we have the great principles of religious liberty so clearly
laid down, and supported by arguments so able and con-
clusive, as to leave little unsaid upon the spiritual nature of
the Kingdom of Christ. In 1609, Henry Jacob, M.A., to
whom we have before alluded, was at Leyden in close
conference with Eobinson. He published in that year "A
Humble Supplication for Toleration, and Liberty to enjoy
and observe the Ordinances of Jesus Christ, in the
Administration of His Churches, in lieu of Human Con-
stitutions." Jacob, in his work, "did not argue for
religious liberty in the entire breadth of it."* He appears
to have held nearly all the principles of Church government
advocated by Eobinson, but acknowledged in this work
"no other power and authority for the overseeing, ruling,
and censuring of particular Churches, in case of their
misgovernment, than that which is originally invested in your
royal person," or to lay persons deputed by the King.
In 1616, Jacob returned to Southwark, influenced, it is
thought, by the arguments of Helwys. He collected the
scattered members of the ancient Separatist Church there,
and was appointed their Pastor. This may be considered
the first Independent Church established in England, after
the exile of the three ancient churches. Jacob emigrated
* M Hanbury," in note on p. 225, vol. i.
to America in 1624. His successor was John Lothrop.
In 1632, Lothrop and forty-two of his Church were dis-
covered by Laud, seized, and sentenced to two years'
imprisonment. In 1634, with thirty- two of his congrega-
tion, he also emigrated, and settled at Scitu'ate, Plymouth
county. Their next Pastor was the celebrated John Canne,
who had been Pastor of Johnson's Church at Amsterdam,*
and was subsequently Pastor of the Baptist Church at
Broadmead, Bristol. The next Pastor was Samuel How,
celebrated as the "learned cobbler," who also became a
Baptist. This enables us to trace the ancient Separatist
Church in London to the Commonwealth times, when we
shall again meet with them.
We now propose to give a short account of the principles
of Church government elaborated by the exiled Churches.
The first we shall deal with was the Ancient Church of
Amsterdam, which divided, as we have seen, into four
branches. First, that under Henry Ainsworth's guidance ;
secondly, that of John Robinson of Leyden ; thirdly, Francis
Johnson's Church; fourthly, that of John Smyth. The
Ancient Church of Amsterdam existed for about one
hundred years. All the exiled Churches agreed that each
congregation was independent of all others in respect of
self-government, but not in respect of mutual counsel and
help. They had power " to elect and ordain their own
ministry according to the rules in Cod's Word prescribed."
No members were to be received but " such as do make
profession of their faith, desiring to be received as members,
and promising to walk in the obedience of Christ." In
the three first mentioned Churches no infants were to be
* In 1634 he calls himself " Pastor of the Ancient Church at Amsterdam;" see his
" Necessity of Separation," &c.
H 2
100
baptised and received, but such as were " the seed of
the faithful by one of the parents, or under their education
and government." These infants were favoured as having
a covenant relation to God through their elect parents, and
were presumedly elect also. No members were to be received
from another congregation without " a certificate of their
former estate and present purpose." ..." Such as
see not the truth, may, notwithstanding, hear the public
doctrine and prayers of the Church." The Church was
" a community of the saints called and separated from
the world." All the adult members communicated in the
Lord's Supper.* Christ was " their prophet, priest, and
king." They had no head to the Church but Him. The
officers of the Church were of five kinds — pastors, teachers,
rulers, deacons, widows or deaconesses. The Church had
the power of excommunicating any of its members. Every
member of each christian congregation, " how excellent,
great, or learned whatsoever, ought to be subject to the
censure and judgment of Christ." All the Churches held
that those " to whom God had given gifts to interpret the
Scriptures, tried in the exercise of prophecy, may, and
ought, by the appointment of the congregation, to pro-
phesy, and so to teach publicly the Word of God for the
edification, exhortation, and comfort of the Church, until
such time as the people be meet for, and God manifest,
men with able gifts and fitness to such office or offices
Christ hath appointed to the public ministry of his
Church." f The fullest liberty of prophesying or preaching
* The Independent Churches in Holland partook of the Lord's Supper every Sunday
evening, admitting " Baptists and Brownists " to communion. Sometimes they sat at
table, sometimes it was brought to the communicant sitting.— J. Lydius, " Historie
der Beroerten van England," pp. 81, 82, 1649.
t Article XXXIV. of the Confession of 1598.
101
was conceded in all these churches,* to members not in
office, and there was a period set apart after the pastor and
teacher had both exercised their ministry. In the middle of
the week also, there was a meeting for this purpose, when
even persons not belonging to the Church might prophesy or
preach, f We have already described the difference between
Ainsworth and Johnson. In Johnson's Church the people
elected the officers, and the officers transacted the business
of the church, the people having no voice. Ainsworth and
Eobinson held that the elders, or whole staff of officers, " aye
a part of the church, and are not ' lords over God's
heritage ; ' " and in fact were not essential to the Church,
because it could exist without elders, whether pastors,
teachers, &c.| Johnson held that there should be one
pastor only in the church, and ruling and teaching elders
as distinct officers. In Kobinson's Church it was absolutely
essential that a " governing elder " should be " apt to
teach." § This formed a vital distinction between the
Presbyterianism and Independency of the day, which led to
important practical results. John Smyth, on the other
hand, held in opposition to Presbyterianism, that " where
the popish prelacy was suppressed, and the triformed
presbytery of pastors, teachers, and lay elders substituted,
one antichrist was put down and another substituted in its
place." The Independent Churches held that five kinds of
* "A Christian Plea," p. 266, by F. Johnson, 1617. Johnson died in 1618— see
" Waddington's Congregational History," p. 192, quotation from State papers, Holland,
Slade's Letter.
t " The Flyers permit infidelious Marchantes to come on the Thursday unto their
exercise of prophesying." — Henoch Clapham's Error on the Bight Hand," <&c, London,
1608. 4th Dialogue.
% " Life of Ainsworth." X
§ " We choose none for governing elders but those that be apt to teach." " Ashton's
Reprint of Kobinson's Works," Vol. iii., p. 488.
102
officers were mentioned in Scripture, and that their offices
in Christ's Church were distinct and definite. Smyth's
view is worthy of special notice. He held that there was
only one order of elders mentioned in Scripture, for one
person might "teach," "exhort," "rule." "Lay elders"
were absolutely " Antichristian," there being no mention
in the New Testament of any such officers, as purely
ruling elders. Their " rule " was the influence derived
from the exercise of the gifts of the Holy Spirit. The
difference between Kobinson and Smyth was this; that
what the Independent Churches took to be distinct offices
in the Church of Christ, Smyth took to be different
functions of the same kind of officers, which avoided many
difficulties in the interpretation of the New Testament.
Robinson held that the gift of prophesying or preaching
did not come by means of the office, but was " a calling
from the Lord." He denied all prophecy which was
" extraordinary by immediate revelation," holding that this
had ceased, and that it was now " mediate " and was by the
ordinary revelation of the Spirit. All the members of the
Church who " have a gift, must prophesy according to their
proportion," &c. Kobinson considered the exercise of pro-
phecy by such members most important for its well being.
He wrote a treatise in 1618, called " The People's Plea for
the exercise of Prophecy against Mr. John Yates, his
Monopoly." Yates was a preacher in Norwich, and he
wrote to prove " ordinary prophecy out of office unlawful."
Robinson, in answer to Yates, contends that all " spiritual
men," though " out of office," who have " a gift, must
prophesy according to their proportion," that so far (as
Yates thinks it) from being " a disgrace " to the officers of
the Church for another Church member to prophesy after
them, such an idea was only " the effect of evil customs
103
infecting the minds of godly men." It was only since those
who ought to be " the servants of the Church " have
" become her masters," that " one alone in the Church must
be heard all his life long, others better able than he sitting
at his feet continually," and that it should be thought " a
disgrace " for one to prophesy after him. He states that
in the Church at Ley den, of which he was pastor, " after
the exercise of the public ministry is ended, (that is, the
office of teacher) the rulers in the Church do publicly exhort
and require that such of their own, or other churches, as
have a gift to speak to the edification of the hearers, should
use the same " according to the precedent in Acts xiii. 14.
Paul and Barnabas were exhorted by the rulers of the
synagogue, if they had " any word of exhortation to the
people," they should " say on." He prays that the " Lord,
may give unto his people courage to stand for this liberty,"
and to " us who enjoy it, grace to use it to his glory in our
mutual edification." Not only was the practice in use,
Eobinson tells us, in " each " of the exiled Independent
Churches, but it was in use in the congregations of the
Belgic Churches, " and the Synod at Embden, 1571, de-
creed that it was to be observed in all churches." * He
advocates the practice as conducing to " familiarity and
goodwill " between the order of ministers and people. It
fitted men for the ministry. It tended to the conversion of
* See also the " Acta of the Synod of Wesel," 3rd November, 1568, chap. ii. " We
call those prophets, who in the meetings of the Church explain a text as Paul has
ordained, and herein we distinguish them from the ministers, that to them is enjoined
the explanation of the Holy Scriptures, and the teaching, whilst the office of ministers
of God is more extended." "We judge that this order of prophets ought to be main-
tained in every thriving church." — Par. 16 and 17. "In this college of prophets shall
be admitted, not only the Elders, but also the Ministers and Deacons, yea, all particular
members who desire to receive the gift of prophecy from the Lord, and to employ it for
the benefit of tl»e Church."— Par. 191.
104
others. There is therefore great reason to believe, that this
was in principle and practice maintained at this time in all
Independent churches, both Pasdo-baptist and Baptist.
The only church among the English Separatists in Holland
which did not allow this practice, was Mr. Simpson's
church ; Mr. Bridge's church separating from Mr. Simp-
son on this question of the liberty of prophecy.* It
is also most important to notice, that through Bobinson
and Smyth, this principle of lay-preaching found not only
admission in theory, but actual practice, in the first Con-
gregational and Baptist Churches subsequently established
in England.! The controversial tracts which the practices
of the Psedo-baptist and Baptist sections of the English
Churches, exiled in Holland, poured forth in such profu-
sion, were extensively read in England, and doubtless
formed the religious literature of the English churches.
They were written with profound ability, and their authors
were men of sound learning. Ainsworth united with Smyth
* Baillie's "Dissuasive," &c, p. 175.
f E. Baylie, in his "Dissuasive from the Errors of the Times," &c, p. 15, London,
1645, says, " Robinson was the most learned, polished and modest spirit among the
Brownists," and that he was the author of Independency, and that those in England
" whose humour carried them out of the bosom of their mother-church, have turned
either to Smyth's Anabaptism, or to Robinson's Semi-separating Independency."
There is a copy of a work by John Robinson, published as a small tract in the
British Musuem : " A Brief Catechism concerning Church Government," 1642, which
embodies all the principles of Independent Churches, and probably exercised a most
important influence. He says that "the preaching of the word and administration of
the sacraments are not marks of the true Church. The fellowship of the Church
consists in the gifts of the Spirit of Christ, and in the offices of the ministry given to
the Church, and in the works done by those gifts and offices .... apostles,
prophets, and evangelists have ceased. The pastor is given the gift of wisdom for
exhortation ; the teacher receives the gift of knowledge for doctrine." Next come the
elders, the deacons, and the widows or deaconesses, who are " to attend the sick and
impotent with compassion and cheerfulness;" in fact, Protestant "nursing sisters"
attached to every Independent church. This institution might be revived.
105
in some of bis views respecting the treatment the Scriptures
received at the hands of the Puritans. The following
passage expresses a view of the Scriptures, which may be
found in substance set forth in Fox's Life and other
works,* and indeed embodied one of the peculiarities of
his teaching as opposed to that of the Presbyterians of his
day. It occurs in "A reply to a pretended ' Christian
Plea ' by Francis Johnson," by Henry Ainsworth, 1618,
printed in the year 1620. Ainsworth quotes from Johnson
— " The Word of God is not the bare letter, or out-
ward syllables, but the intendment and meaning of the
Holy Ghost by whom it was given, which should carefully
be observed by the due consideration of the Scriptures with
the circumstances thereof; " Ainsworth adds, " These words
of his are true, and the more it is to be lamented he should
'press the letter' against me.f Ainsworth held that it was
unlawful to hold the worship of God in " Idol " temples, or
buildings in which mass had formerly been said. Barrow
held the same view. J The early Congregationalists and
Baptists, held that Independent Churches ought to be small
in number, because " in huge and vast flocks the governors
cannot take knowledge of the manners of the people ;§ . . .
what damage cometh unto true piety " by this practice,
" miserable experience " showed. , " There is, too," he says,
" the most full and perfect communion of the Body " in such
Churches. Bobinson held, that as marriage was common
to Gentiles as well as Christians, the pastor's office had
nothing to do with marriage ; that the pastor ought not, as
in the reformed Churches, to celebrate marriage. ||
* See G. Fox's Journal, 1652, the Lancashire Sessions. Judge Fell and Colonel
West take the same view as Fox.
t Hanbury, p. 321. \ Ibid, pp. 348, 319. § Ibid, p. 373. || Ibid, p. 381. " A Just
and Necessary Apology," p. 11, by John Robinson, 1625. Tins is in the Bodleian.
106
In the book of Smyth * called the " Differences of the
Church of the Separation," he lays down six positions
which throw a striking light upon the principles and
practices of the General Baptists, and we venture to
think upon the origin of a leading idea of Fox, the
founder of the Society of Friends. " First — We hold
that the New Testament, properly so called, is spiritual,
proceeding originally from the heart, and that reading
out of a book (though a lawful ecclesiastical action) is
no part of spiritual worship, but rather the invention
of the man of sin, it being substituted for a part of
spiritual worship. Second — We hold that, seeing prophe-
sying is a part of spiritual worship, therefore in the time
of prophesying it is unlawful to have the book, as a help,
before the eye. Third — We hold, that seeing singing a
psalm is a part of spiritual worship, it is unlawful to have
the book before the eye in time of singing a psalm.
Fourth — We hold that the presbytery of the Church is
uniform, and that tri-formed presbytery, consisting of three
kinds of elders or pastors, and teachers, is none of God's
ordinance, but man's device. Fifth — We hold, that all the
* Copy in the Bodleian : " The Differences of the Church of the Separation : contain-
ing a description of the Leitourgie and Ministrie of the visible church, annexed as a
correction and supplement to a little treatise lately published, bearing title, ' Principles
and Inferences respecting the Visible Church.' " First, for the satisfaction of every true
lover of the truth, especially the brethren of the separation that are doubtful. Secondly,
as also for the removing of an unjust calomnie cast upon the brethren of the separation
of the second English Church of Amsterdam. Finally for the clearing of the truth,
and the discovering of the mystery of iniquity yet in the worship and offices of the
Church, divided into two parts ; first concerning the Litourgie of the Church, second,
concerning the Ministrie of the Church, which hath two sections, one of the eldership,
another of the deacons' office whereto appertaineth the treasury; by John Smyth,
1608. " Search the Scriptures," John v. 39 ; "Prove all things, hold fast that which
is good," 1 Thes. v. 21 ; " Beloved, believe not every spirit," John i. 41, &c. — pp. 1 and 2.
This was replied to by Ainsworth in his " Defence of the Holy Scriptures, worship, and
ministry, used by the Church separated from antichrist," 4to, 1609.
107
elders of the Church are pastors, and that "lay elders " (so
called) are antichristian. Sixth — We hold, that in con-
tributing to the church-treasury there ought to be both a
separation from them that are without, and a sanctification
of the whole action by prayer and thanksgiving."
We have already seen the practice of the Mennonite
Churches with respect to silent prayer or worship in the
congregation. We may infer that silence prevailed in
Smyth's church both prior to, and during the time of
prophesying, because he remarks (p. 3.) that "the Spirit is
" quenched by silence when fit matter is revealed to one that
" sitteth by, and he withholdeth it in time of prophesying.
" The Spirit is quenched by set forms of worship ' because '
" the Spirit is then not at liberty to utter itself, but is
% bounded in. The New Testament Churches used no books
" in time of spiritual worship, but prayed, prophesyed, and
sung out of their hearts " — (p. 34). In the " Last book of
John Smyth " (York Minster Library), he says, " Although
1 it be lawful to pray, preach, and sing out of a book for
' all penitent persons, yet a man regenerate is above all
' books and scriptures whatsoever, seeing he hath the
1 Spirit of God within him, which teacheth him the true
1 meaning of the Scriptures, without which Spirit the
1 Scriptures are but a dead letter which is perverted and
1 misconstrued, as we see this day, to contrary ends and
1 senses, and that to bind a regenerate man to a book in
' prayer, preaching, or singing, is to set the Holy Ghost to
' school in the one as well as the other."
Ainsworth tells us, in a reply to Smyth,* that the
* " A Defence of the Holy Scripture, worship, and ministry used in the christian
Churches separated from antichrist, against the challenges, cavils, and contradictions
of Mr. Smyth, in his book entitled, ' The Differences of the Churches of the Separation,' "
Amsterdam, 1609.
108
commencement of the separation between the "Ancient
Church " and Smyth, was that Smyth, impressed with the
importance of " spiritual worship," " charged us with sin
for using our English bibles in the worship of God, and he
thought that the teachers should bring the originals, the
Hebrew and Greek, and out of them translate by voice.
A written translation," he alleged, was as much a " human
writing, as a homily or prayer written or read." Smyth
admitted " singing by the Spirit," or portions of scripture
to be sung, but " his disciples, used neither of these in their
assemblies." Ainsworth approved all that had Bibles
bringing them to the church and searching. Not only had
Christ given gifts to men to open the Scriptures, but they
were sufficient to make " wise unto salvation, through the
faith which is in Christ," 2 Tim. hi. 15. Smyth asserted
that it " never could be proved by Scripture that there was
but one pastor in a church." * We shall enter more fully
into Smyth's doctrinal opinions. He was a learned man,
and Bishop Hall considers him to have ranked higher than
Robinson. Baillie speaks of him as "a man of right
eminent parts." All his opponents speak of him in similar
terms, f but his Arminian and Baptist opinions were
regarded by every branch of the Separatists as calculated to
bring the Separation into still greater contempt. From
this period they cannot speak of him with calmness. His
happy and triumphant assurance of salvation, on his death-
bed, is characterized as " sad and woeful," J and he is
* " Differences," &c, J. Smyth, 1608, p. 26.
t e.g. " Master Smyth is a scholar of no small reading, and well seen and experienced
in arts." "A Description of the Church of Christ, <fcc, with some oppositions against
anabaptistical erroneous opinions, very hurtful and dangerous to weak christians,
maintained by Master John Smyth," &c, London, 1610.
J Mr. Cotton's Letter, lately printed, examined by Eoger Williams, p. 14, London,
1644, " it is set as a seal to his gross and damnable Arminianism."
109
treated as a brother who is lost ; and even to the present
day he is blamed for being more anxious than his brethren
to obtain the whole truth, and for continuing the process by
which the other Separatists had arrived at their religious
opinions. " I have," says Smyth, "in all my writings
hitherto, received instruction of others, and professed my
readiness to be taught by others, and therefore have I so
oftentimes been accused of inconstancy. Well, let them
think of me as they please. I profess I have changed, and
shall be ready still to change for the better, and if it be their.
glory to be peremptory and immutable in their articles of
religion, they may enjoy that glory without my envy,
though not without the grief of my heart for them."
There are none of the eminent members of the ancient
Separatist Church with whose opinions we are more fully
acquainted than those of Smyth, and there are none who
have expressed them with more precision. We do not
profess to give a systematic summary of his creed, but
merely such portions of it as will account for the strange
outburst of new religious opinions, from 1641 to 1645, in
England, which is described in Edward's " Gangrcena," and
this work furnishes a strong proof of the activity of Smyth's
disciples. We place the doctrinal portions selected in a
foot-note, and the practical portions in the text.* The 69th
DOCTRINAL EXTRACTS FROM SMYTH'S LONG CONFESSION.
N.B. — This is given in the reprint of Smyth's Life and Confession, placed as an appendix to this
chapter. Those portions are heie selected which have an immediate bearing on onr subject.
* 59 — " That God the Father, of his own good will, doth beget us by the word of
truth (James i. 18), which is an immortal seed (1 Peter, i. 23), not the doctrine of
repentance and faith which may be lost (Luke viii. 13). And that God the Father in
our regeneration, neither needeth nor useth the help of any creature, but that the Father,
the Word, and the Holy Ghost, immediately worketh that work in the soul when
the free will of men can do nothing " (John ii. 13). 60 — " That such as have not
attained the new creation have need of the Scriptures, creatures, and ordinances of the
Church to instruct them, to comfort them, to stir them up the better to perform the
110
proposition of the Long Confession, completely vindicates
the leaders of this most important branch of the dissenting
churches, from narrow or uncharitable views. It is this —
" That all penitent, faithful christians are brethren in the
communion of the outward Church, wheresoever they
live, by what name soever they are known, which in truth
and zeal follow repentance and faith, though compassed
with never so many ignorances and infirmities; and we
salute them all with an holy kiss, being heartily grieved
that we which follow one faith and one Spirit, and one God,
Doctrinal Extracts from Smyth's "Long Confession," continued.
condition of repentance to the remission of sins " (2 Pet. i. 19, 1 Cor. xi. 26, Eph. iv.
12, 23). 61 — " That the new creature which is begotten of God needeth not the out-
ward Scriptures, creatures, or ordinances of the Church to support them (2 Cor. xiii.
10, 12 ; 1 John ii. 27 ; 1 Cor. i. 15, 16 ; Eom. xxi. 23), seeing that he hath three
witnesses in himself, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, which are better
than all Scriptures, or creatures whatsoever." 62 — " The outward Church and
ordinances are always necessary for all sorts of persons whatsoever" (Matt. iii. 15,
and xxviii. 19, 20; 1 Cor. viii. 9). 63 — "That the new creature, although he be
above the law and Scriptures, yet can he do nothing against the law or Scriptures,
but rather all his doings shall serve to the confirming and establishing of the
law (Eom. iii. 31), therefore he can neither lie, nor steal," &c. He was charged
with teaching in these propositions the doctrine of perfection in this life, but he
appears only to have taught (65) that " The visible Church is a mystical figure out-
wardly of the true spiritual, invisible Church, which consisteth of the spirits of just
and perfect men, that is, of the regenerate," and he admitted (67) " that when we have
done all that we can, we are unprofitable servants, and all our righteousness as a
stained cloth," and " that we can only suppress and loppe off the branches of sins, but
the root of sin we cannot pluck up out of our hearts ; " Jer. iv. 4, compared with
Deut. xxx. 6, 8. The 14th and 18th propositions state that God created Adam with
" Freedom of will " and " liberty to choose the good and refuse the evil," oxvice versa,
and that he was not " moved or inclined " to sin " by God or any decree of God," and
that "original sin is an idle term" (Ezek. xviii. 20) "because God threateneth death
only to Adam (Gen. ii. 17), not to his posterity, and because God created the soul "
(Heb. xi. 9, 19). " That if original sin might have passed from Adam to his posterity,
Christ's death, which was effectual before Cain and Abel's birth, he being the Lamb
slain from the beginning of the world, stopped the issue and passage " (Apoc. xiii. 8).
24 — He contends that, M as there is in all the creatures a natural inclination to their
Ill
one Body, and one Baptism, should be rent into so many
sects and schisms, and that only for matters of less
moment." With regard to the principle of religious liberty
and the entire separation of church and state, Smyth held
(Prop. 84) * " That the magistrate is not by virtue of his
office to meddle with religion or matters of conscience, to
force or compel men to this or that form of religion or
doctrine, but to leave (the) christian religion free to every
man's conscience and to handle only civil transgressions,
(Bom. 13) injuries, and wrongs of man against man, in
Doctbinal Extbacts from Smyth's " Long Confession," continued.
young ones to do them good, so there is in the Lord towards man, for every spark of
goodness in the creation is infinitely good in God " (Rom. i. 20 ; Psalm xix. 4 ; Rom.
xx. 18) and that (25) " as no man begetteth his child to the gallows, nor no potter
maketh a pot to break it, so God doth not create or predestinate any man to destruc-
tion" (Ezek. xxxiii. 11; Gen. i. 27 ; 1 Cor. xv. 49; Gen. v. 3). 27— " God in hia
redemption hath not swerved from his mercy which he manifested in his creation "
(John i. 3, 16, 2 Cor. v. 19, 1 Tim. ii. 5, 6, Ezek. xxxiii. 11). 32—" That although
the sacrifice of Christ's body and blood offered up unto God his Father, upon the cross,
be a sacrifice of sweet smelling savour, and though God in him is well pleased, yet it
doth not reconcile God unto us who did never hate us, nor was our enemy, but
reconcileth us unto God, and slayeth the enmity and hatred which is in us against
God" (2 Cor. v. 19 ; Ephes. ii. 14-17 ; Rom. i. 30). 57—" Repentance and faith in the
Messiah are the conditions to be performed on our behalf for the obtaining of the
promise" (Acts ii. 38; John i. 12). 58— That they "are wrought in the hearts of
men by the preaching of the word outwardly in the scriptures and creatures, the grace
of God preventing us by the motions and instinct of the Spirit which a man hath
power to receive or reject " (Mat. xxiii. 37 ; Acts vii. 5, vi. 10 ; Rom. x. 14, 18 : that
our justification before God consisteth not in the performance of the conditions which
God requireth of us, but in the partaking of the promises, the possessing of Christ's
remission of sins, and the new creature." " Without repentance, faith, and the new
creature, there is no salvation," and that " tbe new creature cometh after repentance."
Article 7. — That to understand or conceive of God in the mind is not the saving know-
ledge of God, but to be like God in his effects and properties, to be made conformable
to his divine and heavenly attributes ; this is the true saving knowledge of God where-
unto we ought to give all diligence."
Smyth's Confession," York Minster Library, in 100 propositions.
112
murder, adultery, theft, &c. for Christ only is the king and
lawgiver of the church and conscience. — Jas. iv. 12." With
regard to the constitution of particular or independent
churches, he held (64) " That the outward church visible
consists of penitent persons, only such as believing in
Christ, bring forth fruits worthy (of) amendment of life "
(1 Tim. vi. 3, 5; 2 Tim. hi. 15; Acts xix. 4). 70— " That
the outward Baptism of water was only to be administered
Upon such penitent and faithful persons and not upon
innocent infants or wicked persons " (Mat. hi. 2, 3, com-
pared with Mat. xxviii. 19, 20, and John iv. 1). 71 — " In
baptism to the penitent person and believer, is presented
and figured the spiritual baptism of Christ — that is, the
baptism of the Holy Ghost and of fire — the baptism into
the death and resurrection of Christ." 54 — " That John the
. Baptist and Christ are two persons, their ministries are two
ministries several, and their baptisms are two baptisms
distinct, the one from the other " (John i. 20 ; Acts xiii. 25,
xiv. 5 ; Matt. hi. 11). 56 — But that Christ "hath a more
excellent office and ministry than John (Mat. hi. 11) ; that
He baptiseth with the Holy Ghost and with fire." So also
in the " outward supper of which only baptised persons
partake," is figured Christ's " spiritual supper." It is only
to be eaten by those "who are flesh of his flesh and bone
of his bone, in the communion of the same spirit." No
grace is "conferred" or "conveyed" to communicants
except in the same way as by preaching. Its use is to
" stir up the repentance and faith of the communicant till
Christ come, till the day dawn and the day star arise in
their hearts." 77 — The church has the power of " separat-
ing the impenitent " and this is a figure of " the eternal
rejection" of those who persist in sin. 78 — None are to
be rejected for " ignorance, errors, or infirmities," so long
113
as they " retain repentance and faith in Christ," but they
are to be " instructed with meekness." 80 — If they fall,
great efforts are to be used for their reclamation : their
separation from the society is only ** that the spirit may
be saved in the day of the Lord." 76 — Christ has set in
his outward church " two sorts of ministers : 1st pastors,
teachers,- or elders. 2nd those who are called deacons,
men and women." 89 — "That if the Lord shall give a man
a special calling, as Simon and Andrew, James and John,
then they must leave all, father, ship, nets, wife, children,
yea, and life also, to follow Christ." 86 — The members of the
outward church " are to judge all their causes of difference
among themselves, and they are not to go to law before the
magistrates, 1 Cor. vi. 1, 7. All differences are to be
ended by yea and nay without an oath." (87) They are
not to marry " the profane and wicked godless people of
the world," but only "in the Lord." (88) "Christian
parents are bound to bring up their children in instruction
and in information of the Lord." 90 — " In the necessities
of the Church and poor brethren, all things are to be in
common, and that one Church is to administer to another in
time of need." 7 and 9. [Short Confession.] Christ is " God
and man, the Son of the living God." He came " into the
world to save sinners," to reconcile the sinful world to
God the Father. He is the " only mediator, king, priest,
and prophet, lawgiver and teacher." 10. [S.C.] — " In Him
is fulfilled and by Him taken away, an intolerable burden
of the law of Moses, even all the shadows and figures;
as namely the priesthood, temple, altar, sacrifice," &c.
18. [S.C.] — "They that are the redeemed of the Lord,
do change their fleshly weapons, namely, their swords into
shares, and their spears into sythes, do lift up no sword,
neither hath nor consent to battle." 35. [S.C.] — "Yea
I
114
rather they are called of Him (whom they are commanded
to obey by a voice heard from heaven) to the following of
his unarmed and unweaponed life and of his cross-bearing
footsteps." 36 — " It is not permitted that the faithful of
the New Testament should swear at all."
In Kobert Bay lie's "Dissuasive from the Errors of the
Times, wherein the tenets of the principal sects, especially
of the Independents, are drawn together in one mass, for
the most part in the words of their authors," &c. (London,
1645), we have additional and valuable information. This
work clearly shows the principles and practices of the
Separatist Churches in Holland to be those of the Inde-
pendent Churches of his time. Baylie was the Commissioner
of the Kirk of Scotland to the Westminster Assembly, and
he gives details respecting their practices (p. 28.) " Saint
Andrew, Monday, Tuesday, January, &c. &c, are words
to them prophane and unlawful." " There must be no
limitation of preaching either to time or place." " Pulpits
they scorn, they laugh at preaching to an hour-glass "
(p. 29). " The singing of psalms in metre, not being formal
scripture, but a paraphrase, is unlawful. They permit to
sing psalms in prose, but herein Mr. Smyth is wiser than
his fellows. All singing out of a book is idolatry, but he
admits of singing such psalms as the spirit declares to any
person immediately, without book ; " preaching the word to
them is no particular act, but is common not only to all the
officers, but to every gifted brother of the flock. The Lord's
Supper they celebrated every Lord's-day. They, count it
lawful to join with the Lord's table, love-feasts. When the
exercise of reading, expounding, singing of psalms, praying
and preaching by the pastor is ended, they will have one,
two, three, or four, to prophesy in order, and all to have
free liberty of continuing as long as they may think meet.
115
After this is done they have yet another exercise, wherein
by way of conference, questioning and disputation, every
one of the congregation may propound publicly and press
their scruples, doubts, and objections against anything they
may have heard; and as if all these exercises were not
enough to tire out a spirit of iron, the most of them being
repeated in the afternoon, for a conclusion of all they bring
in the laborious and long work of their discipline, for
which the whole flock must stay till they have heard
debated and discussed every cause that concerns either the
officers or any of the people, either in doctrine or manners."
This closely agrees with the account given by two of the
members of Smyth's Church, of their worship. It seems
probable, however (see p. 107) that between the rising
of the persons prophesying, the practice of silent prayer
observed by the Mennonites prevailed. " We begin by a
prayer, after read one or two chapters of the Bible, give
the sense thereof and confer on the same. That done,
we lay aside our books, — and, after a solemn prayer made
by the first speaker, he propoundeth some text out of
the scripture and prophesieth out of the same by the space
of one hour, or three quarters of an hour. After him
standeth up a second speaker, and prophesieth out of the
same text. After him the third, the fourth, the fifth, or as
many as the time will give leave. Then the first speaker
concludeth with prayer, with an exhortation to contribution
to the poor. This morning exercise begins at eight of the
clock and continueth till twelve of the clock. The like
courses and exercises are observed in the afternoon, from
two of the clock unto five or six of the clock. Last of all
the execution of the government of the church is handled." *
• Letter from Hugh Bromhead to William Hamerton, of London. Harleian MS. 360 fol.
12
>k
116
This shows the earnestness and pious delight of these
excellent men, in heing able at last to worship G-od in peace
and safety. Eight hours of worship and disciplinary
business, seems however to justify Baillie's criticism, and
to have been an unwise disregard of the fact that we have
bodies as well as souls, which can be paralleled in modern
times.
It will be a point of great interest to the Society of
Friends, to note, that while in these meetings for discipline
all the members "had free liberty of voting decisively, and
of debate," yet "nothing must go by number or plurality of
voices, and there must be no moderator, or prolocutor, for
the order of their action." We believe the Society of
Friends is the only Church, now existing, who have main-
tained this rule up to the present day, and this shows us
again the close connection between their practices and those
of the Amsterdam Churches. Baylie states (p. 61) that
" the new English Independent " (i.e. in 1645) held " the
abominable heresy " of " avowing openly the personal
inhabitation of the Spirit in all the godly, and his imme-
diate revelation without the word, and these as infallible as
scripture itself." * Baylie describes the London Indepen-
dents of his time as following closely these Separatist
Churches of Holland in their practices r and we think
that the source of the leading ideas which Fox com-
menced propagating in 1648, and upon which he consti-
tuted the churches he founded, can now be readily seen.
The connection between the views of Smyth on war and
• This is the current misrepresentation of the doctrine in question by the Presby-
terian party of that age, and is couched in the same words in which they attacked
Fox's teaching. In the Swarthmore papers there are frequent complaints of misrepre-
sentation.
117
those of George Fox, may be traced in the fact, that in
1646 there were some of the English General Baptists
who held "that it is unlawful to take up arms for laws
and civil liberties."* In 1626 we find them discussing
this very question with a Mennonite Church in Holland
and taking advice, f It is obvious that their original prin-
ciples on the unlawfulness of war had begun to be questioned.
Owing to the extensive trade carried on between London
and Holland, it was a common practice for those engaged
in it to attend the exiled English churches in the large
cities. This facilitated the spread of the tracts of Sepa-
ratists in England. Later on, Baxter tells us that " five
or six ministers who came from Holland and the Brownist
relicts, did drive on others according to their dividing
principles and sowed the seeds which afterwards spread
over all the land."]: He tells us that the leaders of
the Separatists in the army, "the men that bore the bell,
that did all the hurt amongst them," were " men who had
been in London, hatcht up among the old Separatists, and
made it all their matter of study and religion to rail against
ministers and parish churches and Presbyterians." §
* " A relation of several heresies," &o. , p. 11, 1616. Errors in the Commonwealth
of the Anabaptists (" who teach freewill in spiritual things ").
f " Evans' Early Baptists," vol. ii. pp. 29 and 39.
J "Baxter's Life," from his manuscript, by Sylvester, p. SS.
S "Baxter's Life," p. 63.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI.
Eeprint of Tract lately found in York Minster Library (without title), and believed to
be unique, containing " The last book of John Smith (Smyth), called the Eetrac-
tion of his Errors, and the Confirmation of the Truth;" also " The Life and Death
of John Smith (Smyth)," by Thomas Piggott ; also John Smyth's " Confession of
Faith " in One Hundred Propositions, -which was replied to by John Robinson, of
Leyden, in his " Survey of the Confessions of Faith," published in certain conclu-
sions by the remainders of Mr. Smyth's Company after his death (published 1614).
There is no date, but as Smyth died, August, 1612, it may be inferred with cer-
tainty to have been printed between 1613 and 1614. The whole of this reprint has
been carefully corrected by S. Walter Stott, Minor Canon and Assistant Librarian
of York Minster Library. The importance of this work to the student of the
history of the English Baptists is very great.
The Epistle to the Eeadeb.
Consideking that all means and helps are necessary for men, to provoke them to the
practice of religion, and obedience of the truth, especially in this latter age of the
world, when our Saviour Christ witnesseth, that because of the abounding of iniquity,
the love of many shall wax cold, which appeareth too manifest in these days. There-
fore we have thought good to manifest unto thee (good reader) the manner of the life
of (John Smith), remaining for a time at Amsterdam in Holland, and how he carried
himself in his sickness, even unto his death. Whereunto we have annexed a small
confession of faith : with a little treatise which he writ not long before his death,
desiring that it should be published unto the world ; in the reading whereof, we beseech
thee to cast away prejudice, and be not forestalled with the supposed errors held by
him, or us, nor with the censure of other, which have thrust themselves too far into
the room of God, to judge things before the time; but try all things, and take that
which is good : and in trying, put on love, which will teach thee to interpret all things in
the best part, and the rather, because that to take things in the evil part is the property
of an evil mind. Even as the bee and spider coming both to one flower, the one taketh
honey and the other poison, according to their nature, so it is with men : for he that is
full despiseth an honeycomb, and the sick stomach abhorreth most pleasant meat, but to
the sound and hungry all good things have a good taste ; even so it is in spiritual matters :
and therefore we direct these things especially unto two sorts of men, the one is the
careless professor, who placeth all his religion in knowledge, in speaking, and in out-
ward prof ession ; that such may know that true religion consisteth not in knowledge,
11
but in practice, not in word but in power : and that such as have the form of godliness,
and do deny the power thereof, are to be separated from : the other is the hungry soul,
and the upright in heart, which seek the Lord, to let them see and know that there is
in the Lord all sufficience, and such a measure of grace to be attained unto, as that they
may be made partakers of the Divine nature, and may come to the measure of the age
of the fulness of Christ (Eph. iv. 13), and to bring every thought into the obedience of
Christ. The which, who so well considereth, it will cause them not to be careless and
negligent, but careful and diligent, to use all means which may further them in this
great work of the Lord. And know also, that the intent of the author is not to teach
any man either to despise or neglect the holy ordinances, appointed by Jesus Christ, for
the help of His Church, nor to attribute unto them more than is meet, but to use them
as means to bring us to the end ; that is, that the Lord hath not given His word, sacra-
ments, and the discipline of the Church, unto His people, to the end that they should
satisfy themselves with the outward obedience thereof, nor to think that all is well when
they walk therein ; but also to be translated into the obedience of that which the word
teacheth, and the sacraments signify unto them : that is, to be made like to Jesus Christ,
in His life, sufferings, death, burial, resurrection, and ascension, by being partakers with
Him of one and the same spirit; consider what we say, and the Lord give thee under-
standing in all things.
(Signed T. P. (Thomas Piggott).
" I have not concealed Thy mercy and Thy truth from the great congregation."
(Psal. xl. 16). " For with the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with the
mouth man confesseth to salvation." (Eom. x. 10).
The Last Book op John Smith, Called the Ketraction of His Eerobs, and
the Confirmation of the Truth.
" If any man be in Christ, let him be a new creature." (2 Cor. v. 17.) " For they that
are Christ's have crucified the flesh with the affections and the lusts." (Gal. v. 24.)
I am not of the number of those men which assume unto themselves such plenary
knowledge and assurance of their ways, and of the perfection and sufficiency thereof,
as that they peremptorily censure all men except those of their own understanding, and
require that all men upon pain of damnation become subject and captivate in their
judgment and walking to their line and level : of which sort are those of our English
nation, who publish in print their proclamation against all Churches except those of
their own society and fellowship — I mean the double separation, Master Hainsworth and
Master Helwys — although the one more near the truth than the other; neither is my
purpose, in this my writing, to accuse and condemn other men, but to censure and reform
myself. If I should walk with either of the double separation, I must, from the per-
suasion of mine own alone perfect reformation, reprove all other, and reject them as
short of that mark whereto I come : and I must shut my ears from hearing any
instruction which others may afford me ; for this is the quintessence of the separation,
to assume unto themselves a prerogative to teach all men, and to be taught of no man.
Ill
Now I Lave in all my writings hitherto received instruction of others, and professed my
readiness to be taught by others, and therefore have I so oftentimes been accused of
inconstancy ; well, let them think of me as they please, I profess I have changed, and
shall be ready still to change for the better : and if it be their glory to be peremptory
and immutable in their articles of religion, they may enjoy that glory without my envy,
though not without the grief of my heart for them. The Articles of Beligion which
are the ground of my salvation are these, wherein I differ from no good Christian : That
Jesus Christ, the son of God and the son of Mary, is the anointed King, Priest, and
Prophet of the Church, the only mediator of the New Testament, and that through
true repentance and faith in Him, who alone is our Saviour, we receive remission of
sins and the Holy Ghost in this life, and therewith all the redemption of our bodies,
and everlasting life in the resurrection of the body ; and whosoever walketh according
to this rule, I must needs acknowledge him my brother ; yea, although he differ from
me in divers other particulars. And howsoever in the days of my blind zeal and
preposterous imitation of Christ, I was somewhat lavish in censuring and judging
others ; and namely, in the way of separation called Brownism, yet since having been
instructed in the way of the Lord more perfectly, and finding my error therein, I pro-
test against that my former course of censuring other persons, and especially for all
those hard phrases wherewith I have in any of my writings inveighed against either
England or the separation : for England, although I cannot with any good conscience
acknowledge the wicked ones mingled with the zealous professors in one congregation
to be the true outward visible Church which Christ and His Apostles at the first
instituted, which consisted only of penitent persons and believers ; yet therefore to say
that the zealous professors themselves are antichristian, is a censure such as I cannot
justify before the Lord, who is my judge in my conscience. And therefore I utterly
revoke and renounce it. Again, howsoever I doubt not but it is an error of the forward
professors of the English churches to be mingled with the open wicked in the supper of
the Lord, as they daily are, seeing therein they do transgress the first institution of
Christ, who ate His supper only with the eleven (for Judas departed soon as he had
received the sop of the Passover), yet I cannot therefore conclude the said forward pro-
fessors under the same judgment, or fellowship of sin, with the wicked ones with whom
they partake the supper. Yea, rather I do also renounce that evil and perverse judg-
ment which I have pronounced in my writings, in this particular acknowledging my error
therein ; further I must needs avouch that the Bishops of the land grievously sin against
God : and the forward professors in ruling them so rigorously, urging their subscription,
canons, and ceremonies upon men's consciences upon pain of excommunication, deposi-
tion, silence, imprisonment, banishment, and the like penalties : and that therein they sit
as Antichrist in the temple of God, which is the conscience. Yet, therefore, to say that
all the professors of the land, whether preachers or others that remain under their
jurisdiction, do submit unto the beast and receive his mark, that I dare not avouch
and justify as I have done, for I doubt not but many touch none of their unclean
things, but only submit to Christ so far as they are enlightened ; and if a sin of
ignorance make a man an anti-christian, then I demand where shall we find a Christian.
In these three particulars, especially have I transgressed against the professors of the
English nation. Generally, all those biting and bitter words, phrases, and speeches,
used against the professors of the land I utterly retract and revoke, as not being of the
IV
spirit of Christ, but of the Disciples, who would have called for fire and brimstone from
heaven, which Christ rebuketh. Particularly that book against Master Bernard, wherein
Master Marbury, Master White, and others are mentioned and cruelly taxed, I retract
not for that it is wholly false, but for that it is wholly censorious and critical: and for
that therein the contention for outward matters, which are of inferior note, hath broken
the rules of love and charity, which is the superior law. Now for the separation, I
cannot, nor dare not, in my conscience before the Judge of the whole world justify my
writings and dealings against them. For the truth of the matter I doubt not but it is
on my side, but the manner of writing is that alone wherein I have failed : for I should
have with the spirit of meekness instructed them that are contrary minded, but my
words have been stout and mingled with gall, and therefore hath the Lord repayed me
home full measure into my bosom, for according to that measure wherewith I measured
hath it been measured again unto me, by Master Clifton, especially by Master
Hainsworth and Master Bernard. The Lord lay none of our sins to the charge of any of
us all, but He of His mercy pass by them : for my part the Lord hath taught me thereby,
for hereafter shall I set a watch before my mouth, that I sin not again in that kind and
degree. For Master Hainsworth's book, I acknowledge that I erred in the place of the
candlestick and altar, but that of the altar is not Master Fenner's error with me, but
mine rather with him ; for other things, namely, the chief matter in controversy I hold
as I did. Yea, which is more, I say that although it be lawful to pray, preach, and
sing out of a book for all penitent persons, yet a man regenerate is above all books and
scriptures whatsover, seeing he hath the spirit of God within him, which teacheth him
the true meaning of the scriptures, without the which spirit the scriptures are but a
dead letter, which is perverted and misconstrued as we see at this day to contrary ends
and senses ; and that to bind a regenerate man to a book in praying, preaching or
singing, is to set the Holy Ghost to school in the one as well as in the other : for the
other question of elders with Master Hainsworth, and of Baptism with Master Clifton,
and the two Testaments, I hold as I did, and therein I am persuaded I have the truth.
If any man say, why then do you not answer the books written in opposition, my
answer is, my desire is to end controversies among Christians rather than to make
and maintain them, especially in matters of the outward Church and ceremonies ;
and it is the grief of my heart that I have so long cumbered myself and spent my
time therein, and I profess that difference in judgment for matter of circumstance, as
are all things of the outward Church, shall not cause me to refuse the brotherhood of
any penitent and faithful Christian whatsoever. And now from this day forward do I
put an end to all controversies and questions about the outward Church and ceremonies
with all men, and resolve to spend my time in the main matters wherein consisteth
salvation. Without repentance, faith, remission of sin, and the new creature, there is
no salvation^but there is salvation without the truth of all the outward oeremonies of
the outward Church, li any man say you answer not because you oannot, I say to
him, that I am accounted one that cannot answer is not my fame, but to spend my
time in a full answer of those things of the outward Church which I am bound to
employ better (necessity calling upon me) would be my sin, and so I had rather be
accounted unable to answer, than to be found in sin against my conscience. Again, if
I should answer, it would breed further strife among Christians — further, we have no
means to publish our writings. But my first answer satisfieth my conscience, and so
I rest, having peace at home in this point. But now to come to Master Helwys, his
separation, against which I have done nothing in writing hitherto, notwithstanding I
am now bound in conscience to publish an apology of certain imputations cast upon
me by him in his writings. As first, the sin against the Holy Ghost, because I have
denied some truth which once I acknowledged, and wherewith I was enlightened.
Than this can there be no more grievous imputation cast upon any man ; than this
can there be no higher degree of censuring. What shall I say here for my apology ?
Shall I say that my heart yet appertaineth to the Lord, that I daily seek mercy and
ask forgiveness, that I labour to reform myself wherein I see my error, that I con-
tinually search after the truth and endeavour myself to keep a good conscience in all
things ? But this, haply, will not satisfy Master Helwys. Well, let us examine the
points wherein I have forsaken the truth : Succession is the matter wherein I hold as
I have written to Master Bernard, that succession is abolished by the Church of Borne,
and that there is no true ministry derived from the Apostles through the Church of
Borne to England, but that the succession is interrupted and broken off. Secondly,
I hold, as I did hold then, succession being broken off and interrupted, it may by two
or three gathered together in the name of Christ be renewed and assumed again ; and
herein there is no difference between Master Helwys and me. Thirdly, Master Helwys
said that although there be churches already established, ministers ordained, and
sacraments administered orderly, yet men are not bound to join those former churches
established, but may, being as yet unbaptized, baptize themselves (as we did) and pro-
ceed to build churches of themselves, disorderly (as I take it). Herein I differ from
Master Helwys, and therefore he saith I have sinned against the Holy Ghost because I
once acknowledged the truth (as Master Helwys calleth it). Here I answer three
things : — " 1. I did never acknowledge it. 2. It is not the truth. 3. Though I had
acknowledged it, and it were a truth, yet in denying it I have not sinned against the
Holy Ghost. First, I did never acknowledge it, that it was lawful for private
persons to baptize when there were true churches and ministers from whence we
might have our baptism without sin, as there are forty witnesses that can testify : only
this is it which I held, that seeing there was no church to whom we could join with a
good conscience, to have baptism from them, therefore we might baptize ourselves.
That this is so the Lord knoweth, my conscience witnesseth, and Master Helwys him-
self will not deny it. Secondly, it is not the truth that two or three private persons
may baptize, when there is a true church and ministers established whence baptism
may orderly be had : for if Christ himself did fetch His baptism from John, and the
Gentiles from the Jews baptized, and if God be the God of order and not of confusion,
then surely we must observe this order now, or else disorder is order, and God
alloweth disorder ; for if Master Helwys' position be true, that every two or three that
see the truth of baptism may begin to baptize, and need not join to former true
churches where they may have their baptism orderly from ordained ministers, then the
order of the primitive church was order for them and those times only, and this dis-
order will establish baptism of private persons. Yea of women from henceforth to the
world's end, as Master Helwys his ground doth evidently afford to him that will scan
it. Thirdly, though I had acknowledged that assertion of Master Helwys, and it were
the truth, and I now forsake it, it doth not thereupon follow that a man sinneth
against the Holy Ghost : for I demand, may not a man forsake a truth upon a temptation,
Yl
and obtain remission upon repentance? Did not Peter so in denying Christ? Did
not David so, and continued impenitent till the child was born after adultery wit'i
Bethshabe? A man therefore that upon a temptation forsaketh a known truth, may
repent and receive mercies — further, may not a man (as he supposeth) upon force of
argument, yield from the known truth to error for conscience sake? Have all those
sinned against the Holy Ghost that have separated from England and are returned
again ? Certainly Master Helwys herein erreth not a little, and breaketh the bond of
charity above all men that I ever read or heard, in uttering so sharp a censure upon so
weak a ground. Besides, the sin against the Holy Ghost is not in outward ceremonies,
but in matter of substance, which is the knowledge of the truth (Heb. vi. 1 — 10),
namely a forsaking of repentance and faith in Christ, and falling to profaneness and
Paganism : for I hold no part of saving righteousness to consist in outward ceremonies,
for they are only as a crutch for the lame and weak to walk withal till they be cured.
Concerning succession, briefly thus much : I deny all succession except in the truth ;
and I hold we are not to violate the order of the primitive church, except necessity
urge a dispensation ; and therefore it is not lawful for every one that seeth the truth to
baptize, for then there might be as many churches as couples in the world, and none
have anything to do with other, which breaketh the bond of love and brotherhood in
churches ; but, in these outward matters, I dare not any more contend with any man,
but desire that we may follow the truth of repentance, faith, and regeneration, and
lay aside dissension for mint, comine, and annis seed. Another imputation of Master
Helwys is concerning the flesh of Christ. Whereto I say, that he that knoweth not
that the first and second flesh of an infant in the mother's womb are to be distin-
guished, knoweth not yet the grounds of nature and natural reason. I affirmed con-
cerning Christ that His second flesh, that is His nourishment, He had from His
mother, and that the Scriptures are plain for it; but, concerning the first matter of
Christ's flesh, whence it was, I said thus much : That, although I yield it to be a truth
in nature that He had it of His mother Mary, yet I dare not make it such an Article
of faith as that if any man will not consent unto it, I should therefore refuse brother-
hood with him : and that the Scriptures do not lead us (as far as I conceive) to the
searching of that point, whereof Christ's natural flesh was made ; but that we should
search into Christ's spiritual flesh, to be made flesh of that His flesh, and bone of
His bone, in the eommunion and fellowship of the same spirit. That this was my
speech and the sum of my assertion concerning this point, I call the Lord and all that
heard as witnesses: whereby appeareth Master Hdwys his partiality in reporting this
particular. Concerning a secret imputation which Master Helwys, by way of intima-
tion, suggesteth, as though I had received much help of maintenance from his company,
or from that company of English people that came over together out of the north parts
with me, I affirm thus much : That I never received of them all put together the
value of forty shillings to my knowledge, since I came out of England, and of Master
Helwys, not the value of a penny; but it is well known to Master Helwys and to all the
company, that I have spent as much in helping the poor as Master Helwys hath done,
and it is not known that Master Helwys hath spent one penny but I have spent
another in any common burthen for the relieving of the poor. All that ever Master
Helwys can say is that, when I was sick in England, at Bashforth, I was troublesome
and chargeable to him; wherein I confess his kindness, but I would have given
\
Vll
him satisfaction, and lie refused it, and in rny sickness there was as much Drought
in as I spent. Another imputation is of some moment, that I should affirm Christ
in the flesh to be a figure of Himself in the spirit, and that men are not so much
to strive about the natural flesh of Christ as about His spiritual flesh ; and that
the contention concerning the natural flesh of Christ is like the contention of the
soldiers for Christ's coat. True, this I did affirm, and this I defend as the most
excellent and comfortable. truth in the Scriptures : for who knoweth not, that to know
and be made conformable to the similitude of Christ's death, burial, and resurrection
in the mortification of sin and the new creature, to be made flesh of His flesh and
bone of His bone, spiritually in the fellowship of one holy anointing, which is Christ's
spiritual flesh ; who knoweth not, I say, that this is better than the knowledge of
Christ's natural flesh. That Christ's natural flesh is a figure of Christ's spiritual
flesh, is plain by Bom. vi. where the Apostle saith that we must be grafted to the
similitude of His death, burial, and resurrection ; if His death, burial, and resurrection
be a similitude or figure, so is His body that died, was buried, and rose again. The
like saith the Apostle, Heb. iv. 15, that Christ was tempted in all things in a figure or
similitude; but this point is also plain enough, that all Christ's miracles and doings in
the flesh, with His sufferings, are figures of those heavenly things which He in the
spirit worketh in the regenerate; He cleanseth their leprosy, casteth out the devil,
drieth up the bloody issue, rideth to Jerusalem on an ass, stilleth the winds and sea,
feedeth the multitude : for Jesus Christ is yesterday and to-day, and the same also for
ever. If this be a truth, then, the contention about Christ's natural flesh is in com-
parison like to the soldiers' contention for His coat. It is the Spirit that quickeneth,
the flesh profiteth nothing, saith Christ, and so I rest satisfied in this particular.
Pbopositions and Conclusions concerning true Christian Beligion, containing
A Confession of Faith of certain English people, living at Amsterdam.
1. We believe that there is a God (Heb. xi. 6) against all Epicures and Atheists, which either say in their
hearts or utter with their mouths, that there is no God (Psal. xiv. 1 ; Isaiah xxii. 18).
2. That this God is one in number (1 Cor. viii. 4, 6) against the Pagans or any other that hold a plurality
of gods.
3. That God is incomprehensible and ineffable, in regard of His substance or essence that is God's
essence can neither be comprehended in the mind, nor uttered by the words of men or angels (Exod. iii.
18-15, and xxxiii. 18-21).
4. That the creatures and Holy Scriptures do not intend to teach us what God is in substance or essence,
but what He is in effect and property (Kom. i. 19, 22 ; Exod. xxxiii. 28).
5. That these terms, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, do not teach God's substance, but only the hinder
parts of God : that which may be known of God (Eom. i., Exod. xxxiii).
6. That God may be known by His titles, properties, effects, imprinted, and expressed in the creatures, and
Scriptures (John xvii. 8).
7. That to understand and conceive of God in the mind is not the saving knowledge of God, but to be
like to God in His effects and properties ; to be made conformable to His divine and heavenly attributes. That
is the true saving knowledge of God (2 Cor. iii. 18 ; Matt. v. 48 ; 2 Peter i. 4), whereunto we ought to give
all diligence.
8. That this God manifested in Father, Son, and Holy Ghost (Matt. iii. 16, 17) is most merciful, most
mighty most holy, most just, most wise, most true, most glorious, eternal and infinite (Exod. xxxiv. 6, 7;
Psalm xc. 2 and cii. 27).
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9. That God before the foundation of the world did foresee, and determine the issue and event of all His
■works (Acts xv. 18), and that actually in time He worketh all things by His providence, according to the good
pleasure of His will (Eph. i. 11), and therefore we abhor the opinion of them, that avouch, that all things
happen by fortune or chance (Acts. iv. 27, 28 ; Matt. x. 29, 30).
10. That God is not the Author or worker of sin (Psal. v. 4; James i. 13), but that God only did foresee and
determine what evil the free will of men and angels would do; but He gave no influence, instinct, motion or
inclination to the least sin.
11. That God in the beginning created the world viz., the heavens, and the earth and all things that are
therein (Gen. i. ; Acts xvii. 24). So that the things that are seen, were not of things which did appear
(Heb. xi. 3).
12. That God created man to blessedness, according to His image, in an estate of innocency, free without
corruption of sin (Gen. i. 27, ii. 17, 25) ; He created them male and female (to wit) one man and one woman
(Gen. i. 27); He framed man of the dust of the earth, and breathed into him the breath of life, so the man
was a living Soul (Gen. ii. 7 ; 1 Cor. xv. 45). But the woman He made of a rib, taken out of the side of the
man (Gen. ii. 21, 22). That God blessed them, and commanded them to increase, and multiply, and to fill the
earth, and to rule over it and all creatures therein (Gen. i. 28, ix. 1, 2 ; Psal. viii. 6).
13. That therefore marriage is an estate honourable amongst all men, and the bed undefiled ■ viz.
betwixt one man and one woman (Heb. xiii. 4 ; 1 Cor. vii. 2), but whoremongers and adulterers God will
judge.
14. That God created man with freedom of will, so that he had ability to choose the good, and eschew the
evil, or to choose the evil, and refuse the good, and that this freedom of will was a natural faculty or power,
created by God in the soul of man (Gen. ii. 16, 17 ; hi. 6, 7 ; Eccles. vii. 29).
15. That Adam sinning was not moved or inclined thereto by God, or by any decree of God but that he
fell from his innocency, and died the death alone, by the temptation of Satan, his free will assenting there-
unto freely (Gen. in. 6).
16. That the same day that Adam sinned, he died the death (Gen. ii. 17), for the reward of sin is death
(Rom. vi. 23), and this is that which the Apostle saith, dead in trespasses and sins (Eph. ii. 1), which is loss
of innocency, of the peace of conscience and comfortable presence of God (Gen. iii. 7, 11).
17. That Adam being fallen did not lose any natural power or faculty, which God created in his soul, for
the work of the devil, which is (sin), cannot abolish God's works or creatures : and therefore being fallen he
still retained freedom of will (Gen. iii. 23, 24).
18. That original sin is an idle term, and that there is no such thing as men intend by the word
(Ezek. xviii. 20), because God threatened death only to Adam (Gen. ii. 17) not to his posterity, and because
God created the soul (Heb. xii. 9).
19. That if original sin might have passed from Adam to his posterity, Christ's death, which was
effectual before Cain and Abel's birth, He being the lamb slain from the beginning of the world, stopped the
issue and passage thereof (Rev. xiii. 8).
20. That infants are conceived and born in innocency without sin, and that so dying are undoubtedly
saved, and that this is to be understood of all infants, under heaven (Gen. v. 2, i. 27 compared with 1 Cor. xv. 49)
for where there is no law there is no transgression, sin is not imputed while there is no law (Rom. iv. 15 and
v. 13), but the law was not given to infants, but to them that could understand (Rom. v. 13 ; Matt. xiii. 9 ;
Neh. viii. 3).
21. That all actual sinners bear the image of the first Adam, in his innocency, fall, and restitution in the
offer of grace (1 Cor. xv. 49), and so pass under these three conditions, or threefold estate.
22. That Adam being fallen God did not hate him, but loved him still, and sought his good (Gen. iii.
8 — 15), neither doth he hate any man that falleth with Adam ; but that He loveth mankind, and from His
love sent His only begotten Son into the world, to save that which was lost, and to seek the sheep that went
astray (John iii. 16).
23. That God never forsaketh the creature tall there be no remedy, neither doth He cast away His
innocent creature from all eternity ; but casteth away men irrecoverable in sin (Isa. v. 4; Ezek. xviii. 23, 32,
and xxxiii. 11 ; Luke xiii. 6, 9).
24. That as there is in all the creatures a natural inclination to their young ones, to do them good, so there
is in the Lord toward man ; for every spark of goodness in the creature is infinitely good in God (Rom. i.
20 ; Psal. xix 4 ; Rom. x. 18).
25. That as no man begetteth his child to the gallows, nor no potter maketh a pot to break it ; so God
doth not create or predestinate any man to destruction (Ezek. xxxiii. 11; Gen. i. 27; 1 Cor. xv. 49;
Gen. v. 8).
26. That God before the foundation of the world hath determined the way of life and salvation to
consist in Christ, and that He hath foreseen who would follow it (Eph. i. 5 ; 2 Tim. i. 9), and on the
contrary hath determined the way of perdition to consist in infidelity, and in impenitency, and that he hath
foreseen who would follow after it (Judo, 4th verse.)
87. That as God created all men according to His image, so hath He redeemed all that fall by actual
IX
sin, to the same end ; and that God in His redemption hath not swerved from His mercy, which He
manifested in His creation (John i. 3, 16 ; 2 Cor. v. 19 ; 1 Tim. ii. 6, 6 ; Ezek. xxxiii. 11).
28. That Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners, and that God in His love to His enemies did
Bend Him (John iii. 16) ; that Christ died for His enemies (Eom. v. 10) ; that He bought them that deny
Him (2 Peter ii. 1), thereby teaching us to love our enemies (Matt. v. 44, 45).
29. That Christ Jesus after His baptism by a voice out of heaven from the Father, and by the anointing
of the Holy Ghost, which appeared upon His head in the form of a dove, is appointed the prophet of the
church, whom all men must hear (Matt. iii. ; Heb. iii. 1, 2) ; and that both by His doctrine and life, which
He led here in the earth, by all His doings and sufferings, He hath declared and published, as the only
prophet and lawgiver of His Church, the way of peace and life, the glad tidings of the gospel (Acts iii. 23, 24).
30. That Christ Jesus is the brightness of the glory and the engraven form of the Father's substance,
supporting all things by His mighty power (Heb. i. 3) ; and that He is become the mediator of the New
Testament (to wit) the King, Priest, and Prophet of the Church, and that the faithful through Him are thus
made spiritual Kings, Priests, and Prophets (Rev. i. 6 ; 1 John ii. 20 ; Eev. xix. 10).
31. That Jesus Christ is He which in the beginning did lay the foundation of the heavens and earth
which shall perish (Heb. i. 10 ; Psalm cii. 26) ; that He is Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end,
the first and the last, He is the wisdom of God, which was begotten from everlasting before all creatures
(Micah v. 2 ; Prov. viii. 24 ; Lute xi. 49) ; He was in the form of God, and thought it no robbery to be
equal with God ; yet He took to Him the shape of a servant, the Word became flesh (John i. 14), wonderfully
by the power of God in the womb of the Virgin Mary : He was of the seed of David according to the flesh,
(Phil. ii. 7 ; Heb. 10 ; Bom. i. 3) ; and that He made Himself of no reputation, humbled Himself, and became
obedient unto the death of the cross, redeeming us from our vain conversation, not with silver or gold, but
with the precious blood of Himself, as of a lamb without spot and undenled (1 Pet. i. 18, 19).
32. That although the sacrifice of Christ's body and blood offered up unto God His Father upon the
cross, be a sacrifice of a sweet smelling savour, and that God in Him is well pleased, yet it doth not
reconcile God unto us, which did never hate us, nor was our enemy, but reconcileth us unto God (2 Cor. 5, 19),
and skyeth the enmity and hatred, which is in us against God (Ephes. i. 14, 17 ; Rom. i. 30).
33. That Christ was delivered to death for our sins (Kom. iv. 25), and that by His death we have the
remission of our sins (Eph. ii. 7), for He cancelled the hand-writing of ordinances, the hatred, the law of
commandments in ordinances (Eph. ii. 15 ; Colos. ii. 14) which was against us (Deut. xxxi. 26) ; He spoiled
principalities and powers, made a shew of them openly, and triumphed over them on the cross (Colos. ii. 15) ;
by death He destroyed him that had the power of death, that is the devil (Heb. ii. 14).
84. That the enemies of our salvation, which Christ vanquished on His cross, are the gates of hell, the
power of darkness, Satan, sin, death, the grave, the curse or condemnation, wicked men, and persecutors
(Eph. vi. 12 ; 1 Cor. xv. 26, 54, 57 ; Matt. xvi. 18 ; R3V. xx. 10, 14, 15), which enemies we must overcome
no otherwise than Christ hath done (John xxi. 22 ; 1 Pet. ii. 21 ; Rev. xiv. 4).
35. That the efficacy of Christ's death is only derived to them, which do mortify their sins, which are
grafted with Him to the similitude of His death (Rom. vi. 3-6), which are circumcised with circumcision
made without hands, by putting off the sinful body of the flesh, through the circumcision which Christ
worketh (Colos. ii. 11) who is the minister of the circumcision for the truth of God, to confirm the promises
made to the fathers (Rom. xv. 8 compared with Deut. xxx. 6).
86. That there are three which bear witness in the earth, the spirit, water and blood, and these three are
one in testimony, witnessing that Christ truly died (1 John v. 8) for He gave up the ghost (John xix. 30) ;
and out of His side pierced with a spear came water and blood (verse 34, 35), the cover of the heart being
pierced, where there is water contained.
37. That every mortified person hath this witness in himself (1 John v. 10), for the spirit blood, and
water of sin is gone, that is the life of sin with the nourishment and cherishment thereof (1 Pet. iv. 1 ;
Rom. vi. 7 ; 1 John iii. 6).
88. That Christ Jesus being truly dead was also buried (John xix. 89, 42), and that He lay in the grave
the whole Sabbath of the Jews ; but in the grave He saw no corruption (Psal. xvi. 10 ; Acts ii. 81).
89. That all mortified persons are also buried with Christ, by the baptism, which is into His death (Rom.
vi. 4 ; Colos. ii. 12) ; keeping their Sabbath with Christ in the grave (that is) resting from their own works
as God did from His (Heb. iv. 10), waiting there in hope for a resurrection (Psal. xvi. 9).
40. That Christ Jesus early in the morning, the first day of the week, rose again after His death and
burial (Matt, xxviii. 6) for our justification (Rom. iv. 25), being mightily declared to be the Son of God, by the
Spirit of sanctification, in the resurrection from the dead (Rom. i. 4).
41. That these that are grafted with Christ to the similitude of His death and burial shall also be to the
Bimilitude of His resurrection (Rom. vi. 4, 5) ; for He doth quicken or give life unto them, together with
Himself (Colos. ii. 13 ; Eph. ii. 5, 6) : for that is their salvation, and it is by grace (Eph. ii. 5 ; 1 John v. 11,
12,13; Titus iii. 5, 6, 7).
42. That this quickening or reviving of Christ, this laver of regeneration, this renewing of the Holy
Ghost, is our justification and salvation (Titus iii. 6, 7). This is that pure river of water of life clear as
crystal, which proceedeth out of the throne of God, and of the Lamb (Rev. xxii. 1) ; which also floweth out of
the belly of him that believeth in Christ (John vii. 38) ; this is those precious promises whereby we are made
partakers of the divine nature, by flying the corruptions that are in the world through lust (2 Pet. i. 4) ; this
is the fruit of the tree of life which is in the midst of the paradise of God ; this is the white stone wherein
there is a name written, which no man knoweth, save he that receiveth it. This is the morning star, this is
the new name, the name of God, the name of the City of God ; the new Jerusalem which descendeth from
God out of heaven ; this is the hidden manna, that white clothing, eye salve and gold, and that heavenly
supper which Christ promiseth to them, that overcome (Rev. ii. 7, 17, 18, and iii. 5, 12, 18, 20).
43. That there are three which bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit ; and
that these three are one in testimony, witnessing the resurrection of Christ. The Father saith thou art my
Son, this day have I begotten thee (Acts xiii. 33-35). The Son testifieth of his own resurrection being forty
days with His disciples (Act. i. 3). The Holy Ghost testifieth the same whom Christ sent to His disciples
upon the day of Penticost (Act. ii.).
44. That every person that is regenerate and risen again with Christ hath these three aforesaid witnesses
in himself (1 Joh. v. 10) ; for Christ doth dwell in his heart by faith (Eph. iii. 17) ; and the Father dwelleth
with the Son (Joh. xiv. 23) ; and the Holy Ghost likewise (1 Cor. iii. 16); and that the grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost is with them (2 Cor. xiii. 13).
45. That Christ having forty days after His resurrection conversed with His disciples (Acts i. 3), ascended
locally into the heavens (Acts i. 9), which must contain Him unto the time that all things be restored
(Acts iii. 21).
That they which are risen with Christ, ascend up spiritually with Him, seeking those things which
are above, where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God, and that they set their affections on heavenly things,
and not on earthly things (Col. iii. 1-5).
46. That Christ now being received into heaven, sitteth at the right hand of God (Mark xvi. 9), having
led captivity captive, and given gifts unto men (Eph. iv. 8) ; that God hath now highly exalted H im, and
given Him a name above every name; that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of things in heaven,
in earth and under the earth (Phil. ii. 9, 10), that He hath obtained all power both in heaven and in earth
(Matt, xxviii. 18), and hath made all things subject under His feet, and hath appointed Him over all things to
be the head to the church, that is His body, the fulness of Him that filleth all in all things (Eph. i, 2-23).
47. That the regenerate do sit together with Christ Jesus in heavenly places (Eph. ii. 6), that they sit
with Him in His throne as He sitteth with the Father in His throne (Rev. iii. 21), that they have power over
nations, and rule them with a rod of iron, and as a potter's vessel they are broken in pieces (Rev. ii. 26, 27) ;
and that sitting on twelve thrones, they do judge the twelve tribes of Israel (Matt. xix. 28), which
spiritually is to put all their enemies in subjection under their feet, so that the evil one doth not touch
them (1 John v. 18), nor the gates of hell prevail against them (Matt. xvi. 28), and that they are become
pillars in the house of God, and go no more out (Rev. iii. 12).
48. That Christ Jesus being exalted at the right hand of God the Father, far above all principalities and
powers, might, and domination, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but in the world to
come (Eph. i. 21), hath received of His Father the promise of the Holy Ghost, which He also shed forth upon
His disciples on the Day of Pentecost (Act ii. 83).
49. That Christ Jesus, in His resurrection, ascension, and exaltation, is more and rather Lord and Christ,
Saviour, anointed, and King, than in His humiliation, sufferings and death (Acts ii. 86; Phil. ii. 7, 11), for the
end is more excellent than the means, and His sufferings were the way by the which He entered into His
glory (Luke xxiv. 16), and so by consequent the efficacy of His resurrection in the new creature, is more noble
and excellent, than the efficacy of His death in the mortification and remission of sins.
50. That the knowledge of Christ according to the flesh is of small profit (2 Cor. v. 16, 17), and the
knowledge of Christ's genealogy and history, is no other but that which the Devil hath as well if not better
than any man living; but the knowledge of Christ according to the spirit is effectual to salvation, which is
spiritually to be grafted to the similitude of Christ's birth, life, miracles, doings, sufferings, death, burial,
resurrection, ascension, and exaltation (Rom. vi. 3, 6).
51. That Christ Jesus, according to the flesh and history in His doings and suffering, is a great mystery,
and divine sacrament of Himself, and of His ministry in the spirit, and of those spiritual things which He
worketh in those which are to be heirs of salvation (Rom. vi. 3, 6; Eph. ii. 5, 6), and that spiritually He
performeth all those miracles in the regenerate which He wrought in His flesh; He healeth their leprosy,
bloody issue, blindness, dumbness, deafness, lameness, palsy, fever, He casteth out the devils and unclean
spirits, He raiseth the dead, rebuketh the winds and the sea, and it is calm ; He feedeth thousands with the
barley loaves and fishes (Matt. viii. 16, 17, compared with Isaiah liii. 4, John vi. 26, 27).
52. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Son (John xiv. 26, and xvi. 7) ; that He is
the eternal spirit, whereby Christ offered himself without spot to God (Heb. ix. 14) ; that He is that other
comforter, which Christ asketh, obtaineth, and sendeth from the Father (John xiv. 16), which dwelleth In
the regenerate (1 Cor. iii. 16), which leadeth them into all truth (John xvi. 13), He is that anointing which
teacheth them all things, and that they have no need that any man teach them, but as the same anointing
teacheth (1 John ii. 20, 27).
XI
58. That although there be divers gifts of the Spirit yet there is but one Spirit, which distributeth to
every one as He will (2 Cor. xii. 4, 11 ; Eph. iv. 4), that the outward gifts of the spirit which the Holy Ghost
poureth forth, upon the Day of Pentecost upon the disciples, in tongues and prophecy, and gifts, and healing,
and miracles, which is called the Baptism of the Holy Ghost and fire (Acts. i. 5) were only a figure of and an
hand leading to better things, even the most proper gifts of the spirit of sanctification, which is the new
creature ; which is the one baptism (Eph. iv. 4, compared with Act ii. 83, 38, and with Luke x. 17, 20).
54. That John Baptist and Christ are two persons, their ministries are two ministries several, and their bap-
tisms are two baptisms, distinct the one from the other (John i. 20; Acts xiii. 25; Acts i. 4, 5; Matt. iii. 11.
55. That John taught the baptism of repentance for the remission of sins, baptizing with water to
amendment of life (Matt. iii. 11), thus preparing a way for Christ and His baptism (Luke iii. 3, 6), by bring-
ing men to repentance and faith in the Messias, whom he pointed out with the finger (saying), behold the
Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world (John i. 81, 29; Act xix. 4).
56. That Christ is stronger, and hath a more excellent office and ministry than John (Matt. iii. 11); that
He baptiseth with the Holy Ghost and fire; that He cometh and walketh in the way which John hath pre-
pared : and that the new creature followeth repentance (Luke iii. 6).
57. That repentance and faith in the Messias, are the conditions to be performed on our belialf, for the
obtaining of the promises (Acts ii. 38; John i. 12); that the circumcision of the heart, mortification and the
promise of the spirit, that is, the new creature, are the promises which are made to the aforesaid conditions
(Deut. xxx. 6; Acts ii. 88; Gal. iii. 14; 2 Pet. i. 4, 5), which promises are all yea and Amen in Christ Jesus
(2 Cor. i. 20), and that in the regenerate (Gal. iii. 16).
58. That repentance and faith are wrought in the hearts of men, by the preaching of the word, outwardly
in the Scriptures, and creatures, the grace of God preventing us by the motions and instinct of the spirit,
which a man hath power to receive or reject (Matt, xxiii. 87; Acts vii. 51; Acts vi. 10; Bom. x. 14, 18), that
our justification before God consisteth not in the performance of the conditions which God requireth of us,
but in the partaking of the promises, the possessing of Christ, remission of sins, and the new creature.
59. That God the Father, of His own good will doth beget us, by the word of truth (James i. 18), which
is an immortal seed (1 Pet. i. 23), not the doctrine of repentance and faith which may be lost (Luke viii. 18) ;
and that God the Father, in our regeneration, neither needeth nor useth the help of any creature, but that
the Father, the Word and the Holy Ghost, immediately worketh that work in the soul, where the free will of
men can do nothing (John ii. 18).
60. That such as have not attained the new creature, have need of the scriptures, creatures and ordinances
of the Church, to instruct them, to comfort them, to stir them up the better to perform the condition of
repentance to the remission of sins (2 Pet. i. 19 ; 1 Cor. xi. 26; Eph. iv. 12—28).
61. That the new creature which is begotten of God, needeth not the outward scriptures, creatures, or
ordinances of the church, to support or help them (2 Cor. xiii. 10, 12; 1 Joh. ii. 27; 1 Cor. i. 15, 16;
Bev. xxi. 23), seeing he hath three witnesses in himself, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost : which
are better than all scriptures, or creatures whatsoever.
62. That as Christ who was above the law notwithstanding was made under the law, for our cause : so the
regenerate in love to others, can and will do no other, than use the outward things of the church, for the
gaining and supporting of others : and so the outward church and ordinances are always necessary, for all
sorts of persons whatsoever (Matt. iii. 15, xxviii. 19, 20; 1 Cor. viii. 9).
68. That the new creature although he be above the law and scriptures, yet he can do nothing against the
law or scriptures, but rather all his doings shall serve to the confirming and establishing of the law (Bom. iii 81).
Therefore he can neither lie, nor steal, nor commit adultery, nor kill, nor hate any man, or do any other
fleshly action, and therefore all fleshly libertinism is contrary to regeneration, detestable, and damnable
(John viii. 84, Bom. vi. 15, 16, 18; 2 Pet. ii. 18, 19; 1 John v. 18).
64. That the outward church visible, consists of penitent persons only, and of such as believing in Christ,
bring forth fruits worthy amendment of life (1 Tim. vi. 8, 5 ; 2 Tim. iii. 1, 5 ; Acts xix. 4).
65. That the visible church is a mystical figure outwardly, of the true, spiritual invisible church ; which
consisteth of the spirits of just and perfect men only, that is of the regenerate (Bev. i. 20, compared with
Bev. xxi. 2, 23, 27).
66. That repentance is the change of the mind from evil to that which is good (Matt. iii. 2), a sorrow for
sin committed, with a humble heart for the same; and a resolution to amend for the time to come; with an
unfeigned endeavour therein (2 Cor. vii. 8, 11 ; Isaiah i. 16, 17; Jer. xxxi. 18, 19).
67. That when we have done all that we can we are unprofitable servants, and all our righteousness is as
a stained cloth (Luke xvii. 20), and that we can only suppress and lop off the branches of sins, but the root of
sin we cannot pluck up out of our hearts (Jer. iv. 4, compared with Deut. xxx. 6, 8).
68. That faith is a knowledge in the mind of the doctrine of the law and gospel contained in the pro-
phetical, and apostolical scriptures of the Old and New Testament : accompanying repentance with an
assurance that God, through Christ, will perform unto us His promises of remission of sins, and mortification,
upon the condition of our unfeigned repentance, and amendment of life (Bom. x. 18, 14, 15 ; Aots v. 80-82,
and Act ii. 88, 39; Heb. xi. 1 ; Mark i. 15.)
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69. That all penitent and faithful Christians are brethren in the oommunion of the outward church, whereso-
ever they live, by what name soever they are known, which in truth and zeal, follow repentance and faith, though
compassed with never so many ignorances and infirmities ; and we salute them all with a holy kiss, being
heartily grieved that we which follow after one faith, and one spirit, one Lord, and one God, one body, and
one baptism, should be rent into so many sects and schisms : and that only for matters of less moment.
70. That the outward baptism of water, is to be administered only upon such penitent and faithful
persons as are (aforesaid), and not upon innocent infants, or wicked persons (Matt. iii. 2, 3, compared with
Matt, xxviii. 19, 20, and John iv. 1).
71. That in Baptism to the penitent person, and believer, there is presented, and figured, the spiritual
baptism of Christ, (that is) the baptism of the Holy Ghost, and fire : the baptism into the death and resurrec-
tion of Christ : even the promise of the Spirit, which he shall assuredly be made partaker of, if he continue to
the end (Gal. iii. 14; Matt. iii. 11 ; 1 Cor. xii. 13 ; Eom. vi. 3, 6 ; Col. ii. 10).
72. That in the outward supper which only baptised persons must partake, there is presented and
figured before the eyes of the penitent and faithful, that spiritual supper, which Christ maketh of His flesh and
blood : which is crucified and shed for the remission of sins (as the bread is broken and the wine poured forth),
and which is eaten and drunken (as is the bread and wine bodily) only by those which are flesh, of His flesh,
and bone of His bone : in the communion of the same spirit (1 Cor. xii. 13 ; Rev. iii. 20, compared with 1 Cor.
xi. 23, 26; John vi. 53,58.
73. That the outward baptism and supper do not confer, and convey grace and regeneration to the parti-
cipants or communicants : but as the word preached, they serve only to support and stir up the repentance
and faith of the communicants till Christ come, till the day dawn, and the day-star arise in their hearts
(1 Cor. xi. 26; 2 Peter, i. 19; 1 Cor. i. 5-8).
74. That the sacraments have the same use that the word hath ; that they are a visible word, and that they
teach to the eye of them that understand as the word teacheth the ears of them that have ears to hear (Prov.
x. 12), and therefore as the word appertaineth not to infants, no more do the sacraments.
75. That the preaching of the word, and ministry of the sacraments, representeth the ministry of Christ
in the spirit; who teacheth, baptiseth, and feedeth the regenerate, by the Holy Spirit inwardly and invisibly.
76. That Christ hath set in his outward church two sorts of ministers : viz., some who are called pastors,
teachers or elders, who administer in the word and sacraments, and others who are called Deacons, men and
■women : whose ministry is, to serve tables and wash the saints' feet (Acts vi. 2-4; Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iiL
2, 3, 8, 11, and chap. v).
77. That the separating of the impenitent, from the outward communion of the Church, is a figure of the
eternal rejection, and reprobation of them that persist impenitent in sin (Rev. xxi. 27, and xxii. 14-15, Matt,
xvi. 18 and xviii. 18 ; John xx. 23, compared with Rev. iiL 12).
78. That none are to be separated from the outward communion of the Church but such as forsake repent-
ance, which deny the power of Godliness (2 Tim. iii. 5), and namely that sufficient admonition go before,
according to the rule (Matt, xviii. 15-18), and that none are to be rejected for ignorance or errors, or infir-
mities so long as they retain repentance and faith in Christ (Rom. xiv., and 1 Thess. v. 14 ; Rom. xvi. 17, 18),
but they are to be instructed with meekness ; and the strong are to bear the infirmities of the weak ; and
that we are to support one another through love.
79. That a man may speak a word against the Son, and be pardoned (that is), a man may err in the know-
ledge of Christ's History, and in matters of the outward church, and be forgiven, doing it in an ignorant
zeal ; but he that speaketh a word against the Holy Ghost (that is) that after illumination forsaketh repent-
ance and faith in Christ, persecuting them, trampling under foot the blood of the covenant : returning with
the dog to the vomit ; that such shall never be pardoned, neither in this world, nor in the world to come (Matt,
xii. 31, 32, compared with Hebrews vi. 4, and chap. x. 26-29 ; 2 Pet. ii. 20, 22).
80. That persons separated from the communion of the church, are to be accounted as heathens and publi-
cans (Matt, xviii.), and that they are so far to be shunned, as they may pollute : notwithstanding being ready
to instruct them, and to relieve them in their wants : seeking by all lawful means to win them : considering
that excommunication is only for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the
Lord (1 Cor. v. 5, 11; Matt. xi. 19 ; Luke xv. 1, 2).
81. That there is no succession in the outward church, but that all the succession is from heaven, and
that the new creature only, hath the thing signified, and substance, whereof the outward church and ordi-
nances are shadows (Col. ii. 16, 17), and therefore he alone hath power, and knoweth aright, how to administer
in the outward church, for the benefit of others (John vi. 45) : yet God is not the God of confusion but of
order, and therefore we are in the outward church, to draw as near the first institution as may be, in all
things (1 Cor. xiv. 33) ; therefore it is not lawful for every brother to administer the word and sacrament?
(Eph. iv. 11, 12, compared with 1 Cor. xii. 4, 5, 6, 28, 29).
82. That Christ hath set in his outward church the vocation of master and servant, parents and children,
husband and wife (Eph. v. 22-25, chap. vi. 1, 4, 5, 9), and hath commanded every soul to be subject to the
higher powers (Rom. xiii. 1), not because of wrath only, but for conscience sake (verse 5) that we are to give
them their duty, as tribute, and custom, honour, and fear, not speaking evil of them that are in authority
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(Jade, verse 8), but praying and giving thanks for them (1 Tim. ii. 1, 2), for that is acceptable in the sight of
God, even our Saviour.
83. That the office of the magistrate, is a disposition or permissive ordinance of God for the good of
mankind : that one man like the brute beasts devour not another (Rom. xiii.), and that justice and civility,
may be preserved among men : and that a magistrate may so please God in his calling, in doing that which is
righteous and just in the eyes of the Lord, that he may bring an outward blessing upon himself, his posterity
and subjects (2 Kings, x. 30, 31).
84. That the magistrate is not by virtue of his office to meddle with religion, or matters of conscience, to
force and compel men to this or that form of religion, or doctrine : but to leave Christian religion free, to
every man's conscience, and to handle only civil transgressions (Eom. xiii.), injuries and wrongs of man
against man, in murder, adultery, theft, etc., for Christ only is the king, and lawgiver of the church and
conscience (James iv. 12).
85. That if the magistrate will follow Christ, and be His disciple, he must deny himself, take up his cross,
and follow Christ : he must love his enemies and not kill them, he must pray for them, and not punish them,
he must feed them and give them drink, not imprison them, banish them, dismember them, and spoil their
goods ; he must suffer persecution and affliction with Christ, and be slandered, reviled, blasphemed, scourged,
buffeted, spit upon, imprisoned and killed with Christ ; and that by the authority of magistrates, which
things he cannot possibly do, and retain the revenge of the sword.
86. That the Disciples of Christ, the members of the outward church, are to judge all their causes of differ-
ence, among themselves, and they are not to go to law, before the magistrates (1 Cor. vi. 1,7), and that all
their differences must be ended by (yea) and (nay) without an oath (Matt. v. 33-37 ; James v. 12).
87. That the Disciples of Christ, the members of the outward church, may not marry any of the profane, or
wicked, godless people of the world, but that every one is to marry in the Lord (1 Cor. vii. 39), every man one
only wife, and every woman one only husband (1 Cor. vii. 2).
88. That parents are bound to bring up their children in instruction and information of the Lord (Eph. vi. 4),
and that they are to provide for their family : otherwise they deny the faith, and are worse than infidels
(1 Tim. v. 8).
89. That notwithstanding if the Lord shall give a man any special calling, as Simon, and Andrew, James,
and John, then they must leave all, father, ship, nets, wife, children, yea, and life also to follow Christ (Luke
xiv. 26; Matt. iv. 18-20).
90. That in the necessities of the church, and poor brethren, all things ore to be common (Acts iv. 32), yea and
that one church is to administer to another in time of need (Gal. ii. 10 ; Acts xi. 30 ; 1 Cor. iv. 8, and chap. ix).
91. That all the bodies of all men that are dead, shall by the power of Christ, be raised up, out of his own
proper seed, as corn out of the seed rotting in the earth (1 Cor. xv.).
92. That these which live in the last day shall not die, but shall be changed in a moment ; in the
twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet (1 Cor. xv. 52), for the trump shall blow, and the dead shall be raised
up incorruptible, and we shall be changed, not in substance but in qualities ; for the bodies shall rise in honour,
in power, in incorruption, and spiritual : being sown in dishonour, in weakness, in corruption, and natural
(1 Cor. xv. 42, 44).
93. That the bodies being raised up, shall be joined to the souls, whereto formerly they were united ; which
till that time were preserved in the hands of the Lord (Eev. vi. 9, Job xix. 25-27).
94. That it is appointed to all men that they shall once die, and then cometh the judgment (Heb. ix. 27),
and that the change of them that live on the earth at the last day, shall be as it were a death unto them
(1 Cor. xv. 52 ; 1 Thes. iv. 15-17).
95. That there shall be a general, and universal day of judgment, when everyone shall receive according to
the things that are done in the flesh, whether they be good or evil (1 Cor. v. 10, Acts xvii. 31).
96. That of that day and hour knoweth no man ; no, not the Angels in heaven, neither the Son Himself,
but the Father only. (Mark xiii. 32).
97. That Christ Jesus that man, shall be judge in that day (Acts xvii. 81), that he shall come in the clouds
with glory : and all His holy angels with Him (Matt, xxv), with a shout, and with the voice of the Archangel,
and with the trump of God (1 Thes. iv. 16), and He shall sit upon the throne of His glory ; and all nations
shall be gathered before Him, and He shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd separateth the sheep
from the goats, setting the sheep on His right hand and the goats on the left (Matt. xxv.).
98. That the king shall say to the sheep, the regenerate, which ore on His right hand, " Come, ye blessed
of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you before the foundation of the world ;" and it shall be per-
formed accordingly (Matt. xxv).
99. That the king shall say to them on His left hand, the goats, the wioked ones, " Depart from me, ye
cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the Devil and his angels," and it shall be accomplished accordingly
(Matt. xxv).
100. That after the judgment ended and accomplished, and the last enemy that is death being put tinder
the feet of Christ, then the Son himself shall deliver up the kingdom into the hands of the Father, and shall
be subject unto Him, that subdued all things unto Him, that God may bo all in all (1 Cor. xv. 24-28).
XIV
The Life and Death of John Smith.
•• The righteous perUheth and no man considereth it in heart, and merciful men are
taken away, and no man understandeth that the righteous is taken away from the evil
to come." — Isaiah lvli. 1, 2.
il Then I heard a voice from heaven, saying unto me, write the dead which die in the
Lord are fully blessed : even so saith the spirit, for they rest from their labours, and
their works follow them. — Bev. xiv. 13.
Afteb a certain time (living at Amsterdam) he began to practise physic (knowing that
a man was bound to use the gifts that the Lord had bestowed upon him for the good of
others), in administering whereof he usually took nothing of the poorer sort; and if
they were rich he took but halE so much as other doctors did : excepting some, who
being well able and well minded, urged more upon him ; some demanding of him why
he took no more, alleging that he must pay his house-rent, maintain his wife and
children. He answered, you must give me leave herein to use my conscience. Moreover
he was so mindful and so careful for the poor, that he would rather live sparingly in
his house (or as wa say) neglect himself, his wife, and children, than that any should be
in extre uity. Upon a time, seeing one slenderly apparelled, he sent them his gown, to
make them clothes. It being refused (saying that their wants was not so great as he
supposed) , he answered, that if they did refuse it the fault should be upon themselves,
for he was willing to give it, and that it was but his duty, according to that speech in the
gospel, " He that hath two coats, let him part with him that hath none." So that he
was well beloved of most men, and hated of none save a few of our English nation, who
had nothing against him but that he differed from them in some points of religion ; not-
withstanding he would beseech the Lord to open their eyes to see better, and to forgive
them their sins : and he was ready to help any of them as occasion was offered him.
Thus living uprightly in the sight of all men, being both painful and careful to do good
to all, for soul and body, according to his ability : It pleased the Lord at the length to
visit him with sickness, and with a disease whereby he perceived that his life should not
long continue, yet remaining about seven weeks, during the which space he behaved
himself Christian-like, exaniiaing his life, confessing his sins, praying for patience,
having always confidence in the mercy and favour of the Lord towards him in the end.
A day or two before his death the brethren having recourse unto him, and some of
them remaining by him, he uttered these speeches : — Concerning the Church of
England, the Separation, and Mr. Helwis, saith he, I do confess my grievous sins and
corruptions in the manner of my carriage towards them in words and writings ; but as
for the points of controversy betwixt us, I am persuaded I had the better of them ; and
as for my faith, saith he, as I have taught and written, so I now hold — that the Gospel
hath two parts : the promise on God's behalf, and the condition on our behalf. The
promise is forgiveness of sins and the spirit of regeneration, wherein we can do nothing,
but must be mere patients ; the condition, wherein we must be co-workers with the
Lord, is to turn from our sins, and to believe his promises, He preventing us with His
grace : the which if we faithfully do, then, saith he, the Lord will perform His promise
unto us, wherein in some measure I have done my endeavour unfeignedly, yet I confess
I have been and am too short therein, but for my weakness and wants I fly to the
abundant mercy of the Lord, who will help those which seek unto Him, and if you know
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any better, I beseech you instruct me before my death ; and if I live (saith he) I will
walk with no other people but you all my days. He desired his wife also so to do, being
persuaded that she would : and wished that his children should remain with us, praying
us to inform them wherein we saw them do amiss. And as for himself, he did now
desire nothing but that the Lord would take away his sins and purge his heart, and
then he were fit for Him. And being desired that if the Lord did let him feel it while
he were able to speak, that he would manifest it unto us for our comfort, which he
promised to do, saying that if the Lord would vouchsafe that mercy it might be a testi-
mony to the whole world, so resting under the hand of God waiting his good pleasure,
one coming unto him, and asking how he did, "I wait for death" (saith he), "for
death." " But," saith she, " I hope you look for another comfort first." " I mean," saith
he, " the death of my sins." After complaining of his sins, one of the brethren alleging
unto him the words of the prophet, where he saith that the Lord will not despise the
broken in heart, " No," said he, " for I know He is a merciful God, and I seeking unto
Him I know He will seek me with the prodigal child." Another saying unto him, " I
hope you shall do well; I trust you appertain to the Lord," "Yes," said he, "I do
appertain unto Him, for I seek Him and I run not from Him," alleging the words of
the prophet where he saith, " Seek my face : my heart answered, I will seek thy face."
Another coming unto him, said, " We must part from you," " No," said he, " we shall
never part, for we are all of one spirit ;" " But," she said, " I mean with your body."
He answered " Let that go, let that go," shaking his hand. The same person having a
sad and heavy countenance, he said, " Why do you weep, and break my heart ?"
" But," saith she, " I weep not." He answered her, " But some come unto me weeping.
I pray you let us depart comfortably, and weep not as those that are without hope."
Afterward, calling his children to him, as Jacob did his sons a little before his death,
he began to instruct them in the principles of religion, teaching them that there is one
God, creator of all things, one Lord Jesus Christ, in whom alone salvation consisteth,
one Holy Spirit, one faith, one baptism, manifesting that the baptism of infants was
unlawful. And demanding of his children whether they had rather that he should die or
live, they weeping said that he might live. "HI five," saith he, " I must correct you,
and beat you, but you must know that I do it not because I hate you, but because I
love you, even as now the Lord chasteneth me, not because He hateth me, but for that
He loveth me." The brethren then speaking privately among themselves, he said, "I
pray you, brethren, speak up, that I may learn also." And one asking him a question,
being a stranger, which tended to strife, he would not permit an answer, " Because," said
he, " I desire to hear no contention now," being desirous to end strife and contention
in whomsoever he perceived it to be, whereby he shewed himself to be of the number of
those which are the blessed children of God, as Christ pronounceth the peacemakers to
be (Matt. v.). In the night before his death, some waking with him, he desired them
to raise up some speech of comfort unto him. It being answered that he knew all things
which we could say unto him, he answered, " That is not it ; for when the Lord offereth
me anything I speak, and when he doth not I am silent." And, speaking of the fruit
of the country that it was some cause of diseases, correcting himself, " I think," saith
he, " it is but an idle speech," so careful was he not to speak vainly. Afterwards,
awaking out of a slumber, he asked, " Where are the brethren ?" We coming unto him,
he said, " Come, let us praise the Lord, let us praise the Lord; He ia so gracious and
XVI
good unto ine ; yea, He dealeth wonderfully mercifully with me." His wife then asking
him. saying, " Have you obtained your desire? " " No," said he, " but He maketh me
able to bear all that He layeth upon me, and to pass through it." Being answered that
it was the performance of God's promise, who will lay no more upon His than they are
able to bear, " It is true," saith he, "for I find the scriptures so true by experience as
can be." In the morning, being asked if we should praise God for that He had given
him strength and ability to pass that night, " Yes," saith he, " let us praise His name,
and though I cannot be the mouth, yet I will be the ear ; and let us come before the
Lord with an upright heart, for that is well pleasing unto Him." So, drawing nearer
unto his end, at length he, lifting up his hands, said, " The Lord hath holpen me ; the
Lord hath holpen me." His wife asking him if he had received his desire, "Yes,"
said he, " I praise the Lord, He hath now holpen me, and hath taken away my sins,"
and not long after, stretching forth his hands and his feet, he yielded up the ghost,
whereby his life and death being both correspondent to his doctrine, it is a great means
both to comfort us, and to confirm us in the truth.
The eye and ear witnesses of these things are the brethren.
CHAPTEE VII.
The Course op Keligious Opinion in England prior
to 1640 (continued). The increase of the Puritans,
Baptists, and Brownists. The Virginia Company
found a Colony in America. The Company is a
pecuniary failure. they at last invite the separa-
TISTS in Holland to emigrate. John Kobinson's
church at leyden accept the invitation, and found
the church of the " pllgrim fathers " at plymouth.
Laud persecutes the Puritan party, and supports
the High Church party. Accession of Charles I.
Keligious agitation.
We now return to the course of religious affairs in
England. James the first came to the throne in 1603.
Great hopes were entertained that from his Presbyterian
education he would side with the Puritan party. He disap-
pointed all their hopes. His sympathies were in favour of
the Bomish church. His reign was signalized by the
publication of our present version of the Scriptures, in 1611.
The position of the Puritans and the prelatical party in the
Church was not materially altered, except that the Puritans,
Baptists, and Brownists were continually increasing. In
1618, John Selden, one of the most learned men in
England,* published his celebrated " History of Tythes."
* " Price," vol. i., p. 530.
119
" Never a fiercer storm," says Fuller " fell on all parsonage
barns, since the Keformation, than what this treatise raised
up." The rage of his enemies knew no hounds, and with
the fear, of the Court of High Commission before his eyes,
he "humbly acknowledged his error in publishing the
1 History of Tythes,' " but, as in the case of Galileo, men
deemed in spite of the recantation of his " error," that he
had absolutely destroyed the ground of the supposed
" divine right" of the clergy to tythes. In the year 1618,
the "Book of Sports" was published, and the clergy of
Lancashire were commanded to read it from their pulpits.
It was withdrawn in consequence of the opposition of
Archbishop Abbot. The experiments in colonial Church
Government in the reign of James I. and Charles I. present
a most curious picture. It appears to have been the will of
the Head of the Church to allow the human mind to exhaust
every expedient in forming religious societies contrary to
the principles laid down in the New Testament, and that
the practical results of these experiments should eventually
turn to the instruction and blessing of His Church. The
Church of England, in 1610, contemplated the formation of
a colony in Virginia, and the following extracts * of " the
articles, laws, orders divine and politic, for the colony first
established by Sir Thomas Gates," give an idea of the
methods, then deemed to be highly christian, of spreading
the Gospel of Christ. The view was, that the perfection of
the christian religion, required that " no Brownists or
factious Separatists " should be suffered. The orders in
reference to religious observances in the colony embraced
the following items: — To " speak maliciously " against the .
" holy and blessed Trinity," or the Articles of the Christian
* Waddington's " Congregational History," pp. 170 to 173.
120
faith — the punishment of death. "Blasphemy" or "un-
lawful oaths," — first punishment to be " severe, "-*-f or the
second offence "to have a bodkin thrust through his
tongue," — the third offence, " death." No man. was to
"speak a word" or "do any act" to the "derision" or
" despite " of God's holy word, " on pain of death." If he
" unworthily demeaned himself unto any preacher or min-
ister," — to be openly whipt three times and ask "public
forgiveness " in church on Sunday. Every man and
woman, "on the first tolling of the bell, shall on working
days repair unto the church to hear divine service, upon
pain of losing his or her day's allowance for the- first
omission, — for the second to be whipt, — for the third
offence, the galleys for six months." Sabbath breaking was
punished in the second offence by whipping, and the third,
death!" Not a man or woman who should arrive in the
colony, was to omit to "give an account of his or their
faith and religion, and repair to the minister." If the
minister, seeing his ignorance of the principles of the
christian religion, advises him "in love and charity to
repair to him " for further instruction, — and the man
refuses, he is to be "whipt," — for the second, "to be whipt
twice," — and for the third to be " whipt every day " until
he professes his sorrow in the church and repairs to the
minister for further instruction.
The laudable intentions of the founders of the colony,
were in their opinion to be fully accomplished by thus
" displaying the banner of Christ Jesus " and " fighting
with the Dragon." They believed that their names would
be " eternized," — and that their attempt would serve as " a
pattern " and " mirror " to the church universal. This was
accomplished, not by the success of their scheme of church
government, but by its failure.
121
This Virginia Company, which had been formed in
1606, having spent more than J6100,000, in this and
other experiments in colonization, now had suggested
to it by Sir Ferdinand Gorges, that "means might be
used to draw into those enterprizes some of those families
that had retired to Holland for scruple of conscience, giving
them such freedom as might stand with their liking." *
After some hesitation, finding that the interest of the
Company would be used to secure them "freedom of
religion," John Eobinson's Church at Ley den resolved to
form a colony in America. The landing of the " Pilgrim
Fathers " at Cape Cod, where the two great seaport towns
of Plymouth and Boston were shortly founded, is an event
of vast importance in the religious history of England
and the world. They embarked at Delf-haven. The
farewell words of John Eobinson, to the portion of his
Church who embarked in the May-flower, will for ever
hallow the memory of the Church at Leyden. " I charge
you before God and his blessed angels, that you follow me
no further than you have seen me follow the Lord Jesus
Christ. If God reveal anything to you by other instruments
of his, be as ready to receive it as ever you were to receive
any truth by my ministry, for I am verily persuaded, I am
very confident, the Lord has more truth yet to break forth
out of his holy word. For my part, I cannot sufficiently
bewail the condition of the Eeformed Churches, who are
come to a period in religion, and will go at present no
further than the instruments of their reformation. The
Lutherans can't be drawn to go beyond what Luther saw.
Whatever part of his will our good God has revealed to
Calvin, they will rather die than embrace it, — and the
* Dr. Waddington's " Congregational History," p. 204.
122
Calvinists, you see, stick fast where they were left by that
great man of God, who yet saw not all things. This is an
evil much to be lamented, for though they were burning
and shining lights in their times, yet they penetrated not
into the whole counsel of God, — but, were they living,
would be as willing to embrace further light as that which
they first received. I beseech you to remember it ; — 'tis an
article of your church covenant; — that you be ready to
receive whatever truth shall be made known to you from
the written word of God." These are words never to be
forgotten. The unwillingness of Christians to receive truth
from unwelcome quarters, has been the stumbling block of
every Church. It is worthy of note, that in the covenants
of the Independent Churches in England to walk in Gospel
ordinances, they inserted the clause " till God should give
them ' new light ' " or " further light." *
James I. died in 1625. His despotic principles roused
the spirit of the constitutional or patriotic party, while
his conduct of public and foreign affairs disgusted the
whole nation. The result of his reign was to array the
virtue, the public spirit, and the intellect of the country on
the side of the Puritans, f The state of England in a
religious point of view was deplorable. The Puritans were
Calvinists. The doctrines of Arminius made rapid progress
among the High Church party, and were considered by the
Puritans to tend to Komanism. The pulpits rang with
controversy which tended little to the progress of religion.
The bishops were unable to obtain preachers of ability, and
* See "Account of the Church at Kothwell, founded in 1656, by Norman Glass,"
London, 1871.
f It will be noticed that, as before specially noted, we use the word " Puritan "
to describe the Presbyterian party.
123
the ranks of the clergy were filled up with men who excited
the pity of the educated. " Pious churchmen," says Mr.
Marsden, in his " History of the Early Puritans," " who had
never concerned themselves with the surplice controversy,
and were perfectly indifferent as to the cross in baptism and
the ring in marriage, found themselves compelled in self-
defence to associate with the only party by whom they
were not insulted." Mrs. Hutchinson and Mr. Baxter
agree in their testimony, that in these times, the rabble,
encouraged by the Court and Prelatical party, indifferently
harassed and persecuted any person of real piety (what-
ever his sentiments might be) as a "puritan," because
if so, he was deemed a disloyal person who could obtain
no redress.
The inevitable reaction from Puritan doctrine, had now
created a party in the Church, who undervalued the work of
the Eeformers. Their rule was " Catholic antiquity." Laud,
though not yet archbishop, had commenced to exert the
influence which now causes him to be hailed, by the school
he represents, as the true Reformer of the Church of
England. The Papists were countenanced by the Court,
popish recusants were released from prison, while the laws
were enforced against the Puritans with the utmost severity,
and the increase of popery alarmed the protestant feeling of
the country, an alarm which the incidents of the Spanish
marriage negotiation did not tend to allay. " Puritans,"
says Carlyle, " in the better ranks, and in every rank,
abounded. Already in conscious act, or in clear tendency,
the far greater part of the serious thought and manhood of
England had declared itself Puritan." " There needs no
prophetical spirit," said Bishop Hall in 1622, " to discern
by a small cloud that there is a storm coining towards our
church, such an one which shall not only drench our
124
plumes, but shake our peace."* Already the fearful vision
appeared to that excellent man, of " that anarchical fashion
of Independent congregations, which I see and lament to
see, affected by too many not without woful success. We
are gone, we are lost in a most miserable confusion ! " The
Puritan party were disheartened and cast down by the
severities of Laud ; and encouraged by the success of the
little band of the Pilgrim Fathers, they sent out six ships
to found the Massachusetts colony. They landed on the
24th of June, 1629 and founded the towns of Salem and
Newton, afterwards called Cambridge. They applied to the
followers of Kobinson, at New Plymouth, for information
respecting their church order and discipline, and while they
resolved to carry out the Puritan model of a Eeligious
Commonwealth, they agreed to found their churches upon
the principle of independency advocated by Robinson. They
did not go to New England as " Separatists from the
Church of England," "but we go to practise the positive
part of church reformation, and to propagate the gospel in
America."
Although Robinson had been induced to concede more than
his original principles entirely justified, with reference to the
power of the state over churches, it is important to recognize
the distinction between pure Independency on the principles
of Ainsworth and Robinson, and what is termed the New
England model of Independency, which was a compromise
between Independency and Presbyterianism.
The legitimate influence of the little church of the
Pilgrim Fathers, was nearly lost in consequence of the vast
Puritan emigration which took place. It was at Boston
that the celebrated law, which embodied the principles of
* " Via Media, the Way of Peace," by J. H. of Worcester. Dedication to the King.
125
New England theocracy, was enacted. On May 18th, 1631,
it was resolved by the General Court at Boston, that " for
the future no one shall be admitted to the freedom of this bodij
politic, unless he be a member of some church within the
limits of the same." It is important to notice, that in this
enactment we have a Theocratic State Church erected by
the Puritan party. It is an error to confound the New
England theocracy with the followers of Robinson and the
ancient Separatist Church.*
We have before alluded to Robinson's controversy with
Smyth, in which he was led into some dangerous ad-
missions with regard to the right of civil rulers to interfere
with religious matters for the good of the churches. These
principles were reiterated in the articles sent from the
Church of Leyden for the satisfaction of the Virginia
company, f and they now bore their fruits in the acquies-
cence of the Plymouth church with the principles of the
New England theocracy. This may be seen by their enact-
ment that the ministers were not to be supported by the
voluntary contributions of the members, but by " all who are
instructed in the word," and also in "ruling elders" being
acknowledged by the Boston and Salem churches, while
in the Plymouth only " teaching elders " were acknow-
ledged. It was not lawful for the magistrates " to compel
their subjects to become church members," but if they were
not so, they had no vote in the government of the State.
The State was thus to become a community of believers.
* See "Cambridge Platform," 1648. "The term ' Independent ' we approve not,"
although they admitted that the state of the members of the visible church was ' ' con-
gregational," their churches were_ not in several respects purely "independent"
churches. This is reprinted in " Uhden's New England Theocracy."
f See " Waddington's Congregational History," p. 207.
126
The State was the executioner of the Church. Heresy, if
combined with the seduction of others, was punishable with
death ; while those who " refused to submit to the will of the
well grounded churches, and to their christian reproof and
discipline," were to be " cut off by banishment."
Owing to the troubles in the early part of the reign of
Charles I., and the disinclination of the Parliament and of
Cromwell to interfere with it, this extraordinary experiment
was carried out without interruption sufficiently long to
manifest its necessary results.
The policy of Elizabeth and the folly of James I. had
begun the [Revolution. Charles I. reaped the harvest
which had been sown by his predecessors. Still, had the
object of Charles been to precipitate the catastrophe,
the course which he took with reference to both civil and
religious matters, in the existing state of public feeling,
could hardly have been more accurately adapted to his
purpose. This is indeed admitted by his apologist,
Clarendon. It is beyond our province to enter into the de-
tails of the religious, much less those of the civil history of
the time. We shall however strive to realize the inevitable
effect of the great events of the time upon the development
of the ideas, the rise of which we have been endeavour-
ing to trace. One of the first acts of the Parliament
shows the alarm felt in reference to the increase of Popery.
The Queen had brought with her from France a long train
of Komish priests. " Her conscience was directed by her
confessor, assisted by the Pope's nuncio and a secret
cabal of priests and Jesuits."* The Parliament petitioned
for the execution of the laws against Papists. The King
promised to comply with their wishes, and secretly connived
* " Neal," vol. i. p. 496, Toulmin's Ed. 1837.
127
at the laws being rendered inoperative. The English fleet
was placed in the hands of the French admiral for the
purpose of blockading the harbour of Eochelle, the strong-
hold of the Protestants. Cardinal Richelieu had formed the
design of extirpating the Protestants of France, and was
besieging Rochelle. The English sailors had refused to
serve, declaring that they would rather be hanged upon the
top of the masts than fight against the Protestants.* Laud
succeeded to the archbishopric on the 4th August, 1633,
but he had virtually the direction of affairs from a very
early period.
It is difficult for the general reader to understand how
the Puritan preachers obtained a hearing, and maintained
their hold on the public mind, through these ages of per-
secution. This had been up to this time accomplished by
their becoming chaplains in wealthy families, and some of
the most able and popular preachers of the day were thus
employed. They catechised the children. They were
employed as tutors in families; and thus the high, religious
and intellectual character of some of these families was
maintained. This also accounts for the influence which the
Presbyterian party had among the nobihty and gentry at a
later period. It was also a common plan to provide
lectureships, and the idle and incompetent clergy of the day
allowed the Puritans to preach as lecturers, in the Geneva
cloak, without hindrance.
Laud saw that the strength of the Puritan party lay in
the existence of these irregular preachers, and issued
instructions for the suppression of them, and forbade all
under the rank of noblemen to keep a chaplain. The
invocation of saints, prayers for the dead, auricular
*"Neal,"vol. i., pp. 502,503.
128
confession, the doctrine of the real presence, were now
advocated by Laud's party. Vast sums were spent in the
adornment of churches. The parishioners were obliged
to repair to their parish churches, and what were deemed
popish decorations and alterations were introduced. Cruci-
fixes were set up over the altar. The communion table
was placed altar-wise, and fenced. Pictures and statues,
new rites and gaudy vestments rapidly came in upon the
astonished country. The opinion which the Pope held
of Laud's Protestantism, is sufficient to excuse a protestant
writer from entering into the question of Laud's real
object, since, on the very day of Archbishop Abbot's death,
a cardinal's hat was offered him, which, after consulting
with the King, he refused. The question of the pro-
priety of Laud's conduct, is one which a member of the
Church of England will answer precisely in accordance
with his own views. If Scripture, and the practice of the
Apostles were to be the rule, the Puritans and Separatists
were right ; if Catholic antiquity, Laud. No one can
reasonably doubt the inexpediency and folly of his church
action, but he consistently carried out his views, and at last
fell a victim to his principles. In 1633, the " Book of
Sports " was again printed with the King's sanction, and
clergymen were silenced for not reading it. Some clergymen
read it, and immediately afterwards the 4th commandment,
calling on the people to compare the two and judge accord-
ingly.* The feelings of the nation were outraged, and
when a parliament was called, the book was ordered to be
burnt by the common hangman. In 1630, Dr. Alexander
Leighton, a Scotch divine, and father of the celebrated
Archbishop Leighton, received the sentence of the Star
" Marsden's Early Puritans," p. 398.
129
Chamber, for writing a book called " Sion's Plea against the
Prelacy," to prove "that the Lord Bishops and their
appurtenances " were intruders upon " the privileges of
Christ, and the King and Commonwealth."
Ludlow says, " His ears were cut, his nose slit, his face
branded with burning irons with the letters S. S. signifying
sower of sedition. He was tied to a post and whipped with
a treble cord, so that every lash brought away the flesh/
When this sentence was pronounced on Leighton, " Laud
pulled off his cap, and holding up his hands, gave thanks to
God who had given him victory over all his enemies." The
Church now not only grasped at all spiritual jurisdiction,
but the Bishop of London, Dr. Juxon, was declared Lord
High Treasurer of England, the highest office of profit and
power in the kingdom.
While these things were being transacted, it is well for
us to recollect, that on the Continent the struggle of the
great leader of the Protestants, Gustavus Adolphus, with
Wallenstein, the champion of the Catholic party, was
proceeding ; and that the death of Gustavus on the field of
Lutzen, in 1632, must have added to the excited feelings of
the Protestants in England. In 1633, Prynne, Burton and
Bastwick, had been imprisoned, and they rendered them-
selves obnoxious to the hierarchy by writing pamphlets in
their imprisonment. They were tried together in the Star
Chamber, in 1637, and were sentenced to be degraded from
their profession of Law, Divinity and Physic ; — Burton and
Bastwick to lose their ears, each to be fined ^5,000, and to
suffer perpetual imprisonment ; — Prynne, who had already
lost his ears, to have the stumps cut off, and to be branded
with irons, S. L. for seditious libeller ; and all to stand in
the pillory. The scene of the execution of their sentence
was made an ovation by the people; their path to the
130
pillory was strewn with sweet herbs, the crowd saluted them
with enthusiasm, and in their progress through the country
to their prison, they were received as martyrs to the cause
of religious liberty. In 1637, .Laud stirred up Charles to
the attempt to impose on the Scots a liturgy. They had
been previously exasperated by the introduction of a Court
of High Commission. Bishops, and some ceremonies very
distasteful to the Scots, had been imposed. Some years
prior to this, in 1617, James I., accompanied by Laud,
had visited Scotland in order to carry out his intention of
imposing episcopacy on the Scotch. Carlyle, in his "Life
of Cromwell," introduces this characteristic sketch of the
impressions which Laud received in Scotland. "In Scot-
land, Dr. Laud, much to his regret, found no religion at
all; no surplices, no altars in the east end, or anywhere,
no bowing, no responding, not the smallest regularity
of fuglemanship, or devotional drill exercise ; in short,
* no religion at all that I could see.' "* On Sunday, the
23rd of July, 1637, the new Scotch Liturgy was read for
the first time, and the well-known anecdote of Jenny Geddes,
who hurled a stool at the Bishop in St. Giles' Church,
Edinburgh, illustrates in a lively manner the difference
between the feelings of Dr. Laud, as above quoted, with
reference to a liturgical worship, and those of the ex-
treme Presbyterian party. We may, from this incident,
gather an idea of the intense earnestness of the times, and
when we recollect, that, to use the words of Hume, " the
whole tyranny of the Inquisition was introduced by the
bishops in England," we shall believe that the feelings of
the Puritans, Separatists and Baptists in England, were
not less fervent against Prelacy. In 1638, the whole
* Carlyle, "Life of Cromwell," p. 76.
131
Scotch nation took the Solemn League and Covenant,
and prepared to resist the King by force of arms. In
England, the Puritans emigrated to Holland and New
England in large numbers, td escape from the hands of
Laud and the Star Chamber. Scotland was now at open
war, and in April, 1640, a parliament was summoned.
Queen Henrietta issued a proclamation in her own name,
inviting Eoman Catholics in the North to contribute money
in aid of the war against Scotland. No wonder then that
the Commons refused the King subsidies for a war, which
they deemed the cause of Popery against Presbyterianism.
The Convocation, notwithstanding the temper of the nation,
continued to sit, and besides framing new Canons, imposed
on the clergy what is called " the Etcetera Oath," con-
taining the clause "Nor will I ever give my consent to alter
the government of this Church by archbishops, deans, and
archdeacons, etcetera." An armed force was needed to
protect its sittings, and an attack was made upon Laud's
palace at Lambeth, by above 500 persons. Two thousand
"sectaries" entered St. Paul's, where the High Commission
sat, and tore down the benches and cried " No Bishops, no
High Commission." *
* A curious scene occurred in Norwich, on 22nd February, 1641 : " The oathedral
blades " put themselves into a posture of defenoe, because they imagined that the
apprentices of Norwich would have pulled down their organ." They had musqueteers,
" 500 persons armed with swords and pistols, to be upon the bratts if any should come
against their pipes." It turned out to be a false alarm. ..." Thus, good reader,
thou mayest see how these men are rocked and lulled asleep by this musick ! " The
writer admits that one of the " constant hearers of this musical masse saith he finds
comfort from it ; how will he do when it be put down? " — " True News from Norwich,"
London, 1641. 47, k p 17, Brit. Museum.
L2
CHAPTEK VIII.
Meeting of the Long Parliament. Ejection of the
Eoyalist Clergy. The Westminster Assembly. The
Puritans endeavour to force the Geneva model of
Church Government on the country. "Lay "preach-
ing. Women preach. The Independents and Baptists
oppose the Presbyterian scheme. Denne, Lamb, and
others, preach the gospel to* the common people.
On November 3rd, 1640, the Long Parliament met. Three
days had not passed before they resolved themselves into
a Committee on Eeligion. " Almost every parish had
a grievance, and within a few days the table of the House
was loaded with petitions."* One, called the " Boot and
Branch petition," was signed by 15,000 citizens of London,
and prayed that the government of Bishops, " with all its
dependencies, roots and branches, may be abolished, and all
in their behalf made void, and the government according to
God's word rightly placed." There were besides petitions
for the abolition of Episcopacy, — counter petitions in favor
of it, but qualified by admission of the corruption of the
Church, and thanking parliament for the check which had
been given to innovations and abuses. The Parliament
devised two measures, which were to be carried out by this
committee. First, an enquiry into the fitness and morals
of the clergy. Second, an Assembly of Divines to advise
* " Marsden's Later Puritans," p. 44.
133
upon the future constitution of the Church. During the
whole of the war, the Committee on Keligion continued sit-
ting. At length few adherents of the Royal cause, and very
few of the Laudian clergy remained. " The Committee of
Scandalous Ministers," one of the sub-divisions of the Com-
mittee, ejected 1,000 of the clergy before the war was over.
The number of 2,000 to 2,500 of the clergy has been men-
tioned as a fair and moderate estimate, but we cannot but
believe that there has been a tendency among non-conformist
writers to under-estimate the number of the ejected Episco-
palian clergy, and perhaps their sufferings. (The quotation
we give at the foot of this page, appears to us to throw con-
siderable light on this disputed question.)* One fifth of the
incomes of the sequestered livings was reserved for the
ejected ministers. " The benefices of England were now
* Attached to a proclamation of his excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax (King's Pamph.,
B.M. 325, 42 o cat.) in 1647, it is stated that, " whereas it appears, upon sufficient
proof, that many violent tumults and outrages are committed by several persons
(these were Anglican clergymen) against divers ministers placed by order, or ordi-
nance of Parliament, in sequestered livings, and for such their violent carriage
to and detaining from the said ministers their profits, there is pretended by the
said parties, power and authority from the general and the army, &c. They be
brought to condign punishment." At p. 5 we have " the petition of many thousands
of the poore sequestered clergie of England and Wales." They state that they
have been "for divers years outed of their livelihood and freeholds, contrary to
Magna Charta, and other fundamental laws of the land, by the arbitrary power of
committees. . . . The most of your petitioners outed for refusing the covenant,
or adhering to the King and their religion, established according to their judgment
and consciences. Your petitioners, who have lived heretofore in good esteem accord-
ing to their calling, degree, birth, and education, are reduced to extreme misery
and want, with their wives and children ; that they must either starve or begge, if
some speedy course be not taken for their relief. And whereas those who are
put into our places, labour by all means to stir up the people, and to involve this
kingdom in a new war, and are generally men ignorant and unable to instruct the
people, and many of them are scandalous in their practices, if impartially examined ;
and divers of them hold three or four of the best benefices, whilst divers other churches
are void and without any constant preachers." . . . They ask that Sir Thomas
134
in the hands of the Puritans."* This has been pleaded
by writers on behalf of the Church of England, as a
justification of the measures taken by the Episcopalians
at the accession of Charles II., by which, on St. Barthol-
omew's day, 2,000 Non-conforming ministers were again
ejected. But must we not, in justice, admit that the
two cases cannot be compared, since on the outbreak of
the war it would have been the height of folly on the
part of the Parliament to leave men so completely in the
interests of the King and Bishops scattered throughout
England ? f The King had used the pulpits to preach up
Faiifax will " stay the profits of this harvest ; that they have nothing to live upon till
next year; many if they could receive this " would presently be gone." At the same
period we find this Ordinance of the House of Commons : "It is lastly ordered and
ordained, that if any scandalous or delinquent minister, put out as aforesaid, their aiders
or abettors, shall at any time hereafter disturb, molest, or hinder such minister as is
put into such church or chapel as aforesaid " — " the penalty to be imprisonment for a
month." In Penn's letter to Baxter [see Appendix xv. to Penn's Life, vol. i. of works,
folio 1726, p. 175,] there is a passage of some importance, showing that Penn con-
sidered, at the accession of Charles II., the whole 9000 ministers as the greater
part of them Presbyterian. Penn reminds Baxter that he had cried up the Presby-
terian ministry of 1655 as " the best in the world," " and when put close to it, runs off
and quits the field, of above 9000 preachers with 1800." " Were the 1800 the ministry,
and not the 9000? and did not these call Oliver ' Moses,' " &c, asks Penn, and says he
is "grieved to mention it," but is driven to it by Baxter's extravagant praise of the
Presbyterian ministry. The 1800 or 2000 ejected ministers were, it is clear, only a
very small portion of the ministry of the Commonwealth. These were undoubtedly
the best men among the Presbyterian clergy, and their example a noble one, but they
were not, strictly speaking, "Dissenters," since they approved a State Church, and only
differed on doctrinal and ceremonial grounds. In the providence of God the 2000
ejected Presbyterian clergymen were thrown among the Independent and Baptist
Churches, whom a year previously they would have been ready to imprison or exile,
and they were taught by persecution the lesson of religious liberty which they had
been so slow to learn.
* " Marsden's Later Puritans," p. 45.
f On the other side we find, October 14th, 1642, York, " The Cavaliers threaten our
best ministers, that if they preach not as they will have them, they will kill them." —
" Nehemiah Wallington's Journal," from special passages, No. 10.
135
the divine right of kings, and they were now turned against
him. But the Presbyterian clergy who were ejected on St.
Bartholomew's day were men of the very party by whom
the Kestoration was effected, and justice and good faith on
the part of the Boyalists demanded their comprehension.
The Long Parliament instantly ordered Prynne, Burton,
Bastwick, Leighton, Lilburn and Brewer to be released
from their prison, and the bells rang as they passed, and the
people strewed their path with flowers. The parliament
abolished the Star Chamber and Court of High Commission.
On the 4th December, the canons of Archbishop Laud were
condemned. On the 5th July, 1640, Lord Strafford was
impeached, and within a week the tide of public affairs had
turned. On the 26th February, 1641, Laud was voted guilty
of high treason by the House of Commons and committed
to the Tower.
But an event now occurred which roused the apprehen-
sions of the English people to an extent which may be
related, but which can hardly be conceived. On October
23rd, 1641, the Irish Insurrection broke out. The Protes*
tants were remorselessly massacred. From forty to fifty
thousand men were consigned to deaths, in many cases,
accompanied by circumstances too horrible to relate. *
* See the tract of G. Fox, " The Arraignment of Popery," 1669, chap, xxvii. — An
abstract of the bloody massacre in Ireland. We give the following title as a specimen
of the pamphlets dispersed over the kingdom, and this is far less harrowing in its
details and more temperate than the generality: " The Eebels' Turkish tyranny in their
march, December 24th, 1641, as it was taken out of a letter sent from Mr. Whitcome,
a merchant in Kinsale, to a brother of his here ; showing how cruelly they ' put them
(the Protestants) to the sword, ravished religious women, and put their children upon
red-hot spits before their parents' eyes ; throw them into the fire and burn them to
ashes, cut off their ears and noses, put out their eyes, cut off their arms and legges,
broyle them at the fire, cut out their tongues, and thrust hot iron down their throats,
drown them, dash out tbeir brains, and such other cruelty not heard of among
Christians."— K. P., 4to (gold No. 37), tract 26. London, 1641.
136
" When the express that brought the news was read in
the House it produced a general silence for a time, all men
being struck with horror. When it was told without door?
it flew like flashes of lightning, and spread universal terror
over the whole kingdom. Every day and almost every
hour new messengers arrived, who brought further intelli-
gence of the merciless cruelty of the Papists towards the
poor. Protestants, whose very name they have threatened to
extirpate from the kingdom."* " The Eebels called them-
selves the Queen's Army, and declared they acted by the
King's commission under the Great Seal of Scotland."
Baxter tells us that " though the better part of the nation
could not believe, yet the credulous, timorous vulgar were
many of them ready to believe it." f
" Accustomed," says HumeJ " in all insurrections, to join
the Prelatical party with the Papists, the people immediately
supposed this insurrection to be the result of their united
counsels." " This filled all England with a fear both of
the Irish and of the Papists at home," for they supposed
that the priests and the ministers of their religion were the
cause. " And when they saw the English Papists join with
the King against the Parliament, it was the greatest thing
that ever alienated them from the King." §
The taking of the Naseby papers appeared to justify the
suspicions of the country. It was found that the King had
strictly forbidden the printer to strike off more than forty
copies of his proclamation against the Irish Eebels. That
in another paper he had erased the word " Eebels " and
written with his own hand the word " Irish." All this
* " Neal," ii., p. 95.
f "Baxter's Life," part i., p. 29, Ed. 1696, published by Sylvester.
} Hist. vol. vi. 323. § " Baxter's Life," part i., p. 29.
137
appeared to show that he felt hut little sympathy with the
Irish Protestants.* A letter of Charles I. to the Pope
has been lately found in the Vatican, dated October 20th,
1645, which, if not a forgery, justifies the impression pro-
duced upon the country, particularly upon strict Protestants
such as Puritans and Separatists, that his whole course of
conduct contemplated a return to " that state in which he
might openly avow himself" a member of the Holy Catholic
Church, f The news of the Irish insurrection was inten-
sified a year later, in 1642, by the massacre of the Protes-
tants in France, and Englishmen were not slow in arguing
that their turn would shortly come.]: We believe the
depth of the excitement produced throughout England
cannot now be adequately conceived, and that the under-
current of a fear of everything savouring of popery must
be presupposed by the reader, if he would understand the
results of the religious excitement which existed during the
period, some features of which we are endeavouring to
describe. The extreme feeling respecting the actions of
the Church of Kome, even up to so late a period as 1659,
is vividly illustrated, when we find George Fox telling the
council of officers of the army that they had done well, if
instead of allowing their power to be used for the purpose
of persecution, they had gone to " Spain " and abolished
the Inquisition, and to "Rome" and "broke up the bars
and gates where all the just blood hath been shed." " You
* "Marsden's Later Puritans," p. 188. t Ibid. p. 190.
X " A Warning Piece for London. The Bloody Massacre of the Protestants in Paris,"
London, 1642. For " thirty days together " throughout France there was no end of
killing, slaying, robbing, and abominable cruelties. " The Butcher's Blessing; or, The
Bloody Intentions of Bomish Cavaliers against the City of London," by J. Goodwin,
London, 1642. Goodwin was an eminent Independent, holding free grace or Arminian
views.
138
had gone," he tells them, " in the cause of God and His
truth."* The complete incompatibility of war with the
Gospel is so completely set forth by Fox, that it is difficult
to reconcile this passage except by the horror felt by him at
the cruelties of the Inquisition, and that he contemplated
it in the light of a judicial use of the sword.
The celebrated Assembly of Divines commenced its sittings
on the 1st July,. 1643. This assembly was convened by the
Parliament in order to settle a Church Government, " as
may be agreeable to God's Holy Word, and most apt to
procure and preserve the peace of the Church at home, and
nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland and other
reformed Churches abroad, and the better effecting thereof;
and for the vindicating and clearing of the doctrine of the
Church of England from all false calumnies and aspersions,
it was thought fit to call an assembly of learned, godly, and
judicious Divines " to consult and advise with the Parlia-
ment, and give their counsel concerning such things as might
be submitted to them. There were about 170 members, 30
were laymen, members of the two Houses of Parliament.
The majority of these divines espoused the opinions which
Cartwright represented; they either favoured the Presby-
terian discipline, or in process of time were brought over
to embrace it. It is most important for us, in the point of
view from which we propose to consider the rise of the
Free Churches and the Society of Friends, to observe with
Baxter " that almost all those afterwards called Presby-
terians were before Conformists." " Very few of all that
learned and pious synod at Westminster were Noncon-
formists before." f The Assembly continued to sit till
* Vol. of Tracts, No. 1 — 57, Devonshire House Library.
t " Life of Baxter," by himself, Sylvester, part i., p. 33.
139
1649. It was then changed into a committee, which sat
weekly for the trial and examination of ministers. One of
its first acts was to take the Covenant, and the Parliament
enforced it on all persons above the age of eighteen years.
This amounted to a pledge of the acceptance of a Presby-
terian Church. The Presbyterians, or Puritans, were only
a powerful party in the church, and the country was totally
unprepared to accept this form of Church government ; and
although some reform was admitted to be absolutely neces-
sary, this was most unpopular.* There were five Indepen-
dents in the Assembly — Nye, Simpson, Bridges, Burroughs
and Thomas Goodwin. They were styled the dissenting
brethren. They had previously tasted of Laud's severities,
and had taken refuge in Holland. There can be little
doubt that the Assembly Independents were not only
" a long way behind many of their party," f but that their
object was to gain a share of the benefices at the disposal
* " Plain Truth without Fear or Flattery ; or, A Discovery of the Unlawfulness of
the Presbyterian Government, it being inconsistent with the People's Liberties," &c,
also, " A Vindication of Sir Thomas Fairfax," by Amon Willber, 1647. " Printed and
published for the information, advice, and benefit of the poor, oppressed, betrayed,
and almost destroyed Commons of England." Page 3. " First they do in the protes-
tation, promise, vow, and protest in the presence of the almighty God (whom sure they
think is like the God of Baal's priests, that could neither hear nor see), to maintain
and defend with their lives, power, and estates, the true reformed Protestant religion,
expressed in the doctrines of the Church of England, against all popery and popish
innovations within this realm contrary to the same, &c. Yet they are now setting up,
and have set up, as far as in them lyeth, a religion never before heard of within this
realm, and quite contrary to the professed doctrine of the Church of England, it being
wholly opposite to Christ, and a mere popish innovation brought out of Scotland and
violently imposed upon us. And thus it comes to pass, by the confederacy of a
haughty trayterous party in the Houses of Parliament, of which are the Earls of
Manchester and Stamford, Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. Hollis and others, and with the
proud covetous priests, for the advancement of their design of usurpation and lordliness
over his Majesty and us." ....
f *• Fletcher's History of Independency," vol. iv., p. 35.
140
of the Committee of the House of Commons for their party,
and thus to give up one of the fundamental principles of the
exiled Separatist Churches. The means by which this
was to be effected, was the construction of a Church system
on the scheme of the New England Churches, where, as we
have before shown, a fusion had been effected between the
Puritan or Presbyterian party in the Church of England,
and the Independents, who looked up to John Eobinson of
Leyden as their guide. This was effected, at a later period,
to a very large extent in Lancashire.* The policy of the
Assembly Independents was to gain time, and with great
address and ability they engaged the Assembly in tedious
discussions, while every day their party was gaining strength.
On the other hand it is instructive to notice how the Presby-
terian divines, men professedly of the highest christian
character, called together to advise the Parliament, were
really engaged (if Kobert Baillie, principal of the University
of Glasgow, and one of the commissioners of the Scottish
Kirk, is to be trusted) in an attempt to outwit their brethren
till their respective partisans in the army — to use Baillie's
words — should " much assist our arguments " by crushing the
men who differed from them, on such questions too as the
scriptural sanction of Independency as compared with
Presbyterianism ! f
It is certain, notwithstanding the high praise which '
* See " Halley's Lancashire Puritanism," passim.
t See Baillie's "39th Letter to Mr. William Spang." "Letters," Ed. 1775. " This
(i.e., the question of lay elders) is a point of high consequence, and upon no others we
expect so great difficulty, except alone on Independency, wherewith we purpose not to
meddle in haste till it please God to advance our army which we expect will much
assist our arguments." Letter 40. " It was my advice, which Mr. Henderson presently
applauded and gave me thanks for it, to eschew a public rupture with the Independents
till we are more able for them. As yet a presbytery to this people (the English) is
conceived to be a strange monster."
141
Baxter gives the Assembly, that the country became weary
of its endless discussions, and it became every day more un-
popular. It soon became evident that the Assembly aimed
at setting up a spiritual tyranny, as Barrowe had long
before prophesied, more intolerant and crushing than even
Episcopacy. To see men who had so narrowly escaped from
the hand of Laud determined to enact a ruthless uniformity,
and mete out to others the same pains and penalties, could
not fail to disgust the candid and intelligent of all parties.
It has been said that the possession of power was the ruin
of the moral strength of the Puritan or Presbyterian party,
but this does not adequately describe the case. They
appear to have aimed, during the whole of their history, at
the religious system of Geneva, and it was this which led
to their downfall. They closed the argument with 'the
Assembly Independents, by reminding them that their
brethren in New England allowed no such " toleration," *
as that which they pleaded for.f If they desired a fusion
they must sacrifice their cherished principles. It is wonder-
ful to observe the unmeasured terms in which the Presby-
terian or Puritan party spoke of " toleration." It was
* It must be borne in mind that this "toleration" was not synonymous with
" religious liberty." See an able pamphlet by E. B. Underbill, Esq. — The " Independents
not the first assertors of the principle of full liberty of conscience, with special reference
to the views of the five dissenting brethren in the Westminster Assembly of Divines. "
Leeds and London, 1849. It is quite true that " the Independents " as represented by
the " five dissenting brethren" were not "the advocates of full liberty of conscience,"
p. 6. ; but it must be borne in mind that the Brownists at that period, though a more
obscure portion of the Independent party were not only more numerous, but also the
representatives of a purer school of Independency. The Brownist petition to the House
of Commons in 1641, quoted at p. 476, shows that this section of the Independents did
advocate " full liberty of conscience." The Independent historians, have hitherto been
very shy of claiming historical relationship with any but the more respectable Inde-
pendent churches, and it is curious that this party who went the farthest from the
original and present principle of Independency, should receive the most praise.
t " Marsden's Later Puritans," 154.
142
denounced by the Synod of Divines at Sion College, in 1645,
" as a root of gall and bitterness both in present and future
ages." The ministers of Lancashire declared that it was the
" taking away of all conscience ;" " it was the appointing a
city of refuge in men's consciences for the devil to fly to."*
Calamy (October, 1644) told the House of Commons in his
sermon, " If you do not labour according to your duty and
power, to suppress the errors and heresies that are spread in
the kingdom, all those errors are your errors, and those
heresies are your heresies; they are your sins, and God
calls for a parliamentary repentance from you for them this
day." t Baxter's "judgment" was that unlimited toleration
" was to be abhorred." Edwards, the author of " Gangrcena,"
whom we shall presently quote, writes with unmeasured
language. His book bears internal evidence of the approval
of many of his Presbyterian brethren. " A toleration is
the grand design of the devil — it is the most transcendant
catholic and fundamental evil for this kingdom, — as original
sin is the most fundamental sin ; " so a toleration hath all
errors in it, and all evils — it is against the whole stream
and current of scripture, both in the Old and New Testament,
— this is Abaddon, Apollyon, the destroyer of all religion,
the abomination of desolation and astonishment, the liberty
of perdition — all the devils in hell, and their instruments,
being at work to promote a toleration." He gives us valu-
able information on this point, that in 1645, " there have
been more books written, sermons preached, words spoken,
besides plottings and actings for a toleration, within these
four last years, than for all other things. Every day now
brings forth books for a toleration. The devil for some
thousands of years has not found out this engine, nor made
* " Neal," ii- , p. 382. f " Crosby," i., p. 176.
143
use of it to support his kingdom !"* Milton tells usf that the
most part "of the Assembly were such as had preached and
cried down with great show of zeal, the avarice and plural-
ities of bishops and prelates. That one cure of souls was
a full employment for one spiritual pastor, how able soever,
if not a charge rather above human strength. Yet these
conscientious men (ere any part of the work done for which
they came together, and that on the public salary), wanted
not boldness to the ignominy and scandal of their pastor-
like profession, and especially of their boasted reformation,
to seize into their hands, or not unwillingly to accept (besides
one, sometimes two or more of the best livings},! collegiate
masterships in the universities, rich lectures in the city,
setting sail to all winds that might blow gain into their
covetous bosoms. And yet the main doctrine for which
they took such pay, and insisted upon, with more vehemence
than gospel, was but to tell us in effect that their doctrine
was worth nothing, and the spiritual power of their ministry
less available than bodily compulsion." He says that they
were found " under subtle hypocrisy to have preached their
own follies, most of them not the gospel," (being) time servers,
covetous, illiterate persecutors, not lovers of truth, like in
most things whereof tliey accused their predecessors. The people
being kept warm awhile by their counterfeit zeal, being
* " G-angrcena," Book I., part iii., pp. 121, 122, Ed. 1646.
f " History of Britain," pp. 238, 239, Bonn's Ed., 1670.
J "An Inspection for Spiritual Improvement," being presented to a Presbyterian
Pluralist and Formalist, by Thomas Tookey, M.A., Substitute-Pastor at Thornhaw in
Northamptonshire. London, 1646. Mr. Tookey declares that Mr. John Yaxley
exacted " the worldly sweet of two distinct congregations." " The sun in its meridian
altitude of rigid episcopacy never saw the like." Mr. Yaxley had " peeped into much
logic ... so that tho' once he could not" now "he can account both non-residency
and sacred thievery dearly lawful, gainful, hopeful, and needful."
144
" foully scandalized," " became cold," " some turning to
lewdness, some to flat atheism." Baxter says, " the divines
thus congregated were men of eminent learning, godliness,
ministerial abilities and fidelity." " The christian world,
since the days of the Apostles, never had a synod of
more excellent divines than this and the synod of Dort."
Milton's testimony has been rejected by some writers of
the highest character for impartiality, e.g., Orme* and
Marsden,f that he wrote under the influence of personal
pique, because the Assembly censured his " Doctrine of
Divorce," and it is said that in that pamphlet he addressed
them as " select assembly," &c. Fletcher clearly points out
that the quotations relied upon by these writers do not,
when considered in their proper connexion, imply " Milton's
approval " of the Assembly of Divines." { There were those
then living who could have amply refuted Milton's state-
ments, and Baxter cannot be deemed an impartial witness.
He says, " When the Quakers and others did openly
reproach the ministry, and the souldiers favored them, I
drew up a petition for the ministry, and got many thousand
names to it." § [Baxter was therefore a thorough-going sup-
porter of the Assembly and the Presbyterian ministry, and
yet, even he remarked|| of the Assembly men, that " they
frightened the sectaries into this fury by the unpeaceableness
* " Orine's Life of Baxter," chap, iv., p. 69.
t "Marsden's Later Puritans," pp. 92, 93.
J It was written in 1643, soon after the Assembly met, and we have in this harsh
judgment upon Milton's motives, an instance of the exceedingly slender grounds on
which the testimony of a man who had the best opportunities of forming an opinion,
is challenged. It seems impossible to conceive a man like Milton, harbouring a
private pique to the extent of traducing the character of the Assembly, 25 years after-
wards. (The "History of Britain" being written in 1670.) "Fletcher's History of
Independency," vol. iv., p. 21.
§ " Baxter's Life," Sylvester, p. 70. |j Autobiography, p. 103.
145
and inipatiency of their minds, and they were so little
sensible of their own infirmity, that they would not have
those tolerated who were not only tolerable but worthy instru-
ments and members in the churches," that those who " pleaded
for charity " could never be heard/^>
The Assembly of Divines, and the Presbyterian clergy
must be tried by their fruits. Some of these were good,
but there is another and darker side to the picture which we
conceive has hardly been sufficiently dwelt upon.* On the
3rd of January, 1645, the Parliament issued an ordinance
to abolish the Common Prayer Book in public worship,
and for the imposition of the Directory.! The clergy
*y l The Clergy in their Colors, or, The Pride and Avarice of the Presbyterian Clergy
hindering Beformation Tyhowing how from time to time they have been the fomentors
of this first and second war ; but, also by their horrid fallacies, have to this present
deluded the Commonwealth — discovered in a plain and familiar dialogue between
Philalethes and Presjjyter." (London, 1651. \The MSS. of this was written some years
before.) Page 41. ^Take but a view of their practices, and let that speak how well they
have carried themselves within five years past, since they got their preferments. I could
instance in many places where superstitious and blind bussards were put out of their
livings, and some of there orthodox men put in their roomes, and when they had got
good livings, were they, or are they contented ? Some hold livings in the country, and
some in London, hardly ever coming to the flock but to take the fleece. Some hold
two or three livings apiece ; some leave one and run to another when they can find a
greater, nay, they will fight for a better living rather than lose it;\and yet falsely
bewitch the silly people to believe that it is the call of God so to do, when it is nothing
else but the delusion of Satan, and of their own wicked hearts to satisfy their ambition
and avarice. See but how these men press the committee for plundered ministers,
for augmentations and removals from day to day, and how they engage Parliament
men to act for them, calling themselves in their certificates and petitions 'godly,'
' learned,' and ' orthodox divines.' And it is observed in the county that many of
those who are thus put in, prove more proud, covetous, and contentious, than those that
were put out." ....
t There is a pamphlet in the British Museum (" King's Pamphlets," b 183, Tract 10,
1644) entitled, " MSS. Proposition by the Committee for the County of Kent, to the
Hon ble - House of Commons, in behalf of said County." They recommend that " Such
.... as forsake their own parish churches where a pious and painful (Presby-
terian) ministry is settled by a parliamentary authority, and do usually repair to other
M
146
were commanded to conform to it under heavy fines. It
forbade the use of the Book of Common Prayer, even in the
domestic circle, under a penalty of five pounds for the first,
and one hundred pounds for the third offence.*
The frame of the proposed Presbyterian State Church
was this : " Wherever there was an established congre-
gation with a Pastor, whether in a Church to which tythe
of common .right belonged, or one in which a vicar was
established, or a mere Chapel to which no tythe belonged,
persons called " Euling Elders " were to be chosen by the
votes of the congregations, whose duty it was to assist the
pastor or minister by their information, advice, and service,
and to exercise a superintendence over all the other persons
composing the congregation. These formed the congrega-
tional Eldership. The minister, and some of the more dis-
creet of the Euling Elders, in districts containing some
twenty or thirty congregations, were to meet once a month
as a " Classical Presbytery." The number of elders sent by
parish churches not far distant, where these other lazy, superstitious usages are con-
tinued, that the said committee, or any twelve or more of them, may be authorized
by ordinance of Parliament, or by order of this honourable House, to punish by way of
fine, all such persons whose estates are not sequestered," and in case of non-payment
their estates to be sequestered. Note in MSS. : " All was received with much thank-
fulness, but Mr. Dashwood durst not license it in print ! "
* " Since it has pleased our wise and newborn state,
The Common Prayer Book to excommunicate ;
To turn it out of act, as if it were
Some grand malignant, or some cavalier ;
Since in our churches 'tis by them forbid
To say such prayers as our fathers did,
So that God's house must now be called no more
The house of prayer so ever called before."
" To a vertuous and judicious lady who (for the exercise of her devotion) built a closet
wherein to secure the most sacred book of prayer, from the view and violence of the
enemies thereof," &c. Brit. Museum, fol. sheets, King's Pamphlets.
147
each congregation not to be more than four, or less than
two. One of the ministers was to act as a moderator
or chairman. They might redress any abuse of any kind
that could be construed into an offence against ecclesiastical
discipline. They were the examiners of persons who were
candidates for the ministry, and with them it lay to give
or refuse ordination. An appeal however lay from them
to the " Provincial Assembly," which was to meet twice a
year, and to consist of two ministers and four ruling elders,
sent from each " Classical Presbytery " in the province.
Above all, there was to be a " National Assembly," com-
posed of two ministers and four ruling elders, sent from
each " Provincial Assembly," together with five learned and
godly persons from each of the Universities. This was to be
the Court of Final Appeal, but it could only meet when
summoned by Parliament. It was part of the duty of the
congregational or Kuling Eldership, to enquire into the
religious knowledge and spiritual estate of any member of
the congregation, and to admonish, suspend from the Lord's
table, and even to excommunicate those whom they deemed
ignorant or scandalous." *
(On the 26th of April, 1645, an ordinance of Parliament
was issued for the " silencing of all such preachers as were
not ordained or allowed " by those who shall be appointed
thereunto by both Houses of Parliament. A still more
stringent ordinance was passed to the same effect, on
December 26th, 1646. All preaching or exposition of
Scripture was forbidden, and all who " spoke aught in
derogation of the Church government then established."
England, which had broken in pieces the yoke of Prelacy,
was now expected meekly to place her neck in this new
* " Hunter's Life of Oliver Heywood," p. 55.
M 2
148
yoke of the Puritan clergy ; but there were some of her
stout hearted children who were determined not to lose
that liberty of conscience, which they valued more than life.
That excellent man, Kichard Baxter and his friends, had in
the end to feel that after all, the despised " sectaries " were
men of clearer vision than himself and his party. "> We will
now quote a Baptist view of the Assembly. A work came out
in 1647, by Samuel Kichardson.* Its title is, the "Neces-
sity of Toleration in matters of Beligion," addressed to the
Aassembly of Divines, with the significant text "For such
are false apostles, deceitful workers, transforming themselves
into the Apostles of Christ," &c. " Ye suffer fools gladly."
" When Romish tyranny hath the upper hand,
Darkness of mind and superstition stand."
He gives to the Assembly, " The Nonconformists' answer
why they cannot submit to the aforesaid Faith," p. 279.
" It was not studied out of the Word of God, but they had
borrowed us a religion out of Scotland." Third — " We have
had very much experience of you to be the greatest time-
servers among men, and even to turn with the wind, for
when the cross, surplice, and mass-book were urged, you
yielded to them, and swore canonical obedience to the
bishops, your fathers," &c. Because the tide is turned, ye
are turned. Fourth — " If you had truth on your side, and
the Spirit of God to direct you, you might have, with ease
and speed, given sufficient answer to the questions the
Parliament gave you to answer." Ninth. — " Neither are
they any of the true ministers of Jesus Christ unless the
Pope be a true minister of Christ, because their ministry
* Reprinted in " Tracts on Liberty of Conscience " — Hansard Knolly's Society. He
was probably a pastor of the Baptist branch of that Church in connection with
Mr. Spilsby (and his name is attached to a confession of faith put forth in 1643, 1C44,
and 1646.
149
came from him, as appears by ; Mason's Book of Ordination/
and ' Yates' Model of Divinity, and yourselves confess.' "
He tells them that their priesthood is false and antichristian ;
that the church of which they are ministers is no church of
Christ. He ends: " Mr. Presbyter, your principles are large
and dangerous. Who can tell what you will judge tolerable ?
Such as cannot dance after your pipe, and rule in your way,
you judge heretics, and they must appear before your dread-
ful tribunal to receive your reproof, which is sharp and
terrible, and strikes at our liberties, estates and lives — you
still want to use a sword ; who sees not that, if you had it,
you would have wounded yourselves and others — and we had
as good be under the Pope as under your Presbyterian check."
The battle of Marston Moor, on July 2nd, 1644, and
the battle of Naseby, on June 14th, 1645, struck the last
blow in the struggle between Charles and the Parliament,
and all fear of the return of Episcopacy was at an end.
Laud had fallen a victim to the Puritan party, on January
10th, 1644. A purely religious movement had been steadily
progressing amid the stirring events of the time. The
Independents and Baptists were rapidly forming Churches.
Nothing was more common than for an Independent to get
into a living, and while conforming to the Directory, he set
up an Independent Church. The Cathedral of Exeter was
divided into two parts — for Presbyterian and Independent
worship.* The Baptists appear in 1653 to have set up a
church in St. Paul's, t
* " Pope's Life of Ward," pp. 55, 56.
f "The Madman's Plea; or, A Sober Defence of Captain Chillington's Church:"
showing the destruction and derision ready to fall on all the baptized Churches not
baptized with fire. London, 1653. Page 6. " Is it not ridiculous for Anabaptists to
build a Church at Paul's (in the highest place of the city) when Paul never owned a
church of Anabaptists or Dippers."
150
There were a class of Independents, and at a later period,
during Cromwell's protectorate, a class of Baptists, who did
not scruple to receive the State pay. On the other hand, there
was another class who entirely rejected it. These men were
engaged in preaching the Gospel to the masses, and forming
Churches. Their aims were purely religious, they had no
selfish ends to gain, and they are therefore entitled to credit
for sincerity. Not only did they denounce the State main-
tenance, but the Separatists objected to " ministers receiving
maintenance from all sorts of people in their parishes, with-
out difference," and it was called in one of their pamphlets,
" an execrable sacrilege, and covetous making merchan-
dise of the things of God — a letting of themselves out to
hire to the profane, for filthy lucre."* Christians alone
should support their pastors, and it manifestly tended to
the corruption of the Christian religion, if its ministers are
made to depend for support upon even the free contributions
of wicked men. Dr. Stoughton remarks! that " two classes
of Independents are distinctly visible," at a period earlier
than that of which we are speaking.]: The character of
their preaching was entirely different from the elaborate,
* " Hanbury," vol ii. p. 279. t " Church of Civil Wars," vol. i., pp. 366, 367.
\ In " The Anabaptists' Catechism, with all their practices, meetings, and exercises,
the names of their pastors, their doctrines, disciples ; a catalogue of such dishes they
usually make choice of at their feasts (i.e., love feasts usually held at an inn) how
and by whom they are dipped, &c, published according to the order of their conven-
ticles," printed for R. A. 1645," we have curious evidence of the less political character
of certain Baptists, and that certain Independents were not deemed " Independents "
at all, because they had apostatized from their original principles. " Question — What
is the main thing that you and the Independents differ in? Answer — We differ very
much from them, for though you call them Independents (a name too honourable for
them yet), they are none, for they allow of black coats (i.e., state ministers), and
prophane learning and superstitious preaching in pulpits, and many such things the
Independents approve of, but we do not allow of these things." They are made to say,
M We are free from blood, and will not kill."
151
doctrinal treatises of the Presbyterian clergy. To use the
words of Edwards, the author of " Gangroena," it was " in a
kind of strain which takes with the people much." This
movement was characterized by a purely lay ministry, and
its rapid progress may be clearly traced in the satirical
pamphlets of the time. A great controversy arose on the
propriety of such a ministry ; * a controversy in which the
opponents of the practice used as their best weapons, bitter
and unsparing satire, and we gain from them many im-
portant facts which might otherwise have escaped notice.
We will take a peep at what is called "the Brownist
Synagogue," found in a tract entitled " The Brownist
Synagogue, or a late discovery of their conventicles, assem-
blies, and places of meeting ; when they preach, and their
manner, with a relation of the names, places and doctrines
of those who do commonly preach, the chief of which are
Green, the feltmaker, Marlin, the buttonmaker, Spencer, the
coachman (see note at foot), Kodgers, the glover, which
sect is much increased of late in the city — a kingdom
divided against itself cannot stand." Page 2. — " Let me,
gentle reader, not be prolixious, and I shall relate unto
thee the names and places where these illiterate preachers
live, and make their assemblies, and the unlearned doc-
trines they hold. The first man that I begin with shall be
an irreverend glover whose name is Bichard Bodgers ; he
ofttimes doth call a congregation, and at his own house
tells them what they shall do. The Spirit, he tells
them, moves him, and so proceeding, he tells them what
* This is commenced in 1640 or 1641, when the operation of Sectaries attracted
notice, e.g., "A short treatise concerning lawfulness of every man exercising his gift as
God shall call him unto," by John Spencer. We conclude this was " Spencer, the
coachman," mentioned farther on. This was published in 1641.
152
first comes into his mind ; his apologie is that he speaks
nothing but that which the Spirit gives him utterance for.
John Bennet, he disalloweth of human learning, his reason
is that some of Christ's apostles were fishermen when he
called them. Charles Thomas, a Welchman, doth teach in
Warwick Lane once a fortnight, as he holds none lawful
to be amongst the prophets, but those who were inspired
by the Spirit, so no man is fit for their holy service but
devout men, and who is familiar with the Spirit. Alexander
Smith, whose opinion is that no man ought to teach but
as the Spirit moves, and for this one reason we may set
ourselves against those scholars, as bishops, deans, and
deacons, which strive to construe the Scripture accord-
ing to the translation of the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin,
which last language stinkes (i.e., because of its association
with popery) like a piece of biefe a twelvemonth old, yet
unsalted." This amusing caricature from the pen of an
adversary, enables us still further to trace some of the
opinions of the Amsterdam churches up to the time of
George Fox. The account of the way in which these
persecuted, despised christian people held their worship,
may well touch our best feelings as christian men. " They
do not all come together, but come two or three in a com-
pany. Any man may be admitted thither, and, all being
gathered, the man appointed to teach stands up in the
midst of the room, and his audience gather about him.
He prays about the space of half-an-hour, and part of his
prayer is that ' those who come hither to scoff and laugh,
God would be pleased to turn their hearts ; ' * by which
means,' says the hard-hearted narrator,' they think to escape
undiscovered.' His sermon is about the space of an hour,
and then another stands up to make the text more plain."
On September 8th, 1641, it was ordered by the House of
153
Commons, " that it shall be lawful for the parishioners of
any parish within the kingdom of England and "Wales, to
set up a lecture, and to maintain an orthodox minister at
their own charge, to preach every Lord's-day when there
is no preaching, and to preach one day a week when there
is no lecture." * This led to the Independents and Baptists
availing themselves of any opportunity which might occur
to supply a deficiency.! We meet again with " Marlin, the
buttonmaker, ,, at St. Ann's Church, Aldersgate, on the
Sabbath-day, August 8th, 1641. The minister being absent,
" many desired their friends to go into the pulpit," and a
contest arose whether a stranger who was " once a Jesuit,"
should preach, or Mr. Marlin. It appears that Mr. Marlin
obtained the consent and ear of the people, and preached a
lengthy, sound, protestant sermon. At last, however, the
churchwardens interrupted him, and pulled him down from
the pulpit. J In the same year, "prophet Hunt preached
in St. Sepulchre's Church, " making another combustion." §
The connection between this movement and the Amsterdam
Churches can be clearly traced. || The ancient Church in
Southwark, formed in 1616 by Henry Jacob, was still in
* Brit. Museum, " King's Pamphlets," e 28, 172.
f " The Mystical Wolfe," London, Feb. 3rd, 1644, p. 6, "with iUuminated Anabaptists
who blaspheme the baptism of children, and these heretics, who in times past we
burned, we may hear now in our pulpits seducing the people."
+ " A True Narrative of a Combustion happening in St. Anne's Church, Aldersgate,"
&c. 1641, Brit. Museum.
§ Probably "James Hunt, the farmer" (see "A Curb for Sectaries," London, 1641).
|| See " The Anatomy of the Separatists, alias Brownists, with the strange hubbub,
and formerly unheard of hurly-burly which those phanatick and fantastic Separatists
made on Sunday afternoon, 8th May, in the Parish of St. Olave's, in the Old Jewry,
at the sermon of the Bt. Bev. Father in God, Henry, Bishop Chichester," London,
1642. " Many places in England and London are too much Amster damnified. Beligion
is become common table-talk. Papists, Atheists, Brownists, Anabaptists, Familists,
and the Sisters of the Fraternity, all will have their way. Page 2 — The Fraternity at
154
vigorous operation ; John Lothorp succeeded Jacob, lie
emigrated to America, and the celebrated John Canne was
pastor for a short time ; Henry Jessey, his successor in
1637, was sent by his congregation to preach in Wales, in
1639. Samuel How succeeded, or was co-pastor with him,
and was joined in the pastorate by Stephen More. This
congregation, which had subsisted for over twenty years,
shifting from place to place to avoid persecution, opened
their doors to the public on January 18th, 1640-41. We
find a description in verse, of the celebrated Samuel How,
the learned cobbler's preaching, probably, on this occasion :
" And at the ' Nag's Head,' near to Coleman Street,
A most pure crew of Brethren there did meet,
When their devotion was so strong and ample
To turn a sinful Tavern to a Temple.
*******
A worthy hrother gave the text, and then
The Cobbler How his preachment strait began,
Extem'ry, without any meditation,
But only by the Spirit's revelation ;
He went through stitch, now hither and now thither,
And took great pains to draw both ends together ;
For (like a man inspired from Amsterdam),
He scorned ne sutor ultra crepidam;
His text he clouted, and his sermon welted ;
His audience with devotion nearly melted." *
Amsterdam, and the Brownists in town, are brethren of the same tribe. They hold
that religion ought to be guided by the motion of the Spirit, not reason. They despise
all learning. Page 4 — They hold it lawful for artificers and laymen to preach in public,
as cobblers, weavers, leathersellers, boxmakers, ironmongers, feltmakers, and such
like mechanick fellows. They make no reckoning of a church more than a stable.
Page 6 — They cried, 100 or more, ' A pope ! a pope 1 ' when the Eight Beverend Bishop
came into the pulpit." — Brit. Museum, large 4to 1 — 14.
* Stated to be about 100. A swarme of Sectaries and Schismatiques, wherein is
discovered the strange preaching (or prating) of such as are by their trades cobblers,
tinkers, pedlars," &c. , with portrait of Samuel How in his tub, preaching to a conven-
ticle, date probably 1641, p. 9.
155
Ellwood quotes Howe's " Sufficiency of the Spirit's
Teaching," in " Forgery no Christianity." The kind of
treatment to which these good men were subjected, may be
illustrated by a quotation from " A Discovery of a Swarme
of Separatists, or A Leather Seller's Sermon, describing
how Burboon (or Barbon), a Leatherseller, had a Conventicle
of Brownists, &c, with another relation," &c* — " Many of
the Brownists crawled over the tiles and houses, escaping
some one way, and some another. But at length they
catched one of them alone. But they kicked him so
vehemently as if they meant to beat him into a jelly. It
is ambiguous if they have killed him or no, but certainly
they did knock him as if they meant to pull him to pieces.
I confess it had been no matter if they had beaten their
whole tribe in the like manner." This Mr. Barbon was
pastor of one section of this Ancient Separatist Church,
when they divided equally in May, 1640, and one part
remained with Mr. Henry Jessy, and the other with Mr.
Praise God Barbon. f Barbon, as "an elder, governed
the Church in Leyden, which held communion with Kobin-
son's Church at that place." J
The preaching of women appears to have commenced
among some of the Independent Churches about this
period (1641) in England. § It seems probable that this
* Brit. Museum, e No. 36.180.25.
f Hanbury's " Historical Research concerning the most Ancient Congregational
Church in England," pp. 10 and 16, London, 1820.
I " The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared," by John Cotton, of Boston, p. 16,
London, 1648.
§ In America it appears to have existed among the Baptists about 1636. " The
third dividing tenet by which these persons propagated their errors, was between the
Word of God and the Spirit of God. And here these sectaries (i.e., the Baptists) had
many pretty knacks to delude with all, and especially to please the female sex. They
told of rare revelations of the things to come from the Spirit, as they say, ' Come
156
practice originated in certain Baptist churches in Holland.*
Baillie, in his " Anabaptism the True Foundation of Inde-
pendency, Brownism, Familism, Antinomy," &c, London,
1646, p. 30, says, " the continental Baptists allowed women's
preaching,! and every one of their members the power of
along with me,' says one, ' I will bring you a woman that preaches better Gospel than
any of your black coats that have been at the University,' a woman of another kind of
spirit who hath many revelations of things to come, and for my part, saith he, I had
rather hear such an one that speaks from the mere motion of the Spirit, than any of
your learned scholars, although they may be fuller of the Scripture, and admit they
speak by the help of the Spirit, yet the other goes far beyond them." — "Johnson's
History," pp. 67 to 99, quoted in " Backus' History of New England." — Keith says,
that "these called Presbyterians (in England) may remember how they have both
allowed and countenanced women both to pray and speak of their experiences in their
private meetings, and yet they cannot deny but their private meetings are a Church."
— " The Woman Preacher of Samaria," 1674.
* " The Brownists' Conventicle," &c, 1641, p. 13. — "And in this our thanksgiving
let us remember all the blessed pastors and professors, whether at Amsterdam or
elsewhere ; as also for our she-iellov? labourers, our holy and good blessed women who
are not only able to talk on any text, but search into the deep sense of the Scripture,
and preach both in their families and elsewhere." Also " Lucifer's Lackey, or, The
Devil's New Creation," London, 1641, speaks of a congregation in the malt-house of
one Job, a brewer, the numbers being about seven score persons, and says,
" When women preach and cobblers pray,
The fiends in Hell make holiday."
We have also notices of this practice in " Idolater's Buin and England's Triumph, or
the Meditations of a Maimed Soldier," January 17th, 1644, London, p. 1. — " Where-
fore let Priscilla and Aquilla be Paul's helpers, and let every one as he hath received
the gift, minister the same one to another, and let us prophesie one by one," &c. In
" Tub Preachers Overturned, or, Independency to be Abandoned and Abhorred," a *
reply to a letter to Thomas Edwards, London, 1647, we have a description of a woman
preacher in rhyme : —
" And that her zeal, piety, and knowledge,
Surpassed the gravest student in the college
Who strive their human learning to advance ;
She with her Bible and a concordance
Could preach nine times a week morning and night,
Such revelation had she from New Light ! "
In Cotton's church in New England, Mrs. Hutchinson, a woman of great parts,
preached, although not in the public assembly.
t Women preached among the Baptists at Strasburg.
157
public preaching, and also the power of questioning the
preacher on doctrine " before the Church," and that in
England it was the same, but that "many more of their
women do venture to preach among the Baptists than
among the Brownists, in England." Mrs. Attaway, "the
mistress of all the she-preachers in Coleman Street," was a
disciple in Lamb's congregation. He states that he believes
the " feminine preachers in Kent, Norfolk, and the rest of
the shires " had " their breeding in the same school," which
appears to show that they were dispersed as travelling
preachers. This seems to identify the preaching of women
with the principal General Baptist Church in London, but
it does not appear to have been confined to the General
Baptists.* As late as 1653 we find a lady preaching in the
" Queen's Mass Chapel at Somerset House," and who
preached elsewhere. t
The ordinance of Parliament to silence every preacher
who was "not ordained a minister in this or some other
* " The Schismatics Sifted, or The Picture of the Independents." London, 1646.
Page 34. — " Is it a miracle or wonder to see saucie boyes, bold botching taylors, and
other most audacious, illiterate mechanicks to run out of their shops into a pulpit ?
To see bold, impudent, huswifet to take upon them to prate an hour or more ; but
when I say is the extraordinary spirit poured upon them ? " — " A Fresh Discovery of
some Prodigious New Wandering Blazing Stars and Firebrands styling themselves ' New
Lights,' " by William Prynne, Esq. London, 1645. Page 47. — "Whether Indepen-
dents admitting women not only to vote as members, but sometimes to preach,
expound, speak publicly as predicants in their conventicles, be not directly contrary
to the Apostles' doctrine and practice, and a mere politick invention to engage that sex to
their party? He says also in preface, that the Independents give women not only ' deci-
sive votes, but Liberty of preaching and prophesying,' speaking in their congregations"
f " State Papers Uncalendered," 813 a, paper No. 77. 25th July, 1653. " Theodoras,"
to the Right Hon. Lord Conway. " Here is start [i.e., started] up an audacious virago
(or feminine tub preacher) who last Sunday held forth about two hours together
within our late Queen's mass chapel at Somerset House, in the Strand, and has done
so there and elsewhere, divers Sabbath-days of late, who claps her Bible and thumps
the pulpit cushion with almost as much confidence (I should have said impudence)
as honest Hugh Peters himself 1"
158
Keformed Church, except such as intending the ministry
were allowed for the trial of their gifts by those who shall
be appointed thereto by both Houses of Parliament," was
enacted on 26th April, 1645. It was intended by the
extreme Presbyterian party to arrest the progress of Inde-
pendency. Not only throughout the whole army, but
throughout the whole country, the practice of lay preaching
was spreading. The Independents argued that there were
" a large number of persons not ordained, who had scrupled
ordination under the former bishops," and also scrupled
"the present form of ordination, and they forbore until
church matters should be fully settled; " and that Parliament
never intended to silence them, and they contended that
such persons may preach," provided that they do it at such
seasons as hinders not the public preaching, and in such a
manner as disturbs not the public peace." * This ordin-
ance was " sent to Sir Thomas Fairfax to be observed
by the army," and all military personages, and this tract
is addressed to " gentlemen of the soldiery in the field."
It appears that in the army little attention was paid to
the ordinance. They " sent out everywhere captains and
soldiers " to preach, and gave " tickets of the time and
place " in true military lashion. f It was declared by the
* " The Clear Sense, or a Vindication of the late Ordinance of Parliament," &c,
pp. 1, 2, 3.
f William Prynne, Esq. — " Fresh Discovery of some Prodigious New Wandering
Blazing Stars and Firebrands, styling themselves New Lights." London, 1645.
Preface. Prynne tells a story which illustrates a general feeling of Englishmen about
the soldiers' preaching — " Quoth the Scotchmen, ' Man, is it fit that Colonel Cromwell's
souldiers should preach in their quarters to take away the ministers' function ? ' Quoth
the Englishman, ' Truly I remember they made a gallant sermon at Marston Moor near
Vork. Tbat was one of the best sermons that hath been preached in the kingdom.' " —
We find also that Oliver Cromwell's porter preached on a grass-plot opposite his house.
Women were observed turning to their Bibles, and " did sigh and groan, and showed
as strong motions of devotion as could be seen in any Quakers' meeting ! "
159
Independents, &c, to be a " monopoly of the Spirit worse
than the monopoly of soap ! " " About the beginning
of the year 1653," we find that " the opinions that were
rampant in the army infected also the country."* The great
point of difference between the Independent and Presby-
terian parties in Lancashire, was on the question of the
preaching of " gifted brethren," i.e., lay preachers. Even
in this part of the country, where the fusion f was more
complete between the Independents and Presbyterians, the
Presbyterians were compelled to allow (if they did not
approve) the occasional preaching of " gifted brethren " in
the pulpits of the churches. J
Baxter informs us that the Separatists said "let the
* " Martindale's Life," p. 110.
t On Mr. Eaton's New England scheme of accommodation.
J Two or three "ruling elders" of Mr. Eaton's Independent Church "preached
frequently at Tabley Chapell in my parish," Martindale tells us. In 1659, this question
between the Independents and Presbyterians was set at rest, by the concession of the
point of the liberty of unordained persons, not intending the ministry, to preach, with
this proviso, that no persons should preach in the churches except they were approved
by the ministers or preaching officers, and that the congregations were not to be
"disturbed" by having unordained preachers " imposed upon them," and also that
every effort was to be used, that " no offence be given by the preaching of mere gifted
brethren." Martindale's Life," p. 12, Cheetham Society, 1845. See also " Newcome's
Autobiography," Cheetham Society, vol. xxv., p. 36. Mr. Stringer, the regular Presby-
terian minister at Macclesfield, invites Mr. Eaton to preach and bring some one with
him to supply for both parts of the day. Mr. Eaton then writes stating that some of the
people of Macclesfield had solicited their ruling elder, Mr. Barret, to preach there. To
this Mr. Stringer consents, and invites the said lay preacher to occupy his pulpit in
conjunction with Eaton, the Independent minister. Newcome "declares his dislike,"
but not a word is said about its legality, or being contrary to church regulation.
Barret was a sequestrator, and some of the aldermen " took it so ill that he should
preach in their pulpit." It is certain, however, that the connection between the Pres-
byterians and the Independents tended to reduce or stifle lay preaching. Saltmarsh
says, in 1649, " Stop not the breathings of God in mean private christians ; the
counsels of God flow there, and when the greater persons sometimes for His glory are
left naked without a word of advice from Him." " I found this desolating evil begin-
ning in your (i.e., the Independents) meetings." — "England's Friend," London, 1649>
160
Lord be glorified, let the gospel be propagated," and that
" there were few of the Anabaptists who had not been the
opposers and troublers of the faithful ministers of the land
(i.e., those of the Presbyterian party).* In Edwards'
" Gangroena," published in 1645, abundant evidence is
given of the vigorous operation of these Independent and
Baptist churches. He states (part i.) that the sectaries are
" much stunned " with the vote passed in Parliament against
lay preaching. He is furious at the idea " of mechanics,
as smiths, taylors, shoemakers, pedlars, weavers, taking
upon themselves to preach. By this ordinance it was said
that " Sir John Presbyter's gums " were " to be rubbed with
a parliament coral (baby's coral), and that now he was mad
to put his boarish tusks, his huge iron fangs, in execution,
to devour, rend, and crush these hereticks ! " f In a word,
this vote excited a strong opposition, and became a dead
letter.
Mr. Henry DenneJ was a graduate of the University of
Cambridge, and ordained in 1630, but having denounced
the vices of the clergy in a visitation sermon in 1641, he is
found in 1643 a member of Lamb's church in Coleman
Street. He was a most excellent christian man, and being
sent forth by Lamb's Church into Bedfordshire and Cam-
bridgeshire, and those parts, comes in as a celebrated
General Baptist, for Edwards' reprobation. He is de-
nounced as a great antinomian (which is untrue) and a
desperate Arminian. He preaches much against tythes,
whereby he draws the people after him. He hath put
* " Baxter's Life," p. 102. Autobiography.
t W. Prynne, Esq., "Fresh Discovery," &c, London, 1645, preface.
J Denne fell into the snare which was laid for George Fox, and became a captain in
Cromwell's army. He was implicated in the revolt of the " Levellers," condemned to
death, but pardoned by Cromwell, who knew his excellent character.
1G1
down all singing of psalms in his Church. He preacheth
and prays, and after he hath done he calls to know if any
be not satisfied, and then they stand up that will, and
object, and he answers them. Others of the brethren that
will, with mechanicks one or two more, sometimes do exer-
cise after him. There is also one Tandy, or Dandy,* who
comes sometimes to Elsby and preaches there and about
that country, who tells them of revelations and miracles,
and saith revelations are ordinary to him.
A large amount of mis-representation must be allowed
for by the reader, and if he charitably supposes that there
were some of these men whose heads were turned by the
fervid religious excitement of the times, we must at the
same time admit the existence of the same excitement
in the narrator; each party looking at the deeds of the
other through coloured glasses. There are touches of
nature and truth about some of Edwards' descriptions,
which may well reach our hearts, as we view, unwarped
by prejudice, the earnest christian labours of the truly
godly men who preached the gospel to the masses of
the people, not for pay or worldly honour, but in obedience
to their Master's command. " This Mr. Denne hath some
kind of strain in his preaching which affects and takes the
people much, as for instance he will say, " Oh, Lord Christ,
if thou wert now on earth and didst reveal the gospel to.
men, they would call Thee, ' Anabaptist, Antinomian, Inde-
pendent,' who now call us so." " He would have preached
about spring last on a lecture day at St. Ive's, but the
committee gave orders against it, and not being suffered,
he went to a churchyard not far off that place, and under
* Philip Tandy, a minister of the Church of England, who became a Baptist (seventh
day) "a person of great abilities and piety." " Brook's Puritans," vol. iii., p. 30.
N
162
a yew tree he preached, many following him, pronouncing
many fearful woes against them for not receiving the gospel.
" Mr. Disbrough* says of him, that he is the ablest man in
England for prayer, expounding and preaching. The usual
theme he is upon is Christ's dying for all men, Judas as
well as Peter." " He often preached this doctrine." " This
is the everlasting gospel, to believe that Jesus Christ died for
all men." " Men were only damned for not believing Christ
and nothing else." This Mr. Denne delivered his opinions
in such a manner as if he had been an apostle sent from
heaven."
Here we trace the operation of the General Baptists,
and in clear connection with a Church in London formed
by Thomas Lamb, and meeting at Bell Alley, Coleman
Street.f Lamb was seized prior to this at Colchester
for preaching in a Separatist congregation, and dragged
before the Star Chamber. He was undaunted in the work of
the gospel, till he had made the acquaintance of nearly every
* Mr. James Disbrowe was Lord of the Manor of Eltisby and an elder of the Fenstan-
ton Church. His brother was a major-general in Cromwell's army, belonged to
Cromwell's council, one of his generals at sea, also one of the lords of the Cinque-
ports; his salary was £3,236 per annum. "Narrative of the late Parliament," 1658.
In the Swarthmore papers we find what is probably a notice of the same person.
" A. Parker to George Fox," 1657. " Went to a place beyond Cambridge, where never
a meeting had been ; the man's name that did desire the meeting was one Disborrow, an
ancient professor. He is uncle to Major-General Disborrow. There was a very large
meeting both of Friends and others, and we both had a large time to declare the truth
without interruption. When we had done a Baptist teacher stood up and spoke some
words, but was soon silent. There was also another of their teachers, and some others
that we had some words with, but they had very little to say against what was
declared." Probably Parker was mistaken, or Noble, in his History of the Protectorate
House of Commons, is wrong. If they are two distinct persons, this would be the
father of Mr. James Disborrow, the friend and patron of Denne, and the elder in the
Fenstanton General Baptist Church ; but this is improbable, and we have here another
instance of the friendly relations between the General Baptists and the followers of Fox.
t Taylor, " History General Baptists," p. 99.
103
prison in London. He frequently observed " that a man was
not fit to preach who would not preach for God's sake, though
he was sure to die for it as soon as he had finished." We
can clearly see here the stamp of men, who, although every-
where spoken against, had the spirit of the Apostles and
Martyrs, and were doing the real evangelistic work of the
times. Henry Denne wrote a tract in 1646, entitled,
" The Drag Net of the Kingdom of Heaven, or Christ
Drawing all Men."* This tract contains (p. 91) a passage
which places the doctrine of the Holy Ghost dwelling in
the heart of the believer in precisely the same point of view,
and in the same words, as Fox did in commencing his
preaching two years later. He quotes John i. 9 — " Now
God is light, and God is a spirit. If then Christ lighteth
every man, God lighteth every man. The Spirit lighteth
every man that cometh into the world. What is it for
man to be lighted, but for the light of the glory of God,
shining forth in the face of Jesus Christ, to shine in darkness?
For every man to be lighted is (as I conceive) for the
manifestation of the glory of God to be showed forth in
some measure to them." It is a curious fact, that Denne
wrote to defend the Quakers from the foolish imputation of
being Papists in disguise. f " George Whitehead is not
a Papist, according to that Bedlam fancy which Baxter is
daily sowing," It appears that not only Whitehead, but
the " Bedfordshire Tinker," Bunyan, had an encounter with
Thomas Smith, Bachelor of Divinity, and lecturer at Christ
Church, Cambridge, who appears to have excused himself
* Brit. Museum.
t " The Quakers no Papists," &c, a reply to Mr. Thomas Smith, B.D., lecturer in
Christ Church, Cambridge ; his frivolous relation of a dispute between himself and
certain Quakers at Cambridge, 1659.
N 2
1G4
for coming off with little credit, by his being taken at
unawares, while " he was turning over some Arabic MSS.,"
which Denne thinks a very curious excuse for so learned a
man in an encounter with " a tinker and a Quaker."
" While," says Denne, " he labours to prove the poor
Quakers to be introducers of heresies, he himself introduces
a most damnable one, denying the ubiquity of the three
Persons of the Trinity ! You seem to be arguing with the
tinker (Bunyan) because he strives to mend souls as well
as kettles ! " In reply, it was suggested that Bunyan
mended souls just as he mended kettles — " stopping one
hole and making many!" Henry Denne's "friends the
Quakers, did not only challenge Mr. Smith and all the
Presbyterian clergy in England in print,"* "but set up
bills in defiance at the commencement, upon the school
(college) doors !" They hoped Denne would " stable none
of his troop horses in heaven, though they come into (St.)
Paul's ! " The Quakers were asked " if they did not esteem
their speakings to be of as great authority as any chapter in
the Bible ? " and some one answered wittily (if not wisely),
"Yes, of greater \"\ This was sufficient to supply the
material for a wonderful amount of misrepresentation,
although Whitehead distinctly denies that it was spoken by
a Quaker. Whitehead, on that occasion, defined the "im-
mediate inspiration" needful for a Christian minister, not as
anything equivalent to, or superseding the New Testament
Scriptures, but merely that it was " that inspiration which
giveth the understanding in things tvhich are spiritual." J
* This alludes to " Fox's Mystery," fol., p. 19, preface.
t "A Gagg for Quakers, with an Answer to Mr. Denne's 'Quaker no Papist,'"
London, 1659, pp. 1, 3.— The Bible was divided into Chapters in the 13th century, by
Cardinal Hugo de S. Caro. Coverdale followed this division. The Geneva version
(1560) was the first English Bible with our present verses.
I " The Key of Knowledge, not found in the University Library, Cambridge."
2nd Ed., 1660.
165
- The dispute between Whitehead and Smith took place in
"the Quakers' common meeting house," and one of the
people drew his sword in the course of the discussion, to add
weight to his argument.*
The parliamentary army had in its ranks the most godly
among the Sectaries and Puritans. Wherever the King's
army bent its course, private houses were plundered.
Excellent and pious men, whatever sentiments they hap-
pened to profess, were abused by the King's soldiery,
and found refuge in the army of the Commonwealth.
Chillingworth says, " I observed a great deal of piety in
the commander and soldiers of the Parliament's army.
I confess their discourse and behaviour do speak them
Christians, but I can find little of God or godliness in
our men." Lord Clarendon says, the Commonwealth army
was an " army whose sobriety and manner, whose courage
and success, made it famous and terrible all over the world; "
while the King's army was " a dissolute, undisciplined,
wicked, beaten army, whose horse their friends feared,
being terrible only in plunder, and resolute only in running
away." The leisure hours of the soldiery were spent in
reading their Bibles, in singing psalms, and in religious
* It is asserted that Smith obtained the living at Caldicut under very disgraceful
circumstances. The parishioners were greatly opposed to Smith, but Smith's
friend, Mr. Bayly, of Barnwell, pretended that Smith had some other living in
view, and then got them to give Smith a general testimonial of " ability," <fec.
This was used against the parishioners. It secured Smith the living against the
wishes of the parish. We mention this as an instance of the stamp of "learned
divines " who were denounced by the early Friends. Smith charged the Quakers
with having been instigated by the devil, to " torment, bewitch, and destroy, as his,
and their greatest enemy, Mr. Tyford, late minister of Sherborne, a learned, pious,
and orthodox divine, being tormented with a painful sharp disease, of which he died,"
and even his successor was forced to desert the town by their witchcraft ! (Preface to
" A Gagg for the Quakers.")
166
meetings, conferences, public disputes, &c* "Wherever they
came, property and virtue were secure. Their zeal, how-
ever, went beyond all bounds in the destruction of church
property, and the " idol temples " fared ill at their hands,
* A curious specimen of the spirit of the camp is preserved in the British Museum,
" King's Pamphlets," folio sheets, entitled, " A Spiritual Song of Comfort, or Encourage-
ment to the Souldiers that are gone forth in the Cause of Christ," headed with engraved
busts of the Earls of Essex and Warwick, Sir W. Waller and Mr. Pym. To every line
of this hymn there is a text of Scripture quoted. We have only room for the following
specimen : —
Cant. iii. 8, 7 Come along my valiant souldiers,
Gen. xxxv. 3 Let us goe into the field ;
Heb. ii. 10 let us march after our captains,
Phil. i. 28 Unto our foes let us not yield.
Deut. xx. 1 Although our enemies be many,
Judg. ii. 34 And though they do us sore anoy,
2 Chron. xiv. 11 Hosts of men they are as nothing,
Deut. xxxi. 3 Jehovah can them all destroy.
Ezek. xviii. 35 We have a cause that's just and equal,
„ xxxi. 20 Our adversaries' is not right ;
Deut. xxxii. 30 Therefore one shall chase a thousand,
Joshua xxiii . 10 We shall put them all to flight.
Psalm cxvii. 5 Though we be hungry, cold and weary,
2 Cor. iv. 16 And almost ready for to starve,
Gen. xvii. 1 We have an all sufficient Captain,
2 Col. i. 10, 11 From them all can us preserve.
*******
Joel ii. 1 Therefore strike up the drum's alarm ;
1 Cor. xiv. 8 Let not the trumpet cease to sound ;
Isai. xxix. 9 Behold how Babel it doth stagger,
Rev. xviii. 4 Methinks it doth begin to fall ;
„ xix. 11 The white horse rider and his army
,, xix. 14 Will dash their bones against the wall.
,, xix. 19 Though here the beast and the false prophet
[probably Episcopacy and Presbyterianism]
Psalm xxvii. 10 A little while do seem to thrive,
Eev. xix. 20 Yet shortly shall they both be taken,
„ xix. 21 And into the lake be cast alive ;
„ xix. 3 Therefore let us all sing Hallelujah
,, xix. 4 Both now and also evermore ;
„ vL 10 Because he hath our blood avenged,
i* xix. 2 And judged the scarlet-coloured whore.
Printed in the year antichrist is falling.
167
many monuments of religion and antiquity being ruthlessly
destroyed.* This, however, was sanctioned by Act of
Parliament. Baxter lived for some time in the army, and
gives a testimony to the general soundness of their christian
character, and even of their doctrinal views, f The more
spiritually minded christian men among the Puritans, were
now rapidly passing over to the Independents and Baptists,
and the formation of Independent Churches, is one of the
great features of this period. To give an idea of the
astonishment, as well as alarm, which this movement
excited, first among the old fashioned Church party, and
next among the Presbyterians, we will give a few extracts in
illustration. An anonymous Church- writer says, " they
(the sects — Independents, Baptists, &c.,) take the liberty
to separate themselves from the clergie, and by mutual call
of one another, to jugge themselves, like partridges, into
small coveys, which they call ' bodies ' or ' churches,' even
before they have any minister, whom they resolve to have
of their own choosing and ordering, that they may be sure
to have him after their humour ! " " The better to set off
their opinions and practices, their retreat is (as foxes when
eagerly hunted) to earth themselves in this — the Spirit hath
* The injuries done to Churches was not entirely the work of the Soundheads, e.g.,
" The malicious and malignant party, the Cavaliers, in Cornwall," " doth hourly mischief
in those parts without remorse or pity .... nay, the very churches they make
stables of. Is not this barbarous?" "Nehemiah Walhngton's Historical Notices,"
vol ii., London, 1870, p. 124. The whole of this work abounds with proof of the
spoiling of " Books of Law, Kecords and Monuments," 130, and the wanton destruction
of books and every description of property by the cavalier soldiery.
f As a specimen of the style of a soldier's sermon, we venture to insert the text of one
in the British Museum, thus — " Orders given out, the Word, ' Stand Fast,'" as it was
lately delivered in a farewell sermon by Major-General Samuel Kem, to the officers and
soldiers of his regiment in Bristol, Nov. 8th, 1646. Page 4. — " Stand fast I that's the
word. Faith in the heart, not the head, is the signal. Labour to have a stubborn
and stout will in relation to what is known to be the truth of God," &e.
168
taught and dictated those things to them, or interpreted or
revealed the Scripture to them in this manner ; or impulsed
or driven them to such ways as are uncomely or unwonted." *
Edwards writes, " Independents and Brownists were formerly
against Anabaptists and Arminians, Familists, Antinomians ;
but now, all the Independents in England say not a word
against them, but side with them and stand up for them."
In his celebrated " Gangroena," he is almost furious in
his denunciations of the sects now starting up on every
side. In his first treatise he gives a catalogue of what he
calls 176 errors, heresies, and blasphemies. In the second
he gives us twenty-three new ones, and we have additional
heresies presented to our view in the third part of this
work published in 1646. It must be remembered that this
extraordinary work of this Presbyterian minister, must have
been written in 1644 and 1645 — that is, four years before
G. Fox began to preach.
Although Edwards' " Gangroana " is one of the most
intemperate books ever written, yet we must recollect he
was furnished with material by such men as Baxter, and
his book gives a vivid picture of the mind of the nation
breaking loose from its fetters, and daring to think for itself
on religious matters. It is curious to notice how many of
the errors, heresies, and blasphemies catalogued by Edwards,
are now accepted by all as profound and unquestionable
truths. There is abundance of evidence that many of the
ideas which have been too often tacitly assumed to be
solely the offspring of "Quakerism," were held at this
period (before George Fox commenced his public career
as a preacher) among the Independents and Baptists.
* '"A Brief Description of the Religion and Manners of Phanatiques in General,"
p. 10. London, 1660. Brit. Museum.
169
We have already traced the origin of the doctrinal and
practical principles with which the first Independent and
Baptist Churches commenced their religious career, and we
shall therefore readily understand that a great variety, both
of opinions and practices, prevailed amongst them at this
period. Edwards says that "there are some Independent
preachers who will neither baptize children, nor administer
the Lord's Supper."* "It was maintained," he tells us,
"that singing David's psalms is blasphemy and telling
lies ; that all set times of private prayers are unlawful
and superstitious." A lieutenant in the army, and a great
sectary, affirmed to Edwards' informant, respecting the
means of God's revealing his mind and will to his ser-
vants in reference to their salvation, that " God did it
immediately by himself without Scripture, without ordi-
nances, ministers, or any other means." f
Many notices of persons are given who affirmed that the
Scriptures were " not the Word of God," and quoted John
i. 1, and " told us he knew no ' Word but that.' " " One
Kendal preached against human learning, as being ' flesh,'
and that universities were of the devil." " Mr. Baseley
* " Gangrcena," part iii., p. 89. See also " A Discovery of the most Dangerous and
Damnable Tenets that have been spread within these few years, by many Erroneous
and Heretical and Mechanic Spirits." Prop. 29. — " That John's baptism, which was
of water, did end at the coming of Christ."
Also in New England about 1636, there were Separatists (Baptists) who entirely
disused baptism and the Lord's Supper. " And here they played their game to purpose
— even casting down all ordinances as carnal, and that because they were polluted by
the ordinance of man, as some of these sectaries have said to the ministers of Christ —
you have cast off the cross in baptism, and you would do well to cast off baptism itself.
As also for the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, for to make use of bread, or the juice of
a silly grape to represent the body and blood of Christ, they accounted it as bad a
necromancy in ministers of Christ to perform it." "Johnson's History, pp. 67 to 99,
quoted in " Backus' History of New England," p. 79.
t " Gangrcena," part ii. p. 6.
170
opposed his doctrine in the afternoon, and this Kendall
stood up in the church and opposed him, but was hindered
by a justice of the peace." * " A quartermaster belonging
to a regiment of horse, said, he ' had a command from
the Spirit to preach, — the Spirit without learning enables a
man to the work.' There were some women-preachers who
kept constant lectures, preaching weekly to many men and
women." f A young woman sixteen years of age is men-
tioned, " who preached to many young men and maidens."
" Mr. Walwin (what religion he is of no one can tell)
asserts Marshall, Calamy, Sedgwick, to be a company of
mountebanks; he knew no scripture for them to be
preachers more than other men, as shoemakers, cobblers,
weavers, sope-boylers, and the like. If these tythes were
taken from them, they (i.e., the Presbyterian ministers)
would leave their trade." Then we have a great sectary
preaching against tythes.]: There are abundant evidences
of the rising tide of feeling against the Presbyterian minis-
ters. "A soldier laid his hand on his sword and said,
1 This sword shall never be laid down while there is a
priest in England.' " But Edwards' work shows plainly
the nature of the movement, in his hue and cry about
the lay preachers of the Independent and Baptist churches.
Edwards preached in church against mechanic preachers,
and one stamped with his foot and said, " this rascally
rogue deserves to be pulled out of the pulpit;" and half-
a-dozen men said, " let us go and pull him out of the
pulpit." § " A young man in scarlet spoke to Edwards as
he came out of the pulpit at Christ Church, and told him
that if the soldiers may not have leave to preach, they
* " Gangrcena," part iii., p. 80. f Ibid, part i., p. 84. \ Ibid, part iii., p. 98.
§ Ibid, part i., p. 108.
171
will not fight," as these men, both commanders and
troopers, are the men God has blessed so within these
few months, to rout the enemy in the field, &c* On the
1st November, 1646, Colonel Hewson came into Aston
Church with his soldiers, contemned the ordinance of
Parliament read that day against lay preaching, and did
preach, whether the minister would or no.f
The spiritual evils which afflicted the country were not
the result of this outburst of lay-preaching. Errors and
heresies only assumed an importance, because the forcible
suppression of the utterances of the human mind had left
it utterly untrained, and a prey to the violent passions
which the attempt to subjugate it had engendered. The
words of the poet seem written in characters which he that
runs may read, on the stormy history of the period —
*' Tyrants, in vain ye trace the magic ring ;
In vain ye limit minds unwearied spring."
To curb the elements is not to apply them to their proper
uses. An honest soldier of the period tells us truly, when
he says, " Many thousand souls besides me, can testify that
Christ hath been preached, and that effectually, and to the
comfort of many hearts; and I bid defiance to the devil
and all his black-mouthed instruments to produce, that
even those who they call sectaries, in the preaching of the
Lord Jesus, did by that, even open a gap to profaneness." J
We find abundant evidence that the troubles of the civil
war now gave an opportunity for thousands of christian
laymen to go about doing good, and to strive to save souls.
* " Gangrcena," part i., p. 111.
f Baillie mentions a soldier preaching in two churches on"Anabaptism,"&c, p. 297,
in 1646. " Anabaptism the True Fountain of Independency," &c. London, 1646.
I " Preaching Without Ordination," <fec, by Edward Chillenden, Lieutenant of Horse,
1857.
172
The head and front of their offending was, that they did
it in an " irregular manner," and without sufficiently
consulting the opinions and feelings of the " learned,
pious, and orthodox Divines " who then happened to he
in power.
Saltmarsh,* in his " Sparkles of Glory, or some Beams
of the Morning Star, to the Establishment and great
Enlargement of a christian in Spirit and in Truth," 1647,
explains the views then current, in his dedication to the
Parliament, and attacks the Presbyterian party for their
part in the enacting of the before-mentioned law for the
suppression of "unordained" ministry, or "public or
private" expounding of the Scriptures. According to their
view, "God," he tells them, "must not speak till man give
him leave, not teach, nor preach, but when man allows, and
approves, and ordains." " The infinitely abounding Spirit of
God, which blows when and where it listeth, and ministers
in Christians according to the gift, and prophesies according
to the will of Almighty God, is made subject to the laws
and ordinances of men," as ordination, &c. He presents
to the Parliament " some things that I may not be dis-
obedient to the heavenly vision, or Light of God revealed
in me." He explains the mystery of the " First Adam
and the Second Adam " very much in the same way as
Fox at a later period.
* Saltmarsh refused tithes, and restored to the State all the tithes that he had taken.
See "Light for Smoak," &c.
CHAPTEE IX.
The Origin, Opinions, and rapid Spread op the
" Seekers " or " Waiters." Milton's views respect-
ing " Sects " and " Schisms." The State of the
Country. The Puritans. " The Scruple Shop."
True Causes of the Opposition of the " Sectaries "
to the Presbyterian Party. Prophecy is held to
be a Ministerial Gift. The " Letter " and " the
Spirit." Both Parties proceed to Extremes. An
Anglican Prophet. " Miracles " and " Gifts of
Healing." Religious Excitement produces Religious
Insanity.
Edwards tells us that the sect of " Seekers greatly in-
creased at this period, Independents Baptists leaving their
congregations; not only the people, but the ministers."
It has sometimes been considered that the Seekers con-
sisted merely of those who were unsettled in their religious
views, but it is unquestionable that in the times of the
Commonwealth, they had their regular assemblies, consti-
tuted according to their peculiar views. The origin of the
views of the Seekers, must be sought far earlier than the
period of which we are treating.
Bartholomew Legate, whom James I. on February 10th,
1611, " adventured with a good conscience to burn,"* for
holding thirteen heretical opinions against the divinity
* Notwithstanding that " some lawyers " were of opinion, that '• whatsoever was
done in Queen Elizabeth's reign, was done de facto and not de jure."
\S
174
of our Lord,* was a man of great ability, and. prior to 1608,
was a preacher in a congregation, holding the views of the
" Seekers" of the Commonwealth, in Zealand in Holland.!
We shall hereafter find the celebrated Galenas Abrahams,
of Amsterdam, holding the opinions of the Seekers. It is
not impossible that the origin of the Seekers may be
traced to the little hidden societies of the " Friends of
God," who will remind us of Tauler and Nicholas of Basle,
and carry us to a period prior to the Eeformation. Ubbo
Philipps, a cotemporary and fellow labourer of Menno,
distinctly states that there were societies " who served God
in quiet simplicity — after the manner of the patriarchs, &c,
and who sought God from the heart ; served and clave to
Him without preachers, teachers, or an outward gathering "
— but that some of these " were not satisfied to serve God
with such a quiet clean heart," and, like the Israelites,
desired visible gods, and set up a congregation, office, and
order, and giving themselves out as sent of God, com-
menced to baptise, preach, teach, and set up a new church.
The names of these seceders, according to Ubbo Philipps,
were, viz., Thomas Muntzer, Hubmaier, Einck, Hut, Denk,
Hetzer, who afterwards became Baptists. While it is ob-
vious that the earlier religionists he speaks of, held that the
original Church of Christ and His Apostles had been so
corrupted and laid waste by Antichrist, that the Apostolic
" order," " mission," and " teaching," no longer existed in
its original purity, and while having relations with one
* See " Letter from John Chamberlain, Esq., to Sir Dudley Carleton " — Birch's MSS.,
4173. The thirteen heretical opinions may be found in " Truth brought to Light on
History of the first Fourteen Years of James U.," 1692.
t See "Henoch Clapham's Error on the Eight Hand," &c, 1608. Third, fourth,
and fifth dialogues between " Anabaptist," " Flyer," " Famihst," and " Legatine Arrian."
There can be no doubt that under this name Clapham intends Legate himself, and the
writer admits that the characters represented are real persons.
175
another as simple and spiritually minded Christians, they
maintained the attitude of seeking or waiting on God, hold-
ing the opinion that no scriptural warrant existed for setting
up a visible church.* Whether we have here the origin of
the ideas of the " Seekers," or "Waiters" of Commonwealth
times, is a question which may be determined by future inves-
tigations, but it is certain that the " Seekers" are mentioned
by name, as a religious body or party, by Morton, one of the
first English Mennonite or General Baptist writers, as early
as the year 1617.1 Baillie tells us that Spilsby, (one of the
same school of Baptists) " acknowledges, that many Bap-
tists become Seekers." He states also that the Seekers
did not celebrate Baptism and the Lord's Supper. {
Saltmarsh gives a clear account of the views of the
" Seekers." He says that they " find that the christians
of the first or Apostles' time .... were men
visibly and spiritually endowed with power from on high,
or with the gifts of the Spirit, and so were able to make
clear and evident demonstration of God amongst them,
as in the churches of all the christians then in Corinth,
Ephesus," &c; and "that all who administered in any
outward office as to spiritual things were visibly gifted."
There was then an " apostle, evangelist, prophet," &c, &c,
and " all administered in the anointing or unction of
Spirit, clearly, certainly, infallibly ; they ministered as the
oracles of God. But now, in this time of the apostacy of
the churches, they find no such gifts, and so dare not
• " Ubbo Phillipps Bekentnitz," &c, written before his death in 1568, and reprinted
in " Jehring's Griindliche Historie," <fcc, p. 29. Jena, 1720.
f See pp. 410, 411. Note pp. 412, 413.
J Saltmarsh, whose views were closely connected with those of the Seekers, denies
that under the Gospel there is any outward baptism, and that any administrators of
the ordinances were provided for in the Gospel. — *' The Shining of a Flaming Fire in
Zion," p. 15 and 3, by Hansard Knollys, London, 1645.
176
preach, baptise, or teach, &c, or have any church fellow-
ship, because they find no attainment yet in any churches,
or church ways, or administration of ordinances, according
to the pattern of the New Testament, &c, &c. Therefore
they wait in this time of the apostacy of the church ; they
wait, only in prayer and conference." They wait for an
apostle, or angel, able in the Spirit to give some visible
demonstration of their sending, &c* This was thought by
them to be an " upper room," a higher administration
"than Presbytery, Independency, Baptism;" that gathering
into that way was saying, " Lo ! Christ is here," and going
after the lo ! heres and lo ! theres. It is obvious that
among the " Seekers " there was a strong mystical ten-
dency. Cromwell, in his letter to his daughter, Bridget
Ireton, written in 1646, tells her that her sister Claypole
is " exercised with some perplexed thoughts .... to
be a Seeker is to be of the best sect next to a finder."
William Penn, in his preface to Fox's Journal, tells us
* They held that " God would shortly raise up apostles with visible infallible gifts to
preach the Gospel," and that it is "the will of God that miracles should attend the
ministry as in primitive times" — "A Eelation of Several Heresies," &c, p. 15, 1646.
Both the General Baptists and the Friends argued with the Seekers, that there was
" the presence of an apostolical power now among us directing and authorising men in
the gathering of churches," &c. " The ministry of the apostles is now among us to
direct and authorize what is to be done in the christian life in matters of worship,
ordinances, and the like." — See " A Doubt Besolved, or Satisfaction for the Seekers," &c,
by William Allen, pp. 23 and 28 (he was a General Baptist, see p. 327 " Hansard Knollys
Society Confessions of Faith). This throws considerable light on Fox's statement
that he and his helpers were in the spirit and power of the Apostles. We therefore
see that this is not a claiming of Apostolic inspiration, but speaks of a vital distinc-
tion of church officers. The Independents (see note, p. 104) denied that apostles
and evangelists now existed, but had ceased, and therefore no such church officers
could be maintained in church government. The General Baptists and the Society of
Friends maintained that the necessity for such officers had not ceased, and asked for
proof of such a general evangelizing mission to all Churches having ceased, which was
not easy to give. The question of the authority of scripture did not enter into the
discussion.
177
that the Seekers, " or the Family of Love," as they "were
called by some,* sometimes met together, not formally to
pray or preach, at appointed times and places, not in their
own wills as in times past they were accustomed to do, but
waited together in silence, and as anything arose in one of
their minds that they thought favoured with a divine spring,
so they sometimes spoke." /John Jackson, one of the
Seekers, gives the following explanation of the views and
practices of the middle or more moderate class of Seekers, f
Firstly, they seek the mind of God in the Scriptures.
Secondly, they judge that prayer and alms are to be
attended to, and for this purpose they come together
" into some place on the First-days as their hearts are
drawn forth and opportunity offers." They then seek
" firstly, that they may be instruments in the hand of the
Lord to stir up the grace of God in one another, by mutual
conference and communication of experience." Secondly,
to wait for a further revelation. Thirdly, to hold out their
" testimony against the false, and for the pure ordinance of
ministry and worship."^ They behave themselves as per-
sons who have neither " the power nor the gift to go before
one another by way of eminency, or authority, but as sheep
unfolded, and as souldiers unrallied, waiting for a time of
gathering," &c. They acknowledge " no other visible
teacher but the Word and works of God, on whom they
wait, for the grace which is to be brought at the revelation
* Penn must have been greatly misinformed here, not only because the principles of
the Seekers are not found in the tracts of the Familists, but, as we have seen, the
Familists were those who had found genuine prophets of a most exalted description.
f "Hosannah to the Son of David," London, 1657. He states (p. 3) that " Satan,
on purpose to deceive as much as in him lies the remnant of the seed, has sent abroad
certain instruments under great disguises of purity and piety, clothing them with tha
titles of the apostles and viessengers sent abroad to preach the everlasting Gospel,
whose designation among men is that they go under the name of Quakers."
O
178
of Jesus Christ." He gives it as his present opinion
(which shows that he is diverging from the opinion of the
" Seekers "), that people, after they are " espoused by-
Christ, have a right to choose their own minister, hut not
before. The power then rests in a travelling, Apostolic
Ministry. An Apostolic Ministry for begetting a Pastoral
Ministry, for feeding " a congregation?)
We shall hereafter describe another class of " Seekers "
whose views were closely connected with the " Banters."
The opinions of the Seekers and Banters seem to have
been propagated in the lines of the connection we have
been tracing between the Continental and English Baptists.
It will be readily seen that the objection of the " Seekers"
to Baptism and the Lord's Supper, simply rested upon the
idea that no properly authorized administrators of these
ordinances now existed, and that they were waiting for the
gathering of a new christian Church by a divine and
miraculous power, and persons properly sent and qualified
to administer these ordinances.
Edwards informs us, that among the errors, heresies, and
blasphemies of the times, were the following, which appear
to be closely connected with the spread of the " Seeker"
congregations : — " That to read Scripture to a mixed con-
gregation is dangerous.* That we did look for great
matters from One crucified at Jerusalem 1600 years ago;
but that does no good, it must be a Christ formed in us,
— the Deity united to our humanity.! That men ought to
preach and exercise their gifts without study and pre-
meditation, and not to think of what they are to say till
they speak, because it shall be given them in that hour,
and the Spirit shall teach them.J That there is no need
* Error 10. t Ibid. 29. + Ibid. 127.
179
of human learning or reading of authors for preachers, but
all books and learning must go down. It comes from want
of the Spirit that men write such great volumes ! * That only
persons who have an infallible spirit, as the Apostles,
should pray.f That christians are not bound to pray
constantly every day at set times, as morning and evening,
but only at such time that the Spirit moves them to it,
and if they find not themselves to be moved in many days
and weeks together, they ought not to pray. J That parents
are not to catechize their little children, nor to set them
to read Scripture, or to teach them to pray, but to let them
alone for God to teach them. §
Pamphlets and books upon religious subjects, came forth
from the press at this time by thousands. The unsettled
state of the country, and the contest which was raging
between the King and the Parliament, and the advancing
power of the Independents in the army and elsewhere, gave
a practical freedom of the press, such as had never before
existed in England.
Milton's greatest prose production, " Areopagatica," a
speech for the liberty of unlicensed printing, was published
in 1644. He understood the crisis, and saw in it "a
noble and puissant nation rousing herself, like a strong
man after a sleep, and shaking her invincible locks. Me-
thinks I see her, as an eagle mewing her mighty youth,
and kindling her undazzled eyes at the full mid-day beam,
purging and unsealing her long abused sight at the foun-
tain itself of heavenly radiance, while the whole noise of
timorous and flocking birds, with those also that love the
twilight, flutter about amazed at what she means, and in
their envious gabble would prognosticate a year of sects and
* Error 128. t Ibid. 135. J Ibid. 137. § Ibid. 157.
O 2
180
schisms." Was not ' the Christian faith once a schism ? ■
" Under these fantastic terms of sect and schism, we wrong
the earnest and zealous thirst after knowledge and under-
standing which God hath stirred up in this city." A rigid
external formality leads to a ' gross, conforming stupidity.'
Men's ' mouths ' were to be stopped, ' because we fear they
come with new and dangerous opinions, as we commonly
forejudge them ere we understand them.' These are not
only words of wisdom, but are also words which men even
now do not understand. Milton believed " that truth ivas
strong j next to the Almighty; she needs no policies, nor strata-
gems, nor licencings, to make her victorious." Milton's
poem " on the Forcers of Conscience," shows us the views
of the early Independents, Baptists, and the founders of the
Society of Friends, and of tens of thousands of their fellow-
countrymen at this period, respecting the Presbyterians and
the Assembly of Divines : —
" Because you have thrown off your prelate lord,
And with stiff vows renounced his liturgy
To seize the widdowed whore Plurality ;
Dare ye for this adjure the civil sword
To force our consciences that Christ set free,
And ride us with a ' classic ' hierarchy ;
Taught ye by mere A. S.* and Butherford, —
Men whose life, learning, faith, and pure intent,
Would have been held in high esteem with Paul,
Must now be named and printed ' heretics '
By shallow Edwards and Scotch What-d'ye-call ; f
But we do hope to find out all your tricks,
Your plots, and packing worse than those of Trent.
That so the Parliament
May with their wholesome and preventive shears
Clip your phylacteries, though baulk your ears,
And succour our just fears,
When they shall read this clearly in your charge ;
New presbyter is but old priest writ large."
Describing the state of the country one writer says, —
* Dr. Adam Steuart. f Bobert Baillie.
181
" Honest industry is quite discouraged, being almost use-
less; most men that have estates are betrayed by one side
or another, plundered, sequestered. Trading (the life and
subsistence of thousands) decaying, eaten up with taxes;
your poor quite ready to famish, or to rise to pull relief
from rich men's hands by violence. Squeezed by taxes;
wracked with war ; the anvil indeed 'of misery, upon which
all the strokes of vengeance fall. A woeful nation ! once
the finest people in the world, now the veriest slaves —
slaves not to one, but many masters."*
Many were brought by affliction, by the loss of friends, of
relatives, of children, by the loss of their property, and all
the chances and changes of a civil war, to seek " a better
country." " Content is not here," it was said, " where
can we find it ? Like the dove of the deluge, that flew
to the ark because nowhere else could it fold its wings to
rest, many were taught by trouble to seek rest in Christ." f
We smile when we read of " Seekers," but the very name
expresses a great fact in the spiritual history of this nation.
In those days men's hearts were stirred to their very depths.
Thousands felt that they needed something more than the
empty show of religion. They wished to grasp the reality.
It is fancied by some, that the mere fashion of the times will
account for sermons of two or three hours, and prayers of
an hour long being listened to with rapt attention, but it
was not so. There is every evidence that the strongest
heads believed, and the stoutest hearts were bowed under
the conviction, that an offended God was pleading with a
nation who had deeply transgressed His holy laws. The
splendid imagery of the Jewish prophets and the Book of
* " The Leaves of the Tree of Life," Ac, p. 31. W. Sedgwick, 1648.
t "Joseph Alleine : His Companions and Times," by Charles Stanford.
182
Eevelations was applied to the state of the nation, and there
were few who did not expect that some extraordinary era
was about to commence.*
This is not the language of a sect, or party; it pervades the
religious utterances of all truly pious souls, from Bishop
Hall to George Fox. What a vivid picture does Bishop
Hall give of these times, when he says, " ' Oh that my head
were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I
might weep day and night for the slain of the daughter of
my people.' — Isaiah ix. 1. Was there ever a more fearful
example of Divine vengeance against any nation, than to be
armed against each other to their mutual destruction, that
christian, compatriot brethren should pour out each other's
blood like water in our streets, and leave their mangled
carcases for compost in our fields, — that fathers and sons
should so put off all natural affection as to think it no
violation of piety to cut the throats of each other. Oh,
that we have lived to see the wofnl havoc that the hellish
fury of war hath made everywhere in this flourishing and
populous island, — the flames of hostile fury rising up in
our towns and cities, the devastation of our fruitful and
pleasant villages, the demolition of our magnificent struc-
tures, the spoile and ruine of those fabrics which should be
sacred; in a word, this goodly land for a great part of it
turned to a very Golgotha and Aceldama. These, these,
my brethren, if our eyes be not made of pumices, must
needs fetch tears from us, and put us into a constant habit
of mourning. Of whom do you think Isaiah speaks when
he saith ' They have erred through wine, and through
strong drink are out of the way, the priest and the prophet
* The idea of the near approach of a "Fifth Monarchy" was most widely spread,
and this must not be identified with the opinions of the few crazy enthusiasts called
4 Fifth Monarchy Men."
183
have erred through strong drink,' (Indian smoak was not
then known) &c. — Isaiah xxviii. 7. Of whom do you think
the same Hosea speaks when he says, ' They have spoken
words, swearing falsely in making a covenant.' — Hosea x. 4.
Yet once more do we think of the hold intrusion of pre-
sumptuous persons into the sacred calling without any
commission from God. Of whom do we think the prophet
Jeremy speaks, ' The prophets prophesy lies in my name, I
sent them not, neither have I commanded them.' —
Jeremiah xiv. 14." *
The very same quotations are made for opposite objects,
and it is instructive to see both Bishop Hall and Fox
applying the very same texts to the circumstances of the
times, and to denounce the drunken parish priest, the
Covenanter, and the Puritan intruder into the ministry.
The alarm of the country, respecting the designs of the
Eomish church, had a depth and reality of which we cannot
form the faintest conception. It is not too much to say
that this alarm was justified by the events of the time.
The Thirty Years War, which had desolated Germany, was
now coming to an end from the mutual exhaustion of the
combatants. The cause of Protestantism was in no way
advanced. Protestants, as well as Catholics, had violated
every principle of true religion in the contest. Places,
which were once the scenes of civilization and prosperity,
were now the haunts of wolves and robbers. The popula-
tion in South and West Germany was diminished by
twenty, and in some cases fifty per cent. It may be reason-
ably doubted how far the interests of Protestantism (if by
this term is meant real religion) were forwarded by the
* "Kemaining Works of Bishop Hall," London, 1659. " The Mourner in Zion" —
a sermon on Ecclesiastes iii. 4 — pp. 158, 148, 160.
184
tenet of the lawfulness of the use of arms to support its
cause. It directly associated the Christian Eeligion with the
idea of worldly power, and by linking the cause of Chris-
tianity with the fortunes of political parties, it has furnished
directly or indirectly the greatest obstacles to its reception.
The aspect of Europe filled every Protestant with appre-
hension, and this continued over the whole period of
which we are treating. The Pope issued a Bull, pro-
mising canonization to those Catholics who fell on the
side of the King, which was intercepted and sent up to
Parliament.* The power of the Papacy as a purely worldly
organization was greater than that of a purely political
Protestantism. Eobbed of its spirituality and earnestness,
the power of Protestantism was now greatly diminished.
We may recollect that the massacre of the Yaudois, by the
Duke of Savoy and the French, took place on the 25th
January, 1655.
In England there were among the Puritan or Presby-
terian party many enlightened, christian men, whose
learning and piety will ever be held in reverence. There
were among them many pious and earnest preachers of
the Gospel. But we may well doubt whether real religion
flourished among them in the hour of their triumph, as it
did when they were a down- trodden and persecuted people.
There was great need in their religion of that which is
"from above," which is not only "first, pure," but also
" peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy
and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy."
To use Baxter's words, "the pulpit, instead of being made
a means of preaching the Gospel to ignorant, miserable
people, they rather disputed with them of formalities and
* Commons' Journals, vol. iii., pr>. 257, 264, noted " in Alleine's Life," by C. Stanford.
185
niceties, when the question presently to be determined is
whether they are to live in heaven or hell." Their sermons
were doctrinal rather than practical.
What an extraordinary view does it give us of the religious
ideas of the seven Puritan divines who were sent by the Par-
liament, in the beginning of September, 1646, to Oxford, to
reconcile the University to the Presbyterian cause, when we
contemplate the fact that they set up a Conference, every
Thursday, where they undertook to solve " Cases of Con-
science." The case was to be propounded a week before, in
order that it might be well considered. Can we avoid the
conclusion that the religion of these men had something in
it of a mechanical kind, when matters, which lay between
men and their God, were solved just as we should now lay
a case before an eminent barrister? It was called " the
scruple shop," by the Oxford scholars, and, as might be
readily conceived, it was not very successful business.*
* To give a practical illustration of the operation of " the Scruple Shop," shortly after
it was instituted, we annex the following account : —
" A Public Conference between the six Presbyterian Ministers and some Independent
Commanders, held at Oxford, on Thursday, November 12th, 1646.
" Sir, — Though you be never so serious, I must break in upon you. I am in pain
till I have propagated our laughter to you, which hath held us ever since last Scruple
Thursday. You know the Scruple Office, where the Doubting Sisters are carried with
zeal, to join in a reformation with the Resolving Brethren, and burdened consciences
come to lay down their loads, and go away with others — where the Eesolvers take away
their doubts, and gain the Doubters. The six Presbyterian divines have been so much
worsted by the Independent commanders, that in a late public disputation they asserted
4 that they had no commission from God to be ministers,' in the presence of 200 or
300 schollars and others, which much blanked those worthies who were sent thither
to reform that University, and to resolve queries, doubts, and scruples. Next Thursday,
November 19th, they were concerned utterly to waive any more conscience-resolving
disputes." — King's Pamph., Brit. Museum, 287-4. Another account : " A True Eelation
of the Late Conference," published November 26th, 1646, says "You hear how the
late apostles, Mr. Reynolds, <fec, have set up a Scruple House, where they sit each
Thursday to resolve the doubts of the perverse weak consciences. This place, the
Independents (o stout generation of tender consciences J) have found out, and after
180
They were oftentimes, doubtless, sincere men, but surely
their views of the nature of the Christian religion were very
defective. The pulpit was made a means of preaching war
and bloodshed, and exciting those passions of our nature,
which are not less earthly and devilish because arrayed in
the garb of high sounding and scriptural language.
Marshall thus preached before the Commons, February
23rd, 1641. "He is a cursed man that withholds his
hands from shedding of blood, or that shall do it fraudu-
lently, i.e., kill some and save some. If he go not through
with the work, he is a cursed man, when this is to be done
on Moab, the enemy of God's church." Again, Case on
Daniel xi., 32, to the Commons. " Cursed be he that
withholdeth his sword from blood, that spares when God
saith strike, that suffers those to escape whom God hath
appointed to destruction." He also thus preaches to the
Commons, November 5th, 1644. "Do justice to the
greatest. Saul's sons are not to be spared; no, nor may
Agag, nor Benhadad, tho' themselves kings : Timri and
Cosbi, though princes of the people, must be pursued unto
their tents. This is the way to consecrate yourselves to
God." On January 15th, 1643, the same preacher says,
" In vain are the high praises of God in your mouths,
unless a two-edged sword in your hand." A Koyalist
writer says, " the pulpit sounded as much as the drum,
and the preacher spit as much flame as the cannon."
' Curse ye Meroz,' was the text, and blood and plunder,
three weeks' solicitation, gained that on Thursday last they might be heard." Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Huson set forth the syllogism, " They who hinder the consciences of
the Saints, and inflicted corporal punishment for spiritual weaknesses were "strikers ! "
but the esteemed ministers are such, ergo, &c. Dr. Beynolds then answered. The
captain then proceeds : " They who take unto themselves the goods of others, restor-
ing nothing of value or recompense, are covetous. But the esteemed ministers were
such," ergo, &c. A
187
the comment and the use."* " A grievous error," says
Marsden, "had long infected the Puritan theology." "The
examples of the Old Testament in all political affairs, were
asserted to be those which christian men and christian
communities were bound to follow." The enemies of
Christ and his Church were to be treated like the enemies
of the Jewish Church of old. "This was the worst error of
the Puritans. Eventually it destroyed their piety, their
reputation, and their cause."
We have seen that the principles of the Independent
Churches in Holland, and especially those of Smyth of
Amsterdam, the father of the General Baptists, struck at
the root of this and other errors which lent so repulsive an
aspect to Presbyterian theology. Dr. Stoughton saysf that
the Puritans were not only champions of predestination,
but that they " identified it with the doctrine of salvation
by grace." It may be said of them, that while they grasped
firmly, and set forth faithfully, the great doctrine of justifi-
cation by faith only, in opposition to the Romish doctrine
of justification by the merit of works, there was, both in
their case and in that of the Anglican divines of that day,
" a lack of that teaching which exalts the regenerating and
sanctifying agency of the Holy Spirit." There can hardly
be a doubt that, in the words of Sanderson, } the celebrated
Anglican churchman, a truly pious and excellent man, there
were many among the extreme Puritan or Presbyterian
party, who " thought that they might be religious first, and
then just and merciful; that they might sell their con-
sciences and yet have something left that was worth
keeping ; that they might be sure they were elected, though
* " A Loyal Tear," a sermon on sin, p. 30. 1667.
f "Ecclesiastical History of England."
J Quoted by Dr. Stoughton in his " Church of the Commonwealth," vol. ii., p. 328
183
their lives were visibly scandalous ; that to be cunning was
to be wise ; that to be rich was to be happy, though their
wealth was got without justice or mercy."
Let us, for a moment, contemplate, not the views of the
extreme section of the Puritan or Presbyterian party, but
those of the pious Eichard Baxter. In his " Humble
Advice of the Heads of those things which were offered
to many Honourable Members of Parliament," December
24th, 1655, in order " to make the name of this Parliament
honourable to all generations, and bring many thousand
souls to heaven (!) " this good man actually advises the
appointment of public catechisers to teach some creed, the
Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and then the
"Assembly's Shorter Catechism," and that " all persons
submit to be catechised by these ministers under some
Jit penalty every month they shall refuse to be catechised."
He also advises that the laws already in force respecting
the observance of the Lord's-day be put in operation, and
that the officers be authorized "to whip those that cannot
pay. . . . For the custom of setting in stocks doth make
them contemn it. The like I move for swearers, drunkards,
and prohibited ale sellers."
Baxter set forth, in 1659, a scheme of government
embodying the ideas of Geneva and New England, en-
titled, "A Holy Commonwealth, or Political Aphorisms
opening the True Principles of the Government;" and
from this we may glean the practical measures which
the Puritan or Presbyterian party had in store for us,
had their triumph been complete. He discussed " how
a Commonwealth may be reduced to this theocratical tem-
per " (p. 241). In the first place " the ministers of Christ
are . . . . to ' be generally able, judicious, godly, faithful,
diligent men.' " Secondly, " no persons to be electors, none
189
as Cives (or free subjects commonly called burgesses or
enfranchised persons" — p. 219), but "those who have
publicly owned the Baptismal Covenant, personally, delibe-
rately and seriously" (p. 247). And further, " that ordinary
despisers of God's public worship, or neglecters of it, and
of the guidance of God's ministers " (p. 249) not to have
a vote ! Not only so, but since the " ordering of the
churches" required the " exercise of holy discipline," they
would, in conjunction with their minister, have the power
to disfranchise any person by excommunicating them.
These powers seemed to Baxter himself to require some
check on the ministers' power of admission or rejection of
Church members, and he suggested that " the Government
should appoint a new class of functionaries as ' church
justices,' or 'censors,' who were to be 'the ivisest' that the
Government could select, and who were to meet with the
Church officers, and form a barrier to an improper use by
the ministers, of their power " (p. 252). He very justly
remarks, that in order to set up this " Holy Commonwealth
— to make the Commonwealth more divine — our Parliament
must be more divine ! " (p. 257).
Let us conceive the practical operation of such methods
of government as these upon the population, rich and poor,
and we may thank God that this country escaped the inflic-
tion, even for a few short years, of the legislative enactments
contemplated by the Presbyterian party, and those who
participated with them in their thorough-going ideas of a
fusion of Church and State. We may see, also, that the
despised "Sectaries" — the section of the Independents and
Baptists who did not forsake their principles, and the
Society of Friends — promulgated views of the spiritual
nature of the Christian religion, and of religious liberty,
which saved this nation from a course calculated to bring
190
all religion into discredit, and make infidelity to take root
and flourish.
Dr. Stoughton's view of Fox's character, and the
effects of his teaching, are well worthy of perusal; with
a courage and breadth of view shared by few writers on
the subject, he has done justice to the important bearing of
the doctrinal and practical views of the nature of Chris-
tianity which were propagated by George Fox, upon the
condition of religious thought and feeling which we
have endeavoured to describe. He says,* "by Fox's
public teaching he became more widely known, and
exerted an influence which has lasted from that day to
this." "Believing in the fundamental doctrines of Chris-
tianity,! and regarding them in an anti-calvinistic light —
strong in a simple, evangelical faith, but without any
theological discipline of thought, preferring the words of
Scripture to the words of men — he added to all this, as the
first fruits of his mystical tendencies, a belief in the " in-
ward light," even the revelationof Christ in the soul ; not
as superseding Holy Scripture, but as its necessary witness
and gracious supplement. He dwelt largely upon redemp-
tion through Christ, as consisting in a deliverance from sin,
not simply from its guilt, but from its power— a view of
salvation of the very last importance — and one which had been,
at least partially, obscured through the prominence given
by some theologians of the day to the doctrine of pardon, and
the change effected in our legal relationship by the work of
Christ, without a due exhibition of the moral change in the
heart and life, which forms so important an aspect of the one
* "Church of the Commonwealth," vol. ii. p. 354. See also the whole of hia
remarks, pp. 348 to 359.
f " Perm states the doctrine of Quakerism, in his preface to the " Life of Fox," xiii.,
and seq."
191
salvation of the Gospel of God." Mr. C. H. Spurgeon, in
his lecture on the character of George Fox, seems to have
seized by a kind of personal sympathy, the salient points of
his character, and the religious movement of which he was
the originator, when he says, " Now it happened that the
" Puritans, who had been like the spring buds and blossoms,
" were getting into the sere and yellow leaf, and the Inde-
" pendents, and Baptists, and other sects, who were at
" times thoroughly and even remarkably spiritual, were
" growing worldly, political, and vain glorious. They had
" an opportunity of grasping the carnal sword, and they
" embraced that opportunity ; and from that very moment
" very many of them lost the spirituality for which they
" had been eminent. The danger was, lest the Evangelical
" sects should quietly settle down into one State Church,
" make a scramble for the good things of the ecclesiastical
" establishment, and preach each one after its own fashion,
" in the numbness of death rather than in the power of life.
" At that very moment God sent into the world George
" Fox, who must have been the most troublesome man in
" the world to those good easy souls who counted upon a
11 quiet season of sleep. They had said, ' soul, take thine
" ease, thou hast much goods laid up for many years.' It
" was by the mouth of George Fox that God said to each
" one of them, ■ thou fool.' George Fox, it seems to me,
" was a blessing, not to you alone, but to the whole of
" Christendom. He stood up in the face of the Christian
" Church, and said to it, * No, thou shalt not do this.
" Thou shalt not conform thyself to the world. Thou
" shalt not go into an unholy alliance with the State, there
" shall still be in the midst of thee a spiritual people, who
V shall bear their protest that Christ's kingdom is not of
" this world, and that religion standeth not in forms and
192
" ceremonies, but is a matter connected with the inner man,
" and is the work of God's Spirit in the heart.' I look upon
" George Fox rather as a practical, than a doctrinal man."
Lord Macaulay has used his talents to caricature Fox.
The simplicity and earnestness of Fox's character would
not admit of the method of treatment adopted in the case
of William Penn, and since he was unable to represent
George Fox as a knave or a villain, he draws his portrait
as that of a fool, " with an intellect too much disordered
for liberty, and not sufficiently disordered for Bedlam."
Macaulay has been ably and temperately answered by
J. S. Eowntree, in "An Enquiry into the Truthfulness of
Lord Macaulay's Portraiture of George Fox."*
Marsden says,f respecting Fox, "A young man of one-and-
twenty, aroused to the contemplation of his future being,
and withdrawn by the instant presence of a world unseen
from the opening charms of life and its joyous prospects,
presents a scene of moral grandeur, with which, the man
who is unaffected, must rank amongst the most depraved
and brutish of his kind. His mission rested upon one
idea, the greatest that can penetrate the mind of man —
' God is a Spirit, and they that worship Him must
worship Him in Spirit and in truth/ He saw the best
men of his time pursuing two separate objects, which
appeared, indeed, to them to be the same, but betwixt
which his penetrating intellect was at no loss to discover
a mighty chasm. The one was the glory of God, the
other the setting up of some idol of their own — some
model of immaculate Church government." Mr. Marsden
might have added, that their object was to enlist the strong
arm of the State on their side, and to cause all to bow
* Kitto, London.
t "Later Puritans," pp. 236, 336, 338.
193
down to that form which they considered essential to the
existence of Christianity, and to force men to violate their
conscience in contributing to the support of this " idol."
Men had therefore the choice of becoming either Atheists,
hypocrites, or Separatists, and the result was, greater and
greater disunion in the Church of Christ. There is no
feature of Fox's character more striking, than his absolute
separation from all the political aims and objects of the men
of his time. It is the more important to notice this,
since a view has been taken by several writers of ability,
that a covert intention existed in the Society to interfere
with matters of State. While the Early Baptists and
Independents started in the movement, in which Fox bore
his part, with the same purely religious views, and a large
number of their Churches steadily adhered to them, there
cannot be a doubt that their religious influence was gradually
lessened by their meddling with politics. This feature he
succeeded in impressing on his followers ; and the almost
entire absence of political allusions in the great mass of the
religious literature of the Society, and even in the most
private correspondence of Fox and the early preachers,
proves beyond a doubt the entirely religious character of
the movement. There was, however, no morbid shrinking
from political life on the part of Fox's followers, nor did
Fox teach the incompatibility of the duties of a christian,
and of a magistrate. They were, however, fully occupied
with the salvation of men's souls, an object which absorbed
all their energies.
One great exception must however be made as to the in-"
fluence of Fox and his Society upon the politics of the time.*
* The perusal of the following extract from a political tract, written in 1645, will
explain the state of feeling existing when Fox commenced preaching. The statement
that if the " King placed the Episcopal clergy, and the Parliament the Presbyterian
P
194
Fox was the most persevering and consistent opponent of
the principle of the support of religion by the State. In
the present day we shall be fully prepared to give him
clergy, in the fore front of the battle, a ' reconciliation ' would have been effected ;
because they would have ' preached as zealously for peace as they do now for war,'
and the exclamation that ' a priest must not forsooth be meddled with,' and that he
was free from all taxes," are worthy of notice. The whole extract enables us vividly to
conceive the character of the times in which he lived, and explains his position — see
page 16 of "Martin's Eccho, or a Bemonstrance from His Holinesse reverend
Young Martin Mar-Priest, responsorie to the late Sacred Synoddicall Decretall, in
all humility presented to the reverend, pious, and grave consideration of the
Eight Eeverend Father in God, the Universall Bishop of our soules, his superlative
Holinesse Sir Simon Synod." 1615
"Eejoice! rejoice, good people, for this blessed reformation, which is ready, like an
evening wolfe, to cease upon you, and your loving friends and neighbours ; stand still
gaping with your mouths, and quietly bow down your backs, whilst you are bridled
and sadled, and let the holy, humble, and gentle Presbyters get up and ride ; they will
doubtlesse deal very meekly with you, and not put you out of your pace, though the
Proverbe be, set a beggar a hors-back, and hee'l ride to the Devill, though they have
spurs, yet they will not use them. You remember how the bishops poasted you
furiously too and fro like Jehu, the son of Nimshy, untill with soundring and surbates
they had even wearied you of your lives ; the gentle Presbyters will in no wise ride you
bo hard, though some malignants would make you believe that Sir John will never be
off your backs, because it is intended hee shall have his holy spirituall courts in every
parish in the kingdome, but this benefit you are like to have, that if by his continuall
riding, he so gawle your backs and shoulders, that you can no longer endure, but cry
out by reason of your soare oppression, you shall have liberty graunted you, to leap
out of the frying-pan into the fire, by making your appeal to the Common Councill of
Presbyters forsooth, where, when you shall come with this complaint, ' Your fathers,
the bishops, made our work grievous, and our parochial Presbyters (those Lyons
whelps) doe add thereto, now doe you ease somewhat the grievous servitude, and
heavy yoak put upon us ; ' you may expect from this Honourable Court an answer like
unto that of Eehoboam's, to those distressed people that cryed unto him, ' Our father
made your yoaks heavy, but wee will adde thereto ; our fathers chastised you with whips,
but wee will chastise you with scorpions ; and mend yourselves as you can, for we are
the divine power, and consequently the lawgivers both of Church and State, and there-
fore you are to be content, and submit yourselves to your superiors, your several! Pres-
byters in your severall parishes that have the rule over you must in no wise be resisted ;
but, as it is meet, be humbly obeyed in all things that they shall command you, and
their power is not to be questioned, for the same power which lately was resident and
confin'd to the breast of one man, to wit, an archbishop, is inherent and of divine
right in the body of the Presbytery, aud convey'd equally to every particular Presbyter ;
therefore, if their Episcopall power be offensive and obnoxious to you, never expect to
195
credit for his clear view of the innumerable evils which
have been entailed upon the cause of true religion by the
principle of a State Church, and to admire the amazing
have it otherwise, for your Parliaments themselves cannot lawfully help you.' Now have
you not cause to rejoice for this jubilee, this yeere of deliverance from your antichristian
servitude to Egyptian bondage ? Yes, sure, therefore, I say, rejoice and be glad, and
again rejoice, lift up your heads, for doubtlesse your redemption draweth nigh, the
righteous shall be delivered out of trouble, and the wicked shall come into his stead, —
Prov. xi. 8. But in plain termes (loving friends, neighbours and countreymen), let us
a little reason together seriously. Have not you borne the brunt and heat of this
unnaturall warre? Is it not you who pay all the taxes, cessments, and oppressions
whatsoever ? Is not the whole burthen laid upon your backs ; burthen after bur-
then, even till your backs breake ? How many thousands of you, who were of great
estate, are even reduced yourselves, your dear wives and children, to misery and
extream poverty? How many thousands and millions have you exhausted; yea,
hath not your hands been liberall beyond your abilities? How freely have you
brought in your gold, your silver, your Jewells, rings, &c, which in London, Middlesex,
and Essex, amounted to eleven millions, besides threescore millions extracted out of the
countries, with the innumerable summes otherwise raised, and spent in this service ?
Hath not your blood, the blood of your deare children and friends, being only engaged
and spilt ; and is it not daily shed in this quarrell, while the Presbyters clap you on
the backs, animate, encourage and preach out your very lives and estates, and involve
you in all these miseries, and themselves touch it not with the tip of their little finger.
You have your husbands, your sonnes, and servants impress'd from you, and forsooth,
a priest must not be meddled withal under sacralidge, blasphemy, or profannesse at
least ; they are freed from all charges and taxations, and all is laid upon you ; and
notwithstanding your insufferable misery, your insupportable charge and oppression
under which you groane, and are fit to expire ; those greedy wretches are not ashamed
to exact their tythes, though they pluck it out of your children's mouths ; there had
been more need for an ordinance to have ceas'd the priests, and impress'd them to
the warres, for tbat would have been more conducent to the kingdome's good, for
should but the King set his Episcopall clergy, and the Parliament their Presbyterian
clergy, in the fore front of their battell's forlorne hope, and put them, instead of other
honest, innocent, harmlesse soules, upon all their desperate attempts, without doubt,
they would as zealously preach for peace, as they now do for warre, they would quickly
agree and turne as they were, rather than loose all. I am confident this would prove
the most effectuall meanes of our reconciliation than any that hath yet been at-
tempted ; consider this I beseech you, call to mind all your former expences, ventures,
cessements for this present war, and the miserable condition you and the whole
kingdome strugleth in, as it were for life, and are now all ready to be devoured ; your
estates are wasted, your men slayne, your hands weakened, and the kingdome is
fit to be overrunne; your strength decayeth, and your enemie encreaseth, and all your
assistance hath been convey'd through the hands of the Presbyterian party, they have
P 2
196
energy with which he pursued his object. Fox had strong
hopes of Cromwell putting an end to tithes. He did not
scruple to tell Cromwell that God had raised him up for
borne all offices, and have had all in their owne disposing, but what is become of it ?
Wise men say that the treasures and wealth that hath been spent for the managing of
this warre, would have maintained a greater warre seven yeeres longer ; somebody have
feathered their nests, though yours are bare ; now, how think you it is otherwise possible,
but the kingdome must be ruin'd, if this course be continued, and to adde more cer-
taintie of destruction to it, these men, now in this our greatest extremity, labour to
divide the Parliament partie in twaine. Before the Synod was assembled, the cryes of
the people were heard, their petitions answered, miseries redress'd, monopolies removed,
oppression eased, tender consciences respected, tbe servants of God delivered out of
prisons, courts of tyranny and oppression suppress'd, &c. But since their session the
case is quite altered ; nothing but Jesuiticall and Machiavellian policy hath been on
foot ; thousands of petitions of poor widdows, orphans, and all manner of distressed
oppressed persons, who cry daily, and cannot be heard, and these fatt priests can
have ordinance upon ordinance for "their ends ; tbey can have the sweat of other men's
browes confirm'd upon them by an ordinance, whiles others cannot have their just
requests for their owne rights answered ; though their wives and children perish, our
Presbyters' wives must goe like ladies, with their silkes and tafferty, some with their
fans, and silver watches, forsooth, hang by their girdles, to please the pretty sweet
fac'd lovelie mopphets withall ; prittie things, 'tis pittie there's not an ordinance all
this while for them to weare rattles ; consider this with yourselves, and for what your
estates and blood hath been engag'd. The liberties of the subject, and the Protestant
religion, now how much, after this vast expence, this sea of blood, of the subjects'
liberties have you attain'd ? Even thus much, hee that shall open his mouth freely for
the vindication of your native liberties, cannot doe it without the hazard of his owne,
yea, of his life. I know that the priests thirst after my blood, but I call the GOD of
Heaven to witness, would it quench their thirst, and be a ransome for our posterity ; I
would freely offer it to the common good, and as for tbe Protestant religion, hath it not
been lock'd up in the breasts of the Assembly ? hath not your faith been pin'd upon
their sleeve? your estates spent, and your blood shed for the result of their minds,
right or wrong, and so have fought for you know not what ? But it may be you'l say,
you have engag'd for the suppression of prelacy, high commission, &c, you bave
indeed beat the bush, but the Presbyters have caught the hare ; instead of one bigh
commission in the whole kingdome, you shall have one in every parish under the name
of a Parochiall Sessions, besides the generall high commission call'd the Common
Councill of Presbyters, now bave you not to shun the smoak, skipt into the fire ? is the
matter anything amended ; sure you have got a worthy reformation, but it may be you
bave a better esteem of these new courts, then of the old high commisson ; let me
aske you, doe you thinke that they'l be better than their patterne ? Let me give you
a glance of the proceedings of our Scotch brethren in Ireland, and I think you may
discerne a bear by his paw "
197
that very end, and that his government would never be
permanent, unless he swept away what Fox regarded as the
source of nearly all the ecclesiastical evils of the time, and
the only " Godly reformation of the Church according to
the Word," which would be effectual. Fox obtained the
signature of fourteen thousand men and seven thousand
women (whose names were printed) to a petition for the
abolition of tithes. That this was Fox's work, is pretty
clearly shown by a paper from him, in the Swarthmore
collection, dated 1659, exhorting " all women Friends to
set their names to a paper against tythes." * This agitation
against tithes was increasing every day when Fox was
preaching in 1648. f Cromwell was well known to be
against tithes, } and in July, 1653, progress was so far
made towards their abolition, that the question was put to
the House of Commons. The Presbyterian clergy were
alarmed, and it was postponed, but this great question hung
* Swarthmore Collection. " And so if all the women in England send up their
names against tythes, I shall send them by women to the Parliament, for many women
have sent up their names, and some have not, but have stopped. Therefore that all
may send their names that be free, with all speed to London;" dated 1659 (or 1657).
Also a letter from a Scotch lady, Margaret Hamilton, by which it appears that he had
asked her to procure the names of " all Friends in Scotland." This is dated 20th 4th
month, 1659.
t " Tythe Gatherers no Gospel Officers," London, 1645, shows the state of public
feeling. It is addressed to the Eeverend Assembly of Divines. " I understand like-
wise of several petitions by multitudes of the most conscientious, freeborn subjects of
England demonstrating how unjust it is that a small number who in compliment call
themselves our ministers, should at their own pleasure become our masters, and so
contrary to the subjects' liberty force from us the fifth part of the whole kingdom in
valuation without either articles of consent, and that which is worst of all, they lay
claim to it by Divine right, for such services as seem to many little less than anti-
christian or idolatrous." Written probably by an Independent.
J Cromwell told Mr. Jersey and others, " Call me Jugler, if tythes are not taken
away by September the third, last." Yet he hath ratified a former statute and order
which is for " compelling those who refuse, to pay them, and to pay treble damages." —
" The Protector so called, in part Unvaried ;" London, 1655, by a late member of the
army who was an eye and ear witness of these things.
198
in the balance till 1659. In a letter quoted by Mrs. Webb,
in her lively and interesting work, " The Fells of Swarth-
more hall," dated 9th month, 1659, it is said, " the Parlia-
ment have declared that the priests' maintenance shall be by
way of tythes. Till now they have pretended at the least to
regulate the law, and that the priest should have his tythe
(only) till another maintenance be found." In another it
says, that " the officers of the army bring little good to per-
fection," and that " they talked of reducing the parishes
from 9000 to 3000, so as to have certain ministers who shall
be the State's." It must not be supposed that this part of
Fox's mission was altogether unwelcome — but the Presby-
terian clergy naturally regarded him as their bitterest enemy,
and stirred up the ungodly rabble to persecute him.
The new Presbyterian clergy were now far from popular.
Men will bear evils, to which they are accustomed, with
patience. If an abuse is only sufficiently ancient, it is com-
paratively easy to bear. A clergyman who did not trouble
the consciences of men by his preaching, who lived on easy
terms with his parishioners, spending much of his time chat-
ting with them pleasantly at the village inn,* sitting on the
ale-benches and drinking with them, was an agreeable addi-
tion to the society of the place. The Puritan lecturer who
preached and went his way, was a more popular man than
he was when he ejected the old incumbent.! It was neces-
sary to stimulate the process of ejection which was rapidly
* Henry Denne in (1642) his sermon to the clergy — The Doctrine and Conversion of
John the Baptist — told his clerical auditors, " Thus do you dissolve in the tavern that
which you confirmed in the pulpit, making a mock at the ordinances of God."
f " The Ministers' Hue and Cry, or A True Discovery of the Unsufferahle Injuries,
Bobberies, Cozenages, and Oppressions now acted against Ministers" — a dialogue
between four men — Paul Shepherd, a minister of the gospel (Presbyterian), Barnaby
Sheap, an impropriator or lay parson, Bobin Bob-minister, or one that robs and
defrauds the minister of his maintenance, Tom Tythe-short, one that pays his tythes
199
going on. In the instructions to the Earl of Manchester,
to appoint the Essex Committee for Scandalous Ministers,
Section 5, we find, " Because of the backwardness of
parishioners to complain of ministers (i.e., of the Anglican
clergy), although they be very scandalous, too many being
enemies to that blessed reformation, and loath to come
under a powerful ministry, and some sparing their minis-
ters, because such ministers, to gain the good opinion of
their people, spare them in their tythes, you are willed to
call unto some well-affected men in every hundred, who,
having no private engagement, to give you information
both what can be deposed and who can depose to it."*
The judgment we form of the state of the ministry in
England, during the time of G. Eox's preaching, which
and duties short of what is due. By Eichard Culmer, London, 1657. Addressed to
the Honourable Committee of Parliament for plundered ministers.
Page 1. Tom (loq.) — " Neighbour Eobin, well met ; I hear the priests and impropria-
tors shall have no more tythes." Eobin — " Then Pie sing, ' Hey down go they ' — I mean
those called ' Able Orthodox Divines.' " Then follows an amusing account of the way
in which the unfortunate new ministers were robbed of their tythes. Page 13. Eobin to
Paul Shepherd (the minister who pleads his "Divine right " to tythes) — " But we don't
take you for our minister, because you were not chosen by our parish. Tou were put
upon our parish to serve us against our wills, and if the Parliament, or Committee, or
any other, provide us servants, let them pay them their wages. If we had our wills in
keeping our old priest, or in choosing a new one, we would have paid them to a
farthing. And therefore you may preach, but you shall get no tythes of us but what
you can recover by law." Eobin ends. — "Farewell, and be hanged. Pie say no
amen to the prayer of any priest of you all. Tom (addresses Tom Tythe-short), hear
none of them all ; come not near their steeple-house. If the Parliament settle any
certain maintenance for the ministers, I am as much against this as against tythes ;
but, Tom, howsoever, look you to your tythes, Pie look to mine." Page 21 — " They are
all Baal's priests, there is no such calling. There is no office of the ministry. Every
one that will may be, and is a minister, a preacher, ' if he can speak giftedly.' " This is
evidently a Presbyterian pamphlet, and Paul Shepherd sets forth with equal force and
distinctness, the woeful position of the Presbyterian minister, and the increasing
depravity of the human heart as manifested in a general indisposition to pay the tythes
to the new Presbyterian ministers.
* Quoted p. 211, " David's Annals of Evangelical Nonconformity in Essex."
200
we are about to describe, will greatly influence our opinion
with reference to his language and conduct.
In the time of Fox, we have to remember, that however
zealous the Parliament and the Assembly of Divines were
to provide the country with " learned, painful, and godly
ministers," the supply was not equal to the demand.
Baillie declares, that even after Scotland should have sent
all the " good youths " she could afford, southwards, it was
thought that some thousands of Churches would be without
ministers.* Baxter very justly says,f "The Parliament
could not make men learned, or godly, but only put in the
learnedest and ablest that they could have." They drew
largely from the ranks of the Puritan lecturers, who had
become under the former persecutions of the bishops, to
some extent a distinct class, while many of the ejected
clergy were unquestionably " scandalous ministers." A
few of them were men of the greatest eminence, such as
Hall, Brownrigg, Morton, Prideaux, Davenant, Hammond,
Sanderson, and Fuller. It has been debated whether
these ejections were, or were not, to a large extent. political
ejections, under cover of the unquestionable necessity for
the displacement of the " scandalous." Baxter says, " The
power of selecting at first lay with a committee of the
Parliament," and it appears to us, that the fact that the
one-fifth of the livings which was secured to the ejected
was only paid to them on removing out of the parish, shows
us clearly that these ejections were made quite as much
from political, as from religious motives,]:
* Letter 78, vol. ii., p. 55. t " Baxter's Life," by Silvester, p. 74,
J In "David's Annals of Evangelical Nonconformity in Essex," p. 571, is an in-
stance of a purely political ejection. After stating the political bias of the clergyman,
the document says , — " Therefore the Lords and Commons, taking into consideration
for the supply of an able, godly man, sequestered," &c, &q.
201
The benefices of England were suddenly placed in the
hands of the Presbyterian party, and although many scan-
dalous ministers were ejected, we can readily conceive that
the result was rather the finding of places for men, than
men for places. Mr. Lathbury * informs us that Pierce
told Baxter, that " worse men were put into livings than the
worst that were put out."f This is probably an extreme
statement, but on the other hand Baxter's statements have
been too readily accepted by historians without considering,
that however trustworthy Baxter is in the bare facts he re-
lates, in matters which relate to men's characters and aims
he is often very greatly mistaken. Later on, under the Com-
mittee of Tryers, the selection was probably in some points
of view more satisfactory, and in some less, than that made
under lay influence. When we learn that the divines of
the Assembly were ordered by Parliament to go down into
the country to stir up the people to espouse their cause and
summon them to arms, can we doubt that the Presbyterian
ministers, selected to fill the places of the ejected Anglican
clergy, were generally speaking thorough going political parti-
sans ? J and, if so, we can readily see that such a ministry,
even where it was learned and respectable, did not commend
itself to those who sympathized with the views of Fox.
But we have distinct evidence of the character of the clergy
who conformed to the Directory and who took the Covenant,
and also of the lecturers, in the evidence which exists of
the state of the Church prior to 1634. There are strong
* In his " History of the Book of Common Prayer," p. 201, note.
f Saltmarsh writes in 1645, — see " A New Quere," — " We have not yet any experi-
ment of onr new clergy, who are many of them branches of the old stock;" p. 5.
X British Museum Collection of Ordinances and Declarations, " Die Jovis, 10
Augusti, 1643, ordered by the Lords and Commons, &c that the Divines
of the Assembly are hereby desired to go down into their several counties to stir up
the people in their seveial counties to rise in their defence, p. 288.
202
reasons for supposing that matters had not materially
altered when the Long Parliament began to sit in 1640.
John Canne, a pastor of the " Ancient English Church, in
Amsterdam," and first pastor of the Broadmead Church,
Bristol, a man of great ability and irreproachable character,
wrote in 1634, his " Necessity of Separation." * In this
work he quotes a number of Puritan writers in such a way
as to give us considerable insight into the state of the
ministry, in England, at that period. The work throws a
striking light on the expressions used by Fox and the early
preachers in connection with him. Canne says, " It may
be that some will expect that I should write something of
their lecturers, and the rather because they, in the judgment
of many, are thought to be the best ministers ; — of their
life and doctrine I say nothing," but he says that when the
character of the ministry they had taken up was questioned,
"they have not been able to agree among themselves what
kind of ministry it is they have taken up." He objects to
their covenanting for a given time with people to lecture,
and then leaving them, and adds, •' a true pastor may not
do so, for if he should he were worse than an hireling,
which leaves not the sheep till he sees the wolf coming,
but many of them (leave the sheep) when they see a richer
lectureship coming towards them ! " With reference to the
inferior clergy, he says, " we now come to the inferior
ministers, and will begin first with their bare Headers, —
these poor creatures the Non-conformists (i.e. the Puri-
tans as distinguished from the Separatists) do call 'idle
idols,' yea, ' bastardly idols,' ' greedy curs,' ' dumb dogs,'
' slayers of the people,' • wolves,' ' ignorant asses,' ' filthy
swine,' ' such as are not worthy to live in a well ordered
* Republished by the Hansard Knollys Society.
203
commonwealth,' * foolish shepherds,' ' unsavory salt, good
for nothing but to be cast to the dunghill,' ' cankers of the
church,' ' a swarm of caterpillars, the trash and rifraff of
the nation .... like the frogs of Egypt, leading
many thousands into the ditch.'" "Nay," says Canne,
"they say more," (page 19) and he quotes from "A
Dialogue concerning the Strife in the Church," — "If the
devil did make and send forth ministers he would not find
worse men upon earth, and if he would have worse, he
must bring them out of hell."
We must bear in mind that these are quotations from
writers of the Puritan party when out of power, describing
the state of the church fifteen years only before Fox
commenced preaching. It cannot be contended that
in 1648, the Parliament had succeeded in purging the
church from such men, and it will be seen that the
language of the Puritan party goes far beyond that used
by Fox and the early preachers of the Society, in de-
nouncing the state of the Church. The very expressions
used by them were current terms among the Puritan writers
many years prior, — e.g. Fox preached to the same class of
persons " who will fly to a bigger maintenance because he
is an hireling, the sheep are none of his, who will go to
bowles or pleasures with the peoples' lightness and wanton-
ness that are given to wine and covetousness." * The
expressions " idol shepherds," " dumb dogs," " shepherds
which seek after the fleece," " greedy dogs which can never
have enough," &c, were used freely in discussions on
church matters long prior to his time. The 34th chapter
of Ezekiel is constantly quoted, not only by Fox, but by all
those who objected on either side to either Presbyterian or
• "The Professor's Catechism, &c.," by G.F., 1657, p. 10.
204
Episcopalian ministers, and we have before found that the
same texts were applied to the Presbyterian ministry by
Bishop Hall and by George Fox. The expression " dumb
dogs," applied to non-preaching ministers, and, in some cases,
to the Presbyterian lay elders. " Idol shepherds " was
originally applied to those who wore what were deemed
Popish vestments, who were associated with " idol temples,"
where the sacrifice of the Mass, or its equivalent, was
offered. These expressions can be traced fifty years before
Fox used them.*
We meet later on with a third class of ministers with
whom Fox and his friends came into violent collision.
These were the Independents and Baptists who had
slipped into good livings. These men, feeling that their
hold on the tithes might be shorter than they could
desire, were very exacting. Such men were not spared by
Fox. They were traitors to their principles, and it was
found by the Friends, that " when the Presbyterians and
Baptists got into the Common-prayer parsonages, then they
made fearful havock of us, by spoyling our goods and casting
us into prison because we declared against their tithes.
The Baptist sued us for the very tythe eggs. It can hardly
be declared the cruel havock and spoyle the Presbyterians
and Independents made. Their priests made poor people
come up two hundred miles because they could not give
fourpence for a hemplock, and thus they served many for
very small things. They took the cow that gave them
milk ; their corne to make them bread, and the very beds
they ley on ; their cloathes and their children's cloathes ;
their oxen and horses they should plow withall, and their
* Neal, quoting from A. Wood, states that the seven Puritan divines appointed in
September, 1646, to preach at Oxford, called " some of the heads of the University
'dumb dogs,' these were of the King's party and Church of England clergy.
205
kettles, pots and spoons, that they had not a pott to boyle
their victuals with." * This appears to be written by a
person who had been in the midst of the scenes he relates,
and it gives clear testimony that the Independents and
Baptists, who took the places of the Common-prayer men
and accepted State pay, did not manifest a whit better
spirit than the Presbyterians. It must however be
borne in mind that a very large section of the Inde-
pendents and Baptists entirely repudiated State mainte-
nance,! and held views either absolutely identical with,
or closely approximating to, those of Fox, as we shall
presently show.
There were in these times a large number of persons who
thought they saw two causes of the bitter fruits of Episco-
pacy and Presbyterianism. The first was the connection of
the Church with the State. The second was the existence,
in both these Churches, of a priesthood. It was a principle
of Presbyterianism, " that ministers of the Gospel have as
ample a charge and commission to dispense the Word, as
well as other ordinances, as the priests and Levites under
the Law." J Hence they had a divine right to tithes,
and claimed, while using the strong arm of the law, to
* MSS. at Devonshire House Library, " How the Lord by his power and Spirit did
raise up Friends."
t An instance of an interruption of an Independent State minister, by a Baptist,
while baptizing a child before a congregation, occurred at Newport Pagnell. The
Baptist, suddenly rapted with a vertiginous motion, " summoned " him by a challenge, in
the face of the congregation, to give him and his Brethren of the Separation a meeting
there in public. This gave rise to the account of the public dispute, viz., "The
Anabaptists Washt and Washt and Shrunk in the Washing" occasioned by a public
disputation before a great Assembly of Ministers and other persons of worth, in the
church of Newport Pagnell, betwixt Mr. Gibs, minister there, and the author, Eichard
Carpenter, Independent, London, 1653.
I " The form of Presbyterian Church Government, and of the Ordination of Ministers,
agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines, at Westminister, 1645."
206
be above the interference of the Government in matters
of religion.
In a pamphlet issued by the Independent party, to which
is attached a letter from Cromwell to the House of Commons,
dated October 10th, 1645, after repeating (page 4) the
lamentation of the Presbyterians respecting " strange sects,
horrid blasphemous opinions, separated assemblies, illit-
erate pastors, faithful ministers deprived and discouraged
in their ministry, public assemblies forsaken, the pretended
preachers of new gospels cried up, universal toleration of all
opinions pleaded for," then says, " believe it, and here's
matter enough indeed, for if there be once granted a
freedom of speech, an opening of the presses, and a tolera-
tion of all opinions, immediately goes down the glory of the
clergy. Men who are in no more relation to God than
other men, but men, errable men like others, assume to
themselves a power of judging and censuring of opinions,
doctrines, and practices in religion ; and then down also
falls their profit, for none will henceforth think himself
bound by any law of God to pay tythes any longer. Why
do you think they (the Presbyterian Clergy) are such enemies
to the Independents and all sorts of Separatists ? You imagine
it is because they run into errors and damnable opinions, to
their souls' destruction. No such thing ; it is only because
the true Independents and Separatists do all the very pastor s
offices themselves, and renounce and disclaim all glory and
distinction, from the greatest to the meanest of their flock,
and all usurped dominations, being but as any other men in
judging of doctrines or practices, and but as the mouth and
speaker of the congregation. Also they renounce all right
or claim to any pay, and if they want not, their judgment
is that they ought rather to give than to receive ; the differ-
ence is visible enough." Cromwell's letter says, "From
207
brethren we look for no compulsion. In other things God
hath put the sword into the Parliament's hands for the
punishment of evil doers." *
The principle of lay preaching broke down this analogy
between the priest of the Old Testament and the pro-
phet, pastor, or teacher of the New Testament. The lay
preacher was as much an elder or bishop, if sent out
by a Church, as the man educated for the priest's office
in the Church of England, and consecrated, or ordained,
by the imposition of the hands of either the bishop or
the presbytery. Every christian might become a preacher
of the Gospel. If the words, " Go ye into all the world,
and preach the Gospel to every creature," applied only
to a consecrated order of men like the priests of the Old
Testament, concerned about holy things, into whose pro-
vince no one was to invade, here was the very essence of
Popery. This was, we conceive, the origin of the out-
burst of lay preaching, which was a feature of the times
in which George Fox's lot was cast. This heresy is
denounced and satirized in unmeasured language by the
Presbyterians, f
There was also another peculiar feature of the times,
and this was the association of the Old Testament idea
* " Strong Motives, or a lovely and modest Advice unto the Petitioners for Presby-
terian Government, that they endeavour not the compulsion of any in matters of
religion more than they wish others to compel them," &c, &c, whereto is annexed the
conclusion of Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Letter to the House of Commons to
the same purport, October 10th, 1645.
t One of the staunchest opponents of Independency thus breaks out, M Unhappy
Independents, who opened at first, and kept open to this day, the door of the church
to these satyrs and vultures, this I-im and Zi-im, the great Owles and Shriek Owles,
the wild beasts of the desert and the island, the dragons and all the doleful creatures,
to come in, and defile, and make havock of all that is most precious in the house of
God ! " Preface to " Anabaptism, the True Foundation of Independency, and Anti-
nomy, Brownism, Familism," &c, by Eobt. Baillie, London, 1646.
208
of prophecy, with the preaching of gifted ministers.
This was not an idea peculiar to those who are called
Sectaries. Whether it originated in the ideas suggested
by the " prophesyings " of Archbishop Grindal, or not, it
is impossible to say. In "Baxter's Life," we have an
incident related which illustrates the kind of feeling which
existed, and the anxiety of Baxter to disclaim any such
gift. Baxter preached a funeral sermon at Bridgnorth, on
the text, Ezekiel xxxiii., 34. " And when this cometh to
pass (lo, it will come) then shall they know that a prophet
hath been among them." In this sermon he could not
" forbear to tell them his fears of some heavy judgment to
come on that place, in a sense of the misery of that un-
profitable people, and the deep groans I have heard from
their faithful pastor for their obdurateness." After the
town was burnt down to the ground, he went there and
preached from the same text. " But they and I," he says,
"were so much interrupted with tears, that (with some
pauses) I had much ado to proceed on to the end. I had
never before, (nor ever did I since), presume upon such
prediction, (nor did I speak that with any pretence of
prophecy), but the expression of my fear I could not
suppress." In the "Life of Archbishop Usher," by
Richard Pain, * we read, that in his sermon preached after
ordination, in 1601, he quoted Ezekiel iv., 6, — M And thou
shalt bear the iniquity of the House of Judah forty days,
I have appointed each day for a year." He made then his
conjecture respecting Ireland, viz., "From this year I
reckon forty years, and then those whom you embrace shall
be your ruin, and you shall bear their iniquity " forty years.
In 1641, the Irish rebellion broke out, " then those who
* Folio edition, 1686.
209
lived to see that day began to think he was a young prophet "
(page 9). In " David's Annals of Evangelical Noncon-
formity in Essex," (page 617) we find the same idea in
an epitaph in Heveningham Church on Samuel Fairclough,
one of the Ejected Ministers, who died in 1691, —
"Behold this shrine,
See here a prophet and complete divine,
One who the thankless world too late will know,
And by his absence find him to be so ;
When prophets die, the worst of ills we fear,
When envoys are recalled, some war is near."
In "Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress," "Evangelist," we all
recollect, "was also a prophet," and foretold Faithfull's
martyrdom at Vanity Fair.
There can be little doubt that when Fox affirmed that the
professors of his day " could not bear to hear that any one
should come, whilst upon earth, into the same power and
spirit that the Apostles were in," he was endeavouring to show
that an important Christian doctrine was grievously over-
looked by the professing christians of his times ; but it is also
evident, that at the earlier period of the Society's existence,
the great success of the early preacher's ministry, the won-
derful physical manifestations, the providences attending
them, the great change wrought in the souls of some of
their converts, and some cures apparently effected on those
diseased in mind or body, produced the same effect upon the
mind of Fox and his friends, which they did at one period
upon the clear, logical, trained intellect of Wesley; and
precisely as with Wesley, so with Fox and others, at a later
period these views were somewhat modified.
The same may be said of the doctrine apparently set forth
in the hasty interruption (for this was an interruption) of
the preacher at Nottingham, who said that " all doctrines,
religions, and opinions were to be tried by the written
Q
210
Word, the sure word of prophecy " (Pet. i. 19). Fox cried
out, " Oh, no, it is not the Scripture, it is the Holy Spirit,
by which holy men of old gave forth the Scriptures, whereby
opinions, religions, and judgments are to be tried."* On
this Mr. Marsden very justly remarks " This was a dan-
gerous error — for if this doctrine were correct, our last
appeal on doubtful questions would be, not to the Bible,
but to ourselves; " f but he has overlooked that the meaning
of the whole utterances was, that the spiritually minded,
true christian could alone use the Scriptures so as to try all
doctrines, &c. We cannot suppose him here to have said
what was entirely in opposition to his uniform teaching in
his writings, &c." Even in such works as Fox's " Great
Mystery," we find the same view. J These quotations might
be multiplied indefinitely; and where at first sight, as in
the passage in " Fox's Journal," the meaning may seem to
be otherwise, a further examination will always prove that
this was the real judgment of Fox and the early Friends.
Barclay says,§ "We do look upon them as the only fit
outward judge of controversies among christians, and that
* Sewell, vol. i. f 1649, p. 27. f See remarks in " Later Puritans," p. 241.
I See preface. — "And also this is an invitation to all sects and professors, and of
people, to come forth and try if what they hold is according to the Scriptures of Truth,
and to do this by evident and sound arguments, and by the best spiritual weapons
they have, and to lay aside all this persecution, and unrighteous dealing, and stocking,
and whipping, and imprisoning of us for speaking against their religion, and that they
come forth in fair disputes to contend in the spirit of meekness for what they profess
and practise, and to prove, according to Scripture, their ministry, church, and whole
religion, that it is in and by the Spirit and power of God." So Perm, in his works,
folio vol. ii. — "We believe the Scripture to be a declaration of the mind of the Holy
Ghost, and therefore not superior to the Holy Ghost, but credited, confirmed, and
expounded by the Holy Ghost, so that without the illumination of it the Scripture
cannot be understood by them that read it. The grammatical and critical sense of the
words and allusions therein may be understood, but not the ' spiritual signification.' "
p. 912.
§ "Apology." — Scriptures.
211
whatsoever doctrine is contrary unto their testimony may
therefore justly be rejected as false. And for our parts, we
are willing that all our doctrines and practices be tried by
them, which we never refused, nor ever shall, in all our
controversies with our adversaries, as the judge and test.
We shall also be very willing to admit it as a positive,
certain maxim — that whatsoever any do pretending to the
Spirit, which is contrary to the Scriptures, be accounted
and reckoned a delusion of the devil." The true meaning
of Fox was, not that our own individual impressions were
to be the sole test of divine truth, but that the Spirit
of Christ must dwell in those who are seeking to test the
truth of religious opinions by the Scriptures.* " They
did not do it aright," he says, " because they did it without
the Holy Ghost." We cannot but regard the following
sentence from Stillingfleet, as a sentence moulded by the
experience obtained during the times of Fox, and it so
beautifully reconciles the views of Fox with the conclusions
of sound evidential reasoning, that we venture to quote it.
" Now what conviction there can be to any sober mind
conceiving divine authority in any person, without such a
power of miracles going along with him, when he is to
deliver some new doctrine to the world, I confess I cannot
understand. For although I doubt not that wherever God doth
reveal anything to any person immediately, He gives demon-
strable evidence, to the inward senses of the soul v that it
* This will become more clear as we proceed. In the Appendix to " Penn's Life,"
No. xiv. Letter to Baxter, Perm explains to Baxter, that by saying " the Spirit being
the rule, I understand what the Apostle did, when he said that ' as many as are led by
the Spirit of God, are the sons of God.' I did not mean that all instruments and
means are always excluded, only that under the Gospel especially, the Spirit by the
holy inspiring of it in a more immediate manner than formerly, was pre-eminently the
rule of the saints ; as under the Law, the Law writ on stone ; under the Gospel, the
Law writ in the Heart."
Q 2
212
comes from Himself, yet this inward sense can be no ground
to another person to believe his doctrine divine, because no
man can be a competent judge of the actings of another's
inward senses ; and it is impossible to another person to
distinguish the actings of the divine Spirit from strong
impressions of fancy." The following quotation from Arch-
bishop Leighton, fully sets forth the views of Fox. It is most
important in dealing with the literature of the " Sectaries," to
have a correct view of the position maintained by their ad-
versaries, and of the current ideas of the times, and a number
of crude and ill-founded conclusions have been drawn, from
the doctrinal positions taken by the early Friends, which
a larger amount of acquaintance with the controversial
history of the times would have avoided.* Archbishop
Leighton comments on 1 Cor. ii. 11, thus — which will
explain the standpoint from which Fox viewed the subject :
" ' No man knows the things of a man, but the spirit of
man. ' But who holds that here ? For if a man speak
but the things that are in his spirit, then others may know
them; but the Apostle's aim there, is to conclude that the
things of God, even such as were revealed in his word,
could not be known but by his own spirit, so that though
revealed yet, they remain still unrevealed till the Spirit
teach within as well as without, because they are intel-
ligible by none but by those who are the private scholars
and hearers of the Holy Ghost, the author of them, and
because there are so few of these, therefore is so little
real believing amidst all the noise and profession that we
make of it.f"
* See quotation from Whitehead, p. 164.
f " Leighton's Commentaries," i., p. 167. I am indebted to my friend J. S. Eovm-
tree for this quotation.
213
It has been constantly assumed, we think, npon a very-
slender basis, that when Fox and the early Friends said
" the Lord showed me," this or that, and when he
used a variety of other expressions which form in them-
selves almost a peculiar language, that a direct revelation
from Heaven is meant, as distinct as that which the Apostles
received in writing the Scriptures. We do not however
believe that by Fox's ordinary expressions he intended to
convey more than an ordinary conclusion — that he had
appropriated, by the assistance of the Holy Spirit, an idea
originally received through ordinary sources ; an idea war-
ranted by Scripture, the mind of the Spirit, the analogy of
the faith, and by common sense. To take an extreme
instance of this, in which many will be inclined to differ
from us, let us take this passage in his journal : " At /
another time (in 1646), as I was walking in a field on a
First-day morning, the Lord opened unto me, that being
bred at Oxford and Cambridge, was not enough to fit and
qualify men to be ministers of Christ." Now to contend
that Fox intends to tell us that this was a new truth to his
mind, and not, as we believe, the clear perception and
appropriation of an old truth which he had (to go no
farther) read in the Book of Common Prayer, would be, we
think, an absurdity. How could Fox have come in contact
with any of the religious people of this period, e.g., the
Baptists, without hearing this matter debated, which must
have been a subject, at this period, of common conversation
among Fox's associates ? Fox appears to us to have had
a thorough knowledge of the ideas current in his times,
and the mere perusal of the titles of his tracts will show
that he kept himself abreast of the great questions which
agitated the public mind, and which are expressed in
the controversial and other religious literature of the
214
day."* The peculiar language of Fox's Journal, and some
early Friends, must be looked upon as the ordinary lan-
guage of the religionists of the period, particularly in the
middle class of society.
In 1647, an intelligent writer finds fault with the " In-
dependent, Congregational, and other Church ways," for
asking that the " erroneous, doubtful, uncertain conceptions
* The annexed passage from Fox's Journal has been pointed out as strikingly like
the writings of Jacob Bcehmen (the celebrated mystic). I am indebted to Mr. Chris-
topher Walton (whose valuable library of mystical writings is well known) for searching
for, at my request, and pointing out to me, a passage which appears to show that not
only was Fox conversant with Boehmen's writings, but appears in his journal to pre-
suppose a knowledge of Boehmen's method of stating spiritual experience. I think it
•will be admitted that the passage in Fox's Journal is perfectly obscure and unintelli-
gible to a reader of the present day, but in placing by it a similar passage in the
translation of Behmen's work, published in 1648, which is the date in Fox's Journal,
in which the experience is described, its meaning is rendered perfectly clear : —
FOX.
Journal.
1618.
"Now I was come up in spirit through
the Flaming Sword* into the paradise.
of God, all things were new ; and all
the Creation gave another smell unto
me than before beyond what words can
utter. I knew nothing but pureness,
innocency, and righteousness, being
renewed up into the image of God
by Jesus Christ, so that I was come
up to the state of Adam before he fell.
• Fox sealed his letters with an engraved
seal of a flaming sword.
BCEHMEN.
" The Second Book concerning the Three
Principles of the Divine Essence — of the
Eternal Dark, Light, and Temporary World,
showing what the Soul, the Image, and the
Spirit of the Soul, are; also what Angels,
Heaven, and Paradise are; how Adam was
before the Fall, in the Fall, and after the
Fall," &c, by Jacob Behmen, alias Teutonicus
Philosophus, London, 1641.
" . . . . then he let them out of the garden,
and set the cherubim with a naked (or warn-
ing flaming sword) .... before it to keep
the way to the Tree of Life But the
understanding of us poor children of Adam
and Eve is sunk so much, that at our last old
age we scarce reach the understanding of any-
thing concerning the Fall of Adam and Eve,
seeing we must seek very deep for it in the
Light of Life, for it is very wonderful which
Moses saith, ' God set the Cherubim before
the Garden to keep and guard the way to the
215
contained in their sermons shall be heard and received
as the word of the ever-living God," and proceeds to
add a sentence which throws a very considerable light
upon the language of the Early Friends, and tends to
correct the error of attaching a literal meaning to such
expressions. " Hence it is," he says, " that some men will
neither stir nor undertake anything of any nature, civil or
natural, but as they are prompted thereunto (as they
Tree of Life,' who could understand it ? H
God did not open our eyes, we should speak
simply of a Keeper with a Sword, and Eeason
seeth nothing else, but the Noble Virgin
showeth us the Door, and how we must enter
into paradise through the sharpness of the
sword, yet the sword cutteth the Earthly body
clean away from the Holy Element, and then
the new man may enter into paradise by the
way of life Now if anybody would
come into the Garden, he must press in
through the Sword of Death — though Christ
hath broken the Sword, so that now we can
much easier enter in with our Souls, yet there
is a Sword before it still."
Xm. "After this, about the year 1G00, in
the 25th year of his age, he was again sur-
rounded with the Divine Life, and replenished
with the Heavenly knowledge, in so much as
going abroad into the fields, into a green
before Neysgate, at Gorlitz, he then sat down,
and viewing the Herbs and Grass of the Field
in his Inward Light, he saw into their essences,
use, and properties, which were discovered
to him by their linaments, figures, and
signatures." Behmen's " Signature Kerum "
was published in English, 1649. — "Life of
Jacob Behmen," by W. Law, London, 1764.
It can hardly be contended that this, which is one of the most curious and unintel-
ligible passages in Fox's Journal, was written by a person who had never read Behmen'a
works, which had at that period a considerable circulation. There are evidences of a*
intelligent appreciation of books at Swarthmore Hall. Newcastle is ransacked for a
Hebrew grammar and lexicon, and a Greek lexicon is obtained from London, &c.
" The Creation was opened to me —
how all things had their names given
them, according to their nature and
virtue. I was at a stand in my mind
whether I should practise physic for
the good of mankind, seeing the nature
and virtues of the creatures were
opened to me by the Lord."
216
imagine) by the iSpirit, or, as some phrase it, 'by the
drawings forth of the Father;' taking all their inclinations,
likings, or dislikings, to be immediately from God, whereby
gross neglects and failings (to say no more) come to be
excused, and not only so, but expressly put God's score."*
But this does not sufficiently exhibit the atmosphere of
religious excitement in which the men of these times lived.
. The air was thick with reports of prophecies and miracles,
and there were men of all parties who lived on the border
land between sanity and insanity.
A most curious instance of this is that of Arise Evans,
a Welchman, who was born at Bearmouth in the county
Merioneth. He claimed the prophetical gift, and was a
stout supporter of the King and the Church of England,
and the Book of Common Prayer, and in 1653 he informs
us that " multitudes of people " enquired day after day of
him concerning his " hopes of their redemption from these
troublous times." He informs us, that in 1633, he troubled
King Charles by foretelling that both he and his kingdom
were to be destroyed, and to the Earl of Essex that he was
to be general of all England. In 1635, he prophesied again,
that since the King would not regard his prophecies, he
would suffer and be put to death, and his kingdom be
destroyed and turned upside down ; and Evans was put in
prison for three years.
He sought and obtained an interview with Cromwell, with
the same desire to give true prophetical advice. Cromwell
took him into his dining room at his house in Drury
Lane, and he and Ireton talked with him till midnight.
He advised Cromwell to use the King well, and to reconcile
* " The Vanity of the present Churches, and the Uncertainty of their Preaching
Discovered," pp. 14 and 15, London, 1647.
217
their mutual interests. On September 1st, 1652, he peti-
tioned the Parliament to receive his prophetical message,
because " he only was appointed of God, and none but he
on the earth can show the like;" but he was not listened to,
and therefore addressed to them his " Voice from Heaven
to the Commonwealth of England," 1652, proving that
" King Charles and his seed, whose seed by the works of
God shall appear to have an unquenchable sovereignty over
all the earth, that can never be shaken again." All this
was clearly demonstrated out of the Scriptures, and the
declaration of Isaiah that the " wayfaring man, though a
fool, should not err " in the way of holiness, was declared
to be the coming back again of the way of the " common
prayer ! "
In 1643, he states he received a revelation to maintain
the true " Apostolical succession " of the ministers of the
Church of England, and Infant Baptism. Whereupon
Arise Evans boldly asserted his divine commission at the
head quarters of the " Anabaptists, in Coleman street, Bell
Alley," and afterwards when " they removed to the Spittle."
He disputed with them against " their unruly and ungodly
practice, and many times reproved Lamb, the chief father
of all the Anabaptists." He maintained "the true church to
be the Church of England, and God did confirm my words
(he affirms) with signs following." The Baptists however
answered, if you have such a call " you are a prophet, but
how shall we know this ? We have but your bare word for
what you say, give us a sign here present and we will
believe." A woman rails upon him, and he prophesied that
she should not be there " that day seven nights "to do so.
Her child dies and his words become true, and thus in
his view his prophetical office was triumphantly asserted
among these opponents of the Baptism, as well as the
I
218
Apostolical Succession, and the Prayer Book of the Church
of England.*
A woman, who was a member of Kiffen's Church, went
before Cromwell and his Council to give them prophetical
advice; she was not only patiently listened to, but was
enquired of how such advice could be carried out. For this
action however, she came under the disciplinary dealing of
the Church, f Cromwell must have had some trouble by the
prophetical advice he received. One man advised him to
supply the place of the Bishops by twelve Apostles and
seventy travelling ministers : he wrote a pamphlet on the
subject, which can only be detected to be the production ol
an insane person, by his admission in it that his family had
to restrain him as a violent lunatic. J Many persons declared
themselves to be " God " and "Christ," "the Spouse of
Christ," " the Lamb's wife," &c. Pamphlets were written
upon the subject, with titles purporting to be a " true and
faithful narrative " of these " grand impostures, abominable
practices, horrid blasphemies," &c, even after a surgeon's
certificate had been obtained that they were " distracted ! "
As early as 1645 there were some who not only main-
tained that the gift of working miracles had not ceased in
the Church, but asserted that they had wrought miracles, and
anticipated that this power would be shortly conferred more
abundantly. § Keports of the actual working of miracles were
* " An Eccho to the Voice from Heaven, or a Narrative of the Life and Manner of
the Special Calling and Visions of Arise Evans. By him published in discharge of his
duty to God, and for the satisfaction of those who doubt," pp. 53, 54, 55. Long Alley,
Blackfriars, 1652. U. L. Camb. There axe fifteen prophetical writings of Arise Evans
in the B. M.
t Elizabeth Poole. — See " Alarum of War given to the Army and High Court of
Justice," &c, 1649, pp. 3 and 6, &c.
J "An Lon Bod put into the Lord Protector's Hands to Break all Anti-Christian
Power to Pieces." By John Sanders, of Harben. London, 1655.
§ Edwards' " Gangroena," Error No. 145, Part i.
219
widely spread. One of the most notable instances of this
power being claimed, was that of Mathew Coker, who wrote
tracts in which he stated that he cleansed a leper, caused the
lame to walk, restored defective sight. * His claims were
accepted by Kobert Gill, D.D., Eector of St. Mary, Alder
Mary. He wrote to Lady Conway, expressing his belief
that miracles were not ceased in the Church, and that
Mr. Coker had that power. The Earl of Pembroke, he tells
her, was entirely convinced of this, and indeed had been
greatly benefited by the laying on of his hands, and that
he had witnessed the cure of a mad person, f The
accounts given by Edwards in his " Gangrcena," speaking
of the " practice of anointing the sick with oil, in Kifnn's J
and Hansard Knollys Churches," are confirmed by Knollys
himself. § This practice was frequently observed among
the Baptists during the early period of last century,
although their faith in its efficacy does not appear to have
induced them to dispense with the assistance of a physician.
* " A short and plain Narrative of Mathew Coker, touching some mistakes and mis-
recitals in reference to his gift of Healing," &o. London, 1654. He wrote also "A
Whip of small Cords to scourge Anabaptists out of the Kingdom of God, &c, &c, to
clear up the way for the receiving of the Lord Jesus Christ in his glorious power, now
exercised in the working of miracles, &c," 1654. Also " A prophetical Revelation,"
1654. Just published in Latin.
t See Letter by Dr. Gill to Lady Conway. Domestic State Papers, 1654, January to
May, No. 352, dated " Bowham, May 26th, 1654."
J Kiffin, it appears, in one instance anointed with oil a woman who was sick, and
not finding her recover, remembered that he had not in this instance followed the
Apostle's advice, to send for the Elders of tlu Church, and the next time he took his
worthy co-Elder Patience, and the eure followed. " Knowls Jesse and others anointed
an old blind woman at a great meeting at Aldgate, for the restoring of her sight, with
the words, ' The Lord Jesus give thee sight.' " Edwards' " Gangroena," part hi., p. 19.
§ "I resolved to take no more physic, but would apply to that holy ordinance of
God, &c, James v., 14, 15 and I sent for Mr. Kiffin and Mr. Vavasor
Powell, who prayed over me and anointed me with oil in the name of the Lord, and as
an answer to their prayers I was perfectly healed," p. 48 of his Autobiography.
yS
J
220
The same claims of the " gift of healing " are made in our
own age;* but the calmer atmosphere in which we live
causes us to regard these and similar matters as delusions,
harmless if allowed to pass unnoticed.
To look down with contempt, because of these things,
upon the noblest era of English History, and one in which
we see the rise of ideas which were destined immeasurably
to bless our own age, cannot surely be wise. We shall not
prove ourselves to be more enlightened than the men of
these times, by ridiculing their weaknesses, and overlooking
the strength and nobility of their characters. It seems a
strange world to us, but this was the world in which Fox,
and those who had similar aims, moved; and if we would
endeavour to understand their real character, and the real
bearing of their actions, we must, by an effort of the
imagination, throw ourselves into the spirit of the times.
* See "The Healing of Sickness by Scriptural Means," London, 1875.
CHAPTEE X.
On TVIE Origin and History of the Doctrine op the
''Inward Light, Life, Seed," etc., promulgated in
England, by George Fox. Controversy in Amsterdam
BETWEEN NlTTERT OBBES AND HANS DE KyS. HaNS DE
Kys advocates the Views of Caspar Schwenkfeld, of
Silesia. Some account of Schwenkfeld, his Opinions
and his Followers. Connection between the Friends
and the mennonites.
" Komt einer her und sagt von geist,
Der wird sehr iibel abgeweist,
Und als ein katzer hart verklaget,
Incarcirirt oder verjaget.
Welche nicht mit dem grosten hauffen,
Den breiten weg wollen lauffen,
Sondern nach Christi lehr sich halten,
Die sind verhaszt bey jung und alten."
Anna Ovena Hotebin, of Holstein. Geistliche Poem, p. 165.
It may be asked whether the preaching of Fox did not
embody doctrines which were new among the Baptist and
Independent Churches in 1648. The whole phraseology
of the early tract literature of Fox and his followers, is
cast in a mould which is clearly different from the style
of most of the religionists of the day. The emphasis
which was placed upon the words "Light," "Life," "Seed,"
"Word," as applied in the New Testament to the Holy
Spirit, was peculiar. A consciousness that their Society
had a doctrine to preach which placed the whole of the
theological conceptions of their contemporaries in a new
222
and a clearer light, and which involved in their view the
very essence of the christian religion, marks their utter-
ances, and supports them under the bitterest persecution.
We have already seen in the views of John Smith, the in-
troduction into England of the germ of many of the views of
Fox. We now proceed to show the common origin of these
views. The tracts of the General Baptists are exceedingly
rare. There were points of close resemblance between the
General Baptists and the Friends, but there were points in
which they differed. In some of the tracts of the General
Baptists there is a striking similarity in style to that of
Friends, while in others there is an equally striking differ-
ence. How are we to account for this peculiarity of title
and of style in the tract literature of the early Friends ?
How, if there was a close connection between the two
religious movements, are we to account for the peculiar
form in which Fox promulgated the doctrine of " Universal
and Saving Light ? " How are we to account for the views
of Fox on baptism and the Lord's supper, which if not
absolutely new in England, had certainly obtained but little
acceptance? The General Baptists all held strongly to
outward baptism, and the outward Lord's supper, supple-
menting it often by "a love-feast." They often washed
each other's feet, used " the kiss of charity," aj3 well as the
imposition of hands in receiving a member; and along with
their views of the purely spiritual nature of the christian
religion, there was a certain leaning to the visible and out-
ward. * They held, in opposition to the Calvinists, the
doctrine of General Bedemption : that Christ died for all,
and not for the elect only. But, while they represented in
England one school of thought which existed among the
Mennonites of Amsterdam, George Fox represented another
school, and one which gave a completeness and logical force
* See note at p. 252.
223
to their views of " general redemption." The General
Baptists and the Friends were, as we have already seen,
to a very large extent united in matters of doctrine,
practice, and discipline. Even in minute particulars the
correspondence is very striking. While there were un-
questionably differences of opinion between the General
Baptists and the Friends, we shall proceed to show that
even these, may be traced to a controversy among the
Waterlander Mennonites of Amsterdam, which commenced,
about the year 1624, between the celebrated Hans de Kies
and one of the teachers of the same church, Nittert Obbes,
which gave rise to about thirty tracts and treatises.
Nittert Obbes wrote a pamphlet, and the editor, contrary
to his wishes, gave it the following title, which greatly
scandalized the brethren, and a severe controversy com-
menced in the church. — " A Spider Hunter very fit to brush
away from some Mennonite Barns the Cobwebs, — the Silly
Follies and Trifling Frivolities of Several Fanatics, Swenk-
feldians, and their followers; relying upon their peculiar
pretensions and inspirations and lessening the power of the
written Word of God."* The result of this publication
was, that Obbes was forbidden the Lord's supper, and this
roused the indignation of his friends and embittered the
strife. Nittert Obbes maintained that "the written Word
of God, or the Gospel, wheresoever it is read or preached,
is the ordinary medium, or instrument, whereby repentance,
faith, and regeneration are effected,"! and that " only by
way of the Holy Saiptures, God, Christ, or the Holy Ghost,
reveals and imparts to us everything which we ought to
know, to do, to hope, to believe for our salvation, so that
* Amsterdam, 1625, 4to., 86 pages, not paginated, so that our quotations refer to
the printer's catchwords.
t "Spider Hunter," b 4.
224
we do not obtain our conversion or our regeneration all at
once, by an almighty, miraculous power, — immediately,
without our co-operation, merely by a magical infusion of
faith, — but by working out our salvation with fear and
trembling."* "In the same way as our corporeal life
proceeds from natural means and subsists on them, the
spiritual life of our souls proceeds and endures by natural
means too, viz., by the Written Word, or the preaching of
the Gospel, therefore we ought not to expect now-a-days
another Word, Inspiration, or Gospel, either from heaven
or from men, to build and rely upon beside the use of the
written Word of God."f " No one receives an inspiration or
a revelation concerning the will of God in Christ, as far as
concerns his salvation. Whoever holds the contrary, will
give rise to the error, that men should consider their own
fancies, dreams, and visions to be inspirations of God, as
the fanatic Anabaptists did in former times." J Hans de
Kies, and the three oldest teachers of the congregation,
maintained the opposite opinion. § They asserted that
" there is a divine inspiration, whereby the Lord Jesus, the
governor and teacher of his holy church, instructs, teaches,
addresses, and inspires the faithful, viz., through the Holy
* " Spider Hunter," g 2 and g 4.
f "A plain information concerning the controversy between Hans de Eies and
Nittert Obbes, 1628, 4to., p. 8.
I " Spider Hunter," g 1.
§ In the following treatises : — 1st. "Apology or justification, wherein, together with
a brief and sincere account of the state of affairs between the teachers and ministers
of the United Congregation, at Amsterdam, and Nittert Obbes, is pointed out how
unreasonably, untruly, and slanderously those teachers are calumniated, — composed
by Eenier Wybrands, Peter Andries, and Cornelis Claas, teachers of the Word of
God, in the above-named congregation." Hoorn, 1626, 4to., 59 pages. 2nd. "Dialogue
or conversation between a Neutralist and a Waterlander brother, wherein the contro-
versy concerning the Word of God, arisen between the teachers of the United Congre-
gation and Nittert Obbes, is pointed out succinctly and nakedly. Serving as a
225
Ghost from whom they have the anointing or unction.
God summons them to repentance and conversion by the
written word, but besides by His Holy Spirit and this
Power in Christ, and several other means," e.g. his handy-
work in the whole creation, the law of nature written in the
hearts of mankind, the light of conscience, the punishment
of sinners, principally by good and fervent suggestions,
inspirations, and incitements, by which the Holy Spirit
impels the hearts of men to everything that is true, honest,
and just.* He knocks at the door of our hearts, — there He
testifies, preaches, and teaches : — (that) his Spirit abides
also in the hearts of the faithful, and speaks and works in
them whatsoever things are good, and comforts, leads and
compels them, being indeed " the earnest of their inheri-
tance." f He allowed that " we ought not to rely on dreams
and inspirations, if contrary to the written word," but asserted
that revelations in addition, besides, and above the written
word frequently occur, and that our sanctification is pro-
duced "in the twinkling of an eye;" and thus these ^
inspirations proved themselves to be "trustworthy and
divine, yea, if compared with the dead and barren letter of
Scripture, vivid, energetic, and all sufficient."! To prove
his assertions, he dwelt on the distinction between "the
forerunner to descry the contents of the book called ' Spider Hunter.' " Hoorn, 1626,
4to., 15 pages. 3rd. "Dialogue on the controversy concerning the Word of God,
arisen in the Waterlander Congregation at Amsterdam, published for the instruction
of the simple brethren and sisters in the Lord Jesus Christ." Hoorn, 1626, 4to.,
18 pages. 4th. " Discovery of the errors, misrepresentations of Holy Scripture, and
various blunders contained in the book called ' Spider Hunter' which treats of the
Word of God, written by Nittert Obbes, together with a refutation of those errors for
the glory of God, the defence of truth, the warning and edifying of all simple-hearted,
published by Hans de Kies." Hoorn, 1627, 8vo., 338 pages.
* " Discovery," p. 256 to 258. f " Apology," p. 52.
J "Dialogue or Conversation, p. 12. "Apology," p. 46.
It
226
Word of God," denoting Holy Scripture, and the "Word
of God" (Logos), as the title of Christ. "The Word of
the Father, the true Light, which has life in itself, and is
an Inward Light to blind souls, which the letter or written
light is not able to do, because it is not life; this is only to
be found in Christ, the Word of the Father.* This Word,
called by Peter the Seed of regeneration, is no other than
the Word described by Paul as quick and powerful, f This
Word, which has life in itself, is the Word and the Seed.\
The written word is corruptible. It is likewise a servant of
corruption, and, consequently, not the incorruptible Seed of
regeneration. That Seed is the Son of God, the Word of
the Father, the true Life.§ His adversaries," he says,
consider " the written word to be the seed, the medium, or
instrument whereby regeneration is performed. We say,
that Christ, with this Spirit and Power, is the true Seed of
promise, the Mediator and Medium by which we are born
again (2 Cor. v., 17, and Pet. i., 2, 3)."||
We shall see that this was the great controversy between
the Puritans, who took the precise position of Nittert Obbes,
and the followers of Fox, who occupied the position of Hans
de Eies. The party of Nittert Obbes replied,1T and it was
not denied by Hans de Eies, that this was the teaching
of Caspar Schwenkfeld, of Silesia. To show the exact
correspondence between the views of Hans de Eies and
Schwenkfeld, the party among the Mennonites represented
by Nittert Obbes gave the following as a quotation from
Schwenkfeld's confession : — " God begets us of his own will
with the Word of Truth, (James i., 18.) and that Word is an
incorruptible Seed. In performing our regeneration, God
* " Discovery," p. 59. t Ibid. p. 83. } Ibid. p. 84. § Ibid. p. 86. || Ibid. p. 2G9.
IT " Spider Hunter," a 4. " Some questions for inquiry concerning the nature and
power of Holy Scripture, or the written Word of God," p. 7.
227
neither needs nor employs the aid or the means of any
creature; but the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit
brings this work about in the soul immediately. The new
creature that is born of God wants no outward scripture,
neither creature, nor ordinance of the outward Church, to rely
on or to deal with, for he has three witnesses in himself,
the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost. Consequently
there is a double Word of God, the one external, the other
internal. The internal is the Eternal Word of the Spirit ;
but the external is a perishable ' word,' and the letter both as
to power and nature ; and they differ more than soul and
body, death and life, Creator and creature. The former
consists of a divine nature and essence, and heavenly
things, but the latter, viz., the Scripture or written word,
is essentially an earthly, perishable thing, and though it is
used in spiritual matters, it has nevertheless from its own
nature, neither spirit, nor life, but is merely a writing, a
sound, or a voice, — yea, a dead, perishable creature, without
any power, or gift of grace."* Nittert Obbes died in 1630,
and the controversy ended.
Schwenkfeld is termed by Dr. Dorner, in his " History
of Protestant Theology," "the noblest representative of
the theoretical mysticism of the age of the Keformation."
"He maintained," Dr. Dorner says, "the unity and com-
pleteness of Christ, as distinctly as the true humanity,
* " Spider Hunter," from c 4 to d 4. — I have not succeeded in identifying these
passages in " Schwenkf eld's Confession," in the connection in which they are here
placed, and my impression is that they are quotations taken out of their natural
sequence for controversial purposes. I have, however, identified the latter part of the
quotation in Schwenkfeld's " Catechismus vom wort des Creiitzes vom Wort Gottes,"
p. 566,— 1st part of Schwenkfeld's Works, Edition, 1st Title, 1564; 2nd Title, 1562
— which I translate thus : — " Now in short, there is (in the sense in which it is
commonly spoken of) a double Word of God, namely, an inward, eternal, and
spiritual Word, and an outward and perishable word of the Scriptures or letter.
These two, although they often come into a spiritual relation among believers, and in
R 2
228
and objected to the scholastic view of the person of
Christ, as separating his person too much from the person
of God. His views of the divinity of Christ and of the
glory of his person, were set forth with great power and
eloquence. His spiritual views of the christian religion
are free from any trace of pantheistic teaching. He does
not detract in the smallest degree from the inspiration
or authority of Holy Scripture, but he maintained against
the Apostolic Office or Service were united, yet they are, according to their suhstance,
power, and nature, more completely separated than body and soul, death and life,
Creator and creature, yes, they are farther apart than heaven and earth. For the
former Word stands in the order of the heavenly and spiritual things, of that Divine,
Eternal Existence, and is of divine quality, omnipotent, active, and powerful, yes, as I
have before said, it is the heart of God himself, Spirit, and Life. But the latter word
stands in the order of earthly things of this transient existence, and it testifies even
from the first, that although it is used in spiritual and divine matters for the service of
Christ, yet it is according to its nature and substance neither Spirit nor Life, but
writing, sound, and voice ; indeed it is in itself flesh, without grace, dead, and outwardly
a perishable creature." It will be seen that this is quoted in the controversy so as to
make Schwenkfeld as unorthodox as possible, and as if he denied the inspiration of the
Apostolic writers; while in the quotation and elsewhere, it will be seen that he fully
admits this Apostolic inspiration as entirely distinct. Schwenkfeld is contending
against the Lutherans, who used the expression the "Word of God" as equivalent to
the Holy Scriptures, and did not fully recognize that the Holy Spirit is termed in
Scripture " the Word of God," and that the expression as applied to the Scriptures
(if convenient) is a source of confusion, and strictly speaking, incorrect. Bishop
Thirlwall, in a charge given in 1864, says, " ' The Word of God ' cannot in any passage
of the New Testament be substituted for the Bible, without manifest absurdity. And
what Scripture nowhere enjoins and hardly allows, a Church or an individual must be
very bold to assert without reserve or qualification. The Word of God is the Divine
effluence which visited the patriarchs ; which inspired the prophets ; which spake by
the evangelists and apostles ; which is uttered and expressed in all forms of revelation
and of reason ; which in its highest sense is applied by St. John to the Eternal Son."
In his " Catechismus von Ettlichen Haupt Artickelen des Christlichen glauben, &c.
Auf Frag und Antwort gestellet, 1530," Schwenkfeld says, in answer to the question,
pages d 3, 4 and 5, " How may I know if I stand in faith? Answer. — If thou lovest
Jesus Christ from thy heart, and truly confessest with the mouth that He is the Lord
whom thou seekest and honorest, and believest in thy heart that God hath raised Him
from the dead, thou wilt be saved. — Bom. x A man may subscribe the
12 articles, sing or speak of God, &c, &c, and yet not be a christian In
229
Luther, that the divine nature could not he communicated
to the soul hy the material or written Word, or by the
material elements of the Lord's supper, without the living
agency of Christ acting immediately on the soul in the
person of His Holy Spirit; precisely as God created the
worlds out of nothing, just so He creates and maintains the
Seed of eternal life, the new creature, in the soul of man."
Luther on the other hand, in his controversy with
fine, a true faith makes out of an old man, a new ; it turns the mind from earthly
things to heavenly ; brings with it a true hunger and thirst after the righteousness of
God ; brings men to exercise themselves in good works, so that they go on from faith
to faith, from love to love, from clearness to clearness, in the knowledge of God, that
they ever go forward and grow. Faith is from the hearing of the Word of God, but
not from the hearing alone of the outward word, but from that of the inward living
Word; the Holy Ghost himself preaches in all elect hearts. — From the outward word
a lone is no rightly created or enduring faith." In his "Deutche Theologia fiir die
Leien, Works," p. 606, he says, " The new birth is such a work of God, that in it the
dead is made alive ; the spotted cleansed ; the corrupted amended ; the lost brought
back again. In it, all the old godless existence is washed away, in the name (that is
the power) of the Lord Christ, and of His Spirit, in the heavenly water in which the
old creature is renewed in heart and spirit, and rises out of it a new man, a new
creature. ... (p. 608). Although outward things, such as the office of preacher,
the Holy Scriptures, sacraments, church order, prayer, and other matters, as they
proceed in grace may serve the purpose of, and further the end of, the new birth and
the renewal of the heart in man, yet, nevertheless, no outward thing or element can
produce, or give, the new birth. For tbis comes from above and is peculiar to the
Lord Christ, and nothing foreign is added to it which is not of his divine nature. Of
the water of the new birth, I have written elsewhere. — Peter also, Chap, i., calls it the
Seed of the living Word of God, and in James it is called the ' Word of Truth.'" He
shows also in his " Catechismus vom Wort des Creiitzes," (p. 569, Werken) " that
God's Word is the Seed of ali the children of God. God's word manifest in the flesh,
even Christ, is the single corn of wheat, which after it fell into the earth and died,
brought forth much fruit. It is the everlasting, unpublished, living Seed which fell
into the good ground," &c, &c. He goes on to show that this Word is "Bread,
Water, Spirit, and not letter," and that it is "Life and Light." "This 'Word,' in the
unconverted, was ' the voice of Jesus Christ in the heart.' The preachers and servants
of Christ testify of such a Word ; a Word of faith, a Word by which we hear God, a
Word of Life, of which it is written, (1 John i., Kom. x. and Col. i.) * which is Christ
in you,' says Paul, ' in it is the hope of glory,' which we explain," &c. "Deutche
Theologia fiir die Leien," p. 629.
230
Carlstadt and the Zwickau Baptists, had maintained the
extreme position that " God has resolved to give no one
the inward things save through the outward; not to give
the Spirit and faith save through the outward word and
sign."* Luther attacked Carlstadt with all the power of
argument and satire, which he knew so well how to use, in
the words, " Ah, how scornfully and mockingly he dips
again into the Spirit ; yes, he says, * shall a handful of
water indeed make one pure from sin ? The Spirit, the
Spirit, the Spirit must do it inwardly. Shall bread and
wine help me ? Shall the breathing over the bread bring
Christ into the sacrament ? No, no, the flesh of Christ
must be eaten spiritually. The Wittenbergers know no-
thing about it. They steal faith out of the letter.' And
many splendid words are used, so that whoever does not
know the devil might think they had five Holy Spirits in
them ! If they are asked, how do I come into the posses-
sion of such a sublime spirit ? they point thee, not to the
outward gospel, but to the Land of the Sluggards,! tell thee
to ' stand for a long while as I have stood,' and thus thou
wilt learn. Then will the heavenly Voice come, and God
himself will speak with thee. If thou askest more about
* "Widder die hymelichen propheten von den bildern und Sacraments," &c,
Wittenberg, Martinus Luther. Second part, p. 4. 1525.
f " Schlauraffen Land " is thus described at this period, and Kingsley has described
it in much the same wa> in our own —
Eine Gegend heizt Schlauraffenland
Den faulen leuten wollbekant,
Die liegt drei Meilen hinter Weihnachten,
Ein mensch der dahinein will trachten,
Muss sich des groszen Dings vermessen,
Und durch einen Berg von Kitchen essen
Der ist wol dreier Meilen dick,
Alsdann ist er im augenblick
In demselbigen Schlauraffenland.
231
this waiting, they know ahout it as much as Dr. Carlstadt
of the Greek and Hebrew languages ! Seest thou there the
Devil, the enemy of divine order, how he makes thy mouth
gape at the words ■ Spirit, Spirit, Spirit,' and yet, the while,
is tearing away the bridges, plank, road, ladder, and every-
thing by which the Spirit is come to thee, viz., the outward
ordinances of God in bodily baptism, sign, and word from
God's mouth, by which the Spirit is seeking to teach thee,
not how the Spirit is to come to thee, but how thou art to
come to the Spirit." (They say) " that thou shalt ' learn to
go upon the clouds and ride upon the wind,' yet do not tell
thee how or when, where or what, but that thou shalt learn
thyself as they have learnt ! "
This quotation will give us an idea of the stormy times
in which Caspar Schwenkenfeld's lot was cast. If we duly
consider this, we shall agree that his character was one of
the most beautiful which that eventful period produced.
He maintained the gentleness and purity of the christian
character as described in the Gospel, at a time when
Luther fiercely attacked christian men, and treated them as
inspired by the Devil, because they differed from him in
opinion, and expressed their views with learning and
Auch fliegen um, das mogt ihr glauben
Gebratene Hiihner Gans und Tauben,
Wer sie nicbt f angt und ist so faul
Dem fliegen sie selbst in das maul !
*****
Verstand darf man nicbt lassen sebn,
Aller Vernunft musz man miissig gebn :
Wer Sinn und Witz gebraucben wolt.
*****
Wer Zucbt und Ebrbarkeit bait lieb
Denselben man des Lands vertrieb !
Und wer arbeitet mit der band
Dem verbot man, das Scblauraffenland !
By Hans Sacbs, born 1494.
232
ability j when Zwingle did not raise his voice against the
drowning of Anabaptists; and when, at a later period,
Calvin also delivered men over to fearful punishments, for
the sole crime of confuting his peculiar theological views.
Schwenkfeld was a Silesian nobleman. He was born in
1490, at Ossig, in the Liibner kreise, in Lower Silesia.
He studied for two years at the University of Cologne and
at other universities. "When he came to his majority he
took a place at court, at first with Duke Charles of Minister-"
berg, a grandson of king Podiebrand of Bohemia, then he
lived at Brieg, and finally he was for many years with the
Duke Frederick the Second of Liegnitz, in the position of
aulic counsellor. While Schwenkfeld was at Mtinsterberg
he became acquainted with the views of John Huss,* which
were strongly represented at Court. He was also a great
admirer of Tauler, whose works he had studied for twenty
years. The noble conduct of Luther, at Worms, was the
turning point in his life. He reproached himself that his
religion had not hitherto been the religion of the heart.
In 1521 therefore he returned to private life, and studied
the Holy Scriptures " day and night."
About the year 1525 he openly espoused the cause of
the Keformation, and went to Wittenberg to converse
personally with Luther. The result of his conference
with this Keformer and Dr. Bugenhagen, was the full
conviction that he differed entirely from Luther on the
* John Huss became acquainted with John Wickliff's opinions by means of the
circumstance that a German student, who had studied at the University at Oxford, brought
to the University at Prague, Wickliff's book " De Universalibus Bealibus," which he
had bought in England " as a treasure," and shared it with his friend. Huss at
Prague University, in his preaching to the people, praised John Wickliff, and said
" that when he departed this life he should wish to be where John Wiokliff was."
"Historia Alberti Krantz von den Alten Hussen zu Eehmen in Keiser Sigismunds
zeiten," 1523, pp. 4 and 5. This is in the Author's possession.
233 ,
subjects of baptism and the Lord's Supper, and also
that he could not acknowledge any confessions of faith
as sufficient, except in so far forth as they agreed with
Holy Scripture.
There was also another point of divergence in their
views. In harmony with the Duke of Liegnitz, who still
valued Schwenkf eld's advice, he held that the Keformation
should proceed from ivithin outwardly, and not from without
inwardly. In other words, they disagreed with the Lutheran
party in their policy of linking the Keformed Church with
the State. Schwenkfeld's first work, written about 1524,
and dedicated to the Duke of Liegnitz, " On the misuse
of the Gospel for the security of the flesh," procured
him small thanks from the Lutheran party. For when
Schwenkfeld saw, that although Luther attacked the errors
of the Papacy, an improvement in life did not in most
cases follow the reception of the new doctrine, he found
himself compelled to take up a somewhat different position.
He said that " the Lutherans had only the beginning of
the kingdom of Christ, and had yet much to learn. They
were forming a church by the power and command of the
magistrate, and did not attempt to gather a church which
was first ' formed by Christ's Spirit.' "
Schwenkfeld maintained that at first Luther had held the
same views as himself as to the spiritual nature of true
faith, of the impossibility of understanding the things of
God, or the Holy Scriptures, excepting by the direct or
immediate influence of the Holy Spirit.* He held that the
* He quoted Luther on the 1 Pet. i., to prove this. Luther says, " through faith
alone and not through anything which is outward, call it as you may, God makes the
heart pure." Again, in the preface to the "Magnificat," Luther says, "no one can
understand God or God's word, unless he has. it (immediately) without means from the
Holy Ghost, and no one has it unless he experiences and has a sense of it, and in the
same experience the Holy Ghost teaches as in his own school."
234
Lutherans did not make a sufficient distinction between
"an historical faith," and a "justifying faith." They
know Christ, he says, " after the letter, after his historical
teaching, miracles and deeds, not as He is to-day, living and
working." He said that the followers of Luther made justi-
fication by faith too much an outward thing, rather as if
God " reckoned " people " righteous " whose souls were not
made to some extent really and essentially righteous ; they
treated the matter, not in the sense of a deep and radical
spiritual change, but " as if they had just bought an indul-
gence " from Christ instead of the Pope ! They appeared
to think that " God would say to us when we die, or at the
Judgment Day, ' Come hither ye wicked people to heaven,
on account of Christ my Son ! ' As if we might safely
'remain wicked,' and yet 'be reckoned just and acceptable
still, on account of faith in Christ.' * On this account the
Lutherans strove so little after true repentance and the im-
provement of their life, and thus the sanctification of the Spirit,
the renewal of mind, the right gentleness of Christ, as also the
new birth, good works, and repentance are darkened, that I
do not say altogether taken out of the way. When God
justifies, He does not act as men act with men alone. He
does not merely forgive and present to man his sins and
absolve him from his guilt, but God makes him better.
He gives him the Holy Spirit, which cleanses his heart by
the love of Christ, so that man now desires what is good
and right, and what he desires is brought to good effect."
* In " Ableinung und veranthwortung der neun Calumnien so etlich widersprecher
der Glorien Christi in Schlesien aus Caspar Schwenkfelds, Buch," &c, 1562, p. 16, a
quotation is given from " C. S. Worte Gottes," fol. 129, which gives this view of the
nature of the change in "justification." — "That the elect are not esteemed justified
before God entirely through an imputation or reckoning of them just, but are made
in deed justj^and that the Lord God Jesus Christ is our righteousness, not as He is
outwardly believed in, but when He works, lives, and is enjoyed in us by faith.
235
When the dispute respecting the sacraments arose
between Luther and Zwingle, Luther (Schwenkfeld main-
tains) shifted his ground, and held that what was " outward
must go before the inward, and that the inward would
follow, because Christ had placed the power and might
of His sufferings in the visibility of the Sacrament, &c." *
Schwenkfeld held that Luther's first views were correct,
and that the inward change must come before the outward
things of Christianity could be rightly used, and foresaw
clearly the infinite mischief which the working out of the
opposite principle would effect in the Church and State.
Schwenkfeld did not himself partake of the Lord's Supper.
He did not exactly forbid his followers to do so, but held
that there could be no right participation in it, until, by the
operation of a Church discipline unbelievers could be sepa-
rated from the Church. The Lord's Supper, he said, was
not kept, where people merely go outwardly to receive it.
" Those who from grace can desire such a thing in their
inmost prayers, they may find themselves where they wish,
and the true Lord's Supper will be kept through faith in-
wardly in the soul, yea, in heaven, — where the eternal High
Priest, Jesus Christ, invites the believing table guests unto
holiness, — and it is bound to no outward thing, whether
here or there. As often as a man receives divine sweetness in
Christ, so often he keeps the Lord's Supper with Christ.
We shall also strive that we may keep it daily with Him."
He disapproved of infant baptism, but did not agree with
the Baptists as to the importance of adult baptism. " Just
as the Lutherans drive them to the Lord's Supper, so they
drive the conscience to their outward baptism. Thus the
outward, in the secrets of God, treads over all, and the letter
* " Weil Christus die Kraft und Macht seines Leidens hatte in das Sichtbarlichkeit
im Sacrament gelegt."
236
has the rule. With regard to baptism, your exercise and
prayer to God should be, that you inwardly, in your heart,
soul, and conscience, should be rightly baptized, and
sprinkled, and cleansed with the precious blood of Christ
which was poured out on account of our sins, that you may
become born again in the overpouring * of the heavenly
water; that your heart may be more and more changed by
the consideration of what is above, and that you increase in
the love of God and your neighbour, and that you receive
the Holy Spirit, which is the true baptism of God, while
the outward is the sign. When we have understood faith
rightly, and clasp it to our hearts, with the ornament of
love, we have baptism and the Lord's Supper, and all, for in
Him is the fulness."
In " Johan Werner's Catechism," with a preface by
Schwenkfeld, the question is asked, " Is the breaking of
bread also needful to salvation ? " The answer is thus put,
" The bread of life is necessary to salvation, and nothing
outward, for ' one thing is needful.' " While it is obvious
that the followers of Schwenkfeld did not consider the
appointment of an outward meal, so that the true disciples
of Christ should specially remember the Lord's death
other than a proper christian practice, the teaching of
Schwenkfeld that the spiritual eating of the Lord's Supper
is not "tied to such outward eating and drinking," and
also his personal example, left the matter open for each
person to act according to his conscientious convictions.
In 1718, George Hauptman, one of his followers, says he
" has not recommended any one to take the Lord's Supper,
but will pray and call upon the Lord to come into his
* Baptism was then administered by the Baptists, not by immersion, but by pouring
water over the head of the person.
237
heart and sup with him;" and it is clear that Schivenkf eld's
followers did not use tlie outward ordinance of the Lord's
Supper.*
We now see that the teaching of Schwenkfeld and Fox
was identical on three important points. First, on what is
called the doctrine of the "Inward Light, Life, Word, Seed,
&c." Secondly, on "Immediate Kevelation;" that is, that
God and Christ in the person of the Holy Spirit, the Word
of God, communicates with the human soul without the
absolute necessity of the rites and ceremonies of the church
or of any outward means, acts, or things, however important
they may be ; and that the life-giving power of the Holy
Spirit, creating and upholding what is termed in Scripture
the " new birth," the " new man," or the " new creature,"
is absolutely necessary to the very idea of a man being
a true christian; that, however essential, necessary, or
desirable a knowledge of divine things, and even of Holy
Scripture may be, without the presence of the life-giving
Spirit of Christ, it is a dead and comparatively profitless
thing. They did not maintain that the preaching of the
Gospel, the diffusion of the Holy Scriptures, the action
of the visible church in the use of outward means, or of
anything which Christ had commanded to be done, was
other than obligatory, but that in the use of right means
the presence and living power of the Holy Spirit, and
a vital change in the soul was to be sought, and was
needful to give a saving faith. In a word, one party
was insisting on the necessity of faith in the Father
and the Son, and the other insisted that faith in the
Holy Ghost was needful to give effect to faith in the
* See " Kurtz und Einfaltiges Bekantnitz der hiesigen in Gb'rlitz dolerirten
Schwenkfeldern," 1726 ; reprinted in " Kadelbach," Geschichte, p. 143. See side note,
" Warrum sie das heilige abendmahl nicht gebrauchen wollen." See also note p. 244.
238
two first persons of the Trinity. Thirdly, that as a neces-
sary consequence, no merely bodily act, such as partaking
of the Lord's Supper or baptism, can give the inward and
spiritual reality and power of the Lord's " body " and
" blood," or that of the spiritual "washing of regeneration;"
nor can the soul be maintained in spiritual union with Him
by bodily acts.* As a practical inference, Schwenkfeld held
that " no preacher, who is not a pious man and who does
not live a holy life, is able to preach the Gospel of Christ
before God savingly and fruitfully, because a godless man
* The following is from the " Inquisitio de Verbo Dei an sit in pane Eucharistise et
aqua Baptismatis," 1526, by Valentine Crautwald, an intimate friend and follower of
Schwenkfeld. This rare and severely logical treatise is in the author'3 possession.
His opponents suppose that some mixture of outward and spiritual nutrition or
washing exists in the Lord's Supper and Baptism, but he contends that the two
things are as diverse as body and soul. " Ministers," he says, " will find that
it is impossible, except by the Incarnate Word of God, to satisfy the hungry — by
the Word of God, and from the Word of God, without any medium of outward
bread; and that it is not possible for defiled consciences to be cleansed, except
by the washing of water, by the Word (from the Word Himself without the appli-
cation of outward water)." "Among other things, also, they will observe that the
body of Christ in the Supper is not in the bread, nor is it brought by it or with it
into souls, but is in the Word, and is the body of the Word of God. And, at the same
time, they will observe, that in baptism the cleansing water is in the font of the Word,
but that the Word is not in the fontal water." (Marginal note)—" There is do other
1 Sacrament ' than the Word of God — that is, Christ." But if they say that this thing
cannot be understood by reason, but ought to be believed, among many things, we shall
reply : — Although for the understanding of the thing we are perhaps rather dull, yet
because the effect of the thing neither appears nor has been openly described anywhere
in the Sacred Writings, we are not bound to believe a thing without an effect, and an
effect without a Scripture to prove the reality of the fact. For what does the body of
Christ thus effect in the bread ? Where is the certainty of faith ? <fec, which, indeed,
shows that we do not yet sufficiently grasp the true principle of sacraments and
signs, and the pure institution of Christianity, and that there is need of elementary
teaching ; but, above all, that the Lord would unite His Church, and enduing it with
power, would guide it by His own exalted Spirit, whom may the Father in Heaven give
to all who ask, through Jesus Christ his Son. Amen." The whole argument in this
treatise is substantially that of the Early Friends, against Sacramental theories. The
words in the Gospel respecting the Lord's Supper, Schwenkfeld explained thus against
Luther :—"' My body, which will be given for you, is, for example, what the broken,
239
can teach nothing aright, and because his preaching does
not then come from God."*
The controversy between Luther and Zwingle was raging
in 1525, when Schwenkfeld had his interview with Luther.
Schwenkfeld found that his view concerning the sacraments
resembled Zwingle's, and he and his learned friend Valen-
tine Crautwalt wrote books and letters on the subject, which
were widely circulated. The whole of the clergy in Liegnitz
were of the same opinion, and by his advice what was called
the " Still stand" respecting the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, took place ; in other words, it was generally disused
in Liegnitz and other places in Silesia. Luther f did not
immediately condemn this state of things, but advised them
" to let others deal with it (the controversy) who are sure
in their consciences;" but warned them that the Papists
were already " rejoicing in this event." The Eeformation
in Liegnitz differed from the Reformation in Breslau only in
this point, viz., that baptism and the Lord's Supper were for
the present waived.
Up to this time the Duke of Liegnitz was advised by
Schwenkfeld, but the course of things was narrowly
eaten bread is." Christ has not said — this do for the forgiveness of sins, for the
strengthening of faith, and for the vanquishing of the Devil ; but, " this do in
remembrance of Me." The Lord's will is that men should keep feast and holiday, to
consider the benefit they have received from Himself and his Cross, through which He
became the food of eternal life, that they should remember Him, should give Him
thanks and praise for it, and should show forth His death, and exercise brotherly love.
Christ, however, I hold to be the Bread of Life " — " I am the living bread
which comes down from heaven."
* "Ableiung der neun Calumnien," &c, 1562, p. 28, and again, " Kein heuchler
noch gottloser Predicant," &c. The Lutherans, they say, held " Jeder Clamant und
Polderer der auf die Cathedram steigt," sey "Ein Diener Gottes Worts." The Lutheran
preachers " held up the lantern instead of the Light!" p. 32.
t Page 3 of the " Himlischen propheten," part ii.
240
watched by the Lutheran party; and when Schwenk-
feld advised the Duke to treat the Anabaptists in Silesia
with mildness, instead of extirpating them, it was
rumoured that he contemplated introducing this "wild
plant," and with it all kinds of " miracles," &c. While the
Eeformation in Liegnitz was thus proceeding quietly and
successfully, by " the mild sword of the Spirit, instead of
weapons and iron," the Emperor Ferdinand interfered,
and the Duke of Liegnitz at last perceived that he was
becoming separated from the Eeformed party in other parts
of Europe, and that he would be compelled either to expel
or to punish Schwenkfeld, to pacify the all powerful Protes-
tant clergy.
Schwenkfeld therefore left Liegnitz, 7th February, 1529,*
with the treasure of " a good conscience." He then
travelled to Ulm, Augsburg, Niirnberg, and Strasburg, and
was engaged in controversy with some of the principal
Eeformers. He disputed with the clergy. He attended
many German courts, and everywhere won disciples, par-
ticularly from higher and most learned classes. Although
he did not aim at founding a sect, his views obtained so
much notice, that he was denounced both by the Protestant
and Catholic clergy as an arch-heretic, enthusiast, chimera-
master, &c. He was forbidden, in the year 1531, the free
exercise of religion, after a trial by the spiritual authorities
at Tubingen, although sentence was not pronounced against
him. He was at last separated entirely from the Eeformers
by a letter of excommunication from Luther, in reply to a
tract of Schwenkfeld's, which had been sent him, in which
he expressed the opinion that Schwenkfeld was inspired by
* Page 20, " Schneider's Verlafif der Eeformation in Liegnitz," Berlin, 1862. For
this date, see also p. 3 of " Leben's Beschreibung of Caspar Schwenkfeld," 1697, in
author's possession.
241
the devil, and that he and his followers, the " Sacramentarii
and Eutychiani," were running swiftly to perdition. But
he received this, and the most bitter sayings of his oppo-
nents, with a Christian gentleness, which was a striking
proof of the depth and power of his religious character.
"It is sad to me that they are striving against the living
Christ and His Spirit. We will sincerely pray to God for
them ; for it will at last come to this, that they and we shall
one day all have to acknowledge our foolishness before our
master, Christ." His greatest enemies were compelled to
acknowledge his worth, his piety, and his holy life ; and he
endeared himself to all by his modesty and friendly carriage.
In the bitterest theological strife he disused all the violent
epithets of the times. He aimed at disarming his theological
adversaries, by the meekness and gentleness of Christ. " We
are not masters in the things of God, but scholars in Christ's
school. He is our Master." " I do not give myself out for
a master, I am only a poor scholar of the Lord, who well
knows my weakness and foolishness." " Dear children," he
wrote to a friend, " let us live a life rejoicing in God ; let us
walk in this world in piety, truth, and uprightness, and love
Jesus Christ from the heart."
He wrote ninety distinct works. They were classed
with the works of the Anabaptists, and were destroyed
by both the Papists and Lutherans. At Muhlhausen,
and elsewhere, a printer's whole stock, and a book-
seller's whole shop, were destroyed, in order to be sure
that such "poison should not go among the people!"
" Because," says Schwenkfeld, " I did not say that every-
thing they said was good, they raised such a cry of * murder,'
and charged me with fearful errors and heresies that never
came into my mind ! " He was persecuted by the clergy,
because they conceived that a layman, however learned, had
242
no right to intrude into their province to preach and teach
Christianity. When his enemies had the upper hand, he
lay concealed " in hedges, in outhouses, and hidden caves,"
and was often " out in the rain and storm." But he says,
" My good, true Lord has given me, among strangers, many
brethren and sisters; in some cases, even amongst the
nobility."
Weary, and worn in mind and body, he was taken ill
at his trusty countryman's, Jacob Meretzke, of Iagern-
dorf. Agatha Streicher begged him to come to Ulm, to be
better cared for, and he died in Streicher's house, on
10th December, 1561, aged seventy-one years, in the most
perfect trust in his Saviour, for whom he had so long
fearlessly striven, and entered at last into heaven, his true
Fatherland. He is said to have used for his motto, " Nil
Christo triste recepto " — " When Christ is received, nothing
is sad ;" and it was realized in his life and character. By
means of his works, and his teaching, a circle of earnest
Christians was formed all over Germany, but particularly in
Suabia and Silesia, who had their own meetings, and who
separated themselves from the religion of their States, under
the name of "Confessors, or Followers of the Glory of
Christ." He did not, however, recognize any following of
himself, but "a holding to Christ our Head." "It is not
agreeable to me," he said, "that you should be called after
me." He did not consider himself an enlightened prophet,
or having any Apostolic revelation to impart, but always
maintained the most modest views of himself, and his posi-
tion as a simple Christian teacher. It is reckoned* that
Schwenkf eld's followers numbered during his life from
4,000 to 5,000, scattered all over Germany.
* By Dr. Schneider.
243
Such was the effect of the teaching of this eminent lay-
man, that when in 1547, his followers were ordered to leave
Silesia, and were persecuted and imprisoned, and all the
writings of Schwenkfeld, Crautwald, and Werner were ordered
to be delivered up, it was found that the pious life of his
followers, the punctuality with which they paid their rent,
and fulfilled the duties of citizens, were greatly missed, and
the authorities connived at their return. The Thirty Years'
War interrupted the persecution in Silesia. It was probably
at this period that many emigrated to Holland, and some to
England. " They were destroyed," Erbkam says, "through-
out the whole of Germany, but some remained in Suabia
and Silesia." In 1719, under the patronage of the Emperor
of Germany, a Jesuit mission was established in Silesia. A
systematic persecution of these poor Christian people began.
Some joined the Protestant churches, some fled to Saxony,
where they were protected by Count Zinzendorf.* In 1734,
forty Schwenkfeldian families travelled to England, and
finally emigrated to Pennsylvania, where they have main-
tained their existence as a distinct religious body to the
present day; a letter from the ministers of this interesting
community is inserted, which furnishes important corro-
boration to the author's statement, as to the practices of
the Schwenkfeldian Churches. They now number 300
families (800 persons), and have two Churches.! With
* An ancestor of the founder of " The Moravian Brethren," amongst whom John
Wesley sojourned, and where he obtained the views of spiritual religion which
Schwenkfeld had so long ago taught ; and under the spiritual ministrations of one of
the Moravians, Wesley, it will be remembered, was converted.
t " Colebrookdale, Berks County, Pennsylvania,
November 22nd, 1875.
" To Eobeht Barclay, England.
' ' Dear Friend, — We have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
2nd of August, and regret that we cannot more satisfactorily reply to your inquiries as
to the differences (if any) between the teachings of Caspar Schwenkfeld and that of
S 2
244
reference to the religious worship of the followers of
Schwenkfeld, we give Caspar Schwenkfeld's answer to the
question, in his own words — " Whether we also have a
George Fox. The ' Journal ' of the latter is not in our possession, neither have we any
evidence that, as early as 1630, or earlier, any of the followers of Schwenkfeld emi-
grated to Amsterdam ; nor that at any time Hans de Eys's Congregation existed there ;
neither do we have any information to the contrary.
" Judging from the brief notices of the teachings of George Fox in our possession,
we have reason to believe that they did not differ materially from those of Schwenkfeld ;
and among the followers of both, here in America, there is a striking similarity, in the
almost total absence of formalities and ceremonies in their religious practices. Both
are discarding judicial oaths, carnal weapons, and are unostentatious in dress.
"Notwithstanding the fact that the Friends are of English descent, having their
books, worship, and conversation in the English language, and the followers of
Schwenkfeld here all of it in German, yet there always existed a lively sympathy, love,
and esteem between the parties.
"You wish to obtain some work that would show the religious practices and prin-
ciples we have adopted in America. For that purpose we send your ' Compendium of
Christian Doctrines of Faith,' which, together with the ' Catechism and Constitution '
contained in ' Kadelbach's History ' in your possession, may suffice. It is, however,
proper to mention the fact that neither in Europe nor here, have the followers of
Schwenkenfeld at any time administered Baptism and the Lord's Supper.
" Owing to the persecutions which prevailed from 1630 to 1640, "the religious practices
of our ancestors in Germany about that period, were chiefly confined to meeting in
private houses for prayer and admonition, and in endeavours in the daily walk of life
to imitate as much as possible the example of the Heavenly Master.
m In the love of Christ, sincerely your friends,
" George Meschteb,
"William Schultz,
" Jacob Meschteb.
'December 17th, 1875, Colebrookdale, Penna." " Per Dan. S. Shtjltz.
This letter was written in English. In a subsequent communication, D. S. Schultz
states that their actual membership is 500, and that these constitute two congregations,
principally located in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. Each congregation has three
ministers, and they have three meeting-houses. Both congregations are under one
Church government. At their Annual Conference and elections, all male members
have a voice.
245
separate assembly or congregation, and by what means our
•brotherhood is bound together ? " — in the foot-note below,
which gives an exact and most important account of
Schwenkfeld's teaching, and the practices of his followers.*
* " We have no gathered, separated assembly (' coitus '), or church. You ask, How
also our (people) who hold or love this teaching of Christ and his glory (of which we
know little enough, and which is so strongly spoken against) are still, though dispersed'
gathered in the spirit of grace ? We separate ourselves in our course of life and com-
munion from no one who loves Christ and lives righteously. He may be from whatever
side he may, because we know that God has his own in all parties, who, without doubt-
ing, acknowledge the truth (either secretly or afterwards more (U&arly) ; who repent and
live according to Christ's teaching. But what concerns the outward ceremonial and
divine service (i.e., established by the law), this we cannot perform, for we consider it
idolatrous and wrong ; as, for instance, on the Roman Catholic side, the Mass ; and on
the Protestant side, the Lord's Supper, which they do not receive from the heart.
We seek Christ not below in the sacramental bread, but above in heaven — Coloss. hi."
(see above for the rest of C. Schwenkfeld's teaching on this point). "We have no
gathered church or society ; on this account, also, we cannot dispense the sacrament."
He states that " a church discipline, how ministers are to be examined, their confirma-
tion and placing, respecting excommunication," <fec, " has not been opened to them."
" When we come together, we pray with one another; for our enemies, that Christ will
turn their heart, and set up his' kingdom, and the increase of the number of the faith-
ful; we teach and also converse with one another, and ask questions respecting Christ,
and afterwards in writing respecting the Divine Trinity, the kingdom of God," &c. We
busy ourselves also with the right understanding and exposition of Holy Scripture
according to the mind of the Spirit. We much enjoy prayer and other exercises in
Christ, through the revelation of his Spirit. Our union consists in no ceremonies, but
alone in the teaching of the knowledge of Christ as described in his double offices, with
all those who acknowledge and believe our teaching (this, however, is not ours, but
that of the Lord Christ and His Spirit) respecting the Divine truth in their hearts,
' Christ with us ' — the true, naturally born Son of God, and acknowledge Him in these
His two natures in personal unity, &c. We hope, also, that the Lord Christ, through
this pure, sound teaching, by his blessed knowledge (because it comes to us by His
Divine revelation in the Holy Ghost) will build a Church out of the world, and gather
together in one the children of God which are scattered abroad ; and will, when the
appointed time comes, impart to, and pour out upon it, greater and more noble gifts
than we poor people have, to nis praise and glory. We cannot however await here
upon earth an ' Aureum Seculum,' or Golden World.* Our hope is to enjoy the perfect
knowledge of God, and shall have it here in our fatherland. All this we acknowledge
alone in part and piece meal (stuck weise), as Paul says, and he receives oniy the first
fruits or the Spirit through Christ, till that which is perfect is come. We acknowledge
• This probably refers to the idea 01 the Baptists, that Christ's personal reign was shortly to be expected.
246
Dr. Schneider* informs us : " They gathered weekly,
generally at the house of one of the elders. They sang
first, out of the hymn-book of the Bohemian Brethren,
hymns, altered according to their religious views. Then
one of the elders read a portion of Holy Scripture, accord-
ing to Luther's translation, and explained the text, either
himself, or by Schwenkfeld's, Hiller's, or Werner's Com-
mentaries. At the end of their worship, a common, free
prayer was made, which, according to Schwenkfeld's prac-
tice, was received standing. The Church festival of the
Sacrament they shunned on principle. Instead of Baptism,
the laying on of the hands of the elders, or the midwife's
baptism of extremity, contented them. Marriages were
performed by the laying on of the hands of the elders.
When they were persecuted, each father of a family per-
formed Divine worship, or, if this was dangerous, they
sought " the Bush." They were generally buried as common
criminals — ' 'ohne Sang noch Klang." They were often perse-
cuted on account of their very appearance ; their " Quaker-
like attire " soon showed who they were. Among them
were to be found peasants, gardeners, weavers, professional
men of all kinds, apothecaries, general shopkeepers, and
even soldiers." f
no reformation or improvement of the Christian religion and teaching, except the true
knowledge of Christ — that which is according to the Holy Ghost — which must be
expected, not alone out of the Scriptures, but much more from the gifts of Grace
revealed by the Father ; yet so that this revelation should always be in unison with,
and unite with the witness of the Scriptures, <&c. Amen.
" Caspar Schwenkfeldius,
" Subscripsit."
Pages 59 to 62 of his Collected Works, 1st Title, 1564 ; 2nd Title, 1562.
* Pages 3 and 4 of his " Geschichtlichen Verlauf du Reformation in Liegnitz," part ii.
t In 1782, it was ordered in their uew church constitution, that they were not longer
to be soldiers.
247
The views of Schwenkfeld respecting Church membership
were identical with those of the Baptists. With regard to
the relations of the ministry to the Church, his views,
as we have seen, were quite unformed, and they remained
in the same position among his followers till long after the
rise of the Society of Friends in England.
We shall now readily see that the controversy among
the Mennonites, in 1725, explains how the opinions of
Caspar Schwenkfeld were adopted by a considerable party
in the Waterlander Mennonite Church of Amsterdam;
and that this again enables us to understand, not only
how it is we find among the Early Friends the elaborate
Church discipline of the Mennonites, their practice of silent
worship, of silent thanksgiving before meals,* their testi-
mony against all war and oaths, and a variety of minute
coincidences of practice, which the reader will have already
observed.
It enables us also to explain how all this was combined
with the theology of Caspar Schwenkfeld, and how it was
that outward Baptism, and the Lord's Supper, which
were zealously observed by the Dutch Mennonites and the
General Baptists, were disused as outward ordinances
among the Friends. But this is not all — the general
points of Christian teaching insisted upon by Fox, corre-
spond in minute particulars with the teaching of Caspar
Schwenkfeld. Does not this clearly show the way in
which the " Doctrine of the Light," associated with the
* To the best of the writer's knowledge, "silent worship," and the silent prayer
before meals (which were both coincident with the rise of the Society which Fox
formed), were not practised by any religionists of the Commonwealth times so as to
be noticed and commented on by historians. On the other hand, tbe doctrines taught
by Fox correspond very closely in minute particulars with the teaching of Caspar
Schwenkfeld.
248
doctrines and practices of the Mennonites, passed into
England, and found a powerful and active exponent in
George Fox ?
It is possible that Fox was unconscious of the source of
these ideas. Yet we can hardly suppose the close connec- •
tion of religious observances and details of Church structure
which we have observed, with doctrines which were new
in England and old in Holland, to have been the result of
chance, or a simple result of the study of the New Testa-
ment, perfectly uninfluenced by human agency. We shall
see that Fox, in the earlier period of his life and ministry,
was not only brought into accidental contact, but was in
constant and friendly communication with the General
Baptist Churches; and we shall the more readily under-
stand why his teaching was so generally accepted by them.
These Churches formed a direct bridge of communication
between the Waterlander Mennonite Church in Amsterdam
and this country. Doubtless many of the teachers among
the General Baptists were aware, that Fox was only advo-
cating the views of the celebrated Hans de Bys and his
party, and was carrying out to their legitimate conclusion
the religious ideas of Schwenkfeld, which Bys had com-
mended to their notice. Doubtless, also, there were men in
England in 1648, who had engaged personally, at Amster-
dam, in the controversy which we have described, fourteen
or fifteen years previously to the preaching of Fox. We
have, moreover, to recollect that the two original English
Separatist Churches were situated on the borders of Lincoln-
shire, Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire,* and also that direct
evidence has been given in these pages, of the existence of
* There were a large number of General Baptist Churches in Lincolnshire in 1660—
see King's Pamphlets.
249
Mennonite Baptist Churches in York and Lincoln, which
were in direct communication with the Church founded by
Smyth and Thomas Helwys, and were in communion with
the Waterlander Mennonite Church in Amsterdam.
George Fox, very early turned his attention to Holland,
and William Caton, one of the early ministers of the
Society of Friends, who occupied the position of tutor
at Swarthmore Hall, travelled in that country, and it
was mainly among the Mennonites that he found sym-
pathy, and the opportunity of exercising his ministry.
Caton first visited Holland in 1656. Although " John
Stubbs and William Ames had had good service before
in Amsterdam," he does not appear to have been very
extensively engaged there till 1660. He writes to Fox at
Swarthmore, and states that he was allowed to preach in
the Mennonite assemblies, and that they expressed their
willingness to hear him, "if he had a nearer way to God,"
or " one which was more excellent than theirs." Visiting
the Mennonite Church at Dockum, in 1660, he remarks that
they " sat as if they had been Friends," in " great silence." He
was entertained at the house of their preacher here and
elsewhere. He appears to have had great acceptance among
them in all things, excepting in the matter of Baptism and
the Lord's Supper. In Friesland, he says that they " hung
exceedingly " upon their " outward, visible things," so that
I am confident it was easy for the Apostle taking the sect of
the Pharisees off from circumcision, offerings, temple, and the
traditions of the elders, as it is for us to bring these people
— " vanhetuit wendige Doopsgezinde avonmaal"* — that is,
from their ordinances commonly called Baptism and the
Lord's Supper ; and these two things they cry up, even as
* " From the outward Baptist Communion."
250
the Jews the temple of the Lord, and as the Gentiles did the
" temple of the goddess Diana ! " " These Mennonites, or
Wederdoopers, are divided," he remarks, " into seven com-
panies," and each of them " looked upon themselves as the
spouse of Christ," and that " they were the people which
God had chosen out of the world," seeing that they were
not conformable to it in many things, as that they would
not sprinkle their infants, nor carry arms, neither would
they swear, or go to law, &c, so that many of the simplest
of men run after them ;" and that if they do not belong to
the Mennonites, they are " Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists,
Brownists, or among the Collegiens," i.e., Collegianten.
He begs for the prayers of the Church, saying, " And do ye
but judge what he hath to bear that must make war against
all these, and what need of wisdom and courage, of faith and
a good understanding ! " * Fox and Barclay were both
aware of the existence of the Collegianten (the section of
the Mennonites, who held similar views to those of the
Plymouth Brethren of our days, and whom we have before
described), and were interested in knowing what was stirring
among them. This is shown by an original letter in the
possession of the author, forming part of the Swarthmore
Papers. Fox writes to Robert Barclay, of Urie, on the
29th day of the first month, 1679. He says : " I have
received thy letter, and was glad to hear from thee, and also
glad to hear of something stirring among the Jews ; and it
would be very well if some weighty friends would give them
a visit in Holland this Yearly Meeting that is to come, and
see what is stirring among the Jews, and among the
Collegions and the ministers — (see below, date 1677) — which
* Extracted from a letter to Swarthmore Hall, 25/11/1660, found among the MSS.
helonging to the author's father, and hitherto unpublished.
251
we had the discourse withall." Some of the Collegianten
in Amsterdam were the first converts of the Friends, and
William Sewell, their historian, was a Mennonite. Fox was
twice in Holland, once in 1677, with Barclay, Penn, and
Keith, and they then met with the Collegianten in
Amsterdam, at Harlingen, and other places. They had a
dispute with Galenus Abrahams, a Mennonite teacher of
that time, who had led a large party among the Mennonites
into a species of Socinianism. The subject of this dispute
is important and interesting. It continued five hours, and
Galenus Abrahams affirmed, in opposition to Fox and Penn,
&c, "that there was no Christian Church, ministry, or
commission Apostolical now in the world," * and the dis-
cussion appears to have terminated decidedly in favour of
the Friends. On Fox's second visit, he paid Galenus a
private visit, and found him " very loving and tender, and
he confessed in some measure to truth; his wife and
daughter were tender and kind, and we parted from them
very lovingly."
The Society of Friends spread at this period rapidly, and
their adherents were very numerous in Holland. (But not
only did the leaders of the early Society of Friends take
great interest in the Mennonites, but the Yearly Meeting of
1709 contributed fifty pounds (a very large sum at that time)
for the Mennonites of the Palatinate, who had fled from the
persecution of the Calvinists in Switzerland. This required
the agreement of the representatives of above 400 Churches,
and shows in a strong light the sympathy which existed
among the early Friends for the Mennonites. It must, how-
ever, not be forgotten that Fox had promulgated opinions,
and founded churches, bearing the close approximation to
* We have here the doctrine of the English " Seekers " traced to Holland. — See p. 410.
252
that of the Mennonite churches in Holland, which we have
noticed, long prior to the preaching of the Friends in
Holland. N
Note, as to the Peactices oe the Calvinistio Baptists. — In May, 1654, Thomas
Tillam, the Minister of the Hexham Seventh-day Baptist Church, who had gone to
London, writes thus: — "For after I had enjoyed heavenly communion with my
precious brethren, of Coleman Street, and had acquainted them with my purpose to
obey Christ in the fourth principle — (we conclude, the laying on of hands) — I was, by
a blessed hand, guided to my most heavenly brother, Doctor Chamberlen, one of the
most humble, mortified souls for a man of parts that ever I yet met with ; in whose
sweet society I enjoyed the blessing of God, by the laying on of hands ; and, after a
love-feast, having washed one another's feet, we did joyfully break bread, and concluded
with a hymn, in all which the singular Majesty of Christ shined forth to the mighty
conviction of some choice spectators. And now, what am I to whom God should make
known His truths, professed even of late by some of His eminent servants, and amongst
the rest, by Mr. Tombes ? I thank and heartily salute you all. Oh, that you could
embrace it as the mind of Christ, to greet one another with an holy kisse / Oh, how
amiable it is in the Churches where it is practised ! " Fox replied to Tillam's book,
" The Seventh-day Sabbath." Tillam is said to have gone to Germany, where he
expected the personal reign of Christ to commence, and to have joined some churches
of the Mennonites. — Douglas's " History of the Baptist Churches in the North of
England." London, 1846, pp. 57, 58, 67.
CHAPTEE XI.
On the Internal History and Development of the
Society of Friends. George Fox is Converted.
He Preaches at Baptist Meetings. Commences in
1648 to form a Society. Has an Interview with
Oates, the Celebrated General Baptist Preacher.
He collects a Band of Preachers. Is invited to
SWARTHMORE HaLL. The SUBSTANCE OF THE PREACH-
ING of the "Children of Light." Margaret Fell.
Fox's Opposition to a Ministry supported by the
State. His Approval of a Ministry freely sup-
ported by Congregations.
We shall now endeavour to trace the history of the Society
which Fox founded, simply in its practical bearing, intro-
ducing matters of doctrine only where it is absolutely
needful to elucidate our subject. The materials from which
the subsequent chapters are framed have been elicited, with
considerable labour, from a mass of documents in the shape
of Society manuscripts, meeting minutes and records, as
well as pamphlets.
They tend to exhibit various matters connected with
the rise of the Society of Friends, in a new light, and
will, I trust, more clearly explain the real causes of the
decline of the Society of Friends, as a Church, than has
been hitherto done; not only to this Society itself, but
to the members of many other Christian Churches. In
such a work it will be hardly expected by the Christian
254
public, or by the more intelligent members of the Society
of Friends, that the inferences drawn will be altogether
welcome, or readily accepted. The author has been
governed in this investigation by a simple desire to arrive
at the truth ; and if it should be shown, that in any details
in a subject of such intricacy and difficulty, he is in error,
the error will, he believes, be found not to affect the general
bearing of the question.
George Fox left his home in 1643. He tell us that he
had an uncle in London, of the name of Pickering, who
was a Baptist. Although the Baptists were " tender then,"
he could not join with them. Some " tender" Christian
people wished him to stay in London, but he was fearful of
doing so, and went back to Leicestershire. He next turned
to several of the Presbyterian ministers, who did not " reach
his condition." He appears, during the five years between
1643 and 1648, to have listened to and weighed almost all
the various religious opinions which were current at that
eventful period. In the course of his travels, there was
scarcely a phase of religious thought with which he was not
brought into actual contact. In 1646, he regarded " the
priests less, and the dissenting people more," and he found
more " tenderness " among them. He read his Bible,
walked in solitary places many days, sat in hollow trees and
lonesome places till night came on, and at last, when all
his hopes were gone of finding some one to " speak to his
condition," he " heard a voice which said, ' There is One,
even Jesus Christ, that can speak to thy condition,' and
when he ' heard it, his heart leapt for joy.' " " The Father
of Life drew him to His Son, by His Spirit." " Then the
Lord gently led him along, and let him see His love, which
is endless and eternal. That love let him see himself. It
showed him that all are concluded under sin, and shut up
255
in unbelief, and that Jesus Christ enlightens, gives grace,
faith, and power — that all was done by Christ." Such is the
account which George Fox gives, of that great spiritual
change, which is described by our Lord as the New Birth.
Fox was a young man who had striven for years to perform
the whole law of God, like Wesley ; but the result of this
great change was, that "his sorrows and troubles began to
wear off, and tears of joy dropped from him," and he saw
the " infiniteness of the love of God" in Christ.
In 1647 and 1648, he preached at some Baptist meetings,
and meetings of professing Christians who met to pray and
expound the Scriptures, and at times the Bible was handed
to him to expound and defend his "views, which he never
shrank from, quoting chapter and verse. He went also from
town to town, often speaking to the " wickedest " people in
the country. He saw clearly that " the knowledge " of
Christ "in the Spirit is life" "but that the knowledge
which is fleshly works death;" and that where there is this
knowledge only, deceit and self will conform to anything, and
say " yes, yes, to that it doth not know." Their knowledge
of the Scriptures was "in a form, but not in the life and
spirit which gave them forth."
The Assembly of Divines were busied with their " godly
reformation," but the more he saw of the new black-coated
Presbyterian ministers, and those who conformed to the
Directory, the more he thought that they needed themselves
to be reformed, and to be " changed men themselves," as
Perm said, " before they went about to change others." *
He spoke to justices and judges to do justice, to public-
* Even Baxter contends that this is unnecessary in a minister : — " Take them not for
no ministers that want grace totally.'''' " He may perform the office of a
minister to the benefit of the Church, though he have no saving grace at all." —
Page 114, " Cure of Church Divisions."
256
house keepers that the) 7 should " not let people have more
drink than would do them good." With a keen perception
of the evils of drunkenness, he anticipated modern temper-
ance reformers, in petitioning Parliament against allowing
more public-houses than are necessary for " bond fide
travellers," and thus multiplying mere drinking-houses. *
He testified against wakes, feasts, May-games, sports, plays,
and shows. In fairs and markets he preached against
deceitful merchandise, cheating and cozening, and warned
all to deal justly and to speak the truth, to let their yea he
yea, and nay nay, and to do to others as they would that
others should do to them. " Schools and school-masters,"
and " mistresses and mothers," he warned to take care that
children and servants might be trained up in the fear of the
Lord.
In 1649, Fox desired an interview with Samuel Oates,
the celebrated General Baptist preacher, and " others the
heads of them." They had a religious conference, and
parted lovingly from him.f "It was," says Sewel, "in
the year 1648, that several persons seeking the Lord
were become fellow believers, and entered into society
* " Let none be brewers (probably all ale-bouses brewed at tbis period) in your
dominions but sucb as are wbolesome people, fearing God, and not destructive to tbe
creation of God, for lodging travellers or passengers — tbere are multitudes (i.e., of
' other ale-bouses ') ■ tbat are not able to lodge travellers passing ;' for tbe nursing up
of young people to looseness, folly, and vanity — tbis is not a sweet savour among tbem
tbat are called Christians." — G. Fox to tbe Protector and ParUament of England, 1658.
t Samuel Oates was sent out as an itinerant preacher by Lamb's Cburcb, in Bell
Alley, London. He was a popular and acceptable preacher, and an able disputant. He
was a weaver by trade, and a young man. In 1645 be had laboured in Sussex and
Surrey, and had been imprisoned and tried for murder, merely because a young woman
he had baptised (and who was better in health for it) happened to die a few weeks after
her baptism. Sucb was the respect in which he was held, that numbers of persons
came down in their coaches from London, to visit him in prison. He had preached at
Dunmow, and on one of his visits the mob threw him into tbe river, in order
" thoroughly to dip him." On another occasion, some strangers coming from London
257
with George Fox." * Fox found that " the land mourned
because of oaths, adulteries, drunkenness, and profaneness/'
The enormity of capital punishment for theft early engaged
his attention ; he also, from a more extensive experience
of prison discipline than any man in England, advocated
bringing men to trial speedily, because the evil association
of thieves in jails made them " learn wickedness one of
another." In the years 1651 and 1652, we find other
preachers in connection with Fox — Aldam, Farnsworth,
Dewsbury, Howgill, Audland, Camm, Naylor, and Edward
Burrough, who has been called the Whitfield of Quakerism,
a man of rough-and-ready eloquence and untiring energy,
quaintly named " a son of thunder and consolation;" also
George Whitehead, a man of considerable polish of man-
ners, eloquence, and argumentative skill. To these must
be added Thomas Taylor, Miles Halhead, Kichard Hubber-
thorne,f and John Wilkinson, a preacher among the Inde-
pendents.
In the winter of 1652, Fox, and two of his companions,
were assumed to be Oates and his friends, and were seized and "pumped soundly."
When Fox was in London, in 1643, there were four congregations, at least, of General
Baptists, one of which had been established twenty years. — (Wood's " General Baptists,"
p. 116.) At that period Lamb's Church was in a flourishing state (in 1640), and it
seems reasonable to suppose that Fox came in contact with the General Baptists when
in London. Could it be proved that his uncle Pickering belonged to one of these
Churches, it would be an interesting link in the chain. We can hardly doubt the object
of Fox, in seeking this interview with Samuel Oates and the other General Baptist
preachers. Fox was doubtless aware of Oates' antecedents, and of the close approxi-
mation of their religious principles. Had he succeeded in his object, a young, able,
and resolute preacher would have been secured to the Society.
* " Sewel's History," p. 20. Harvey & Darton, 1834.
t " They had got to their champion the famous Bichard Hubberthorne, well known
by his printed pamphlets, and, to speak truth, the most rational, calm-spirited man of
his judgment that I was ever publicly engaged against." — "Adam Martindale'a
Autobiography," p. 115.
T
258
were invited by Margaret Fell to Swarthmore Hall, in
the detached part of Lancashire called " Furness," which
lies north of Morecambe Bay. Swarthmore Hall was the
family mansion of Judge Fell. Fell was a successful bar-
rister, who was afterwards raised to the Bench. He was
Vice-Chancellor of the County Palatine of Lancaster, Chan-
cellor of the Duchy Court of Westminster, and a county
magistrate. He was returned to Parliament as a repre-
sentative for Lancashire, in 1645. In the latter years of
Cromwell's administration, he retired from parliamentary
life. The Protector sought, but in vain, to attach Judge
Fell closely to his Government and person. As a mark of
his regard, he presented him with a silver cup.* Judge
Fell, however, kept aloof from any connection with Crom-
well, and his wife reaped the advantage of this loyalty
during Charles the Second's reign.
It was a frequent occurrence for " lecturing ministers "
to visit Furness, preaching to the people ; and this explains
the reception Judge Fell's wife gave to Fox. It appears
that she and her family were curious to see the Drayton
reformer. There was to be a lecture at Ulverston, which
Margaret Fell wished Fox to attend, and, as was the
custom, to have an opportunity of preaching after the
lecturer had done. The result was, that Margaret Fell
became convinced that Fox was the kind of reformer
that was wanted, and she was also converted under his
preaching. Judge Fell, although great efforts were used
to prejudice him, heard Fox for himself, and, having
probably seen much of the doings of the Presbyterian party,
he recognised the truth of what Fox said respecting " the
practices of the priests," i.e., of the new Presbyterian
* Mrs. Webb's "Fell's of Swarthmore Hall," pp. 1, 5, 34.
259
ministers, who had been, and still were, taking the places
of the Anglican clergy.* As early as February, 1652, we
find Judge Fell's wife entrusting him with tracts and papers,
written by Fox and the preachers of the new Society, to be
printed. She tells her husband that, " if they are published,
it will, she is sure, be for the glory of God," and " it is very
hard that the press must be shut against the truth," and
open for all pamphlets and ballads of an irreligious tendency.
Margaret Fell may very aptly be called the Lady Hunt-
ingdon of the new Society; and the influence of Judge
Fell was not only exerted to the uttermost to shield the
preachers within the district, but, as we shall endeavour to
show, Swarthmore Hall was the centre of the spiritual
organisation of the Society of Friends. This is evidenced
by the existence of a great mass of letters, which are pre-
served in the Library of Devonshire House, London, with
the records of the Society, consisting of letters addressed
to Swarthmore Hall, from the preachers in connection with
Fox, giving an account of their movements and success, to
Margaret Fell, and through her to Fox. Up to 1661,
Swarthmore Hall was secure from violation, and these
letters range over the period from 1651 to 1661.
It appears to us that it was about this period that Fox
saw how little he could effect single-handed, and although
several able preachers had already united with him in his
* " The Clergy in their Colors ; or, The Pride and Avarice of the Presbyterian Clergy
hindering Eeformation, &c. A Plain and Familiar Dialogue between Philalethes and
Presbyter." London, 1651 (written some years before publication), p. 41. — " The truth
is, the preaching of the Gospel is merely made a trade, to get money. They preach
for hire, run before they be called, come in at the window like a thief, preach according
to their pay, provided they may have sufficient to keep contempt from the clergy, be as
powerful as the popish doctors, and able through their abundance to contend with
their whole parish, and swagger in their silks, as their predecessors did, they will be
content ; otherwise, they will tell you you ' rob God,' in not paying their tythes, and
do not allow them honourable maintenance."
T 2
260
Gospel labours, there can be little doubt that he received
great encouragement from his visit to Swarthmore Hall, and
shortly afterwards we find an organized band of preachers,
who made extensive use of the press to promulgate their
views of Christian truth, and an organized society making
collections, and dispensing funds for common uses from
Swarthmore Hall.
The religious needs of the country were most pressing.
In London, in 1646, there were thirty-two parishes churches,
utterly destitute of any pastor.* The Mayor of Sunderland
wrote, in a petition to Parliament — " We are a people who
have been destitute of a preaching minister — yea, ever since
any of us who are now breathing were born, to our soul's
grief and dreadful hazard of destruction ; neither is it our
case alone, but also ten or twelve parishes all adjoining are
in like manner void of the means of salvation." f
We find Fox preaching at Hexham, and in this district, in
the open air, to large audiences. Not only was this method
of itinerant lay preaching admirably adapted to the spiritual
necessities of the country, but it was, to the great mass of
the people, emphatically " good news."
There is a striking coincidence between the principal
points which were insisted upon by the early Friends, in
their bold and fearless itinerant preaching, and the teaching
* " The Preacher's Plea : being a short Declaration touching the sad condition of
the Clergy," concerning their maintenance, &c, by William Typing, Esq., London,
1646, pp. 19, 18 ; also p. 30 : — " It would make a man's heart bleed to see how many
drunken, ignorant, superstitious, prophane ministers are crept into every quarter of the
land (e.g., in Oxfordshire.) In divers places they are turned into constant preachers,
which seldom or never preached before." There was then computed that there were
9,200 parish churches, and nearly 4,000 were unappropriated. He very justly remarks
that — " One may as well expect dead bones to stir, as that such parishes as have been
for twenty, thirty, or forty years together • misled up ' under an • unpreaching ministry,
men with unregenerate hearts,' will ever desire themselves an able and sufficient pastor."
t The original is to be found in the folio " King's Pamphlets," British Museum.
2G1
of John Smyth, of Amsterdam; the connection of whose
opinions, with those of the celebrated Hans de Eys and
Caspar Schwenkfeld has been previously shown. Their
whole system of theology was a protest against the preach-
ing of the Puritan party. They taught the great masses
of the people that the love of God was not narrowed to
a small circle of the elect, but embraced every one of His
children — that Christ died for the sins of the whole world.
That He was not only the Saviour of the world, but the
Light of the world, and that a full, free, and effectual
offer of salvation was made by Christ himself, in the
person of the Holy Spirit, to every man. If it was re-
plied, " But He has not made this offer to me," it was
answered to this effect : " Have you no Light upon the
path of duty ? Cease to do evil, learn to do well, and wait,
not in the neglect of the house of prayer and the fellowship
of God's people, but meet with those who are seeking to
worship God in Spirit and in Truth, and the Sun of Bight-
eousness will at last shine upon the path to Heaven, and you
will know Christ for yourself as a living Saviour — a Saviour,
who, as a pledge of His forgiveness of past sins, will give
you power to become one of the sons of God. You will
be * all taught of God/ and, ' walking in the Light,' you
will be guided in your personal duty, and know the blood
of Christ to cleanse you from all sin."
The new society called themselves, in their earliest
letters and documents at the . commencement of the
movement, "The Children of Light."* This name was
* e.g. See "Kules Concerning the Church," among the Bristol MSS., no date. "The
Elders and Brethren send greeting unto the Brethren in this work these necessary
things following, to which in the Light, if ye wait to be kept in obedience, ye will do
well. Farewell." " That the particular meetings by all the Children of Light be daily
kept," &c. Many other papers, both printed and MS., are thus addressed.
262
quite new in England, but had, long prior to this, been used
by some of the Continental Baptists*
The idea of what Fox called the doctrine of " sin for the
term of life," greatly troubled him — that " the body of sin "
never should be overcome in this world, seemed to him to
be unscriptural, and to limit the power of the Holy Spirit.
He taught that the christian is to " go on unto perfection;"
and although he had not the power of logical definition
which was possessed by John Wesley, the careful student
of his works will find, that on this and many other points,
there is a very close approximation between the teaching of
Wesley and of Fox. These ideas were then quite new to
* See Professor Cornelius' " Geschichte des Munster's Aufruhrs," p. 67, v. 2. Professor
Cornelius writes me, "The designation of the Baptists as ' Kinder des Lichtes,' I have
taken out of the document 'Briiderliche Vereinigung.' It was also used by the
Baptists themselves; I have no doubt it was very often used by them." He is,
however, not aware that any special portion of the Baptist Societies used it in " so to
epeak, a technical sense." There were among the brethren those who held the
ceremonies (i.e. Baptism and the Lord's Supper) in little or no estimation." Ibid p. 273.
There is an able treatise called " The Life and Light of a Man in Christ Jesus,"
London, 1646, which advocates the "Doctrine of the Light" in very striking coincidence
with the views and method of statement of Fox. " The true Light," the author says,
" by professors in these times, and especially the persons who outstrip the rest in
knowledge, is esteemed by them exactly as 'false light is esteemed of by a child of
true Light.' 1 '''' At page 137 of the foregoing, we find in this somewhat eloquent,
although anonymous treatise, one or two sentences which will give the reader an idea
of the parallelism of religious thought with the expressions of Fox, to which we
advert: — " That everlasting Light, which shineth in upon the darkness of sinful fallen
man, hath always shined in and upon the man, as tho sun hath always shined in and
upon the creation The sun and moon are as sparkling, visible figures of
this infinite, everlasting Light, who. giveth their splendour to every creature that is
capable to receive it, and offereth it to the poor and base, as well as to the rich and
honourable, as well to the unjust as to the just." — (Matt. hi. 45.) So that the day-
spring and great light, Christ, is risen and come into the world; but "men love dark-
ness rather than light!" — (John hi. 19.) John Goodwin, the celebrated Independent,
wrote a work some years prior to this, entitled " The Child of Light Walking in
Darkness ;" and the whole idea of the period appears to have been that of a special
and supernatural outburst of " new light," although the peculiar form in which Fox
promulgated his doctrines is not found, and is peculiar and foreign to England. — For
continuation of note, see p. 273.
263
the great masses of the people, who were mainly accustomed
to the doctrines of extreme Calvinism.*
One great object of Fox and the early preachers, was to
strike a blow at the priestly power, which they conceived
was the origin of the ungodly state of the country.
One of the first Churches which Fox gathered, was at
Sedbergh, in Yorkshire, where Justice Benson, an eminent
member of an Independent Church, was convinced of the
truth of Fox's views, and here at Firebank chapel nearly
the whole of the two congregations of Independents joined
him. At this latter place he met with Howgill and Aud-
land, who were both preachers among the Independents.
Howgill had had an university education, and Audland was
11 an eminent teacher among the Independents, and had
a very numerous auditory," as Sewel tells us. Firbank
Chapel is situated on the summit of a conical hill, and for
miles in every direction hardly anything can be seen but
* Fox had strong feelings respecting the peculiar doctrine of Calvinistic theology,
election and reprobation. The following curious remarks of his are taken from the
"MSS. Short Journal of G. Fox," in the library at Devonshire House: — " And also the
priests of Scotland's principle was, that God had ordained the greatest part of men
and women of the world — for He lets them pray, or do all that ever they could do —
without any cause, less or more, or fault in the creature, God had ordained them for
hell, and God had ordained a number of men and women for heaven, — let them sin, or
do whatever they could do, — they should be saved." Fox says they alleged Jude's
authority for this, but explains that Jude says it was because they were "ungodly"
that they were " ordained," &c, and then adds, " and yet these priests could see no
cause why this people should be condemned." "And them that do sin, and do
unrighteously, their righteousness shall be remembered no more, and if they sin
wilfully after they receive a knowledge of the truth, there remains no more sacrifice
for sin." "And this corrupt doctrine is spread over all Scotland, and most part of
England." He adds, " The grace of God, if it be minded, will bring every man to
salvation." It must be remembered, that as a witness to the prevalence of rigid
Calvinism in England, perhaps no one was in a better position to know the actual
facts. The "priests of Scotland" had just given forth, the MS. journal says, "an
order to be read in the steeple-houses, which cursed him who said he had a light from
Christ sufficient to lead him to salvation, and let all the people say Amen."
264
dreary moor land. Adjoining this chapel is a huge rock,
having at its base a spring of water. Up into this primeval
solitude, Fox, after preaching at the chapel in the morning,
was followed in the afternoon by more than a thousand
people, and refreshing himself at the spring, he ascended
the rock, and for three hours fixed the attention, and
moved the hearts of his audience. Both ministers and
people were gained, and Fox says more than a thousand
persons were convinced. Wherever he went the wave of
spiritual emotion swept after him; conversions amongst all
classes began to be counted by hundreds. Nor was this
the effect of a mere temporary excitement. In a large
number of instances it resulted in permanently changing
the character, and producing fruits " unto holiness, the
end whereof is everlasting life." *
It is a great error, to conceive that Fox and his mission
were altogether unpopular. The personal violence he en-
dured was mainly the work of the lowest class of the popu-
lation, f who persecuted Fox and his followers, supposing
them to be against the King. J These were stirred up by
* Lecture on the "Eise and Progress of Friends," by W. Thistlethwaite. Bennett,
1865.
t Caton says in a letter, that at a market town near Horton, "the barbarous people
came marching up to their house like men ready for a battle, as if they would have
pulled down the house. He asked them what they wanted, and they said Quakers ; he
went down, and talked to them calmly, and the danger was at an end." " To the
Parliament and Commonwealth of England," 1659, by G. F. Page 9. — "Now the
people of the world that come into our meeting spit upon us, throw stones at us, set
and throw dogs at us, speak all manner of evil upon us, and all manner of slander.
Them that be great professors, and great talkers practise this, and pluck us down, yet
if our friend go into the steeple-house, and ask but a question, they will hale him out
and cast him into' prison, or if he speak never a word they will cast him into prison;
and if he do not go they will cast into prison for asking a question."
J These were generally for the King, as at Carlisle, 1653. — " At length the rude
people of the city rose, and came with staves and stones into the steeple-house, crying,
'Down with Boundheaded rogues.' "
265
the Presbyterian ministry, just as a similar class of per-
sons were occasionally induced by the parish clergyman to
attack the Wesley s. In one case, when " warrants were all
over the West Eiding to take me, the constable having the
warrant in his pocket, told me of it," and instead of using
it, stayed the meeting.* Fox embraced every opportunity
of preaching; sometimes he spoke in town halls, some-
times in the market-places, in the churchyards, under the
old yew trees, in the fields, or on the top of a hay-rick, or
the stump of a tree ; by the sea side, or on the hill side.
Every portion of God's earth was holy ground, and Fox
held that open-air and itinerant preaching were consecrated
by the example of Christ and His apostles. On many
occasions he had thousands of hearers. On market days
a great opportunity presented itself, in the " lectures "
which were then given in the churches, and of this Fox
almost invariably availed himself. It was then a common
practice, after the lecturer had done, to allow other speakers
to address the congregation, subject to the permission of a
justice of the peace, who had the power of forbidding the
speaker.
In the year 1653 1 we find that no fewer than thirty
itinerant, or travelling preachers had joined Fox. By the
year 1654, Fox had organized a band of sixty travelling
preachers of the Gospel.
It has been hastily assumed, by a later generation of
the Society of Friends, and consequently by others, that
these men wandered throughout England precisely as they
were "moved by the Spirit." But there is a large amount
of evidence to show that Fox and these worthies did not
* "MSS. Journal of George Fox," Devonshire House Library.
fMSS. — "An account of the first publishing of truth in Westmoreland." Devon-
shire House Library.
266
consider the influences of the Spirit of Christ, by which they
were led to preach the Gospel, and denounce the abuses of
the times, as subverting the human intellect, but as apply-
ing all its resources to the glory of God, and the progress
of the Gospel. If they were mad, precisely as some deemed
Wesley and his preachers, there was certainly a "method
in their madness," for which they have not received due
credit. It will be seen, as the history of the Society's
organization is more fully developed, that there were good
reasons for not making common property of details which
were used sixteen or twenty years afterwards, as a handle
to represent the Founders of the Society as inconsistent
with their original principles. In a later generation, the
phrases of Fox and his preachers, which were originally
the ordinary phrases of the more godly people of the period,
the Independents, the Baptists, and the rigid Puritans, were
stereotyped, and made to support other views of spiritual in-
fluences than those held by Fox. Fox meant, by the tech-
nical phrases he used, which now sound quaint, and hardly
intelligible, to express views of real, spiritual religion, akin to
those of Wesley. The Society, at a later age, used them to
express the Quietism of Lady Guion. The former represented
a vast spiritual power, the latter an empty mysticism, which
was practically incapable of doing Christ's work in the world.
If we speak of Fox as holding "mystical" views, we must
define our meaning. All shades of religious opinions, from
the form in which Christianity is presented by the Apostle
John, to the utterances of writers, of whom it may be said,
that they have written chapters in which a lucid interval is
hardly to be detected, have been called mystical. To "the
mystical death, self-annihilation, and holy indifference of
the Quietists," Fox is an entire stranger.
We have already alluded to Margaret, the wife of Judge
267
Fell. She was the great granddaughter of the celebrated
martyred lady, Anne Askew, the second daughter of Sir
William Askew, of Kelsy, in Lincolnshire. Anne Askew was
a victim of Bishops Bonner and Gardiner, and Wriothesly
the Lord Chancellor (who racked her with his own
hands), and she was carried in a chair to the stake (26th
July, 1545). Foxe, the Martyrologist, says, that the three
martyrs who were burnt to death with her, became "embol-
dened, and they received the greater comfort in that painful
kind of death." "Beholding her invincible constancy, and
being stirred up through her persuasion, they did set apart
all fear."* We can well understand the story of the
martyrdom was handed down as a fearful heirloom in the
family of the Askews, and that when the young reformer,
also of "the stock of the martyrs," showed her how the
axe might be laid to the root of Bomanism, and the per-
secuting spirit of priestcraft, Margaret Fell embraced the
views of Fox with all the generous warmth of a woman's
nature. She was no ordinary woman. She had a "beam-
ing countenance," and "most sweet, harmonious voice."
She was a devoted wife and mother, and Mrs. Webb, in her
"Fells of Swarthmore Hall," draws a beautiful picture of
the sunny happiness of this family of the stern Common-
wealth times — consisting of seven daughters and one son —
a picture which was marred only by the injustice and
cruelty of persecutors.
Margaret Fell herself, and several members of her family,
were at different times imprisoned for the testimony of a
good conscience. Her estates were restored to her after
she had been seven years a premunired prisoner, in a
"place," as she writes to King Charles, "not fit for
* Anne Askew had embraced Melchior Hoffman's opinions.
268
human beings to live in; where storm, wind and rain,
and smoke, entered in the keen weather." Her letters
show her to have been a woman of considerable intellec-
tual powers. She had property of her own, and there is
every description of indirect evidence to show that the
fund, by which this preaching was supported, was largely
reinforced by Margaret Fell. Swarthmore Hall was an
open house of entertainment for the travelling preachers.
Her faith was strong, even when "the hay" seemed likely
to be "eaten up" by their horses. The next' year it was
so abundant, that they had "to sell" it!
The Swarthmore Papers show clearly the position she
held with reference to the rise of the Society of Friends,
and also that Fox was the centre of this vast religious
organization.* In all matters of delicacy or difficulty, the
most eminent preachers in the Society were constantly in
direct communication with Fox, and looked to him for
help and advice.
We shall proceed to illustrate the following and other
points, by quotations from the Swarthmore Papers, and
various other sources. First — That the preaching in the
steeple-houses by the early Friends, was a practice admis-
sible under the circumstances, and allowed by the law and
acknowledged custom, during the period from 1648 to 1660,
and that Fox and his society cannot be justly charged with
conduct in the slightest degree similar to the disturbance
of the public worship of a congregation, or interference
with a clergyman of the Established Church, in the per-
formance of his duty at the present day. Secondly — That
Fox was applied to, to supply preachers for congrega-
tions who wanted them, and that he exercised control in
* Considering the population of Great Britain, it will bear comparison with the rise
of Methodism.
269
displacing unsuitable preachers ; and that in the same sense
as the London Missionary Society sends out foreign mis-
sionaries, so Fox was the means of sending out the
ministers of the Society. Thirdly — That there are strong
reasons for believing that the early Society of Friends
possessed a system of circuit, or itinerant preaching (taking
into account the troubled circumstances of the times),
nearly as complete as that of the Wesleyans.
Mr. Marsden, in his "History of the Later Puritans,"
reminds us -of a point very often forgotten by the readers of
Fox's autobiography, viz., that Quakerism opposed itself at
first to "priests" and "steeple-houses," when a Presbyterian
ministry occupied the parish churches ; when ministers wore
a Genevan gown, and preached extempore, and when the
Prayer-book was banished from the parish church. Its
early quarrel was not with liturgies and organs, but with
the somewhat bald simplicity of the Presbyterian worship.
We should rather say, its quarrel was not so much with the
worship, as this is seldom objected to, as with the "man
made," or "State's ministers;"* the newly-imposed Pres-
byterian ministry, who were never popular, and were
regarded as the representatives of the system with which
the Westminster Assembly of Divines would have saddled
the country. To believe in the Apostolic Succession and
Ordination by a bishop, or that each church should elect
their minister, involved principles which were open to
discussion, but these Presbyterian ministers were then
essentially "man made" — "State ministers," to use the
words of the early Friends f — the creation of the State in
* See " Short Journal of G. Fox," where this expression occurs many times.
t "Ye sell by the Glass (i.e., Hour Glass)." " They cannot say that they have lived
upon the Gospel, but they have lived upon the State. " He that lives upon the Gospel
gets a flock, and gets a vineyard." "Now there are State's ministers made by man."
"Fox's Great Mystery: Answer to Weld, Prideaux," &c, in " The Perfect Pharisee."
270
the most palpable form — violating every principle on which
the christian ministry should be chosen. Fox believed
that Christ, as Head of the Church, chose his own minis-
ters — in a word, he believed in the development of the
spiritual gifts of the laity. Lay preaching, as opposed to
a priesthood created by the civil power, was the principle Fox
opposed to the dreaded ascendancy of Kome, which was to
lay the axe to the root of the upas tree of a priesthood,
whether Koman, Anglican, or Presbyterian — this last being
dreaded as a more ingenious form of priestly tyranny by
the old and true stock of the Independents and Baptists,
as well as the followers of Fox.*
It is a great mistake — a mistake which has produced
serious consequences in the Society which Fox founded —
to suppose that Fox, in protesting against a " hireling
ministry," protested against all payments to ministers of the
Gospel. What he opposed, was a ministry which was the
creature of the civil power, and hired by it. His views
were precisely the same as those of many, probably of a
great majority, of the Independents and Baptists of that
day. Taylor thus describes the views of the General
Baptists: "The ministers of Christ, they say, who have
freely received from God, ought freely to minister to others;
and such as have spiritual things ministered unto them,
ought freely to communicate necessary things to the
ministers upon account of their charge; but tythes, or any
forced maintenance we utterly deny to be the maintenance
of Gospel ministers."! Both the Elders and Messengers
of the General Baptists generally carried on business, and
* " What a dismal slaughter-house, and a black Tophet would England soon become,
were the sword once gotten into the hands of an imperious Presbytery ! " " Babshakeh's
Outrage Eeproved; or, A Whipp for W. Grigg, of Bristol," p. 7. London, 1568.
f " Taylor's Baptists," vol. i., p. 420.
271
served the church gratuitously, receiving little excepting
travelling expenses. So late as 1679, it was considered a
cause worthy of church censure, to affirm "that men ought
to have a set maintenance for preaching."* The principles
and practice of the Calvinistic Baptists were originally the
same. The Independents and Baptists, who were denounced
by Fox and his friends in terms similar to the Presbyterian
ministers, as "hireling ministers," were those who, contrary
to their principles, received the State maintenance. t This
was strongly opposed in 1654 by many of the Baptist
Churches, in a "Declaration by several of the Churches of
Christ," &c. They liken the Court of Tryers to the High
Commission Court, and call it "the graven image of the
worldly power, creating a worldly clergy for worldly ends,"
and denounce it as "against the rule of the Gospel and the
faith of Christ, and as much to be exploded as the Pope
and the Prelate."
The following quotation clearly shows that there was
originally no difference of view upon the subject of the
maintenance of the ministry, between George Fox and
his followers on the one hand, and the Independents
and Baptists on the other. A large portion of the
Independents, and a few of the Baptists, eventually fell
away from their principles and received State pay. In
1658, Fox thus addressed the Protector and Parliament of
England: — "Now, if ye be such as propagate the Gospel
(which Gospel is the power of God and a free Gospel) . . .
As for the maintenance and means of ministers, leave that to
* "Berkhampstead Church Book," 1679, quoted by Taylor.
f e.g.. "Fox's Great Mystery." — Tombe, the celebrated Baptist, comes in for, per-
haps, a larger share oi blame, because he is considered a special renegade from sound
Baptist principles. He "preaches," "divines," "prophesies" "for money," and
"prepares war against those who will not put into his mouth — witness thy eggs (tithe
eggs), give thee eggs, and thou wilt say they are good Churchmen ! "
■ 272
the people, and see if the preaching of that will (not) so open
the hearts of (the) people as to lay down their possessions at the
feet of ministers, and so let a man plant a vineyard before he
eat of the fruit of it. Let him get a flock before he eat of
the milk. So thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox
that treadeth out the corne. Then the ox may eat, and
they that preach the Gospel may live of the Gospel. Now
establishing of maintenance for ministry, and giving them
a set maintenance, and they taking it by compulsion by an
outward law, this is never likely to open tlie hearts of people,
nor ever likely to bring men to Hive of the Gospel,' when they
have a set maintenance set them."
The views of Fox and Burroughs* here expressed, are
far broader and more comprehensive than those which have
been since developed in the Society of Friends, and not
only were these sentiments professed, but they were acted
upon. In the early Society, the committee who attended
to the needs of the ministry, were exempted from giving
any particular account of the monies expended, and we
* "To the Protector and Parliament of England, 1658," p. 59. See also, "A Just
and Lawful Trial of the Teachers and Professed Ministers of this Age and Generation,"
whereto is added a short description of the true ministry of Christ, and of his lawful
and just maintenance according to the Apostle's example, and now again justified by
the people called Quakers in England. By E. Burroughs. London, 1659. Page 22. —
" If this law of equity and righteousness were established, and all people left free to
hear and approve of whom they will, and then to pay and maintain them, and this
(too) would try the ministers, and who converted the most to God, and gained the love
of most people, and if they wrought well they may receive maintenance accordingly by
the free gift of the people, and the ministers that ar.e not content with this law, are out
of pure reason and equity, and showing that they dare not trust the Lord, nor the
fruits of their labours. But in equity and justice let every minister be maintained by
the fruits of his own labour, from the people for whom he doth labour. By this, all
people may understand the ministers and ministry we do not allow and approve of, and
how ministers ought to be maintained. And if any go forth to a place and county (and)
among the people that are not converted, then the church ought to take care to main-
tain such in their work, till they may reap of their own labour, and eat of the fruit of
their oicn vineyard."
273
shall see that the liberal supply of the needs of the early
preachers, and the fact that a large number of them were
exclusively employed in preaching, formed one of the com-
plaints made against Fox by a new school of opinion in
the Society.
At the rise of the «'n~— - uight," they were often
i^^— «*iy cnarged with the opinions of the Ranters,
e.g., that "they would not have any to read, pray, and
teach, but when the Spirit of the Lord leads them;" and
they reply to this charge, "praying in families, and reading
and instructing of children, and bringing them up in the
fear of the Lord, and teaching according to the Apostle's
doctrine, we own."* The use by Fox of the term "steeple-
houses " for church buildings, has been supposed to be one
of his personal oddities. The term is used by Cotton, the
celebrated New England Independent. It was commonly
used by the Baptists,! long prior to the commencement of
Fox's preaching.
* "A Short Answer to a Book set forth by Seven Priests," page 19, 1654. King's
Pamphlets, vol. 615, tract 10, p. 19.
t Featley's " Dippers Dipped," p. 14, Anabaptist — " The Word of God doth not
command us to come to your steeple-houses." " Gangrcena," part hi., p. 4, 1646 —
" Black-coated preachers, (i.e., Presbyterians) that did now preach in steeple-houses."
Continuation of Note on the name "Childben op Light." See p. 262. — Thefollowing
is a quotation from the document " Briiderliche Vereinigung." There is a copy of this
work in the State Library of Munich. It was printed with a letter of Michael Sattler's
and the history of his martyrdom. There are two editions of the same in the
Mennonite Library at Amsterdam, in Dutch. The date is, Dr. Scheffer informs me,
1527 : — " Freud, fried, und barmhertzigkeit von unserm vatter, durch die vereinigung
des bliits Christi Jesu mit sampt den gaben des Geists der vom vatter gesendt wirt
alien glaubigen zu sterke und trost und bestendigkeit in alien triibsal bis an das ende.
Amen. — Sei mit alien liebhabern Gottes und Kinder des Liechts, welche zerspreit
seind allenthalben wo sie von Gott unserm vatter verordnet seind wo sie versamlet
seind einmUtighlich in einem Got und vatter unser aller gnad und fried im hertzen sei
mit euch alien. Amen." It will be seen that the term is used in precisely the same
kind of documents, and in the same way, among the Friends and the Continental
Baptists. The note on page 267 may prove to have considerable importance.
U
CHAPTER XII.
The Custom op Preaching in the <jhu**w__ «af TER
THE PRIEST HAD DONE," WHEN THE CHURCH WAS " Re-
modelled after the fashion of scotland." the
Early Friends, by doing so, did not intentionally
disturb Public Worship. Fox requested to Preach
in the Churches. Not Indicted for disturbing
Congregations. "Prophesying" of Laymen approved
by "First Book of Discipline" of the Church of
Scotland. Churches treated as Public Buildings.
The Right of Laymen to preach in Churches. "Pro-
phesying"usual among the Independents and Baptists.
Featly and the Baptists. The Character of the
Preaching of the Friends, and the Reasons of their
Opposition to the Presbyterian Clergy.
It must be recollected, that the period during which Fox,
and the preachers in connection with him, "stood up, after
the minister had done," and "declared the Truth," &c, was
a period not only of great unsettlement, but that by large
sections of the nation, the remodelling of the Church "after
the fashion of Scotland," was considered both illegal and
unscriptural.*
* The House of Commons ordered, that if a minister of the Church of England
should disturb the new Presbyterian minister, he should be imprisoned for a month in
consequence of "many violent tumults and outrages." — " King's Pamphlets." — "A Pro-
clamation of Sir Thomas Fairfax," 325-42, and " Ordinance of the HouSfe of Commons,"
328-18; also "A great fight in the church at Thaxted, on Sunday, between the seques-
trators and the (' Church of England ) minister." — 330-2.
275
The instance usually relied upon to prove these pro-
ceedings to he unseemly interruptions of public worship,
&c, is that at Nottingham in 1648, which has been
previously noticed. Fox was then quite a young man,
in the first' year of his ministry; he admits the interrup-
tion, and appears to justify it by alleging strong feelings of
religious duty. It is hardly to be wondered at, that after
reading this, it has been inferred, that if under what Fox
deemed his duty, he felt it right to interrupt the ordinary
course of public worship in a single instance, he would be
prepared to defend the same conduct in himself and his
followers in all cases. It has therefore been assumed, that
while claiming the liberty to worship God according to their
own consciences, Fox and his followers systematically in-
terrupted the worship of other christians. That in solitary
instances an interruption of public worship is fairly charge-
able to them, is what they admit. If, however, we can
show by sufficient evidence, that their rule was to abstain
from any interruption or interference with public worship, and
that their object was to exercise a right which was recog-
nized by the law and customs of this particular period — the
heaviest charge which has been made against these men
will be removed, and the reader will be prepared to excuse
Fox and his followers if the force of their emotions in this
stormy period, led them, in isolated cases, into an occa-
sional offence against propriety.*
We believe that this subject has been misunderstood by
historians, and that the whole truth of the matter has not
* Where this kind of interruption occurred, we may readily conceive the fault not to.
have been exclusively on one side — e.g., " Swarthmore Papers," 1658, J. Nicholls to
M. Fell. — ' ' As soon as we came in, the priest began to ' rayle against the truth,' so
we stood still a little space; then he said, 'Whence had thou that tight, man?' I said,
'from Christ Jesus.' I said no more."
U 2
276
been stated. There is evidence that Fox and the early
preachers spoke a far greater number of times without any
interruption whatever of their preaching, and that in many
instances* they were requested to preach. The people
rung the bells in some districts for Fox to preach in the
churches, and in several instances they would have broken
open the doors of the churches when the churchwardens
refused the keys. We will bring before our readers quota-
tions from unpublished manuscripts : —
"And the truth came over all, and answered all. . . .
And there was an old man, a priest,f convinced there.
When the people came to him and told him to take his
tythe, he denied it, and said he had enough, and there were
four chief constables convinced there; and then the priests
and people were very loving, and I was desired of them to
many places (i.e., to preach in many places) ; and the old
man, the priest, went up and down with me to many steeple-
houses, and the people would ring the bells when we came to a
town, thinking I would speak, and the truth spread, and I
spoke in many steeple-houses, but I did not come into
their pulpits { (Fox had a strong objection to pulpits), and
some places where the priests were afraid, they fled away
from the town when as I came to it, and the people would
break open the doors,% if I would go into the steeple-house,
* "George Fox's Journal," 1651.
t Boyes, at Pickering in Yorkshire — see "George Fox's Journal," 1651.
\ " Miall's British Churches." Page 176. — " Oh, those pulpits, and all the influences
they infer ! Would that no such professional convenience had been invented ! Would
that some change of feeling, or even of fashion, amongst us, would sweep them clean
away ! " The early Independents and Baptists had no pulpits.
§ At Dover, in April, 1646, the Independents appointed a pastor; "hereupon they
are presently so high flown that they will have our public meeting place called the
church, to preach a weekly lecture, though we have an order from the committee of
Parliament, that there shall be none without the consent of both ministers in Dover,
277
if the churchwardens would not open it, but I would not
let them, but spoke to them in the yard or anywhere, the
truth of God, and in love it was received, and many
justices were living in Yorkshire, and the truth spread.*
This may be paralleled by the case of Wishart, a century
earlier, of whom it is said, "He then went and preached in
many other places, (where) entrance to the churches being
denied him, he preached in the fields. He would not suffer
the people to open the church doors with violence, for that,
he said, became not the gospel which he preached." f
Why should the people break open the doors of the
churches, unless an ancient right existed to the public use
of churches ? We believe it will be found that such a right
existed prior to and during the times of the Commonwealth.
"And in the afternoon (of Sunday) I went three miles off
Beverley, and there went into the steeple-house, and when
the priest had done, I spoke to him and the people largely,
and have acquainted them with it ; yet some have threatened that if the key be kept
away they will break open the doors." And since Mr. Davies's journey to London, the
members of his church (above named) meeting every Lord's-day, and once in the week,
Mr. Mascal (a man employed by the State, to be a perfector of the customs) undertakes
to feed the flock, expound the Scripture, and with much vehemency cries out to the
people, expressing himself thus against the present (Presbyterian) ministry: "Your
priests, your damned priests, your cursed priests, with their fools' coats!"* He
presseth them to the uselessness of human learning, <ftc. — " Gangrcena," part ii., p. 163,
1646.
• " Black-coated preachers that did now preach in churches."
* MSS. Short Journal of George Fox, Devonshire House.
f "Universal History of Christian Martyrdom," p. 429, originally composed by the
Rev. J. Fox, M.A. By Rev. J. Milner, M.A., i.e., F. W. Blogdon. Wishart, the
martyr, was a gentleman, and preached in churches. He was a layman, but had
received his education at Cambridge. No exception appears to have been taken to
the act of his preaching in the churches, but to the doctrine preached. — "Seyers'
Memorials of Bristol," vol. ii., p. 223. " On the 15th May, 1539, George Wisard,
or Wisehart, a Scottish preacher, set forth his lecture in St. Nicholas church, in
Bristol, of the most blasphemous heresie that ever was heard, &c. He was con-
fronted on this heresie, and had to bear a faggot in St. Nicholas church."
278
and they were moderate, and many heard the truth gladly
and desired me to give them another meeting, and so the
truth had its passage." * And it is to be observed, that in
all the letters in the Swarthmore Collection, and in the
Short MS. Journal of George Fox, already quoted, there is
the same care taken to specify, as is done in George Fox's
published Journal, that they spoke "after the priest had
done." In some instances the priest himself requested
Fox to speak. In 1652 Fox writes, (see Journal) " From
thence I passed to Kamside, where was a chapel, in which
Thomas Lawson used to preach, who was an eminent
priest. He lovingly acquainted his people in the morning,
of my coming in the afternoon, by which means many were
gathered together. When I came I saw there was no place
so convenient as the chapel, wherefore I went up into the
chapel and all was quiet. Thomas Lawson went not up
into his pulpit, but left the time to me. The everlasting
day of the Eternal God was proclaimed that day, and the
Everlasting truth was largely declared, which reached and
entered into the hearts of the people, and many received
the truth in the love of it." Fox says, at Cockermouth,
" the soldiers told them we had broken no law," 1653. At
Malton, in 1651, Fox says, "I was, therefore, much desired
to go and speak in the steeple-houses." "And many of the
priests by this time did invite George Fox and others to
preach in their steeple-houses ; but after they saw what it
tended to bring them out of — their outward temple and
tythes, and to preach Christ and his Gospel freely — then
both priests and Banters were very angry." f Again we
are told, "One of the priests wrote to me, and invited me
* "Short Journal of George Fox" — probably in 1651.
t MSS. at Devonshire House — "How the Lord by His Power and Spirit did raise up
Friends,' " p. 18. This MSS. appears to be written by one of the early Friends.
279
to preach in his steeple-house." At Boutle, on Sunday
afternoon, in 1652, Fox "came in while the priest was
preaching, and all the Scriptures he spake were of false
prophets, and deceivers, and antichrists, and he brought
them and threw them down upon us. I sat me down and
heard till he had done. So when he had done I began to
speak to him, and he and the people began to be rude,
and the constable stood up and charged peace amongst
them, in the name of the Commonwealth, and all was
quiet, and I took his Scriptures that he spake of, false
prophets, and antichrists, and deceivers, and threw them
back upon him, and let him see that he was in the very
steps of them, and he began to oppose me. I told him his
glasse (i.e. the hour glass) was gone, his time was out, the
place was as free for me as for him, and he accused me that I
had broke the law, in speaking to him in his time in the
morning. (Fox had spoken in this case in the morning, in
"his time," because "he uttered such wicked things," "and
for truth's sake I was moved to speak to him, if I had been
imprisoned for it." This was under special provocation,
and Fox admits he acted illegally.) "And I told him he
had broken the law then in speaking in my time." * In this case
there was no disturbance, and he "had a brave meeting in
the steeple-house."
Margaret Killam writes to George Fox — date about 1653.
"I was moved of the Lord to go to Cambridge, and I went
by Newarkside, and was at a meeting upon the First-day
there, and I was moved to go to the steeple-house, and I
was kept in silence whilst their teacher had done, and he
gave over in subtilty a little, and after began again, thinking
to have ensnared me, but in the wisdom of God I was
* Short Journal of George Fox.
280
preserved, and did not speak till he had come down out of
the place, for he did seek to have ensnared me, as it was
related by his hearers, and (he) said "that I was subtil."
The congregation was "very silent and attentive to hear,
and did confess it was the truth that was spoken to them,
and was troubled that their teacher had fled away." It
was the same that did imprison Elizabeth Hooton (men-
tioned in Fox's Journal as the first woman minister in
the Society of Friends) and did ensnare her by his craft,
and he had told them that "if any came and spoke in
meekness he would hear." *
From Kingston-on-Thames Burroughs writes to Fox, in
1657. Burroughs was at a public " General" meeting, which
attracted a large number of people; he writes — " About the
second hour came another officer and told me that the
magistrates gave way for me to come into their meeting
(they had previously been apprehensive on account of the
numbers, lest the peace should be endangered), and object
if I could, and about the third hour I passed out of our
meeting (leaving Friends quiet in their own meeting) into
their steeple-house, none at all with me except one. I
heard the man preach, not the fourth part of an hour till
he had ended, and liberty given by him for any to object
that could. So all was quiet, and I having gathered several
heads of his words into my mind, which were damnable
doctrine, I soberly pitched upon one particular, which
shamed him in the sight of all honest people. So that in
the fourth part of an hour he desired the magistrates to dis-
miss the people ; but they being sober, he ran away out of
his pulpit, and I stayed till the magistrates rising up (the
priest being gone) and bade me depart. So in a very little
* " Swarthruoro Papers."
281
time I did, with much advantage and renown to the truth."
Personally, however, his reward was small, for the magis-
trates in the evening tendered him the oath of abjuration,
because "they did know and find him to be a man of parts,
and therefore did groundedly suspect him to be a Jesuit ! "
At Cockermouth Fox had appointed a meeting, and "the
people having notice, and had not seen me before that,
there came above a thousand people, which was like a horse
fair, and they were got into a tree to hear and see, and so a
professor asked me if I would go into the church, as he
called it, and I said yes. And so I went in, and the people
was got up into the pulpit," &c. This was no solitary
instance ; the churches in those days were used as public
buildings for every variety of public purpose. The sessions
were occasionally held in them,* and Fox was repeatedly
invited on week days to preach in the church instead of
the open air. There does not appear in either the pub-
lished autobiography of Fox, or the manuscript "Short
Journal," from which we have quoted,! or any of the Swarth-
more papers, the slightest evidence that there was any
violation of the rights of a congregation of worshippers or
of the law, while the distinction made between an inter-
ruption of the preacher, and speaking "after the priest had
done," is so clearly defined as to leave little or no doubt
that the first was considered an improper and illegal action,
and the second as in accordance with the proprieties of the
* At Pickering, "Sewel's History."
t Which may be taken to be the first MS. of Fox's Journal, probably handed about
among his friends, expressed in Fox's own language, without those corrections by the
editor, Thomas Ellwood, and by a committee to which Fox's Journal was subjected.
It is believed that the original MS. of George Fox's Journal, as published, is in the
hands of Eobert Spence, Esq., of North Shields. By the kindness of its possessor, the
author was able to inspect it. It is to be regretted that the earlier portions are missing ;
the rest appears to be perfect.
282
time, and strictly legal. It may also be generally observed
that Fox was not indicted for disturbing congregations met
for the worship of God, but for "broaching of divers
blasphemous opinions, contrary to a late Act of Parlia-
ment," * such as the Arminian doctrine, that "Christ died
for all men," and other matters then denounced as heresies
of the deepest dye ; and it was a matter of great difficulty
for preachers who differed from the prevailing theological
views, to avoid offending, either in reality or by miscon-
struction, against the provisions of this Act.f
* See "Sewel," 1650, and "Fox's Journal" — Mittimus to the Master of the House
of Correction in Derby.
t For the preventing of the growing and spreading of heresies, Heads of an ordi-
nance presented to the House of Commons, twice read and referred to a committee,
1646.—" King's Pamphlets."
"That all who should willingly preach, teach, or print, or write, publish, or main-
tain any such opinion contrary to the doctrines ensuing, viz. : — The omnipresence of
God, the Trinity, denial of the Besurrection, or that Christ is not the Son of God,
<fcc, if he abjures not his error, shall suffer death ! "
" That all who publish any of the following errors, shall be ordered to renounce the
said errors in the parish church, and if this is not done, he is to be committed to
prison by the Justice, until he find two sureties of subsidy men," &c.
" That all men shall be saved."
" That man hath free will to turn to God."
" That the two sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, are not ordinances
commanded by the word of God."
Or that ministers (i.e. Presbyterian ministers) or ordinances, are not true ministers
or ordinances.
Or that church government by presbytery is antichristian or unlawful.
Or that the use of arms " for public defence (be the cause never so just) is unlawful."
In 1648 an ordinance of the Lords and Commons was published, which provided the
penalty of Death for the following Beligious Errors, viz. : —
The denial of omnipresence, omniscience, and omnipotence of God. The doctrine of
the Trinity. The manhood of Christ, or to maintain " that the Godhead and Manhood
of Christ are several natures," or to deny " that the Humanity of Christ is pure and
unspotted of all sin. " " That Christ did not die nor rise from the dead, nor ascend
into heaven bodily," or " that shall deny his death to be meritorious on the behalf of
Believers ; or that shall maintain and publish, as aforesaid, that Jesus Christ is not the
Son of God, or that the Holy Scriptures is not the Word of God, or that the bodies of
men shall not rise again after they are dead, or that there is no Day of Judgment after
death." If he did not abjure these errors, he was to suffer death.
283
But we have distinct and positive testimony, that on the
Restoration, when the Church of England resumed its posi-
tion as established by law, the preachers of the Society of
Friends did not attempt to preach after the priest of the
Church of England had finished his sermon.* A pamphlet,
written by Anne Docwra, a woman of good sense and
The penalty for the following Errors was milder. The person convicted was to
renounce his said Errors in the parish church, orif he did not do so, was to be com-
mitted to prison until he found two sureties that he should not publish these Errors
any more : —
" That all men shall be saved."
" That man hath by nature free will to turn to God."
" That God may be worshipped in or by pictures or images."
"That the soul of man goes to purgatory after death."
" That the soul of man dieth or sleepeth when the body is dead."
" That Eevelation or the Workings of the Spirit, are a Eule of Faith, or Christian
Life, though diverse from, or contrary to the written Word of God."
" That man is bound to believe no more than by his reason he can comprehend."
" That the moral law of God, contained in the ten Commandments, is no rule of
Christian life."
" That a Believer need not repent or pray for pardon of sins."
" That the two sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, are not ordinances
commanded by the Word of God." •
" That the baptizing of infants is unlawful, or such Baptism is void, or that such
persons ought to be baptized again, and in pursuance thereof, shall baptize any person
formerly baptized."
" That the observation of the Lord's day is not enjoined by the ordinances and laws
of this Bealm, is not according to, or contrary to, the Word of God, or that it is not
lawful to join in public prayer or family prayer, or to teach children to pray."
" That the churches of England are no true churches, nor their ministers and
ordinances true ministers and ordinances, or that the church government by presby-
tery is anti-christian or unlawful, or that the power of the magistrate is unlawful, or
that all use of arms though for the public defence (and the cause be never so just) is
unlawful."
It will be seen that in the first Act some of the special views of Fox are
punished by an ordinance passed in 1646, i.e., two years before Fox began to form
churches, wbich clearly proves that such views had been promulgated long prior
to 1646, and also, that prior to the Act of 1648, such views were common.
* It may be possible to adduce a few instances of the interruption of a Church of
England or a Dissenting congregation by a member of the Society of Friends, after
1660 or 1661, but the practice was entirely abandoned.
284
ability, who, before becoming a member, was a Eoyalist
and Episcopalian, who lived at Cambridge, furnishes this
important link in the evidence. She says, "I never heard
that Quakers, so called, disturbed the Episcopal clergy in
their worship by going in amongst them." * She tells us
that at the time when Friends went into churches, "the
Common Prayer Book was tied to the troopers' horses'
tails in some places ; this made sport for those priests (the
Presbyterians) who clamoured against it." We may fairly
infer from the change in the practice of the early preachers
of the Society, that they considered the preaching "after
the priest had done," in the Presbyterian worship, allow-
able on Presbyterian principles.
It will be recollected that when Edward Irving appeared
before the presbytery of London, in 1832, to defend among
other alleged irregularities, his having allowed certain
persons to "prophesy" in his congregation after the
sermon, he pleaded that he had acted in strict accord-
ance with the canons of the Presbyterian church. He
contended that the Westminster confession did "not
supersede" "the First Book of Discipline,"! and that the
* " Second part of the Apostate Conscience Exposed," p. 22. — T. Sowle, London,
1700. This is corroborated by Baxter, in his Autobiography, although he attributes
it to fear. The conduct of Fox and the preachers, who were shortly nearly all in
prison, entirely precludes such an interpretation.
t " The First Book of Discipline of the Church of Scotland," drawn up in accordance
with a Charge from the Great Council of Scotland, dated April 29, 1560.
Chap xii. — " For prophesying or interpreting the Scriptures."
Head 2. — " This exercise is a thing most necessary for the Kirk of God, this day,
in Scotland, for thereby, as said is, shall the Kirk have judgment and knowledge of the
graces, gifts, and utterances of every man within their body — the simple and such as
have somewhat profited — shall be encouraged daily to study and proceed in knowledge,
and the whole Kirk shall be edified. For this exercise must be patent to such as list
to learn, and every man shall have liberty to utter and declare his mind to the comfort
and consolation of the Kirk.
285
exercise of prophesying was expressly permitted and even
encouraged by the Kirk, and that it was left to "the
judgment" of "the ministers and elders" "what day of the
week is most convenient for that exercise." This "pro-
phesying" was to take place in the order laid down by Paul,
in the epistle to the Corinthian Church, and it was allowed
for the second and third speaker "to add" what the first
"had omitted;" to "gently correct," or "explain more
properly when the whole verity was not revealed to the former;"
he was "to use no invective in that exercise unless it be of
sobriety in confuting heresies." * Irving asks the question of
the Presbytery, "Can anyone say it is contrary to the
Ordinances of the Eeformed Church of Scotland so to
do ? " And if he could thus speak (in 1832) does not this
account for the fact, that Fox and the preachers in con-
nection with him, almost systematically made use of this
opportunity, "after the preacher had done," of "gently
correcting," and "explaining more properly when the
whole verity" did not seem to them to be "revealed" to
the Presbyterian minister? If they erred sometimes in
"gentleness," the Kirk certainly often erred in gentleness
to them, contrary to the express provisions of the Book of
Discipline, which provides that if " strange doctrines are
Head 3. — Provides against abuse. The speakers "may use no invective, unless it be
of sobriety in confuting heresies."
Head 6. — What day in the week is most convenient for that exercise ? . . . We
refer to the judgment of every particular Kirk, we mean to the judgment of the
ministers and elders.
The "Book of Common Order," or the Order of the English Church at Geneva,
whereof John Knox was minister, approved by that famous and learned man, John
Calvin, and used by the Eeformed Kirk of Scotland, &c, 1558, says. ... At the
which time {i.e. of prophesying) it is lawful for every man to speak and enquire as
God shall move his heart."
* Quoted by Edward Irving, see Appendix to Mrs. Oliphant's Life of Irving, vol ii.,
1862.
286
broached, the persons being called into the Assembly of
Ministers, the faults, if any notable be found, are noted,
and the persons gently admonished."*
The evidence of the uninterrupted preaching of the early
ministers of the Society, in the churches, might be multi-
plied to a very great extent. Edward Burough frequently
mentions his preaching in churches in 1654, in London.
He says, "I was at a steeple-house in the forenoon, and
had free liberty to speak." Again he "spoke for an hour"
in a public steeple-house in "Lombard Street, where most
of the high notionists in the city come," and afterwards
Howgill spoke, and they "passed away in peace." f When
K. Hubberthorne visited the Eastern Counties in 1655, he
says he "staid all day in the steeple-house with the
people," and that "on the same day James Parnell was
in another steeple-house, where the priest suffered him to
speak."|
But in a work published in 1653, by four Presbyterian
ministers in Newcastle, we have the whole subject cleared
up, except as it relates to the rights of the laity in
the use of churches. Not only does it show us that
the early Friends, the Baptists, and Independents had a
clear legal right to preach in the churches, but that such
preaching, if after the Presbyterian minister had finished his
sermon, was not deemed by the Presbyterians themselves an
interruption of public worship. They ask, why, if the
Quakers are "under such powerful impulses of the Spirit
that they cannot hold, we desire to know how they can
now of late forbear till our public worship and exercises be con-
cluded? At their first breaking forth it was otherwise, but
since they have found that their speaking in the time of our
* " First Book of Discipline," 4th section of chap. xii.
t Letter to Margaret Fell. Caton MSS. } Ibid.
287
public work is punishable by law,* they can now be silent till
we have closed up the work." This, they say is a "politick
proceeding," f and we may add that the evidence of such
speaking in interruption of the service, proves it to have
been rare, even prior to 1653, and may fairly be excused on
* This law was 1st year of Mary, second sessions — an Act against offenders and
preachers, and other ministers in the church, against " disturbing a preacher, by word
or deed, in his sermon"— the penalty was imprisonment for three months. By the
«»«* vear of Elizabeth, cap. 12, it is clear that a layman, who has " a special gift and
ability to be a preacher," professing "the doctrine expressed" in the 39 Articles, could,
with the license of the Bishop of the Diocese, preach in a parish church; and it appears
that on the abolition of the Episcopal system, the power of allowing a layman to preach
in a church, lay, in the Commonwealth times, with the magistrate.* The law was
thus propounded in 1652 : —
" Eighthly. If any of his own authority shall willingly, and of purpose, by open and
direct word or deed, maliciously or contemptuously molest, or by any other unlawful
ways, disquiet or abuse any preacher lawfully authorized, in his preaching or divine
service, or irreverently handle the sacrament, &c. Such persons, their aiders and
abettors, may, immediately after the thing done, be forthwith arrested by the con-
stable, the officers, or any other person then present, and carried to a justice of the
peace, to be proceeded with according to the Statute 1 M. chap. 6, p. 13. The office
and duty of churchwardens, overseers of the poor," &c, by William Sheppard, Esq.,
London, 1652.
But the laity appear to have had a legal right to the use of the churches, which was
then exercised, and we cannot but believe that the free use of the churches during this
period may be traced to this. Baxter, in an address to members of Parliament, recom-
mends that thef " public places " (i.e., the churches), as well as "maintenance, be only
for the approved (i.e., Presbyterian ministers,) and none to have leave to preach in
these places called churches without the minister's consent." We think the inference
explains the subject very clearly, viz., that with consent of the proper authorities
(probably the magistrates), the churches might be used for preaching and discussion
by the laity, and that the churches were not for the use of the ministers alone. This
explains why the magistrates gave consent, and were appealed to for leave.
• Mr. W. Erbury, M.A., a Seeker, had liberty from the magistrates of Bristol, to preach at Nicholas
Church, Bristol; " the parson, R. Farmer, stole the keys," and kept the church doors fast, till by authority,
they were opened. Page 2 — "Jack Pudding presented to Mr. B. Farmer, Parson of Nicholas Church,
Bristol," by W. Erbury, 1654—593 k p Brit. Museum.
+ «' Humble Advice, or the Heads of those Things which wnre offered to many Honourable M.P.s," by
Bichard Baiter, 1655. 628 k p Brit. Museum, 10th Head.
f " The Perfect Pharisee under Monkish Holiness," &c, by Thomas Weld, R.
Prideaux, Samuel Harwood, W. Cole, and William Durrant, ministers in Newcastle.
London, 1653, p. 47.
288
the ground suggested by their most violent opponents, viz.,
that they were not then aware of the law, and under
circumstances oftentimes of peculiar provocation inter-
rupted the speaker — a circumstance not unfrequent in
these times of extreme civil and religious excitement, when
the State interfered to prevent ministers of the Church
of England from " disturbing, molesting or hindering" the
Presbyterian minister, or aiding, or abetting, or engaging
in " tumults or outrages " against him.*
John Bunyan held disputations with preachers of the
Society, in Bedford steeple-house. In one discussion of
this kind, Baxter tells that he "felt it to be his duty to be
there also." "I took the reading pew, and Pitchford's Cornet
and the troopers the gallery, and I alone disputed against them
from morning to night ; for I knew their trick, that if I had
gone out first they would have prated what boastful words
they listed when I was gone, and made the people believe
that they had baffled me!"f Baxter also appointed the
church as a place of dispute with the Quakers. } In 1641
a Brownist preached in St. Sepulchre's church. §
In Edwards' "Gangroena" there is abundant evidence
that it was, even in 1645, before the rise of the Society of
Friends, the custom to stand up after the preacher had
done, e.g., "John Hitch came to Harridge church, and
after John Warren, the minister, had ended his morning
sermon only. . . . . J. H. said that the minister had
preached contradictions." || Many other instances might
be given, to show that this practice was then becoming
common. "Our Brethren in London" (i.e., the Inde-
pendents), says Baillie,1T "are for this exercise," (i.e., the
* See first note, p. 274. t "Baxter's Autobiography," Sylvester, p. 36. \ Ibid. p. 38.
§ " King's Pamphlets," 37-1. || " Gangroena," part i., p. 70.
IT "Baillie's Dissuasive," p. 175.
289
exercise of prophesying), "but especially to hold a door open
for them to preach in parish churches where they neither are, nor
ever intend to be, pastors; only they preach as gifted men and
prophets, for the conversion of those who are to be made
members of their congregations."*
Baxter says there were "few of the Anabaptists that
have not been the opposers and troublers of the faithful
ministers of the land" (i.e., of the Presbyterians). "On
the 27th day of the ninth month, Henry Denne (the cele-
brated General Baptist preacher) declared the proceedings
at Hawson. There was mention of a promise that I should
go to Hawson the next First-day, and accordingly on the
19th day of this present month, I went thither, and on
the next day, it being the first day of the week, the priest
and chiefest men of the town sent to me to come and preach
in the public place (i.e., the church). Whereupon I went,
intending to have spoken there unto the people, but as soon
as I began to speak, the rude multitude gathered together,
and would not suffer me to speak. . . . Whereupon I
departed from them, and I spake in a private house." f
Edwards mentions]: that Lamb (of Bell Alley Church, of
the General Baptists) "preaches sometimes (when he can
get into pulpits) in our churches." On 5th November,
1644, he preached at Gracechurch, in London, "where he
had mighty audiences, and preached universal grace."
Hansard Knollys§ preached "in the churchyard when he
could not in the church, and getting up into the pulpits,
when the sermon or lecture had been ended, against the
will of the minister, so that there were several riots and
tumults by his means. He was complained against for
* See pp. 158 and 159, and especially the third note.
f The Fenstanton Baptist Church Records, General or Arminian Baptists.
J " Gangrcena," part i., p. 92. § Ibid. p. 97.
X
290
this to a committee of Parliament, but he got off from that
committee." Kiffin handed a letter to Edwards in the
pulpit,* asking leave "to declare against what you say
when your sermon is ended."
On the 14th July, 1648, Edward Barber, a celebrated
General Baptist, spoke at the "parish Meeting-house of
Bentfinck," London. Several of the inhabitants of the
parish had invited Mr. Barber to come, promising that he
should have liberty to add to what he (Mr. Calamy) should
deliver, or contradict if erroneous. "I desired," says Mr.
Barber, "him and the rest of the audience to add some
few words." .... Upon which he (Calamy) desired
me to "forbear till he had concluded, and I might speak."
Mr. Barber then complains that he dealt with him, as
Calamy had before dealt with Mr. Kiffin, Mr. Knowles,
and Mr. Cox, and charged him with "coming to make
a disturbance in the Church of God." Mr. Barber was
then sadly handled by the audience, who cried, "Kill him!
kill him! pull him limb from limb!" and "a woman
scratched his face." A constable, however, interfered in
his favour, or he "might have been robbed or murdered."
Some of the audience, however, spoke kindly to him, and
wished him to "go to Mr. Calamy's house" and be satis-
fied, but Mr. Barber says that after this treatment he " was
satisfied that they were all anti-christian ministers." f In
the title Mr. Barber states, that "according to the Protestation
* " Gangroena," p. 108.
t "A Declaration and Vindication of the carriage of Mr. Edward Barber, at the
parish meeting-house of Benetfinck, London, Friday, 14th February, 1648. After the
morning exercise of Mr. Calamy was ended, wherein the pride of the ministers and
Babylonish carriage of the hearers is laid open, &o. ... as also the false aspersions
cast upon him, he doing nothing but what was according to the primitive institution,
and is, and ought to be, in the best reformed churches according to the Protestation
and Covenant."
291
and Covenant," the exercise of prophesying ought to be
allowed by the Presbytery.
" On February 2nd, Oates his company (with some of
the town of that faction), when the ministers had done,
went up in a body (divers of them having swords), into
the upper part of the church (at Billericay) ....
and then quarrelled with the minister who preached.
. . . . They took occasion to speak to the people,
and to preach universal grace and other of their
erroneous doctrines for almost an hour."
"Lawrence Clarkson, a Seeker, author of the 'Pilgrimage
of Saints,' a ' taylor and blasphemer,' preached on the
Lord's-day at Bow Church, Cheapside. This was not done
in a corner, but in a great and full audience. There was
present at this sermon one member of the House of
Commons, besides divers other persons of quality ....
and yet he was never questioned, or called to account for
this."*
There can be no doubt that the Independents, as the
party in power, had a considerable influence in causing the
Presbyterians to concede this liberty of "prophesying"
after the priest had done. The Independent and Baptist
churches, at this period, unquestionably permitted and
encouraged this practice. We have alluded to the English
churches in Holland, and have shown that it was one of
their distinctive practices, and maintained not only by the
churches of Ainsworth,f Johnson, Kobinson, and Smyth,
but also by the Dutch Keformed Churches. There is a
large amount of evidence, to show that Fox and the
preachers who associated themselves with him, almost
uniformly attended the Independent and Baptist churches
• " Gangrcena," part ii. p. 7. t See second cote, p. 101.
X 2
292
in the course of their travels, and (to use the expression in
a Baptist pamphlet) "claimed the right, or privilege of
prophesying," in the usual period allotted to both members
of the church and strangers. In some of these churches
they were received with cordiality, in some their preaching
was respectfully listened to, and in none do we read of
their being persecuted or haled out of the assemblies. In
some cases a question arose whether they should be heard
or not. The following is an account given by Morgan
Watkins (probably an Independent) who was present at a
meeting of "the people called Independents," at the house of
the "aforesaid Col. James." "The same morning Thomas
Parish came hither, and after several of the speakers had
spoke in the meeting, he began to declare the mysteries of
the kingdom of God to the meeting, in great authority and
power, in so much that some confessed after that their
flesh trembled on their bones." "Their priests* being
asked, after meeting, what their judgment was of the
stranger's testimony, they said that he spake nothing but
what was consonant with the Scriptures. Though some of
them, hearing that a man called a Quaker was to be at the
meeting, did conclude that they should not suffer him to
speak ; but one of the meeting told them that that was from
a bad spirit, to judge a man's testimony before they heard
him speak, and contrary to the order of the church of
Christ, and the constitution of that meeting, which was that all
might speak their experiences of the work of salvation, or any
measure of it wrought in them." f
In an important tract entitled "Ancient Truth revived,
* This implies that in addition to their being pastors of an Independent church they
held livings and were State ministers.
t MSS. in Devonshire House Library — " An account of the first publication of the
truth in and about Leominster, in the county of Hereford."
293
or a true state of the ancient suffering church of Christ,
commonly but falsely, called Brownists, living in London
ai d other places of this nation," — London, 1677, which
shows clearly, that the most ancient branch of the In-
dependents still existed, and had churches in London
and elsewhere, we have it laid down, that "after the
pastor hath read some part of Holy Scripture, giving
the sense of the same with what else as doctrine as the
time shall permit, the Teacher (in each church there
were two officers under these names exercising the func-
tion now embodied in one pastor) shall deliver, and by
the wisdom given him, applying the same to the con-
sciences of the hearers. Fourthly, the men members exer-
cise their gifts in prophesying according to the ability given
them by God, by two, or three, at the most." Again (page
15) "so that the gifts and graces the Lord bestoweth on his
church may not be hid in the earth, or covered with a
bushel, but magnified." It is added, after stating that this
exercise tends to the training up young men for pastors,
"And thus, when God's way is taken for the fitting of men
in God's own time and order for the work of the ministry,
they need not, as many do, take a contrary way to make
ministers of the Gospel by human art, in the knowledge,
only of the tongues, as though the gifts and graces of God
could be purchased for money," although they admit that
"when God is pleased to call men of such parts, sanctified
by the gracious work of His Spirit, to the ministry, it may
bring God much glory in its place, but not that it makes
men fit for ministers." *
•"Baptism," it adds, "is the pouring of His Spirit upon persons, and not by
dipping." Water baptism is by pouring or sprinkling, and agreeth with Spiritual
baptism. The striking coincidence between this statement, made by a minister of a
Brownist church, as late as 1677, and the views of Fox, will be noticed by the reader,
as woll as the general practice of the exercise of prophesy in the Independent churches.
294
The strength of the Independent and Baptist churches
lay in the development of lay preaching, and the distinction
between their views and those of the Presbyterians is well
shown in the letter of Dundas, dated 9th September, 1650,
to Cromwell, and in his reply. "The ministers of the
Scotch Kirk " are sorry they have such cause to regret that
"men of mere civil place and employment should usurp
the calling and employment of the ministry." Cromwell
replies, 12th September, 1650. "We look at ministers as
helpers of, not lords over, God's people. I appeal to their
consciences whether any 'person' trying their doctrine, and
dissenting, shall not incur the censure of ' Sectary ? ' And
what is this, but to deny Christians their liberty and
assume the infallible chair? What doth he whom we
would not be liken to, the Pope, do more than this ? Are
you troubled Christ is preached ? Is preaching exclusively
your function ? Where do you find in the Scriptures a
ground to warrant such an assertion, that preaching is ex-
clusively your function ? Though an approbation from
men hath order in it and may do well, yet he that hath no
better warrant than that, hath none at all. I hope He,
that hath ascended up on high, may give his gifts to whom
He pleases, and if those gifts be the seal of mission, be not
envious, though Eldad and Medad prophesy. You know
who bids us covet earnestly the best gifts, but chiefly that
we may prophesy, which the apostle explains there, to' be a
speaking to instruction, edification, and comfort; which
speaking, the instructed, the edified, and comforted, can
best tell the effect of, and say whether it is genuine."*
Cromwell, with his usual skill, turns the flank of the objec-
tion of the Presbyterian ministers to lay preaching, by
* Carlyle's "Letters of Oliver Cromwell," p. 207 to 211.
295
alluding to the exercise of prophesying, which we have
already seen, was permitted to laymen by the First Book of
Discipline of the Kirk. A sentence in the previous letter
to Dundas, sums up the view Fox, as well as Cromwell,
took of the Westminster Assembly, and both the Scotch
and English Presbyterian ministers. "When ministers
pretend to a glorious reformation, and lay the foundations
thereof in getting to themselves worldly power, and can
make worldly mixtures to accomplish the same . . . they
may know that the Sion promised will not be built with
such untempered mortar."
A very large number of the Baptists' meetings may
generally be said to have been thrown open to Fox and
the early preachers of the Society of Friends. The rela-
tion between the Baptists and the "Children of Light,"
as Fox's followers then called themselves, was at this
period more friendly than somewhat later, when Baptists
and Independents, by taking State maintenance, became
"Baptist and Independent priests," and had "Indepen-
dent steeple-houses;" and when many of their pastors
had begun to have a leaning towards the good things
the State had to bestow, and to hope, that in due time,
with a good conscience, they might enjoy them, and
thus make "the best of both worlds." * The Baptists
allowed the use of their meeting rooms, and in the
large number of instances mentioned in various manu-
scripts which have been inspected, they appear to have
often facilitated or desired the presence of Fox and the
* "Life of Caton," p. 26, contains an account of the welcome received at an "Inde-
pendent steeple-house" — "their steeple-houses." They were "sent to the House of
Correction ; " " had their money, inkhorns, and bibles taken from them ; were stripped,
had their necks and arms put in the stocks, and in that condition were " desperately
whipped," and afterwards " had irons and great clogs of wood laid on us ; " but even
here, " the chief agent in cruelty was a noted Presbyterian."
296
early preachers, and even when their ministry could not
have been acceptable, from its strong Arminian tone, they
were courteously treated and no complaint appears to have
been made of them as intruders.* We have found no
evidence of any attempt on the part of the early preachers
to abuse the liberty granted them, or of the slightest
interruption of the worship. It was not uncommon for
the Society preachers to attend the "General Meetings" of
both Independents and Baptists — assemblies of a number
of churches, which appear to have lasted several days — and
at which they appear to have been welcome to preach.
Indeed, they occasionally heightened the interest of the
proceedings, by inducing their friends to adjourn to the
nearest church, where all parties enjoyed a pitched battle,
the approach of evening at last separating the combatants.
Among the General Baptists it was a rule, "that it shall be
lawful for any person to improve their gifts in the presence
of the congregation." f They "prophesied by turns" in
their own meetings, and in Featly's work, they are charged
not only with " defy ling our rivers with their impure
washings," but also, like the preachers of the Society of
Friends, "so defyling our pulpits with their false prophesies
and phanatical enthusiasms." { They held, like the
Society of Friends, "the damnable doctrines" "that civil
states, with their officers of justice, are not governors or
defenders of the spiritual state of worship, and that the
* See note supra, p. 292, Caton says, "I went to a steeple-house of the Indepen-
dents, there are many high airy spirits as ever I met with. Oh ! who is sufficient to
encounter with such a generation ! ! ! " He " had as much liberty among the Baptists
as I could desire."
t " Fenstanton Church Eecords," p. 78.
J The word " prophesies " no doubt alludes to preaching "after the priest had done."
Fox objected, when asked to do so, to come up into the pulpit, but such scruples
troubled only a section of the Baptists.
297
doctrine of persecution in case of conscience, was guilty of
all the blood of the souls crying under the altar," and that
"a permission should be granted of the most Paganish,
Jewish, Turkish, or anti-christian consciences." In the
year 1645, these General Baptists, Featly tells us, were
guilty of similar views and practices. His account of
the state of things immediately preceding the rise of the
Society of Friends, is so characteristic, that we insert it.*
This outburst of lay preaching, this "clergy of laics,"
appears to him one of the most fearful signs of the times.
"The apostle cries out, 'Who is sufficient for these things?'
but now we may say 'who is not sufficient for these
things ? ' Not the meanest artizan, not the illiteratest day
labourer, but holds himself sufficient to be a master builder
in Christ's church. But now, in the noontide of the
Gospel, such owls and bats should fly abroad everywhere,
and flutter in our churches . . . and not either be caught
and confined to their nests in barns or rotten trees, or put
in cages fit for such night birds. On such a day, such a
Brewer's clerk exerciseth (probably the eminent Baptist
preacher Kiffin, a man of the highest character, and fitted
both by his piety, ability, and success, for the service of the
Gospel), such a Tailor expoundeth, such a Waterman
teacheth." "What is coming to us," cries Featly, "if
cooks (with Demosthenes), instead of mincing their meat,
fall upon dividing of the word;" "if tailors leap up from
the shop-board to the pulpit, and patch up sermons out of
stolen shreds."
It appears to have been said, in vindication of these
illiterate preachers, respecting Featly and his clerical
friends, that the "prophets" had "become so mad" that
* " The Dipper Dipt, or the Anabaptists ducked and plunged over head and ears,'
&c, by Daniel Featly, D.D., London, 1651, sixth edition, originally published 1645.
298
" the ass's mouth must needs he opened to reprove them ; "
but Featly says that " the case is different," for " there
the ass saw the angel, but here the angels (i.e. the regularly
ordained ministers) see the asses in their places ! "
The General Baptists told Featly " that they did not
read of any such distinction in the Word of God between
^ laymen and clergymen." " God conferring gifts was a
sufficient calling ; "that " it was as lawful to worship God
in a private house, or to preach there, as in one of your
steeple-houses." It is important to notice the views of
these Arminian Baptists in reference to verbal inspiration.
They appear to have some connection with the views of
Fox, if we consider that Featly has a little overstated their
views. Anabaptist: " Though we cannot prove the letter to
be well translated, that matters not much, for the letter of
Scripture is not Scripture." Dr. Featly : "That is blas-
phemy," &c. Anabaptist : " The letter of the Word of God
is not Scripture without the revelation of the Spirit of God;
the Word revealed by the Spirit is Scripture." " How did
they know the Scripture to be God's word ? " they were
asked; and they were answered, " By experience."
We learn from Featly's work, that this General Baptist
held " that men have free will, not only in natural or moral,
but also in spiritual matters." " That they as well as
other Separatists held, ' that no Christian may go to law, or
in any case right himself by arms or violent means ' (p. 34).
That no Christian may lawfully take an oath; 'no, not if it
be required by a magistrate. ' " He complains (p. 184) of
their confusing the different senses in which " prophesy " is
spoken of in Scripture. Did they mean an " ordinary" or
an "extraordinary" gift? He approved of Archbishop
Grindal's " prophesying, but not for rude and illiterate
mechanics." "For these extraordinary revelations they
299
pretend to, together with the miraculous gift of tongues
and healing, for many hundred years have failed in the
church."
It is important to notice this was three years before
Fox commenced preaching. Such being their sentiments,
we can readily understand how it was that the General
Baptists, who were at this time far the most numerous
portion of the Baptist churches, received Fox and his
friends almost as readily as they did itinerant members of
their own body. This was not the case among the Calvinistic
Baptists, as we shall presently see.
It has been represented that the preaching of the early
Ministers of the Society of Friends was not so much a
simple preaching of the Gospel to the masses,* as an effort
to change the opinions of gathered churches. This view
will not bear a close examination. " We find," to use the
words of four violent opponents, " no place hears so much
of their religion as streets and market crosses."! They
were wilfully misrepresented, and they strove by means of
their pamphlet literature, to answer, in the locality where
the slander was spread, these misrepresentations of the press
and the pulpit, and therefore we find a far more one sided
theology in their pamphlet literature than they really held.
There can be no doubt that not only the Society of
Friends, but every section of the Christian church in these
times, attached undue importance to its own peculiar
religious views, and that they lacked gentleness and
* "Question: Who are the best ministers ? Answer: They maybe said to be the
best ministers who convert and turn most souls to God." — A paper used as a poster
by Thomas Laythes, of Dailhead, in Cumberland, 1691, one of the early ministers.
" Our endeavour is to call people out of their sins, not in show, but in reality, as many
will witness." — "Answer to the Perfect Pharisee," &c, p. 29, 1653.
t " The Perfect Pharisee under Monkish Holiness," &c, by T. Weld, R. Prideaux,
S. Hammond, and W. Cole, ministers in Newcastle, p. 50, London, 1653.
. 300
Christian charity in their treatment of those who differed
from them. In the times of the Civil War and the
Commonwealth, the spirit of Marston Moor, Naseby, and
Dunbar, was transferred in all its intensity to the field of
theological controversy. Can we wonder that they had not
yet attained the grace of a perfectly just and temperate
treatment of their theological adversaries ? For centuries
free religious discussion had been repressed by the dun-
geon, the rack, the halter, and by the fires at Smithfield
and elsewhere. Are we, therefore, to blame the General
Baptists, the Independents, and the early Friends, because
they loved religious liberty too well, and because they
dreaded the ascendency of a persecuting priesthood, who
sought the aid of the State simply to enforce their own
decrees, while they denied tlie right of the State to control
the intolerance of their Church ? There were, therefore,
sound and sufficient reasons for the position occupied by the
Society of Friends towards the Presbyterian clergy. Fear-
ful as were the sufferings and the injuries to the cause of
true religion, resulting from the restoration of Episcopacy
as the State Church, it can hardly be doubted that the
establishment of the Presbyterian system would have set
up an engine of spiritual tyranny only second to that of
Popery.* The excesses of Episcopacy could be controlled
by the State. The Presbyterians sought to set up a ,
* " And except they show all the lineaments of their Government derived naturally
from Scripture, it will fright men's consciences and make them disclaim it for a
monster. For the discipline, as now contended for, is, as was the Bishop's, but
external, prudential, matter of form and policy ; and it is looked upon as so much the
more intolerable, if rigidly pressed, by how much it opens a wider gap for tyranny ;
because, if the Bishops made us groan under twenty-four dioceses, and but one High
Commission, what will become of us under almost ten thousand Presbyteries, besides
tbe torments of Classes Provincial, Juntos, Synods, and Assemblies." — " The Case of
the Kingdom stated," &c, written by an Independent, 1647, pp. 4 to 16.
301
spiritual power which would have made the State the blind
executioner of its decrees. There can be no question that
Fox and his friends regarded this determined protest
against the establishment of the Presbyterian church as a
part of their duty as preachers of the Gospel. They believed
the Christian Keligion did not require the worldly props by
which it was then thought needful to support it. They
were men who were profoundly convinced that the risen
Saviour was with His true Church. They condemned none
whom they thought showed marks of His Spirit, and if they
were at times mistaken, can we wonder if the ruin of their
bodies in prison, and the plunder of their property, warped
their judgment ?
There are innumerable proofs that their preaching
was addressed to the great masses of the people,
and exercised a spiritual power similar to that of the
Wesleys and Whitefield. They also used the expedient of
what we should now call " Kevival " and " Camp " Meet-
ings, to arouse the careless, and stir up mere professors
of religion, to the conviction of its spiritual reality.
Occasionally this was carried to an extent, the wisdom
of which may be doubted. It excited public attention
in those times, in a way which would now attract but
little notice, after the experience the religious world
has since had of such meetings, both in England and
America.
In 1653, a meeting was held at'Malton, at which 200
persons " met to wait upon the Lord," and " did continue,"
writes Kichard Farnsworth to Margaret Fell,* " three or
four days together, and did scarce part day or night. I
was with them. Twice the mighty power of the Lord was
* Swarthmore MSS.
302
made manifest. Almost all the room was shaken."* So
great was the impression made at Malton, that "the men
of Malton burnt their ribbons and silk, and other fine
commodities, because they might not be abased by pride." f
Their early preachers preached Bible in hand. J The
sum of their preaching was, according to the account
given of it in an ancient manuscript, that while in Adam
all died, "all were concluded under sin; the grace of
God, which bringeth salvation, hath appeared unto all
men," without exception. That Christ, "who tasted
death for every man," did also "enlighten every man."
That this light, which shineth in the heart, would give
to all men "the knowledge of the glory of God in the
face of Jesus Christ." God had not only spoken to us by
His Son, 1650 years ago, but "now speaketh to people by
His Son from Heaven." That "He gives the knowledge
how Christ died for our sins, and is risen again for our
justification, and washeth, and cleanseth His people with
His blood." That "after they do believe, they are sealed
with the Spirit of promise, and know that Christ the
substance is come, and dwelleth in His people, by His
Spirit." § They held that the whole ceremonial law had
been abolished, and that Christianity is not a religion of
ceremonies. That Christ, by one offering, "hath perfected
* "Whether, when about Malton there are towards 200 or 300 neglected their call-
ings, young and old, to compare notes of their entranced madness, it concerns not a
Church, nay, a commonwealth, if it were no more than pagan, to look to it and pre-
vent the growth of further mischief." — " The Querers' and Quakers' Cause at Second
Hearing," London, 1653, pp. 44, 39 and 40.
t Ibid.
J "Priest Mousall, that day in Drayton churchyard, out of fury, struck Eichard
Farnsworth's Bible out of his hand." — "The Spiritual Man Judgeth all Things," 1656.
§ ' ' How the Lord, by His Spirit, did raise up Friends to declare His Everlasting
Gospel and Truth, and how it Spread," &c, from MS. Devonshire House Library.
303
for ever them that are sanctified,"* and "renews them up
to the image of God, which man and woman had before
they fell." . . . " Therefore all men are to look unto
Him, and all that have received Him are to walk in Him,
the Life, the Substance, the First and the Last, the Kock
of Ages, the Foundation of many generations." f They
used rough-and-ready illustrations in their preaching, and
spoke plain truths to plain people, and "thundered" every-
where against sin, appealing to men's consciences in a way
which Latin and Greek quotations, and elaborate sermons
in the dry Puritan style could never do.
The views of Fox on the Atonement are thus expressed
in his journal, and show that he held clear views upon this
fundamental point, in 1645, when twenty-one years of age,
before he commenced his career as a preacher. "This
priest Stevens asked a question, viz., Why Christ cried out
upon the Cross, ' My God ! my God ! why hast thou forsaken
me ? and why He said, ' If it be possible, let this cup pass
from me; yet not my will, but thine, be done?' I told
him, at that time the sins of all mankind were upon Him,
and their iniquities and transgressions, with which He was
wounded, which He was to bear, and be an offering for, as
He was Man, but died not, as He was God. So that He
died for all men, tasting death for every man ; he was an
offering for the sins of the whole world. This I spoke,
being at that time in a manner sensible of Christ's suffer-
ings. The priest said it was a good full answer, and such
an one as he had not heard." { Fox wrote, in 1677, a
* "Being sanctified" (see Alford) in loc. t "Fox's Journal," 1666.
\ There has been an impression produced by some of Fox's utterances, that he did not
hold the doctrine of "justification by faith only," but conceived that men were partly
"justified by works." The tract to which we have referred will entirely remove this
impression. We add the following quotation from a reply to a person who appeared
304
tract entitled, "A Testimony concerning Justification, and
Whom Christ Justifies ; and in What, and Imputed Kight-
eousness to What and to Whom;"* which is, in substance,
as full, clear, and scriptural as anything which John Wesley
wrote on this subject. In this tract he testifies that "God
justifies the ungodly in the faith which gives the victory over tJie
ungodliness. "Christ died for the ungodly; not," he says,
"that they should live ungodly and unjustly all their life long,
but that they should live to Him that died for them, and
walk in Him that is holy and just; who turns them from their
ungodliness, and takes away their sins; for Christ died for
all, Jews and Gentiles being all gone astray. So He died
for the ungodly when they were without strength. And they
have no Light, nor Life, nor Faith, nor Grace, nor Truth,
nor Strength, but from Him that hath died for them, and
shed His blood for them."
There was nothing, perhaps, which the early preachers
denounced more than hypocrisy. They upheld a standard
of thorough-going Christian truthfulness, and the carrying out
the spirit of Christianity in daily conduct. They recom-
mended people to use their Bibles, "not to dispute by, but
to live by." The uncompromising manner in which they
exposed the inconsistency of an age, when the outward
garb and phraseology of religion were the fashion, could
not fail to procure them hosts of enemies. The purity of
their morals, and the strict integrity of their lives, were
to bold such views. It is taken from an original copy preserved in the Swarthmore
collection, endorsed in George Fox's handwriting, "this professor ran into unclean-
ness." " George Fox, to E. Lukes of Upper Kellet, 1652 — ' Friend, thou wast speaking
of being justified by works; alack, for thee! thy works will never justify thee in the
sight of God, nor make but for the fire."
* This has become rare ; the only copy seen by the Author, is in the collection of
F. Fry, of Bristol.
305
fully "admitted by their adversaries, but were considered to
have a Satanic origin.*
Men might denounce the doctrine of the fierce Indepen-
dent, or the Baptist, but in these times it was dangerous to
go too far ; and the preacher, who had the high praises of
God in his mouth, had a two-edged sword in his hand, and
when the Presbyterian parsons denounced woes upon them,
they laid their hands on their swords in the very churches.
With the "Quakers" it was otherwise, and no calumny was
too gross to pass current respecting them.f But if we
consider the natural opposition of the human heart to an
earnest, spiritually-minded, practical, and aggressive Chris-
tianity, and the position which they took, of determined
opposition to the interests of a newly constituted clergy
sitting uneasily in possessions obtained and held by the
sword, and added to this, the offence given to the judi-
cial element of the Commonwealth and Kestoration, by
the refusal to take civil oaths — their peculiarities of lan-
guage, and their disuse of the customary titles of society
in address, we shall hardly wonder that they had no friends.
They sorely roused the intolerance of the age, but those
whose sentiments are most opposed to them, will admit
that many of their principles and doctrines, once denounced
as the doctrines of hell, have been since declared, by the
consent of the Christian world, to be the heavenly and
beneficent principles of the Gospel.
The general character of the "priests" testified against
by Fox, cannot be justly estimated by accepting Baxter's
statement respecting them. Perhaps there is no point
* See "Broadmead Eecords," pp. 42, 43, and in many pamphlets of the times.
t A comparison of the calumnies to which the early Wesleyans were subjected in
calmer times, will remove the impression that in some way all this abuse had been
merited. — See Tyerman's "Life of Wesley," passim.
806
in which Baxter manifests himself a more thorough-
going partisan, than in his attachment to the Presbyterian
ministry. His extreme dislike to that party of the Inde-
pendents and Baptists, and other sectaries, who, with the
Society of Friends protested against the imposition of this
new and intolerant ministry upon the country, renders him
a prejudiced witness. The Independents whom he praises,
appear to be those " who were fit for the service of the
churches." The Independents and Baptists who remained
faithful to their principles, and conscientiously refused to
partake of the State maintenance, were those whom he
decried and (however honestly) misrepresented. Thus the
Presbyterian ministry to a large extent, appropriated the
plunder which was mainly won by the valour of the Inde-
pendents and Baptists, of whom by far the largest section
remained faithful to their principles. The unanimous
testimony of " the Friends " respecting the character of the
Presbyterian ministry of the Commonwealth, has been too
much set aside by historians. It was the testimony of men
who had occupied important positions — men of great in-
telligence and irreproachable character, and who were not
interested in obtaining a share of the benefices of England — and
will, we think, when the subject is fairly investigated,
greatly moderate the indiscriminate praise which has
been extended to them, mainly upon the evidence of
their friends. It will be seen, if the views of the much
abused " Sectaries " are carefully and candidly examined,
that " actually their enthusiasms," if well seen into, were
not foolish, but " wise." (it is well to take Carlyle's advice,
"By no means to credit the wide- spread report that these
seventeenth-century Puritans were superstitious, crack-
brained persons, given up to enthusiasm, the most part
of them . . . the minor part being cunning men,
307
who knew how to assume the dialect of the others, and
thereby as skilful 'Machiavels,' to dupe them." " This is a
wide-spread report, but an untrue one." " He will be wise,
to believe these Puritans do mean what they say, and to try
unimpeded to discover what it is; gradually a very stu-
pendous phenomenon may rise on his astonished eye, a
practical world based on a belief in God." *j
" Carlyle's Letters," vol. i., p. 02.
Y 2
CHAPTEK XIII.
Evangelistic Work of the Preachers in connection
with Fox, at Bristol. Physical effects produced by
their Preaching similar to those produced since
among the wesleyans and independents. another
account of the rise of " quakerism " at bristol.
The success of the Preachers in influencing
" PROFANE " PEOPLE. " THE UPSTART LOCUST DoC-
trine " is found to produce faithfulness, honesty,
and Truthfulness. " Public" and "Ketired" Meet-
ings. Kecords of the Church at Bristol.
We shall now endeavour to give an idea of the nature of
the evangelistic labour of the preachers in connection with
Fox, by first turning our attention to Bristol, the second
commercial city and port in the kingdom at that period.
We shall afterwards allude to some points of great interest
in the history of the Society of Friends, which will place
the nature of the movement in a point of view from which
it has not hitherto been contemplated.
Two able ministers took in hand this important city,
John Audland and John Camm.* Let us hear their own
account of the christian work in which they were engaged.!
"There is here (at Bristol) a great work and large fields to
* We almost invariably find the preachers of the Society preaching in couples, and
the analogy of this arrangement to the "Pastor" and "Teacher" of the Independent
and Baptist churches of the time, who were then favoured with at least two sermons,
cannot fail to strike the reader.
t Extracted from a letter of John Camm to George Fox, 1654 (probably September).
309
labour in. We have here in Bristol, most commonly 3000
to 4000 at a meeting. The priests and magistrates of the
city begin to rage, but the soldiers (of the Commonwealth)
keep them down; for the Governor of the Castle is not
against us, and the Captain of the Royal Fort is absolutely
convinced, and his wife loves us dearly.* And many
captains and great ones of the city are convinced, and do
believe in us, and that we are of God ; and all within ten
miles of the city round about, the people is very much
desirous after Truth. . . . Yea, at any point (to which)
we come, we can have 400, or 500, or even 1000 at any
place we come. We have many friends in many towns
about, who are honest and true in their measures, and
eminent amongst men, so that we have many places in the
country about, where we can set up a standard and have
gathered meetings (i.e., established churches), and ice hit
some every day we shoot, for 'our bow abides in strength/
♦ . , We much desired John Story and John Wilkinson
to have come this way ; here is great and gallant service.
It is the day of the Lord's gathering. We shall leave it to
thee (N.B. to Fox) and their freedom. . . . Thou may
see the work; it is as great as I say, and likely to be more."
The said John Story and John Wilkinson we shall have
again to mention, as sore troublers of the peace of the new
Society at a later period. Audland had, prior to this, on
the 12th of July, paid a visit to this city, and in con-
junction with Thomas Airey, visited the Baptist church in
Broadmead, and the Independent church in the Pithay.
They also preached among "a Seeking people" (i.e., a \
congregation of 'Seekers'), "who kept one day in the
* i.e. Captain Watson and Captain Beal, the chief commanders of the garrison and
Royal Fort, "became Quakers," p. 48. " Sathan Enthroned in his chair of Pestilence,
or Quakerism in its Exaltation," by Ralph Farmer, London, 1657.
310
week in fasting and prayer, not tasting anything; and
before the day ended there might be twenty of them
praying, men and women, and sometimes children."
These people were "waiting for the visitation of God, and
His day of redemption."
Audland and Camm paid another visit in September.
Their first public meeting was held in a field close by
Broadmead, called Earlsmead, where Audland preached
a sermon to the assembled multitudes, "lifting up his
voice like a trumpet,"* to all those who were "in the
Fall," "separated from God" (of which among the Koyalist
rabble there were we may be quite sure, from contemporary
history, a great many). To these he "opened the way of
life," in "the mighty power of God," with such effect, that
they were "seized in their soul," and "pricked at their
heart;" and "some fell on the ground and foamed at the
mouth, while others cried out, while the sense of their
states of sin was opened to them." Meetings were held
every day, the people followed the preachers everywhere,
so that "every day was like one long meeting." People
called upon the ministers to speak with them privately,
"before they got up," and they were at work "from six
o'clock in the morning, till eleven o'clock, or even one
o'clock, at night." f
* " A Testimony to the Glorious Morning of the Day of Inexpressible Visitation of
the Love of God to the City of Bristol," by Charles Marshall, 1689.
t " Swarthmore papers." — Camm and Audland, Letter from Bristol, to Burough and
Howgill, in London. — ' ' The places of meeting were too strait, and the assemblies in the
fields were multiplied to two, three, nay, to near four thousand people of all sorts,
ranks, ages, and sexes ; some of them as eminent as any in that city, in that which is
called godliness, became obedient to the Truth, whose minds being turned to the Lord,
witnessed the power and life of Jesus, and redemption within. . . . The priests
were exceeding moved. The new Society asked the Mayor, &c, to try them by the
Scriptures." See " The Cry of Blood," by G. Bishop and three others, London,
1656.
311
The early preachers of the Society were eminently suc-
cessful when they preached to the rude multitude. Fox
anticipated Wesley and Whitfield in his application of field
preaching to the spreading of the Gospel, and we see all
the features of the great Methodist revival both in the
character and gifts of the preachers, the multitudes who
listened to them, the powerful impressions produced, and
the entire change of character which was permanently
effected. The physical effects which are here noticed, were
precisely the same as those which appeared 73 years later
at Bristol, under John Wesley's preaching. It was here
that Wesley tells us he "submitted to be more vile, and
proclaimed in the highways the glad tidings of salvation,
speaking from a little eminence in a ground adjoining to
the city, to about 3,000 persons." "The scripture on which
I spoke was this (is it possible any one should be ignorant
that it is fulfilled in every true minister of Christ ?) ' The
spirit of the Lord is upon me, because He hath anointed
me to preach the Gospel to the poor,'" &c. It was at
Bristol, that "one that stood by cried aloud, as in the
agonies of death; a young man was suddenly seized with a
violent trembling all over, and in a few minutes sunk down
to the ground." Sometimes Wesley's "voice could scarcely
be heard amid the groans and cries." "They dropped on
every side as thunderstruck." One of the peculiar features
of these phenomena, was the shaking and trembling,* and
we have it recorded, that at Bristol, a Quaker who was not
a little displeased at "the dissimulation of these creatures,"
"dropped down as thunderstruck," and cried aloud, "now I
know that thou art a prophet of the Lord." f He could
* Southey's "Life of Wesley," vol. i., chap. vii. "Wesley's Journal," passim.
flbid, 179, vol. i., Conference Edition.
312
hardly have been aware that the Church of which he was a
member, in that very place was raised up under preaching
which produced similar effects. A vivid and life-like
narrative of the conduct of the early preachers, when these
physical manifestations occurred under their preaching,
which will compare very closely with similar accounts in
" Wesley's Journal," is given in a rare tract, by an opponent
of the new Society, which was published as early as 1653.*
ilfter giving a fearful and highly coloured account of these
manifestations, which the writer compares to "epilepsy" or
"apoplexy," he adds, they "lie grovelling on the earth, and
struggling as if for life. . . . The speaker, when any
fall into this fit, will say to the rest, 'Let them alone,
trouble them not, the Spirit is now struggling with (the)
flesh; if the Spirit overcome, it will be joy in the morn-
ing,' &c, and when they have said a few words to this
effect, they go on with their speaking. . . . Sometimes
they carry their wretched patients into beds that are near
them, and let them lie till their fit is over." The writer
adds, "I heartily believe these quakings to be diabolical
raptures." The Friends appear to have treated the mani-
festations very rationally, and occasionally administered a
cordial, or medicine of some kind; and this is commented
upon in the tracts of the times as a circumstance of the
utmost mystery, and a proof of "sorcery." f The preachers
were, as a matter of course, required strictly to account for
these " tremblings," &c, and on the same principle as their
adversaries turned to the Bible to find an explanation
of everything, they confidently did the same, and found,
that as Moses " quaked," David " roared," and Jeremiah
* " A Brief Narrative of the Irreligion of the Northern Quakers," London, 1653.
t In one tract it is likened to " the water the Pythian she-priests drank of " I
313
" trembled," there was nothing in them which the children
of God had not at times experienced, and it was then pro-
claimed that they had, so to speak, seriously adopted these
physical manifestations as their own.
For an account of these hysterical fits in one of the
Independent churches, we are informed in the "Early
History of the Independent Church at Both well,"* Mr.
Davis, the pastor, was charged with the " Black Art," it
appeared, by some of his brethren. At the churches at
Kimbolton and Wellingborough these fits also appeared,
when the "affections" of the hearers "were most power-
fully touched with any truth they heard." Under Jona-
than Edwards' preaching, in New England, something of
the kind also occurred. When we recollect that these
manifestations were attributed to Satanic agency in the
time of the Wesleys, we shall not be surprised to find in
those earlier times, they were considered to be very striking
proofs of Quakerism having a similar origin.
Modern medical science regards these physical mani-
festations as simply arising from the excitement of the
nervous centres, under the influence of strong appeals to
the emotions. The same effects are, as a matter of fact,
produced among heatliens as well as Christians. The
irritation of certain nervous centres can be produced by
the influence of fear, remorse, or any passion, as easily as
by a probe or needle. The results differ according to
different physical temperaments, and may take the form of
epilepsy, mania, melancholy, convulsions, hysteria or trance.
To say that Wesley or Audland, or any other preacher of
the Gospel, was responsible for these results because he
appeals powerfully to all the motives which influence the
* By N. Glass, pp. 85, 86, and 87.
314
human mind in a matter of so much importance as
religion, would be most unjust ; but with a full knowledge
that these physical manifestations are symptoms of nervous
disease — and disease, too, which is capable of being propa-
gated from one person to another by sympathy — it is most
important to avoid long protracted and exciting religious
meetings. The experience of Wesley was, that the real
religious benefit produced was generally in inverse ratio to
the religious and physical excitement.
We have, in the records of the Baptist Church at Broad-
mead (pp. 42-51), a most interesting contemporary account
of the preaching of Audland and Camm. The Baptist
Church, sober-minded and excellent christian men of strong
Calvinistic sentiments, were shocked by the irregular
proceedings of these field preachers. "Their dangerous
prodigious doctrines 'took' with some ignorant people that
were not well acquainted with the sound principles of
religion," and some others "who had never yielded up
themselves to the Lord, in His ways, to walk in the power
of the truths they knew." If we bear in mind that
Audland was, before he joined Fox, "one of the greatest
and most eloquent "Independent" preachers in the north
of England,"* a man of good family and excellent educa-
tion, that he was invited before he became connected
with the Society, to preach in Churches, precisely as Fox
was invited, and that he was a most pious and devoted
christian man, we shall gain greater instruction from the
narrative. Edward Terrill, who wrote this account, was also
an "elder" of the Baptist church, engaged pretty con-
stantly in preaching the gospel. Under the feelings excited
by controversy, and by the fact that out of 79 members
* "Evans' Memoirs of Audland," Philadelphia, 1811, p. 47G.
315
composing the Baptist church in Broadmead, no fewer than
19 left the church to join the Society established by
Audland and Camm, and by the unquestionable success of
the itinerant preachers, Terrill thus accounts for the rise
of the Society of Friends. " Satan, seeing the abundance
of light of reformation in this nation, envying the progress
of the doctrine of our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ,
justification freely by His Grace, he transformed himself
into an angel of light, and made use of Popish Jesuits to
creep abroad, up and down in England. Under the guise
of professors of Truth, they spread about many damnable
errors and heresies, beguiling some unstable professors.
Thereby Satan deceived many 'profane people."* ''These
were deluded to embrace their upstart notions of Quaker-
ism, under a pretence of a great degree of holiness, by
hearkening to the 'Light' within, which they called Christ,
laying aside the manhood of our blessed Kedeemer."f
"Whereas that Light is but the Light of nature, which in
* The mission of early Quakerism being specially to "profane people," the irreligious
masses, who had been to a great degree neglected. In the church of Broadmead, it is
evident that tbe members were generally respectable tradesmen and domestic servants.
A. Parker writes, eighth and ninth month, 1659, after being three weeks up and down in
Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire, to Fox thus : " Many sweet and precious meetings
I have had, life and love is springing up, and the presence of the Lord is much mani-
fested, which oftentimes melts my heart and draws forth my love unto the poor and
needy."
t This misapprehension is an instance of how a preacher, by insisting on a vital
truth, which he conceives to have been misunderstood by his audience, is sometimes
taken to deny other truths equally important. The substitution of an inward for
an outward Christ, was certainly no part of Fox's teaching, although there were reli-
gionists, both at that period and previously, who denied the historical Christ. (See
"Fenstanton Records," p. 45). These have been confused with the Friends. Some
of the new Society were undoubtedly converts from the Banters, and some of them
expressed themselves in a way which was evidently unsatisfactory, and ambiguous to
the Fenstanton Church. To represent "Christ's dying on the cross," to be "a mere
history and a shadow," is not the doctrine held by any of the early Friends from the
earliest date, whereas it is to be found everywhere in the writings of the Banters.
My friend Dr. Underhill concurs in this view.
316
common is planted in all mankind, the same with that the
heathens and hlackamores have, and the remotest Indians,
which know not Christ nor never heard of Him; and they
omit the Light of the Word of the Lord, and the Light of
God's Spirit, proceeding from the Father by the "Word or
Holy Scripture. Thus Smoke out of the Bottomless Pit
arose, and the Locust Doctrine came forth, as it is
written!!"* Rev. ix. 2, 3, 4.
Dennis Hollister, who had sat in Parliament for the city
of Bristol, was a member of this Church, and it appears,
had " sucked in some principles of this upstart locust
doctrine, came home from London with his heart full of
discontent and his head full of poisonous new notions. . . .
About the time of his notions, there came to Bristol two
men of strange principles (John Audland and Thomas
Airey), and thrust themselves into the meetings of the
church, and would put themselves forward to speak in their
tone, judging and condemning all that did not as they did;
a spirit the church was not acquainted with, nor with their
doctrines of devils." It will be observed that there is no
complaint of their improper or disorderly conduct, in
putting themselves forward to speak, only that the Broad-
mead church did not approve their doctrines ; and it will be
seen also, that at first the dangerous character of their
doctrines was not perceived by these good people. "And
these persons Dennis received into his house, entertained
* We may fairly infer that these good people were greatly stumbled at the then, new
and strange doctrine, that " Christ died for the sins of the whole world." Wesley and
Fletcher held the same doctrine, and answered the objection "but if the heathen can be
saved without the Gospel, what need is there of the Christian dispensation?" thus:
Answer I. "None of them were ever saved without a beam of internal Light of the
Gospel, which is preached in (EV) every creature under heaven," Col. i. 2, 3. — (Fletcher's
" Checks," vol. i. p. 53, Conference Edition). They held, with Wesley, thai "in every
nation, he that feareth God and worketh righteousness (according to the Light that he
had) is accepted with Him. (Ibid).
317
them, and closed in with their doctrine." It seems very
probable that in this account, the second visit of Audland
and Camm in September is alluded to, as well as the
visit in July.* They were not at first believed to be
persons "walking in a spirit of delusion, for they came in
such a guise of outward holiness, they so transformed
themselves, that as our Saviour foretold, ' if it were possible
they would deceive the very Elect,' under a pretence of
living in the Spirit, and abandoning forms respect of
persons, as Matt. xxiv. 24, 26, saying, 'Christ is in the
secret chamber/ that is, within only in the heart, the Light
within, the finest thread the Papists could spin." Here
follows, apparently, a refutation of some portion of their
sermons, and this instructive account proceeds, " Thus, they
coming as foretold, they were not known, but afterwards they
were called by the name of 'Quakers,' from people's
shaking and quaking that received them and their doctrine,
and then they were fixed to their opinion after such a fit
upon them (!) Thus this damnable doctrine, even denying
the Lord that bought them, promoted by the Jesuits, and
assisted by evil spirits from the devil, was founded ! " The
documental proof follows, which turned out to be entirely
false, and the account proceeds : "For divers persons were
seen in this city, when hearing (of) them, to be taken in
such a condition of their bodies, that they would fall down
upon the earth, and wallowing upon the ground, would
foam at the mouth, like as we read in Mark ix. 20, and
Luke ix. 39, by which their foaming it is evident it was not
the Spirit of God, but the spirit of devils that helped the
fomentors, Jesuits and Papists, in carrying on this work."
Here we learn the real origin of the nick-name of
* " Broadmead Kecords," p. 44.
318
"Quakers." In consequence of their successful adoption
of field preaching to "profane people," a very powerful
impression was produced, not on themselves but on their
converts.*
The Calvinistic Baptist churches do not appear to have
been very energetic in the work of the evangelization of the
common people; they consisted of little companies of
respectable godly people, gathered from the Presbyterian
worship, into what they deemed a more scriptural form of
church discipline, and gradually became convinced of the
importance and scriptural sanction of immersion. The
early preachers of the Society of Friends appealed to the
number of persons they converted, as a proof of their being
true Gospel ministers. One of them, having said that "he
never came to a place but he was received, and converted
some in it," is told by a Calvinistic Baptist, that under the
preaching of Christ at Corazin and Bethsaida "they re-
pented not ! "* In the Westmoreland petition to Parliament,
"the physical effects which follow their preaching," it was
said, " did exceedingly savour of sorcery . . . swellings,
quakings, roarings, foamings." "None of the Saints of
old," they were told, "did ever foam in their tremblings,"
and "you deny no part of the charge, but blasphemy and
sorcery."
* It will be found that this is quite consistent with the account given by Fox, and
that it is questionable whether there is any reliable evidence of the early preachers
shaking under the force of enthusiastic emotion, while there is much evidence of their
preaching causing evil men to "tremble at the Word of the Lord." *
t "The Quakers Quaking: A Tract to the Baptist Churches, to warn them against
Quaking Temptations," by Jeremiah Ives.
• • " Gough's History," p. 96, vol. i. Page 85, or 1650 of Journal ; also Sewel's History, pp. 32 and 83, or
1650.— " That there is no evidence whatever for the statement in Neal, describing Fox as having a 'fit of
trembling.'" This has been admitted in Dr. Toulmin's Edition of Neal.
319
Fortunately these were merely temporary effects, there
were other and permanent results of their preaching.*
To use Fox's words, but "when people came to have ex-
perience of Friends' honesty and faithfulness, and found
that their yea was yea, and their nay was nay, and that
they kept to a word in their dealings,! and that they would
not cozen and cheat them, but that if they sent a child to
their shops for anything they were as well used as if
they had come themselves, the lives and conversations of
Friends did preach, and reached the witness of God, in
the people. Then things altered so, that all the inquiry
was, "where was a draper, or shopkeeper, or tailor, or
shoemaker, or any other tradesman that was a Quaker ? " J
There can be no doubt, that whether these poor people were
able or not, to express in accurate theological terms the
nature of the change which was wrought in them, their
enemies being judges, it existed, and they were (they said)
"turned from darkness to light;" "whereas I was blind now
I see." This change, some of the bigoted religionists of
the day found as difficult to account for, as the Pharisees did
* " But notwithstanding all that was acted against us and spoken, many hundreds of
the honest and sober people owned us, and also many rude and ungodly persons were
converted to the Truth. I say many hundreds, in two years time, were brought to the
knowledge of the Lord, and to own us, all which time we laboured and travelled in
patience, giving up ourselves to live or die, and to all manner of sufferings and
reproaches, and had trials that we might fulfil faithfully what we were called unto ; the
Lord never forsook us, but His wisdom, love, life, and presence increased in us and
with us ; " 1652 to 1654. " Edward Burough's Autobiography," in his Works, 1672.
t It has been stated by Miss Whately, of Cairo, that we owe the system of fixed prices,
which now obtains in England, as opposed to the system of bargaining, to George Fox.
Without in any way invalidating this view, the author thinks it may be traced as one
of the distinctive doctrines of the ancient Baptists, in the time of Luther. See MSS.
in Lambeth Palace Library, " Codex Tennisoniani," 682. This has been the practice
among the Mennonites from the earliest period.
J " Fox's Journal," 1653.
320
the miracle performed on the man who was born blind,
described in John's Gospel.*
The number of the members of the Baptist Church in
Broadmead, on "the ninth day of this Ninth Month, 1679,
was forty-two brethren and one hundred and eight sisters,
and six 'under discipline' — total one hundred and fifty
six." f We have distinct evidence that there were at least
seven hundred members belonging to the Society -of Friends,
in Bristol, in the year 1658. { We may gain some clue
to the numbers of attenders at a later period, from the
* It is very noteworthy, that in the records of the Broadmead Church, although they
are charged with "brutish deportment to magistrates," &c, there is not the slightest
charge of the interruption of ministers and public worship. They have many grievous
things laid to their charge ; among others, the deposition of George Cowleshay, of the
city of Bristol, ironmonger, to prove that they are Jesuits, and, as we have before seen,
Baxter was carried away by "that Bedlam fancy," as Henry Denne called it, to believe
that Quakerism was a deeply laid scheme of the Pope. He declares that "Franciscan
friars and other Papists, and its like, are the very soul of all these horrible delusions."
To the terror of the Broadmead Church, the Friends printed " small paper books,"
which " further showed that it was the design of Satan carried on by Papists also."
Also we are told that " an evil spirit went along with doctrine, and had power over
some, by their speakers looking upon them ! " Dennis Holhster would hardly seem to
have been a valuable acquisition to the new Society, and the character given him in the
Broadmead records seems to have been fully justified. He published a most violent
pamphlet,* in which he denies that he ever said " the Bible was the plague of England ; "
and that excellent christian man, Thomas Ewin, the pastor of the church in Broadmead,
answers him, and shows a more excellent spirit. The sweeping character, however, of
the new movement, stumbled him, and he asks.f "Are you not joined with all the
Papists, Atheists, Banters, and ungodly rabble of the world, in this one design of the
devil to break in pieces the Church of Christ in England?"
t " Broadmead Records," p. 419.
J "Rabshakeh's Outrage Reproved; a Whip for William Grigg of Bristol;" London,
1658. Page 15, " Dost thou not know that there are many more than 700 of the people
called Quakers in and about the city of Bristol?" He says "not one" of the 700 was
concerned in Naylor's proceedings. See p. 425 of this work.
* " The Skirts of the Whore Discovered," p. 18.
t" The Church of Christ in Bristol Recovering her Vail," &c, 1651, by Thomas Ewin. Hollister replies to
this, " The Harlot's Vail Removed," &c. He declares that he and his fellow members of the " little parlia-
ment," did not " eat the bread of the people," but " were willing to spend, and be spent, in the service
of our country, according to the will of God, with our Bibles in our hands."
321
language used in a letter written on 24th November, 1660,
by E. Ellsworth, addressed to Sir E. Nicholas. Speaking
generally of Quakers, Anabaptists, and others, he says,
" These, I had almost said, monsters of men, with us are,
yea more numerous than in all the West of England; and
here they all centre, and have their meetings at all seasons
till nine o'clock at night, and later, sometimes about 1,000
or 1,200 at a time, to the great affrighting of this city."*
It is obvious that all these congregations did not assemble
at one time, and the whole evidence seems to point
to a very large attendance at the meeting-houses of the
Friends; indeed, there seems every evidence, from the
records still preserved in that meeting, that not only was
their "great" meeting-house crowded to the galleries,]: but
that occasionally the yard or alley outside was filled with
eager listeners, and there appears to have been for some
period the public meeting outside the meeting-house, and
a " private," or " retired meeting" inside. §
In a Minute, dated 12th July, 1678, these "retired
meetings " seem to have been introduced as something
new — "atrial of the conveniency and benefit thereof" —
an experiment, which in a subsequent Minute, 1 0th
Eleventh Month, 1678, they decided to continue, " upon
consideration of the benefit to Friends in such meetings
(we) do desire a long continuance thereof." The Minute
runs thus : "It being proposed by Lawrence Steele, in
* Letter in Record Office.
J In 1671 the Baptist Church in Broadmead took "the meeting-house at the lower
end of Broadmead, where the heretics called Quakers had formerly used to meet," a
room 48 feet by 45 feet. This is believed to be the site of the present Welsh Chapel in
Broadmead. This was first let to the Baptists, and was then occupied by Wesley, and
passed from the Wesleyans to its present owners. There appears to be great difficulty
in arriving at the area of the original meeting-house.
§ See Minute, 10th Eleventh Month, 1678. Bristol M.M. Book.
Z
\
322
the love of God, unto this meeting, that it might be
beneficial to Friends to spend some time upon the First
Days in pure retirement and silence before the Lord, in the
withdrawing of as many as are free out of our public meeting
in the afternoon into such an assembly." * The inference
is clear, that the public meeting in a town like Bristol was
mainly occupied with preaching and vocal prayer, so much
so, that they found relief in " sylence." This, it appears,
by an entry, 14th Seventh Month, 1676, was even then
unsuited to "the ruder sort of people," and complaint is
made that they left immediately after the last prayer,
instead of waiting for the meeting to conclude.
In the year 1700, the meeting received 300 copies of
" Barclay's Apology," for which they paid to Tasse Sowle
.£33 Is. 6d. Taking into account that there had been pre-
vious editions of this book, the number is clearly very large.
The population of Bristol in the year 1685 was, accord-
ing to Lord Macaulay's estimate, 29,000f, and we see at
once that the preaching of Fox and his adherents had a
great and permanent effect in this, the second manufactur-
ing and mercantile city in England.]:
The minute books of the meeting show at once that
the adherents of the new Society were largely drawn from
* In "times of persecution," it is however "to dissolve and not be," lest it should
"encourage Friends to withdraw from public meetings."
t The grounds on which this estimate was arrived at was the number of houses, viz.,
5,300, ascertained from the returns of the hearth money; then rating the proportion of
inhabitants to houses as fifty-five inhabitants to ten houses (which was ascertained in
London to be the correct rate), this gives 29,000 inhabitants. This is obviously a
liberal estimate, because in London tbere would probably be found more inhabitants to
each house.
J In Charles the Second's time no provincial town in the kingdom contained 30,000
inhabitants, and only four provincial towns contained as many as 10,000. For this
and the preceding information as to the population of Bristol, I am indebted to J. Leech,
Esq., of Bristol.
323
the artizan class. Carpenters, bakers, tobacco-cutters,
butchers, tailors, apothecaries, gallipot makers, grocers,
wool-combers, soap-boilers, shoe-makers, wire -drawers,
mariners, merchants, saddlers, blacksmiths, silk weavers,
gunsmiths, tilers, are found to have been constantly
marrying, while a minute dated 31st Sixth Month, 1699,
censures "Friends' coaches" driving up to the meeting-
house; they should "stay in the street, as some have been
hurt." They were sorely troubled by the " rude boyes "
in the gallery of the large meeting-house misbehaving
themselves. For several years they made great efforts, by
committees, sufficiently to restrain them, e.g., from rushing
boisterously down the stairs when the meeting was over,
and even behaving irreverently in the time of public wor-
ship, and also playing outside.* Their behaviour at last
(in 1697) even infected " the girls " by their bad example.
The schoolmaster afterwards appears on the scene, and
fewer complaints of bad behaviour are made. It would
seem that attenders, as well as members, were married at
the meeting-house, f
In 1693 the "morning meeting on First-days " begins to
be over much thronged. The afternoon meeting evidently
was the most thronged. The artizan class probably
assembled (as is mostly the case now) at the later period
in the day, and it was necessary to have both the " great
meeting-house in Broadmead," and the smaller one hi
Temple Street, open for public worship. This large and
important Church had several eminent ministers, of whom
may be mentioned Charles Marshall, whose writings show
him to have been a sound, well educated, eloquent, christian
* Their parents are to be " communicated with," and if in vain they "must not take
it hard if they find their children in Bridewell." 21st Second Month, 1701.
t This was the case to a large extent also in Ireland.
Z 2
324
man. Their christian liberality was appealed to from all
parts of the kingdom. Their own poor constantly claimed
their attention; they were, however, not above claiming for
their poor such legal provision as was in existence.
On 26th Sixth Month, 1700, the case of Rebecca Russel is
considered, and " R. Snead is desired to lay her case before
the churchwardens and overseers of the poor at Bedminster,
and in case she cannot get relief, that she make her case
known to the justices at their next meeting at Hayland,
for that she may depend upon the city for relief. But at
present to supply her at times as far as tenpence shall
( indfeuLt ) to be made good out of the public stock."
On 9th Twelfth Month, 1682, the " sufferings and afflic-
tions of the poor Friends in this City " were so great, that
the Quarterly Meeting of York, to show " the great sense of
compassion" they had, " sent a token of thirty pounds" to
be distributed " to those who have the most need." The
meeting at Bristol " tenderly accepts their brotherly love
towards us." On the 26th September, 1696, the distress
was so great, that the meeting agreed " to set the
poor to work in the weaving trade." J6420 was collected
at once as capital (which was, doubtless, assisted out of
the public stock). A large, commodious factory building
was built.* This "workhouse," or factory, was maintained
for a lengthened period by the early Society of Friends.
They made capital woollen stuffs, &c, of which samples
still remain, the colours of which are not particularly drab,
and they were purchased by tradesmen all over England,
* Note. — Which has lately been turned into an admirable Mission Hall and School
premises. Any person visiting it, will find on a Sunday evening 500 or 600 men and
women attending the services there held, of precisely the same class of persons, viz.,
the artizans of Bristol, who formed the largest portion of the early church there.
There are no fewer than 500 children taught on Sundays, besides the day schools ;
adult classes for men, lectures, and readings, being given during the week.
325
principally by members of the Society. In 1692 they
established a book shop. The morality of the working-
class of Friends seems to have been high. Occasionally
they compelled the delinquent who had dishonored his
profession, to sign a paper of condemnation. The ale-
house appears to have been the greatest cause of stum-
bling, and once (7th Second Month, 1701) a case ol
flagrant immorality is mentioned, their grief respecting
which is simply told; "we remember not the like to have
happened amongst us before." " The Holy Scriptures do
positively say, that such shall not inherit the kingdom of
God," &c. Great care is extended in apprenticing young
people. The orphan is cared for, and details are entered
into thus : " Charles Jones is desired to supply E. Pane's
child with two shirts and one pair of breeches." But
there is no narrow spirit in their sympathies. In First
Month, 26th, 1688, "the necessity of some of the French
Protestants now in this city lying before the consideration
of this meeting. This meeting agreed that a collection
shall be made publicly, in the public meeting, on the 8th of
2nd Month next." Four eminent and wealthy members are
appointed " to attend the doors to receive what Friends are
free to give. Charles Harford is desired to give notice of
the collection to the meeting next First-day afternoon, to the
end that Friends may come prepared to give." "And this
collection at the doors (9th Second Month, 1688), with
some small addition since brought in, amounts to the sum
of £21 2s. 2d." This evidences both the size of the con-
gregation and their Christian liberality; being a vast sum
considering the difference of value, to be collected at the
doors of a church. Then, on 6th Second Month, 1704, they
gave no less than £18 19s. 4d. " for the suffering Protestants
of the principality of Orange." It is an interesting fact,
326
that the excellent practice of making public collections in
this manner, is still continued in this meeting for the Bible
Society and other public objects, while it has been generally
discontinued in the Society, showing the changes which
have taken place from the time when the meetings appealed
at the " public meeting " to the public generally, for the
common objects of Christian charity.
In 1696, at the Yearly Meeting at Bristol, they say "not
a jar, rent, or schism hath so much as appeared amongst
us," and that the accounts they had from " the several
counties which constitute this yearly assembly, concerning
the affairs of truth, were very comfortable, for the work of
the Lord goes on, and the house of David grows stronger
and stronger." Up to 1719, the accounts given in the
minutes of this Yearly Meeting show that " the doctrine of
the Gospel has been plentifully preached, both to the edifi-
cation of his flock and family, as well as the information
of strangers " (1718). The object of those who, in 1719,
were wishing that " the circular-yearly-meeting system
should be carried out vigorously and have greater extension,"
was " the propagation of the Gospel and the doctrine of
Truth among those who are strangers to it." In Somerset-
shire there were thirty-seven meetings of Friends on 31st
May, 1668. In the records of this meeting there are
preserved two books of the " attendance of ministers,"
(dating from 1728-9 to 1770, which are, doubtless, the only
two remaining, as there is no entry at the commencement
of the books as is usual when an entirely new book is
commenced). The ministers were accustomed to meet
every Monday, and arrange for the attendance of two
ministers at the two meetings, Temple Street and Fryars
in Bristol, and for Keynsham, Frenchay, and many other
meetings in the district round the city. The " circular
327
Yearly Meetings " were held at Gloucester, and as far north
as Kidderminster, and as far south as Exeter. The annals
of the Church in Bristol, are a proof of the solid and
enduring results of the itinerant lay preaching, developed
by Fox as the founder of a Christian Society.
CHAPTER XIV.
Richard Baxter meets the Itinerant Preachers. His
dislike of Lay Preaching. Questions addressed to
the new Ministry by Baptists and Friends. The
Preachers under the Control of Fox. Care taken
in the Employment of Women Preachers. Evan-
gelistic Work in London.
The preachers in connection with Fox, early encountered
Richard Baxter, and received his unsparing and bitter
opposition. It would he difficult to select a man of equal
celebrity, whose character shows a greater lack of capacity
to understand the public men and the real bearing of the
measures of his day. His credulity was very great. Whilst
pleading for peace and moderation, his intolerance of
those who assailed the Presbyterian party carried him to
extremes, which in a later period of his life he deplored.
It was not wonderful that he should be regarded by the new
Society, as one of the principal upholders of the worldly
power of a new spiritual tyranny, which every Christian was
bound to oppose, even to prison and to death. Baxter, on
the other hand, acutely seeing their organized plans of
proceeding, considered them as " new-headed with some
" secret dissembling friars, and by them and by the devil,
" enraged against the ministers of Christ," (i.e., the
329
Presbyterians), "and set upon the propagating of the
substance of Popery."*
Thomas Goodair and James Naylor paid several visits to
Kidderminster, and preached in the town, and appear to
have established a meeting there. There can be little
doubt that they spread some of their tracts or papers
in the town, and that Baxter, as a vigilant pastor, en-
countered them with one of these in his hand, and bluntly
demanded " What all these heavy accusations meant ? "
"Greedy dumb dogs," "Child of the devil," "Son of
perdition," &c. Naylor probably replied, exactly as he
did in print, that they were " Scriptural expressions,"
and used in Scripture to apply to a certain class of
persons who deserved them. Baxter does not say that
they called him, personally, these hard names, but that
they said he was called " master " and " stood on the high
place to preach;" " studied" his sermons, " preached by an
hour-glass, and would limit the Spirit (if he had it)," and
took " tithes." Thomas Goodair charged him, he says, to
be " empty of the Spirit " because he studied, "and he (i.e.,
T. G.) told me he did not study, no, not in speaking, what
to say ! I the less marvel at his nonsense, but I pray God
forgive me that I study no more. Do you think we cannot
talk without study, as well as you ? I can bring you a
woman fit for the grumble-stool " (the ducking-stool in
which " scolds" were inhumanly ducked) "that shall, with-
out study, talk it out with the best of you ! " " Does the
Spirit exclude reason and prudence, and set a man's tongue going
so that he cannot stop it?" "If all have the light," said
Baxter, " why may not I have it?"
They asked Baxter who gave him "a commission to
* Preface to Quaker's Catechism.
330
preach," but he was far too skilful a disputant to be caught
with the question which had entangled many an unfortunate
Presbyterian parson. So he answered by offering, he says
"your prater" to show him "my commission from Heaven, if he
would show me his ! " He told me "it was invisible." And
"Why," retorted Baxter, "may you not take the answer
that you give?" Naylor replied to this, that it was "invisible
to the ivorld," and such as Baxter. Baxter appears to have
ended the conversation, by offering to come into their con-
gregation and answer them. For some reasons they did
not accept this, but Goodair immediately after came into
Baxter's church. Baxter was ill, but his assistant, on
being questioned by Goodair, after the service was con-
cluded, "fled," called an officer, and Goodair was sent to
prison. Goodair says, that "no such thing as an affront
was offered either by uncivil words or gestures," and to
call him a "disturber of the peace is but a cover and
shuffle, as there was no law transgressed." Naylor says
that the reason they did not accept Baxter's challenge to
dispute in the Quakers' assemblies, was because Goodair
was "twice imprisoned by Baxter's sending." This Baxter
denies. They again met at Worcester, but they appear,
as Baxter commenced a paper warfare, to have preferred
continuing it. With the most practised logician in
England they were clearly over-matched. Later on Penn
encountered him, and possibly Baxter found that there
was more to dispute upon in Quakerism than he had
imagined, since only night separated the combatants, each
party claiming the victory. "Your prater," says Baxter,
"feared not before God to affirm, that if I had no pay
I would not preach, and I do here profess before the
same God, that he is a liar, and I prove it because I have
long preached without pay." To this Naylor provokingly
331
challenges him to "come out and preach without pay, and
then he will agree with him that the prater is a liar."*
Baxter said that the Quakers "empty the churches of the
Anabaptists and the Separatists — the young, unsettled —
and those who have ( ?io religiousness,' " and "therefore I
would do all that I can to hinder such an emptying of their
churches as tendeth to the more certain filling of Hell!"
Naylor replies to him, " Some of your (i.e., the Presby-
terian) churches are so emptied," and says, that " those
whom the Anabaptists and Separatists turn out, your priests
receive as rare converts ... as long as they have pig or
goose ! "
Baxter had a violent antipathy to lay preaching. Not
only did he attack the preachers of the new Society as
incompetent, but in his " Cure of Church Divisions," 1670,
objects to the Independents' and Baptists' preaching as " a
pitiful, raw and ignorant, affectionate manner of expression,
and loudness of preacher's voice."
In a tract, written on the part of the Separatists, "An
antidote against Mr. Baxter's palliated cure of Church
Divisions," &c, the writer severely criticises Mr. Baxter's
views, especially in speaking reproachfully against " the
preaching which God doth ordinarily own as his " instru-
ment in working conversions by," and claims for the
preachers of " a Gospel separation," an " affectionate and
zealous earnestness," as well as " depth of learning."
* Baxter, in his autobiography, explains what was the state of the case. A private
arrangement was made between himself and the magistrates and burgesses. The old
incumbent was set aside; Baxter was to have £100 and a house, while he only actually
got a clear £80 or £90, and a few rooms at the top of another man's house, and out of
this he undertook to provide £40 for a preacher for Mitton, a chapel in the parish, and
therefore doubtless he received nothing but his subsistence.* Probably, however,
Baxter also spoke of his chaplainship in the army.
• " Baxter's Autobiography," p. 79.
332
Baxter complains that the Quakers followed him home,
crying out in the streets, " The day of the Lord is coming,
and thou shalt perish as a deceiver ! " They cried under
his windows, year after year, " Take heed of your priests ! "
When he went along London streets " the Quakers in
their shops say, ' Alas ! poor man, thou art yet in dark-
ness!'" In the "Quakers' Catechism," a work which Baxter
wrote in hot haste (it took him "a day or two" to write),
he addresses them as "miserable creatures," and classes
with them the "Separatists and Anabaptists of England."*
It was not possible after this treatment, that they should
be prepared to see the excellencies of his Christian
character, especially as he was the leading spirit in
petitioning the Parliament on behalf of the Presbyterian
ministers' State maintenance. This was attacked in a
pamphlet by Thomas Aldam and others, entitled the
" Threefold state of Antichrist, Pope, the Bishops, and the
Presbyters."
Baxter had in late years to admit the good service done
to the cause of liberty of conscience by the despised
Quakers. Towards the end of his life we see how nearly
he approached Fox in the spirituality of his views, in the
following sentence: "I am now," he says, " much more
* In " Gildas Salvianus, the Eeformed Pastor" — published in 1657 — one of Baxter's
most valuable works, he goes out of his way to call Eichard Farnsworth (a man of the
highest character) "A wretch." In " The Ministers' Agreement for Catechising," they
confessed that they had " neglected the work of the Lord," and Farnsworth had
availed himself of the confession to prove them "no ministers of Christ," &o.
Farnsworth held that the exclamation, in the Seventh Chapter of Eomans, of the
Apostle Paul, " Oh, wretched man that I am," &c, applied to him in his unconverted
or partially awakened state; and the Eighth Chapter of Eomans described the con-
dition of the Christian. Baxter says the reverse — he calls the Quakers " impudent
revilers," and, while using language of this kind, complains bitterly of his antagonist!
Compare Archbishop Whateley's remarks on the Seventh of Eomans, in "Cautions for
the Times," pp. 469 to 471.
333
apprehensive than heretofore, of the necessity of well
grounding men in their religion, and especially of the
witness of the indwelling Spirit. For I more sensibly
perceive that the Spirit is the greatest witness of Christ and
Christianity to the world, and, though the folly of fanatics
tempted me to overlook the strength of this testimony of
the Spirit, yet now I see that the Holy Ghost in another
manner, is the witness of Christ, and His Agent in the
world. The Spirit in the prophets was his first witness,
and the Spirit by miracles was the second, and the Spirit
by renovation, sanctification, illumination, and consolation,
assimilating the soul to Christ and Heaven, is the continued
witness to all true believers, and ' if any man have not the
Spirit of Christ he is none of His.'"*
There can hardly be a doubt that the views of the
.despised Separatists, Anabaptists, Independents, and
Quakers, respecting the importance of the separation of
Church and State, will be amply vindicated; and it will be
tardily admitted, that George Fox saw this and some other
matters, in a far clearer light than the learned and pious
Baxter.
We have already shown that the new Presbyterian minis-
ters were far from popular. They were generally regarded
as perfectly illegal ministers, and were therefore challenged
to show from Scripture their right to their position, and
to the impost of tithes, and it was not altogether un-
acceptable to their parishioners to see them placed in
this somewhat uncomfortable position. This accounts for
the way in which they submit to answer questions which,
had there been no change from Episcopacy to Presby-
terianism, there would have been no ground for asking,
* Autobiography, pp. 127, 128, folio edition, part i.
334
and to which a regular clergyman would have simply
declined to answer.
This system of questioning the State- supported Ministry
was commenced by the Baptists.* In 1649, we find a
Kentish Baptist addressing a series of questions to John
Couch, Master of Arts and Minister of God's Word, which
we annex below. \ In 1652, we find Varvasor Powell doing
the same. The following may be taken as a fair example
of the sort of questions addressed to the new Presbyterian
ministry. William Emerson could hardly be one of the
New Society — "the Children of the Light" — although he
is spoken of as a "Quaker," if he wrote in 1648, since
the first publication of George Fox was in 1652. {
* " The Quakers' practice in opposing and questioning the ministers in their con-
gregations — declare themselves disciples of the Anabaptists " — " The Quakers' Jesus,"
by W. Grigg, London, 1658.
t " Anabaptistorum Scrupuli: or, An Answer of a Kentish Anabaptist, made in the
Year 1649," by John Couch, Master of Arts and Minister of God's Word. London,
1650. B.M.
The Anabaptist Queries : —
1. Whether the multitude be the Church? or, whether the gospel churches be not a
company of people who are visible saints in outward profession.
2. Whether you are a Minister of Jesus Christ at all? and whether you have a right
call to be our minister? and whether, to your knowledge, did you ever call home any
soul to God?
3. Whether infant baptism be an ordinance of Christ, or an abomination of anti-
christ? or, whether believers in profession are not of right the subject of Baptism?
4. Whether it be a greater sin to omit the Lord's Supper, or to come unprepared to it?
7. Whether was it the love of Christ, or the love of our tythes, that moved you to
preach to us ?
9. Whether you ever find the world and the Church in Scripture, ever make a visible
body in worship as your parish do in singing together ? and whether so singing be not
an abomination?
\ "Answer to a Quaker's Seventeen Heads of Queries, containing in them Seventy-
seven Questions," by John Bewick, Minister of the Gospel, and Eector of the Parish
Church of Stanhope, in Weredale, in the county of Durham; London, was pub-
lished in 1660, probably a second edition. This John Bewick wrote a work in 1642,
on lay preaching. "William Emerson's Questions to John Bewick" — without date,
335
We find he addressed the following question to John
Bewick, called minister of Stanhope. The minister of
Stanhope is thus temperately addressed : — " Friend, who
calls thyself a minister of Jesus Christ, and the Scriptures
to be the rule, show me out of the Scriptures when the
Apostles, or the Disciples, or the Ambassadors of the
Lord Jesus Christ, or any of the Saints or Believers ran
up and down, or sent up and down, and wrangled with
parishes for tith calves, tith pigs, geese, or eggs, apples,
hey, wool, lambs, flax, fowls, plow pennies, bees, garden,
or for money for smoak passing up chimnies. * Answer me
this by Scriptures out of the Apostles' or Disciples' practice,
and give me plain Scripture for it, or else I shall never
believe that thou art a minister of Christ, but hath the
tiths from the author the Pope, come up since the days of
the Apostles. Would' st thou rule among the people if they
should take away thy means ? — divine, if they should take
away thy money ? — keep the flock, if they should take
away the fleece ?"
John Bewick, minister of Stanhope, stands manfully to
his colours, and quotes Leviticus, &c; he asserts that to
murmur against the "ministers' maintenance is doubtless a
murmuring against God, because He did not make us to be
creatures to live without food and raiment," and then gives a
home thrust in reply to the question by Emerson : " Dost
thou own the prophesying sons and daughters of this age ?"
and apparently a very early publication — are in Devonshire House Library. If we
suppose him to have been a " Friend," Bewick's preface will show that the nickname
of Quaker was given as early as "12th January, 1648," if that date is not a misprint.
The expressions in the work seem clearly to show that it is of earlier date than 1660.
* This was the Peter's pence, which had been continued to the clergy by Elizabeth.
— " Arraignment of Popery," by G. Fox, p. 106 : — " Quaker : ' What, had the Pope a
penny for every chimney in England that smoked ? ' Papist : ' Yes.'
336
Bewick : " I disown all preaching daughters of men which
are in this age, — both the Jesuitesses among the Papists,
and the prophetesses late sprung up among deluded
Protestants, — yet they may be said to prophesy according
to such signification of the word prophesy, which allows to
any professor (though he be no preacher) of the Gospel. *
It will be noticed that the first female preacher among
Fox's adherents began to preach in 1650, f and she was
one of his first converts ; we have here therefore women's
preaching again alluded to as not uncommon, two years
before that date.
Sometimes they invited the Presbyterian minister to
discussion, and "made him confess that he was a minister
made by the State and maintained by the State ; " } and
sometimes the encounter took place after the weekly lecture
was over in the church. On one occasion, after an address
from Thomas Briggs, one of the preachers in connection
with Fox, the priest defended himself, and was " very
subtle;" but " with the Light " was " seen " and "judged."
And so they asked the priest Harrison, " Who sent him ?"
He said " Christ." "If," said they, " he was a minister of
Christ, and cleansed by His blood," they bid him "name
one of the congregation whom he had turned from the evil of
his ways." So the unfortunate " priest " called out one of
his converts as a sample of the fruits of his labours. This
was pretty severe, but they then cross-examined the convert,
and they asked him " If he was redeemed ? " And the man
replied that " he was subject to sin as long as he was in the
*"Bewick's Keply to Emerson's Questions," &c, — King's Pamphlets, British
Museum, pp. 1 — 7. This shows that the exercise of lay " prophesying " was not
entirely disowned by the Presbyterians. See p. 156 ; note, as to women's prophesy-
ing among the Presbyterians.
t Sewel, p. 46. J " Fox's Journal," — Cornwall, p. 161, 3rd folio edition.
337
flesh."* This specimen of the fruits of the priest's
teaching was rejected, because he was not "turned from the
evil of his ways." The object of Christ's coming was not
to save His people in their sins, but from their sins. Christ
"gave himself for us, to redeem us from all iniquity." f
" Ministers of Christ " are for " the perfecting of the
saints," &c, &c. There appears in this instance to have
been some special force in the convert's saying he was
" subject to sin," for " the priest was so confounded that
he went away, and but one of his hearers with him." We
have before remarked that the doctrine of " perfection," as
taught by Fox and his preachers, will be found on careful
examination to have been substantially the same as that
taught by Wesley and Fletcher; and it subjected the
" Friends " to similar persecution from extreme Calvinists,
but to an extent far exceeding anything which can now be
readily imagined. {
Sometimes these questionings were put in the form of a
printed poster, or broadside. The following extracts are
from some of G. Fox's. § " Friend, who art called a
Teacher of this people of the way of God, how many hast
thou brought into it ? " " Or art thou thyself in it ? "
" How many hast thou brought out of evil ways ? " "Or
art thou thyself out of evil ways ? " " Wilt thou preach
* " Swarthmore Papers." — 390.
t " Fox's Journal," 3rd folio edition, p. 30. Then did the priests bestir themselves to
preach up sin for term of life. — See also pp. 471, 472 &c. Worcester, 1674. Fox sets
forth his views very clearly here.
X On one occasion they were asserted to " boast of perfection," and the reply was :
" We own perfection, but we do not boast of it ! " It was " a going on unto per-
fection," and a perfection in " their measure " which was attainable. " Would Christ
and His Apostles constantly urge this going on unto perfection, if a state answering to
their intentions was unattainable ? "
§ York Minster Library — Fly sheets, No. 45. •' A few plain words, by way of querie
and information, to the teachers and people of this nation." — By George Fox, 1660.
A A
\
338
peace to them that curse and swear, that are drunkards,
such as are adulterers, idolators, envious, strikers, covetous,
mockers ; such as follow pleasures and live wantonly on the
earth, and liars, cozeners, and cheaters, while they put into
thy mouth ? " " Do they ill who be in Ezekiel's spirit
now ? — that cry against such as make a prey of the sheep
for the fleece in the cloudy and dark day?" " Have ye
the same spirit and power the prophets and apostles had,
who call yourselves teachers ? — If not, how can ye sow
spiritual things ? " " Have these had the same spirit and
power the apostles had, that have had their gaols, houses of
correction, inquisitions, to hold up their church, worship,
religion, ministry and maintenance, seeing the apostles said,
1 their weapons were not carnal but spiritual ? ' " " Did
they plunder and rifle the houses of people for not mending
their temple, and paying the dark that turns the glass
(hour-glass), and says 'Amen,' and lays the cushion and
hangs the priest's pulpit ? " " Was the Scripture given
forth for men to make a trade of them ; or for men to read
them and believe in them, and come unto the thing they
speak of ? "
Again, in 1655, to the Presbyterian ministry : — " If ye
claim tythes by the law of man, are ye not State ministers,
and no ministers of Christ ? " " Are ye not, therefore,
State ministers, having your allowance by the law of man,
and not from the allowance of Christ, who said, ' Freely ye
have received, freely give ' — preach the Gospel, live of the
Gospel." " Are these State ministers — yea, or nay ? "
Then with regard to the sale of livings, he is bitterly
sarcastic upon the Puritan divines who had not long ago
cried down such doings : — " Are they not in ' the gall of
bitterness and the bond of iniquity,' that think the gift of
God can be purchased for money ? — and doth not the
339
Apostle tell your friend Simon that the gift of God is not to
be bought or sold for money ? Tell your friend Simon
so ! " *
In 1653 Fox appears to have demanded of the ministers
an answer, "in writing," to his queries, under the stern threat
that he would post them " upon the cross, or in the market
or steeple-house, so truth will not be baffled with deceit ! "
The lines do not appear to have fallen to the new ministers
in very pleasant places, when Fox and his friends appeared
on the scene. Those who were christian men generally
replied mildly to their questions, and we cannot but see
that some of the queries were calculated to have a salu-
tary effect upon men who were crowding far too eagerly to
enjoy the good things winch were offered them by the
benefices of England; who had had tender consciences, and
scrupled many things in the days when the Puritan party
was a persecuted minority, but were now showing how far
their profession of the strictest and most biblical Chris-
tianity could bear the strain of prosperity.
In the minutes of the Quarterly Meeting of Cornwall,
in 1668, " A list of all turncoat and weathercock priests in
the county/' who. changed their Puritan or Presbyterian
principles for Episcopacy, was ordered to be kept.
We shall now endeavour to redeem our promise to our
readers,! and show that/ those persons who conceive that
the preachers who founded the Society of Friends, wandered
over Great Britain, and travelled elsewhere, impelled by a
vague and restless impulse of the Spirit; without any
human guidance, organization, or distinct aim, are greatly
mistaken. Instead of this, we shall find that preachers
* G. F.'s " Queries to Priests," 1655. — Swarthmore Papeis.
t See pp. 265, 268, and 269.
A V 2
340
were supplied for congregations; that they were displaced
or " called in" — were sent to particular places where their
gifts were specially likely to be useful. We find all the
features of a well-organized system of itinerant lay preach-
ing, something similar to that of the Wesleyans at the
present day. ) Those who were acquainted with the Society
of Friends twenty years ago, will be struck with the differ-
ence between the picture presented to us by the original
letters of the men who founded the Society of Friends and
that which they recollect as then existing. The things
which were done by the founders of the Society of Friends,
in active home missionary effort, would at that period have
been condemned by the modern Society as contrary to the
primitive and fundamental principles of the Early Friends.
Among the travelling preachers, as we have seen, Fox
occupied a position of vast influence. At one period, above
seventy-three ministers were travelling, over whom he
exercised control.* An account of their proceedings is
given to the head quarters at Swarthmore Hall.f Fox is
* Letter 303, G. Taylor to Margaret Fell, 7th month, 1658.
t In 1658 they disputed with the " Manifestarians."* But the " Manifestariana
manifested their folly," and were soon " set fast and could not tell how to answer."
They pleaded that it was dinner time, much to the dissatisfaction of the two ministers.
After dinner, the Manifestarians got into the steeple-house, and " acting priest-like,"
sent to Naylor and Farnsworth to come to them.
At Drypole, near Hull, in 1654, a public meeting appears to have been held, open to
all denominations. The people, it is remarked, were " very attentive until our time
was nearly spent." '* Then stood up a light vain spirit in one of the Baptists, a teacher
of theirs, and began an oration," but at last " his own company cried against him."
In 1654, we find Naylor engaged in disputing with a sort of Baptists, " who denied
that faith was the gift of God." They called upon Naylor to prove his faith by a
• The Manifestarians were the followers of Thomas Moore, who preached in Lincolnshire, some parts of
Norfolk and Cambridgeshire. They held " peace principles," and appear to have had some curious opinions.
They are catalogued by the indefatigable Edwards in his list of Errors, &c, in the 3rd part of the Gangrcena
(Error No. 13). " Some of the Manifestarians hold that they have seen Christ visibly, and seen the Devil
also."
341
consulted in matters of importance. They apply to him
for liberty to return, and for some other preacher to be sent
in their place to fulfil arrangements for meetings already
made. Thus Thos. Goodyear writes to G. Fox, in 1653 :
" I desire thee (if thou in thy wisdom find it meet so to do)
to send up some Friend who is in the life and power of
Truth, about two weeks hence, up to Swannington, then the
day after the day called Christmas day, that I may have
the liberty of returning, if but for a time ; to thy discretion
I leave it."
In 1653, Thos. Holmes wrote to Margaret Fell : —
" George hath sent for me to pass among Friends where he
hath been in Leicestershire and Warwickshire." Again, in
1653, Thomas Killaru and Thomas Goodair write to George
Fox : — " Tender and careful Brother, — According to the
charge thou laid upon me, I have been at Coventry upon a
lecture day, and I went to the steeple-house and was moved
to speak to the priests, &c, &c."
T. Curtis to G. Fox, 8th Eleventh Month, 1658.—
" According to thy desire I was at Kemble, when a very
great and precious meeting I had. Fish of all sorts, besides
Friends. Many of the world. Some baptized, and some of
Crab's company." Some Baptists asked questions,, and
they were " satisfied in all but their water-baptism."
Oliver Atherton writes to Margaret Fell, 17th Tenth
Month, 1660 : — " I received a letter from James Harrison,
upon the 8th day of the Ninth Month, wherein he gave me
miracle, and it is worth noticing that Naylor objected to such a demand, and cautioned
the people to " take heed how they followed such as durst not try their faith with the
Scriptures."
In 1659, we find at a general meeting, appointed by Alex. Parker, probably at
Sherrington, " many of Bunyan's people attended," and that " only one woman of
Bunyan's society opposed." This shows that women were allowed the right of
speaking, and even disputing, at their meetings.
842
to understand that G-. Fox hath laid it upon him, John
Shield, and myself, to go into Staffordshire and to get
meetings up and down in that county and in the town of
Stafford, in order to which I freely gave up. Bichard
Moore was also " moved to go with him." They held
meetings as follows : —
18th Ninth Month
, Manchester
1 meeti
agin
the evening.
Sunday, 19th
M
i»
1 ,,
morning.
19th
It
„
1 „
evening.
20th & 21st
»»
Stockport,
2 „
22nd
II
Congleton,
1 M
23rd
»>
Butterton,
1 „
THere they met two other")
L travelling preachers. J
24th
• 1
At the Ford
1 I,
25th
II
Grim.
26th
»»
Bramshull,
iH
And they held meetings in the neighbourhood daily for two
weeks, at Leek. At Bashford the Eanters and Baptists
came, and E. Moore "declared" at the market-cross, and
had much service in the neighbourhood. At Ecclesham
they found " a wild people." At Edgmount they held three
meetings, and here John Shield joined them. At Shrews-
bury the meeting was interrupted by the soldiers, &c. The
journey ended by 0. Atherton the writer, and twenty-one
others being committed to the common jail at Shrewsbury.
In 1656 there are frequent statements that such and
such preachers are to be at certain places named, on such
and such days, which implies order and arrangement.
On the 16th Fifth Month, 1656, we find a very interest-
ing entry: — "Walter Clement writes to Margaret Fell: —
Next day we came to Shrewsbury, where we found some
soldiers (that were quartered there) newly convinced, some
of whom were very tender, and we were informed that the
townspeople begin to come in much to meetings. They
desire a Friend in the Ministry. The soldiers are wise."
In later times such was the influence of quietism of the
343
Lady Guion stamp, that this desire for a minister would
have been strongly condemned. There is a desire evinced
in these letters, that the little churches founded by the
preacher, should not be left entirely "to wait," and that not
only they should be visited by the travelling preachers, but
that some minister should be sent to " stay a while " with
them,* and act as elder till the church was regularly con-
stituted. " J. Naylor to Margaret Fell, 1653 : " The work
is great and many desires begot, and people flock in apace,
praises to our God for ever. We came to Cleveland ....
people would meet in every place, had they but any to
watch over them. ... I should be glad to see Francis
Howgill, or John Audland here,* or Thomas Goodair if
George was free to send for him he might be serviceable to
meet with them, and would keep them together till they were
established."
In 1654 James Naylor writes to G. Fox, " At Kingston
and Theobalds are constant meetings set up, and some sent
to them every First- day." There is frequent mention of
visits to Baptist meetings, and the attendance of Baptists
at their meetings, where the Baptists had equal liberty
after the preacher had done to preach.
1658. Thomas Curtis, of Beading, writes to G. Fox,
describing a meeting at Dunstable : — " A multitude was
soon come together of Baptists and the world; a precious
meeting we had, when we published truth to them clearly.
Then one of their preachers stood up and preached his old
garment of Water, and after he had done we preached Light
and Truth again. Not once one interrupted the other, so
that we found our service exceeding serviceable unto all.
* Priscilla Coton to M. Fell, 20th Ninth Month, 1660, sees a necessity for " T. Salt-
house abiding in these parts some time, for there is need both in Cornwall and
Devonshire — some baptize."
344
So we left (it) to that of God in all consciences to judge."
There was an amount of tolerant wisdom in this, which
might he often followed in its spirit with advantage. He
visited them again in a fortnight as there was a "mighty,
hungering." The Baptists who met with them sadly stum-;
bled Thomas Curtis and his friends, as "every man had
his tobacco pipe in his mouth, and made such a smoke in
the room that it stank exceedingly." The Baptists smoked
on through the sermons.
In 1658 John Sands writes to G. Fox, that " Uxbridge
meeting had declined since Edward Burrough, who founded
it, had gone elsewhere," and he asks G. Fox " to send a
minister." In 1658, Thomas Ollive writes to G. Fox : " I
heard by a Friend this day three weeks, at a meeting, as
laid down by thee," (here we have evidence of a plan) " that
there was a service for me at London if I was free. Since
I heard it I have not seen anything against it, as in my-
self, and so this day I was moved to write to thee." In
1656 Arthur Cotten writes to Fox, that to "these two
counties, Cornwall and Devon, there may be some sent
which power and wisdom guides, and rather men Friends,
for they do not care to have any women."
There was a strong general objection to women preachers,
and the ministers strongly caution Fox against employing
them too freely. William Caton writes to Margaret Fell,
1656: " I spoke to G. Fox concerning the women, or rather
sisters, that hath been fellow helpers in the Gospel. He
said little to it, but that some of them might cease. Yet
he said they would be glad of ivomen or any in these parts."
Particulars are then given of who are to go to certain parts.
Edward Burrough writes to Fox very strongly,* urging
* Letter in Portfolio, Devonshire House Library, no date.
345
that more care should be taken in the selection of suitable
persons for preachers — a difficulty which will always occur
in any extensive scheme of lay-preaching, and which was
experienced by Wesley. "I lie it upon thee, that none go
forth but when the life (of Christianity) is manifested, and
wisdom is grown to discern and order. For some hath
been here, and we hear of some in our passage in Lan-
cashire, which gives great occasion, and makes the truth
evil spoken of, and we have the worse passage." Some
had given occasion of stumbling, and he adds, " Call them in
when they come out of prison." It will be seen from this
letter, that great care was taken and a strict control exer-
cised over the preachers, and that this control was exercised
by Fox. Edward Burrough, in 1656,* disapproves of one
of the women preachers, so he sends her to Fox, with this
pithy note : " This little short maid that comes to thee,
she has been this long while abroad, and in her there is
little or no service as in the ministry. It were well to be
laid on her to be a servant somewhere. That is more her
place. I leave it to thee. Friends where she has been
have been burdened by her." Surely here is evidence of
the existence of enthusiasm, and yet of sound good sense
being used to govern it. They evidently did not allow the
women ministers to " usurp authority " over the men.
William Dewsbury, a noted minister, severely rebukes
Elizabeth Coates, and orders her " to return to her place
in the outward (i.e., her home) and wait." " Take heed of
forwardness lest thou lavish in words what thou seest in
vision ! " W. Dewsbury writes to M. Fell, 23rd of Seventh
Month, 1658, from Leith, to send a man and horse for
Sara Knowles, for her to return. " The truth is under
* Letter in Portfolio, Devonshire House.
346
suffering until she be in her family again ! " Proper care
was evidently taken to call in all unsatisfactory preachers.*
So late as in 1706, we find that they erected a stand, or
place for ministering women Friends to preach from, in the
time of their ministry at Devonshire House. Prior to this,
no place was provided for them. Also in Peel Meeting we
find, in 1706, they first had any place to stand upon.
Burrough and Howgill write to Fox for more help in
London. " Let Alex, (i.e., Alexander Parker) come to help
us, lest our net break." The people in those days were
evidently capable of bearing a good deal of preaching.
Howgill writes from Durham, to Burrough in London,
"We had a fine meeting, &c. I spoke three hours" ! In
1653 Naylor writes to Fox that Audland might come, as
there are many meetings not established. Another letter,
written in 1687, gives a glimpse of the machinery by which,
at a later period, a supply of preachers was provided.
B. Sandilands to John Field, at the "Bull and Mouth:"
" It would be serviceable, and some Friends of wisdom
desired me to acquaint you with it, if your Second-day's
meeting (of which we shall shortly speak) took it into
consideration, that there might be a constant supply by
one Friend or another at Windsor, especially during the time
of the Court being there." Everywhere there is proof of an
organized adaptation of means to ends, and of sterling
good sense in religious matters, which would soon place
the existing Society in a different position. But it has
been for a century or more considered entirely contrary to
the principles of the Society of Friends, to act as Fox and
his coadjutors acted.
* Caton, when in Scotland, reports to Swarthmore, that there have been " unwise
builders" among the Scotch churches, "which will tend to the ruin and destruction
of the whole building."
347
Not only by their preaching, but by their tracts, did the
founders of the Society disseminate their views of the
nature of spiritual Christianity. K. Farnsworth sends to
M. Fell at Swarthmore, and remarks that " Friends " read
them " in the steeple-house porches " after the service was
done, and in the markets, or at the Cross on market-
days, and some soldiers were "made to go along with
them, and stand by them while they are reading" —
another curious instance of the sympathy between the
army and Friends.
In 1659 there is a letter from Francis Gawler, of Cardiff,
to G. Fox, respecting his brother, John Gawler, who is a
justice of the peace, who had received a commission from
Fleetwood to be a lieutenant- colonel, and asking G. F.'s
advice whether he should accept it. Also Matthew Gibson
had partly engaged to be a captain, and another a private
soldier, " who we are tender of, knowing he hath no bad
end in it, but thinks he may be serviceable for truth in it."
George Fox's handwriting is endorsed upon it as — " bad;
I replied that it was contrary to our principles, for our
weapons are spiritall and not carnall."
The Travelling Preachers appear to have been all sup-
plied with Bibles. Accounts of matters purchased en route
for the use of the preachers, male and female, are sent to
Swarthmore Hall. Articles of clothing are very frequent.
Elizabeth Cowertt is furnished, for the going into the south,
with a waistcoat and petticoat of an expensive character,
costing no less than 19s. 2d. John Slee, a Bible, 7s. 6d.
The Bibles furnished the preachers, cost 3s. 6d. — e.g., W.
Simpson, &c, a Bible, 3s. 6d.
In 1657, John Stubs, in writing to Margaret Fell, says he
would write oftener, only " the charge by post hath, and
doth sometimes stay me. I would not make the pure
348
truth unnecessarily chargeable " — showing the existence of
a common fund from which these charges were defrayed.
In 1658, it appears that the expenditure was so large
on the home evangelization fund, that at the "General
Meeting at Scalehouse, the collection for the ministry, so
far at least as concerned Friends' ministry in this nation,"
met with " general opposition." More information was
called for, and George Taylor, one of the cashiers at
Kendal, was not quite ready to satisfy Friends about the
expenditure. Later, J. Miller writes to Margaret Fell, that
some who opposed the collection are now better satisfied.
Large sums were also collected, apparently without diffi-
culty, for the foreign missions in America, Jamaica, &c.
Two of the most able ministers in the Society, Francis
Howgill and Edward Burrough, commenced preaching in
London in 1654. Both were men of good education, strong
sense, undaunted courage, and of the rough and ready
eloquence which captivates the masses. Their ministry was
also characterized by stirring appeals to the conscience,
which seems to have been a feature of the ministry of the
Early Friends.* Burrough's peculiar gift was to "thunder
against sin and iniquity."
The work was pushed on with vast energy, the well-trained
men who had taken it in hand were fully able to deal with
the "rude and savage apprentices," "threshing and plow-
ing," as they term it, "Bible in hand among the scornful
world." Whether it is needful to dispute with " the chief
of the Baptists" and "the chief of the Water Baptists," t
* See " Sewel," vol. I., 1654. Also for anecdote of Burroughs' preaching in the
Wrestling Ring, p. 32, " London Meetings," hy Beck and Ball — London, 1869.
t These were probably the Calvinistic Baptists. This is a curious term, and one
which it is not easy to explain, except on the supposition that they were the special
supporters of immersion.
349
"a new, wise, and subtle generation," as they style
them, or with "Seekers," "Waiters," and "Banters,"
Howgill and Burrough appear to have been equal to the
emergency. They then held in London seven or eight
meetings every Sunday, besides one in the Strand, Hackney,
Pall Mall, and Palace Yard, Westminster. Howgill writes
to M. Fell in January, 1656 : " We have about twenty
meetings a week." Their largest meeting house contained
upwards of 1,000 people.* Howgill and Burrough preached
incessantly, for three years, in London. Fox, Camm, Aud-
land, Hubberthorne, and Alexander Parker, who was a
well-educated man with " a gentleman-like carriage and
deportment, as well as person," also the "greatly erring,
but afterwards penitent," Naylor, followed them and sup-
plemented their labours. Naylor's ministry was greatly
run after, and "many from the Court went to hear him;"
Sir Harry Vane, various titled Ladies, and Officers of the
Army, — and it was doubtless the excitement of the work,
and his popularity as a preacher in London, which turned
the poor man's head and resulted in temporary insanity.
Fox faithfully cautioned him at this period, and his fall
furnished an opportunity for misrepresentation, which was
availed of to the full, and the storm of persecution raged
relentlessly.!
In 1655, the band of 73, or more preachers, in connection
with Fox in the country places, were mostly in prison ; J
*" Bull and Mouth ; " this was used till the Great Fire of London. See William
Crouch's " Historical Account," 1712, p. 12 ; and " Life of Gilbert Latey," 1707, p. 5.
t Intolerant petitions were sent into Parliament. It was stated that they "meet in
multitudes upon the moors," "in terror um populi," also -that they will certainly
overrun all, both ministers and magistrates ; " ere long it will be too late to make a
law." — " Letters of Early Friends," p. 51.
J Howgill writes, from London, to Margaret Fell, in 5th Month, 1655 : — " Our army
is most scattered and broken, and cast into prison."
350
while in London there was more liberty, and the work went
on apace. Howgill and Burrough seem to have been
furnished with a carte blanche as to funds.* "I shall take
care," writes Howgill to Margaret Fell, "for the supply-
ment of friends in these parts, and truly I fear lest the
burden should be heavy on the North, for the charge is
great and our camp great." " The gathered congrega-
tions" in the City "lose their members so fast, they know
not what to do." The result of their labours raised up
churches in London, which it is computed could not be
under 10,000 members in 1678, f and if we add attenders,
we shall see that the Society formed no small portion of the
religious population of London.
* " If any ministers want, our friends F. and E. (i.e., Francis and Edward) supply
them ; the chargp truly is great, but our desire is to make it as easy as possibly we can."
— "Letters of Early Friends," p. 35.
t "Letters of Early Friends," p. 156.
CHAPTEE XV.
The Organization of the Society of Friends by Fox,
coeval with its klse. the general baptist churches,
their "Apostles," "Elders," "Deacons," " Overseers,"
or " Visitors." The Co-operative Independency of
these Churches, and their Membership. Similarity
of the Constitution of the Ancient Society of
Friends, their Church Officers, their Membership.
Originally an Adult Membership. The Bishop sum-
monses the Quakers to go to "Church" as "by Law
Appointed," and their Reply. Strictness of their
Discipline. Their Views on Baptism and on the
Lord's Supper. One of the Early Preachers Bap-
tizes a Convert. They keep a "Love Feast," as "the
Early Christians" did, at Aberdeen.
It appears, that as early as 1652, Fox had commenced to
organize the new Society. He states* that "the first
meeting," which was " gathered" through his ministry " in
the name of Jesus," was at Sedbergh in this year. Pro-
bably, about 1656, a General Meeting of the Society,
" out of several counties, concerning the affairs of the
Church/'f was established. "It was about business relat-
ing to the Church, both in this nation and beyond the
seas." J Fox says, that after this meeting was set up,
"divers Justices and Captains had come to break it up,
* See " Fox's Journal," 1660. t Ibid. $ Ibid.
352
but when they understood the business Friends had met
about, and saw Friends' books and accounts, and collec-
tions for relief of the poor, how we took care — one county
to help another — and to help our Friends beyond the sea,
and provide for our poor, that none of them should be
chargeable to their parishes, &c, the Justices and Officers
confessed that we did their work, and would pass away
peaceably and lovingly," "commending Friends' practice."*
It is, therefore, obvious that the organization of the
meetings for discipline was coeval with the rise of the
Society. There can be little doubt that the first churches,
founded by Fox and the early preachers, were either con-
stituted upon the principles of the earliest English General
Baptist, or Mennonite Churches, or had a common origin
in the scheme of Church government and discipline origin-
ally received by Menno from the Swiss Baptists, and de-
veloped by him. These churches were independent churches,
co-operating in all matters connected with the ministry and
the spread of the Gospel.
During the Commonwealth times, as the followers of
John Smyth and Thomas Helwys, they held that there
were only two orders of officers — Elders and Deacons. But
it is a point of great importance, to notice that for the
"gathering of churches and the establishment of them,"
certain Elders were chosen by an Association of the
churches in a certain district, "and to them were com-
mitted the superintendence," and to a certain extent, " the
government of those churches which united in calling
them into office." This Association Meeting provided for
the supply of ministry to the associated churches, and
corresponds in this object precisely with what was called
* See "Fox's Journal," 1660.
353
" Ministers' meeting" among the "Friends." These were
termed "Apostles," or "Messengers."* They held (as
a consequence of the doctrine of general redemption)
that since "the Gospel should be preached to every
creature," and that all nations were to be taught, it
necessarily followed that "either somebody in special is
bound to preach the Gospel to those that are without, to
the nations that know it not, or else all Christians are
equally bound to perform this work, if capable in respect of
gifts, or else that this work ended with the Apostles. "\
"That though it is most certain there were several things
proper and peculiar to the first and chief Apostles,
not to be pretended at all by their successors, the sub-
ordinate messengers, yet it is also true that many things
pertaining to their office as itinerant ministers are of per-
petual duration in the church with respect to that holy
function, and consequently to descend to those who were to
succeed them as travelling ministers, to plant churches and
to settle them in order, who are as sheep without a
shepherd."J To prove that there was "a ministry of
Apostles " remaining to the church to the end of the world,
1 Cor. xii. 28th verse, coupled with Ephes. iv. 8th and
11th verses, were quoted — where it is said that when Christ
ascended, " He gave some Apostles and some Prophets,"
&c. They contended that Epaphroditus, Barnabas, Luke,
* "The Faith and Order of 30 Congregations, annexed to the Creation and Fall of
the first Adam, &c." By Captain Eohert Everard. London, 1649, pp. 5 — 8. " That
it is the good pleasure of God, which hath given gifts of His grace, &c, that some of
the gifted men should he appointed to attend upon the preaching of the Word for the
further edifying of the churches, that they should stand against all opposition, &c." —
This rare work is in the Library of Chilwell College, near Nottingham.
t " Grantham's Christianismus Primitivus." — Book iv., Treatise 5, p. 154. — London,
1678. The reader may noticj that he here confutes the opinion of the " Seekers."
See our remarks on the origin of the " Seekers."
J Ibid., Book ii., chap. 9, p. 119.
B B
354
Mark, Timothy, &c, were ministers of this order; not that
it was a distinct order of men, as Bishops in the Church
of England, but a distinct gift and function. They main-
tained that, although "we hold it unsafe to say that
miraculous gifts are so ceased," yet the office of Apostle
in these days "did not need them," and, almost in the
words of the Early Friends when held to the same point,
said, that although miracles were the sign of the chief
Apostles, yet subordinate Apostles who did not come " to
deliver new oracles and to abrogate old ones," either in the
New Testament times or now, "needed no such signs."*
They held, that " as God had given to His Church a fixed
ministry of Bishops, Elders, Pastors, &c, to take care of
particular churches, so hath he given her a travelling
ministry, unfixed in respect of particular societies, to whom
it appertains to take all occasions to cause the light of the
glorious Gospel to shine unto such as sit in darkness ; to
plant churches, to confirm, or settle them in the faith, to
visit and comfort those who have believed through grace."!
"For the more convenient management of the great
affairs of the Gospel, they may divide themselves into
divers parts " (i.e., of the country). They were furnished
with " letters of commendation from the Church of Christ."
They say "such testimonials are expedient for all." J
Another General Baptist writer describes the work of the
" travelling ministry," the "Apostles," or "messengers of
the churches," as being to plant churches, ordain officers,
set in order things that were wanting in all the churches,
to defend the Gospel against gainsayers, and to travel up
and down the world to perform the work."§ They had
* " Grantham's Christianismus Primitivus." — Book iv., Treatise 5, p. 163.
t Ibid., Book iv., Treatise 5, p. 165. J Ibid., Book iv., Treatise 5, p. 170.
§ Hooke— " Orthodox Creed "—Art. 31.
355
" the government of those churches that had suffrage in their
election, and no other;'-' they were therefore chosen by an
association of churches. The fixed officers, the elders and
deacons (the pastor being only an elder with a special gift
of teaching), were chosen by particular churches. The
travelling minister was also charged with the duty of seeing
that " good order and government be carefully and con-
stantly kept up,"* and "to assist faithful pastors or
churches against usurpers, and those that trouble the
peace of particular churches with false doctrines." The
power of the travelling ministry, in ordaining elders, was
confined to congregations newly planted, and who were,
therefore, not in a condition to exercise the rights of a
particular church, f
Therefore we see, that in the early General Baptist
Churches, all " travelling Ministers " were " Elders," but
all " Elders " were not " travelling Ministers." This was
the case among the early Friends.]: The travelling minis-
ters being in labours more abundant, appear to have had a
higher position accorded to them than the Elders, § while
in the churches of the General Baptists, and of early
Friends, no " Governing Elders" existed, distinct from
" Teaching Elders." || The deacons' and deaconesses' office
* Taylor — Lincolnshire Association Minute, 1775.
f " Grantham's Christianismus Prirnitivus," Book iv., Treatise 5, p. 165.
J See paper by Fox in " Letters of Early Friends," pp. 311 — 317. Elders are here
spoken of as co-extensive with ministers.
§ Kendal Meeting Minute, in York Library. " At our Yearly Meeting, held at Liver-
pool, the 11th of Second Month, 1710, the friends and brethren feel themselves engaged
to continue the said Meeting the next year." It is to be held at Carlisle. " The
Meeting for Ministers (i.e., travelling ministers) to be held at one o'clock, and the
Elders (i.e., ministers who did not travel) to meet at the same time. They may be
called into the Ministers' Meeting if seen fit." The public meeting was to begin
at 10 o'clock, " and end as near the twelfth hour as well can."
|| As late as 1733, " the Elders and Overseers of the Church " are exhorted, " both by
example and precept, to instruct the youth amongst us." — " Bristol and Somerset Kecords."
B B 2
356
among the General Baptists, was " to take care of the neces-
sities of the poor."* Sometimes the office of "deacon" and
"overseer, in the General Baptist Churches," were exer-
cised by the same person, and it is interesting to notice
that the duties of the "overseers" in a General Baptist
Church, and a particular Church of the Society of Friends,
were identical. f The General Baptist overseers "took par-
ticular care of each member in their respective divisions (or
districts), of their conversation and carriage, to take strict
notice what disorders may arise, and to bring them regu-
larly before the monthly (church) meeting." They enforced
a regular attendance at both "Meetings for Discipline" and
on Sunday, and exercised vigilance over the conduct of
the members, and even the ministers, in their families, in
their business, in their connections, in civil society, and
even in their recreations. J
Among the early Friends this was also the duty of the
" Overseers," or " Deacons," and the visiting of families
from time to time, to repress outward departures, in dress,
&c, from Christian simplicity. Occasionally, as in Ireland,
or elsewhere, we have appointments of officers also called
"visitors," and "visiting Friends." § The overseers were
* Grantham, Book ii., chap. 9, p. 126.
t This identity is very obvious in the Minutes of the Irish Meetings. They were
called in Ireland "visitors," or "visiting Friends," and were armed with similar powers
of inspection. — " Leinster Minutes," 1692. Two distinct appointments were made ; the
first, of "visiting Friends," "to inspect into every respective meeting and particular
family," &c. The second, of persons " to take an account of the management of every
respective meeting as in relation to worship, or concerning public Friends, or testi-
monies borne in meeting." In these two appointments, four out of the six persons were
the same.
I Taylor's " General Baptists," p. 435. — If they absent themselves without sufficient
cause, " shall be looked upon as offenders, and be proceeded with accordingly." — •• Becords
of the Fenstanton Church," p. 126, and passim.
§In 1680, overseers were occasionally called "deacons." See "Bodger's Christian
Quaker," part iv., p. 7. "John Wilkinson's" advice is, "that condemnations should
357
appointed from time to time for short periods. In matters
connected with the "public" or "travelling ministry," no
Minister was directly amenable to the ordinary Members
of the Society, but solely to the Elders or ordinary Minis-
ters,* united with the travelling Ministers. But in cases
where an offence was. committed against a member (not
being an Elder either travelling or stationary) the matter
came before the whole Church, f The analogy between the
"Elders," "Deacons," and "Visitors," among the early
Society of Friends, and the early General Baptists is, we
conceive, nearly complete.
Again, we find that the travelling Ministers of the early
Society of Friends exercised, from the earliest date, precisely
the same powers and duties as those already described as
not stand on our Deacon's hooks to posterity." Also the word occurs as an equivalent
in a MS. of 180 pages on the W. & S. Controversy, by John Blayling, R. Barrow, and
others, in the author's possession.
Overseers are called " deacons "in a letter from B. Barrow to Aberdeen Monthly
Meeting, dated 25th Eleventh Month, 1691 ; he states that as in the ancient times of
the Christian Churches, so now " God hath ordained Elders and Deacons," i.e., among
Friends. At a later period, 1693, it is stated that it was the practice, both in Ireland
and many parts of England, to appoint these officers from one quarter to another.
They were to have more especially upon them, the care and oversight of their members.
They were to visit them in their families, and to give them advice in their meekness,
wisdom, and love, as they might see needful. — (See J. Barclay's " Diary of Jaffray,"
Aberdeen edition, p. 362 ; see also- paper by G. Fox, reprinted in " Letters of Early
Friends," p. 317. He says, exhorting Friends to the same course of conduct, "there
was not a Church but they had their Elders, then there was more than seven deacons,
when Elders were ordained in every Church.") ,
In some cases, however, as in the Minutes of the Quarterly Meeting of Chesterfield,
29/10/1697, and 5/8/1698, " Overseers " and " Elders " are used as precisely co-exten-
sive. A great deal of ambiguity is cleared up, by remembering that these were merely
appointments from time to time, for pastoral care.
*In 1676 these are addressed by G. Fox as "Ministers" who are "settled in places,"
and are exhorted "to possess as if you did not; to be married as if you were not; to
be loose to the world in the Lord's power, for God's oyle will be atop of all visible
things. It is this which makes His lamp to burn to give light afar off."
t " The Spirit of Alexander, the Coppersmith," p. 12, by W. Perm, 1673.
358
belonging to the " apostles," " travelling ministers/' or
" messengers," of the churches among the General Bap-
tists.* All doubt as to the functions of the Elders in the
early Society who did not travel, is we think set at rest
by an "advice," dated 1728, contained in the first edition
of the Book of Discipline: "Advised, that Ministers, as
well Elders as others, in all their preaching, writing, and
conversing about the things of God, do keep to the form of
sound words," &c. This was, however, inapplicable to
" Elders" in 1801, because the nature of the office had been
radically changed, and the Yearly Meeting (who used the 1st
edition from which to compile the 2nd edition, viz., that of
1801) therefore struck out the words "as well elders as others."-!-
♦ Even to the "ordaining of Elders." See paper by G. Eox, "Letters of Eaxiy
Friends," p. 317 — " concerning our Monthly, Quarterly, and Yearly Meetings." " And
the Apostles, the Ministers of Christ, ordained Elders in every church. So you may
see there was not a Church but had their Elders also."
t It is important to bear in mind, that the principle of John Smyth, of Amsterdam
(see p. 102), that there was only one order of Elders, and that one person might
teach, exhort, rule, &c, was accepted by the Society of Friends. The Travelling
Ministers were not, therefore, a distinct order of persons, but an office held for a period.
The same person, therefore, might be a Travelling Minister, an Elder or Stationary
Minister, and a Deacon, Overseer, or Visitor at various times. Much obscurity in the
early records, is cleared up by this consideration.
In Hardshaw Monthly Meeting minutes, 1703 and 1706, the author has, he thinks,
identified one woman and one man who are called "Elders," at another period
travelling as Ministers with a certificate. On the other hand, in Ellwood's " Antidote
against Bodgers," 1682, p. 146., Eodgers has remarked that E. Barclay considers
the fittest to rule in the church, those who have "begotten them in the Gospel.''
Ellwood replies that " some may be helpful and useful instruments in the government
of the Church, who have not been employed in the public ministry, — that such may
be concerned tho' not so much as the others, and concludes that " some then that were
Elders that ruled, and ruled well too, who yet did not labour in word and doctrine."
Perhaps the true explanation is, that some by their gifts in private labour, and in
writing in defence of the truth, were suitable for Elders. The author has heard it said
that Ellwood was an " Elder " of this kind, but has not had the opportunity of
verifying it. This appears to us to be rather the private opinion of Ellwood, and
possibly one which was gaining ground.
In 1693, in Ireland, it was desired that the Eujebs, and suoh as (were) thought fit by
359
We have already alluded to the views of Ainsworth,
Eobinson, and particularly of John Smyth of Amsterdam,
the father of the General Baptists, on this point in church
government. It was a point in which the early Independents,
Baptists, and the Society of Friends, agreed with the cele-
brated Bishop Hall,* and the imposition of Lay Elders by
parliament was more violently opposed than perhaps any
other feature of the Presbyterian system. f
The Membership in the early General Baptist churches, was
extended to those " who professed repentance towards God
and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ," and the members
the Province or other Meetings to be concerned, may examine among themselves how
far they are qualified for that service, and whether they are clear and exemplary in
themselves, and have a right concern on their spirits for the service and propagation
of the blessed Truth.
In 1692, it was desired by the National Meeting, "that there maybe a Friend or two
of every particular meeting appointed by the Province Meeting, to meet apart to make
enquiry, and take account of the management of every respective meeting as in relation
to worship, or concerning public Friends, or testimonies borne in meetings, to the end
that if anything be amiss in anywise on that account, that advice and admonition may
be given as occasion requires." (This, however, is not the institution of the Elders in
each church, but merely directions to the churches to form a national meeting, or
central synod, of Elders delegated by each church, to exercise a central and not a local
authority.) These persons appear to have been afterwards called " appointed," or
" standing elders."
To show the contrast of ideas on the subject between the earlier and later Society, in
Ireland in 1758, it is expressly said that it was then "thought fit not to nominate for
Elders, Friends concerned in the ministry," in order that they (the ministers) "maybe
more at liberty " for their service. In a word, the evidence appears to warrant the
conclusion, that in the first institution of the Society, " elders" were " ministers; " and
then, owing to the Story and Wilkinson controversy, the principle was contended for,
that occasionally to assist ministers in the part of the elders' business, which consisted
in the control of public worship and ministry, a ' ' lay elder " might be useful, this being
the thin end of the wedge by which the control of worship and ministry was transferred
from the ministers to a completely lay eldership.
* See quotation from Bishop Hall, Appendix to Chapter xxii.
t The celebrated Owen, and the other Independents, who were striving for the New
England platform, tolerated lay Elders, but the system never took root in the Inde-
pendent Churches.
360
were baptized (dipped) in water in the name of the Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost, or in the name of Jesus Christ.* But
they also declare, that unless men so professing and practis-
ing the order and form of Christ's doctrine, shall beautify
the same with a holy and wise conversation in all" godliness
and honesty, the profession of the visible form will be
rendered to them of none effect, for without holiness no
man shall see the Lord."f The fellowship of the members
was "from their own free choice and mutual consent."
They used "no constraint but God's Word and Spirit, to
persuade poor sinners to embrace Christ." Infants were
excluded on this principle, and were undoubtedly saved,
because Christ takes away the sin of the first Adam. J The
discipline, or church power, was exercised by the members
and church officers in monthly meetings. Christ was re-
garded as the sole Governor of His church. §
It will give us a clearer view of the ecclesiastical polity of
the Friends, if we deal with the Society, during the period
from 1652 to 1668, as consisting of a series of independent
congregations, established and linked together by a travel-
ling ministry and eldership, and maintaining the same
friendly relation and disposition to co-operate, as an
" Association " of General Baptist churches, and holding
as they did their "General Meetings," but still practically
"independent." Some questions have arisen during the
last few years, as to the precise nature of the Membership
of the Society of Friends, as established by George Fox.
* Article XI. of a Declaration of Faith, <&c, 1663, reprinted in " Grantham's
Christianismus Primitivus," — book ii., chap, v., p. 67.
t Ibid., Art. 14, p. 69. { Ibid., Art. 10, p. 67.
§ Taylor, pp. 433, 435. " As soon as any General Baptist Churches had been gathered,
they united to support a periodical meeting — such meeting was called an association,
and was usually held quarterly, half-yearly, or annually." — Ibid. 457. The Travelling
Ministers or Elders were most frequently chosen representatives.
361
It is hoped that the facts here stated will place the matter
in a clear and simple light before the reader.
The membership of the early Society of Friends was not
a "birthright membership,"* but is denned thus: "All
the faithful men and women in every country, city, and
nation, whose faith stands in the 'power of God, the Gospel of
Christ, and have received this Gospel and are in possession of
this Gospel, the power of God — they have a right to the
power of the meeting (i.e., of the particular meeting), for
they be heirs of the power and authority of the men and
women's meetings." f All those persons who were deemed
to be such, were admitted to the Disciplinary Church
Meetings, or in case they were the children of members and
deemed converted, were "invited," usually by the Elders or
Ministers, to attend the meetings for business, with the
consent of the members of that meeting.
" To be a member of a particular church of Christ," says
Barclay in his Apology, " as this inward work is indis-
pensably necessary, so is also the outward profession and
belief in Jesus Christ, and those holy truths delivered by
His Spirit" in the Scriptures. After "it ceased to be a
reproach to be a Christian, men became such by birth and
* Fox held this view of church membership from the very beginning, in 1648. (See
Journal.) " Dost thou call this wicked multitude a church ? The Church is the
pillar and ground of Truth, made up of living stones, living members — a spiritual
household, of which Christ is the head."
t MS. Minutes of the Yearly Meeting, 1676, Devonshire House ; also, MS. Book
of Extracts and Minutes of the Yearly Meeting, 1676 ; also, Wheeler Street Meeting —
a book of several things relating to the service of Truth, &c, headed " Meetings for
Discipline," date 1676. A large number of these MS. books exist, being the originals
of " The Book of Extracts," of a later period, containing minutes of the Yearly
Meeting for the guidance of the churches, all of which contain this definition. This
definition is often referred to, but the force of it is generally lost, by the use of the
word " faithful" not conveying to us the idea both of faith, and fidelity to that faith
expressed above.
362
education, and not by conversion and renovation of spirit,"*
says Barclay, little conceiving that the Christian Society he
so ably defended, would ever so far forget the truths which
its founders deemed essential to the existence of a visible
church, as to convert its membership into a birthright
membership, forming a church of a distinct number of
families, after the model of the Jewish commonwealth, the
members of which might be different from other men in
consequence of their education and religious customs, but
who might not even profess to be Christians, or possess any
of the positive characteristics set forth in the New Testa-
ment as required by the members of a Christian church.
The "outward profession of, and belief in, Jesus Christ, and
those holy truths delivered by His Spirit in the Scriptures,"
required by the members, was however rather evinced to the
officers of the church, and, as far as we can learn, not
openly professed before the congregation.! It may be
questioned whether this point was ever properly settled and
denned. The consequence of this was, the shifting of the
responsibility before God from the shoulders of the applicant
for Membership, to that of the church, which ought only to
be the judge of the outward conduct of the person applying.
Lists of Members entitled to transact the business of the
Church, there is reason to believe, originally existed in
every meeting. In the Association of Churches in Somerset,
* See the whole quotation.
fin the minutes of Hardshaw Monthly Meeting, 1736, we find: — "'Convinced
Friends ' directed to attend Monthly Meeting in person, ' in order to their acceptance by
it.' "
Third Month, 1703, p. 280 of Minutes of National Meeting, Ireland : — " Any Friends
new convinced, or young people, Friends' children, their admittance to sit in men's
meetings (i.e., church meetings) to be by the assent of the Men's Meeting of the place
to which they belong, after application made by the party, or a Friend on his behalf."
In 1722, Joseph Pike complains of laxer practice creeping in in Ireland, with regard
to the qualifications of members. — See p. 40, " Life," by J. Barclay.
363
such a list existed for each of the different Monthly Meet-
ings.* In London also, such lists existed.! In Ireland such
lists existed in every meeting. The minutes of the Irish
meetings illustrate with great clearness, that the Christian
fellowship of the early Society of Friends consisted of an
outside membership of persons " professing with Friends,"
and of a strict or close membership, in whose hands rested the
church power as exercised in their church discipline;! and
also evinces the existence of mere attenders of their meet-
ings. In case of misconduct, the "Members proper" were
expelled from church meetings, while the outside members were
" testified against," and if they condemned their conduct as
unchristian and improper, their confession was either read
* See W. Tanner's " Lectures on the Early History of the Society of Friends in
Somerset." — Bennett, London, 1858.
t See Beck and Ball's "London Meetings," pp. 253, 254: — " The Quarterly Meeting
of London, 5th First Month, 1712, agreed that the Friends in their several quarters do
take the opportunity to bring the names of Friends that may be Jit to frequent our
Monthly and Quarterly Meetings for the service of the Truth." — Also Dublin minutes,
Men's Meeting, Fourth Month, 1733: — "A fair copy of the list of the members of this
meeting to be drawn up."
J A clear instance of the distinction between membership in the Society of Friends, and
attendance at meetings for worship, occurs in the minutes of the Half-year's Meeting
of Dublin, in 1702. It was complained that manufactures of linen and woollen goods
*' were made slightly, and so of little service to the wearer," and a concern came upon
the meeting lest " any Friend " should bring dishonour upon the blessed Truth ; " and
therefore every Monthly Meeting was to distinctly declare to every individual manu-
facturer, that in case of " refractory non-compliance," they maybe informed, " without
respect of persons," that "according to the judgment of the Half-year's Meeting
formerly given, " they forfeit their privilege in sitting in their men and women's
meetings;" that is, they were ejected from their membership in the meetings for
church government. In the Leinster Half-year Meeting, 5th of Ninth Month, 1696,
Friends who refused to have their differences settled by the Church, were to be
suspended from sitting in meetings for discipline. In 1697, "company keeping
smoakers," and persons addicted to drinking, were to be likewise suspended.
A paper was ordered to be read, in 1720, against " a careless, sleepy, slothful spirit,"
" at suitable seasons, not only amongst those who are members of men and women's
meetings, but others who profess the blessed Truth and frequent our meetings for worship."
In 1720, the meetings had been desired not to limit too closely the membership
\
364
at the public meeting before the commencement of worship,
or in some cases at the place where the offence against the
public had been committed. When the Members "proper"
were seriously to blame, they were not only expelled from
the church meetings, but publicly testified against in addition.
Not only so, but the Yearly Meeting ordered that their
names were to be entered in a book to be provided in every
church.* The entry of the condemnation of the offence
was duly signed by them if they were restored as penitent.
This, we shall see was, at a later period, made a serious
cause of complaint and controversy — see page 465. The
mere attenders ran some risk in attending their meetings,
if they married each other "by a priest," for they were
forthwith repudiated in a public document.!
which conferred church power, and are directed to " encourage such who are of an
orderly conversation, and well inclined to come up into a nearer fellowship and service,
by admitting them into the men's meeting when the affairs of Truth are managed." —
National Meeting's Minutes, Ninth Month, 1720.
When Birthright Membership was instituted in Ireland, in 11th Month, 1762, the
following minute was made, which throws a clear light upon the subject : — "All our
youth even capable of understanding, and other Friends properly in unity, that is, who
are not disowned or under dealing, are to be looked upon (i.e., in future) as proper
members, and have liberty to attend our Men and Women's Meetings for Discipline, of
which Friends are desired to give notice in their respective particular meetings ; and
it is the further judgment of this meeting, that no particular lists of members of men
and women's meetings be retained in use — the intent of this minute being to remove
every distinction of members, except between those who are in unity and not in unity
with the Society."
Keith gives as a proof of a certain number (sixty persons, attenders of meetings for wor-
ship) being Friends, that most of them " used to keep Monthly Meetings ; " and Ellwoc d
replies that, therefore, nine-and-twenty out of sixty " might be raw or loose persons."
Page 28, "An Epistle' to Friends," to beware, &c. Keith Controversy, London, 1694.
♦Minute of Yearly Meeting, 1675: — "Advised that the Church's testimony and
judgment against disorderly and scandalous walkers, and also the repentance of the
parties restored, be recorded in a book, &c. — to be produced and published by Friends,
as in God's heavenly wisdom they shall see needful."
t " Matthew Fountain having married Susannah Barker, by a priest, and they having
pretty much of late frequented meetings, and are by some accounted of us," a deputa-
365
Such was their zeal that their membership should remain
according to "the first institution" of "faithful men and
women," that in Dublin meeting, in 1707, "a serious search
and examination " was instituted as to the fitness of those
whose names were entered on the list of members. The first
meeting for the purpose was, they say, "chiefly spent in
speaking one to another and opening their condition freely
one to another." The result was, that all were rejected
who did not "answer their places and service with zeal
and earnestness, for the prosperity of Truth and preservation
of Friends within the bounds and limits thereof." The
strictness with which the church power was held in the
hands of those only who could be trusted with it, was so
great, that in 1680 some young men established an evening
meeting for worship in Dublin ; not only were these young
men not members, but they were summoned before the
church to explain the course they were taking. Their
membership was therefore an adult membership carefully
sifted by human skill or discernment, and not claimed on
broad Christian principles as a right. The tendency of
this strictness of the terms of membership, does not appear
in itself to have diminished the numbers of the Society
of Friends in Ireland.*
It is obvious that the error they gradually fell into, was
the omission of what Barclay held to be " indispensably
necessary," viz., "the outward profession of, and belief in,
Jesus Christ, and those holy truths declared by His Spirit
tion is sent to " know if they look upon themselves as Friends, and what they have to
say why Friends should not give out a testimony against them." " They were spoke
unto, and do not seem to have anything to offer why Friends should not disown them."
* In 1701 there were 24 meetings in Leinster, while in 1748 there were 29, which
(when the extraordinary carrying out of the Theocratic government, to be afterwards
explained, is taken into account) seems to leave little doubt that this was the case.
366
in the Scriptures." Had this point been clearly seen, and
incorporated into their church system with sufficient pre-
cision, it would have thrown upon applicants for membership
the solemn responsibility of a public profession of faith in
Christ. A religious society which undertakes by any
system, or by the supposed infallible spiritual insight of its
officers, to decide whether men and women are fit members
of a Christian church, merely by their outward conduct, without
this voluntary and purely personal confession, will pave the
way as certainly for a declension in religion, as it will by a
too great laxity in publicly expelling members who break
the moral law of Christ. They intruded the responsibility
of the Church into a province where the responsibility was
purely individual and personal.
It is obvious that the persons who possessed the "power
of the Meeting," or Church power, were really " the
Church," and that these were to be converted persons whose
conduct evinced that they had a living faith in Christ, is
sufficiently evident from the foregoing extracts. The denial
of the appellation of " Church," not only to the buildings,
but to the congregations of the parish assemblies, because
they were "mixed multitudes," brought together by the
strong arm of the law and kept together by pains and
penalties, was common to the early Independents, the
Baptists, and the Society of Friends. The basis of mem-
bership was the same (as may be seen by the foregoing
extracts) in the early Society of Friends as among the
Baptists, — setting aside the rite of baptism.*
To illustrate the stand point of the Founders of the Society
* " The sincere confession with the mouth that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God,"
was deemed by Penn to be "sufficient now to entitle a man to communion here and
salvation hereafter." — Penn's Works, vol. i., p. 756; edition 1726. — Address to
Protestants.
307
as to their definition of the Membership of " a church,"
we may mention that at the period after the Act of
Uniformity, when attendance at the parish church and the
non-attendance of conventicles were attempted to be
rigorously enforced, under penalties which might amount
to the confiscation of all their property, transportation and
slavery "in any of his Majesty's plantations beyond the
seas,"* the Bishop's official, at his visitation in July,
1663, sent the following question to the Friends in several
places in Westmoreland : — "To the people called Quakers,
&c. : " Why do you not come to your parish church, or
the place of public worship appointed by the laws of the
land, to hear Divine Service and to join in prayer with the
congregation, and to perform other rites and ceremonies
according to the Church of England?" The "Book of
Common Prayer " had the effect at that time of something
quite new, even to the worshippers in the churches, and a
little criticism of the prayers of the Church was not
altogether unwelcome even to them. The early Friends
did not neglect the opportunity of giving him their
reasons why they did not "go to Church" — much doubt-
less to the amusement of the other Separatists in the
district. "First," say they, "the Apostle saith, let every
man be fully persuaded in his own mind." Now, we are not
persuaded in our minds, either that God requireth it of us
to come to these places to worship Him, or that it can be
proved by the Holy Scriptures according to the practice of
the saints, that we ought to come to these places to worship
Him. Secondly, because we are not persuaded in our
minds, and that upon good grounds and reasons according
to the Holy Scriptures, that the priests who serve "the
* See " Besse's Sufferings," preface pp. 9, 11, and 12.
368
Cure " (so called) are ministers of Jesus Christ, sent of God,
but are much persuaded in our minds that God never sent
them, and that for these four reasons." The first was, their
"call" was not that of the ministers of Christ — it was a
" call of man." They were men who were " time servers."
They were " covenant breakers," for they had taken the
Solemn League and Covenant, and now " abjured the
covenant." They had " a face to serve every turn and
time." They long ago had confessed they had not "the
same infallible Spirit which the Apostles had," and " what
Spirit had entered into them since, let those that fear the
Lord judge ! " Their practice was like the practice of the
false Prophets; for example, Balaam, " seeking greedily after
gifts and rewards, and preparing war" against those who
refused to support them. They denied "the light of Christ"
to be sufficient "to guide in the ways of peace." "They
say 'all they do is sin,' their 'best actions are sin,' ' their
prayers are sin ' (to this we consent ! ) therefore, they are not
the prayers of the upright which God delights in ! " And
for these and other reasons, they were persuaded they
"ought not to hear them." So far for the Ministers. Then
as to their flocks. "We come not to these places, because
we are not fully persuaded in our minds that the people
there met together are the true Church of Christ, or His
members." Why was this ? Because the people there,
being compelled to go to church (many of them being the
worst people in the parish, such as never show their faces
in a church now the attendance is voluntary) confess them-
selves "a company (not of saints but) of 'miserable sinners,'
that err and stray like lost sheep, and are grievous offenders
of God's holy law." They did not deny, they said, that
" there is a time when people do so err and are out of the
right way, but this in the 'unconverted state.'" Still,
369
" such," they say, " are not the church of Christ, nor members
of His body." Not only so, " the people there met together
do that which they ought not to have done, and leave
undone that which they ought to have done," and "so are
breakers of their covenants and vows ma.de in their baptism,
which promised that they would 'forsake the devil and all
his works, and the pomps and vanities of this wicked world,
and all the sinful lusts of the flesh,' " &c. ; but now they
" offend grievously God's holy laws, and leave that undone
which they should do." But to sum up all, and to show that
they are not "the true church," they confess that "they
have no health in them ; " therefore, we are not persuaded
in our minds that we ought to join with them, and "wor-
ship among people who 'have no health in them," "in the
places which were old Mass-houses; " but they say they shall
continue to worship with "the saints," of whom the Apostle
saith, " such were some of you, but you are washed, but you
are sanctified, but you are justified, in the name of the Lord
Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God."
Two things may be clearly seen from this incident — first,
the extreme absurdity of the position in which the Bishop
was placed, of asking men to attend, or give their reason for
not attending, their parish church, while (whether convinced
or unconvinced) they were liable to penalties which might
cost them their property, their liberty, or even their lives.
Secondly, it exhibits the view of the early Friends
respecting Church Membership. They did not reply thus
to the Bishop, because they held that there were no true
Christians who worshipped in the " steeple-house," or because
the congregation consisted partly of unconverted persons,
but because they held that a "Church" was a society of
converted men and women separated from the world. Now
if all the world were to be forced by the magistrate to
c o
370
assemble, it could not be called a "congregation of faithful
people " showing their faith by the church act of voluntarily
assembling of themselves for the worship of God. It was
not the denial of every Body but their own to be a true
church, because they did not deny the Independent and
Baptist churches to be true churches, and therefore the
objection relates solely to the question of church member-
ship. The question of "a call" to the ministry, evidently
relates to the nature of the Presbyterian ordination. Their
views on the infallibility of the church (of which we shall
treat more fully hereafter) required a church membership
of extraordinary strictness. So far forth as the visible
church society consisted of "faithful men," so far forth
they held it was infallible. But while this was the case in
reference to the members who held the church power, they
had, as we have explained, a kind of outside membership
which depended upon the attendance of the meetings for
worship, and which entitled "those professing with Friends "
to pastoral oversight, and, in case of necessity, to pecuniary
help and relief.
This appears to us to have been a link between the
outside world and the Church, something similar to the
Wesleyan membership, which embraces the "convinced
of sin," and the " sinner seeking salvation," and provides
for a certain amount of religious oversight; and this will
broadly explain the distinction between a member of the
ancient Society of Friends who was entitled to attend their
meetings for discipline, and one who was merely an attender
of their meetings for worship. It was precisely the differ-
ence, in the words of an old Friend's pamphlet, between a
" convinced " and a " converted " state. If the person was
deemed by the Elders of the church to be " converted," it
was proposed to " invite" him to a participation of the
371
church power of their meetings for discipline,* but if only
" convinced," he was merely a participator in church privi-
leges. This accounts for the comparatively small number
of those who took part in the administration of the church
affairs, compared with the size of their congregations.
The wording of their church censures appears to bear out
the same view. The offender is generally required to set
his name to a " paper of condemnation," condemning his
wicked practice, and " clearing Friends " of any approval of
it. In flagrant cases of public scandal they occasionally
required him to affix his " paper of condemnation or denial "
to the market cross, and so clear the Society with whom he
had associated himself by attending their worship so as to
be "reputed as a Friend." On his due repentance he was
immediately re-instated, but it does not appear that such a
person, would in the early Society have had any participa-
tion in their meetings for discipline. A " paper of denial "
appears to have been an act of absolute expulsion.!
As far as our investigations have gone, anything like a
formal and public profession of faith in Christ appeared to
* He was then, in the language of the Y. M. minute of 1704, worthy to be esteemed
a member of those meetings. "Youth" was no disqualification, but "the life of
righteousness " was essentia! As late as 1722, Friends are advised in their meetings
to act in a way "exemplary" to the "young who may be esteemed members of
these meetings, and attend the same," showing that all the young were not esteemed
members.
t The rule appears to have been, that if the offence was a private one, only affecting
members of the congregation, the paper of condemnation was private; if, on the
contrary, it affected the public, or the interests of morality, it was to be published as
widely as the offence.
Specimen of a paper of denial, or absolute expulsion : — It " was ordered that some
copies of it should be spread among the people at Corstorbe, where they live," and
" that it should be also read over next First-day at meeting, at Edinburgh, the copy of
which testimony is as follows : — " This is to let all persons know, who may hear or
read these presents, that we the people of God, called in derision Quakers, belonging
to the meeting at Edinburgh, deny and disown James Wear, weaver, in Corstorffin,
and his wife, Jean Blair, to be of our fellowship in the holy Truth and profession that
C C 2
372
savour too much of ceremony to be adopted by the Society
established by Fox, and their practice seems to have
corresponded exactly with that of the Mennonite Baptists,
with whom, however, the profession of faith in Christ, and
of baptism, was entirely distinct from the reception of the
convert into the church, or society of believers.*
The essential principle from which G-. Fox started, denied
the necessity of any outward rite in a dispensation which was
purely spiritual, and in which all the rites and ceremonies
of the Old Covenant were abolished, and therefore he simply
dropped the ceremony of an open and public profession of
faith and baptism, and retained the same method adopted
among the Mennonites, for the reception of the convert
into close fellowship with the particular church, which was
distinct from the ceremony of Baptism. It is, however,
interesting to find that one of the early preachers in
connection with Fox — Humphrey Wooldrig — baptized a
convert. This happened in 1658. Wooldrig wrote to Fox,
stating that another minister! had ''judged him for it,"
and denyed him (Wooldrig) and that which led him into
it, and all who owned him in it." I It appears, therefore,
is ordered and professed by us, and this because of their disorderly and unsuitable
walking unto the same. Prom the people of God, called Quakers, given forth at
Edinburgh, 1st of Second Month, 1673."
On the 5th of Twelfth Month, 1701, Kinmuck Monthly Meeting had Ester Eobinson's
testimony (of Kelso) " fixed on the door of the steeple-house."
In 1708, the Yearly Meeting gave a caution "not to admit such persons too early
into fellowship," before there was good ground for believing the repentance genuine.
This was given because many persons had conceived that on signing such a paper they
were "discharged."-
* These views respecting the membership of the early Society, are results generalized
from a vast mass of church books and other MSS. See preface, pp. iii. iv.
f John Harwood, who was afterwards separated from the Society and opposed the
authority of Fox.
I " Swarthmore Papers," 1658, No. 4.
373
that there were some who supported him in this, and there
can be little doubt that this was a special case and rather
for the satisfaction and comfort of the convert.* Fox
was attacked because he did not excommunicate Wooldrig.
He says he " did not utterly deny Humphrey's wrong and
deny him;" that Wooldrig " simply did such a thing once
and no more."f Wooldrig evidently wrote to Fox in full
confidence, that if done under the guidance of the Holy
Spirit, the action would be approved by him, and says that
his opponents "would limit the unlimited God." I
The stand point of the early Society with reference to
baptism and the Lord's Supper, appears to have been
that the outward action was indifferent and not certainly
a subject of church censure, and it is clearly so stated
in Barclay's Apology. § We have before noticed the
* We find, however, in the " Swarthmore Papers," that in Somersetshire " some
baptize." 20th Ninth Month, 1660. See page 343.
t " The Spirit of Envy, Lying, and Prosecution made manifest." An answer to a
scandalous paper of John Harwood, &c. By George Fox, London, 1663, p. 5.
J Wooldrig afterwards wrote a tract upon the subject: "The Unlimited God," &c,
London, 1659. Page l,he says that Paul did baptize, although not " sent to baptize," and
did "all things to save some." Page 2. He tells us " the woman declared that she was
moved of the Lord to desire me only to baptize her with water, and that the spirit by
which the Baptists are led did not convince her. The Baptist's teacher said that some
of them did believe she was led by the Spirit of God. He afterwards wrote a book to
the Baptists, and told them they were setting up types and shadows above Christ.
§ " And indeed I am inclinable very favorably to judge of Calvin in this particular, in
that he deals so ingeniously to confess he neither comprehends it nor can express it in
words, but yet by a feeling experience can say the Lord is spiritually present. Now,
as I doubt not but Calvin sometimes had a sense of His presence without the use of
this ceremony, so as the understanding given him of God made him justly reject the
false notions of transubstantiation and consubstantiation Lastly, if any
now at this day, from a true tenderness of spirit, and with real conscience towards
God, did practise this ceremony in the same way, method, and manner as did the
primitive Christians recorded in Scripture (which yet none that I know now do), I
should not doubt to affirm but they might be indulged in it, and the Lord might
regard them, and for a season appear to them in the use of these things, as many of us
have known Him to do to us in the time of our ignorance, provided they did not seek
374
views of Caspar Schwenkfeld, and explained how these
views were held by certain Baptists, who, prior to the
preaching of Fox, had laid aside the Lord's Supper and
Water Baptism. At the period when Fox commenced
preaching, the practice of partaking of the Lord's Supper
had fallen much into disuse in some places, in consequence
of a doubt on the mind of the Presbyterian ministers
whether it could be rightly partaken of in a church, without
"ruling Elders."* The early General Baptists generally, if
not universally, had a common meal or "love feast," and
partook of the Lord's Supper after it, according to Scripture
to obtrude them upon others, nor judge such as found themselves delivered from them,
or that they do not pertinaciously adhere to them. For we certainly know that the
day is dawned, in which God hath arisen and hath dismissed all these ceremonies and
rites, and is only to be worshipped in Spirit, and that He appears to them who wait
upon Him ; and that to seek God in these things is, with Mary at the Sepulchre, to
seek the living among the dead, for we know that He is risen and revealed in Spirit,
leading His children out of these rudiments that they may walk with Him in His light."
In a paper signed by William Penn, A. Sharp, Thomas Story, and George Book,
entitled "Gospel Truths " — published in Dublin in 1698 — they say : " We believe the
necessity of the one baptism of Christ as well as of His one supper, which He promised
to eat with those that open the door of their hearts to Him, being the baptism and
supper signified by the outward signs, which though we disuse, we judge not those that
conscientiously practise them."
Again, George Bishop, an eminent member of the Bristol meeting, says, in 1665* —
speaking of the Lord's Supper — " I say if any do so think and receive it as it should be,
or as they {i.e., the Corinthians) did it who did not eat and drink unworthily ....
we shall not and do not judge them. But let not such take upon themselves to judge
those who know and witness Him (the Lord) to be come (i.e., spiritually) of whom that
(i.e., the Lord's Supper) was a remembrance." In other words, a man might be a
Christian in the full sense of the word, whether he partook or did not partake of the
outward supper. See also note, p. 526.
* Page 86. " A Vindication of the Praotioe of the People called Quakers." — 1665.
* " The want of Church Government is no warrant for a total omission of the Lord's
Supper," &c. By Henry Jeanes, minister at Chedzoy, Somersetshire. Oxford, 1653.
A " Treatise of Spiritual Infatuation," &o., by W. Stamp, D.D., " One of the
imprisoned, exiled, plundered ministers of God's Word, at Stepney, near London."
— Hague, 1653, states, that he is " credibly informed, that at Lincoln the sacramental
bread and wine hath not been communicated for three years together."
375
precedent of the "cup after supper," and there are strong
reasons for believing, that in the early Society of Friends,
"love feasts" or meetings for Christian communion were
held. In the earliest tracts of Fox we continually find the
expressions, "we have the Lord's Supper," "the table
and supper of the Lord we own," &c, and a constant
denial that the method in which it was administered by
others was according to apostolic practice, which seems to
have been beside the mark, if no practice existed among
the Society, which had some analogy to it.
In Keith's "Presbyterian and Independent Visible
Churches, in New England and elsewhere, brought to the
Test" — London, 1689* — we find an allusion to certain
"more solemn eatings and drinkings to remember the Lord's
death, and what he hath done and suffered for us," and states
that the Society of Friends did "thus eat and drink
together, perhaps many belonging to divers families," and
yet these are distinguished from the ordinary meals of
Christians, at which he asserts by prayer and thanksgiving
the spiritual bread may be partaken of ; f and yet he lays
it down " that we neither do, nor can limit the spiritual and
inward eating of Christ's body, and drinking of His blood, to
any outward eating and drinking whatsoever, as neither did
the ancient Christians, who said "that all believers eat
Christ's flesh and drink His blood daily and hourly," "and
so we believe." J Keith was then (1689) a valued minister
of the Society. He was a learned Scotchman, and was
an intimate friend of E. Barclay, but was afterwards ex-
pelled from the Society. § He became a clergyman of the
* Edition 1691, p. 188. t Ibid. pp. 187 and 188. J Ibid. p. 188.
§ Keith was not, as some have supposed, expelled for his doctrinal opinions, but for
his unbearable temper and carriage. Every effort was made to retain him as a member.
Many of his old associates deeply regretted the change in his Christian character, but
376
Church of England, and was one of the first missionaries
of that body sent out by the " Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel." We cannot avoid the conclusion, that
Keith is here alluding to some distinct description of
religious meeting, at which there was an outward repast in
remembrance, as he states, "of the Lord's death," and we
have found in the minutes of Aberdeen Quarterly Meeting,
a meeting of the Church, which so closely corresponds to
this statement of Keith's, that it furnishes an interesting
illustration of his meaning. "When we consider the
character of the Quarterly Meeting of Aberdeen, containing
as it did some of the most eminent members of the Society,
men of the highest education and intelligence, it must be
regarded as another curious link in the evidence which
connects the practices of the early General Baptist and the
early Society of Friends. The distinct reference in the
minute to the Agapoe of the Primitive Christian Church,
places the character of these meetings, held from house to
house, in our view beyond a doubt. The quotation from
Keith would seem to imply a general practice, but we have
found no entry in the minutes of any other meeting.*
As a confirmation of the whole matter, we may note that
Barclay says in his Apology : — " And this by some is called
it is difficult to see, after his return from America, how he could have remained a
member. He was, probably, doctrinally right in his American quarrel, but morally
wrong in the conduct of it and his subsequent conduct. — A very graphic and
interesting account of the discussions of the Yearly Meeting on his case, exists in
the Y.M. MS. minutes, vol. ii., at Devonshire House, and the conduct of the Society
is fully vindicated. His doctrine was approved, but his conduct condemned. Had he
been more gentle in his conduct, he would have effected beneficially what he failed in
effecting by an opposite course.
* We have not succeeded in finding, in the Aberdeen minute book, any entry of their
establishment, and we may therefore conclude certainly that they dated as far back as
1688, and probably if the allusion in George Fox's tracts relate to this, were coeval
with the rise of the Society.
377
a Love Feast, or a being together not merely to eat and
to drink, or for outward ends, but to take thence occasion
to eat and drink together in the dread and presence of the
Lord, as His people, which custom we shall not condemn/'
In this place it will be found that he is contending that the
communion of the early Christians was not a sacramental act,
or "some solemn sacrifice."
The following is the minute referred to : — " At the
Quarterly Meeting at Aberdeen, 9th of Ninth Month, 1693.
At this meeting a line of P. L. (Patrick Livingston) being
read, containing a motion of some Friends of changing the
Seventh- day's meetings from the afternoon to begin in the
forenoon, and also making it circulatory through Friends'
families in town for propagating Truth, and being a con-
solatory repast (as among the primitive Christians) from house to
house," &c*
The Lord's Supper was not only placed by the party
represented by Archbishop Laud, on the same footing as the
Mass, but also on the Kestoration of the Anglican Church
* It was left by this meeting to Friends in town for their consideration, against the
next Fourth-day's weekly meeting. And at the said Fourth-day's meeting (15th of
Ninth Month) it was concluded so to be in time coming, and settled in the following
method and course, to begin the next Seventh-day at — 1st, at Jean Craig's, 18th of
Ninth Month ; 2nd, at Alex. Gillies, 25th of Ninth Month ; 3rd, at Isabel Gerard's, 2nd
of Tenth Month ; 4th, at Mary Bannerman's, 9th of Tenth Month ; 5th, at Isabel
Grey's, 16th of Tenth Month; 6th, at William Taylor's, 23rd of Tenth Month; 7th, at
John Hall's, 30th of Tenth Month ; 8th, at Lilias Skene's, 6th of Eleventh Month ;
9th, at Thomas Mercer's, 13th of Eleventh Month ; 10th, at Robert Gorden's, 20th of
Eleventh Month ; and then to begin again and go round in the same manner.
At Monthly Meeting, 24th of Eleventh Month, 1693, there is granted one of the
Seventh-day meetings to Elspit Stevens, at her own desire, which is to be the next
after Eobert Gorden, being to be the last.
" Upon the 12th day of Third Month, 1694, came to Aberdeen, to that day's circulating
meeting (which fell that day at Isabel Gerrard's), a very worthy English woman Friend,
named Helen Stockdaill, who had a singular presence of the Lord attending her, and
thereby very good service and suitable to the conditions of Friends among us (and) for
two weeks after."
378
party, while driving unwilling Separatists to church, they
inflicted a small fine on communion Sundays on those who
did not partake* — a practice which has been revived (at
Exeter) in our day, and which is probably a custom handed
down from Roman Catholic times.
* It also appears that 2d. was demanded from all the worshippers in church on
the days on which the Lord's Supper was administered, whether the parties com-
municated or not. See p. 67 — " John Baptist Decreasing, and Christ Increasing" — by
John Grattan, a well-wisher of the Anabaptists, in 1674 ; London edition, 1696. —
" That this is a new ordinance erect instead of the passover." " This I find not, no,
nor (that) those who would stay and eat should pay 2d, and those who would not
snould pay likewise, eat or not eat, pay you must — this we find nothing of 1 "
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XV.
MS. FROM " SWARTHMOBE PAPEBS," IN POSSESSION OP THE AUTHOR, SHOWING THE NATUBK
OF THE CHUBCH MeMBEBSHIP OP THE ANCIENT SOCIETY OF FBIENDS, &0.
Note by Author. — There is no date to this document. It is not certain whether " the
Church of England" means the Anglican Establishment, because in section seven,
Burough says he has denied " the Church of England many years." He died in 1G62.
We should, therefore, incline to the view that the date of the paper is 1661, when the
Established Church was in a transition state between Presbyterianism and Anglicanism.
This document, it will be readily seen, does not intend to reflect uncharitably upon
either Anglicanism or Presbyterianism; but the two points on which the whole document
hinges, are : First, that " members " in the outward and visible Church should con-
sist of persons who voluntarily profess that " they have peace with God in their
consciences, through the faith of Christ, which gives victory over all sin," and who
" have assurance through faith, of the love and favour of God," and that persons who
profess to belong to the Church of Christ in consequence of " force and violence," or
from any other unworthy cause, are not the right description of members ; consequently
a church consisting of a mixed company of persons is not a true and scripturally
constituted visible Church. Secondly, the nature of the Christian Ministry, which
ought to consist of such members who are considered by their fellow members as
"sent of Christ into that work," and not such as follow it for emolument, although it
may be seen at p. 272 of this work, that Burrough approved of a full and liberal main-
tenance being voluntarily given by the Church itself to its Ministers. It may also be
remarked, that this document entirely negatives the idea which has been current for nt
least a century in the Society of Friends, that the Membership of the early Society
of Friends was a "Birthright," or hereditary Membership.
Some pew Reasons showing why we Deny the Chttbch op England, and are op
this way, and such who abe scobnfully called quakers.
" First and chiefly, because the Church of England (so called) is not the true Church
of Christ, nor his wife, nor body, but a false church having the form but not the power.
Secondly, why she is a false church. Because she is not constituted of Tight members,
but made up of members which are not born again, nor renewed in mind and heart ;
and of such members only doth the true Church of Christ consist : but the Church of
England consists of the contrary, that is to say, of drunkards and covetous persons, &o., .
who are in the way of sin and death and are not renewed and bom again, and this is
one reason that gives us to believe that the Chinch of England is a false Ciiurch.
/
11
Thirdly. Because she is not in the same power of God as the Church of Christ in
the days of the Apostles, but is in the form without the power; wanting the Spirit and
the anointing which every member of the true Church ought to have ; but she hath
taken up the imitations of such doctrines and practices from the letter, without the
same power and spirit of the Apostles and true Church which were in the days of old.
Fourthly. Because she practiseth such things for ordinances and worship, in such
form and manner as the Scripture gives no example for ; nor did the Apostles give
commandment for such things, in many particulars (which) might be instanced wherein
she is out of the example of the true Churches of Christ in the Apostles' days ; so that
every part of her worship which seems to be by example from the Scriptures is not in
the same power and Spirit of God as the churches of old were in, and other parts of
her ordinances and worship are mere inventions and traditions, without example at all
from the Scriptures.
Fifthly. Because the Spirit of God alone is not the rule of her Government and
discipline in the Church, neither do they walk by that rule, but make the command-
ment of men, traditions, and antiquities of times, and the example of the fathers (so
called) of former generations the rules of Church government and discipline ; which
ought not to be, but the Spirit of Christ is the only rule of the government and disci-
"V* | ' V L pline of the true Church of Christ. "
Sixthly. Because her ministry is not the true ministry of Christ sent of Him into
that work, but are generally such persons as all the prophets, Christ and his Apostles
cried against. I say the ministry of the Church of England is not a true ministry, but
is of another spirit; even such they are as Isaiah cried against, Chapter lvi. 11, and such
as Micah cried against, Mic. hi. 11, and such as Paul spoke against, Tit. . . . that
sought their gain from their quarter, and sought for filthy lucre, and such as they
Christ never sent, nor are these true ministers of his Church, but such as these are
the ministers of the Church of England.
Seventhly. Because that the Church of England doth force and compel by force and
. violence upon pains and forfeiture (upon men's persons and estates) to be of their church,
and imposed faith, doctrine, ordinances, and practices upon the people in the ignorance
of conscience, and contrary to conscience, and will not allow unto men the liberty of their
consciences in spiritual things, according as the Spirit of God persuaded them, and this
is as Antichrist, and not of the true church, and these things are (with divers others)
reasons wherefore we deny the Church of England, and have done this many years,
neither can we ever turn to her again till these things be answered, and all doubts and
scruples in our conscience resolved in these particulars, and some others we have to
object.
And for being termed Quakers (so called), we were induced thereto from these
reasons : —
Firstly, and chiefly. Because the Spirit of God, in our conscience persuaded us to
the truth of this way, and not any outward cause or motives, but because of the Spirit
of God convincing our hearts inwardly of the verity, righteousness, and truth, of this
way in which we are.
Ill
Secondly. Because this way of religion is according to the Scriptures, and in the
fulfilling of them in doctrine, practice, and conversation, and the ministry, ordinances,
church government, and discipline (and) is in the same power and Spirit, and by the
example of the Apostles ; for the Spirit of God which did convince our consciences of the
truth of this way, leads us in the same way as the servants of God walked in doctrines
and practices.
Thirdly. Because this was (and) is persecuted and spoken all manner of evil of,
falsely, for the name of Christ, which shows that this way is of God, and answerable to
the Scriptures, because the same things are come to pass upon us Christ said should
come, and that for righteousness sake and not for evil doing.
Fourthly. Because we have peace with God in our consciences in this way, through
the faith of Christ which gives victory over all sin, and our souls are satisfied with the
bread of life, and we receive of the mercies of God in our souls, and His Spirit leads us
into all truth to do and to speak the truth, and to worship God in Spirit and in truth.
Fifthly. Because we have assurance, through faith, of the love and favour of the Lord
God, and have obtained the rest where comfort and satisfaction is enjoyed, and the
body of sin put off, and Christ the new man put on, and our whole church consisteth of
such members; and none but such are members of our church, but who are born again
of the seed of God, nor is any owned in fellowship with us, but who knows something
of God in them to guide them.
And these are some few reasons wherefore we are of this way, and such who arc in
scorn called Quakers."
E. B., i.e., Edwaed Bubbough.
CHAPTER XVI.
The position of the Travelling Ministry in the Society.
The Method of their " orderly dispersion " accord-
ing to the necessities of the Churches. Their
control transferred by fox from himself to the
Standing Committee of Ministers in London. Women
Preachers allowed to Supplement the work of the
11 Brethren," but not to direct affairs relating to
the Ministry. The " Ministers' Meetings," their
Spiritual Life and Energy. The establishment of
Church Officers simultaneous with the rise of the
Society. The gradual change from an " Indepen-
dent " TO" A " CONNEXIONAL " CHURCH SYSTEM; " CANONS
of George Fox." The Meetings for Worship. Silent
Prayer. Disuse of the Bible in Worship and its
Origin. The Establishment of the Central Yearly
Meeting in London. The action of Fox respecting
Marriage.
The travelling ministry in the early Society of Friends
possessed great power and importance, and it was main-
tained as one of their distinctive principles that every
minister should, after Apostolic practice, travel. Nay lor
affirmed that Baxter was not a true Minister because
he did not travel.* Keith charges the Presbyterians and
Independents of New England, that if they have received
a commission in Mat. xxviii. : " Ye are very unfaithful unto
* Quakers' Catechism.
380
it." They go, he says, unto a house or town and there
teach "a few that come to hear you." So did not the
Apostles, but travelled from place to place, and from one
nation, city and country to another, but so do not
ye."* The Calvinistic Baptists, &c, did not generally
travel or approve the practice, and their "Messengers"
appear to have differed essentially from the "Messengers"
of the General Baptists. Thomas Pollard, of " the Church
of Christ gathered in and about Leichfield," says : "And
to you, Farnsworth, and the rest that walk up and down
and live idly without a calling, if you would observe the
Scripture for a rule, you would see what Paul saith, ' If any
would not work neither should he eat.'" Here we have a
pastor of an Independent Church complaining that one of
Fox's preachers does not work at a trade ! f
We now come to the very simple machinery by which
this travelling ministry was, at this early period, regulated
and applied to the necessities of the Society. This was
done by the Ministers meeting together and arranging
among themselves how the requirements of the churches
as to ministry were to be supplied. The notices of arrange-
ment and plan in the proceedings of the early preachers,
in the "Swarthmore Papers" we have already quoted,
are fully explained by reference to the books of the Society
at a later period. In the minutes of the "Morning," or
Ministers' "Meeting," we find the following, dated 17th
Third Month, 1675 : "It is desired that all Friends in
and about the city that have a public testimony for
God," or ministry, " do meet with the brethren on every
First-day and Second-day mornings when they can."
* " The Presbyterian and Independent visible Church in New England and elsewhere
brought to the Test." By George Keith, 1689. Edition 1691, p. 174.
t " The Holy Scripture Clearing Itself," &c. By Thomas Pollard.
381
Otherwise they are "to send a note to the meetings
signifying what meetings they intend to be at on First-
days." Obviously, the Monday morning meeting dealt with
the future arrangements, and the meeting again of the
ministers on the Sunday morning, at 8 o'clock, was to com-
plete the plan. They then dispersed ; the horses standing
in readiness in the yard for those who visited the more
distant meetings.* Again, the object is stated, 16th Third
Month, 1681. That " at Ellis Hookes, his chamber," by
"writing their names, and what meeting they intend to be
at next day ; " " that as much as may be, those meetings,"
i.e., "the adjacent meetings near the City," may be equally
" supplied so that there may not be several at one meeting
and none at another."
If it seemed desirable to establish new meetings, or
special meetings for special classes of society, the subject
was discussed here.f In 1689, it was ordered positively
that no Minister should "go to any meeting near the City,
without acquainting the Morning Meeting at the Chamber."
The whole of these arrangements and the general control of
the ministry had, as we have seen, fallen upon Fox, and it
is interesting to note that it was needful for him, in
Eleventh Month, 1690, to direct " all Friends in all the
world that used to write to him," to write to the Morning
Meeting. This meeting of Ministers controlled those who
*Fox says in a paper "to the women's meeting." — (See New Swarthmore Collec-
tion, Devonshire House) — He was "moved to set up that meeting," — "to gather up
bad books that was scandalous against Friends, and to see that young Friends' books
that were sent up to be printed might be stood by," to see that the ministers " might
not go in heaps " to one meeting and leave others unprovided for. But " not for
them," (i.e., the ministers) "to have authority over the Monthly and Quarterly
Meetings."
tin 1681, a special meeting was appointed for "Merchants and Tradesmen who,
frequented the Exchange."
382
were not fully recognized as Ministers, or whose ministry
was not approved, and their names were not entered in the
booh unless they were so. That this arrangement was a
part of Fox's original plans is evident from the extract in
Note, page 381, and from a minute, 1st Eleventh Month,
1697, where allusion is made to a paper of his upon the
subject, requiring that many Ministers should not go to one
meeting, leaving others ill supplied.
Fox, in his reply to Harwood,* one of the original
band of preachers who had attacked his authority, says
that " it is known " that the Ministers "do meet together,"
and that "every one takes his motion;" that he and the
rest of the Ministers " know what order is " in relation to
the control and dispersion of the Ministers.
Harwood states that, " to my knowledge," Fox thus
" orders " the preachers : — " Thou must go to such a place,"
or "such a place is ordered for thee;" and thither they
must go, whether they have any command from God or no ;
and, " in his absence, leaves one of his most eminent
servants to order" the rest of those who are "esteemed,"
or deemed " ministers," or " gives them a piece of paper"
(probably a memorandum of the engagement to a particular
congregation), which he says " the soul of the righteous
loathes ! " Fox denies " allowing any in his absence," or
" sending papers to them." f This gives us a curious glimpse
into the relations of Fox to his coadjutors ; and although
Harwood's testimony, were it uncorroborated, might be
received with some reserve, in its main features it is
* " The Spirit of Envy, Lying and Persecution, &c." An answer to a scandalous
paper of John Harwood. London, 1663.
t " To all people that profess the eternal Truth of God. — The cause why I have denied
G-. P., which is the original ground of difference between us. — This is only to go
amongst Friends, &c," 1663.
383
supported by the evidence furnished by the Swarthmore
papers.*
In 1700, it was needful to caution women ministers
" against taking up so much time in our mixed public
meetings." Women were not admitted to this "Second-day
morning meeting " in the year 1700, and when they set up
a kind of lady-preachers' counterpart to it, the " Morning
Meeting" "judged there was no necessity for it;" they
might " leave their names," i.e., for insertion in the plan,
and if they were careful not to interfere with the "brethren"
in " public mixed meetings," they might possibly have " an
opportunity " of speaking.
The Ministers were requested to " tenderly exhort one
another as to anything they might notice in matter or
manner." They appear to have discussed the character of
their sermons. In 1702, "long, unnecessary preambles,"
" dialoguing," raising points of objection without clearly
and " sufficiently answering them," " affectation in tones,
sounds, and gestures," and " seeking popularity," were
minuted as objectionable ; and " mis-quoting or mis-apply-
ing Scripture" was condemned; and Ministers were re-
minded that they ought to be " conversant " with, and
"diligent in reading," Holy Scripture. They were also
warned not to "prophesy against any nation, town, city,
people, or person."
In Tenth Month, 1702, it would seem as if something
similar to the " watchnight service " among the Wesleyans
was attempted to be re-established ; for in 1653 they are
recorded to have "exceedingly affected night meetings," and
they were " forbidden by the Justices of the Sessions at
• See T. Holmes to M. Fell, 1653, p. 341 ; also T. Curtis to G. Fox, 8th Eleventh
Month, 1668, p. 341 ; O. Atherton to M. Fell, 1660, p. 341 ; Naylor to G. Fox, 1654,
p. 343, <feo.
D D 2
384
Appleby, in January of that year," and it is interesting to
note that one of them "pleaded stiffly for the liberty of the
subject ; " * but it was deemed by the Ministers' Meeting
to be undesirable. In 1717, a Monthly Meeting (that
of Poole) writes to the Ministers' Meeting for an explana-
tion of the parable in Matthew xxii. of the marriage feast,
and an explanation was at once sent down for their
guidance. The plan or arrangement books, for the
"orderly dispersion" of the Ministers for London and
the environs, still exist from 1697, with the signatures of
those Ministers who engaged to be present. Those also
for Bristol and the surrounding meetings still exist. It
can be shown from these books, that the system was so
complete, that two Ministers were thus provided for every
meeting, f These books show that, to every one of these
meetings, morning and afternoon, Sunday and week days,
a smaller number than two Ministers in prescribed attend-
ance were seldom present, while every marriage and funeral
was attended by one. The Minister was accustomed to ride
in the coach with the near relatives. J
A close examination of these books has shown that the
system must have extended to the counties, as in one year
there were found to be no fewer than 432 visits from Ministers
who are not entered more than twice. In a total of 936
meetings held, 2,009 Ministers' attendances are noted, show-
ing the close adherence to the rule of two Ministers to each
congregation. The only Bristol attendance books preserved
* See "The Irreligion of the Northern Quakers," 1653, p. 12.
t There were then in the city twelve meetings, viz. : — " Bull and Mouth, Devonshire
House, Gracechurch Street, Horsley Down, Park, Peel, Batcliff, Westminster, Savoy,
Wheeler Street, Wapping, Long Acre, and in the environs, Croydon, Deptford,
Gooses Green, Hammersmith, Plaistow, Tottenham, Wandsworth, Hendon, Mimms,
Kingston, Ware."
J This is stated on the authority of a private letter.
385
date from 1728 to 1770. The London books only exist
from 1697, to 4th October, 1793. We have seen, however,
that the system was in existence in the Society in 1663, and
there can be no reasonable doubt that it was commenced
at a very early period, and formed part of the original
principles of the church arrangement carried out by Fox.
We shall recognise in these Ministers' meetings a source
of the vast energy and success which attended the opera-
tions of the new Society. We have thus presented to our
view a Ministry of " lay " preachers, meeting together and
arranging among themselves both the home missionary
and the regular church work, apportioning it among them-
selves in accordance with the various gifts of grace pos-
sessed by the officers of this " working church." They
welcomed any voluntary labourers who, without being
Ministers, were generally approved by the church, and
considered on trial. The pastoral care of the churches
devolved on the " Elders;" while a care over the out-
ward deportment and conduct of the members, and other
matters not requiring spiritual gifts, devolved upon the
"Overseers or Deacons." The sacrifices of time, of money,
of liberty — to say nothing of life — which were cheerfully
made by these purely voluntary Gospel labourers — were
not by any means small ; and we shall not wonder that
this earnestness and sincerity met with a commensurate
success. These Ministers' meetings tended to animate
their zeal; and mutual respect, love, and sympathy light-
ened their labours. They lived in times when one of
the most eminent of their number* said, he never went
to a meeting without "his nightcap in his pocket," so
great was the probability of his having to sleep in a
* G. Whitehead.
386
prison. Indeed, even at a later period, when the flame
of Christian zeal burned far less brightly, the perfect
harmony and brotherly good feeling which prevailed, when
none but working and responsible church officers met together
to apportion and to discuss their work, is strongly testified
to by an aged minister, who had taken part in these meetings
of a " clergy of the laity."* The records of what passed at
these Ministers' meetings are seldom to be met with. The
preservation of the minutes, quoted below, depended entirely
upon the circumstance of the ordinary meeting-book being
accidentally used for the entry, f The members appear to
have transacted their business by putting it into the form of a
question^ a plan which was adopted by John Wesley, and
remains to be the method of conducting the business of the
Wesleyan Conference, and has been found to save a vast
amount of valuable time, and to be eminently adapted to the
needs of Wesleyan Methodism. §
* See p. 532.
t The churches in the district are termed " The Church and People of God, called
by His grace and gathered and knit together by and in His Spirit of Light, Life, and
Love, in which we now meet and assemble together to wait upon and worship the God
and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath freely given unto every one of us a
measure of the Holy Ghost, by which we are in measure come unto the true knowledge
of the mind and will of God, though we are a poor, unworthy and despised people,
scattered among the rocky mountains and dark valleys of the High Peak Country." —
First page of Moneyash Monthly Meeting Book.
{" A true relation of the Meeting of Friends in the Ministry, and Overseers and
Elders in the Church, the 28th of Tenth Month, 1697. After some time of waiting
weightily upon the Lord, &c, these queries were put to the meeting: — 1st. "Whether
they generally believe and see it needful to have such a meeting as this?" — Answer:
"Yea." 2nd. "If any be dissatisfied with this meeting and have not unity with it,
whether you think such should be here? " Answer : " No." 4th. " Whether any here
are unwilling to be searched and their condition spoken to ? " Answer: "No." 5th.
"Whether it be not the sense of the meeting that all such as preach or pray should be
given up to the will of God in what they speak, neither to add or to diminish from
what is given them of God? " Answer : " Yea,"&c. — Chesterfield Quarterly Meeting Book.
§ It may be safely said that two-thirds of the time wasted in the meetings of the
present Society would be saved, by resorting to such a method of procedure.
387
The following minute gives a curious insight into the
inner life of the early Society : — " The 5th day of the Eighth
Month, 1698. — At our meeting of Friends in the Ministry
and Elders, in the meeting-house, at Chesterfield, these
things following passed : — First, in our waiting upon the
Lord, the Lord appeared very sweetly and powerfully
amongst us, and in us, to our great comfort. Praises to his
Name for ever. Secondly, we had a precious time in prayer
and supplication to the Lord, in a sweet stream and current
of Life Eternal. Thirdly, after prayer, we — every one that
had a part in the ministry* — declared how it had been with
us, as to our faithfulness therein, and where we had found by
experience that the enemy had hurt us, or overtaken us
unawares at times. Fourthly, the snares, baits, gins, traps,
nets, &c. of the enemy were spoken of, and laid to plain
view; and caution, counsel, and advice in the love of God
given freely from him amongst us."
It will be recollected that a question of the utmost
importance to the Christian Church was raised by the
Independents in the Assembly of Divines, viz., that an
Elder or Bishop — i.e., a Minister — could only really be an
Elder, in the church that acknowledged him to be an Elder. This
was an argument against Provincial Synods, and the
machinery of the Presbyterian Church; and as the pro-
* It must be remembered, as sbown in tbe m'nute of appointment, 29th Tenth
Month, 1697, that Overseers were appointed to be present. We have before mentioned
that these officers were not necessarily, although often ministers.
It may be remarked that in a prior minute, the Ministers, Overseers, and Elders are
described as "All Friends that have a public testimony to bear in our solemn
assemblies, and the Overseers of the several meetings." The word Minister generally
meaning Travelling Ministers, Elder being a general term.
It appears that the Elders, or Ministers appointed by the Churches to the pastoral
office, exercised a control over both Travelling Ministers, and others whose ministry
was not wholly approved by the congregation, in the intervals between the ministers'
meetings.
388
posed Presbyterian Ministers were all to be ministers to
particular congregations, we must admit the force of the
Independent argument; but, in the rise of the Early-
Friends, the Travelling Ministers were, in the first place,
acknowledged by an association of neighbouring churches,
and held a certificate of fitness from them ; and eventually,
from the very extensive character of the ministerial services
of many of these men, they gradually became acknowledged
to have the position of "Elders" by the whole of the associa-
tions of churches in England. This will help us to understand
how Fox was led to establish, first, " general meetings " or
associations of churches, which were held (eventually)
every quarter; how he then subdivided these associated
churches into smaller and more convenient numbers, to
meet together in what were termed " monthly meetings,"
(consisting of a group of 3 to 5 meetings) which again sent
delegates to a larger association, called a " Quarterly
Meeting." " The Circular " Yearly Meeting " was a very
ancient meeting, existing prior to the establishment of the
central Yearly Meeting in London. Large wooden " booths "
were erected, and these meetings were continued after the
establishment of the latter meeting, as a means of spreading
the Gospel. In the case of Bristol Yearly Meeting, it was
needful, at a later date, to expressly provide that, if con-
tinued, it was to have no legislative power.
In 1656, the new Society had commenced to emerge
from its condition of isolated, independent churches, and a
" general meeting " out of several counties was established.
As early, however, as 1653, we have distinct evidence that
these isolated churches chose " one or two " "to take the
charge of the flock of God in that place."* They had
* In a valuable record respecting the establishment of Monthly, Quarterly, and
Yearly Meetiugs, G. Fox speaks of the Elders of particular places meeting at
389
distinct duties. They were first " to see that order be kept
in the church/' They were to see that "the First-day
(Sunday) meeting " was regularly held, and a meeting on
"one or two nights in the week." They were to see that
the flock "meet together to wait on the Lord." "Three
or four hours " are mentioned; whether this was the length
of each meeting, or the two week-night meetings, does not
appear. They were to " lay the charge and care on some
Friends, the most grown in Truth," to see that every
opportunity for Friends to meet was availed of." Once in
every " two or three weeks " they were in addition to have
a public or " general meeting with other friends near you."
They were to deal with delinquents by giving them "Gospel
order," &c* In 1653, at Bishoprick (or Durham) it was
Swartlimore about 1653. See " Letters of Early Friends," p. 312. It is unquestionable
that the principle on which Fox proceeded was to establish Elders in every church.
These were, probably, in the first instance appointed by the Travelling Minister. Fox
says in the very important document quoted : "So you may see that there was not a
church but had their Elders." And the necessity of Deacons is also dwelt upon. —
" Letters of Early Friends," p. 317.
*" W. Dewsbury's Letter " countersigned by G. F. — " Swarthmore Papers." Dated
1653. A very ancient document exists in the papers belonging to Bristol Meeting —
without date — entitled, "Eules concerning the Church," commencing: — "The elders
and brethren sent unto the brethren in the north these necessary things," &c. It
orders that " the particular meetings by all the Children of Light be kept and observed
every First-day of the week," and that "general meetings" be held "on some other
day of the week." That care should be taken that meetings should be established at
once "for as many as are brought unto the Truth." In the 13th article it expressly
provides respecting "the Children of the Light," that if any be called to serve "the
Commonwealth" "in any public service which is for the public health and good, that
with carefulness it be taken, and in faithfulness discharged unto God." It speaks of
"members" and "children of members," and that "records" of the "birth of
children " and " the burial of the dead " be kept. In the 19th article, it provides "that
elders made by tlie Holy Ghost, feed the flock of God, taking the oversight hereof not
of constraint, but of a ready mind, neither as lord's over God's heritage, but as
ensamples to the flock of Christ." It ends, "from the Spirit of Truth to all the
Children of Light, in the light who walk; " — " that all, in order be kept, in obedience to
390
found " convenient that some of every meeting" should
"meet together every first Seventh-day of every month" and
declare what necessities or wants are seen in their several
meetings," and as "necessity is seen, so to minister."*
Collections were then ordered, and the practice of weekly
collections appears to have existed in the ' northern meetings
in 1653. f Prior to 1697, a collection was made in the
public meeting! on "First-day" mornings, but if any of the
general public contributed it was returned to them,§ because
they never received any support from " the world." If, on
the other hand, it was for a public object, such as general
distress, or for suffering Protestant Christians, they then
received the contributions of "the world."
In 1656, a paper was addressed " From the North to
God," &c, with an epistle, "Dearly beloved Friends, these things we do not lay upon
you as a rule or form to walk by, &c." The date of this is probably between 1653 and
1656. Printed in "Letters of Early Friends," from another source, supposed to be a
paper of the General or Yearly Meeting, held in Bedfordshire, 1657.
•Letter from Anthony Pearson and fifteen others. — "Swarthmore Papers." Fox
states (see Journal) that in 1653 some of these associated Monthly Meetings were
established. Dorking Monthly Meeting Book states that John Hugh and Thomas
Lawson, both of the north country, had their first meeting in Surrey in 1654 or 1655,
and about that time a Monthly Meeting was "settled;" it is however important to
notice, that " Monthly Meetings for Worship" are mentioned, and that it is doubtful
whether the term implies in this case the establishment of a Monthly Meeting for
business. This is a striking instance of their Christian consistency.
t " Brief Narrative of the Irreligion of the Northern Quakers," p. 16. London, 1653.
X " A box with a hole in the top " was made use of in Kingston Meeting. Beck <fc
Ball's "London Meetings," p. 317. A similar box was used at Devonshire House, and
is still in existence there.
§A number of instances of this occur in the Irish Meetings — e.g., Dublin Men's
Meeting, 1696: "Aristarchus Frantham having laid down 3d. at the last collection,
he not being at unity with Friends, having formerly taken a wife from amongst
the world, and he making laced shoes, &c, it is desired that Abell Strettel and Joseph
Hank return him his money." In 1697 the collection was transferred to the business
meetings, because the general public would "lay down" their money — Christians alone,
i.e., Church members, were to contribute to the support of the church.
391
the South," from Skipton General Meeting in Yorkshire.
They allude to "a former paper," which was "not
owned by all in the South," relating to the "great
service " they find in these "General Meetings." Probably
the tendency to Independency induced some of the newly
established churches to withdraw from these associations
of churches, and the North now declares to the South,
that "if all parts and countries were drawn into the
sams way of union it would be of great use to the body."
They also notify that they have " settled a way for collec-
tions among ourselves, and for other outward things, that
all may be preserved in peace and order." But it is
most delicately introduced to their notice, and they say
they are "not free to lay anything before them but our
own example."
In 1658, therefore, we find the Southern Counties re-
sponded to the advice tendered. A General Meeting was
held at John Crook's house at Luton, in Bedfordshire, and
it lasted three days, It was attended by Friends "from
most parts of the nation, and many thousands of persons
were at it." These "General Meetings" appear to have
combined four objects : the preaching of the Gospel, some-
thing on the principle of a Methodist camp-meeting, the
administration of the internal affairs of the Society, the
meeting of the Ministers from all parts, giving an account
of their successes, and probably planning fresh aggressive
movements, and the collection of monies for home and
foreign mission purposes. They also had to satisfy the
churches that work had been done for the money contri-
buted. In 1654, it was reported to the Protector, that at a
General Meeting at Swanington, there were six persons
writing for publication. Giles Calvert, their publisher,
stayed with them eight or nine days, returning with the
392
MSS. to be put in print.* At Scalehouse an appeal on
behalf of foreign missions was responded to, to the extent of
.£443 3s. 5d., and the expenditure reached the figure of
£490 13s. 5d., which, considering the difference in value,
was a considerable sum of money, for expenses incurred in
New England, Holland, France and Jersey, Turkey, Barba-
does, Virginia, Jamaica. In Cambridgeshire another was
held for the Eastern Counties ; at Horsham for the four
counties, Kent, Sussex, Surrey, and Hants; at Chippen-
ham, for Wiltshire and the adjacent parts. At Horsham a
subscription was raised similar to the one recommended at
Scalehouse, but this was for the travelling Ministers, and
generally for home mission work. A Yearly Meeting was
held in 1660 at Balby, in Yorkshire, and again thousands of
people attended. In the same year a special Yearly Meeting
took place, which appears to have in some way centralised
the movement and tended towards a complete connectional
system, as the "Elders were ordered from all parts;" and
Fox tells us it "was removed to London the next year,"
where it was "kept ever since as a more convenient place."
But much remained to be done to consolidate the fabric
of the new Society. Persecution of the most fearful kind
overtook all the Separatist, or Free Churches, and there
can hardly be a doubt that the disorganization resulting
from troubles both without and within, caused Fox to make
another and special effort. Fox was imprisoned in Lancas-
ter and Scarborough Castles in 1664, on the ground of
plotting against the Government, but ostensibly for refus-
ing to swear, and he was released by order of the King,
in 1666, who had been informed that Fox "was a man
against plotting and fighting." From 1666 to 1668 Fox
* See " Thurloe's State Papers," pp. 94 and 116.
393
visited all the Churches in England, to organize and
establish "Monthly Meetings,"* and to place them in an
orderly relation to the "Quarterly Meetings" (i.e., the
General Meetings of an Association of Churches) which
had been before established, and also to allay by his
personal presence the rising tide of opposition to some of
his plans of church government. It was his desire, by
well considered arrangements, to give to particular churches
power to deal with offenders against the good order of the
churches, as well as with those who might be guilty of con-
duct inconsistent with Christian morality. These matters
required immediate attention, as they threatened the exist-
ence and the credit of the new Society.
The fire of London happened in 1666, and from this year
persecution gradually slackened, and was at a stand in 1668.
It has been represented by Baxter, that Perm had some
considerable part in giving to the " Quakers " a regular
government, but it will be observed that it was in this year
that Penn became an adherent of the new Society. Fox
was, however, the organizing and directing agent, who by
his unwearied labours reduced the seemingly incongruous
materials of this great religious movement into order, and
sought, while endeavouring to secure the most abundant
development of the gifts of all the members of the Church,
to curb the extravagance which had destroyed many of the
little congregations of Separatists and brought discredit on
the Christian religion. The church system of the new Society
now only needed a central conference. The " Monthly
Meeting " sent its representatives to the " Quarterly
Meeting," and again the "Quarterly Meetings" (already
* The Monthly Meeting consisted of an association of two, three, or four churches
only.
394
linked to the local Yearly Meetings) were to send represent-
atives to the central " Yearly Meeting " in London.* All
the business of the Yearly Meeting came from the Quarterly
Meetings,! except upon "necessity or urgent occasions,"
which fell out "after the Quarterly Meetings."
The only representatives that were to be sent up were
"substantial Elders" (i.e., Ministers) "that know the affairs
of the Church of Christ in their country."]: Fox states in
this important document, that the sole officers of the Society
were "Apostles," "Elders," or "Deacons,"§ and that there
" was not a Church but they had their Elders" in Apostolic
times, and clearly implies that in the Society of Friends it
was so intended. He appears to vindicate also the power
of the Apostolic or Travelling Ministry to "ordain Elders in
every city," and that the Yearly Meeting should consist of
the "Apostles" and "Elders," after the precedent of the
early Christian Church. Besides the representatives from
each Quarterly Meeting, every Travelling Minister holding
a certificate was by his office a member of the Yearly
Meeting. There is reason to believe that the expenses of
all the representatives were paid. On one occasion Fox
urges Barclay to come to London to the Yearly Meeting,
and states incidentally that his expenses would be paid.
The clerks of the Monthly Meetings were often, if not
universally, paid for their services.
The 6th of the Eleventh Month, 1668, appears to have
* In the year 1689, Fox states there were 26 Yearly Meetings at home and abroad
with which the London Yearly Meeting corresponded.
t Page 315 of " Explanatory Document," by G. Fox. Date 1689.
X In 1703, the rule was that none were to be admitted but "Deputies, public Friends,
and Correspondents."
§ See also paper by E. Barrow, in "Aberdeen Monthly Meeting Minute Book,"
p. 169.J. " Knowing that as he ordained Elders, Deacons, and Nursing Mothers, in
ages by past, even so hath the Lord our God brought to pass in our days."
395
been the date on which the first London Yearly Meeting
was held.* The establishment of this central Meeting gave
strength to the new Society, and excited some attention in
the outside world. The paper then issued by Fox was twice
reprinted under the title of " The Canons and Institutions" of
George Fox. The importance of this document in the history
of the organization of the Society, has hitherto been over-
looked.! It has been found at the commencement of the
records of every Quarterly Meeting in the Society, which
have been hitherto inspected by the writer, bearing date
1669. The contents of this document are very simple : —
1st. Those "who walk not in the truth" and so "dis-
honour God," are to be exhorted by persons appointed by
the Church, who are to report. 2nd. Members who, con-
trary to their profession, "follow pleasure, drunkenness,
gaming, or are not faithful in their calling or dealings, not
honest or just, but runneth into debt," "to be exhorted, and
report made." 3rd. Those who contract marriage in a
disorderly manner, "contrary to the practice of the holy
men of God." Marriages to be recorded in a book, and
at least a dozen witnesses to be present. 4th. All widows
who marry a second time, are to secure to the children
*See "Sewel," edition 1831, vol. ii. p. 180; also a "History of the Doctrine and
Discipline of Friends, -written by desire of the Meeting for Sufferings " in London, 1804,
p. 22. — MS. Minutes of the Yearly Meeting, Devonshire House.
f First edition in 8vo, entitled " Canons and Institutions, drawn up and agreed upon
by the General Assembly or Meeting of the Heads of the Quakers, &c, George Fox being
their President." London, 1669. With a preface consisting of a scuirilous attack on Fox,
and the alteration of one word of the original document which will for ever disgrace the
author of the pamphlet. This was answered by Stephen Criep, in his " innocent Assem-
blies of the People called Quakers ; " also a 4to edition, bound with an account of the
discipline of the Church of Mr. Eichard Davis, of Rothwell, the object being to warn
the Church of England of the close organization of the Dissenters. It is reprinted in
Beck and Balls' "London Meetings," but the writer pointed out its importance in
sixteen or seventeen lectures, given some years ago to the Society of Friends in many
places, long prior to this publication.
396
of the first marriage a just and equal portion of their
property, even in case of no will having been made by the
first husband; if there is a will, then the legacies under
it are to be secured before a second marriage, and the
arrangements recorded in a book. 5th. Widows to be
especially cared for by the Church, and generally eased,
and children apprenticed. All things to be "done accord-
ing to truth and righteousness." 6th. That since " from
Genesis to Revelations you never read of any priest that
married people," all who go to "the priests of Baal, who
have had their hands in the blood of our brethren, who were
the cause of their banishment, the spoiling of their goods,
and casting into prison, and who kept them in prison to
this day," are to have "gospel order" before they are "left
as heathens;" they are to be visited three or four times,
and unless they condemn their conduct they must be
repudiated as members. 7th. Those who "wear their hats
when Friends pray," and are gotten into the principle of
the Ranters, are to have judgment passed against them,
and to be "cut off by the sword of the Spirit of the Lord."
8th. That all the meetings in which there are a large
number of poor, are to be liberally assisted, and that the
churches "may bear each other's burdens and so fulfil the
law of Christ." Nothing is to be "lacking" in the church
in this matter, because "now amongst Christians there is
not to be a beggar, according to the laws of Jesus."
9th. Any kind of courtship which does not sincerely intend
marriage, either men or women who "draw out the affec-
tions of one another, and after awhile leave one another,"
is denounced. 10th. All evil speakers, backbiters, and
slanderers, foolish talkers and idle jesters, are to be dealt
with, because "the saints' words" are to "minister grace
to the hearers." 11th. Tale-bearers are to be "reproved
397
and admonished," because "such do not bring people into
unity of the Spirit." 12th. Cheats and people who borrow
money on false pretences — and two apparently difficult
cases, "a woman tall in her person, and freckled in the face,
and one John Harding" — cause the meek spirit of Fox, in
passing, to descend to particulars, and to call upon the
churches to condemn them. 13th. General meetings to be
now held once a quarter, and differences to be speedily
ended. 14th. Children to be "trained up in the fear of
the Lord, in soberness and holiness, righteousness, temper-
ance, meekness and gentleness, and lowliness, and modesty
in apparel and carriage. See to exhort your children and
family, especially while young." There is not, however,
a word respecting treating children as members. 15th. To
provide books for registering births, marriages, and burials,
" as the holy men of God did of old."* 17th. Provides that
"nothing of the memorial of the blood and cruel sufferings
of your brethren be lost which may stand as a testimony
against the murdering spirits of the world, and be to the
praise of the Lord's everlasting power in the ages to come ;
* These registers are all lodged in Somerset House, and some of the earliest date
from 1652, and therefore may be said to have been instituted as soon as each church
was formed. The earliest dates are probably back entries, and in perhaps a few
instances the registers of Separatist churches which went over bodily to the new
Society. It has been contended by J. S. Rowntree, in the 4th Month number of the
" Friends' Quarterly Examiner," of 1872 — that the existence of these register books
shows that the early Friends considered children as members. This theory is com-
pletely refuted by an inspection of the books in question. In a large number of churches
there are entries of persons born, married, and buried, prior to the rise of the Society.
The earlest date of birth is in Cornwall Quarterly Meeting in 1609, while at Thirsk
a burial is registered for the year 1610, and at Heminghane a marriage is registered for
1639 ! If the argument were tenable, since the Baptist churches from the earliest
times kept similar registers, it would prove equally that they considered infants as
members, although it is well known that there never was a Baptist church which
admitted infants as members. See a pamphlet published in 1873, by the author in
reply "On Membership in the Society of Friends." S. Harris & Co., London.
E E
398
who supp3ited and upheld his in such hardships and
cruelty; who is God over all, blessed for ever, Amen."*
18th. Such as pay tythes are to be exhorted, since they
" make void the testimony and suffering of all our brethren
who have suffered many of them to death, by which widows
and fatherless have been made, which is contrary to the
doctrine of the Apostles, and the doctrine of the Martyrs,
and contrary to the doctrine of the righteous of the present
age." 19th. Prisoners (for conscience sake) to be relieved,
their wives and families supported by the church.
It must not be supposed that these duties had not been
performed by the Churches already established, but it was
needful, as the new organization was now completed, to
define clearly the business of these Meetings. Then, as if
to prevent the possibility of the great duty of the Church
of Christ, the propagation of the Gospel, being overlooked
in providing for the good order of the Churches, Fox adds
this pregnant epistle, which reads like a satire upon the
action of this Church at a later period, when its business
seemed mainly to be the upholding of a rigid discipline, not
so much for the interests of the cause of Christ, but for
its own credit, and when it retired from the position of a
Society for the propagation of the Gospel : — "Dear Friends,
be faithful in the service of God and mind the Lord's
business. Be diligent and bring the power of the Lord
over all that have gainsaid it. And all you that be faithful
go to visit (them) all that have been convinced, from house
to house, that if it be possible you may not leave an hoof in
Egypt. And so every one go seek the lost sheep and bring him
home on your back to the fold, and there will be more joy of
* These accounts of sufferings are preserved in grim and ponderous folios among the
records of the Society, where they stand as if ready for the Judgment Day, containing
a fearful record of the cruelty inflicted by professing Christians I
399
that one sheep, than of the ninety and nine in the fold ! "
A postscript orders meetings to be held, "in the name of
Jesus Christ," between 10 and 11 in the morning, because
the "priests'" worship had commenced, and a caution lest
perchance those who meet to have "fellowship in the Spirit"
should be seen "nodding" or "sleeping" in Meetings!"
This seems to show that, even at this early period, there
was a tendency unduly to prolong the period of silent
prayer.
In the time of the Commonwealth it would seem that the
public meetings of the Society were conducted almost
entirely on the model of the Baptist and Independent
Meetings, and that certain meetings of the Church, corre-
sponding with what would be now called "prayer meetings,"
were occasionally held with a large amount of silent
prayer. We have already shown that the practice of "silent
meetings," in the large and flourishing Church at Bristol,
appears to have been introduced as something new in 1678,
and that "the pure sylence of all flesh" then only applied to
"Friends" who "found freedom," and who withdrew after
the regular meeting for worship.
The question as to the amount of silent prayer in the early
Friends' Meetings, has been debated in later times in the
Society, very much in accordance with the prepossession of
the persons discussing it. Fox undoubtedly recommended
the newly formed churches, when there was as yet no settled
minister, to meet regularly in silent prayer; but his anxiety
to provide regular ministry is evident from the earliest times,
and that this anxiety increased with age and experience is
unquestionable. Keith states* that in the beginning, when
" divers were convinced and gathered together in divers
' " On the Benefit, Advantage and Glory, of Silent Meetings," London, 1G70, p. 3.
E E 2
400
places, through very necessity their meetings came to be silent
for some time," as there were few "fitted and qualified " to
minister to others. The practice of silent worship was
largely developed under the fearful persecution of Charles
the Second's reign, when nearly the whole of the Ministers
of a district were occasionally in prison, and the law not
reaching a meeting held in silence, the advantages of this
method of worship were pressed upon the Society, and several
works were written by eminent Ministers, in its favour.*
Barclay states "that of the many meetings" of the Society
"there is scarce any in which God raiseth not up some or other
to minister," &c.,t and that in his time there were scarcely
any meetings without ministry. Baxter, while bearing testi-
mony to the "constancy and sufferings of the Quakers, who
persisted in holding their meetings till they were all lodged
in jail," mentions with his usual acuteness this new feature
in their meetings. He says (about 1664) : "And the poor
deluded souls would sometimes meet only to sit still in
silence (when, as they said, the Spirit did not speak), and
it was a question whether this silence was a religious exercise not
allowed by the Liturgy," I — and we find that juries acquitted
them although grievously threatened. We shall again allude
to the inroads which Quietism was commencing to make
upon the earnest evangelistic spirit of the early Friends.
We may remark that during this period the public and
• Barclay, in his Apology, advocates it on the ground that " it can neither he stopped
by the malice of men or devils," and generally he appears to represent in his argu-
ments the increasing tendency to commend the practice at this period.
t Page 225, Irwin's Edition, Manchester.
Keith also, in the work above quoted (p. 9), and written at this period, says : " That
the Friends then came to find the advantage ' in a wonderful manner.' "
In 1671, a pamphlet was published, " Silent Meetings a Wonder to the World,"
which may be taken to imply something in some way new, or it would not be a
*' wonder."
J " Sylvester's Life," p. 436.
401
private meetings for worship of the Society were made
absolutely coincident, as they scorned even the semblance
of "flying from persecution," as worthy upholders of the
distinctive principle of Helwys, to which we have before
alluded.
A curious document found in the records at Devonshire
House, will convince the reader of the correctness of our
statement, that silence to any large extent was the exception,
and not the rule, in the ordinary public meetings. This
is a register of the number of sermons and prayers in
Wheeler Street Meeting-house for rather over a year, from
8th of Eleventh Month, 1684, to 28th of Twelfth Month,
1685. During this time the meetings were frequently
broken up by soldiery, and yet there was an average of two
sermons and one prayer to every meeting during that period.*
Towards the end of Fox's life it may be doubted whether
he did not contemplate introducing a large Bible in the
gallery for the use of the Ministers. In the Meeting-house
at Swarthmore, which Fox built, and of which he made a
present to the Society, a large Bible was placed, chained to
the gallery where the Ministers preached, as exemplified in
the plate of the worship of the old Flemish Mennonites at
the commencement of this volume. That Fox himself
and the Ministers of the early Society had no hesita-
tion in preaching Bible in hand, and quoting out of the
Scriptures from their Bibles, has been observed. And
from the earlier portion of this history it will be
evident that there was no intentional "banishment"
* Out of 53 First-day Meetings only one was silent, and in two, prayer only was
offered. In the remaining 50 meetings, 84 addresses delivered by men, and 16 only
by women Ministers, three of the latter were "not owned;" 32 prayers were offered by
men. Out of 53 Week-day Meetings, eight were silent, six, no statement, one, several
spoke. In the remaining 38 meetings, 48 addresses by men, 18 by women Ministers,
18 prayers offered by men, one by a woman.
402
of the Holy Scriptures from their meetings. This is
remarked as late as 1703,* and in proof it is stated that
Fox had given a folio Bible to a Meeting-house in London,
and that it could be seen if wished. It will be obvious that
this was a most unfair reply, unless Fox had actually given
it for occasional use in the Meeting-house, in some way to
be used in their meetings. The position of the Society of
Friends in this matter was well understood by the Inde-
pendents and Baptists, f It was undoubtedly the result of
the intense reaction in 1640 from the enforced use of the
Liturgy of the Church of England.
The views of John Smyth, of Amsterdam, on this subject,
have been already alluded to (pp. 106 and 107), and among
the General Baptists it is obvious that the reading of the
Holy Scriptures was frequently omitted in some churches
up to as late a period as 1747 (singing being omitted to
a later period). This is remarked upon by the learned
Whiston,J and Killingworth replies admitting that "the
reading of the Scriptures is omitted in some of our assem-
blies."
The constant and uniform recommendation and enquiries
as to the private perusal of the Holy Scriptures in the
Society of Friends, mitigated the obvious disadvantages
* " Vindiciae Veritatis." London, 1703. By D. Phillips, M.D., in reply to John
Stillingfleet. Preface by Whitehead, and postscript by Claridge. Page 203 to 206.
" Beading is not necessary to the spiritual worship of Christ. We do not, in the time
of worship, encourage it in any way, much less command it. Should we give order
for the reading of any book in our meetings, it would be for the reading of the Holy
Scriptures." Also " Seasonable Advice about Quakerism," by John Stillingfleet.
t And to the best of our knowledge, no attack on the Society was ever made in early
times by an Independent or Baptist, for the practice of the exclusion of the Bible from
their worship.
\ Friendly Address to the (General) Baptists, 1747. — He attended the General
Baptist Meeting at Moroot.
403
which accrued from the omission of its systematic reading.*
Yet there can hardly be a doubt that the effects of this
omission had a disastrous effect upon all the Dissenting
Churches, particularly upon the General Baptist congrega-
tions and the Society of Friends, f
In the rejection by the Dissenting Churches of this pro-
vision of the Eeformers in the English liturgy, for the
systematic reading of the Holy Scriptures, may be seen one
of the lamentable results of the enforcement by the strong arm
of the law, even of a most important and salutary practice,
and one which has greatly tended to diffuse the knowledge
of the Scriptures among the common people in England.
In the year 1670, the holding of the Yearly Meeting was
prevented by the persecution incident to the Conventicle
Act. Eatcliff and Horslydown meeting-houses were pulled
down by soldiers. At Eatcliff the church met on the ruins
the next Sunday. In 1672, it is noted in the Minute
Book, that there is to be a General Meeting of Friends held
in London once a year, in the week called Whitsun week,
to consist of six representatives for the City of London, three
for the City of Bristol, two for the town of Colchester, and
one or two for each and every of the counties of England
* In 1717, Bristol reports that, in the School under the care of the men's Meeting, "the
Holy Scriptures are in a solemn manner read every day."— MS. Minutes of the Yearly
Meeting.
t In spite of the " Apologetical Narrative" of the Assembly Independents, the state-
ment on Independency, published in 1643, page 8, that the worship of the Independents
included " the reading of the Scriptures and exposition of them as occasion was," it
may be questioned whether (unless we except the fragmentary reading of the chapter
coming under comment in the sermon) the whole body of Dissenters in England,
(excepting those only who participated with the Presbyterians in the State worship),
did not omit the excellent practice of the early Christian Church viz., the consecu-
tive public reading of the New Testament — a practice to which we probably owe
the transmission of the text of the New Testament Scriptures, with so great a degree
of certainty, to our own times.
404
and Wales respectively ;" and that all other persons (except
travelling Ministers, who were ex officio members), than
those who are " so nominated, appointed and chosen," be
desired to forbear to come to the said meeting, except such
as they when met together shall see meet to admit. " The
public labourers " (i.e. travelling ministers) are " ordered to
be here in the same week."* This shows that there was a
simultaneous gathering of the ministers in a separate meet-
ing. In 1678, the " travelling brethren in another meet-
ing " added a postscript to the epistle issued. In 1688,
a discussion arose in the assembly about choosing "par-
liament men and accepting offices as justices of peace,"
and it is interesting to notice that Fox strenuously opposed
any consideration of political matters in this meeting (con-
trary to the opinion of Penn and others), and stated that
" it was not in the wisdom of God to propound such things
here. Serve all men in the truth and righteousness ; " and gave
his opinion that those who were concerned in such matters
could " discourse among themselves concerning such things,"
without bringing them into the church.
The great wisdom of such advice is obvious, for if the
State had no right to meddle with religion or spiritual
matters, the churches had no right to use their religious
organization to interfere with the civil government or discuss
purely secular matters. As individuals, or in their capacity
as citizens, they had a perfect right to do so, but churches
only decrease their means of spiritual usefulness by asso-
ciating the benefits they confer with the spirit of political
parties. The only object of the organization which Fox
established was, in his mind, the propagation of the gospel
and the orderly internal government of the churches. The
* Minute Book, 1G72.
405
system worked well as long as it had for its sole object the
promotion of the gospel, and while the members were
strictly limited to those who gave evidence of conversion,
and while their officers were those exclusively who gave
their earnest personal labour to that great end. One of
the most important objects aimed at was to have a popular
method of the ejectment of a member from the Christian
society, when he or she had brought the profession of
Christianity into disgrace. In the early Society the case
first occupied the attention of the ministers, who tenderly
laboured with the offender to bring him to repentance. If he
was unwilling to hear the Church, he was then judged by his
peers. The greatest care was taken, that if he were willing
to confess and condemn his conduct as publicly as the offence
ivas known, he should be received back into Christian com-
munion, but if he considered that he had not been treated
impartially, he had the power of appealing from the Monthly
to the Quarterly, and from the Quarterly to the Yearly
Meeting. We may remark that in no single particular has
the organization of the Society of Friends worked better.
The process of ejection is less summary than in the
Methodist societies, but is less liable to abuse.
The wisdom with which the question of marriage was
grappled with by Fox, from the earliest period, avoided the
charge, which was falsely made against the English Baptists,
of disregarding the sanctity of marriage, because they, as well
as the Friends, solemnized their marriages among them-
selves, and neglected to be married by the clergy of the
State Church, and were equally cut off from the advantage
of the parochial registers. It was common among the
Baptist congregations, who also objected to be married by
" a priest," to keep registers of marriages as well as births
and burials.
406
In 1653, Fox informs us, in an interesting paper* on the
subject, several Friends came to him concerning marriages,
" to know what they should do in that case," and he advised
that all marriages should be laid before " faithful Friends "
in their church capacity. The clearness of the persons
proposing to be married, from all other engagements was
investigated, the consent of parents obtained. It was then
to be left to them to " declare it, in the end of a meeting, and
to the justices, and at the market cross." If there was any
difficulty raised in the particular congregation against the
marriage, " they might stay till the general county meeting,
and when all things were clear, that they might appoint a
meeting " for solemnizing the marriage. Twelve Friends
were to be appointed witnesses, and as many more as they
pleased, and " their relations of the world might come
to it." There appears to have been some difficulty in
maintaining complete order. Sometimes " the loose ones of
the world would stand up and take themselves in marriage
in Friends' meetings," and "certificates " and " registers "
were not kept, in spite of Fox's care, " in many places." Fox
then laid down more stringent rules for the churches, and
after 1668 the marriage was laid before both the men's and
women's meetings, the Monthly and the Quarterly Meetings,
and if they came out of different counties, " certificates of
clearness were to be produced. In 1653 the parliament
(called in derision Barebones' parliament) ordered that after
the 29th September, all persons who shall agree to be
married within the Commonwealth of England shall deliver
in their names and places of abode, with the names of their
parents, guardians and overseers, to the registrar of the
parish where each party lives," who was to see that the
* Swarthmoro Collection, vol. V. Devonshire House. " G. Fox's paper, 28-2-1676."
407
banns were published in the church, " or else in the market-
place, three several weeks successively before the hours of
11 and 12 o'clock on a market day, if the party desire it."
The registrar then made out a certificate " of the due per-
formance of the one or the other." The parties are then
to come before some justice of the peace of the district,
&c, with this certificate. The man then says : — " I, A. B.,
do here, in the presence of God and before these witnesses,
promise to be to thee a loving and faithful husband," and
the woman the same The Protector's parlia-
ment confirmed the Act in the year 1656. During this
period it was customary for the bride and bridegroom to be
twice married, once by the Magistrate, and once by the
Minister.
Fox held a strong view of the religious character of
marriage : — " We marry none but are witnesses of it." Mar-
riage "is God's joining, not man's." It is interesting to
notice that the form of words now used by the Society of
Friends, is that prescribed by the Directory with very slight
variation, viz. : — The man took the woman by the " right
hand," saying these words, "I, M., do take thee N., to be
my married wife, and do in the presence of God and before
this congregation, promise and covenant to be a loving
and faithful husband unto thee, until God shall separate
us by death" — and the wife the same. The Society of
Friends being the only Church which has handed down the
simple form of the Puritans in the marriage ceremony to
modern times. We annex the ancient form of certificate
below.* To such an extent did the care respecting mar-
* Form of Marriage Certificate. — "Know all people, that A. B., of C, in the
county of D., and L. M., of G., in the county of W., having in several Monthly
Meetings of the Lord's people, published their intention to join together in marriage,
and having obtained the assent and consent of friends and relations, being found clear
408
riages, once so wise and needful, prevail in the Society
when it was no longer needful, that prior to 1790, the man
had to attend 12 distinct meetings for discipline, to repeat
in public his intention of marriage, and the intentions
were announced 20 times prior to the solemnization of the
marriage.* Such were some of the features of the rise of
the early Society of Friends. We shall now see this experi-
ment in Church Government enter upon another stage of
its development, and it will form a new, and hitherto
unwritten, chapter in its history.
from all other persons, upon the day of month, in the year , at the dwelling-
house of , in an assembly of the Lord's people, they were joined together in
marriage according to the law of God and example of His ancient people ; for the said
A. B., in the presence of the Lord and His people, took her the said L. M. to be his
married wife, and she, the said L. M., in like manner took him to be her husband, and
of them did, and do hereby engage, to be faithful each to other in that near relation of
marriage during both their lives, of which we are witnesses." Here the witnesses sign.
From Monthly Meeting Book, Edinburgh, 1671.
* Eathbone's Narrative, p. 112.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVI.
PETITION FEOM " FRIENDS " TO THE COUNCIL OF THE LORD
PROTECTOR, 1658.*
(Hitherto unpublished as a whole ; for small portion see " Dr. Waddington's History.")
"To the Protector and his Council.
" Friends — It may seem strange unto you, as it doth unto others, to hear that so
many of our Friends should be cast into prison, there being few gaols or houses of
correction in England to which some of them have not been committed, and you
partly know how many of them are this day in bonds, and it is no less strange that
such frequent and heavy sufferings for matters of conscience, should come upon
us and our brethren, who, for the most part have been instrumental with you and
others for casting off that yoke of oppression which, at the beginning of the late wars,
lay upon the honest people of the land, which made many fly into strange nations, and
to seek habitations in the deserts. But we wonder the more that they should come
from those we counted our friends, that so much have pretended the liberty of con-
science, and many of themselves practised the same things for which we now suffer.
" May we not ask, "What has been done by our Friends? What laws are those which
they have broken ? Whose persons or possessions have they wronged ? What force or
violence to any man have they used ? Have you found them in plots, or guilty of
Bedition, or making resistance against authority ? have they not patiently borne the
greatest sufferings that any people of this nation ever lay under since Queen Mary's
days, without murmuring or discontent ? and when have they sought to revenge them-
selves, or troubled you or others, to be repaired for those many injuries and false
imprisonments which they have endured ; how have they been counted as sheep for the
slaughter, persecuted and despised, beaten, stoned, wounded, stocked, whipped, haled
out of the synagogues, and cast in dungeons and noisome vaults, where many of them
have died in bonds, shut up from their friends, denied needful sustenance for several
days together, not suffered to have pen, ink, or paper, and when they have laid there
many months, and some of them years, denied a legal trial, continued from sessions to
assizes, and from one assize to another, and no equity to be found from judge or
justice.
* Reference in the Public Record Office — " Domestic Interregnum " — Letters and Papers, 1658, pp. 480, 481.
11
" If it be answered to us, they are common disturbers of ministers, they will not pay
tithes, they will not swear, they will not put off their hats, they travel up and down
from one county to another without a magistrate's pass, and on the First-days to
meetings at great distances ; they will not pay fees when brought into courts, nor plead
in the forms there used, nor give security to keep the peace, or to be of their good
behaviour, when the justices of the peace require it, and we have laws and customs
that require these things should be done.
" Is it forgotten what was one of the great causes of the late wars, the sufferings that
then were imposed and lay upon many for matters of conscience ; and was is not a
chief pretence of our fighting that we might enjoy the freedom of conscience, as well
as outward rights, not only in the inner man, for that the bishops or High Commission
Court could not hinder, but the free exercise in all acts of piety and religion of what
the Lord should make manifest to us. But whether this was then intended, or is now
perverted, it is that which is our right which we must claim, and no man may take
from us. For this we know that Christ Jesus alone hath right to rule over the con-
sciences of men, unto whom every one must give an account of himself according to the
just, perfect, and unchangeable law of God, which is revealed with that alone of God,
which is made manifest in man, which he hath showed unto him, by which everyone
shall be judged at the last day, when the book of consciences shall be opened ; and
therefore all unequal, imperfect, and changeable laws of men we do deny, and by
them, or for their trangression, we shall not be judged of the Lord ; and all laws made
in their wills, by their wisdoms, in the things of God which concern religion and the
free exercise of a good conscience towards God and man, against them all we do bear
witness, and knowing the commandments of the Lord, and what he requires of us,
and having tasted his tender love to those that keep them, and felt his terrors against
all disobedience, we are made willing to bear the greatest sufferings, rather than sin
against God. And in this ground we stand, not careful what man can do unto us, or
says of us, nor to give him an answer in this matter, for whether it is better to obey
God or man, let him judge.
" Yet here, to prevent mistake, we do, with the like clearness, declare our free and
willing subjection in the things of this world to every ordinance of man that is just
according to the righteous law of God; and our work is not to weaken, but to
strengthen the hand of the magistrate, by labouring to bring all to own that of God
which should exercise their consciences to do in all things as they would be done unto,
in which is fulfilled the law and the prophets ; which takes away the occasion itself of
the law, and brings to live in peace and love wherein should be the magistrates' joy and
glory.
"And do but look back to the crimes charged against us, and all the sufferings we
lie under, and you may clearly see that not for any guilt done, or just law broken, that
concerns man, are we thus punished, but for things which concern our God ; and
chiefly for bearing our witness, as we are moved of the Lord, against the false pro-
phets and hirelings of these days, who by their fruits are made manifest, not only unto
us, but to many thousands besides ; yea, the greatest part of all the sober people of the
nation, their own hearers will confess it, and we see and know that they and all
ministries and worships in the world, set up and standing in the will of man (i.e.,
Ill
supported by the State. — Ed.) shall perish and come to nothing, and the rise of these
men, their growth and end we comprehend, and see their downfall hasten greatly, and
all the powers of the earth shall not be able to support them; and with them shall
fall their tithes, their temples, their glebe lands, and offerings, their set days of
worship in their wills, and all laws limiting the Holy One, made to uphold their craft ;
and blessed are they who, through the day of trial shall stand in their witness, faithful
unto God, not fearing what man can do unto them.
" Do not you approve Christ Jesus His going into the temple, and do not you own
the Apostles who went into the Jews' synagogues every Sabbath-day, and into the
market places to testify of Christ Jesus, and reason with the people? And do not you
commend Luther and Calvin, John Wickliffe, and others, as famous for their zeal in
publishing abroad what then was manifest unto ihem ; and those persons which in
Queen Mary's days went into the Popish steeple-houses to bear witness against their
superstitions, which caused her to make a law against them, by which many of them
suffered, and by which the priests of England, till the last parliament, were guarded,
and it is now become an offence to practice the same thing? And is that a just law
made by the late parliament by which many have suffered ? Are not the priests sprung
from the old root of Episcopacy, and it from the Pope ? And are they not forced to
fly thither for ordination ? And is not that spirit the same which makes these laws to
support them? How shall the kingdoms of the earth, the Papists, Turks, infidels
heathens, be converted t Your priests sit down in their ease and will not go, though
they call themselves ministers of the ' reformed church.' And have not you taught
other nations how to make laws to restrain the testimony of those whom the Lord
sends, and is sending, into all the corners of the earth ?
" Did the command of the Lord, which gave tithes to the Jewish priesthood, concern
the Gentiles ? And was not the commandment to the Jews themselves dis-annulled
when the priesthood was changed ? Did ever any of the believing Jews pay tithes to
the Apostles, or any of the Gentiles either ? Did not the Papists bring in this doc-
trine and oppre sion? And did not many of the martyrs in Queen Mary's days witness
against tithes, and was not that an article for which some of them suffered ? And do
not you own and commend those martyrs, or do you judge them for holding an error ?
Has not all or most of those countries that turned from the Pope, and are called
reformed, cast off tithes with the Pope, and were ashamed of them? And is it the
glory of England, who pretends to the highest reformation, to keep up tithes, the Popish
priests' maintenance, and first fruits and tenths, the wages of the very Pope himself,
and to hale before courts, cast into prisons, and spoil the goods of all those who, for
conscience sake, cannot pay them ? Let that of God answer.
"And how many have, and at this day do suffer because they cannot swear, which
Christ Jesus and His Apostles above all things forbid ? How are the commands of
Cnrist made void by the customs and traditions of men ? Were it not easy, by turning
the law against bars and false witnesses which the law of God is against, to find out
that which your law against false swearing never did or could discover."
•'Do you own Cnrist Jesus, of whom the Jews that put him to death gave God
witness that he regarded no man's person ? Do you commend Mordecai, who could not
give tne outward honour and bow to flaman? Do you regard his word who said:
IV
• I know not to give flattering titles unto men, for in so doing my Maker would soon
take me away.' Hath not God made of one mould and one blood all nations to dwell
upon the face of the earth ? And doth not he that respects persons commit sin and is
convinced of the law as a transgressor ? and must it now be an offence not to put off
your hat, or give respect to the person of him that hath a gold ring and fine apparel?
Hath not all the earthly lordship, tyranny, and oppression sprung from this ground,
by which creatures have been exalted and get up one above another, trampling under
foot and despising the poor? and is it not easy to see that power and authority without
contempt may be preserved, the power honoured, obeyed, and submitted unto, and the
person not respected ?
'•Has not the great and heavy oppression of the law been long felt and cried out
against, the long delays in courts, and the great fees of officers, which raises money to
be excessively rich out of the ruin of the poor, which has brought an odium upon the
law itself ; for to the poor the remedy is frequently worse than the disease, and while
people are free to feed this deceit, there is little hope to have it amended. And how
full of lies, deceit, pretences, and needless circumstances, are all your pleadings and
proceedings to the burden of many men's consciences and ruin of their estates, and
how vile and wicked are the greatest part of lawyers that will plead any lying for
money, and by their subtlety do most commonly hide and cover the truth, and when
do the judges reprove it? And how treacherous and deceitful are the solicitors and
attorneys, that truth and honesty can scarce be found amongst them, and how do these
eat up the people, as it were bread, and grow great and rich by raising and increasing
suits, troubles, strife and debate amongst their neighbours ? And we, seeing these
oppressions, are made to bear our witness against them, and cannot uphold them, and
our testimony shall not be in vain.
" And how is the power given to justices and judges to bind to the peace and good
behaviour, being left to their discretion, turned against the most peaceable and best
behaved persons among men, merely because they cannot bow to their wills and hold
their tongues, when the Lord God requires them to speak.
" Do you commend Christ Jesus, his apostles and saints, who were sent to preach the
gospel and travelled from city to city, from nation to nation, from country to country,
that the ends of the earth might hear the glad tidings of salvation ? And do you
commend those they called Puritans for going many miles to worship the Lord ? And
do you now condemn those that practise the same thing ? Would not your law against
vagabonds have taken hold of Christ and his ministers and hindered their work ? By
it have many honest and good people suffered most shameful whippings and imprison-
ments, who were travelling in their own country about their outward and lawful occa-
sions, that were of considerable estates, and could not be committed vagabonds. And
what use is made of this law throughout the nation, you cannot but hear.
"Are not these things like the sayings of those who said, had they lived in the days of
the prophets they would not have persecuted and put them to death, and yet they
crucified Christ, and so the cry at this day is against the Jews for their cruelty, when
yourselves are found exercising the same things against his saints and members.
"Long hath the beast reigned and usurped power in these things, and the false
prophets who have overspread the earth, and the great whore, who tarre made all
nations drunk -with their abominations and the wine of their fornication, with whom
the kings of the earth have committed adultery, whom Christ said should come, and
before the apostle's decease did come, who went out from the apostles and put on their
clothing, but inwardly were destroyers, ravening wolves, which the whole world went
after ; who turned against the saints who kept to the Spirit, the life which they went
from, and made war with the saints till they overcame, and their power reached over
the whole earth. But now is the life risen, and is again made manifest, which they
went from, which gives to see before the apostacy was (i.e., the state of the ancient
Christian Church. — Ed.). Now is the Lamb risen and rising to make war with the
great dragon, the beast, and false prophets, and now shall the great whore be taken
and her flesh shall be burnt with fire, and the saints shall have the victory.
" Therefore let all kings, rulers, magistrates, be warned not to take up with the
beast, nor to uphold with their power the false prophets who have long devoured
the nations. But in their place stand, to keep the outward peace, that none
may offer violence or destroy ( ^°^ e ) But leave Christ Jesus in his saints to manage
the war, whose warfare is not carnal, whose weapons are not carnal, yet are they
mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds and overturning the
foundation of Satan's kingdom, and they shall soon see what is truth and what is
error; for great is the truth and will prevail. They shall not need to cry out for want
of ministers, or that Christ Jesus is not able to send forth labourers, nor will those he
sends trouble them for maintenance. And here is the magistrate's true place, to keep
peace amongst all men, to punish him that doth evil, and to encourage him that doth
well ; to rule the kingdoms of the earth in righteousness, that justice and equity may be
exalted, that way may be made for the Lord Jesus Christ, who is coming to reign and
to take the dominion to himself, and we are witnesses in our measure of his coming,
and of the working of his mighty power, by which he is able to subdue all things to
himself, and this is the testimony unto which we are called, and many thousands with
us, in the unity of the same spirit.
"And witnesses we stand, against priests, tithes, temples, swearing and all the
carnal way of worship set up and upholden by outward laws and powers which would
limit and restrain the Spirit of the Lord, which is grieved, and daily cries out against
these abominations.
"Witnesses we stand, against parliaments, councils, judges, justices, who make or
execute laws in their wills, over the consciences of men, or punish for conscience sake,
and to such laws, customs, courts, or arbitrary and usurped dominion, we cannot yield
our obedience.
" Yet do we declare as it is testified in all counties, cities, gaols, and prisons, to
judges, justices, and others, that as we preach Christ Jesus alone in the things of God
to be our lawgiver, so do we own him to be our king (and our magistrate in things
civil), not resisting the evil, but following his example who was made perfect through
suffering, and for his salvation we wait till he alone shall plead our cause. And
therefore, for conscience sake have we joyfully borne, and do bear, so many and great
sufferings since the day we were convinced of the everlasting truth.
" These things we have declared, not to upbraid you with the injustice of others,
nor to revile your government itself, nor as a complaint against our oppressors, but
F F
VI
that you may see the ground and true cause of all the sufferings of the saints in all
ages and generations, and in all nations of the world this day. And we leave it to that
of God in you all to weigh and consider whether it be not time to reform both laws,
courts and officers.
" From the Friends who are lovers of peace and truth, who wait for the coming
of the Lord to establish justice and righteousness in the earth, whom he
hath raised up as witnesses of his appearing and of the dawning of the
mighty and dreadful day of God in light, life, and power, who are hated
of men, and reproached with the name of Quakers.
•'Gee. EoBERTS.(a) John Fielden.(/i)
F. Byllynge.(6) Tho. Moobe.
Thomas Curtis, (c) Neth. Bond.
Amos Stoddabt.^) John Cbook.(i)
Thomas Habtas. Ant. Pearson, (j)
John Smyth. Wm. Isburne. (k)
Bobeet Sykes. Waltee Clement.
Bichabd Davies.(«) Wm. Woodcock.
Samuel Fishes. (/) John Aiken.
Thomas Coubney.(#) Samuel Hauge."
(a) Of London. (6) Captain. (c) Captain. (d) Captain. (e) Of Wales. (/) Celebrated Baptist.
{g) Thos. Coveney of London. (h) John Field of London. (i) Justice of the Peace in 1654. (j ) Justice
of the Peace in 1652. (fc) Osborne.
[Original paper by Naylor, illustrative of the controversy between the Early Friends
of 1653, and the Calvinists, on the subject of Holiness and Christian perfection,
against what Fox calls " sin for term of life. — Vol. 586 — 5, Brit. Museum, King's
Pamphlets, several papers, &c, 1653.]
Seveeall Qucseies to be answeeed by Thomas Ledgabd, ob any or those he eankes
WITH HIMSELFE, UNDEE THE NAME OF AnTI-QuAKEES.
1. DM not God create man and woman perfect in his own image, without sinne ?
(Gen. i. 27.)
2. Did not the first sin make a seperation betwixt God and man? (Gen. iii. 23, 24.)
3. Whether, is there any other way to unite God and man into spirituall com-
munion againe, but by being seperated from the works of the flesh, sinne, and
uncleannesse, and being redeemed into his first estate? (1 John, i. 3, 6, 7.)
4. Was not that the end for which Christ was manifest in the flesh, that by taking
away sinne he might restore man into his first estate in which he was created, in the
image oi God without sinne ? (1 John, iii. 5, 8.)
6. Whether any can witnesse the worke of redemption perfected in them while they
commit sinne? (1 John, iii. 34, 36.)
6. Whether any unperfect, uncleane, and sinfull one shall enter into the kingdom —
yea or no? (1 Cor. vi. 9 ; Gal. y. 21.)
VII
7. Was not that the end for which the Scriptures were written, to warne all to turne
from shine to holinesse ? (1 Cor. x. 6, 11.)
8. Shall not God justly judge every one as he finds them at the day of judgment,
they that have done good into life eternall, and they that have lived in sinne into
everlasting fire ? And whether doe you look for a purgatory to cleanse you from your
sins between the day of death and the day of judgment ? (Matt. xxv. 13 to the end.)
9. Whether a Christian have ground to believe, and ought to waite for it, that he
shall be redeemed by the second Adam into that estate which he lost by sin in the
first Adam? (1 Cor. xv. 22.)
10. Are not all that are servants of sin, out of the covenant and under the power
of darknesse, and in the kingdome of the devill? (Col. i. 13.)
11. Is there any promise in Scripture due to any who have not confessed and
forsaken their sins ; but all the plagues written in the Book are to fall upon that
generation of evill doers? (Prov. xxviii. 13, and xi. 21.)
12. Was it not the onely end why all the true Ministers of Christ, both now and
ever, were begifted and sent into the world (to wit) to call people out of sinne and to
perfect the saints in holinesse and to present them perfect to God? (Ephes. iv. 10, 12,
13 ; Col. i. 28.)
13. Whether all those who both by life and doctrine encourage people to abide in
that condition of sin, imperfection and separation from God (which Christ came to
take away, and so to unite God and man againe) doe not oppose the worke of redemp-
tion and withstand the onely end of Christ's comming, and so are Ministers of Anti-
Christ, and labour to uphold the kingdome of the devill ? (2 Thes. ii. 3 to 11.)
Now all you who pleade for sin in yourselves or others, consider these things, and
see if you doe not withstand the love of God in giving Jesus Christ into the world to
cleanse from all sin all that believe in Him, and so to present you to the Father
without spot or blemish, and so you are the greatest enemies to your eternall salvation.
How will you stand before the Lord at that great day, who would have gathered you
out of your sins, but you would not, but have joyned with the devill to uphold the
wall of seperation between God and you. Woe unto you, yee whited walls. (EphAS-
iii. 27 ; Matt, xxiii. 27, 28.)
J. N.
!•' F 2
CHAPTER XVII.
The Influence of the Seekers and Ranters upon the
Internal Development of the Society of Friends.
The Rise and Prevalence of the views of the
Ranters. The successful Promulgation of their
VIEWS AMONG THE SEEKERS. The " SpIRITUELS " OF
Calvin's time. The Opinions and Practices of the
Ranters. The Muggletonians. The Influence of
Religious Excitement, Persecution, and War, in
producing Religious Madness. Naylor.
M Ask men now, ' What shall be neit ? '
The folks have many minds ;
Few can expound this knotty text,
So various are their minds.
" But this is very plain :
All, all will shortly down,
Returning to their dust again,
And One shall wear the Crown.
" Oh, people do not mind,
Nor talk of transient things ;
The God Eternal seek to find
With strong immortal wings.
" It matters not at all
How this short world doth go ;
For every one must stand or fall
In endless joy or woe." *
We have before stated, that large numbers of the
" Seekers," and " Ranters " were swept into the ranks
of the "Children of the Light." f The Seekers, and some
of the more mystical sects, such as the Familists and
Boehmenites, probably exercised a subtle influence in
* " An Honest Discoverie," &c. London, 1655.
t " Good reader. By this be pleased to take notice, that some people, all over York-
shire, having turned out prayer, preaching, and the ordinances of God, and counting
them too low things to follow, the old Seeker, who goes about continually seeking
whom he may devour, hath fallen upon them That which these ignorant
souls so ungroundedly build, if a Fox go up he shall even break down their stone wall.
He hath sent a Fox, and he hath done it ! " — " The Querers' and Quakers' Cause at the
Second Hearing, &e. The Quaking and Entranced Faction discovered to be a New
Branch of an Old Root revived by Satan," &o. London, 1652.
410
giving a greater prominence to the mystical element which
existed in early Quakerism.
The great preachers of the New Society were, to a large
extent, free from its evil influence. Indeed, the vigorous
practical warfare they were waging against open sin, as well
as outward institutions, which they regarded as the em-
bodiment of great spiritual evils in the visible Church of
Christ, tended in a great measure to preserve them.
But if we would understand a very curious chapter in
the history of the rising Society, we shall have to con-
sider the principles of the two largest sections of the
least orderly Sects of the Commonwealth. We shall see
Fox and his coadjutors at war with principles which may
be directly traced to the influence of the Seekers and
Banters, and which have often been confounded with the
original views of the Society of Friends. We have hither-
to seen them struggling with persecution and opposition
from without, and we shall now see them exerting them-
selves to the utmost to prevent their Church from being
torn in pieces by forces which had found a resting place
in its bosom, and of whose destructive power they had
hitherto had no experience.
We have traced, in an earlier portion of this work, the
origin of the Seekers' opinions to Holland, and we think
their views originated among the German Baptists at,
or prior to, the period of the Reformation.* The first
notice of these people which we have met with, as a
* Compare pages 173 and 174 of this work, with the following, as to the origin of the
" Seekers : " — " Sebastian Franck's Chronica," 1536, page CC, part hi. — " Bapst und
Geystlichen handel von Petro bisz auff Clementem."
Eespecting the Baptists : " Some desire to allow Baptism and other ceremonies to
remain in abeyance till God gives another command — sends out true labourers into his
harvest — some have, with great desire, a longing for this, and desire nothing else. Some
others agree with these, who think the ceremonies since the death of the Apostles, are
411
distinct religious body in England, is in one of the first
publications of two members of the English Mennonite, or
General Baptist body, bearing the initials of the celebrated
John Morton, in 1617, which would incline us to the
belief that the opinions of the Seekers were propagated in
England in connection with the General Baptist or Menno- 1/
nite Churches, and also that some of the Seekers, gradually
abandoning their attitude of waiting upon God, and search-
ing the Scriptures for " New Light," and acknowledging no
Church officers endowed with any special powers as teachers,
easily feil a prey to the subtle views of the Ranters, whose
excesses were the natural result of the principles of pan-
theism, carried out into vigorous action by the intense
religious excitement of the period.
The great body of General Baptists, and of the Society
of Friends, were preserved by their reverence for the
authority of the New Testament Scriptures, to the letter
of which, interpreted by Christians whose lives and conduct
showed that they were influenced by the Holy Spirit, they
will be found, substantially, if not always verbally, to have
made their final appeal, and by which they tested all reli-
gious teaching. Their refusal to be bound by the " dead
letter " of Scripture, was merely a claim that true Christians
were the only safe interpreters of the sacred volume.
We believe it will be found, that every error, in either
doctrine or practice, which has been proved by experience
to be destructive of the visible Church of Christ — from the
equally defiled, laid waste, and fallen — that God no longer heeds them, and also does
not desire that they should he longer kept, on which account they will never again be set
up, but now are to proceed entirely in Spirit and in Truth, and never in an outward
manner, so that it is as unbecoming that we should come to the Wine — as that we
should go back to the pointer when we have found the road — or that we should look
behind ourselves to the statue. These people will not acknowledge the Baptists foi
brethren, but exclude them, and are against them with mouth and pen."
412
errors of the Koman Catholic Church, to the Eanters of the
Commonwealth times — may be traced to the principle of
supplementing, on various pretences, the account we have
in the New Testament of the nature of the Christian
religion, and the general principles of Church government,
and Church extension, we there find laid down.
Morton thus addresses the " Seekers," in 1617 : " Oh,
ye Seekers, I would ye sought aright, and not beyond the
Scriptures, calling it carnal; and ye speak also against
Christ, and set Him at light, and are not ashamed to say
that there is none saved by the blood of Christ, and that
it is of no value at all, and that they look upon the Scrip-
tures as nothing .... by preaching up a libertine
doctrine to the people, and that they need not hear preach-
ing, nor read the Scriptures, nor live in obedience thereto."*
In 1655, we learn that there were " many of the Seekers
upon whom the spirit of Kanterism" had "not prevailed."!
John Jackson J tells us that " some of the Seekers, after
further waiting on God, waxed weary, and said, ' Come let
us go back to Egypt for bread, it is better to take it at the
mouth of Ravens {i.e., the Presbyterian black-gowned clergy)
than starve ! ' " These were, as he said, " sad " utterances,
but this was only one phase of the movement which, prior
to the preaching of George Fox, was transforming many of
the numerous congregations of the Seekers into Eanters.
The severe morality of the earliest followers of Fox, and
their clear, definite, and practical views, erected a barrier
* " Truth's Champion," &c, 1st edition published, 1617 ; p. 154, 3rd edition. General
Baptist Library, Chilworth.
t " A Doubt Resolved, or Satisfaction for the Seekers." William Allen, London,
1655. General Baptist College Library, Chilworth. See p. 15. The name of the
writer of this work appears, among other signatures (see p. 327, " Hansard Khollys'
Confession of Faith ") as a General Baptist.
I Whom Baxter says, in his " Key for Catholics," p. 332, was one of the " sound sort
of Seekers."
413
against the further progress of Kanterisni.* Their message
to the Seekers appears to have been, that they "the Chil-
dren of the Light," had found what the Seekers were vainly
" waiting " for. One of the early Friend preachers tells a
Seeker, " that the kingdom of God consists not in groaning
for adoption, but in righteousness, peace and joy," and
that " none are sons but those who are adopted." He
" reads of" only two kingdoms — the Kingdom of God, and
the Kingdom of Satan — " in Scripture," and he evidently
regards the Seekers as occupying a dangerous position
between the two. They had found the light which the
Seekers were painfully groping after, and were conscious of
their adoption into the family of God.
Jackson distinguishes the Seekers into three sections : — ^
1st. Those who are against all ordinances {i.e., baptism, the
Lord's Supper, the public preaching of the Gospel, definite
times and places for public worship, &c.) 2ndly. Those
who see not sufficient ground for the present practice of ordi-
nances. 3rdly. Those who are above or beyond all ordinances.
He remarks that the first, properly speaking, should not
be called " Seekers," and that the last are certainly not
Seekers, but " enjoyers and attainers." For our purposes
we may class the first and last sections as those who were
rapidly merged in the opinions and practices of the Kanters.
These religionists have hitherto only been described as a
licentious and blasphemous sect. Several of their most
active preachers were punished by the Commonwealth for
blasphemy. But in dealing with the religionists of this
period, great care has to be exercised in considering
* " Judge Hotham said, ' If God had not raised up this principle of Light and Life,
•which I preached, the nation had been overrun with Eanterism." — "G. P.'s Journal,"
1651. Penn also remarks (p. 31 of "Judas and the Jews), that "Dr. Gell said, that
had not the Quakers come, the Banters had overrun the nation."
414
whether the extreme statements so often made respecting
their opinions, are merely alleged by persons anxious to
destroy religious liberty, and whether they are altogether
borne out by the facts of the case. We have also to make
a large allowance for the tendency of the men of the age
to condemn strongly all those who differed from them.
The Eanters appeared in England, under that name, not
earlier than about 1640 to 1641. In " Winthorp's History
of New England," there is a notice, in 1641, of the opinions
of the Seekers being broached in America ; and shortly after
this we find that the opinions of the Banters were held by
certain " gentlemen of high esteem in civil life, and at
different times governors of the colony,"* while at a later
period the opinions of the Banters are distinctly alluded to
as of foreign origin, f
In 1573, Strype informs us that certain religionists held
that " reason was the means to come to a knowledge of the
Word" — that "there was no Devil," and that "whoever
had God's Spirit could not sin." { He calls them " Liber-
tines," a name which Calvin gave to certain religionists
who called themselves " Spirituels."
Calvin published a tract against them in 1545. § He
considered them a branch of the Anabaptists, but the latest
investigation into their origin, renders it probable that their
peculiar opinions were derived from " The Brethren of the
Free Spirit," who are mentioned by Pope Clement V., in a
letter to the Bishop of Cremona as early as 1311, and who
lingered in Flanders longer than any other part of the north
* "Winthorp's History," by J. Savage, Boston, 1853, vol. ii., pp. 46, 48, 49, note,
f See "Bowden's History of Friends in America."
J " Annals of the Reformation," vol. ii., part ii., p. 287.
§ " Aux Ministres de l'Eglise de Neufckatels Contre la Secte Fanatique et FurieuM
des Libertines qui se nomment ' Spirituels.' "
415
of Europe. In 1525 the doctrines of the ''Brethren of the
Free Spirit " were spread at Antwerp, and Luther received
at Wittenburg a visit from one of these religionists, and he
consequently wrote a letter to the Christians at Antwerp,
condemning their opinions.
Calvin informs us that a certain Coppin first taught their
tenets in Lille. Then a certain Quentin from Hainault
became yet more famous as a propagator of their views.
About 1534 he went to France and spread his heresies
in Paris, and there Calvin met him, and in several dis-
cussions. In these he amusingly tells us he "rabattit
vivement le caquet " of the said Quentin. His views were
spread in France by Claude Pargeval, and a priest of the
name of Antoine Pocques. In 1540, Pocques was for a
time at Strasburg, and obtained in some sort the con-
fidence of Bucer. Margaret of Navarre protected at her
court Quentin and Pocques, and she was displeased with
Calvin's satirical tract respecting her protege, and signified
the same to him, and he therefore wrote to her on the
subject in 1545. Pocques was at Geneva in 1542.
These " Spirituels," as they called themselves, held that
they were called to inaugurate the last dispensation. The -*
dispensations of Moses and Christ were to be succeeded by
that of the Holy Spirit, or of Elias, and this last time had
come. The Apostles, and after them the Church, had only
known the Lord "in a figure." The times were now come
in which the knowledge of a >new, spiritual, and living
Christ — mystically hidden from ihe times of Christ and the
Apostles — is now immediately revealed to the Christian.
It is needful for us to forsake and to annihilate ourselves,,
and thus to realise the fact that God, by His Spirit, dwells
in every creature, and works all things. We thus become
one with God. We are now freed from the dead-letter of
416
Scripture, and see in it a double meaning. We become a
law unto ourselves. The external law is abolished. Our
. acts are now no longer our own, but those of God. The
principle of evil has, therefore, no real existence. If we
fall involuntarily into sin, great good may result, and we rise
from our fall animated by a greater horror of evil. The
man who has realised the union of the human and Divine
\ natures is no longer constrained by anything outward, because
God determines his acts, and directs his thoughts. He
yields up his own will to that of God. The Church of God
was " in faithful hearts," and they could therefore conform
to the ceremonies of either the Eoman Catholics or the
Protestants.
Like the " Brethren of the Free Spirit," the " Spirituels"
did not form a society properly so called. They preached,
gained partisans, and completed their instruction by send-
ing them books, but they nowhere succeeded in forming a
community of any importance.
We have entirely failed in tracing the continued existence
of these " Spirituels," or " Brethren of the Free Spirit," in
distinct societies, between this period and 1640. We believe,
however, that traces of their continued existence will be
V^ found in Holland or Belgium, between 1545 and 1640, and
that these views had a distinctly foreign origin.*
The following account of the doctrines of the English
Banters is extracted from contemporaneous sources, which
give a fair and candid statement of their views, and one
which is supported by the evidence furnished by their own
publications; and it may be said that the works, which are
the production of the more sober and rational members
of the fraternity, are rarely met with.
•Barclay, in his "Anarchy of the Banters," associates them with the "more
lerate " of the Munster Anabaptist party " in England."
417
" They maintain," says a temperate writer, "that God is
essentially in every creature," although "He doth not mani-
fest Himself so much in one as in another." The essence
of God was as much in the ivy leaf as in the most glorious
angel. That there is but one Spirit in the world ; and those
names of Good Spirit and Bad Spirit are mere imagina-
tions and scarecrowes to feare men withal. That when
men die their spirits go into God, as the small rivers go
into the sea; and as the sea sends back the same water
again sometimes into one spring, and sometimes into
another, so with the spirits of men in a future state. They
are taught by this Spirit, that all other teachings, either
by Scripture or otherwise, are of no use to them. The
Scriptures they called "a tale, a history, a letter, and a dead
letter, the fleshly history, and a bundle of contradictions.
The Scripture was the cause of all the misery and divisions,
both in religious and civil affairs." They admitted that
Paul the Apostle had the Spirit of God, by" which he wrote
the Scripture. " Have not I," said one of them, " the
Spirit, and why may I not write the Scripture as well as
Paul, and what I write be as binding and infallible as that
which Paul writ ? " * Christ they held to be a fleshly
apparition of God. That what Christ did and suffered in
his own person was only a figure, or a type, of what should be
done and acted in every man. The ministry of Aaron is
ceased, and so now the ministry of Christ and his Apostles
* To show the distinction between these views and those of the ancient Society of
Friends, we annex an extract from the poster (preserved in the British Museum) which
was posted and distributed in London, on the occasion of one of these people, who had
formerly belonged to the Society of Friends, publicly burning a Bible, to " disown
J. Pennyman's burning, or attempting to burn, the Bible on the Exchange, 10th of the
month called August, 1670." We " declare and testify that we dearly and truly own
the Holy Scriptures, before mentioned, given by inspiration, as a true and infallible
testimony of Christ, spoken forth by the Holy Spirit (which is our Guide, Teacher, and
Leader), and that they are written for our learning," &c. — 855 f 7.
418
is ceased, and the ministry of the Spirit is begun. We are
no longer to " eye or mind " Christ that died at Jerusalem,
but we are to mind Christ in ourselves. They were " above
all such weak and beggarly things as ordinances, which
ji were made for weak Christians, who are under the teaching
of the letter," i. e., the Scriptures. That there is no occasion
for them to read the Scriptures, nor hear sermons, because
Father, Son, and Spirit were all in them, and that they
" living in God and God in them, therefore they are above
all commandments whatsoever." That there is no such
thing as what men call sin. That sin and holiness are all
one to God. They also contend that, in prayer, it was God
in them that prayed. Very curious is the opinion which
they held, that " the world had been made many thousand
o<^ " millions of years before we read of its creation, and that it
" shall continue many millions longer than we expect." The
world was evidently created long before the time the Scrip-
tures speak of; for, say they, "when Cain fled from the
" presence of the Lord, he went into the land of Nod, and
" there he built a city. He could not build a city himself,
" and it was needless for his household. One house or tent
" would have served him ; " therefore they argue that there
were at that time more people in the world than Adam and
Cain, though we read of no more. There is no such thing
as "the Day of Judgment — but the day of Judgment has
begun already."*
* "The Smoke of the Bottomlesse Pit, or, A More True and Fuller Discovery of the
Doctrine of those which (are) themselves Banters; or, The Mad Crew." By John
Holland Porter, an eye and ear witness. London, 1650-51. Postscript at end : —
" Beader, I have not followed that orderly method I might have done, but have written
the judgements of these men in a confused manner ; but I do profess, in the presence
of the Lord, who is th6 searcher of all hearts, I have done them no wrong in the
matter of their judgement, except it be in forbearing to repeat their bloody cursing
and swearing— for this offence I hope that those who fear the Lord will excuse me.
Farewell."
419
Nothing could be more widely separated than the opinions
and objects of the Banters and the Early Friends. The
tendency of the views promulgated so actively by the
Eanters appears to have been to destroy all fait h in r evealed >£
religion, and particularly to attack every principle of Church
government of whatever kind, by confusing the doctrine of
the real guidance of the Christian by the Holy Spirit, with
an absolute personal union between themselves and God,
and the consequent assertion of their own personal infal-
libility. Hence some of them even claimed that they
were manifestations of the Godhead,* that " sin was no
sin." Some preached the doctrine of community of goods, f
Some maintained, that since God was in every creature,
there was " no difference between man and beast/' but that
a man carries a more lively image of the Divine Being than
any other creature. J Men usually considered God as
"locally in heaven," and "as ivithout them;" but they be- ^
lieved "God to be in them," "framing their thoughts and
working their works," and hence they used no "set times
of prayer," nor " ran to formal duties and other outward
and low services of God." They turned the meaning of
Scripture into a kind of alle gory. an<L - as the writer says, **
" If he had the same discovery that they (the writers of the
* One named W. Smith was hung " for denying the Deity, and several illegal
practices against the Parliament." — " The Eanters," King's Pamphlets, British Museum,
e 486, 10. See also " Smoke of Bottomlesse Pit," quoted above. " One made answer
he was not the God, but he was God because God was in him, and every creature in
the world."
t " The Ranter's Declaration," e 486, 2, British Museum.
X " The Light and Dark Sides of God. The Light side: God, Heaven, and Earth;
the Dark Side: Devil, Sin, and Hell." — " The Spiritual man judgeth all things, but
he himself is judged of none." Written by Jacob Bauthumley. — William Lamer,
London, 1650. We print a portion of this as a specimen of their literature. — Fox
met and disputed with this man. — See " Journal," 3rd ed., fo. p. 120, Anglicised
" Jacob Bottomley."
/
420
Scriptures) had, then he could say it was the ' Word of
God.' " He believed it, not because " such and such writ
it," but because " God saith so in me." — Ibid. They appear
to have been animated by a fierce fanaticism, and among
them were many persons whom we should call lunatic*
Lodowick Muggleton gives an account of two Banters, of
the names of John Tannye, or Tany, and John Eobins,
which clearly manifest this to have been the case. He was
attracted by the news, in the year 1650, that several
prophets and prophetesses of this extraordinary people had
declared the day of the Lord in the streets. Muggleton
evidently lived for some time in close connection with them
and their followers. Tannye declared himself to be the
Lord's High Priest ; " that he was to gather together the
Jews out of all nations," and lead them to Mount Olivet.
As for Eobins, he declared that he had risen from the dead,
and that he was Melchisedek, whose body had been dead
" five thousand six hundred and odd years." He blas-
phemously declared his divinity, &c. He declared that he
had raised from the dead Cain, Judas, Jeremiah, Benjamin,
and several of the prophets ; and, Muggleton adds : "I saw
all those that were said to be raised by John Eobins, and
they owned themselves to be the very same persons that had been
dead for so long a time. Also I saw several others of the
prophets that were said to be raised by him, and they did
own that they were the same, for I have had nine or ten of
them at my house at a time of those that were said to be
raised from the dead. For I do not speak this from hearsay
from others, but from a perfect knowledge, which I have
seen and heard from themselves." They appear to have
• Bloody news from the North, and the Eanting Adamites' Declaration. Some, " of
late revived," thought it " a sin to wear a garment, and they wear nothing that covers,
only skin and hair" (? haircloth.)
421
wrought pretended miracles, consisting of certain lights and
apparitions in the dark, " when they covered their faces in
bed ;" and the whole account which Muggleton gives, sup-
ports the view, that these persons were mad, and had a
singular power of producing a kind of sympathetic madness
or temporary aberration of intellect in others.
The reaction from the pantheism of the Ranters Muggle-
ton associated with, caused him to start upon an independent
and equally wild prophetical career with John Reeve, as the
" Two Witnesses of the Spirit " mentioned in the Revela-
tions, chapter xl, They declared themselves to be the
Lord's Last Messengers, and forerunners of the visible
appearing of Christ. They were commissioned to declare
eternal life and death to individuals, and also a new system
of faith and religion to mankind, which embodied an
intense realism of conception, the very reverse of the
pantheism of the Ranters. We give, in a note below, the
main tenets of the sect, whose adherents exist at the
present time. "They countenance," says their historian,
Mr. Gordon, " no form of worship whatever, and their
gatherings are almost entirely of a festive character."*
* See " The Acts of the Witnesses of the Spirit, by Lodowick Muggleton." London,
1699, pp. 20, 21. Mr. Alexander Gordon says this was written in 1677. This extra-
ordinary book gives an excellent idea of the principles of " Muggletonianism." It is
written in the style of Scripture, and divided into verses. The origin of the fearful curses
which these people uttered, is found in the division of all mankind into two races as
below, sixthly. They believed — First. ' ' That God spake to John Beeve to the hearing of
the ear, and that God chose John Keeve to be his last messenger to this unbelieving
world, and that God gave him Lodowicke Muggleton, to be his mouth to disclose the mind
of God to us in this our age." Secondly. " The doctrine and declaration of John Eeeve
and Lodowicke Muggleton to be as true as declared by Moses, the prophets and apostles
of old." Thirdly. " That there would 'be no salvation for those that are in our days,
and who have heard of the witnesses of the Spirit, and seen or heard their declaration,
and yet cannot believe.' " Fourthly. " That Jesus Christ is the only wise God in one
single person," &c. Fifthly. ■ ' That God was a spiritual glorious body in form like a
man from all eternity, and that when he came on earth in the form of Christ, Moses
G G
*<
<
422
To return to our account of the Ranters : they interrupted
the peaceable assemblies of the people called Quakers, by
singing and dancing, and falling on the floor, as well as
coming in sackcloth and ashes ; and they indulged in fearful
denunciations and prophecies, and some of their books were
burnt by order of the Parliament.* Samuel Fisher, writing
in 1653, tells us : " They considered that in the present
dispensation, which is that of the Spirit, since Christ had
come again spiritually, they had no longer any need of
' lower helps,' ' outward administrations,' ' carnal ordi-
nances,' ' visible representations of Christ,' and ' mere
bodily exercises,' as baptism and fellowship together in
breaking of bread." The Church once saw Christ in these
things, but they had become men, and " put away childish
things ;" and as for " gathering congregations, people
assembling in the church bodies to preach, break bread, to
build up one another in the faith, search the Scriptures,"
&c. — all these shadowy dispensations had their day; but
now " Christ, the Morning Star, had shined," all we had to
do was to take heed to His appearing in our hearts, and
" the shadows would flee away." They promised to their
and Elias represented Him bodily in heaven." Sixthly. " That the souls of all men
since Adam, are as mortal as their bodies, until the resurrection day." Seventhly.
" That the seed of the woman and the seed of the serpent are two distinct generations
of men and women in this world, and that the difference and opposition which ariseth
between believer and unbelievers, &c, comes from this fact." See "Articles of True
Faith depending upon the Commission of the Spirit," by John Saddington, 1675.
Their other articles of faith present no special features. See also Mr. Gordon's two
pamphlets — " The Origin of the Muggletonians," 1869, and " Ancient and Modern
Muggletonians," 1870, where the reader will find an interesting account of the connec-
tion of these people with J. Eobins, Tany, Lawrence Claxton, and others.
* E. g.—" A Fiery Flying Koll ; a Word from the Lord to all the Great Ones of the
Earth : being the Last Warning Piece at the Dreadful Day of Judgment, with a Terrible
and Fatal Blow from the Lord upon all the Gathered Churches." By Abiezer Coppe.
London, 1649 ; Coventrie, 1650.
423
converts, that when they left off " reading the Scriptures,"
and "these childish things," they would then have "the
liberty of the Spirit," * and would enjoy " an Angelical or
Seraphical Life."
(Fox met with these people . first, in 1649. Some at
Coventry asserted their divinity, and "ranted, vapoured,
and blasphemed," at which his " soul was greatly grieved."
Some at Cleveland had " spoken themselves dry," and " had,"
he tells us, " some sort of meetings still, but they took
tobacco and drank ale in their meetings, and had grown light
and loose." At Hull, Fox denounced them. At Swan-
ington they " sang, whistled, and danced." At Charing
Cross he met with the great Kanter, Cobbe. He mentions
their prophecy that London should be destroyed in fourteen
days, and that they were " great opposers of Friends," and
" disturbers of our meetings," and were often immoral in
their lives.
W. Penn states that the Ranters interpreted Christ's
fulfilling of the law for us, to be a discharging of us from
any obligation and duty that the law required, and that all
things a man did were good, if he only did them with a
mind and persuasion that it was so, and that many of them
fell into gross and enormous practices.! \
The pantheistic views of the Ranters of the Common-
wealth have their counterpart in our own times. If they
are not characterized by the fervid religious excitement
of the 'times we are describing, may we not in passing
learn the lesson, that the ultimate issue of a blending of
*S. Fisher — " Anti-Eanterism." See "Baby Baptism, mere Babism," pp. 512, 516.
London, 1653,
t See Penn's preface to "Fox's Journal." See also their teaching concerning mar-
riage, set forth in "The Smoke of the Bottomless Pit," &c, by John Holland Porter,
London, 1651 ; also Abiezer Coppe's " Betum to the Ways of Truth," 1651. '
G G 2
424
pantheism and Christianity, is the destruction of the Church
as a visible society, and that, by confounding our instinctive
notions of right and wrong, pantheism slowly yet surely
saps the foundations of common morality.
It must not, however, be supposed that all these people
went to the extremes here described, but such were unques-
tionably some of the materials which Fox and his coadjutors
welded into a compact and beneficial religious society, by
the powerful influence they were enabled to exert. We
may trace, perhaps, in this element, the origin of some
of the aberrations of their earlier followers. They were
working in an atmosphere of intense religious excite-
ment, which" existed before they commenced preaching.
This was at its height before their Society was founded,
and we think that sufficient allowance has not been made
for the fact, that in a large number of cases, the intellectual
powers gave way, and the result was religious madness.
This was partly owing to the excited state of the public
mind, and to the effects of fines, inflicting temporal ruin
on respectable families; also to insufficient diet, and de-
pression of the nervous system, owing to confinement in
wretched prisons at the mercy of ferocious jailors.
As an illustration of this, in 1654, George Beck, the
jailor of Appleby prison, "would not suffer "the Friends
confined there "to have water." He "beat Christopher
Taylor" (formerly a clergyman of the Church of England,
and a man of ability and education) "very desperately,"
and "twice held a blazing candle under his chin, and after-
wards under his nose." To the honour of Cromwell, on
hearing of it, he discharged the jailor without a moment's
delay.*
•Swarthmore Papers, D.H. The awful sufferings which imprisonment in those
days might involve, may be illustrated by the dimension of " Little Ease," or " Hole in
425
The instance of Naylor is, we consider, a case in point.
He was a man of respectable character, and his contro-
versial tracts, compared with others of that period, show
him to have been a man of no mean ability. He was a
preacher of sufficient power and eloquence to attract many
titled members of the Protector's Court. There is every
reason to believe that, during the earlier period of his life,
his ministry was in the best sense successful. He was
trusted by Fox, and possessed, up to the period of his
preaching in London, the confidence of the Society. This
was, no doubt, a period of great strain on his physical and
mental powers. He left London, and was imprisoned at
Exeter. It was after his liberation from the Devon common
jail, that he made his entry into Bristol ; and the actions
of a man who was in a state fit only for temporary confine-
ment in a lunatic asylum, have been commented upon as
one of tJie legitimate developments of extreme religious opinions,
as a kind of culminating point of the fanaticism of the age,
and as a sort of attempt at a realisation of wild dreams of the
Second Coming of Christ, and the Kingdom of the Saints.*
We give verbatim a quotation from the Swarthmore Papers.
the Bock," in Chester Jail. It was "seventeen inches from the back to the inside of
the great door, at the top seven inches, at the shoulders eight inches, at the breast
nine and a half inches ; from top to bottom one and a half yard, and boards to reduce
the height to one yard." — Page 42, " Cain's Bloody Bace."
* Professor Weingarten, in his " Bevolutions Kirchen Englands," Leipsic, 1868, has
been misled by the importance attached by English writers to an affair which resolves
itself into the temporary insanity of Naylor, and the excitement of three women. The
Friends in Bristol and elsewhere did not participate in it (see p. 320), and the most
searching investigation, to which the matter was subjected, palpably shows its isolated
character. Professor Weingarten makes it the turning point of a vast Chiliastic
movement, which was to have produced an English Munster! The South-west of
England was the seat of a great Anabaptist movement, and was therefore selected, in
his opinion, by Naylor. He asserts (p. 271) that : " So war, Naylor's Sache in Grunde
die gemeinsame Sache des Quakerthums and als Solche ward Sie auch vom Parliaments
426
Thomas Rawlinson to George Fox, dated 23rd June, 1656,
a letter in which he informs Fox of the excited state in which
Naylor then was. "James Naylor is here with me
He hath been in a fast. He eat no bread but one little bit,
for a whole month; when I came to him he took no manner of
food, but some days a pint of white wine, and some days a
gill mingled with water, but now he eats meat. " * We
aufgefasst und gehandelt." * In fact, that the whole idea of Quakerism was originally,
he conceives, that of the erection of the Visible Kingdom of the Saints, and that,
disappointed in this undertaking, their attention was turned to Christ's Spiritual King-
dom in the heart. He ends his remarks with the following eloquent passage : — " The
Kingdom of the Saints upon earth, from this period, gently vanished from their
sight, and indeed, from history also, like a mirage of the desert ! " Professor Wein-
garten's book is a most interesting volume, and has the advantage of being perfectly
free from all party bias. He i s right that at tbis period the idea of a coming Fifth
Monarcby was most widely spread among every class of religionists, and more so than
English historians have admitted; but there is no evidence whatever that we are aware
of, which will bear the construction that the Friends, to say nothing of others, con-
templated the use of worldly force. The outbreak of the "Fifth Monarchy Men"
occurred after this date, which proves, if proof were needed, that these views were
cherished afterwards ; and also it may be remarked, that there is strong evidence that
this outbreak was equally condemned by all parties among the Baptists and Independents.
• See " Burton's Diary," vol, i., by Butt, London, 1828, p. 24. Et seq. This idea was not suggested by any
of the speakers in the debates, the greater part of them being strongly opposed to the rising sect. Barclay
p. 876, of the " Apology Vindicated," says in reply to J. Brown, who had asked him " What he thinketh of
that honour and worship that was given to James Naylor, as he rode into Bristol, Oct. 24, 1656," replies, " I
answer, I think it was both wicked and abominable, and so do tho people called Quakers, who thereupon
disavowed him and all those that had an hand in it."
* This was probably the letter which induced Fox to visit him in the prison at
Exeter. We print a petition from his wife to Cromwell and the Council, not, we
believe, before printed. This shows, first the fearful sufferings and cruel treatment
entailed on him by imprisonment, and also that from other sources, it was known that
he had abstained from food to the verge of starvation, which his wife, not knowing the
facts of the case, calls "a false report."
Interregnum Petitions — N. P. — at State Paper Office. Folio bound vols, arranged
alphabetically.
" Anne Naylor, " To His Highness and the Council.
Petition, The Kepresentation and Petition of Anne Naylor, wife of
Read 24th Feb., 1656. James Naylor,
" Sheweth,
" That notwithstanding all the extreme sufferings of my husband, when his
body stood need of refreshing for his recovery, yet he is cast into that called the ' Hole
427
venture to think that this incident is either sufficient to
show that he was insane at that time, or to account, on
the strength of physical causes alone, for a temporary aber-
ration of intellect, although the form his insanity took
might be modified and determined by prevalent notions.*
in Bridewell,' a cold, dampish, unsavory place, where the damp strikes up his legs like
water, when he requires air and fire ; kept under three keys, put in three several men's
hands, that when one is present another is absent ; and is not allowed so much as a
candle ; being in the hands of cruel and unmerciful men, who neither will suffer me,
his wife, to come to him, except four governors be present, nor suffer what I cany
him to come to him, who much increase his misery beyond all orders of Parliament ;
their preventing of your own order may be sufficient proof to you what cruel minds
are in them, for though you ordered his wife's coming to him, and that they should
see that he be accommodated with convenient necessaries, yet neither of these is done,
because (they say) it is referred to them. Whereas the order says expressly, to see
that he be accommodated with convenient necessaries.
" His keepers are cruel also, one especially, Win by name, who when my husband
desired a little fair conduit water, because one had put a little sugar in it, he poured
it into the kennel ; another time he turned back a poor dish of turnips and would not
let them go in, besides divers other things which I would have carried him, to preserve
his life ; and this is not all, but they have raised a false report of my husband, to
harden your and all other men's hearts against him, saying that he starves himself, and
will not eat what is carried him, when as his body is so weak that he cannot eat that
which is strong. He told the governors, in my hearing, that he did but eat a bit of
flesh meat which they brought him, and he wa3 very ill after it, but said also, that he
did not refuse such things as he could eat.
"And truly I cannot otherwise think, but that his keepers and others have a design
to starve him, for they have kept his condition from me as much as they could, and
having brought him so weak for want of convenient food (that now they have a cover
for themselves) they have sent to the doctor, one Dr. Nurse, unknown to me, which
the doctor finding him so weak, that he prescribed him milk with sugar of roses to
take, whereby you may understand that this is not feigned.
"My humble request, therefore, is that you would be pleased (if he must continue
longer in prison) that he may be where he may have air and fire, and be allowed candle-
light, and the attendance and company of his own wife, or one whom she shall appoint, to
supply him with convenient necessaries out of his own state, and be but under one, lock.
"But rather, that you would be pleased wholly to release him, for his family's sake,
who have not offended you (he having suffered all the part of your sentence, and lying
only a prisoner during pleasure), that his body may be refreshed by air and comfort-
able looking to, if it may be. ,, , „
° J "Anne Naylob."
* When in London, it will be recollected, he was under extreme depression ; at
Exeter he was in a state of extreme excitement, and when in prison, prior and after
428
We have not found any evidence of his belonging to, or
having any connexion with, the party who held the prin-
ciples of the Banters, although at the period of his
weakness of intellect he was plied by some of these
people, particularly women.*
his sentence, his conduct was very strange. Cromwell sent a person to see him in
August, 1658 - r although he was told of the fact, and pressed to say anything which he
wished Cromwell acquainted with, Naylor was perfectly silent, and took no notice of
him. — See " Nichol's " State Papers," p. 143, quoted in " Letters of Early Friends,"
p. 54 (the date 1668 is incorrect). It was mentioned in the House of Commons,
during the debate on Naylor, that a Mr. Sedgwick had been convicted of blasphemy by
them, and was afterwards found to be insane, which tends to show that the idea of his
being so had been suggested. — See " Burton's Diary," vol. i. p. 104.
•See Whitehead's "Impartial Account," &c, 1716. Rich was a Eanter. Dorcas
Erbury was the wife of Erbury the Seeker.
Baxter, in his Autobiography (part i., p. 77), informs his readers that the Quakers
" were but the Banters turned from horrid prophaneness and blasphemy to a life of
extreme austerity." The Banters " did as much as ever anything did to disgrace all
sectaries and to restore the credit of the (Presbyterian) ministry" and laity. "The
Devil and the Jesuits " having found out that the Banters " served not their turn,"
took under his special patronage the Society of Friends ! Among other things he
charges upon them that " some of them have famished and drowned themselves in
melancholy, and others under the power of the Spirit have attempted to raise them."
He, fortunately, by giving the particulars of the case, furnishes the means of fully
vindicating the early Society, and Fox in particular, from having any connection with
such doings or approving of them. Baxter says that " Susan Pierson " " did this at
Claines, near Worcester, when they took a man out of his grave that had made away
with himself, and commanded him to arise and live." We learn from the " Swarthmore
Papers," that Fox was duly informed of this as a circumstance attributed to the
Quakers in " the Newes Bookes," and of what was the real state of the case.
The young man, some time after "being convinced," went out of his mind and
destroyed himself. " One, Mrs. Pierson, with another woman," were the actors in this
scene, and they evidently did not belong to the Society. Fox did not trouble himself
with the matter, and merely rapidly endorses, in his own handwriting, on the letter
giving him the information, " Mad whimesye." — Thomas Willan to Margaret Fell.
Swarthmore MSS. — no date — probably 1655.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTEK XVII.
These reprints of tracts, published in 1650 and 1651, will serve to illustrate to the
reader, more vividly than any description the author of this work can furnish — the
mystical religious experience, and the line of thought which characterized the reli-
gionists described in the preceding pages as " Banters."
He has given extracts from writers who appear to have been rational and able men.
It would have been easy, however, to have given quotations which would show a
fanaticism bordering upon insanity, while their more sober productions still bear the
impress of the same current of thought, which bore its disciples into the vortex of the
wildest antinomianism, and at last destroyed all respect for common morality. The
reader will also understand more fully, the fascination which these erroneous views
exercised, and the radical difference between the teaching of the "Banters," and "the
Children of the Light, " who appeared later on the scene. ~J ^y^gy\ <■
"Heights in Depths, and Depths in Heights; ob, Truth no less Secretly than
Sweetly, Sparkling out of its Glory," &c.
By Jno. Salmon. London, 1651. British Museum, 270-E-1361.
Page 9. — When Mr. Salmon had arrived at the maturity of his natural understand-
ing, he "received some quickenings of a divine principle within him ;" he presently
arose, and "as it were shook off his night-dresses," and "appeared to himself like the
sun dawning out its refulgent splendor from behind the dark canopies of the earth."
He forsook his own kindred and his father's house, and exposed himself to the reproach
of the world, that he might own Christ and his people. First he became a Presbyte-
rian; they appeared to him to "hover gently and soar sweetly," in a more sublime
' region than the Episcopal people. Then came Independency on the stage, a people far
exceeding others in the strictness of their form. Then the doctrine of believer's
Baptism. He became a Baptist preacher, braved persecution, and built a tabernacle.
" Then came that voice from the throne of the Heavenly Almightiness, arise and
depart, for this is not your rest."
Page 13. — " I was made as truly sensible of this inwardly, as the eye is sensible of the
light, or the ear of the outward sound. I was certainly struck dead to all my wonted
enjoyments. Stript I was of my glory, and my crown taken from my head, and I could
see nothing but vanity (and that legibly written) upon all my former travels. I then
had a clear discovery in my spirit, how far all my former enjoyments came short of
that true rest which my soul had all along aimed at. Here I stood for a season
weeping with Mary at the sepulchre : fain I would have found Christ where I left
hyiAMdli
11
A few grare
clothes, or
such like stuff.
As many of
yon as nave
been baptized
into Christ,
have been
baptized into
his death.
Like the
disciples, who
were ignorant
of the promise
of the Spirit.
Viz., the
carnal self.
As to the
weakness of
many.
Note wel what
I say, that
was reserved
pure in the
life of Christ,
while the
flesh acted its
part.
him, but alas, he was risen. I found nothing in form but a few signals of mortality ;
as for Jesus, he was risen and departed. Thus have I followed Christ from his babe-
ship or infancy, to his grave of mortality, running through the life form, in a bare
knowledge of Christ after the flesh, till I expired with him into his death, and was
sealed up in the grave of most dark and somnolent retires for a season. Loath, full
loath I was, thus to shake hands with form, and to leave the terrestrial image of
Jesus Christ; yet so it was designed that hee must goe to his Father, and (although
I were ignorant of it) prepare a higher mansion in himself for me. When my 3 dayes
(or set time) was expired, I begann to feele some quickening comfort within me ; th3
gravestone was rolled away, and I set at libertie from these deep and darke retires ;
out I came with a most serene and chearfull countenance, and (as one inspired with a
Bupernaturall life) sprang up farr above my earthly centre, into a most heavenly and
divine enjoyment. Wrapt up in the embraces of such pure love and peace, as that I
knew not oftimes whether I were in or out of this fading forme. Here I saw heaven
opened upon me, and the new Jerusalem (in its divine brightness and corruscuuL
beauty) greeting my soule by its humble and gentle descensions. Now I certainly
enjoyed that substance, which all this while I had groped after in the shadow. My
water was turned into wine ; form into power, and all my former enjoyments being
nothing in appearance to that glory which now rested on my spirit. Time would
faile to tell what joy unspeakeable, peace unconceiveable, what soul-ravishing delights,
and most divinely infatuating pleasures my soul was here possest with. I could cast
my eye no where, but that presence of love presented itselfe to me, whose beatificill
vision of times dazeled me into a sweet astonishment. In a word, I can give you no
perfect account of that glory which then covered me ; the lisps and slipps of my tongue
will but render that imperfect, whose pure perfection surmounts the reach of the most
strenuous and high-flown expression. I appeared to myselfe as one confounded into
the abyss of eternitie, nonentitized into the being of beings, my soul spilt and emptied
into the fountaine and ocean of divine fulness, expired into the aspires of pure life.
In briefe, the Lord so much appeared, that I was little or nothing seen, but walked
at an orderly distance from myself, treading and tripping over the pleasant mountains
of the heavenly land, where I walked with the Lord and was not. I shall be esteemed
a foole by the wise world, thorough an over much boasting, otherwise I could tell
you how I have been exalted into the bosome of the eternall Almightiness, where
I have seene and heard things unlawful (I say unlawful) to be uttered amongst men ;
but I shall at present spare myself the labour, and prevent the world's inconsiderate
censure. The proud and imperious nature of flesh would willingly claim a share in this
glorious work, for which cause happened a suddain, certain, terrible, dreadfull revolu-
tion, a most strange vicissitude. God sent a thorn immediately, hid himself from me
by a sudden departure, and gives a speedy commission to a messenger of Satan to
assault me. The Lord being thus withdrawn, and having carried away (in the bundle
of his treasures) the heart and life of that new seed in me, there now remained nought
behind but the man of sinne, who (for his pride) being wounded with the thorn of
divine vengeance, began by degrees to act its part." * * » * »
Here we leave Mr. Salmon, and beg the reader to notice the side notes.
Ill
( •• The Light and Dark Side of God ;\ob a Plain and Brief Discourse of the
Light Side — God, Heaven, and Earth ; the Dark Side — Devil, Sin, and Hell.
As ALSO OF THE EeSURRECTION AND SCRIPTURE. ALL WHICH ARE SET FORTH IN
the several natures and beings, according to the spirituality of the
Scriptures."
(Written by Jacob Bautbumley. London : Printed for William Lamer, at the
"Black-more," in Bishopsgate Street, 1650. \
" I thank thee, Father, Lord of Heaven and Earth, that thou hast hid these things
from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them to Babes; even so it is thy pleasure."
" The spiritual manjudgeth all things, and he himself is judged of none."
Page 4. — " And, therefore, I cannot as I have carnally conceived, and as men generally
do, that God hath His personal being and presence in one place more than another, or
that He hath a simple, pure, glorious, and entire being circumscribed or confined in a
place above the stars and firmament, which the men of the world call Heaven. And
that all creatures here below are the products of that Being, and had their being of
Him, and yet distinct from Him. But the spirit in me speaks otherwise, and saith I
must not ascend up to Heaven to fetch Christ thence, nor descend into the depth to
fetch him from thence ; for the Word is even in you, which Word is God, and God is
the Word.
I Nay, I see that God is in all creatures, man and beast, fish and fowl, and every
green thing, from the highest cedar to the ivy on the wall ; and that God is the life r<
and being of them all, and that God doth really dwell, and, if you will, personally, if
he may admit so low an expression, in them all, and hath His Being nowhere else out of
the creatures.
Further, I see that all the Beings in the world are but that one Being, and so He
may well be said to be everywhere as He is, and so I cannot exclude Him from man or
beast, or any other creature. Every creature and thing having that Being living in
it, and there is no difference betwixt man and beast ; but a man carries a more lively
image of the Divine Being than any other creature. For I see the power, wisdom, and
glory of God in one, as well as another, only in that creature called man God appears
more gloriously in than the rest.
And truly, I find by experience, the grand reason why I have, and many others do
now use set times of prayer, and run to formal duties, and other outward and low
services of God : the reason hath been, and is, because men look upon God as being
without them, and remote from them at a great distance, as if he were locally in
Heaven, and sitting there only, and would not let down any blessing or good things,
but by such and such a way and means.
But Lord, how carnal was I thus to fancy thee ? Nay, I am confident that there is
never a man under the sun that looks upon God in such a forme, but must be a gross
j idolator, and fancy some corporal shape of him, though they may call it spiritual.
Did men see that God was in them, and framing all their thoughts, and working all
their works, and that he was with them in all conditions. What carnal spirit would
reach out to that by an outward way, which spiritually is in Him, and which He
stands really possessed of and which divine wisdom sees the best, and that things
IV
can be no otherwise with Him? I shall speak my own experience herein, that I have
made God mutable as myself, and, therefore, as things and conditions have changed,
I thought that God was angry or pleased, and to have fallen a humbling myself ; or
otherwise, in thankfulness, never looking or considering that God is one entire, perfect,
and immutable Being, and that all things were according to the council of His own
will, and did serve the design of His own glory : but thought that my sins or holy
walking did cause Him to alter His purpose of good or evil to me.
But now I cannot look upon any condition or action, but methinks there appears a
sweet concurrence of the Supreme will in it ; nothing comes short of it, or goes beyond
it, nor any man shall do or be anything but what shall fall in a sweet compliance with
it ; it being the womb wherein all things are conceived, and in which all creatures were
formed and brought forth.
Yea, further, there is not the least flower or herb in the field, but there is the Divine
Being by which it is that which it is ; and as that that departs out of it, so it comes to
nothing, and so it is to-day clothed by G°d, and to-morrow cast into the oven. When
God ceases to live in it, then it comes to nothing,_and so all the visible creatures are
lively resemblances of the Divine Being. But if this be so, some may say : ' Then
look how many creatures there axe in the world ; there is so many Gods, and when they
die and perish, then must God also die with them,' which can be no less than blasphemy
to affirm.
To which I answer, and it is apparent to me, that all the creatures in the world,
they are not so many distinct Beings, but they are but one intire Being, though they
be distinguished in respect of their forms ; yet their Being is but one and the same
Being, made out in so many forms of flesh, as men and beast, fish and fowl, trees and
herbs : for though these two last, trees and herbs, have not the life so sensibly or
lively, yet it is certain there is a Life and Being in them, by which they grow to that
maturity and perfection, that they become serviceable for the use of man, as other
creatures are ; and yet I must not exclude God from them ; for as God is pleased to
dwell in flesh, and to dwell with and in man, yet is He not flesh, nor doth the flesh
y partake of the Divine Being. Only this, God is pleased to live in flesh, and as the
Scripture saith, He is made flesh, and He appears in several forms of flesh, in the
form of man and beast, and other creatures, and when these have performed the
design and will of God, that then as the flesh of man and other creatures come from
the earth , and are not capable of knowing God, or partaking of the Divine nature, and
God ceasing to live in them, and being gone out of them, that then they all shall
return to their first principle of dust, and God shall, as he did from all eternity, live in
Himself before there was a world or creatures : so he shall to all eternity live and
enjoy Himself in Himself, in such a way as no man can utter ; and so I see him
yesterday, and to day, and the same for ever — the Alpha and the Omega, the beginning
and the end of all things.
Page 52. — And to come to the point in hand, concerning a Hell hereafter, what it
should be, or what should be tormented in it, I do not as yet apprehend ; for the soul
came pure, and is of the essence of God, could not be corrupted, and the body not
capable of any impressions of God, and returns to its first principle of earth : so that
unlesse you will imagine a Hell in God, which you would account blasphemy to speak,
I cannot fancy or imagine any such Hell hereafter as men dreame of."
CoNCEBNING THE SCBIPTURE.
Page 71.—/" If you take Scripture as it was written by the Prophets and Apostles, it
is a form of wholesome words, a perfect rule for all outward actions, a true guide for
a man's outward conversation among men ; the liveliest expression of the mind of
God, of all other books ; setting forth all conditions, estates, and enjoyments of all
men in the world ; it is the word in flesh/\ The word was made flesh ; it is the highest
discovery of God in flesh, the truest testimony of God in the world. I do verily
believe, that what pitch soever any man hath or can attain unto, but it is able to speak
to him in it thus ; it is in the letter, and the outside of it.
( But if you ask me what I make Scripture ? I look upon it to be Spiritual, and so it
is the Law written in the heart, and so it is spirit and life; as Christ saith, "the words
that I speak are spirit and life:" so that what Christ speaks spiritually, that ia
Scripture, and so it is the power of God ; for take Scripture as it is in the history, it
hath no more power in the inward man than any other writings of good men, nor is it
in that sense a discerner of the secrets as it is in the history, so it is to be believed
above all other writings in the world but as it is a mystery, and God being the
substance of it, so I must believe it as God makes it out in me. I must not build my
faith upon it, or any saying of it, because such and such men write or speak so and
so. But from that Divine manifestation in my own spirit, for the Scripture as it is
written outwardly is but an outward witness of that which is within; and the
spirituality of it wherein the life and being of it doth consist, is made out by a spiritual
discovery. I do not go to the letter of Scripture to know the mind of God, but I,
having the mind of God within, I am able to see it witnessed and made out in the
letter : for if I do a thing lawful from the letter, yet if I be persuaded in my own
spirit I should not do it, I sin. Yea, further, that power and authority which the
Scripture hath, is not because such and such men write it, but from that Divine mani-
festation in them ; and so indeed, if I have the same discovery that they had, then I
can say it is the word of God, otherwise I lie; for it is one thing to believe the
Scripture because such and such write it, as most men do ; and it is another thing to
believe it, because God saith so in me, and so it is the spiritual speaking of God that is
Scripture, and so that is true.")
CHAPTER XVIII.
Influence of the line of thought of the Ranters and
Seekers upon the Society of Friends. Perrott.
Opposition to Fox and the Ministry as a distinct
Office in the Church. " The Spirit of the Hat "—
Penn on "The Liberty of the Spirit." The conduct
of fox under petty opposition. story and wllkin-
son lead the dissatisfied party. they advocate the
"Independency of Churches." Barclay enters the
lists with his "anarchy of the ranters." the
Principles of Church Government advocated in
this Work. Pennington and Livingstone pronounce
against them. the separatists denounce " outward
Teachers," and plead the sufficiency of "the In-
ward Teacher."
We will now proceed to describe the conflict of opinion
between those who inclined to the views of the Seekers and
Ranters, and those of Fox and the early preachers. This
originated first in an opposition to the more complete
organization of the ministry, which Fox manifested some
anxiety to render as efficient as possible, and to the power
and influence which Fox and the preachers who founded
the Society exerted. And secondly, to the method and
order which he wished to establish in the meetings for
worship, and in the religious constitution or discipline of
the Society.
As early as 1654, some traces of dissatisfaction with the
proceedings of Fox existed. Objections were taken to the
430
preaching of able Ministers such as Howgill, as "words
without power."* The great influence of Fox was com-
pared to that of the " Pope," and that of the Ministers with
the "Lord Bishops." He was charged with taking upon
himself "the place of God," and "ordering those whom he
accounted Ministers in his will," and sending them " to the
several meetings in and about London." He also allowed
the introduction in " our own meeting-houses " of things
like to " pulpits !" t "A public stock was provided and
ordered " for foreign evangelization, and this was another
cause of complaint. A favourable time for the opposition
of this party presented itself in 1663, when some of the
most eminent Ministers of the Society were in prison, and
the first paper which was circulated was from the pen of
John Perrott, a man who had, in conjunction with a com-
panion, John Luff, or Love, set out on a mission to Italy.
They were taken into custody in Kome. J. Love died in
the prison of the Inquisition, { but Perrott, with great dis-
crimination, was sent to the prison for lunatics, § and was
allowed still to address his effusions, in the shape of letters,
to his friends in England, who appear to have kept him
informed of the state of things at home. He was greatly
pitied by these friends, and doubtless it was considered best
that he should have the credit of making the first objec-
tion to the proceedings of Fox. Fox had given instruc-
tion, that in the meetings of Friends, all the worshippers
should uncover the head in prayer, and that the order,
either of reverently standing, as among the Presbyterians,
* " Swarthmore Papers," 1655.
J This no doubt refers to the provision of standing places, or galleries, for the
Ministers.
J See " Ellwood's Life," p. 254. London, 1714.
§ Ellwood says Perrott went with the idea of converting the Pope 1
431
or of kneeling, as among the Episcopalians, was to be
adopted. Perrott, in his epistle, takes the ground that
because " the world " had the custom of taking off their
hats and prayed standing, that such " customs and tradi-
tions were not to be followed, and that since there was
Scriptural precedent for falling down on the face and
taking the shoes from off the feet, that if any one was
"moved" to pray thus, why should he not do so?
The next pamphlet which was issued* in the controversy
gives clear evidence of the character of the movement.
It alludes in figurative language to the persecution then
raging, comparing it to a flood, and the church to the
ark, and recommends the church " to stand still " till it
was abated. "As there was a time of bringing all home,
so let there be a time of keeping at home, and so
every one to sit down under his own vine and quietly to
enjoy the fruit of his labour." In a word, they had had
enough of the vigorous evangelistic action of Fox and his
friends. The Society was now no longer to "take delight,
as some have done, in the greatness of its numbers." f The
noble stand taken by the Society in insisting on their right
publicly to worship God, and regularly to meet at certain
times on Sundays and week-days, was to be exchanged for
far more spiritual views. No one was to act " outwardly "
further than he saw " inwardly." The writer had, he said,
" an high esteem for meetings," but if he found " draw-
ings," "movings," to " go to a meeting," he would go ; but
* " Some Breathings of Life from a Naked Heart, presented in love to the honest
and upright and single-hearted. That they with me may wait and feel the immediate
drawings and leadings of the Holy Spirit in all things, or come to know the state
which the Apostle speaks of, to have the anointing to teach them all things, or of all
things that cometh from Christ, God's Anointed, so that they need not any man to
teach them." 1 John ii. 27. By William Salt, 1663.
f Crisp, on " Pennington's Testimony," p. 13.
H H
432
to go in his " own will or time," or in that of any other
person, he could not do it lest it should be said to him,
" Who hath required this of your hands ? " Thus, " when
Friends have provided a meeting-house," it " may be made
use of when they feel stirrings in the Life both with respect
to time and place ! " " The Spirit was not to be tied up to
man's conveniency."
We have here the inroads of the Quietism of the
Seekers combined with the views of the Banters, which
struck at the root of all Church order. The party
holding these views pleaded the liberty of the Spirit and
the right of private judgment. The question may seem
a frivolous one, when the practical issue was confined
to the question whether these men were to join with
their brethren in a reverent and becoming posture in
public prayer, but it was really a difference of principle
which involved far-reaching consequences. The early
Friends had cried down the forms of worship, ecclesiastical
arrangements and ministry of others, and now were they
not in the same position ? * Their own form of worship,
ministry, and church discipline were now decried, and the
witness of the Spirit in each individual was declared to be
the rule, and to be the rule on each particular occasion
what a man should do who joined in church fellowship.
The church could not have church officers because, e.g., a
Minister preaching, or praying, or performing any other
act as a church officer (whether or not a majority of the
Church had agreed that he was evidently called to the
Ministry and endowed with gifts both of grace and of
nature for the service), was only to be recognized at the
* G. Fox held that if they had the word and power of God they would uphold "all
true forms.'- " The Word and Power gives a form and being to all things." — Paper by
G. F., Devonshire House.
433
moment when he said or did anything of which any indivi-
dual hearer might have an impression or motion of God's
spirit approving it, entirely apart from whether what was
said or done was in accordance with the letter and spirit of
the New Testament, and with what was the united judgment
of the Church as to the interpretation and plain meaning of
the Holy Scriptures. The Leaders of the Society were
denounced as inconsistent with their ancient principles, and
were now, it was said, leading the people back again to the
spiritual Egypt; and it was declared that there was no
standing place between their own position and that of the
Eoman Church.* To show how peculiarly seductive the
character of this movement was to men who had been pro-
testing against the State Ministry and every ecclesiastical
arrangement of the Established Church, whether Presby-
terian or Episcopalian, even Ellwood, the pupil of Milton,
confesses that he was caught in the snare. At first sight,
he says, it seemed suitable to "a spiritual dispensation."
They made " a specious pretence and show of greater
spirituality," and he was betrayed by it, and at a meet-
ing which was appointed for the object of recovering these
wandering sheep, he eventually made a public confession
of his error, f
We have previously shown that the opposition of the
founders of the Society of Friends to Independent and
Baptist Ministers, was only to them in their character of
* In 1666, was issued "a Testimony from the Brethren who were met together in
London, in the Third Month, 1666, to be communicated to the faithful Friends and
Elders in the Counties, and by them to be read at their several meetings," was
sent throughout England against "those who speak evil of dignities and despise
governments, without which we are sensible our Societies and Fellowship cannot be
holy and inviolable," against those who, " under the pretence of keeping down man
and forms," cry down the ministry and meetings."
t See page 225 of his Life.
H II 2
434
State Ministers. (To the Presbyterian Ministry they had in
addition other objections. The Founders of the Society
were charged, as early as 1654, with opposition to the
Ministry as a distinct office in the Christian Church, and it is
important to note the clear manner in which they asserted
the contrary. Eichard Farnsworth* says, in reply to this
charge : — " He that is a Bishop, Pastor, or Teacher, and is
taught by the Spirit, who is not of man (i.e., appointed by
the temporal power) but of God, and is blameless and doth
contend for the faith once delivered to the saints ; who are
not carnal, but spiritual, &c, and are governed by the Spirit
of God," " such we do own." Again, John Pendarvesf
asks whether the people called Quakers " declaring against
instrumental teaching, and yet instructing themselves" and
others, "did not "manifest a contradiction between their
professed principles and practice;" and "whether they
consider instrumental teaching to be unsuitable to the New
Covenant : and if so, why Christ, being ascended, ap-
pointed pastors and teachers in the Church?" He is
thus replied to : — " Those who go from place to place in-
structing others," they do not declare against, but "those
that sat at home and let men into carnal ordinances."
They do not, they say, deny " instrumental," but " traditional
teaching."
On the other hand, the party which was now rising into
notice were opponents of instrumental teaching and the authority
* "'Light risen out of Darkness," p. 49, 1654.
t "Arrows against Babylon," p. 42, London, 1656. Pendarves was a Baptist, and
held very similar views to the early Friends, whom he commends for their endeavour
after "reformation in Saints' apparel," and evidently asked questions with a desire
for information. Pendarves was one of those who went up and down preaching in
houses, barns, under hedges, trees, and elsewhere," and obtained "a great multitude
of disciples."
435
of "pastors " and " teachers,"* and held that less of vocal
service was required, not more.^
In a work written by Barclay in 1670, entitled, " Truth
Cleared of Calumnies," he exhibits the ground taken by the
founders of the Society, with his usual clearness. He says,f
those called Quakers " grant that there are Ministers and
Pastors in the church. They do not affirm that the ministry
is common to all, but that there be some Pastors and Teachers,
yet that hinders not that any at a time may speak, for it is
one thing to be particularly called to the ministry , and another
to be moved to speak at a particular time." In other words,
that a vital distinction existed between the regular ministry
and the occasional prophesying of a church member. He
defines also that the objection to the Presbyterian ministry
is that " the whole esse, or being of it, may be without saving
grace, or true holiness, you expressly affirming that holiness is
not necessary, and that a minister of the gospel ought to be
received and heard, though he have not the least grace or
holiness.]: In the same way George "Whitehead, one of the
most eminent founders of the Society, says in the same
controversy, that this party are "mistaken in taking the
whole course of preaching to be that 'prophesying' intended
that is brought in with l praying, for all preaching cannot
be that entire and peculiar ' prophesying,' which, when one
* "A Heal Demonstration of the True Order in the Spirit of God," &c, p. 55, 1663.
'** So Friends, this is the counsel of the Lord God unto you ; make nothing to yourselves
(i.e., do not have any such church officers, &c.) but wait in stillness and quietness, not
out of words only, but also out of thoughts and imaginations, for then all flesh comes
to silence." It was said that some of the preachers associated with Fox had said in
reply to those who "did not see" various matters of this kind: "If you do not see
yourselves, follow us who do ! "
t Page 57.
J Page 59. See also Baxter's " Cure of Church Divisions," p. 114. A man " may
perform the office of a Minister to the benefit of the Church, though he have no
6aving grace at all."
436
is immediately called to, I grant it is most comely to stand
up with the hat off."*
This stage of the controversy was brought to a point, by
the publication of a pamphlet, in 1673, with the curious title
of " The Spirit of the Hat, or the Government of the Quakers
among themselves, as it hath been exercised by George Fox,
and other leading men, in their Monday or Second-day's
Meeting" (i.e., Ministers' meeting at Devonshire House),
&c. This was mainly written by a person of the name of
William Mucklow, who eventually was " recovered to a
better mind and to be more in charity with Friends." It was
a severe critique on the course which things were taking
in the Society, under the guidance of Fox and others.
The question of the hat being removed during public
prayer is treated as the commencement of a formal worship.
George Fox was now saying "believe as the church be-
lieves," and so said the Papists. There were Elders, he
says, in the church "who will not have the Lord's people
prophets." If this were not so, " what meaneth it that
certain persons are appointed to spend their ivhole time in
speaking in every meeting, and all the rest to come as
hearers, neglecting the gift in themselves, waiting on their
lips." By the regular or travelling Ministers now preaching
"long declarations," or teaching sermons in this systematic
manner, the exercise of "prophecy," i.e., the preaching of
other members of the Church, was being "discouraged" and
" stopt."f The Ministers also, instead of the humble garb
in which many had before preached, had in a short space
* " The Apostate Incendiary Eebuked," p. 30. By G. Whitehead, 1673. The Inde-
pendents and others preached with the hat on. — " Baillie's Letters," 45, p. 440. —
The inference is clear, that in exercising the gift of teaching, the hat was kept on, and
in " prophesying" it was taken off.
t See p. 20, " Spirit of the Hat," 1673.
437
of time got into " rich habits, to wit, beaver hats, camlet
cloaks, and the finest of the cloth," not inferior to that
worn by " Merchants of the City." " The Assemblies of the
true Church," he says, " are all equal, and therefore the
Friends of one place cannot say they have the power over
Friends of another place." " Christ in each Assembly is
the Head." The new movement was, therefore, now assert-
ing the absolute independency of each Church as well as the
independency of each individual. Their leaders, however,
were not prepared to advocate more than a limited in-
dependency of Churches, and thus the question did not
assume the prominence it deserved. This called forth
" The Spirit of Alexander the Coppersmith lately revived,"
by William Penn, 1673. Penn goes to the root of the
matter, when he says* that, "either there is such a thing as
a Christian Society, or there is not." If ?iot, then there is
an end of all argument, but if there is any Christian "body,
Church, or Society," it must have church "power" of
some kind. " Deny this," says Penn, " and farewell to all
Christian church order and discipline," and it is " an inlet
to Kanterism and so to Atheism."! The " liberty of the
spirit " did not consist in our all being " moved to do con-
trary things," but is shown in the united disposition of a
Church to "abide in the order of the Gospel. "J The
assertion that " every member " of the Church " is equal,"
and that, therefore, no greater power exists in the Eldership
or approved Ministers of the Church, is an error, because
although belonging to " the same body," all are not called
to "the same service," and some members are "more
honourable than others" — "preaching the everlasting
Gospel in season and out of season, rising early and lying
* Page 8. t Page 9. J Penn's " Judas and the Jews," &c, 1673.
438
down late, suffering, travelling and spending and being
spent, in body and estate, sacrificing the joy, strength, and
pleasure of their youth to the service of the living eternal
God, and the salvation of people's souls," entitles them to
our consideration. And with regard to the objection that
the Ministers "are not judged by the laity, but by their
peers," he replies that they are judged by the laity (" as
he wickedly distinguishes ") in all matters as between one
Christian and another, but that strictly in " cases which
concern the exercise of the Ministry it is most reasonable "
that the travelling Ministers and Elders, or fixed Ministers,
should be the judges.*
This party, who opposed Fox, Penn, and the other
Ministers who founded the Society, contended that "in
the Apostles' days (there) were Pastors, Teachers, Elders,
&c, but in this day the Spirit itself is the Pastor, Teacher,
Elder, &c." As, therefore, from time to time the Spirit
moved certain persons to preach, so the answer of the
Spirit "moving" the hearer to approve what is spoken,
constitutes the preacher "for the moment" an Elder,
Apostle, Teacher," f &c. Fox undoubtedly exercised an
authority very similar in kind, but less perhaps in degree,
to that of Wesley in the societies he founded. It was
an authority justly due to his indefatigable labours for
the good of others. Great efforts were now made to dis-
credit his motives, charging him with ambition, and that
his efforts for the establishment of a complete system of
Church government J were in order to increase his influence.
Under these painful circumstances his religious character
* "Alexander the Coppersmith," p. 12
t " The Testimony of George Bishop in 1666," quoted with approval by T. Crisp.
J It was said that the Society should attend to " heavenly drawings " rather than to
G. F.'s " comely orders."
439
shone brighter and brighter to the last. While some of
his eminent supporters used in the heat of controversy
weapons of sarcasm and invective which, without injury to
their cause, might have been well spared, Fox, in his
energetic labours for the restoration of peace and unity,
used his influence with persons who had violated every
sense of honour, with true Christian gentleness, and touch -
ingly appealed to their better feelings* in vindicating his
motives. Curious insight is incidentally given in the
course of the controversy, into Fox's methods of pro-
ceeding. His adversaries complain that he sent his tracts
and papers against their party into the very prisons, f A
specimen is given of one of his pastoral epistles, probably
rapidly written and sent to some congregation where the
worldly fashions of the time of Charles the Second were
prevailing in the very assemblies of the people called
Quakers, and discomforted the mind of Fox. The tone of
it is peremptory and decisive, and might well have been
excused, considering the great difficulty which all religious
reformers have experienced, when they have given what
they have deemed sound Christian advice on the style of
* See MS. " Unpublished Letters and Papers of G. Fox in the Records of Bristol
Meeting, particularly one dated 4th of Eleventh Month, 1678, to Wm. Eodgers: — "Ah,
William and the rest ! this work of yours has not been of God. Therefore, lay it
aside, if you love your eternal peace. Much I could write if there were an ear without
prejudice. And, whatever you say of me, I heed it not, for I know what I have been
and what I am to the Lord, and how he has preserved me to this day." In another
place he also breaks away from the thread of his letter : " Ah, William, let truth sway
thy passion. Thou threatens me with printing. Thou must not think to fear me with
threats, for that will do thee no good when thou hast done it, nor give ease to that
disquieted, restless spirit. . . . Thou hadst better buy the peaceable truth to lay
the tempest in thee . . . and come down with humility to thy first love." The
correspondence must be read fully to appreciate the true greatness of mind of Fox
under the severest test which perhaps can be applied to a man, viz., petty opposition
and unfair dealing.
t MS. Paper in the British Museum.
440
dress which is adopted from time to time by the gentler sex,
contrary to the dictates of personal comfort and common
sense : " Away with your long slit peaks behind in the skirts
of your waistcoats," your " shimming dish hats," " un-
( necessary buttons," " short sleeves," " short black aprons,"
" vizzards;" " your great needless flying scarfs like colours on
your backsV This was given as a specimen of what was
termed a "Bull" of this gentle and estimable man. A
word from Fox occasionally. suspended or re-instated mem-
bers. Fox encouraged the members cordially to shake hands
with each other when they met, and this method of greeting
appears to have savoured too much of formality for some
of them.* ^/ / \ ^£ //
Hitherto the leaders of the party had not been men of
mark, and the subject-matter of their objections was in
some cases frivolous; but now two who had been the early
coadjutors of Fox, and also eminent Ministers, John Story,
and John Wilkinson, appeared at the head of the objectors.
They commenced their ministry, and joined Fox, about
1654. "We learn from the archives of the Independent
Church at Cockermouth (which, in 1652, had become so
numerous that a branch was formed at Broughton), that
some of the congregations became inclined to Baptist
principles, but the Church at Broughton " began to be
generally shaken, most of them inclining to Quakerism."
On " the 16th of the Mtoirth Month, 1654, that deluge of
errors that had overflowed the county, had quite shattered
pieces the other congregations about Broughton, and
" T. Crisp's " Testimony Concerning Isaac Pennington," p. 23, 1681. " Your manner
of greeting «ach other." This is explained to be G. F.'s advice for Friends — "taking
one another by the hand."
In Harwood's MSS., in British Museum, p. 13, he says he "would not bow to such
a form of external practice as wringing each other hand by the hand ! "
441
only some few of the people have come to land and kept
together in communion." John Wilkinson, the pastor of
the church, departed with most of his hearers to the
Quakers, to his great shame and infamy. The Lord at
last convince him of his sin! Amen, Amen, Amen." This
was the commencement of Wilkinson's career as a preacher
associated with Fox. We learn that afterwards the Inde-
pendent church at Broughton " arrived at a more healthy
state."* The ministry of Story f and Wilkinson had been
eminently successful in Bristol and in Wiltshire, as well as
in the counties of Cumberland and Westmoreland; and
their cause was strongly supported by a wealthy merchant
of Bristol, named William Kodgers, who was an active and
influential member of that important church. In London,
Charles Harris, a well-educated and somewhat fluent minis-
ter, supported their views. Story and Wilkinson shifted
the controversy, to some extent, from the independency of
individuals to the independency of churches. They did
not object to the association of churches in monthly and
quarterly district meetings, " for the necessary service of
truth," | provided that they were strictly representative; but
they objected to persons from distant churches forming
part of any other church for church purposes, and also
on the same principle to the central synod or Yearly Meet-
ing lately established by Fox. They asserted that "judg-
ment of truth," given forth by " any part of the members
of Christ's body," ought not to " become a bond " upon any
* " History of the Baptist Churches in the North of England," by David Douglas, of
Hamsterley, London, 1846, pp. 15 and 16.
t Story had preached in "public assemblies" "in Westmoreland," &c, "at the age
of 14 years."
\ " Two Questions Proposed," by J. W. and J. S., to Friends of the Meeting at
Drawell. Vol. of Tracts, lxix. 37. Devonshire House Library.
442
other part of the said body, " further than their understand-
ings are illuminated;" in other words, further than those
parts of Christ's body or particular churches approved.
They contended that the Monthly and Quarterly Meetings
should consist only of representatives from the particular
meetings, that the travelling Ministers (public labourers
of the gospel) furnished with a certificate from distant
churches, should not be allowed to sit as members of these
meetings for the transaction of the affairs of particular or
associated churches, unless it was "to tell their message
and immediately to depart." It was said that in earlier
times, nothing was so much desired as the assistance of
the ministers, but now when they came from a distance
to these church meetings, the Story and Wilkinson party
asked them, " Will you do our-business, or will you leave it
to us to do?* While, on the other side, Fox and Barclay
contended that " all who in a true sense may be reckoned
of the Church, " might be present and give their judg-
ment;"! and this contrary view of Story and Wilkinson is
reprobated by the Yearly Meeting, as "a plain independency
from the life and practice of the church throughout the
world." I
Story and Wilkinson objected strongly to "Women's
Meetings in the country districts, and separate from the
men;" and still more to the "accomplishing of marriage
under that way, form, and order George Fox directed," and
i
* MS. by J. Blaykling and others, p. 16.
t The "Teachers," "Elders," and a "plurality" of the Church " might decide."
See Barclay's "Anarchy of the Banters," section viii., p. 56. (Beprint). Irwin's
Edition. Manchester, 1868.
J MSS. at Bristol, being a Letter from a meeting held at Ellis Hookes, his chamber
in London, 12th of Fourth Month, 1677, and signed by 67 Friends, and it is directed
to be read in Monthly and Quarterly Meetings. (This was a letter of the Yearly
Meeting of 1677.)
443
particularly to the parties about to be married appearing
before the Women's Meeting, to declare their intentions,
which they deemed unnecessary. G. Fox, they alleged,
did not do this in the case of his own marriage, and now he
wished to impose the custom upon all the churches. They
objected to the principle laid down in Barclays "Anarchy
of the Banters," which " the Second-day's morning Meet-
ing in London, by approving Bobert Barclay's book," had
endorsed, that these new assemblies, which were termed
" tJw church," should take upon them the jurisdiction of
44 taking up and composing differences as to outward
things," * since it was obvious that Christ himself refused
to takef any such power; and if it were asserted that this
was merely by consent of the parties differing, it could be
truly said that even a heathen man could claim such power
if it were given him by the consent of the two parties as an
umpire or arbitrator, and they held that the church had no
such power given it by God, but that its jurisdiction was
confined solely to spiritual as opposed to purely temporal
matters. }
(it was in the year 1676, that Bobert Barclay, the author
of the "Apology," wrote a short treatise in answer to these
views on church government, which were being propagated
apparently with no small success. This work was approved
(as before stated) by the Second-day's Morning Meeting in
London (representing the ministers of the Society), § and
* See " Barclay's Anarchy, &c," section v. p. 27. Irwin's edition.
t See Luke xii., verses 13, 14.
J Barclay replied (page 240 of his works) that he " did not ascribe an absolute juris-
diction over men's property in outward things " to these meetings, but only meant that
the scandal of Christians going to law should be avoided, by the voluntary submission
of their disputes to their brethren.
§ See minute, p. 249 of Barclay's folio works.
444
from it we obtain a clear statement of the principles in-
volved on either side. In the preface he states that there
are " so great pretenders to inward motions and revelations of
the Spirit, that there are no extravagancies which they will
not cloak with it," and he associates the Ranters with the
German Anabaptists, as " some more moderate of that kind
called Banters." He commences by recounting the won-
derful success of the preaching of the ministers who founded
the Society, and states that "innovators" have arisen, bring-
ing in new doctrines and practices, differing, and contrary to,
their (i.e., the ancient Ministers') preaching," and a^e "reviling
the apostles and messengers of Christ, the Elders of the
Church,"* who loved not their lives unto the death, but
who, through much care, travel and watchings, "gathered
by the mighty power of God." God had "laid care upon
some beyond others," to watch for the souls of the brethren,
and under such leaders the Society was "gathered, and was
gathering into good order and discipline."
These innovators, says he, preach up " a higher dispensa-
tion," and opposed this, order and government, saying that
they were " taught to follow the Light in their consciences,
and not the orders of men." Some were " afraid of the
very name of ' a church,' " and the very words " order and
government." He then proceeds regularly to prove, that
from the rise of the Christian church, it has had an internal
government, and that this is exercised by those whom Christ
sends forth as " apostles, messengers, elders, and teachers,"
and by whom the church is gathered. To these persons the
principal government of the church rightly appertains. To
them is confided the " care and oversight " of the flock,
" a certain authority," also to bring back the straying sheepA
* See pages 353, 354, for the origin of these appellations.
445
It is for the highest good of the church that such persons
should " appoint," and even " command," such things as are
"needful for peace and unity." The reciprocal duty and
" obligation " of the church towards its ministers, is "to
reverence, honour, and obey such as are set over them
in the Lord " (p. 17), and the limit of their authority
only extends to them as officers of the church, to carry
out what "the Lord leads us to by His Spirit." The
church being a living body instinct with the Spirit of
Christ, it is led to believe the doctrines and principles
of the truth, and to hold and maintain them as they
were delivered by the apostles of Christ in the Holy Scriptures;" *
not according to the bare letter of Holy Scripture, but
according to its real spirit and intention, and the question
of church government, or no church government, is decided
by the fact that it was " the practice of the saints and
church of old." Who are the members of the Church of
Christ? They are those who are " sanctified in Christ
Jesus, and called to be saints." This " Church of Christ"
may be made up of divers gatherings or churches in several
countries or nations. He affirms boldly that, so far forth
as a church retains the "nature and essence of the true
church," "a true judgment" and even "an infallible judg-
ment, will never be wanting." This is the true solution of
the controversy respecting the infallibility of the Church.
It is not an infallibility necessarily annexed to any person,
persons, or places, by virtue of any office or station in the
body of Christ, " but resides in every true Church." The
distinction between a true and a false church is, that in a
true church none are admitted to be members but such as
* See quotation from Perm, to show that the early Society held Holy Scripture to be
their " creed," p. 573.
446
are led and guided by the Holy Spirit. " None ought, nor
can be accounted the Church of Christ, but such as are in
a measure sanctified, or sanctifying by the grace of God, and
led by His Spirit ; nor yet any made officers in the church,
but by the grace of God and inward revelation of His
Spirit."
The condition of the infallible guidance of " such a
church is not annexed to the bare visible profession," but
to a church consisting of members in whom exists a " real
effectual work of sanctification and regeneration, and the
new creature brought forth in the heart." Among the
Friends, all who " in true sense may be reckoned of the
church, may be present and give their judgment." The
author considers that, although they do not always decide
by a bare majority, it is better if the " teachers, elders, and
plurality should decide." With regard to the objects of such
a church, their first object is, he considers, to " propagate "
the gospel as they understand it; their second object is, to
have a certain ' ' care and oversight over each other, and
prevent and remove all occasions which may break their con-
junct interest, " whether by disunion among themselves,"
or by wicked men banding themselves together to undo,
destroy, or defame them ; and thirdly, to remove everything
which will hinder the propagation of the Gospel. The
authority of such a church only extends to those who
" have declared and do declare themselves members ; who believe
and profess the same doctrines, and go under the same
distinction and denomination," and therefore it cannot be
compared to the authority of a hierarchy supported by the
State power, or to be objected to as a species of persecution.
The Society of Friends is not " so foolish "as to concern
itself " with those who are not of us." Its care for those
that are without their church has been manifested, in that
447
the Society "as a church, with a tender regard for the
good of their immortal souls," with a " zeal " for " God's
glory," and "for the exaltation and propagation of His
everlasting truth and Gospel," has " not been wanting
with the hazard of our lives to seek the scattered ones,
holding forth the living and sure foundation, and inviting
and persuading all to obey the Gospel of Christ, and to
take notice of his reproofs, as he makes himself manifest in
and by his light in their hearts." Towards those "that
are without," its object is to bring them into the " fellow-
ship of the saints," and when brought into the church, that
they may not "again fall into the temptation of the enemy/'
The principle of being immediately led by the Holy Spirit,
does not involve the abandonment of the use of means ; for
example, set times for divine worship, and for the ministry
of the gospel, for the meeting of the " elders " and the
flock, nor for the appointment of " deacons," nor for the
contributions of the church, these being at a set time as
in the early church. As to outward things, widows and
orphans are under the care of the church ; and there is to
be "no beggar in Israel."
With regard to the composing of differences, although
the Courts of Law are not exactly "unbelievers" in the
sense in which the Apostle uses the word, still, in a certain
sense, they are unbelievers in much the Society believes to
be the truth of God, and therefore he thinks that the practice
of the " saints giving judgment " on outward differences is
salutary, and the advantage will soon be so self-evident that
" the nation will be eased and dis-burdened of that deceitful
tribe of lawyers (as well as priests) who by their many tricks
and endless intricacies have rendered justice in their method
burdensome to honest men, and seek not so much to put
an end as to foment controversies and contentions, that
i i
448
they themselves may still be fed and their trade kept up."
With regard to matters spiritual; in matters of conscience,
in minor matters the members are to bear with one another.
In larger matters, those who " contradict any of the funda-
mental articles on which the Society was contracted, dis-
solve the original bond, and have forfeited their right in
the Society, and the church has power to hold to what it
deems to be right, and to declare and pronounce a
judgment. In cases of doubt it has a right to refer the
matter to a central Synod, as the church at Antioch did in
apostolic times. Still there is a bond of union "more inward
and invisible" by which the Society of Friends " have unity
with all who have the life of righteousness," although they belong
not to any outward church, and although " their understand-
ings are not yet so enlightened" as to belong to the
Society of Friends.*
This was the substance of Barclay's able and closely-
reasoned treatise in defence of the church system established
by Fox. The danger in which the Society was placed, may
be judged of by the fact, that there were few eminent men
belonging to it who do not take their part in this con-
troversy, and that considerably over one hundred pamphlets
were printed during its continuance.
Isaac Pennington, from his tendency to mystical views,
was supposed to sympathise with them, and was appealed
to in Aylesbury prison.f He pronounced against the new
* Bodgers was summoned by the Second-day's Morning Meeting for misrepresenting
the meaning of Barclay's " Anarchy, &c." before he had communicated his objections
to Barclay. Bodgers withdrew his objections and was recommended to destroy his
MSS. and all other copies. They suggested to Barclay that some terms or expressions
in his book might be made more " easy and familiar," and recommended him to write
an explanatory postscript, which gave rise to his " Vindication of the Anarchy of the
Banters."
t Some Queries concerning the Order and Government of the Church of Christ. —
Date probably 1670.
449
party. " Christ had appointed spiritual order and govern-
ment to be in his church and congregation," and it was
right that " the body and common members of the
churches " were to hearken to the " Pastors, Overseers, and
Bishops," " such as watch for the soul — such as not only
lay the foundation but carry on the building to perfection."
Their duty was " to obey them in the Lord, to submit to this
Ministry." This was not a turning away from the guidance of
the Spirit, because " God had set up the measure of life in
him that hearkeneth."
Patrick Livingstone, an eminent Scotch Minister of the
Society, informs* us that they said, "Let all flesh he silent,"
and that " they needed not any man to teach them ; " and
he asks, "why then they attempt to teach others both by
word and writing ? " The text quoted was only applicable
to a Church teaching by persons who had " not come to
the anointing," but these people applied it so as to " forbid
the anointing, to edify the Church ! "
It is obvious that one of the most important points in
the movement, was an opposition to the introduction by Fox
of a more regular and teaching ministry. It became more
and more evident that congregations could not thrive on
silent prayer alone, and prophecy in the sense of a few
words dropped by way of exhortation and encouragement,
or personal experience, and therefore there is an emphasis
placed on the one side on Christ being a sufficient "teacher,"
and that they needed not "outward" teachers; and on the
other side to the fact that " Christ, when he ascended up
on high, gave " outward teachers " to his Church, f On
one side it was urged, that " a motion, or command from
* " Plain and Downright Dealing," London, 1667.
t See Ellwood'z " Eogero Mastix," p. 11.
112
450
the Spirit," was required for all things we do in a church
capacity ; on the other, it was answered by Penn that we
are bound to "do all to the praise and glory of God," and
we were not "to wait for a motion of the Spirit for every-
thing."*
* " A Brief Examination and State of Liberty, Spiritual, &c." London, 1681,
pp. 2 and 3.
CHAPTEE XIX.
The Story and Wilkinson Party oppose Singing, while
Fox and Barclay acknowledge it to be a part op
Divine Worship. The Singing of the " General
Baptists." The Else of "Congregational Singing"
at Geneva. Its introduction into England. Organs
and Cathedral Singing. Sternhold and Hopkins'
Psalms. Congregational Singing in New England.
Its rise among the Independents and Baptists.
Their objections to the Singing of the Church of
England. Hymn Tune published by Sewel. Mar-
garet Fell encourages Singing. The Separation
takes place. attempts at eeconciliation at drawell
and Bristol. Meeting Houses seized by the Separa-
tists. The Controversy turned over to Ellwood.
The " Ehyming Scourge " and " Eogero-Mastix." Mis-
sionary Effort and a Teaching Ministry condemned
by the Separatists. The "Banter" and "Seeker"
Congregations disappear.
We here break off from the thread of the history, to remark
that singing, as well as prayer and preaching, appears to
have been acknowledged by G. Fox and his coadjutors to be
a part of Divine worship, from the commencement of their
religious movement, while the carrying out of this practice
in public worship, was opposed by the Story and Wilkinson
party. In a very early tract, without date,* the question is
* " The Moderate Enquiry Resolved." Written on behalf of the Brethren, &c, by
W. C. (W. Caton).
452
asked: "But, as touching their worship, read they? sing
they ? or pray they in their meetings ? " It is answered :
" And as for singing and praying, they do them both with
the Spirit and with the understanding," but the formal
singing and praying of the world (that is, unbelievers) they
deny."* In 1670, Barclay, in "Truth cleared of calumnies,"
says — " that singing is a part of God's worship and is war-
rantably performed amongst the saints, is a thing denied by
no Quaker so-called, and it is not unusual among them, and
that at times David's words may be used as the Spirit leads
thereunto." Their objection to the singing in churches is,
that a " mixed multitude known to be drunkards, swearers,
&c, &c," sing, and that indifferently, all descriptions of
psalms. Some, he says, are unsuitable to sing, and would
" cause our worship to be a lie." It is obvious that the
singing alluded to was precisely similar to that of the
General Baptists, which was that of a single person, and is
described thus by one of their most eminent writers : —
" That such persons as God hath gifted to tell forth His
mighty acts and recount His special providences, and upon
whose hearts God put a lively sense of present mercies,
should have liberty and convenient opportunity to celebrate
the high praises of God one by one in the churches of God,
and that, with such words as the nature of the matter and
present occasion requires, so that they be careful to keep
to the language of the sacred word, and as near as may
be to the methods of those hymns and psalms used before
* " Testimony against Gaming, Musick, Dancing, Singing, Swearing, and people calling
upon God to damn them. Commended to the consciences of all people ha the sight of
God, but especially to those that keep public-houses." — A poster or fly sheet, by John
Kelsall. York Library, 1682. " God did and doth own singing in the Spirit under the
dispensation, of the Gospel, but the singers that God doth own under the Gospel dis-
pensation, are those who are first taught by Him to mourn for, repent of, and forsake
their sins ; such in the Spirit may sing as it moves and leads them."
453
Him by holy writers of the Scriptures. And that all this
be done with a cheerful voice, that may seem to express the
joys conceived in the heart of him that singeth, the better
to affect the hearts of the congregation. . . . Thus he
that hath a psalm becomes a useful minister in the House
of God, whilst others wait on their gifts, whether it be
praying, teaching, exhortation," &c. They disapproved all
elaborate or musical singing with a multitude of voices in
rhyme or meter, and that such singing inferred ' that no
church was complete in the order of God's worship without
some skill in poetry and music.'"* That this had been
their practice from the year 1609, may be seen by referring
to pp. 106, 107, and 108.
The practice of singing with " conjoint voices," or modern
congregational singing, is a strictly Protestant practice.
"The Goostly Psalmes and Spiritual Songes" of Coverdale
are said to have been condemned to the flames in 1539. f
It was introduced into Scotland by John Knox. The con-
gregations of English exiles formed at Geneva in 1555,
adopted the principles of psalmody which were established
at Geneva. J From the Book of Common Orders, or direc-
tory of public worship, adopted in Scotland (Edition 1556), we
find it directed that "the people singe a psalme all together
in a playne tune." They are directed in the " First Book of
Discipline," 1560, to " exercise themselves in the psalmes,"
so that they may be " more abill togither with common
heart and voice to prayse God." The meaning of " playne
* Book ii. chap, viii., p. 110, " Grantham's Christianismus Primitivus," London, 1678.
t Coverdale wished " that neither our carters and ploughmen had any other thing to
whistle upon but save psalms, hymns, and such godly songs, as David is occupied withal."
\ The exiles at Frankfort agreed that the people were to sing a ^salm in metre, in a
plain tune, as is accustomed in the French, Dutch, Italian, Spanish, and Scotch
Churches. — See " Brief Discourse, &c," respecting the troubles at Frankfort.
454
song " is shown in a report of Cranmer to Henry VIII.
upon the translating the liturgy into English. " The song
made thereunto should not be so full of notes, but as near
as may be for every syllable a note, that it may be sung dis-
tinctly and devoutly." It was not to be " the quavering,
operose music which is called figured." The Puritan party,
as early as 1536, carried a protestation to the King in the
lower House of Convocation, which styles " the playing at
the organyes a foolish vanity," and various attempts were
made to effect their removal, one of which failed by a single
vote. In 1586, the Puritans proposed " that all cathedral
churches may be put down where the service of God is
grievously abused by piping with organs, singing, ringing
and trowling of psalms from one side of the choir to ano-
ther." But this (the Antiphon) was distinct from congre-
gational singing. This was first permitted by Edward VI.
in the English Church, in 1541. He enacted that " it shall
be lawful for all men, as well in churches, chapels, oratories,
or other places, to use openly any psalm or prayer taken out
of the Bible, at any due time, not letting or omitting thereby
the service or any part thereof." It was enacted by Queen
Elizabeth,* that the livings which had been appointed for
the maintenance of men and children, to use singing in the
church, should be continued, in order that " the laudable
science of music " should be " held in estimation and pre-
served in knowledge;" and also that "in all parts of the
common prayer" "a modest and distinct song," " so used"
that the same " may be as plainly understanded as if read
without singing, and yet for the comforting of such as delight
in musick:" in the beginning or in the end of common
prayer there may be sung an hymn or song to the praise of
* 49th Injunction given to the clergy and laity.
455
Almighty God, in the best sort of melody and music, but
" having respect that the sentence of the hymn may be
understanded and perceived." Strype confirms the state-
ment that congregational singing was introduced into
England by the exiles on their return from Geneva and
other places on the Continent — " As soon as they com-
menced singing in public in one little church in London,
immediately not only in the churches in the neighbourhood,
but even the towns far distant, began to vie with each other
in the practice. You may now sometimes see at Paul's
cross after the service, six thousand persons, young and
old, of all sexes, singing together ; this sadly annoys the
mass priests, for they perceive that by this means the
sacred discourse sinks more deeply into the minds of men."
It is thought that the Genevan psalms of 1556 were used.
Thomas Sternhold published nineteen psalms in rhyme
or meter, probably in 1547; then followed 44 psalms by
Sternhold and Hopkins in 1549-53. The first complete
edition of Sternhold and Hopkins' psalms was published in
1562, " with assistant notes to synge them withall." The
preface states that they are designed for public as well as
private worship.* The Brownists objected strongly to this
version. The question whether it was a proper and scrip-
tural method to sing in public worship with conjoined voices,
or a single person at a time, being moved by the Holy Spirit
so to do, was debated, and also whether it was proper to sing
David's psalms in verse or metre. As early as the year 1636,
congregational singing was introduced in New England,
and in 1640 Mr. Kichard Mather, of Dorchester, Thomas
Weld and John Eliot, of Eoxbury, versified the psalms.
* The only known copy of this work is in the possession of the Author's father-
in-law, Francis Fry, of Bristol. It has the autograph of Lord Burleigh, and was
presented by him to his daughter, Ann Cecil.
456
This was the first book printed in America.* From the
Presbyterio -Independent Churches in America, the practice
was gradually adopted by the Independents in England.
We annex in the note, an account of the rise of congre-
gational singing among the Independents and Baptists, f
It was not until about the year 1690 that " conjoint singing,"
or what we now call congregational singing, was commenced
in the Baptist churches, and a very severe controversy
ensued, and it was only very gradually adopted. Conces-
sions were made by the older members, and it was arranged
* See a literal reprint of the Bay Psalm Book, New York, 1862. Also, for a very
valuable history of the subject, Neil Levingstone's reprint of the Scottish Metrical
Psalter, 1635.
t Short Histort of the Eise of Congregational Singing among the Independents
and Baptists.
In 1523, Barrow, in his reply to Gifford, to the charge of " speaking profanely of
singing psalms," says that he is not against ** that comfortable and heavenly harmony
of singing psalms," but against " the rhyming and paraphrasing the psalms as in your
church," and " the apocryphal, erroneous ballads in rhyme, sung commonly in your
church, instead of the psalms and songs of the canonical Scriptures." In 1 644, " The
Booke of Psalms Englished, both in prose and metre," by Henry Ainsworth, was pub-
lished at Amsterdam, with musical notes. Singing was at first neglected by Johnson's
and Ainsworth's church in Amsterdam, but afterwards "by some of them was
attempted, but "with barbarous success." In the Independent church at Arnheim, in
Holland, founded by T. Goodwin and Philip Nye, a controversy arose whether singing
in the church of Christ was to be that of one person singly, or " conjoined singing."* It
may be questioned whether the Independents did not originate the practice of congrega-
tional singing in some church in London, for the indefatigable Edwards, in the third
part of his Gangrcena, page 13, in his supplementary list of the grievous errors and
heretical practices of the sectaries, mentions that an Independent minister had main-
tained in the hearing of a " godly minister," that organs are a sanctified adjunct in the
service of God now under the gospel, and that if any man in the church had a gift of
making hymns, he might bring them in to be sung with organs or other instruments of
music. This must have been in 1645 or 1646, but the writer has not met with evidence
of singing in public worship being adopted by the Independents or Brownists, earlier
than 1648.f In 1647, John Cotton, of Boston, in New England, published in London,
* L Lydius Historie der beroeten van England, 1649. Pages 83 and 84.
+ The lay Divine, or the Simple House-preaching Taylor, 1648 — " Hereupon he giveth a psalm, which his
congregation chant with harsh voices " — " so that should their rude tones approach your eore, you could not
but feare you were in the suburbs of Pluto's mansion 1"
457
to take place only at the commencement or end of the
worship, so that the objecting members might not be present
if they scrupled at the practice. The objections of the
Independents and Baptists were originally very similar to
those of the Friends. One great objection was to Sternhold
and Hopkins' metrical version of the psalms, and a doubt
was expressed as to whether a versification of the psalms
was lawful. Another was, that as it was illegal to stay away
from church, persons of wicked lives were forced to take the
words of David, describing his holy feelings, into their mouths.
The saints alone might sing, the wicked would more properly
" howl," for sorrow of heart. Another was, that singing,
" Singing of Psalms a Gospel Ordinance." He maintained that unbelievers, as well as
believers, might sing psalms, and in tunes ; and be speaks as if singing had been aban-
doned by many Independent Cburcbes. In 1653, Cuthbert Sydenham, an Independent,
" joynt overseer with William Durant," hopes that when " men's hearts come in tone,
their voices will likewise." Organs and harps he objects to, but considers that where
" the Church and saints of God are gathered together, it is no more unlawful to sing with
others that stand by and joyne their voices, than when in prayer they stand and give
their consent." He observes, that it is to be desired that more care in the choice of
psalms were taken, to fit them for the use of a mixed congregation.* The practice of
conjunct or congregational singing in public worship, was considered by the General
Baptist Association of Churches in London, in 1689, and "it was not deemed any way
safe for the churches to admit such carnal formalities," and they gave their judgment
" that the singing of one was the same as the singing of the whole," precisely as the
prayer of one is the prayer of the whole congregation. A controversy in the Baptist
churches was commenced in print, by a work called "The Breach repaired in God's
Worship," by Benjn. Keach, in 1691, pastor of the Baptist church at Horsleydown.
Keach says that the rule of the Baptist church was not general councils or synods, but
God's Holy Word. That the said ordinance is a scriptural ordinance under the new
covenant. He was replied to by Isaac Harlow, in " Truth soberly defended, Ac."
A work was then published by Bichard Allen, which was replied to by Bichard Claridge,
while yet a Baptist minister, in " An answer to Bichard Allen's essay," in which Allen
endeavours to prove that singing of psalms with conjoined voices is a Christian duty ;
London, 1697, with an introduction by William Eussell, P. D., Cambridge. This is an
elaborate and learned treatise. He gives it as his opinion, that " the vocal singing of
one person at a time as is a special gift of the Holy Spirit, that is, when a person singa
by the inspiration of God without all help of human art and skill," and the rest of the
* " A Christian and Sober Exercitation," &a London, 1653.
458
like prayer, should only be performed when a distinct motion
of the Spirit was felt.
It may be generally stated, that congregational singing was
not common in England among the Free Churches till the
year 1700, and that the objections of Fox and others to
singing in the churches, were those common to all the
Separatist churches of his time. These objections were
probably intensified by their opposition to the stringent
action of Archbishop Laud, in enforcing attendance at
church, and to the action of the Assembly of Divines,
congregation "making melody with their hearts," is " an eminent part of God's worship."
In 1696 a pamphlet, entitled " Scripture Proof for Singing of Scriptural Psalms,
Hymns, and Spiritual Songs," by E. H., London, 1696, with preface by Nathaniel
Mather and Isaac Chauncey, sums up the argument in favour of congregational
singing : " In the New Testament," it is said " we have several directions about
singing. — 1st. What we should sing. — The Word of God: Col. ii. 16; James v. 13;
Psalms. 2nd. How to sing. — Sing with grace : Col. iii. 16. Sing with the voice :
Luke xix. 37 ; Acts xvi. 25. Paul and Silas sang with the voice that others might
understand with the spirit : 1 Cor. xiv. 15, 16. Then as to music or melody, we are
told to have it in our hearts : Eph. v. 19." And to what purpose, it is asked, are all
these directions in the New Testament scriptures about singing, if it is not to be
practised? And, lastly, there is no authority from Christ to the church, to prevent
unbelievers singing in the assemblies of the church ; indeed, it seems to have been
prophesied, "all the earth shall worship thee and shall sing unto thee, they shall sing
unto thy Name," &c. The fact that our Saviour and his disciples had sung a psalm
before our Lord's betrayal, was represented, by the party who opposed congregational
singing, to be a part of the Old Covenant, and further, the word vfurfjo-avres might
"imply that they lamented because their Master was betrayed." (W. KusselPs Brief
Animadversion, p. 63. London, 1696.) Nearly a century elapsed before the practice
of congregational singing was adopted in the last Baptist church. The attention
which the Wesleys gave to Congregational singing is well known, both as to the
matter and character of the hymns, and to the simple, chaste, and classical music to
which they were originally set. That these hymns so sung, were blessed by God to
arrest the attention, and to serve as a means of the conversion of many persons, is a
matter of history. It must be fully admitted, that whatever may be the abuses of paid
and surpliced choirs, and the introduction of mere musical entertainment into the
worship of God, the judgment of the various churches in times of the greatest
earnestness and piety, appears, to have been, since that time, to approve the use of
simple congregational singing as a means by which the humblest members of the
church may give vocal expression to their religious feelings, without difficulty, or the
interruption of the public worship of others.
459
who were known to be preparing a metrical psalter for
general use. This, however, was never agreed upon.
A single specimen of a hymn set to musical notes is found
in the first edition in Dutch of William Sewel's well-known
history of the Society of Friends, published in 1717, while
in the English translation it is omitted. We insert it in
fac-simile, and also translated into modern musical notes: —
" Dewyl de Ldfzang van Katharyne Evans, op de 369 ste
bladzyee deezer Historie slechts in onrym vertuald staat,
heb ik goedgevonden dezelve aldus in rym over te brengen,
om zo wel in't Nederduytsch als in't Engelsch te konnen
gezongen worden."
Lof zy den Schep-per die my niet,
Uyt zyn' ged-ach-ten heeft vers-too-ten,
Noch voor-zo-veel't myn oog aan-ziet
Me uyt zyn gen-ade heeft ges-loo-ten.
Eynd-lo-oze gloo-ri, lof en prys zy zy-nen naam:
Ik galm zyne ee-dle faam.
The words attached to the ancient tune above are a
Dutch translation of the following hymn of Catherine
4G0
Evans," in order," as Sewel says, " that it can be sung in
Low German as well as in English : " —
"All praise to him that hath not put
Nor cast me out of mind,
Nor yet his mercy from me shut,
As I should ever find.
Infinite glory, laud, and praise
Be given to his Name
Who hath made known in these our days
His strength and noble fame.
Oh, none is like unto the Lamb,
Whose beauty shineth bright;
Oh, glorify his Holy Name,
His Majesty and Might."
This ancient tune is thus rendered into modern music: —
LugheLto.
m
^
±=±
J==J=J=A
-A
m
&
r
JL
^
F= ± ^f c
l A A A A A- J J
1
•W-ai-
J:
—4
m
:^
-GF-- •&- A
461
Sewel was a member of the Society of Friends, and the only
explanation of this insertion in the Dutch edition, and not in
the English, which the author can suggest is, that the practice
of singing hymns lingered in Holland longer than in England.
The early Friends had no objection to hymns in rhyme or
" metre " being sung, but this must not be done by " the
world," but by those who " live and dwell in the grace of
God, and sing with grace in the heart."* Margaret Fox
(formerly Margaret Fell) appears to have approved and
encouraged the practice, and it was opposed in the north by
Story and Wilkinson,! although it appears there were
differences of opinion, " long " previously, among Friends
on the subject. J
In consequence of this, an epistle was issued from the
newly constituted Yearly Meeting, in 1675, " concerning
sighing, groaning, and singing in the church." "It hath
been, and is, our living sense and constant testimony,
according to our experience, of the divers operations of the
Spirit and power of God in His church, that there has been,
and is, serious sighing, sensible groaning, and reverent
singing, breathing forth an heavenly sound of joy with grace,
with the Spirit and with the understanding," &c, "which is
not to be quenched or discouraged in any," unless "immod-
erate." It must be obvious, that the practical difficulty of
carrying out the singing of a single person, as he or she was
moved to sing, in precisely the same manner as free vocal
* See " Truth's Defence against the Refined Subtilty of the Serpent," by G. Fox
and E. Hubberthorne, 1658, page 21 : — " Those who are moved to sing with under-
standing, making melody to the Lord in their hearts we own ; if it be in meeter, we own it."
t Margaret Fox gave out a paper against John Story, " signifying that he judged the
power of God as it broke forth in hymns and spiritual songs." — " Christian Quaker,"
4th part, page 14. See also Blaykling MS.
J Letter of Ministers' Meeting in London, to Bristol Meeting — in archives of Bristol
Meeting.— 20/8/1679.
462
prayer, was very great; although a similar practice has
been revived, it has been considered by some with beneficial
results, by D. Moody and I. Sankey, the American revi-
valists. In this instance, however, the difficulty has been
removed by the full admission of a general motion of the
Holy Spirit, in addition to a particular motion to sing.
In consequence of considerable opposition being raised
to the practice, George Fox writes thus in 1653 to Eobert
Ariss : — " Why should not them that sings have liberty of
conscience to sing in your meetings ? I do look upon
thee as a competent judge whether they sing in grace or
no." At Beading, in 1662, the trustee of the meeting-house
(who was one of the Story and Wilkinson party) threatened
to shut the congregation out of their meeting-house; "if any
should go about to bring in novelties and innovations and set
up idolatry in our house," i.e., meeting-house, " he should
not give his consent;" and in the following year we find
that he said that " singing " or speaking singingly in
prayer, preaching, or with a vocal voice (sic), was an abomi-
nation."* Crosse says in his History (page 55, edition
1696), that occasionally "not only one or two, but all that
are present, do sing with a sweet and pleasant voice, and
that in such exercises the ministers are the most frequent,
although none of the rest are excluded." f
The first actual separation of the Story and Wilkinson
party, commenced about 1675, in the meeting of Preston.
Thirty-four members joined with Story, and formed a dis-
tinct congregation, while twenty-nine protested against the
proceeding.]: Other meetings were formed in the same
* Minutes of Beading Meeting.
t In Ireland Fox mentions that the whole congregation sang. — MSS. in Devonshire
House Library, concerning Fox's journey in Ireland.
{ " Kendal Quarterly Meeting book.
463
neighbourhood, in London, in Buckinghamshire, Wiltshire,
Bristol, Westmoreland* (1682); a paper was issued and
signed by eighty- seven members of Kendal meeting, and
one in Wiltshire signed by 126 members. These figures in
no way represent the extensive character of the agitation,
with which large numbers secretly sympathised.! Unwearied
efforts were made, by private conversation, by public
preaching, by the press, and in extreme cases, by the
use of church discipline, to remove the unsettled state of
feeling in the newly-formed Society. A meeting was
arranged between Story, Wilkinson and Kodgers, on the
side of the Separatists, and Fox and others, at John
Blaykling's house, at Drawell, near Sedburg. It com-
menced on the 3rd of Second Month, 1676, and continued
its sittings four days. Story and Wilkinson appeared to
have been half-persuaded to relinquish their opposition, and
the meeting ended by " a paper of condemnation " of their
conduct, in very general terms, being signed by Story and
Wilkinson, to the effect that they had no wish to give offence
to the church of God, or to oppose any faithful brethren in
" the practice of those things they believe are their duty."
Questions appear to have been propounded to the meeting
by Story and Wilkinson, relating to the points — 1st. As to
the extent to which the individual member of a church was
to act "in matters of faith and discipline " according as he
" was persuaded and instructed by the manifestation of
God's Spirit and truth in his own heart." They contended
that these matters of outward arrangement and form " were
* " Yearly Meeting Records."
t The " Morning Meeting " in London, shortly after the meeting at Drawell, made
an order that a paper of G. Fox's, which was addressed to " all the meetings in the
nation," should not he read. G. F. writes, that he did not " set up that meeting to make
orders against the reading of my papers. ! " Fox regards this as a movement of sympathy
with Story and Wilkinson. — G. F. to Women's Meeting. — " Swarthmore MSS.," vol. v.
K K
464
not essential to salvation, because we had salvation before
we had them ; " that some things were better left to " the
wisdom of God and as occasion should direct," than to be
made church regulations : as for example, if a man were
"really charitable," did it matter "whether he dispose of
his gifts by his own hands or those of his wife," &c, or
" by the members of the church," or whether they " choose
deacons" to dispense the charity.* 2ndly. On the question
,of the independency of churches, viz., whether the judg-
ment given forth by " one part of the members of Christ's
body can become a bond upon any other part of the said
body farther than their understandings are illuminated?" This
involves the whole question of the absolute, or the limited
independency of churches. They did not forget to remind
Fox, that the independency of the churches had been
practically acknowledged by an ancient paper, circulated
among them from " the Elders and Brethren in the
North."! This was doubtless settled, by Fox stating his
intention that the action of the " synods " complained
of was not intended to override the independency of
the churches, but was to be strictly representative, and
thus their action would be only so far as " the understand-
ings" of the individual churches should be "illuminated."
They regarded, with great jealousy, the Central Yearly
Meeting of London, which they compared to a "High
Court of Judicature," and declared it would become " a
* See MS. by J. Blaykling and others.
t See pp. 390 and 391. " From the Spirit of Truth to all the Children of Light, in
the Light who walk, that order may be kept in obedience to God," <fee.
Note annexed : — " Dearly beloved Friends, these things we do not lay upon you as a
rule or form to walk by, but that all with the measure of the Light, which is pure and
holy, may be guided : who in the Light walking and abiding, tbese things must be
fulfilled in the Spirit and not from the letter— for the letter killeth, but the Spirit
maketh alive."— Bristol MSS.
465
new Rome in time." They made use of the principle which
Perrott had enunciated, that ''the fellowship of the Spirit
did not stand in outward forms," against the form of
Church government, &c, established by Fox, forgetting
that united action could not be obtained when all were
" left to the inward persuasion of the spirit in their minds"
in these matters; and it was asked, "what will become of
the comely order of the Gospel, and true form therein, and
what will become of the form of sound words which the
apostle exhorted the early Christians to hold fast." They
were asked, ought not "Christian Churches to deny" (i.e.,
excommunicate) "for breach of fundamental articles?"
And they answered, that if such articles were against the
Light of Christ in individual consciences, was not the
requiring of submission an infringement of " Christian
Liberty ? " If these outward forms were to be obeyed at a
moment when the Spirit of God did not move the individual
to obey, how was "New Light" again to break forth to
God's glory ? *
Much was said in condemnation of Story and Wilkinson,
in the heat of controversy, which the calm judgment of
Christian men, with the history of the Society before
them, will not endorse. They declared that they were
misrepresented, when it was said that they were opposed to
the Church meetings as established by Fox, in their general
objects. They appear to have objected to their being held
regularly, whether there was business to transact or not
which fell properly within their province. f They objected
to papers of " condemnation " " standing on our deacons'
books to posterity."} Fox replied, it appears, that
* See p. 13, et seq., of E. Gordon's " Spiritual Order and Christian Liberty."
t See page 395 for explanation of what these were.
J Pages 7 and 52 of " Christian Quaker," 4th part.
K K 2
466
"recording condemnation " was no new thing now imposed
by him for the first time, but that " some were on record
since 1652." It appears that their view on this point was
practically approved by the majority of the churches. Story
considered, that although " Christianity required Christians
to be charitable to the poor," yet " the manner of doing it
was indifferent," and that it was inexpedient that it should
be introduced into the strict province of any church
assembly.* They did not consider that the refusal to pay
tythes should be required of all the members of the Society
on pain of disownment, but that all the members should be
left to their own conscience's freedom. They considered
that there was no occasion for " women's meetings" "as
distinct from the men." If there was a necessity in the
subject matter coming before a church, that women alone
should have the management of, it was desirable that it
should be dealt with by them alone, but except in large
towns they did not see the desirability of their general
establishment.! Particularly, they greatly objected to the
intentions of marriage being laid before these newly estab-
lished women's meetings for their consent. They thought
that any groanings, sighings, soundings, and singings,
which were the result of the operation of God's Spirit,
could not be objected to, but that often these " outward
exclamations" "were deceit," and they believed they had
acted in "sound judgment" in using their influence to
repress them."{ Objections were also made, as we have
* Page 20, " E. Gordon on Spiritual Order and Liberty."
t " They were now high enough already, they needed not to be put higher." — Blayk-
ling and others' MSS.
J " Questions proposed by J. W. and J. S. to Friends of the meeting at Drawell, and
then- answer." They especially objected to " unintelligible and disorderly singing,"
and Story publicly reproved a minister for it, saying that "he would either bring it
467
already shown, to the bringing under cognizance of the
newly- established church meetings, the outward affairs,
the dress, &c, of members of the church, which at a
later period, as we shall show, was carried to an extent
wholly unwarranted by scriptural precedent or sound sense.
They also objected to the censorship of the press by the
meeting of ministers. A curious instance of their strong
tinge of Independency, may be found in the Separatists'
defence of the expediency of " flying in time of persecu-
tion," and the controversy which ensued merely repeats
the old arguments of John Eobinson and Thomas Helwys*
— Story and Wilkinson taking the grounds taken by Eobin-
son, and the Friends that of Helwys, denouncing them, and
asking " what would become of fellowship of the saints in
light, if Friends should be of such a cowardly spirit " as
to forsake their " general assembly," and run away like
offenders, into " gills, holes, and corners," to escape a
prison!!
Three meetings were again held at Bristol, the 4th of
Twelfth Month, 1677, at which William Penn and others
were present, to settle matters with W. Kodgers, but
these also were practically abortive. In 1681, J Kodgers,
who was one of the trustees of the large meeting-house at
Bristol, took possession of it, and the " writings " in the
hands of the meeting, and it was not till the 19th of Fifth
Month, 1686, that the " keys of the great meeting-house "
were again obtained. He did the same at Olveston meeting.
In 1685, the Separatists of Beading, in a similar manner,
down or leave preaching." " The people of the world," too, appear to have thought
some of the singing deficient in harmony ; -while the faithful considered it " a heavenly
noise." — Blaykling and others' MSS.
* Pages 93 and 94. t Blaykling and others' MSS.
{ Bristol Records, 6th First Month, 1681 .J
468
turned Friends out of their meeting-house, and the Beading
Friends met in the street, " being kept even in their spirit,"
" and in the lamb-like nature." The Separatists' meeting
was held on the same side of the street, and they informed
"the people" that the " old meeting-house" was closed,
and sent the public into their meeting."* At Chippenham
and Calne the meeting-houses were also seized, f These and
some other proceedings of the Separatists tended to alienate
from them a large body of sympathizers, and the more
eminent men who had leaned to their side (such as Justice
Gervase Benson and others]:), and the weight of both talent
and ability, as well as personal character, being against
them, they fell off one by one from the Separation, and were
again received with too great readiness into communion.
Had the separation been decisive and complete, the views of
the founders of the Society would have been more fully
carried out.
Wearied with a controversy which had lasted for twenty
years, § which they had to cope with in their old age, and
amid imprisonments and persecutions, they were doubtless
induced to leave some most important questions in the
constitution of the new society unsettled. Large bodies
of persons holding some of the pernicious principles of the
Banters and Seekers, and the more moderate views of the
Story and Wilkinson Separatists, remained in connection
with the Society, and the more enlightened and advancing
views of its founders respecting the position of the Christian
* Becords of Beading Meeting. t "Bogero Mastix," p. 28.
J " Account of the Publishing of Truth in Westmoreland," Devonshire House Library.
Gervase Benson had been " a Colonel Justice of Peace, Mayor of Kendal, Commissary
in the Deaconry of Bichmond before the late domestic wars." He obtained for
" Friends the power of proving wills and taking letters of administration, which hath
been continued to this day."
§ "Bogero Mastix," p. 7, published 1685.
469
ministry in the church of Christ as developed in the New
Testament, were gradually exchanged for the quietism of
the Seekers, who denied the authority for the existence of
any system of officers in the Church, and the ultra-demo-
cratic views of the pantheistic Eanters, which placed all
the members of the church on a level of an equality so
complete, as to level all distinctions of office, and to make
the supposition of the Apostle Paul in the twelfth chapter
of the First of Corinthians, of "the eye" saying to "the
hand," or "the head" to "the foot," "I have no need of
thee" — an historical reality. These things eventually struck
at the root of all healthy growth and progress, in the new
church founded by Fox and his coadjutors the travelling
Ministers. The men had joined with him in the enterprise
from motives, whose purity was perhaps as fully tested by
persecution as those of the early preachers of the Primitive
Church, but this did not secure them from the misrepresen-
tations of the school of opinion in the Society whose object
was to abolish the very idea of the Christian Ministry as
the executive of the church, and to cherish the idea that
there was some analogy between a purely lay ministry, and
a state- supported hierarchy. Too much was conceded to
these people, and we shall see that this paved the way for
the gradual progress of their views. The controversy was
at last pretty much handed over to Ellwood, and not the
least instructive and amusing portion of it is to be found in
a passage of arms in rhyme, between Kodgers and Ellwood.
In 1685, Eodgers published his " Second Scourge for George
Whitehead " :—
** So flat, so dull, so rough, so void of grace,
Where symphony and cadence have no place,
So full of chasms stuck with prosy pegs,
Whereon his tired Muse might rest her legs."
470
as Ellwood describes it in his "Bogero Mastix," or "A Eod
for William Kodgers," published in the same year. Amus-
ing as this pamphlet is, it proves beyond a question the
existence of some most important points in the religious
history of Fox and his coadjutors, which have been hitherto
overlooked, but which are not the less instructive.
" Fox and his preachers" have departed, Eodgers says,
from "the ancient path." They are submitting the "motion
of the Spirit" to man's guidance. "The Church dared
not show her discontent,"
*• Tho' she hath cried aloud once and again,
'Gainst Black Coats for their being sent of men.'
They (the preachers) " laboured hard to gain more prose-
lytes," and actually now had started a kind of Foreign Mis-
sionary Society !
" Preachers approved by man beyond the seas went,
Who, when they wanted moneys to proceed,
The Church her cash did then supply their need!"
At length the cry was " money, money, for the ministry ! "
At last these preachers must be entirely supported. Some had
lost their trades, and preaching was easier than labour.
" For who again with pleasure turns to labour,
That had so easy trades through Fox's favour,
As preaching but a few hours in a week,
To wound the just, and self thereby to seek ? "
And some with " thundering lungs " proclaimed
Some had
" That leaving trades was most useful to men,
When they of preaching nnde a trade again."
. . . . lately taught the thriving sheep —
You are the vineyards that we are to keep 1
Oh shame on such as for it the clergy blame,
And yet in the name of ' Church ' do act the same."
Ellwood replies in better rhyme, and not without wit,
471
although his verse is nardly what we should expect from
a disciple of Milton : —
" The blest Apostles sometimes others sent,
And sometimes, also sent by others, went.
How oft did Paul send Timothy and Titus,
Beloved Tychicus, Epaphroditus,
Onesimus, Erastus, and some others,
True Gospel preachers and beloved brothers ?
******
** Can'st thou imagine they who thus were sent,
On the mere motion of the Apostle went?
No. They no question in themselves did find
The same good motion stirring up their mind ;
With what the good Apostle did advise
The Holy Ghost in them did harmonize."
"Outward teachers" were needed in the Church. The case
of the parish preachers was quite beside the mark, and the
objections of the Society of Friends to them, depended on
grounds entirely distinct. Ellwood contended, that while
the Holy Spirit was the " inward teacher" of every Christian
man,
" Yet do the Scriptures plainly too declare,
And Paul himself doth testimony bear,
That Christ, when he ascended up on high,
Gave teachers for the work o' th' ministry ;
And gave those teachers gifts to fit them to
Th' work he had appointed them to do.
One of those teachers, too, in downright terms,
Th' Apostle Paul himself to be affirms,
By which we plainly see our gracious Lord
Did outward teachers to His Church afford."
Ellwood asserts : —
" That 'tis the Church's duty to supply
The needful wants of all her ministry."
The Apostle Paul asserted his right to a maintenance, and
although he did not take it of the Corinthians,
" That what was lacking to him privately,
The Macedonian brethren did supply."
In reply to the cavil of Rodgers, respecting the supply of
472
the needs of such preachers as were approved by the
Church, and who had a motion of God's Spirit to go on
this mission service beyond the seas, Ellwood replies : —
" Truth must not be refused
Because it is by evil men abused,
And truth it is, too plain to be denyed,
Christ's Church should for Christ's Ministers provide."
Ellwood ends his argument with Kodgers, by lines which
have proved prophetic : —
" Must Christ be so confined he may not send
Any but such as have estates to spend ?
God bless us from such doctrine and such teachers,
As will admit of none but wealthy teachers ! "
For the last one hundred years of the history of the Society
of Friends, and particularly of later years, their preachers
may with small exception be called " wealthy preachers.
We shall shortly see that the important element of reli-
gious knowledge did not increase and spread. The Society
of Friends ultimately followed the advice of Kodgers, in-
stead of that of Ellwood and Fox. Fox's view is fully
justified, that the Separatists and their sympathizers, who,
he says, were "many," "had taken more pains to un-
settle and disquiet "the Church, than they ever had taken
for the cause of Christian truth. " Few," he says, know
the " labour and travel " he has had for the establishing of
the Church organization of the Society.* The principles
of the Banters and Seekers destroyed their congregations
within thirty or forty years, and by the year 1709 these
Separatists from the Friends, who had much in common
with them, are reported to have grown very few in num-
ber."! We shall show in a future chapter the prejudicial
effect of these principles, which, like an evil leaven, still
* MSS. Devonshire House. Swarthmore MSS. Vol. 5.
t Yearly Meeting Records, Devonshire House.
473
influenced the actions of the Society of Friends,* and,
unsuspected, worked out their legitimate results.
* In 1681, Stephen Crisp addressed "A Faithful Warning and Exhortation to
Friends, to beware of Seducing Spirits." In this he states that the following questions
were then endeavoured to be disseminated among the Friends, which he terms " sowing
these cursed seeds of fleshly liberty and Eanterism : — " What the forbidden fruit was.
That the soul was mortal. The state of the soul after death, whether it abides ' a
singular essence,' or ceaseth to have any singular essence or being? The future pun-
ishment of wicked men and devils, in the world to come." What was it ? The plain
declarations " of Christ and his holy Apostles respecting the eternal punishment of
the wicked, — these they limit to ages." Some hold that if they do evil, their " hell is
only here in his own conscience ; that when he leaves the world all things will be as if
they had not been, and the soul die with the body, or shall be swallowed up particularly,
as a drop of water in the sea."
CHAPTER XX.
The Persecutions of the Restoration. Disorganization
of the Machinery of the Free Churches for Reli-
gious and Secular Teaching. Internal History of
the Society of Friends resumed. Their Spiritual
Prosperity and increase in numbers. Difficulties as
to Religious Instruction and the Membership of
Children. The Theocratic Church Government car-
ried OUT BY THE FRIENDS, THE BAPTISTS, AND TO SOME
EXTENT BY THE INDEPENDENTS. VANITY IN DRESS RE-
PRESSED. The Theocracy embraces the whole out-
ward Life of Man.
The Church established by George Fox, seems to have
worked well during the period between 1668, the period
when their church organization was completed, and the
year 1712 or 1720. It does not fall within the province of
this work, to describe the fearful persecutions which took
place between the accession of Charles II., and that of
William and Mary. During some portions of this period,
the Independent and Baptist assemblies were completely
broken up. Many of their most eminent ministers were in
prison. The Society of Friends kept their regular meetings
during the whole of this period, and received a very con-
siderable accession of numbers.* Fox saw that the crisis
was come, and like an old commander-in-chief in the cause
of liberty of conscience, gave the word : " Now is the time
* See Baxter's " Autobiography," L. 1, part 2, p. 437.
475
for you to stand, you that have been public men (i.e.,
ministers), and formerly did travel abroad ; mind and keep
up your testimony, go into your meeting-houses as at other
times." When their meeting-houses were pulled down,
they met again upon the ruins. When their ministers
were all in prison,* they met in entire silence, and it
became a legal question whether " this silence was a reli-
gious exercise not allowed by the Liturgy, "\ &c. They
were dragged from their meetings to prison by the brutal
soldiery, their women were insulted, their houses were
broken up. In some places nearly the whole of the
male attenders of their meetings were at times in prison.
On the 18th April, 1682, in Bristol, nearly all the attenders,
male and female, were in prison, but the meetings were
continued by the children. Their age exempted them from
imprisonment, but they were confined in the stocks, and
beaten unmercifully with twisted whalebone sticks. J It
was so also at Heading. " Our little children," writes
T. Curtis to George Fox, from Beading, 15th of Eleventh
Month, 1664, " kept the meeting up when we were all in
prison, notwithstanding their wicked justice, when he found
them, beat them with a staff that he had, with a spear
in it, would pull them out of the meeting, and punch
them in the back till some of them have been black in the
face."§ Thirteen thousand five hundred and sixty-two
persons of the Society of rriends suffered imprisonment
between 1661 and 1697. One hundred and ninety-eight
* G. Whitehead mentions, that it was his nsual practice on going to meeting, to put
his nightcap in his pocket, the probability being that he would spend the night in a
prison.
t "Baxter's Life," L. 1, part 2, p. 436.
\ Fuller's " Bise of Dissent in Bristol," 1840, pp. 271, 272.
§ Swarthmore MSS., Devonshire House.
476
were transported beyond the seas, and three hundred and
thirty-eight died in prison or of their wounds.* This
amount of suffering was aggravated by the confiscation of
property, and spoiling of their goods to an enormous
amount, and to an extent which disorganized the trade of the
kingdom.
It is admitted on all hands, that the Christian non-resist-
ance and patient suffering of the Society which was in the
providence of God, moulded by George Fox to some extent
from the Puritan gentry, as well as the yeomen, artizans,
and the Independent and Baptist soldiery, formed a spirit-
ual army which had no small share in winning for England
the religious liberty which she now enjoys. It had been
fought for with carnal weapons by religious men, and their
religion had suffered in the conflict.
Many of the Baptists had laid aside their original
scruples, and had taken up the sword, f In spite of the
fearful struggles of the civil wars, Episcopacy was re-
established. The sense of weariness and despair which
was experienced by the Independents]: and Baptists, some
of whom, like the Society of Friends, had simply desired
the separation of the Church from the State, can not only
be imagined, but readily traced in the records of these
* Neal states — p. 271, vol. 3, Toulmin's edition — that it was computed 8,000
Dissenters died in prison during Charles the Second's reign.
f " I wonder how these have fallen out of late to be men of war, whereas in former
years Anabaptists would wear no weapon, yea not carry arms in their ships to defend
themselves withal." — See "A Monstrous Dispute," by William Erbury, Pastor of the
Church at Lanrages. See Appendix to this Chapter — " Declaration of certain people
called Anabaptists."
J The Humble Petition of the Brownists to the House of Commons, 1641. British
Museum, E-34-178, 10th pamphlet, page 2. — "Whether it were not more convenient
for the State, and more grateful to the subjects, to tolerate all professions whatsoever,
every one being left to use his own conscience " (I) "none to be punished or persecuted
for it." It will thus be seen, that as early as 1641, the section of the Independents
called Brownists, petitioned for complete liberty of conscience. See p. 141.
477
times. They needed the lesson, which amidst the excite-
ment of the struggle they had well nigh forgotten, that
Christ's kingdom is " not of this world," and that there-
fore his " servants " must not " fight." What they had
failed to obtain by the sword of the flesh, was obtained
for them by the sword of the Spirit. The battle was won,
but it has been too generally forgotten that it was pur-
chased at a fearful cost.*
The spirit with which the contest was entered into on
both sides, may be judged of from the two following quota-
tions! from an address, " To both Houses of Parliament,"
by Martin Mason, 2nd of Ninth Month, 1660, where the
author advises the parliament not to consent to establish
any outward form of religion by force, but to let their " laws
be a terror to evil doers," and to " give free toleration in the
exercise of a tender conscience;" and proceeds : " You may
take notice of the preceding powers that have split on this
rock; and do you think to make war with the Lamb, and
meet with victory?" "You resolve to suppress the righteous
Seed in the people called Quakers; " and he then breaks out
into the following eloquent passage, " Alas, poor mortals !
think you to limit that which is eternal ? You may as well
command the fire from burning, the wind from blowing,
the sun from shining, the rain from showering, the grass
from springing up or growing, as offer to attempt it. If
you can span the circumference of the earth, or dry up the
ocean with your breath; if you can turn autumn into spring,
* Within three years Dissenters suffered in penalties for worshipping God to the
amount of two millions sterling. Page 383, Neale's History, Toulmin's edition, vol. 3.
(Defoe's preface to Delaune's Plea) Neale states that from the Eestoration to the Revo-
lution their losses amounted to twelve or fourteen millions. — Neale's History, vol. 3,
p. 272.
t Fly Sheet. — York Friends' Library.
478
or count the number of the stars, and reckon the very
sand on the sea shore ; then may you limit the Holy One,
and drown his Israel in the sea ! And as for us, our hope
and help is in Israel's God, and we fear not what man can
do unto us."
It may be generally stated, that the whole machinery for
religious teaching, of the Independents and Presbyterians,
the Baptists and the Society of Friends, was thrown out
of gear, and as far as possible destroyed, by the strong
arm of the law! Their chapels and meeting-houses were
in many cases levelled with the ground and burnt.* Not
only were their young people debarred from the blessings
of religious teaching, but their very schools were broken up
and destroyed, and the effects in a religious point of view
on the rising generation, and on the country generally,
were proportionately disastrous.! This is, we believe,
one of the main causes of the deadness of religion prior
to the preaching of the Wesleys and Whitfield, in 1738.
The children of the Nonconformists had not only suffered
in everything which was calculated to injure their religious
and secular education, but the progress of church exten-
sion was checked.
The work of the free churches, in the evangelization of
the country, was also to a great extent arrested. The
depression and discouragement which prevailed led to the
acceptance of principles adverse to the promulgation of
Christianity. The works of Madame Guion, Fenelon,
* "We burnt ten cart loads of pulpit doors, gates and seats, in the market place (of
Taunton), we staid till three in the morning before all were burnt. We were very
merry. The bells rang all night. The church is now full, and thank God for it ! The
fanatics dare not open their mouths." Life of Joseph Alleyne, by Charles Stanford, p. 381.
— Quotation from State Paper Office, August 11, 1683. Sir W. Jenkins, XIII.
t In 1679, "the low and suffering condition of Friends " in many parts, from the
effects of persecution, is mentioned. — Yearly Meeting Minutes, Devonshire House.
479
Antonia Bourignon, and other writers, were very popular.
The opinion appears to have increasingly gained ground,
that enough had been done and suffered in the propagation
of Christianity, and that to cultivate the garden of their
own soul was a more promising field of action for the
Christian Church ; forgetting that nothing tends so much
to the increase of personal religion as the active effort to
benefit others. This supplies a training for the heart,
which silence and retirement from the world can never
give. It was so with the Society of Friends. Not only
was it obviously a congenial seed ground for this tendency
of the times, but the absorption into the Society of Friends
of the more mystical sects of the Commonwealth times,
which has already been described, supplied the parent
plants, which, fostered by the mystical writers produced a
pernicious crop.* This disposition to withdraw from active
gospel labour, was increased by certain defects in the church
structure of the Society of Friends, of which the develop-
ment will be traced.
Up to the period of about 1720, there was a good supply
of preachers who were the immediate successors of the old
stock, f The system of supplying meetings with ministers
* Jacob Boehmen's works were proscribed by Dublin Men's Meeting in 1G81, and a
minister silenced for lending tbem. — See minutes.
t MS. letter of John Banks to Friends, 29th of Third Month, 1699.— " The gospel
of our Lord Jesus Christ has been, and is, powerfully and plentifully preached, and
many have been, and yet are, the publishers and ministers thereof, though many of
the ancient brethren whom the Lord first raised up have finished the work of their
day, and are gathered to their everlasting rest in the fullness of glory, beyond the
roach of all their enemies, adversaries, persecutors, and opposers. And, therefore*
my heart is glad that the Lord has raised up so many younger brethren to preach
the everlasting gospel. * But, dear friends, bear with me a little, for I must say unto
* Some curious evidence of the extensive character of the circulating ministry of the early Friends, has
been found in the amount of food supplied for their horses. — See Beck and Ball's " London Meetings,' p. 127
and elsewhere.
L L
480
was continued.* We may take the MS. Minutes of the
Yearly Meeting of 1682, as the best possible proof of the
religious condition of the Society of Friends towards the
end of Charles the Second's reign, of which we place, in a
foot note, a short summary.!
you, place not too much upon preaching only, yea, I must add, place not all upon
preaching. For some are too ready to conclude, that if they have many meetings,
and hold out most of the time with preaching, they have done all. And too many
hearers, though professors of the truth, desire no more to be done. It is true, when
we are concerned to preach the gospel to the people of the world, it is the greatest
of our concern so to do, but when we come into the meetings of God's people already
convinced, gathered and settled, and fully satisfied concerning the truth, it is far
otherwise, for it need not now be said to many, 'Know the Lord.' .... Friends
in the ministry Speak not too many words in your own meetings, for some
by so doing have lost their dominion and place in the hearts of sensible Friends.
Wait for wisdom, &c, &c." He advises the young ministers to " make a good and
right use " of what the early preachers " have left unto you," and not "find fault with
what they have done, and think that you can mend it."
* " One new meeting-house, built at Manchester, and supplied on meeting days with
public Friends." — MSS. Yearly Meeting minutes, Devonshire House, 1694.
| Bedford — No Friends have attended Yearly Meeting for several years.
Bucks \ •
B E B K s}" MeetmgSqmet -
Cambridge — " Growing better ; " unity.
Cheshire \
Cumberland L " Truth prospers."
Cornwall /
Derby — No stir, little suffering.
Dubham )
i. .« Truth prospers ;" unity.
Dorset — Very well ; unity.
Essex and Colchester — " As well as our hearts could wish."
Gloucester — Greater part in unity.
Hampshire — " Truth prospers ; in many parts unity better than formerly, some that
were distant."
Hereford — Very well ; quiet ; agree very well.
Hertford — " We hope there is a recovering, and truth is gaining ground."
Hunts — " Well and quiet."
Kent — "A daily addition to truth ;" general unity.
Lancashire — " Several convinced ;" never troubled with the spirit of division.
481
After the passing of the Toleration Act, we find that the
establishment of schools occupied the immediate attention of
the Society. In London, Bristol, and Dublin, we find that
the meetings were much troubled by " rude boyes," and
fifteen schools kept by members of the Society, are reported
Lincolnshire — " Truth grows ;" peace and unity.
Leicestershire — "We're always at unity ; great sufferings."
London and Middlesex — ' ' Truth prospers ; unity."
Notts — Some increase ; Friends at unity, and tender of the truth."
Northamptonshire — " No appearance of division."
Oxford — " Truth prospers ; for unity few counties are better."
Salop — " Truth prospers."
Somerset — " Truth prospers well generally."
Suffolk — " Well, much love, in peace."
Stafford — " Truth prospers."
Surrey — " Nothing but very well."
Sussex — " Very well."
Warwick — "No one present, " William Gibson says;" a tender people there; much
need of faithful labourers."
Worcester — No one present reported; generally well.
Westmoreland — Things are comfortable and well ; love and concord is amongst us.
Some new meetings set up in those parts about Preston where the division was.
" More convinced than in twelve years before." And the next year, "Blessed be
the name of the Lord, things are exceeding welL"
Wiltshire — " Much tendered, several convinced."
Yorkshire — Love, peace and unity ; a great coming in of people in the West Riding
and other parts.
South Wales — Truth prospers ; Friends' books to be translated into Welsh.
North Wales — "Well; several convinced."
Ireland — " Well ; many coming in ; no such thing as a spirit of division."
Scotland — Truth prospers ; love and unity.
America — " G. Fox says Friends there sent back William Eodgers' books.
Holland — "A little handful of Friends in Amsterdam, make such a show as would not
be thought 1 "
Algiers — A meeting kept up, some convinced.
From this period, to 1710 or 1712, the Society appears to have nourished in every
sense, and large numbers of persons joined it. The contempt with which it was
originally regarded was exchanged for general respect, insomuch that at Cambridge
where the scholars originally behaved so badly, it is reported to the Yearly Meeting that
they came to Friends' meetings, "and behaved themselves soberly, and many of them
will vindicate our principles." — Yearly Meeting minutes, 1710.
L L 2
482
in 1691.* Their care was manifested much earlier, however,
and it is obvious that as early as 1681 a religious education
was sought to be given in their schools, f
In 1704, (just 30 years after the complete establishment
of their Church system) the difficulty in which the Society
was involved, by the admission of members to a close
membership, which could not be claimed on broad and in-
telligible principles, appears to have commenced, and the
Yearly Meeting advises that " care be taken to countenance
and encourage young men and young women of sober con-
versation," to attend the meetings of the church, "to succeed
them that are ancient." J . Efforts were made specially to
instruct the young, and meetings were appointed, advices
were read, and occasionally papers were ordered to be pre-
pared and read for the instruction of the children and
servants of Friends. § Eeligious meetings were held every
* In 1701, the Quarterly Meeting of Cornwall was told of some of the children of
Friends who had grown up in gross ignorance, and orders its Monthly Meetings " not
only to admonish parents, but that times and seasons may be set apart to enquire what
proficiency children make in such (religious) knowledge, of which ' the work of redemp-
tion and sanctification ' is indispensable."
t In 1681, in Aberdeen Monthly Meeting, two schools were established, one for boys
and one for girls. The latter was held in the meeting-house. The school-mistress was
besought by the church " to seek to accomplish herself in reading, writing and arith-
metic," and also to get " a good stocking-weaver." The church also " had a true sense
that there is cause for encouraging her." Some of the parents thought otherwise and
withdrew their children, and it was directed " that they be weightily dealt with to return
them again." The boys' school had a schoolmaster, who was allowed " 100 pound rent."
It was to impart "the Latin tonge and other commendable learning." The " priests "
manifested " great trouble " at the setting up of this school, because " several con-
siderable people of the world have sent their children thereto, highly commending their
profiting therein beyond their own schools. And some fruits also as to conviction and
conversion among the young ones hath been of great encouragement to us."
J In 1704, young people, " sensible, qualified and made capable by waiting upon
God," are " worthy to be esteemed members " of the Monthly and Quarterly Meetings.
— Yearly Meeting Minutes.
§ In 1703, Eichard Claridge was appointed with another at Barking, " to prepare
papers of advice suitable for the occasion," at Barking. — Beck and Ball's London
Meetings, p. 280.
483
quarter in some of the London meetings, specially for
young people.* In 1712, in Longford, a supply of "Bar-
clay's Catechism," "Crisp's and Fox's Primer," was pur-
chased by the church, who determined vigorously to instruct
the young people. "Young, convinced, and well-inclined
Friends" were to be "early visited by faithful Friends."
The pastoral visitation of families was kept up. Probably
the various catechisms which were printed, were used by the
Ministers publishing them, and their brethren, in catechising
the children in the families they visited in their pastoral or
" family visits " during their travels, and Fox reminded his
friends on one occasion, of the care they took in the early
Puritan times in catechising their children and families.
But these efforts do not appear to have been fully successful.
The theory of membership in the early Society was, as we
have shown, almost identical with that of the Baptists, only
that in their efforts to assure themselves that the person
was not merely a professor — to use the words of Fox — "a
talker, not walker; a sayer, not doer,"f and in their desire
to avoid the ceremony of baptism, they fell into the grave
error of making a close or privileged membership, which
could not be claimed as a right, on catholic and intelligible
principles — a church within a church. If, as Penn says,
"a sincere profession with the mouth, of faith in the Lord
Jesus as the Christ and Son of God, is enough to entitle
a man to communion here and salvation hereafter," it
surely made him fit to be received into a visible church ;
understanding by a church, a body of such men banded
together for the propagation of the Gospel and to help one
another on their way to Heaven. "Primitive and Scriptural
* Yearly Meeting Minute, 1704.
f Swarthmore MSS., Vol V. — Devonshire House Library.
484
Christianity, in doctrine, discipline, and practice,"* was
their definition of the object of the Society's existence.
No one who studies closely the rise of the Society of
Friends, in the vast collection of manuscript records of their
various churches, can fail to be struck with the constantly
increasing amount of secular business which they transacted.
It is true that this was often in an inverse ratio to what
we know of their religious prosperity, and the records of
the churches which were the great centres of spiritual
activity, are often singularly disappointing in furnishing
details of the religious movements in which they were
engaged.
This can, we think, be accounted for on a far broader his-
toric basis. The religious movement, commencing at Zwickau
and Zurich, in the time of Luther, which was ridiculed,
grossly misrepresented, and persecuted with relentless
atrocity by both Catholics and Protestants, under the
name of " Anabaptism," had its origin prior to the
Reformation.! The success, however, of Luther's opposi-
tion to the Church of Rome, gave vent to the hidden
forces which had been at work in almost every part of
Europe, and resulted in the rapid spread of the Baptist
Societies. As we have already explained, this movement
was made use of by the revolutionary party to serve its
ends, and two parties of " Anabaptists " were gradually
developed. | On the one hand, there were those Baptists
who held it lawful to use the sword for the destruction of
* See Paper of E. Burrough, on the Church of England. — MSS., Swarthmore papers,
reprinted as Appendix to Chapter xv.
t See Erbkam Geschiohte der Protestantischen Secten in Zeitalter der Eeformation
Perthes, Hamburg and Gotha, 1848. Einleitung, page 8, also 479-480. Professor
Cornelius looks upon the Continental Baptist movement as purely spontaneous in its
origin.
J See Note, pp. 76, 77.
485
what they held to be a perversion of the Christian religion,
and on the other hand, those Baptists, of whom the Men-
nonites were a branch, who, while equally disapproving the
union of Church and State, and being equally earnest in
their opposition to the anti- Christian errors propagated by
the State, believed that all war and all revenge were unlawful
to Christians. The one party declined to acknowledge the
existing magistracy, or to give them honour, believing that,
in a short space of time, Christ would reign in person on
earth, and destroy the existing state of things, — the other
held that the magistrate was ordained by God, and that
the existing state of things would continue, but that the
outward government of Christ would commence in the
church, and thus extend to the world ; but even they forbad
their members to undertake any office in the State. * The
Early Friends, in one of the earliest MS. documents we
possess, allowed their members to undertake offices under
the Government. It was ordered : " That if any be called
to serve the Commonwealth in any public service which is
for the public wealth and good, that with cheerfulness it
be undertaken, and in faithfulness discharged unto God,
that therein patterns and examples in the thing that is
righteous they may be, to those that are without." The
extremes of these two movements may be seen in the
Munster Anabaptists and the Mennonites, and something
of the same divergence may be seen in England during
the period of the Commonwealth. But, however widely
dissimilar in the carrying out of their views, there was an
idea common to both, which had its root in the fearful per-
secution to which they were subjected by the State, in the,
interest of the Church.
It furnishes a curious instance, how the reaction resulting
from the forcible propagation of one error, leads inevitably
* See note at end of Chapter.
486
to the development of partial and erroneous views in an
opposite direction. The very errors to which the folly and
cruelty of persecution gave birth, again furnished an argu-
ment for the support of the Christian religion by the State,
and the attempted destruction, by the sword of the magis-
trate, of all freedom of thought. The idea which resulted
from such an abuse of the civil power, was this: — These
little Christian Societies thought, that if Christianity were
allowed free scope, it would supersede Civil Government.
Civil Government was in those times rendered so odious
and intolerable, by its cruelty and injustice, that we cannot
wonder if men longed for the time when Christ alone should
reign.* The delays and difficulties of civil suits in those
times, for the Anabaptist and the Separatist, surpass all
which the most lively imagination can depict. But this
was little in their eyes, compared with what they felt to be
the anti-Christian practices of the lawyers, and the wicked-
ness of the administration of justice which then obtained.
Hence the advice of the Apostle Paul to the early Christians,
to settle their disputes among themselves, instead of carry-
ing them before the pagan law courts, was not only fol-
lowed, but the prevailing idea in every branch of the
Baptist Societies went far beyond the limits of such an
arbitration, and their Societies ordered among their mem-
bers almost every description of temporal affairs in which it
was possible for the most paternal government to interfere.
Since Christ was the only Head of the Church, the rule
of Christ was, therefore, to be visibly carried out by the
members of the church ; and this rule was to put down all
authority and power, and supersede the necessity of civil
* The idea of a " Fifth Monarchy," or the coming of Christ to reign personally on
earth, was far more widely spread at the close of the Commonwealth than is generally
supposed ; there was not a denomination in which the idea did not exist.
487
government as far forth as they were concerned, but not as
far as it applied to the world at large.* We must not,
therefore, be surprised to see, that whatever the current idea
of the period happened to be respecting the province of a
good government, it had its reflection in the church. In
Germany, among some extreme sections of the Anabaptists,
theories of the community of goods were attempted to be
carried out,f while among the most intelligent and sober-
minded branches of the Baptist church, including the
Society of Friends, the registration of births, deaths, and
marriages, wills, the education of children, the care and
apprenticing of orphans, the support of the poor, the
making good loss by fire, the keeping up of fire-engines, J
the disposition of property on a second marriage so as to
secure the rights of the children of a prior marriage; the
settlement of every kind of dispute as to property, the
* See curious tract, probably of early Baptist origin, entitled " A Brief Discourse
examining from tbe authority of Scripture and reason, the nature, rise, and end of civil
government, &c, with the discovery of the true raine of evil administration of govern-
ment, and the remedy thereof, propounded to the consideration of wise, conscientious
and peaceable-minded men ; and intended as a testimony to Jesus Christ having all
power in heaven and in earth placed in his hands, whilst he is putting down all princi-
palities and power, as they are enemies to him that hath such a kingdom to set up," &c.
London, Giles Calvert, 1648. The writer very justly remarks, that it is "not by changes
of government that those who are governed shall find ease ; this blessing must and shall
come to us by the change of our natures." We may " change and change again," and
still be worse. " An higher Light shall appear," and rule all men by " the force of his
inward and most excellent glory." It is true, magistracy or civil government is God's
institution, but the reason of its failure is that it has "man's institution and authority
for its consummation and actual bringing into exercise." The idea is that the renewed
heart alone can administer earthly government aright/
t Among the Huttites, the person who was baptized gave up his whole property to
the community ; all labour, and even meals, were in common. The marriages were
arranged by the church, the bride being chosen for the bridegroom, and the children
were entrusted, shortly after birth, to a church nurse (the church was thus literally a
nursing mother), and afterwards brought into the common school. — " Geschichte des
Munsterischen Aufiuhrs," p. 73, C A. Cornelius, Leipsic, 1860.
J See Beck and Ball's " London Meetings."
488
furniture of houses, the dress of the members, the inter-
ference of the church with certain trades : the settlement of
differences between husband and wife was sometimes under-
taken by the church, and a severe controversy took place
among the early Mennonite Baptists in Holland, whether,
in case of expulsion of a man's wife from the church, he
should not refuse her society, or, vice-versa, until he or she
confessed his or her fault and was received again into church
membership ! — the censorship of the press, and finally the
relief of the poor, and the provision of handicraft trades
for them in seasons of scarcity, occupied the attention of
the members of the church.
An attempt to regard these matters as the weaknesses and
foibles of the godly, and to pass them over in silence, would be
to sacrifice historical truth of great importance to the Church
of Christ, to a foolish impression that we of the present day
are in any way responsible for, or our respectability and credit
in any way involved in, what was done centuries ago. The
error lay, not in the development of the idea, but in the idea
itself.* The records of the early Independents, f the General
and Particular Baptists, as well as the Society of Friends,
show this. Many matters in which they interfered, were
* These remarks were penned before the following quotation from Erbkam, in his valu-
able " Geschichte der Protestanten Sekten in Zeitalter der Eeformation," came under the
Author's notice in the course of his reading, and he adds them to his MS., to furnish to
the reader a proof that the same conclusions have been arrived at, entirely independently,
by an eminent German historian, in the case of the Continental Baptist movement, from
a generalization of results of a similarly extensive character to his own. He says, that
from the idea that the reign of Christ and his saints personally upon earth would shortly
commence (an idea which some endeavoured to realize by the use of the sword, because
they were disappointed in the fulfilment of predictions fixing the exact year of His
coming), resulted another view of the reign of Christ upon earth. The object of the
community of believers was held to be " the perfection of one and all by means of
* See " Early History of the Independent Church at Eothwell," by H. Glass. Pages
73 to 82.
489
certainly managed with greater wisdom than that with which
any civil government could have handled them. It is a
curious picture to contemplate the severe persecution in-
flicted on these people by the Civil Government, under the
idea that their principles were opposed to the interests of
good government ; while in every congregation the main
ends of Civil Government were being enforced on their
members. The essential point of the error, was the intro-
duction into church government of matters purely secular.
"Man, who made me a judge and a divider over you?" said
our blessed Lord. When once visible churches began to
meddle with matters which had no relation to the propaga-
tion of the Gospel, and the edification, and the purely
religious oversight of their members, the line was constantly
widening (because all our outward affairs should be re-
ligiously conducted), until the interference of the church
was extended to the petty details of daily life, which surely
were intended to be left to the conscience of the Christian
believer. The extreme instances we will proceed to give,
simply illustrate the necessary consequences of the ad-
mission of the idea in question into churches, and are
not instances due to the weakness and folly of individuals,
a complete Christocracy carried out into life " (see p. 499). Their prohibition to
undertake magisterial offices, and to wage war, can only be practically carried out, " if
the object of the community of believers is unriddled by supposing the immediate
government of Christ. — p. 500. " The necessary result was a severe Church Discipline.
It soon extended itself, in proportion as the first religious inspiration began to cool, to
the exterior littlenesses of life. Clothing, food and drink, their dwellings and manners,
everything, was drawn into the circle of prescribed customs and severe oversight. Their
whole life wore a legal colouring." (See p. 498. ) There cannot be a more striking
historical instance given, of the same principle carried out a century prior to the
religious movement we are describing, and under an entirely different state of society and
under very different conditions, producing the very same result in practice. It is con-
stantly pleaded that the wise carrying out of a wrong principle will save us from its
effects, and men seek to evade the warnings of history, by supposing that what happened
long ago cannot concern them !
490
or of small and weak churches, since they were acts joined
in by large bodies of persons of education and respecta-
bility, and of high Ghristian character. The same princi-
ples were accepted, and the same results were experienced,
over the whole United Kingdom, and in the cases occurring
in the Irish churches, it is clear that many of the members
occupied positions of public trust and responsibility.*
Not many years after the pressure of persecution ceased, it
is obvious that a strong tendency set in among the younger
generation, in all the Dissenting churches, to vanity in dress ;
and we find the Baptists, the Friends, and even some of
the Independent churches, f taking most stringent measures
to suppress it. The General Baptist church, whose minute
is quoted by Taylor, seem to have gone even farther than
the Friends, for they agreed " that the soul- condemning
sin of pride be utterly extirpated and rooted out amongst us,
and that all the discriminating characters of it, to wit, super-
fluity in apparel, &c, be utterly extirpated ! "
From the year 1689 to 1698, we find periwigs in men
"Dublin, 11th of the Third Month, 1688.
* " Whereas we have been a suffering people, because for conscience sake we could not
swear, and now it hath pleased God to put it into the heart of the King and Govern-
ment to use us, in that and in other things wherein we have been sufferers, and so to
grant us liberty of conscience in the worship of God beyond our expectation, and
also admitting several of us into places of trust, as aldermen, burgesses, and masters
of corporations, &c, without our seeking or designing. We, being several of us
met together under a weighty sense and consideration of the love of God towards us
in these things, do look upon it to be our duty to advise and desire all Friends that
are now, or hereafter may be, concerned on such or the like offices of trust, thus
they keep strictly to the principles of Truth in their own hearts, which will lead them
to discharge their trust faithfully to their King and country in the sight of God, &c.
Signed by order of the Meeting : —
William Edmundson. Geo. Gbegson. Feas. Rodgebs.
John Buenyeat. Feas. Randall. Anthony Sharp.
t Page 75. — " Susan Ponder, for conforming to the fashions of the wicked world." —
" History of Independent Church at Eothwell," by H. Glass.
491
and high dresses in women, the subjects of church censure
by the Calvinistic and the General Baptists, and the Society
of Friends. In the Society of Friends strenuous measures
were taken. In the minutes of the meeting of Aberdeen,*
there is a most elaborate description of what is and is not to
be suffered, in men and women's dress ; the latter is so com-
plete and full of minute correction, that it seems probable
that the description was written with an actual model
before the writer, which was approved by the church. In
1703, the young women came to York Quarterly Meeting
in long cloaks and bonnets, and they were therefore not
only ordered to take the advice of the Elders of the par-
ticular church to which they belonged before they came to
" these great meetings here in York," but in the minutes of
one Monthly Meeting it was ordered that those young
women who intended to go to York, were to appear before their
own meeting " in those clothes that they intend to have on at
York!"f
In 1686, and prior to this, the Celtic mind appears to
have proceeded to deal with the question in a more philo-
sophical method. The General Meeting of Dublin appointed
* A Testimony, &c, 28/5/1698. — "Let no coloured plaids be worn any more, but
either mantles or low hoods.
" Let none want aprons at all, and that either of green or blue or other grave
colors, and not white, upon the street or in public at all, nor any spangled or speckled
silk or cloth, or any silk aprons at all. And, dear Friends, we, being persuaded that
none of a right spirit will be so stiff or wilful as to prefer their own lusts or wills to our
tender sense or advise and labour of love in these things." — Aberdeen Minutes.
t All this care was far from being permanently successful, for in 1720 there is a
complete list of female vanities in dress : " quilted petticoats set out in imitation of
hoops, cloth shoes of a light colour, with heels ; white and red, scarlet or purple stock-
ings, and petticoats made short to expose them."
4th Month, 1703. — As touching wearing bonnets, it is desired "that a question be
moved at the Quarterly Meeting, whether any should be worn, yea or nay." It was the
sense of the Quarterly Meeting, that " though they might be lawful, it was not expe-
dient to wear them."
492
meetings of tailors "to see that none did exceed the bounds
of truth in making of apparel according to the vain and
changeable fashions of the world," and these meetings of
"merchant clothiers and tailors" reported to the church.
They very judiciously advised "Friends to wear plain stuffs,
and to sell plain things, and tailors to make clothes plain."
And also to ensure their wishes, "Friends would do well
to employ Friends that are tailors, for the encouragement of
those Friends of that trade that cannot answer the world's
fashions." And the church appears thus to have been
saved the trouble that their Scotch friends had experienced,
in entering the details of Christian simplicity in dress on
their church books. This proceeding was so successful, that
in 1693 they obtained the aid of the joiners, ship-carpenters,
brass-founders, saddlers, and shoemakers, to give their judg-
ment to the meeting "in the matter of the furniture of
houses," &c, &c. — "fine, shining, glittering tables, stands,
chests of drawers, and dressing boxes ; large looking-glasses,
and painting of rooms," as well as "printed or painted hang-
ings." Where these latter were ?ieedful, they would do well
to advise with concerned Elders of their meeting before
they put them up.
The Overseers of the church travelled over the country.
They inspected the shops to see if "needless things were
sold," such as "lace and ribbons." They inspected the
houses, with ornamental "eaves" and of superfluous size,
from the drawing-room curtains, with other "Babylonish
adornings," which were declared to be " needless," to the
kitchens, whose array of " shining, needless " pewter
and brass pots, pans, and candlesticks, were evidently
for ornament, and therefore contrary to the simplicity
of the Truth. They remark very truly, that "the mind
that goes from God into the world, desires and gets, and is
493
never settled nor satisfied." In 1715, some of the young
people are spoken of as having "cut off good heads of
hair," and put on "long, extravagant, gay wigs." In 1718,
although it was evident that the practice of the Overseers
visiting the families in every meeting was in full force,
the "growing evil of pride," and a "high, uppish, uncon-
cerned spirit" in the young, and some who are old, is
lamented, and a special epistle issued ; and, in spite of all
this care, it can only be said, by the year 1750, that a
"faithful remnant still survives;" and worse evils instead
of these are found among the youth, and grieve the church,
such as "a torrent of libertinism," " intemperance," "gam-
ing, and frequenting play-houses, music-meetings," and
"cockfightings."
But more important matters connected with civil life
were legislated upon with a minuteness, which shows the
determination to carry out this idea of the province of
a church to its ultimate issue, without flinching from the
result; and it must be remembered that the constitution
of all these meetings was democratic, and it was on them-
selves that they exercised their laws, submission to which
was purely voluntary. While the experiment was pro-
ceeding, it was reported, "things are better among us than
before this strict and close discipline was established," and
it was submitted to without a murmur, as long as their
Elders and Preachers were men who were evidently seeking
the good of their souls.
No one was to remove from one place to another, with-
out the consent of the church.* Manufacturers of linen
and woollen goods were to make their goods "honest
and substantial," and since there were great complaints
* Third Month, 1680.— Minutes of Dublin Half- Yearly Meeting.
494
that such goods were "often made slightly, and so of little
service to the wearer," and the parties who should "be guilty
of making such goods," and persisted in "refractory non-com-
pliance," were to be excommunicated.* Possibly the present
reputation and prosperity of the Irish linen trade is more
closely connected with this kind care of the church, than is
generally supposed. Figured, flowered, or striped cloth, silks
or stuffs, were generally condemned about the year 1693. f
In 1702, to prevent the members from "falling into debts
beyond what they have to pay" withal, "a strict and diligent
inspection into the condition and circumstances of all
Friends" was ordered, where there may be any suspicion of
financial weakness ; and such persons were to give a candid
and just account of their substance, debts, and creditors. {
Lest this should be thought an isolated and special instance,
it may be stated, that in the great commercial city of Bristol,
a proposition was made in that meeting, to be carried forward
to the Quarterly Meeting and thence to the Yearly Meeting,
that two or three persons should be appointed in each meet-
ing, and that "every member shall be obliged to give to
persons so deputed an account of their circumstances, and
that these persons shall inspect the way of living of all
persons so professing truth. "§ The object of this was to
prevent disasters in trade. It was, however, dropped by the
Quarterly Meeting. 1 1
The whole life of man, from the cradle to the grave, was
legislated for by the church. Nothing was too great or too
* Minutes of Dublin Half-yearly Meeting, 1702.
t In Penketh meeting, a person is ordered to be reprimanded for buying such things.
19th First Month, 1694.
X Ibid, 1702. § Bristol records.
1 1 Hardshaw Quarterly Meeting, 20th, Fifth Month, 1697. — Enquiry and inspection
into the condition of all traders and dealers is to be continued, and also it is ordered
that " a further inspection be made into the concerns and business of Friends, even
495
small. Everything, from the tenderest years, was found to
have a bearing on his eternal interests.* His pocket-
money was legislated upon. If his parents were unable to
keep him in "orderly government," the church was powerful
enough to do it.f
In 1701, the Dublin Half-year's Meeting commenced to
interfere with the extent of the education of children : —
"Keeping children too long at schools" "occasioneth them
to be the more unfit for labour." Leinster Province Meet-
ing, at the same date, questions whether it is not "more
Christian-like" to cultivate "bodily labour, handicraft
the whole of our Society belonging to this meeting, to prevent all from concerning
themselves too much in the things of the world to their own hurt, the evil example of
others, and the lessening of the fame of our religion."
In Hardshaw Quarterly Meeting, in 1703, the " visitors " who were appointed to
inspect the business affairs of Friends, were ordered to propose the following queries: —
1st. Dost not thou undertake more concerns and business in the world than thou
canst respectably manage with respect to thy profession? Do they not
obstruct thy growth in the Truth? or hinder thee from answering thy
service in thy station? Art thou concerned to serve Truth with thy
substance ?
2nd. Art thou capable, by thy undertakings, to supply thy family ; to maintain a
reputable and solid credit, and answer thy duty and service to the Truth as
becometh godliness ? And art thou content with thy station without seeking
great things beyond thy compass ?
3rd. Dost thou endeavour to keep thyself from being burdensome to any ? Dost
thou labour according to thy ability, and not eat the bread of idleness nor
live of the labour of others whilst able to do for thyself ?
4th. Art thou at peace and concord with the Friends of your meeting, and joinest
with them in the services of Truth according to thy capacity?
* The ornaments on his cradle were to be dispensed with. Mothers were to " suckle
their children." 1694, National Meeting. "It hath also been recommended to our
Women's Meetings causing their " childbed dressings and superfluities of that nature,
that things may answer the plainness of Truth's principles both in themselves and
their children, from their births upwards." " Coffins ought all to be made plain,
without covering of cloth or needless plates." — 1694, National Meeting.
t In 1695, Friends who cannot keep their children in " orderly government," are to
apply to the Monthly Meeting for assistance.
M M
496
trades and husbandry," than giving children "long school-
ing," unless it "answer such vocation" as the children
are intended for. Numerous schools however, existed, and
there was a meeting of schoolmasters who were submissive
enough to report, that they were "desirous to receive and
put in practice" "whatsoever Friends may have in their
minds to communicate to us." In 1705, their anxiety
for the "better education of youth is minuted, and in
consequence of an increased desire of the church to avoid
the contamination of the susceptible minds of their off-
spring by "heathenish authors," they report their de-
termination to lay aside "Virgil, Horace, Juvenal, Terence,
Ovid de Tristibus, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Erasmus, M sop's
Fables, Corderius, &c, although they have "hitherto been
used by- Friends for the instruction of youth in the Latin
tongue." It was found (after 50 years' use!) that these
authors did not treat of things "agreeable to truth," and
they consequently substituted "Sententice Pueriles," " Cato
Nomenclatura," "Castalion's Dialogues," the Latin Bible and
Testament, "Academia Celestis, or Heavenly University,"
Robert Barclay's " Catechism and Apology," Buchanan,
&c. An alteration in "Lilly's Latin Grammar"* was ap-
proved, and 1,000 amended copies ordered to be printed.
The clauses of his deed of apprenticeship, if he were
poor, were carefully looked to. If he were rich, his
parents were exhorted to bring him up to useful labour.
The church exercised a watchful care lest he should fall
into sin, by marrying "one of the world's children," or
still worse, if he was married to her by a "priest."
Occasionally his parents were forbidden, upon pain of
* The standard Latin Grammar of the period. — See Adam Martindale's Life,
Chatham Society, p. 12.
497
excommunication, to give him property unless he repented
of his wickedness. The arrangements of his marriage
claimed their special attention, and the gravity of marriage
in a religious point of view, was enforced both by good
counsel, and strenuous efforts that no feasting or gaiety
should accompany it.* In the Aberdeen Monthly Meeting
Book, on 7th of Second Month, 1674, we find the entry : —
"Friends being willing to put Eobert Gorden to some
employment, have fallen upon these resolutions." Then
follows a formal agreement to teach him a trade, and then
pay him by piece work. The man's wife was during the
period supported. In 1717, they order that chaises except
when absolutely necessary, are a needless luxury. After
this it will not surprise the reader to hear that the food,
and gait, and dress of children,! and the deportment
of their nursemaids, came under revision.]: But how the
church should interfere with those, who, feeling that there
could be no want of Christian simplicity in the cultivation
of flowers, indulged the eye in " great superfluity and
too great nicety in gardens," we cannot understand.
"We should have thought that the cultivation of flowers,
at least was as well calculated to raise the mind
heavenward, as that of potatoes and cabbages ! Friends
were, however, told that " a lowly mind " would rather
"admire the wonderful hand of Providence" in causing
such a variety of necessary things to grow! " § At Aberdeen,
in 1707, a person was disowned for "playing at gowff
* The bridesmaids were not to be led out of the meeting by the groomsmen. Hot
dinners, <fcc, were strictly forbidden. Some young people who 'married, having a
coach, in 1705, are noticed, and Friends in future are " to come orderly in the fear of
the Lord."
t Castle Dermot, 3rd of Fourth Month, 1710.
\ Leinster Province, Seventh Month, 1706.
§ Minutes of Leinster Province, Eighth Month, 1705. „ ,,
498
and other suchlike games," and breaking his promise
to abstain. In 1719, " floor-cloth " was protested against.
In 1715, the " fashionable using of tea" was ordered to
be "avoided;" "tea-tables" to be laid aside as formerly-
advised, snuff and snuff-boxes, and the chewing and
smoking of tobacco, except when needful, are reprobated.
Yet the same records show that there were many devoted
and Christian men in the Society, and they appeal to
" the rule laid down by Christ," and quote chapter
and verse, and tell their members (to excuse their quoting
George Fox's writings) that " everyone hath a Bible,
but not G-. F.'s epistles." They use the agency of the
church, in 1719, for distributing " a Bible in 8vo. of
a good character, and upon good paper," in sheets at
Is. 8d., and recommend their wealthy members to give
away a large number to poorer members. They anticipate
modern legislation, " killing salmon or trout in the breed-
ing season is pronounced by Brigflatt's Monthly Meeting,
in 1705, to be in some degree a violation of the decree or
command of God in the beginning, when He blessed them,
and commanded them to increase and multiply." It is also
contrary to the law of Moses, and also to an Act of Queen
Elizabeth's, "to kill salmon and trout, being kipper," and
therefore "none of our Society are to kill them at that
season." The church frequently advised members about
to take a farm, not to "undertake more than" they are
"able to manage."* They called upon landlords to be
careful not to oppress their tenants by letting lands at
high rates, f In 1694, Hardshaw Monthly Meeting was
* Penrith Monthly Meeting Records, Seventh Month, 1695. Surrey Quarterly
Meeting, in 1786, advised James Carpenter "to give up farming; " and having given
the advice for some years without effect, " now feel themselves under no obligation to
support him under such burdens as he may bring on himself."
t Leinster Province, Twelfth Month, 1701.
499
" of opinion that Friends ought to buy and trade with each
other," and they also appoint a Committee to inspect the
"condition of traders,"* and in 1696, "parents" and
guardians of youth are not "to permit them to enter into any
public concern or trade without the advice of the particular
meeting." In Ireland, members were forbidden to emigrate
without first informing the church. In 1733, any person
in Marsden Monthly Meeting having " Wolaston's books,
that strike at the foundation of the Christian religion by
lessening the value or esteem of Holy Scripture," are
ordered to burn them. This government was carried out
by appointment from time to time of " Overseers,"
" Visitors," or "Deacons," and they were co-extensive in
their powers with the same officers among the General
Baptists of the time.f In Ireland seven of these officers
were appointed for the whole of Ireland, and to strengthen
their authority, they were empowered to summon before
them any member, " to give account to them of such matter
as may be in any of their minds to propose;" and members
were recommended to be "very candid in answer thereto."];
If we smile when we read some of the practical results of
this great experiment in church government, we may yet
acknowledge its high and holy aims. We may admire the
profound faith it exhibited in the reality of the presence and
guidance of Christ, the great Head of the Church. We
shall do well to bear in mind that it was carried out on a
purely voluntary principle. There was nothing essentially
foolish in the conception. It was not only an idea which
in its theory might dazzle the loftiest intellect, but one
which contains in itself the germ of a living truth. These
men believed that Christ would "guide them into all truth,"
* See foot note on p. 1-43. t " Taylor's History, p. 435. J Castle Dermot, 1G95.
500
and they desired that all their actions should show to the
world that they were loyal subjects of Christ, their King.
But when they established a polity which made Christ, in
the person of His members, "a judge and a divider" over
them in matters which were purely civil, and related to all
good citizens as well as all good Christians, they failed in
the realization of their theory. In the management of all
this curious internal government, the people who carry it
out manifest a tender-hearted, yet thorough-going honesty
of purpose.
It must, however, be obvious, that under such a system
great prominence is necessarily given to members of the
church who have administrative talents, rather than gifts of
grace for the edification of the flock and for the propaga-
tion of the Gospel. Instead of the pastoral visits paid
by the ministers to the "afflicted," the "sick," the
"tempted," the "unfaithful or obstinate," whose sole
object was to "comfort," "refresh," "convict," "restore,"
to "soften and fit for reconciliation,"* the "Visitors"
appointed by the churches from time to time endea-
voured to enforce an outward uniformity. There seems
less and less attention given to spiritual interests, and the
power of church censure seems gradually to have been
more relied upon than Christian influence and teaching.
The venerable Margaret Fox (Fell), eight years after her
husband's death, raised her voice to warn the Society, for
which she had done and suffered so much, against this
tendency, as altogether contrary to the spirituality Of the
Gospel. "Legal ceremonies," she wrote, "are far from
Gospel freedom ; let us beware of being guilty, or having a
hand in ordering or contriving what is contrary to Gospel
* See end of Perm's " Preface to Fox's Journal."
501
freedom ; for the Apostles would not have dominion over
their faith, but be helpers of their faith. It is a dangerous
thing to lead young Friends much into the observation of
outward things, which may be easily done, for they can
soon get into an outward garb to be all alike outwardly, but
this will not make them true Christians."*
* Epistle from Friends to Margaret Fox. Fourth Month, 1698.
Note — see p. 485. — We have omitted to notice the refusal of Fox and his friends to
take off their hats to Magistrates, Justices, <ftc. This practice was not new in England.
In Bishop Aylmer's time "there were a sort of people" — (like our modern Quakers) —
"who counted it idolatry to pull off their hat or give reverence, even to priDces. These
were, I suppose, of the sect of the Anabaptists" — Stype's "Life of Aylmer." p. 176,
Ed. 1821. Aylmer was Bishop of London between 1578 and 1594. This practice
probably originated from the ideas spoken of at page 485, which were promulgated by
the followers of Melchior Hoffman. The German Baptists refused the customary
greetings, but whether one of these consisted in taking off the hat is a question to
which we have been unable to find an answer.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XX.
A Declaration or some of those people in or near London, called Anabaptists,
THAT OWN AND BELIEVE THAT God's LOVE IN THE DEATH OF HlS SON IS EXTENDED
to all men ; and that are in the belief and practice of the doctrine of
Christ, contained in Hebrews, v. 1, 2.
Humbly presented to the High Court of Parliament, and the people of this
Commonwealth.
Whereas, the people of this nation called (though falsely) Anabaptists, are represented
as the only men causing these sad and much -to-be lamented troubles, that hath lately
happened in the Commonwealth ; and as if they were such who would endeavour the
setting up their own interest and religion by taking away the lives, and shedding the
blood of others ; yea, and as if they were utter enemies to magistracy. These and
such like calumnies, being by the tongues of the malicious, or ignorant, cast upon
them, think it our duty, being as well as others concerned, to publish to the world our
innocency therein, though in this we have peace, that in our consciences we know (the
most High God bearing us witness) that in those things we are wholly misrepresented.
And truly in this we can rejoice (we knowing ourselves falsely reported) that we should
be so accounted, considering that God's people in no age did escape such foul
aspersions; for who was accounted the troubler of Israel but Elisha? and who a
pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition but Paul? We do therefore, in behalf of our-
selves, declare (before the Lord, who should we not speak the truth, would be a swift
witness against us) to magistrates and people that all men may have a right under-
standing touching us.
That we have not, neither do we desire, or seek the blood of any ; no, not of our
greatest enemies that hate us and do or shall despitefully use us : but desire their
good as our own, and believe it our duty to seek it by all lawful means we can, desiring
to be found followers of Christ, who came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them,
who accordingly laid down his life for his enemies, and hath commanded us that we
love our enemies, and do good to them that hate us. And although we have been
represented as men thirsting after blood, and designed to cut our neighbour's throat ;
we do hereby declare that we are so far from such a wicked thing, and do so much
abominate the thoughts thereof, that the Lord, who is our Eecord, knoweth that it is
upon our hearts as our bounden duty, to assist and defend the nation, this city, and
our neighbours as much as in us lie from such violence, against whomsoever they are
that shall at any time attempt it, if called thereunto by the magistrates of this nation.
Secondly. We do declare that as for magistrates we own them to be God's ministers,
and that they bear not the sword in vain, but have their power given them by the Lord
to the end they might be a terror to them that do evil and a praise to them that do well.
11
Thirdly. We declare that it's our duty, enjoined us by the Lord to submit to them
in all things, and to obey every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, viz., when they
shall command things civil and lawful, then in those things actively to obey them ;
and when they shall command us to do things relating to religion and contrary to the
light of our consciences, then (though we cannot actually obey them) we ought (and
doubt not through the strength of Christ Jesus our Lord, we shall) passively obey by
sufferings and that joyfully, when we are called to it, without resisting.
Fourthly. We believe and declare that it is not our business to meddle with their
state affairs, or the government of the Commonwealth unless by them duly called
thereunto, further than according to the will of God, to pray that we may live a peace-
able life under them with all godliness and honesty.
Fifthly. We declare that the national ministers we disown as not being the
ministers of Christ, and their ways and worship, as not the true worship appointed by
Christ now in the Gospel ; and in particular we declare against their sprinkling infants,
and their cruel and inhuman forcing maintenance, by law, or otherwise from any ;
yet notwithstanding we do declare that we do desire their good, and that they may
enjoy common freedom in the nation equal with others.
Sixthly. We believe and declare that all men whatsoever, ought to have their liberty
in points of conscience, and no magistrate hath received power from Christ to punish
for, or to compel any to this or that form of religion.
Seventhly. We do declare that we ourselves, and all others of what persuasion
soever they are if found to walk contrary to the just laws of the nation, ought by tbe
magistrates thereof to be punished, according to the merit of his or their transgression,
and not in the least to be tolerated therein.
Eighthly. We believe and declare that we ought not ; yea, and that it were sinful
for us to maintain our religion by a carnal sword or to assert any spiritual cause or
thing thereby.
Lastly. We believe and declare that all the kingdoms of the earth, are by right,
Jesus Christ's and his Saints ; and that He and they shall one day possess them which
shall be the First and Last monarchy upon earth ; for which time we wait, as pilgrims
and strangers : and do again declare that in the meantime it is our duty to obey the
powers that are (as above said) and not to assert his kingly power and authority by any
other sword than the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God ; and do hereby
declare against all such as shall so do, as not owned by us in such a practice ; so far
are we from setting up ourselves or asserting our religion, by taking away the lives or
shedding the blood of any.
Postscript.
Peradventure some may question why we should publish this declaration seeing
there were two published before it ; to such we give these reasons for satisfaction : —
First. Because that dated December 12, 1659, we cannot in all things close with,
therefore, forasmuch as we who go under the same notion with them of being Ana-
baptists, thought it our duty to manifest our non-consent with them, in their sewiug
pillows under the elbows of the ministers of the nation ; and their want of boldness to
Ill
witness against their Babylonish worship, which is also the reason why we declare
against those National ministers, more than against any other.
Secondly. Because, in that Declaration, bearing date December 29th, there is not
everything that was upon our hearts to declare ; yet this we testify to all men, that
what they do declare, we own as a very honest thing, and in nothing dissent from it ;
but do judge that they have used much plainness, and manifested much fidelity to
Jesus Christ ; and do bear the same testimony against the first, dated the 12th of
December, as they do.
John GbiffitH.
William Gueney.
Chables Latham.
William Daniel.
James Eachell.
John Foxwell.
Joshua Palmer.
William Williams.
William Purveb.
Thomas Field.
William Tomkins.
Edward Stevens.
John Bull.
William Martin.
Francis Wilcocks.
John Howard.
George Cooper.
Thomas Hinton.
John Knight.
Thomas Hull.
Bichard Groom.
Edward Hull.
Bandal Emerton.
Will. Tomlinson.
William Tiddman.
Mich. Butterfield.
John Bidal.
John Grace.
London : Printed by Thomas Milbourn for Samuel Cleaver, near the Stone Chappel,
in Paul's Church Yard. January 14th, 1659.*
* This date is written with pen and ink, on the copy at the British Museum.
CHAPTEK XXI.
The Fear or " Human Learning " among the Baptists
and Early Friends. Its Origin. Defective Educa-
tion CAUSES A DIFFICULTY IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF " LAY "
Preachers. The Baptists commence to Educate their
Ministers. The Independents instruct their "Lay"
Preachers at the Charge of the Churches. De-
crease of the Standard of Education in the Society
of Friends. Their Ministers decrease in Influence.
Quietism. The support of the Poor by the Church
exerts an influence unfavourable to Church Exten-
sion. New Poor Law established in the Society of
Friends. Birthright Membership, and its Kesults.
Another principle which exercised vast power over the
internal development of the Society of Friends, is one
which may also be traced to the influence of the Conti-
nental Baptist movement. It is thus expressed by the
eminent English Baptist, Samuel How, that "human learn-
ing would never make a man a Minister of the Gospel," or
enable him to "understand the mind of God in His Word; "*
or, in Fox's words, "I saw that being bred at Oxford or
Cambridge did not qualify or fit a man to be a Minister of
Christ/'f No Christian man can deny that this expressed
a profound truth, and one which had been practically for-
gotten; and when it was asserted that a plain, unlettered
* How's " Sufficiency of the Spirit's Teaching, without Human Learning,'* 1644, p. 2.
t "Fox's Journal," 1G46.
503
man, through the help of the Holy Spirit, could find the
way of salvation in the New Testament, and even explain it
to others, to the glory of God and the good of men's souls,
the importance and necessity of the assertion in those
times, can hardly be over-rated. But when learning was
asserted to be a positive hinderance to spiritual religion,
when it was compared to "the smoke of the bottomless
pit,"* or when it is stated, even by Barclay in his
"Apology," that persons who not only were ignorant of
Greek and Hebrew, "but who could not read their own
vulgar language," and "illiterate men whom God hath
raised up to be ministers in His church in this day," could
"correct some of the errors of the translators of the
Scriptures " by the " certain evidence of the Spirit in them-
selves ; " without doubting the facts mentioned by the
author, which merely go to the point of the general sense
of Scripture being so clearly understood by these godly
persons, that they were generally right in their impressions
of the meaning of Scripture, we may see that the truth
which he and his friends rightly felt to be all important,
had begun to be pushed to a point which must necessarily lead to
error as great as that which they were opposing.
The Ministers in the early Society of Friends appear to
have fairly represented all classes, but they included many
men of a regular scholastic education. In point of theo-
logical knowledge, the early Society possessed advantages
whi^h it has never since enjoyed. The publicity which the
early preachers courted, the public disputes in which they
* " That when the Lord hy His word, the breath of His mouth, hath blown out some
smoake of the bottomless pit, which I conceive to be human learning." — Preface to
"How's Sufficiency of the Spirit's Teaching." How, it will be recollected, was a Pastor
of the celebrated church in Southwark. Fox used language, occasionally, nearly as
strong.
504
engaged, tended greatly to increase their religious knowledge,
and to widen their sympathies. It was a training of more
value than a college education, in fitting them for the
practical duties of their position. But if " being bred at
Oxford or Cambridge did not qualify or fit a man to be a
Minister of Christ," and if "Christ makes His Ministers
Himself, and gives gifts unto them,"* did it follow that a
church must be wrong in giving to persons thus called by
God's ordination to the Christian ministry, the power of
acquiring a good education ? If the principle held good
universally, that illiterate Ministers could correct the
errors of the translators of the Bible, what was the use
of the Hebrew and Greek lexicons which were so dili-
gently sought, in Newcastle and London, for Swarth-
more Hall ? The error of educating men for the Christian
ministry, precisely as for a common profession or calling,
without the slightest proof of a change of heart, or that
they are called of God to the office, and have gifts either of
grace or of intellect for the work, is sufficiently great in
itself ; but in those days it was rendered intolerable, by the
power thus given to the educated minister to enforce his
views of truth by the civil sword. Hebrew, Greek and Latin,
and colleges, were therefore associated with opposition to
the truth of God, and were by the more violent religionists
of the time considered to be " of the devil." There are
indications, however, that the reactionary error thus induced,
of regarding human learning as something almost neces-
sarily opposed to spiritual religion, was especially calculated
to work great injury in those churches who encouraged the
development of the spiritual gifts of their members in a lay
or non-professional ministry. Gifts of intellect are, as fully as
* " Fox's Journal," 1G57.
505
spiritual graces, the gifts of the great Head of the Church to
His Church, and He will not allow them to be dishonoured.
Indeed, it is one of the most convincing proofs of the
Divine origin of the Christian religion, that we find it
adopts human knowledge, and exalts it by the transmuting
power of the Holy Spirit into a Divine gift, to be used for
God's glory. While Christianity has given a vast stimulus
to the search after truth, human learning has contributed
to enlarge our conceptions of Christianity. Christianity
again, has used the power which human learning gives, to
vindicate and enforce its claims in the field of argument,
and the history of Christianity shows, that the attempt to
regard intellectual culture as opposed to spiritual religion,
has been, in every form which it has assumed, injurious to the
cause of Christ. The most blessed results to the Church
of Christ, have followed from every attempt to send more
labourers into the harvest-field of the world, but the clear
apprehension and exposition of Christian truth, is not free
from the difficulties which arise from the imperfection of
human language. Errors, having reference both to matters
of fact and to matters of expression, are rapidly developed
and propagated when the human intellect is left unculti-
vated, even in the most wisely constituted Christian societies.
This was soon experienced in both the Arminian (or
"General") and the Calvinistic (or "Particular") branches
of the Baptist societies. At the second Assembly of the
General Baptists, in 1691, complaints were made of persons
teaching and maintaining erroneous doctrines. At the
Assembly of 1704, it was ordered that young ministers were
to try their gifts in private meetings, and should take the
opinion of the church ; and if unfavourable, it should con-
tent them to exercise in private till the Lord should endue
them with greater ability for the public ministry. The first
506
Particular (or Calvinistic) Baptist General Assembly, was
summoned by a letter signed by Kiffin, H. Knollys and
others. The state of their churches is bewailed, and it is
feared that " much of the former life and vigour which at-
tended us is gone." " Congregations languish," and the
neglect " of giving fit and proper encouragement for the
raising up of an able and honourable ministry for the
time to come," is mentioned as one of the main causes.
In the fifth Assembly, in 1693, they strongly discourage
those, " who being vainly puffed up with their fleshly mind,
did presume to preach publicly without being called or ap-
pointed thereto;" and the churches are earnestly requested
that they " would not send forth nor suffer any person
among themselves to preach publicly, of whose qualifi-
cations they had not had sufficient trial," that the
name of God may not be dishonoured, the peace of the
churches disturbed, nor the reputation of the ministry
blemished." It is evident that measures had been already
taken for the education of their young ministers, and they
had to endeavour to quiet a strong feeling that they were
dangerously tampering with the ancient Baptist principles
respecting "human learning;" and they say, "that we
may remove all jealousies, and give satisfaction to all
our brethren, there is no intention in the Assembly, in
the education of youth, to promote human(e) learning
or acquired parts, above, or equal with, the gifts of the
Spirit and teachings thereof. — 1st. That we abhor such
a principle or practice, being satisfied that the gift for
edification is a distinct thing from acquired parts, and that
men may attain to the greatest degrees of human (e) learn-
ing, and yet, notwithstanding, be ignorant of Christ and
His glorious gospel 5th. That the knowledge of the
tongues is not itself essential, nor absolutely necessary, to
507
constitute a minister of the gospel, nor the greatest degree
hereof, without the gift for edification, and is not ' a sufficient
qualification for the ministry; neither dare we limit the Holy
One, who bestows gifts for edification upon the learned as
well as the unlearned.' "
In 1708, we trace the operations of the same difficulty
among the Independents. The Association of Churches
meeting at Kimbolton, considered the question as to ''the
best method for encouraging and accomplishment of young
men for the work of the ministry, who are gracious, and in
some measure gifted and inclined that way. — Kesolved :
That such young men give themselves to reading and study
at spare hours — not laijing aside their^ worldly employ — that
such books as may be useful for the understanding of the
signification and acceptation of the Word, &c, be allowed
them at the charge of their parents if able, otherwise, at
the common charge of the church, and that a teacher be set
apart in every distinct church if it can be; or for want
thereof, one or two (related to any of the churches in com-
munion) to be concerned to make it their business a day
or two every month (at such places as may be appointed
for that purpose) to examine and instruct such men in the
principles of the Christian religion, both as to doctrine and
discipline."*
It will be seen that at this period, a "Lay" ministry,
or one engaged in the ordinary avocations of life, was
cherished among the Independents; and they appear to
have taken judicious measures for removing the difficulty
of the times, respecting its free employment, by fitting it, in
the point of religious education, for its duties. The follow-
ing quotation will show that there was no essential differ-
*Dr. Waddington's " Congregational History," vol. ii., p. 163.
N N
508
ence between the views of the Independents on the calling
of the ministry, and those of the Society of Friends,
which would destroy the similarity of the difficulty which
was common in all the Free Churches : — " To set up a
ministry that is destitute of spiritual gifts, is to despise
Christ, and utterly to frustrate the ends of the ministry.
To set up a ministry which may he continued by outward
forms and orders of men only, without any spiritual com-
munication of gifts from Christ, is to despise His authority
and care ; neither is it His mind that any church should
continue in order, longer or otherwise, than as He bestows
these gifts for the ministry." The development of these
gifts among the members, was the business of every church.
The following sentence might have been written by George
Fox, instead of Dr. Owen : — " To erect a ministry by virtue
of outward order, rules, and ceremonies, without gifts for
the edification of the church, is but to hew a block with
axes and smooth it with planes, and set it up for an image
to be adored. To make a man a minister, who can do
nothing of the proper, peculiar work of the ministry;
nothing towards the only end thereof in a church, is to
set up a dead carcase, fastening it to a post, and expect it to do
your work and service!" *
The conditions were therefore the same, while these causes
affected all the Free Churches alike ; and surely some in-
struction may be received, by comparing the methods they
adopted to overcome what may be termed one of the
inherent difficulties of the free employment of a" Lay "
ministry developed from the congregation ; which was,
nevertheless, one of the great sources of their spiritual
power.
* " Owen, on Spiritual Gifts," p. 225.
509
Difficulties of a similar character arose in the Society of
Friends. The time of persecution had passed away, but
left behind it its mark, in a generation of men whose reli-
gious and secular education was greatly inferior to the last.
This is evident by the extreme solicitude of the Society for
the education of its youth ;* by a vast diminution in the
number of books written and read,f and by the increase of
weakness of judgment, and a deficiency in Sound Christian
good sense and feeling, in dealing with church matters.
In all the Dissenting Churches, the effect of persecution
had been to isolate them from the general interests and
literature of the world around them. In the preceding
chapter, we have seen that a tendency to interfere with the
* Also by the rough and ill-trained character of the children, " the rude boyes " at
Bristol, tax, as we have shown, the governing power of the Monthly Meeting. In 1691,
the boys at Penketh School "bar out " the master, and the Monthly Meeting, as usual,
have to interfere. This was an amusement not unfrequent. After the passing of the
Toleration Act, we find that tbe following schools are reported to the Yearly Meeting,
for the education of Friends' children: — 1 Bristol, 1 Penketh (boys), 1 Warrington
(girls), 2 Alton, 1 Bamsey (both sexes), 1 Thornbury (both sexes), 1 Bradley, near
Sheffield (boys), 1 Brighthampstead (girls), 2 Hertford, 1 Hogsden, 1 Watford
(W. Loddington's), 1 Coggeshall (boys), 1 Colchester (boys) — 15 schools in all. About
1705, persons are occasionally imprisoned for keeping schools. — Yearly Meeting
Minutes.
In tbe Bristol School, it is reported to the Yearly Meeting, that "the Holy Scriptures
are in a solemn manner read every day."
Signed on behalf of the Second-day's Morning Meeting and the Meeting for Sufferings,
by B. Bealing. 2/5/1697. — " To the Friends and Brethren of the Monthly and Quarterly
Meetings of England and Wales. — 1st. Becommendation of John Bellers ; proposal for
a College of Industry, asking for voluntary contributions, suggesting it to be set on foot
by joint stock, recommending as of • good report and example to the nation.'
2nd. The better education of youth, to be instructed in ' languages and sciences,'
1 in the way of Truth,' and ' likewise in profitable and commendable labour.'
3rd. ' Encouragement to schoolmasters.' . . . 5th. Inspection of schools." — Bristol MSS.
t In 1713, Sussex Quarterly Meeting complains of the " burden " of books sent down
by the Morning Meeting ; this meeting having recommended, in 1700, the reading of
the Holy Scriptures, and other good books, as likely to be very beneficial both in keeping
their youth out of " loose, light " company, and would " contribute to their edification
and comfort."
N N 2
510
home-missionary operations of the Ministers had set in,
under the guise of a more refined spirituality than that of
the founders of the Society ; and it appears that the charges
against the Ministers, of being a kind of hierarchy, with
Fox for its arbitrary head, which we have described at
some length, originated the suggestion that the various
meetings should appoint persons regularly, to represent the
laity in the Ministers' Meetings.* These meetings, we
have already seen, were the great source of the aggressive
power of the Society, and gave a free development to the
ministerial gifts of the churches, a wise application of the
preachers to their needs, and complete power over the
character of their services.
The Ministers, formerly occupying a position of great
usefulness, appear now to be decreasing in power and influence.
In the year 1697, we find that six Friends are appointed in
Bristol, to represent the church in the Ministers' Meeting,
" for the hearing of any matter which may arise respecting
either doctrine or practice among themselves ; to exhort,
counsel, and advise," so that matters connected with the
ministry be ended, if possible, without being brought before
the church. It is distinctly stated, that the intention is not
to place " the power and authority of this meeting in select
persons," but they are " subordinate " to it, and to continue
no longer than thought convenient. Every year there is
to be "a new election," or "oftener." It is therefore
* This had heen commenced in the northern meetings, earlier than 1706, but the
following Minute explains why the appointment of suitable Friends to sit with the
ministers regularly, was made : — Sussex Quarterly Meeting, 29th First Month, 1706.
" As to the minute made at the last Quarterly Meeting that was held, as concerning
Monthly Meetings sending members to assist Friends in the ministry in their morning
meeting before the Quarterly Meeting, to prevent the objections of some adversaries,
this Meeting, not perceiving any ill consequences, or their objections made in those
parts, do think fit to continue the meeting as before."
511
obvious, that prior to this time the Ministers and Elders were
directly responsible to the church, and in direct communication
with it. As early as 1698, and again the following year,
the Yearly Meeting requested the Quarterly Meetings to
discontinue and check unapproved ministers. In 1699, in
Brighouse Monthly Meeting, we find that "two weighty,
understanding Friends " from each church, were to attend
the Meeting of Ministers; they were to be persons "who
had known the work of Truth." We find the same arrange-
ment commenced at Settle, and it appears to be in conse-
quence of the request of the Yearly Meeting in 1698. They
are to give account to the church " from time to time, what
satisfaction they have with Friends in the ministry, both as
to their life and conversation, and also as to their doctrines."
There appear to be complaints of both Ministers and Elders.
In 1704, similar appointments were made at Kendal.
Prior to this, and even subsequently, the Elders of each
church had the standing care and oversight of the ministers,
who, it will be recollected, were to a large extent travelling
Ministers ; and at the Yearly Meeting of Carlisle, we find that
"the Elders appointed for the care and oversight of the
ministry" "kept a meeting by themselves," so that if the
Ministers thought fit," they could "confer" with them;
and in 1711 it is said that this has been " observed for
divers years." The Ministers now appear to be placed
under a closer oversight. From the position of having
" Ministers and Elders whom the Holy Ghost has made
Overseers of the flock,"* the flock undertake by deputy to
oversee and govern the action of the ministers. Up to this
time, and for some time after, the numbers of the Society kept
* Eeport of Lancashire Quarterly Meeting to the Yearly Meeting, 1696. We have
before explained that " Elder," at this period, meant a Minister appointed by the
Church, for certain duties.
512
up, and large numbers of the outside world were gathered
in. There can be little doubt that education was unequally
spread, and that the "lay" preaching which the system of
the Society had been so successful in encouraging, was not
always developed from the highly educated classes ; and that
even among this class of persons, their views of what the
character of Christian teaching ought to be, were narrower
than those of earlier times. The leaven of Quietism had
begun to work, and it began to exercise an unfavourable
influence on the ministry.
In Ireland, as early as 1698, "long tedious sermons,"
"large" and "formal testimonies," were objected to, and
they bad already found that their " great profit and ad-
vantage" were "more in silent waiting on the Lord." In
1716, Bristol Meeting complains to the Yearly Meeting
of "Ministers going forth in their own wills and preaching
what they have heard from others ; " and we begin in
various quarters to hear the peculiar phrases of Quietism.
As will hereafter be described, this phase of religious feeling
tended to aggravate the real causes of the declension in
active piety and vital religion, which now commenced to
be lamented. During the whole of this period, many
enlightened and pious men were to be found, who were not
wholly blinded by its dazzling sophistry. They saw, for
example, that in an age when "books and papers were
spread" that have any tendency to create in the minds of
the readers the least doubt or question concerning the truth
of the Holy Scriptures,"* Christian instruction was needed,
but how was it to be applied? Originally more jealous
than the Baptist churches, lest "human learning" should
* Yearly Meeting Epistle, 1723. "Vile and corrupt books, as manifestly tend to
oppose and reject the divine authority of Holy Scripture, and to introduce deism,
atheism, and all manner of infidelity," are again testified against in 1729 and 1735.
513
be substituted for the gifts of the Spirit in the things of
God, no scheme for the education of those called to the
ministry, or for the encouragement of the study of the
Holy Scriptures, with a view to a more comprehensive public
teaching, could be proposed with the remotest chance of
success. This teaching could, therefore, only be applied to
their children, and this for the next 70 years seems to have
been the great mission of the church within this church.
As early as 1732, the movement is perceptible in the ex-
hortation to the assembled churches, " to exert themselves
in the wisdom of God, in the .strength of His love, to instruct
their children and families in the doctrines and precepts of
the Christian religion as contained in Holy Scripture."
" Those sacred writings," they again testify in 1734, do
contain the doctrines and principles of our profession."
" Preaching and spreading of the Gospel " is still up to this
period commended, and the modest suggestion is thrown
out, that the members of the churches may help by inviting
their "sober and well-inclined neighbours," — an aim more
consistent with Quietism than that of the vigorous evan-
gelistic preaching of Fox and his coadjutors, which was
addressed to the "wickedest people in the country." In
1724, Kent reports to the Yearly Meeting that meetings are
much reduced, which they attribute " in some measure " to
the want of a lively and spiritual ministry amongst us; " but
they add a few significant words which show the working of
the new leaven, " but we hope there's those amongst us
come further than to have their dependency in words:"
" nevertheless," they plaintively acknowledge, "a living and
spiritual ministry " is "very comfortable and edifying, "both
to saints, "those who are settled and established in the
Truth," and sinners who "frequent or accidentally drop
into our meetings."
514
Many of the churches, not having learnt the new lesson
of a spirituality so high as to be beyond " dependency on
words," complain to the Yearly Meeting of a deficiency in
the amount of travelling ministry. In 1738, the Yearly
Meeting endeavours to console the churches who, we have
seen, were lamenting the decline in both the quantity and
quality of the ministry supplied to them, by applying the
principles of Quietism to the emergency. " When together'*
(i.e., in their meetings), "we exhort Friends to feel their
minds abstracted from visible objects into a true stillness
and nothingness of self." This will give them " a true
relish and savour of the ministry of those who are rightly
concerned," &c. The result of this want o£ sound Christian
instruction, in the ministry, at a time when rationalistic
preaching, teaching, and controversy were rife in the out-
side world, was apparent in 1740, when the Yearly Meeting
avows its opinion that " the apparent declension, in our
time, of true piety and godly zeal in many places (i.e., in
the Society), is owing to a disregard of the doctrines of
Holy Scripture." Instead of all earthly things being to the
Christian a means of serving the blessed Kedeemer, who
prayed, not that His disciples should be taken out of the
world, but kept from the evil by the power of His Holy
Spirit, the churches are told that "the. manifestation of
the Spirit" " calls for inward retirement, an abstraction
from earthly objects imaginations and attachments; for in the
silence of all that is of the flesh the still small voice of
Truth, the Divine Word nigh in the heart is heard," and
by hearing with due observance (that is of the word nigh in
the heart) true faith is produced, " for faith cometh by
hearing, and hearing by (Christ) the Word of God " (Kom.
x. 17). (Epistle of the Yearly Meeting of 1770). The
Apostle is speaking of the word preached, and the necessities
515
of "Quietism compel the Yearly Meeting to depreciate the
preaching of the Gospel, and to misapply the plainest
declaration of the Apostle Paul, who asks, " How can they
hear without a preacher ? "
In 1789 worship, instead of being a delight to the Christ-
ian, became " an awful duty;" while in 1795, although the
dry bones had already commenced to move, and it was
necessary to caution all against "the unsubjected activity
of their own spirits," the language of unmistakeable
Quietism is adopted by the Church. "Study to be quiet
and mind your own business, remembering that the
spiritual Jerusalem is a quiet habitation, and that to lead a
holy and unblamable life among men is to contribute, in the
degree in which He approves, to the advancement of true
reformation in the earth." In fact, the Friends advocated
the reversal of the precept of the Apostle, "Look not every
man on his own things, but every man also on the things
of others."
The plain "Query" of ancient times, addressed by the
Yearly Meeting to its subordinate churches, "How doth
Truth prosper ? " Meaning, are your churches in a flourish-
ing condition, is changed to "How do Friends prosper in
the Truth ? exhibiting the distinctive feature of Quietism,
a morbid introspection ; more anxiety being shown about
the internal feelings of the individuals composing a church,
than about the salvation of sinners and the gathering of
them into the visible church.
We find, universally, in the records of the Society at this
period,* less about preaching the Gospel to the world, and
more respecting the duty of being "lights to our neighbours"
in outward conduct. True religion was never perhaps at a
* Bristol Quarterly Meeting Records.
516
lower ebb, than during the period from 1713 to 1739, when
the Wesleys and Whitfield commenced preaching. This
has been ably and forcibly described and aptly illus-
trated, by Thomas Jackson, in his "Centenary of Wesleyan
Methodism." This, also, was the period of the great
[Rationalistic Controversy. The names of Shaftesbury,
Collins, Woolston, and Tindal, as well as of other deistical
writers, will recall to the mind of the reader the fact, that
the whole Christian Church was occupied in defending itself;
and while doing so they fell into the error of regarding
Christianity mainly as an intellectual creed, a scheme of
morality and an aid to virtue.
Between 1695 and 1730, only one Episcopal church build-
ing had been erected in London and its neighbourhood. The
total number of Presbyterian, Independent, and Baptist
churches, between 1715 and 1716, is given by Neal at
only 1107, out of which 247 only were Baptist churches;
while the number of the meetings of the Society of
Friends could not be fewer than 400. From the year
1719, the date of the Salters' Hall conference, Unitarianism
spread to so great an extent among the Presbyterian
churches, that nearly the whole denomination was extinguished,
and the Unitarians became a distinct body of churches in
England. It would be an error, therefore, to suppose that
the state of the Society of Friends at this period, was either
unique, or solely brought about by the operation of internal
causes. The Society was now, however, roused to the
necessity of action. The question we have to consider is,
whether their efforts at internal church reform were wisely
directed. We shall also enquire what were the antecedent
causes of this peculiar development of church action, and
exhibit the consequences to the Society, of the mistakes then
made. The lessons of the past, if wisely considered in so
517
important a subject as that of the history of a perfectly free
ami self-governing religious Society, can hardly be without
instruction to the visible Church of Christ.
We must here pause, to carry back the reader in the order
of time. ' We have already alluded to the general tendency
in the Dissenting churches, after the passing of the Act of
Toleration in 1689, to discourage anything like obtrusive
acts of religious propagandism. In the Society of Friends
there was an additional cause, which was slowly but surely
operating in the direction of discouragement of the bold
aggressive preaching of the travelling Ministers of the
Society. It must be obvious, that the purity of the religious
motives, and the strength and fervour of the conviction of
men who left their trades and their families to preach the
Gospel to the world, and who received at most, either
their travelling expenses or their bare support only, from
the Church, tended to give them great place among tlie
poor.
Perhaps there was no feature in Fox's character more
strongly developed, than his strong conviction that the
neglect of the poor in the times in which he lived, was
a disgace to Christendom. He laboured not only in his
public ministry and by the press, but he petitioned Par-
liament to this effect: — "Let all the poor people, blind,
and lame, and cripples, be provided for in this nation,
that there might not be a beggar in England, nor Eng-
land's dominions." He tells them that the practice of
the Jews and the early Christian church, "doth condemn
this nation's practice," where there are "so many beggars."
He suggests that "neither beggar, nor blind people, nor
fatherless, nor widows, nor cripples, go a begging up and
down the streets, but that a house may be provided
for them and meat," and tells them to " mind Christ's
518
doctrine."* " You that are called Christians," he writes, in
an address to the Protector and Parliament, f "take heed
and see that there be no beggars amongst you." "Want
often brings them to steal." They that are rich should
"prevent temptation, or take them into some employment;
and this shows the nobility of the Christian's life." A sug-
gestion was also made for a Government registration of employers
requiring labour, and the workmen out of employ in every market
town : a plan which appears to us to be well worthy of con-
sideration even at the present time, and might be carried
out in connection with our Post Office arrangements. Like
the Continental and early English Baptist churches, those
founded by Fox, from their rise, made collections for the
relief of the poor widows and fatherless, and found them
employment and gave them education. These benefits
were also frequently extended to all who attended their
meetings.! We have before mentioned the application to
the magistrates in Bristol for help, before a poor person was
relieved. Another case is noted in Penketh Monthly Meet-
ing, where all persons who were a pecuniary " charge" to the
meeting were, before receiving it, required to give up all their
property. § In many cases money was lent from the church
fund, to help necessitous persons to engage in business. ||
* " The Parliament of the Commonwealth of England," 1659, pp. 9 and 13.
t " To the Protector and Parliament," 1658, p. 18.
J " Fox's Journal," General Meeting of Skipton, 1660.
§" Shall first resign all they have to Friends." — Penketh Monthly Meeting,
14th Second Month, 1698.
|| "Kebecca Russell, of Bedminster, laid before the Women's Meeting her distress.
Her husband has left her, and she is destitute, with four children, and asks the loan of
£20 ; she can earn her livelihood by baking cakes and selling ayle." — Bristol Minutes,
1694. In Surrey Quarterly Meeting, they " mend Ann Thornton's oven," and supply
a Friend with " twenty shillings towards fatting his hog." They remitted a debt to
the Monthly Meeting from one of their members, "being satisfied that money is some-
what scarsey with him."
519
Originally this was simply the application by the deacons,
of the free-will offerings of the church, but in 1710 a
complete poor law was framed in the Yearly Meeting for
the Society. No poor person receiving relief was allowed to
remove without the consent of the meeting, and a certificate
to the meeting where they were about to remove. Provided
this meeting received money from them for the use of the
church, or "put them into any service of the church," it
was " deemed a settlement," and if they behaved themselves
"according to Truth" and were not chargeable for three
years, they were also to be " deemed to belong to the meet-
ing within the compass of which they shall inhabit." " Ser-
vant men and maids," after one year's faithful and honest
service, were to be deemed to belong to the meeting to which
they removed. In default of the regular papers being pro-
duced by a necessitous member, which, if he acted contrary
to the advice of his meeting, they might refuse to give, the
meeting to which he had removed had a claim to be reim-
bursed by the meeting from which he had removed, unless
he had been "denyed" by this church. This was found
so onerous, that in the following year it was agreed that
the meeting to which he had formerly belonged was to
reimburse only half the charges ; and the person who had
removed contrary to his friends' advice, was to be desired to
return at the cost of his former meeting, and they were to
support the said poor person.
In 1721, for the purpose of the poor law, the Yearly
Meeting defined a member as one who " was not denyed"
by his monthly meeting ! In 1737, this poor law was
expanded into ten sections. The provisions were sub-
stantially the same as the above, with a clause by which
the meeting into which the poor man removed, might send
in their bill of charges for his relief to any meeting where he
520
had formerly resided, and to receive immediate payment;
leaving the various meetings who were sufficiently unfor-
tunate to have had the poor man sojourning with them, to
settle the last place of his having effective membership.
These poor laws produced an amount of dissension and ill-
feeling, which cannot readily be conceived. The writer has
seen letters from one church to another, filling sheets of
foolscap with disputes as to matters of law and of fact, in
which sometimes Christian charity was altogether violated.
The consequences of this enactment were most disastrous
to the Society of Friends. Their support of the poor was
liberal enough, but this law struck at the spontaneous
springs of Christian liberality. The poor were lowered in
the eyes of their fellow Christians, and from endless disputes
as to ivhat meeting a poor family belonged to and was
chargeable to, the poor, instead of being, as they had been,
the strength and glory of the Society as a Christian church,
became associated with the annoyance which these inevit-
able disputes engendered.
It was in connection with these poor laws that the
famous definition of membership, which has been called
"Birthright Membership," arose. The following clause
occurs in this poor law of 1737 : — " All Friends shall be
deemed members of the Quarterly, Monthly and Two-
weeks' Meeting, within the compass of which they inhabited
or dwelt, the 1st day of the Fourth Month, 1737; " and "the
wife and children to be deemed members of the Monthly
Meeting of which the husband or father is a member, not
only during his life, but after his decease." For the pur-
poses of the poor law they could claim relief as members !
Here we have the direct effect of the introduction of secular
matters into the churches, and also a practical illustration
of the evil effects of making such matters the subject of
521
church action. The experience of the Society of Friends
would sanction the view, that such matters are better left to
the spontaneous liberality of individuals. A pecuniary
liability was thus attached to an increase of members in a
Christian church, and an additional reason was thus fur-
nished for curtailing the strong Home Missionary element, which
was an instinct with the body of Ministers developed from
the congregation, when they enjoyed the position and liberty
of action we have described.
CHAPTER XXII.
Introduction of "Ruling Elders" in the Society op
Friends. Baxter's "private" opinion respecting the
"Lay Elders" of the Presbyterian System. He
would not call them " dumbe doggs." new " over-
seers " appointed in the society of friends. testi-
mony of certain members of the church of england
to the value of the travelling ministry of the
Society of Friends. Letter of John Fry to the
Morning Meeting. The Position now occupied by
the Ministers. John "Wesley's observations on " Lay
Elders."
The Society of Friends had now been aroused to the
necessity of some action to arrest symptoms of decline
and decay. This action was two-fold; first, with reference
to the Ministers, and secondly, with regard to the con-
gregation. We shall proceed to describe the changes
which took place in the Society with reference to the
Ministers. The old generation of Ministers had now died
out ; the younger class of Ministers now claimed the atten-
tion of the church. There seems little doubt that there was
an increasing inequality in the education of the members of
the Society. The legislation of the Society now tended to
give effect to the views of the religionists who had formerly
opposed Fox and his coadjutors. A series of measures
found favour, which gradually deprived the Ministers of
the important position which they occupied in the early
523
Society. The tendency of the Society's regulations to
give a prominence to persons who had a talent for secular
legislation, rather than for gospel labour, continued and
increased.*
In 1727, the thin end of the wedge was applied, by
the appointment of persons who were somewhat similar
to the Presbyterian " Lay Elders." These functionaries,
when attempted to be introduced as part of the State
Church system of the Commonwealth we have before
shewn, were denounced by the so-called "Sectaries" in
unmeasured terms; and so unpopular was this innovation
in England, that the attempt was eventually abandoned.
Baxter did not side with his party on the subject of the
introduction of "Lay Elders." His "private opinion,"
supported "by the concurrent judgment of so many
learned men," was " that neither Scripture nor antiquity
did know " such officers as "Ecclesiastical Elders" dis-
tinct from "Teaching Elders;" that he did not approve
of them as " assistants to the Ministers " in their minis-
try, and adds, that on the side of the Episcopalians, they
had allowed Lay " Readers," " ever since the Reformation in
England," who, in the absence of a clergyman, were even
"allowed to baptize and administer the Lord's Supper:"
and on the side of the Presbyterians, while they were
anxious to establish " Lay or Ruling Elders," he would
not quarrel with either party about " the notions or titles,"
* In answer to the question, " How many have declined in their love to God and
zeal for His Truth ? " and to explain " the cause of it," an able and intelligent
Minister, who lived in the period of which we are treating, gives as a principal reason,
"Formality in the management of Church affairs," and by church members " acting
too much as men by their own wisdom and parts," which never gives a true concern-
ment for the Church's good; and formality "in public worship." This tends to show
that the management of the church had fallen into the hands of a different class of
persons. — Page 18, " Address to Friends," 1768, by John Fry.
O
524
while an agreement could be come to on both sides about
the "work to be done," nor would he "reproach them with
the name of 'Dumbe Doggs' on one side, or Lay Elders
(as dumbe) on the other side."* The early Friends, in
common with the other Separatists, were accustomed to
apply the description in the 55th Chapter of Isaiah, of the
watchmen of the house of Israel as " dumb dogs " who
" cannot bark," " sleeping, lying down," &c, " greedy
dogs which cannot have enough," " shepherds that cannot
understand," " all looking to their own way, every one for
his gain from his quarter," to the non-preaching Ministers
in the times of the Anglican Establishment ; while in the
early times of the Commonwealth and the Presbyterian
State Church, these terms were applied to the same class
of clergy who conformed to the Directory, whether Angli-
can or Presbyterian, and also on similar principles to
pluralists and lay elders. The whole force of the objection
was that, under the Christian dispensation, "shepherds" or
"watchmen" who did not preach or teach the gospel, had no
place.
If some of these expressions in the tract literature of the
times seem to us harsh and uncharitable, it is needful to
bear in mind that the times in which they wrote, and the
persecutions they suffered, furnish some excuse for the
language used, particularly when we recollect that the most
godhj and highly educated men did not scruple to use expres-
sions which we should now consider a disgrace to the lowest
strata of society. It was eminently a period when the love
of their neighbour was considered to consist with the virtue
of speaking plainly to him.
It is a most instructive fact in Church history, that the
* Page 5, "Christian Concord." — Baxter's Eeply to the Propositions agreed upon
by the Associated Ministers of the County of Worcester.
525
gradual admission of the same principle of Church member-
ship as that of Presbyterianism,* in a religious Society per-
fectly freed from all State interference, gradually led to the
introduction of the system of "Lay Presbyters," or "Kuling
Elders;" and we now see a kind of Presbyterianism
evolved in the Society of Friends, who were originally the
uncompromising opponents of the whole system. The key
to the denunciations of the newly-established Presbyterian
State Church and their Ministers by the early Society of
Friends, will be found to turn, as we have already shown, on
the circumstance of " the church " not being a church
gathered out of the world on New Testament principles, but
one avowedly, by its very constitution, and especially by its
connection with the State, bound to be a " worldly "■ or
" carnal " church. Its connection with the State appeared
to them to be a high-handed denial of the spirituality of the
gospel of Christ, a forcing of the consciences of Christian
people, a use of the "carnal" sword of the magistrate to the
destruction of the essence of the Christian religion. The
" calling" of their ministers, the nature of their congrega-
tions, their communion in the Lord's-supper, their singing,
their Umiting their sermons by the hour-glass, the church
bells; all were "carnal," and for this reason and no
* " The visible Church, which is also Catholic or Universal tinder the Gospel (not
confined to one nation as before under the law) consists of all those throughout the
world that profess the true religion, together with their children, and is the kingdom of
the Lord Jesus Christ, the house and family of God, out of which there is no ordinary
possibility of salvation." — "The Confession of Faith agreed upon by the Assembly, &c."
Chap. 25, Art. 2. " Not only those that do actually profess faith and obedience to
Christ, but also the infants of either one or both believing parents, are to be baptised.
Baptism is a sacrament, &c, not only for the solemn admission of the party baptised
into the visible Church, but also to be unto him a sign and seal of the Covenant of
Grace, of his ingrafting into Christ, of regeneration, of remission of sins, and of his
giving up unto God through Jesus Christ," &c. The grace promised is not only offered,
but really exhibited and conferred by the Holy Ghost to such (whether of age or infants)
as that Grace belongeth unto, <fcc. — Ibid. chap. 28, Art. 4, 1, and 6.
O O 2
526
other.* The change seemed to be a trifling one in the
Society of Friends.
In 1727, a proposition from Wilts, which we shall re-
collect was one of the strongholds of the party who opposed
Fox and the early preachers, suggested that "serious, discreet,
and judicious Friends, who are not Ministers," should " be
appointed in every Monthly Meeting, tenderly to encourage
and help young Ministers, and advise others, as they shall
in the wisdom of God see occasion, and that where there
are meetings of ministering Friends, such Friends so chosen
be admitted as members of such Meetings of Ministers,
and act therein for the good purposes aforesaid."! The
next Yearly Meeting we find an epistle issued specially to
Ministers who, we now hear, in some cases, were "very
unsound," and they are warned that "misquotation and
misapplication of Scripture," "tones and gestures" in their
sermons, "render such a ministry contemptible." In 1731,
they are exhorted that they "show themselves " not merely
ready, but "as ready to hear and receive advice from their
Monthly Meetings, as well as teach and instruct ! " The
* Innumerable quotations might be given of this point from the Early Friends 1 tract
literature." Thou wouldst compare the church who are gathered out of the world, the
saints, to be like the world." "How darest thou compare them (the world) with those that
live and dwell in the grace of God." Page 20, " Answers to Queries," by Thomas
Atkinson, of Cartnell in Lancashire. Geo. Fox, and R. Hubberthorne, 1653. Also
p. 100, " Eeply to Eobert Lucas' Queries." " Thou asketh, how long it (the Lord's supper)
shall continue?" This bread and this cup shall continue for ever in the Church.
It is so, " As oft as they eat of this bread and drink of this cup they show forth the
Lord's death till he come." 1 Cor. ii. 26. But friend, what hast thou to do to talk of
this who art in the generation of them that are enemies to Christ. This style of
writing is ignorantly taken to be mere railery, but the attentive and candid reader
will find the reason, merely in the fact of the person preaching within, or supporting
the Sfate-supported Church, which claimed all men wicked as well as righteous as
members, and persecuted all who dissented from it. Precisely the same reasoning
applied to the Independent Ministers who accepted State aid and joined with the
Presbyterians on the New England model of Independency,
t MS. Minutes of. Yearly Meeting.
527
irritation caused by the appointment of the new officers "to
advise" the Ministers, may perhaps be traced in the record
of the fact, that some, " instead of preaching the Gospel,
preach their own resentments."* In 1735, the Yearly
Meeting decided that the Ministers' Meetings had " no
right to disown any minister or other person in any capacity
whatsoever."
In 1738, a manuscript book of Eules for the conduct and
guidance of the churches, was sent down from the Yearly
Meeting to each Quarterly Meeting, consisting of quotations
from its minutes and "Christian and brotherly advices
given forth from time to time by the Yearly Meetings in
London, alphabetically digested under proper heads." This
was the commencement of the present " Book of Extracts,"
and is the starting point of a new era in the history of the
Society.
The high ideal of "the kingdom of Christ " upon earth,
as exercised by the members of His mystical body, had
become in sober fact, more than ever "a kingdom of
this world," and from henceforth, the secularization of
the Society rapidly increased. They had so much work
to do within their borders, that any aggressive action for the
spread of simple Christianity in the world was almost
impossible, and their new organization rendered the Society
comparatively unfit to cope with the changing circumstances
of the country. In 1752, the Yearly Meeting urged the
appointment of "Overseers of the flock," who are " intreated
to enter into and discharge this labour with a ready hand."
In early times, the preliminary dealing with delinquents had
been largely left to the Ministers who were "Overseers of
the flock;" now, the work is taken from them, and handed
over to secular officers who will perform it in a more
* Minutes of Yearly Meeting.
523
summary manner. From this period we find a method of
dealing with delinquents, which appears to have had more
of legal severity than of Gospel tenderness. The Society
was now to be reformed, by the ejection from it of a large
number of members who had not sufficiently profited by their
birthright in it. In 1753, the organization of Ministers' and
Elders' Meetings was completed, by a central Yearly Meeting
of Ministers and Elders being appointed in London for the
first time. Sympathising with the desire for the regeneration
of the Society by means of a more elaborate and powerful
discipline, the women asked for a central synod, to assist in
"the needful reformation and regulation in our discipline."
There was, they stated, "a noble spirited remnant of our
sex raised up," who would help the church in its difficulties.
And in 1766, a Yearly Meeting of Women Friends was
again proposed, but declined, owing to the doubt whether
there were a number large enough and "of sufficient
abilities to carry on so weighty and important a work." The
lady Friends persevered in their determination to obtain the
power they desired, and it was finally constituted in 1784.
In 1764, the subject of admission to Membership was con-
sidered by a Committee of the Yearly Meeting. The only
result of this Committee was negative. The re-assertion of
the necessity of a public profession of faith in Christ, and an
examination by the Church whether or no the walk of the
applicants was agreeable to their profession, was not thought
needful ; but merely " innocency of life and conversation,"
and " convincement of the truth of our religious principles,"
instead of the "conversion" of heart and faith in Christ,
insisted on in early times,* The idea that the principles
* See " An Epistle to Friends, showing the great difference between a convinced
estate and a converted estate, and between the profession of the 3?rnth and the
possession of it." By John Banks, 1693. See page 361 of this work.
529
of the New Testament should be consulted in the reconstruc-
tion of the Society, seems hardly to have occurred to the
generation which effected it; and so loosely denned were the
duties and responsibilities of the new "Elders" and' 'Over-
seers,"* that in 1789, enquiry was made from Warwickshire
Quarterly Meeting, held at Birmingham, whether " the
office of "Elder" and "Overseer" be one and the same under
different appellations, or two distinct services; or whether
Overseers (under that appointment only) are members of
the Meetings of Ministers and Elders; "for," said they, "it
is the unanimous sense and judgment of this meeting, that
it is highly requisite that such Friends as are appointed to
responsible stations in the religious Society of Friends (the
word "church" is noticed to have become obsolete) to
understand fully and explicitly the purposes of tlieir appoint-
ment 1" This was answered by a reference to former
minutes, which, as we have already seen, still imperfectly
described the duties of these officers, and did not make
them strictly accountable to the church for performing their
duties wisely and well, nor did it provide for a frequent re-
election.
The measures of reform which were then taken by the
Society of Friends, may, in their practical effects, be thus
shortly described. The strength of the early Society of
Friends, as a Church, consisted in the full recognition of a
most important principle, acknowledged by all the voluntary
churches in the Commonwealth times; viz., the free develop-
ment of the gifts of the members of a church in preaching
the gospel. The scriptural principle of "the ordination of
Ministers," according to Fox, consisted in " God choosing
His own Ministers Himself." The Church did not appoint
* They were eventually made life officers.
530
Ministers, but simply assumed a power of judging whether
this or that man was or was not "called of God " to preach
His gospel, and he exercised his office with the approval
of the Church, and was strictly accountable to it.
The time and place of its exercise were arranged by
the Ministers among themselves; the oversight of the
ministry, and the entire arrangements of religious worship
and instruction rested, subject to the approval of the
Church, in their hands. The employment of what Kichard
Claridge when a Baptist, calls " mechanick preachers,"
the recognition of the principle that a man may follow a
secular trade, and yet possess the "gift" of preaching as
opposed to " the art of preaching" without the gift,* has been
universally attended by the difficulty of directing and control-
ling such a band of men and applying their labour in quarters
where it is likely to be successful. England has produced
one "converted Tinker," whose ministrations-, crystallized as
it were, in the form of his " Pilgrim's Progress," still tend
to the delight and profit of both the highly cultivated and
the most ignorant; but it is not every tinker who is a
Bunyan. But it would be entirely contrary to the experience
of the Christian church, to conclude that it is desirable to
shut out persons who follow a trade and like the Apostles
labour with their hands, from ministering to those whose
education and habits of thought fit them to receive benefit
from their ministrations. The great danger of the Christ-
ian Church has not arisen from the use of such preachers,
but from the tendency of a professionally-educated ministry
to develope something of a hierarchical character, unless
their election rests entirely with the Christian people.
The case of the Society of Friends is that of a gradual
failure to carry out satisfactorily and permanently such
* See " A Plea for Mechanic Preachers," &c, 1727.
531
a scheme of "lay" preaching, and provide by it for all
the needs of their churches. But this partial failure is one
which rather points to the importance and absolute necessity
of such a Ministry to the Christian Church, and the possi-
bility of our receiving and applying the lesson so as to
provide for its perpetuation and increasing usefulness.
In 1681, certain members of the laity of the Church of
England published the following circular: — "We find that
divers and several of those people called Quakers are also
very good Christians, and preach true doctrine according to
Holy Scripture ; and we therefore declare that it is our
opinion that such a voluntary ministry, to preach on free
cost as aforesaid, is of excellent use and exceeding necessary
to be allowed of in the. Church of England, not only in
preaching to poor people in poor tabernacles, who cannot
pay anything sufficiently to maintain a ministry, nor yet
get pews in their parish churches, but also it makes the
learned clergy to be the more sober and studious in their
places, and therefore we can think no other but that such
voluntary ministers are sent of God; for we remember the
Apostles were working men, of several trades as these are,
yet we do not believe God sent these to hinder the clergy of
maintenance, but only to season them as salt seasons meat.
In great parishes there is need to be at least two congrega-
tions ; the parish church for the orthodox minister and the
rich, and a tabernacle for the lay prophets and the poor."*
We have here the unprejudiced testimony of the value to
the country at large of the circulating or travelling Ministry
established and developed by Fox and the Early Friends.
As we have already explained, this was applied by the
machinery of the Ministers' Meeting.
In the records of the Ministers' Meeting in London, a letter
* Quoted in Dr. Waddington's "Congregational History," first edition, p. 615.
532
exists which throws the clearest light upon the effects of
the appointment of the new officers who were then appointed
to have the charge of the ministry, and who were eventually
called " Elders."*
An eminent Minister of the name of John Fry, of Sutton
Benge (who was appointed Clerk, or President, of the first
Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders constituted under
the new regime in 1754), and author of a number of works,
some of which reached a third edition, addressed a letter,
in 1765, to the "Morning Meeting of Ministers and Elders,"
which formed a kind of standing meeting of the Ministers
for the whole Society. He states, that he went at the usual
time to the London Ministers' Meeting on the First-day
morning, and found that not a single minister attended !
"I went away," he says, "disappointed and sorrowful,
reflecting on the flourishing state of that meeting when I first
attended it nearly forty years since (i.e. two years before
the introduction of lay ' Elders ' after the Presbyterian
model), when it consisted of Ministers only, who met together
with hearts full of concern for the edification of each other ;
and when any Friend found drawings of mind, or even a
freedom to go and sit in any (particular) meeting in the City
or near it, it was their frequent practice to call upon a
younger Minister to bear him company. Thus," he says,
"they were helped and encouraged to faithfulness according
to the measure of the gift received, to their great advantage
and improvement, and to the great comfort and joy of each
other, and then the least slight or mean esteem for each
other was scarce known among them ; but alas ! since
* Elders ' have been added as members of that meeting, to
assist, the end hath not been fully answered : perhaps from
* This word being used in distinct senses in the early and the modern Society, pro-
duces much confusion.
533
their being inexperienced in the various exercises and con-
flicts which young Ministers pass through in their first
engaging in .that solemn work, and therefore not capable of
sympathizing with them." He says, these new functionaries
" sometimes reproved too hastily," and that the younger
Ministers were exposed to hasty and uncalled for criticism,
and that persons who were " fond of" such a task " cannot
be right" themselves. The "love, harmony, and con-
descension of the greatest and worthiest " Ministers to "those
of low degree" and "small gifts," was admirable. "The
most favoured of the Lord," like the Apostle Paul, were apt
to think themselves "less than the least of all saints, and
were the most humble." " Then," he says, " the Church
edified itself in love, building one another up in the most
holy faith." Then the " numbers " of the Ministers
increased, and the meetings were attended " by a hopeful
succession," who received every "reasonable encouragement
from their elder brethren." Now there was " lukewarmness
and indifferency, with a want of love and brotherly affection,"
of "the charity which suffers long and is kind." These
fruits of the Spirit, he remarks, are not now always found
even among those " of religious sentiments, men of strict
integrity and of clear lives." Such men may also have clear
views of religious truth, but for all this, it does not follow
that they are "in that state baptized by one Spirit into the
one body of Christ." When this " one baptism is ex-
perienced," " membership in the one mystical body " of
Christ is attained, and " there will be a fervent labour and
travail of soul for every member in the body, for the least
as well as the greatest."
These newly appointed officers had "forgotten the express
terms of their appointment, viz., to help and encourage
young Ministers." Instead of this they reproved them in
534
"a mistaken zeal," without " sympathy;" and to this he
"attributes the present low state of your meeting." The
younger Ministers being thus treated, he says, will not
attend. There is " a state of infancy and childhood " even
in the ministry. This " church," he tells them, " was at
first gathered by a living and powerful ministry," and now
the Society and its rulers begin to think that "the situation
of things is altered, and that it can "now thrive and grow and
become fresh and green without it!" "Are we ashamed of
the foolishness of preaching which was so effectual in the
primitive times ?" he asks. "As in the Lord there is no
variableness neither shadow of turning," and as the Truth is
unchangeable, so the ivorh and operation of the Divine Spirit
must ever be the same in all ages, and attended with the same
effects, and leads to and qualifies for different services, as
ministry, exhortation, &c. If sympathy and encouragement
of the warmest kind be not extended to young Ministers,
and some of the deficiency of their ministry borne with,
" from whence," he asks, " is the church to be supplied with
able Ministers ? " The most eminent and the older Ministers
" are more qualified than "Elders" can be, "to strengthen
the weak and to lead " the younger Ministers forward, and
thus " the church would be supplied with able Ministers."
The younger Ministers would " come with pleasure to
receive any counsel which may be given them in love from
such persons," and thus " true love and perfect harmony
would be restored." Towards the close of this informing
letter he reminds them, that "as the harvest is truly great,
and thousands remain ungathered to the saving hiowledge of God,"
they should " pray the Lord of the harvest to send forth
more labourers into His vineyard." We find from the
reports of the Meeting of Ministers and Elders in London,
in 1757, that under the new system of government, the
535
Ministers were (in nearly all the Quarterly Meetings) very
"feiv," which fully confirms the foregoing statement.
In 1735, it had been ordered that the "Morning Meeting"
(i.e., the central and standing meeting of Ministers and
Elders) or any other such meeting, "had power, without being
accountable to any Monthly or Quarterly Meeting, to advise,
exhort, or rebuke any Minister;" a measure which virtually
placed all the Ministers of the Society under the control of
the Lay Elders, who soon greatly exceeded the total number of
Ministers to be overseen. No church officers could have been
more worthy of the trust and confidence of the Church, than
Ministers who, during the period of which we are speaking,
supported themselves for the most part by their own labour,
and only asked from the Church a bare support during the
period in which they travelled from church to church. They
could truly say, " We seek not yours, but you." It was
obviously impossible for the Ministers to object to the Elders
who were appointed to oversee them, and such a circum-
stance as the suspension of an Elder from his office for the
improper execution of his functions, was almost unknown.
The opinions of men will always differ as to the value, or
concerning the character of the sermons they hear, and
there are few of the most gifted preachers who would be
prepared to accept the opinion of two or three practically
irresponsible persons instead of the whole body of Christian
people. These care-takers of the ministry were appointed
for life, except they happened to remove from one church to
another; and churches, except in cases of extreme miscon-
duct, in a Society with a hereditary membership, will always
support their officers, and in many cases the office itself was
in practice hereditary. It may be remarked, that since the
" liberty of prophesying " had been continued in this
Society to a greater extent than in any other of the
536
churches of the Commonwealth, and any member had
perfect liberty to preach in their meetings for Divine
worship, it may readily be supposed that some special
control was needed over the exercise of this right — but
the whole of the evidence points rather to a want of
confidence in their Ministers, rather than any difficulty
on this head; and it will be observed that the tendency
of their legislation was to limit the functions of the
ministry, and to carry out the ideas of that section of the
Society in the times of Fox and the early preachers, who
denounced "Outward Teachers" and the Ministry as a
distinct office in the Church. In the history of the con-
troversy, previously described in chapters eighteen and
nineteen, it will be seen that at that early period the
founders of the Society were made aware of the danger of
ideas which inevitably led to a repudiation by the Church of
its natural and legitimate Church officers. Their theory
was that God would manifest to His Church, by the bestowal
of special gifts for its edification, the Church officers He
had chosen, and that the Church adopted them. The
slightest consideration will convince us that they were now
acting contrary to their principles. They were now in-
stituting an order of men and women to control and govern
their Ministers. These new officers had not received any
education which could give them greater theological know-
ledge. No presumption could exist of their possessing greater
religious experience. The Ministers had, to say the least,
made some sacrifices of their time and talents to promote
the cause of Christianity and increase the number of their
Church members — while, generally speaking, these men
had done nothing to entitle them to the extraordinary confi-
dence which the nature of their office implied. Surely this
was to carry the revolt against the pretensions of an
537
irresponsible and State supported priesthood to a point never
contemplated by the originators of the movement. Was
not this an error on the opposite side, which, if it were
generally carried out to its legitimate consequences, would
lead to results sufficiently, if not equally injurious to the
cause of Christ, as that which arms the Christian Minister
with priestly functions ? In 1783, it was suggested that
the nomination of Ministers and Elders should be taken out
of the hands of the Churches, and it was to originate in the
Meetings of Ministers and Elders, and then to be laid before
the Monthly Meeting ; and that instead of being responsible
to the congregation to which they belonged, the " queries,"
or questions of the Church to their Ministers and Elders,
were not to be answered before the Church to which they
were officers, but to the Quarterly Meeting, and thence to
the Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders, and from
this to the Yearly Meeting representing the Society.
These changes were eventually carried out in such a way
as to rob each particular meeting or congregation of the
direct power of choosing Church officers who were strictly
responsible to it, and who could be changed for others, or
even ejected by it at will, precisely as it was satisfied or
dissatisfied with their service, and with their successful
or unsuccessful management of the affairs of their Church ;
and, therefore, while it remained a Society representative
in its character, its Church officers became practically
irresponsible, unless some grave offence had been com-
mitted. The membership of the Church became a
strictly hereditary membership, and the lay eldership and
overseer ship was a kind of wedge which, gradually driven
home, separated the pastors and officers from their direct
relation to the people. With a representative and perfectly
democratic constitution, each church thus became very much
538
like a Constitutional State having a Parliament but no
responsible Ministry. The Church had a semblance of liberty,
but in some of the most important functions of a religious
society it was comparatively powerless. From this period,
the internal history of the Society of Friends is one which
cannot be contemplated without feelings of sincere regret.
Nothing could now be altered or changed. A hereditary
society, it was found, had hereditary views and feelings.
Its principles were not generally adopted by any process of
reasoning or conviction, or by the power of the Holy Spirit
bringing the mind to assent to the revealed truths of
Christianity. The same routine of Church Meetings, almost
exclusively occupied with secular matters, tended constantly
to educate a fresh generation of formalists ; and the earnest
and spiritually minded Christian Minister, who was anxious
for the reform of the particular congregation to which he
belonged, instead of being able to educate and receive as
Church members a new generation of young Christian
people who had been gathered and converted under his
preaching, and in whom, by God's blessing, he had suc-
ceeded in implanting a higher standard of Christian
action, soon found the hereditary system of membership
to be essentially conservative, and that a powerful minority
must always exist who clung with unreasoning tenacity
to whatever happened to be the existing custom and prac-
tice, ignoring the real Christian aim of those who instituted
it, although the great fundamental principles at stake might
have been carried out in an infinite variety of ways. Like
the gardens which were robbed of their beauty by the pro-
scription of flowers, so the Christian ministry was reduced
to a monotonous level, and less and less scope was given
to individual character and special Christian gifts.
The circumstance that the Society did not provide for the
539
theological training of its Ministers, doubtless originally
suggested the necessity of some of these arrangements.
But the remarks of Wesley, in his journal, when in Scot-
land, upon the Presbyterian polity, will show that this acute
and experienced observer detected the same points of
weakness in a system which provides an elaborate theo-
logical training for its Ministers. Wesley says : — " Monday,
28th, 1759. Lodging with a sensible man, I enquired
particularly into the present discipline of the Scotch
parishes. In one parish, it seems, there are twelve Ruling
Elders ; in another there are fourteen* And what are these ?
— men of great sense and deep experience ? Neither one
nor the other. But they are the richest men in the parish.
And are the richest of course the best and wisest men ?
Does the Bible teach this ? I fear not. What manner of
governors then will these be ? Why they are generally just
as capable of governing a parish, as of commanding an
army ! " It should be here said, that it is expressly stated
that " age and wealth " are not to be inducements to the
choice of Ruling Elders in the Society of Friends, and
there is nothing in the standards of the Presbyterian Church
which would directly produce such a result; but what is
here contended, is that Wesley's view, as to the true qualifi-
cation of Church officers being the qualification of being
" apt to teach," was sound and salutary, and that the
objections urged long ago by John Smyth of Amsterdam,
and Bishop Hall, to the principle of officering the church
with those who do not "labour," or "labour very much,"
in word and teaching, are founded upon a just view of the
nature and necessities of Christianity. — See Appendix.
* In one meeting of the Society of Friends, a few yeaxs ago, there were no fewer
than twenty-four Billing Elders, whose main duty consisted in the oversight of three
Ministers.
P P
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXII.
Bishop Hall, on Lay Elders.
The work by Bishop Hall, " Episcopacy by Divine Bight," London, 1640, was his
first work in the controversy on Episcopacy, in which Archbishop Usher was engaged,
and was rendered celebrated by the publication of a pamphlet written by five of the
Presbyterian or Puritan Divines, viz., Stephen Marshal, Edmund Calamy, Thomas
Young, Mathew Newcomen, and William Spurstow, and entitled " Smectymnus," a
word made up of the initial letters of their names. Milton threw himself into
the controversy, with his "Animadversions on the Bemonstrant Defence against
' Smectymnus,' " 1641, and " An Apology for ' Smectymnus,' " 1642.
Whatever weight may be attached to Bishop Hall's defence of Episcopacy, the follow-
ing remarks on the " Lay Elders " of the Presbyterian scheme of Church Government,
seem well worthy of attention. Part iii., pp. 5, 4 : — "Who ever spake or heard of a
Lay Presbyter in all the Church of God, until this age ? Calvin himself confesses
' that the Presbyters mentioned at Ephesus, and Titus i., 5, are none others than
doctors or teachers.' " At page 7, he challenges the production of the name of " one
Lay Presbyter that ever was in the Christian Church from the times of Christ and His
Apostles, until this present age." He remarks, page 11, that the true meaning of
1st Timothy, v., 17, viz., "Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double
honour, especially they who labour in the word and doctrine," is " a more intense and
serious labour in the same office," not "a several and distinct office;" and remarks,
" Never any expositor, for fifteen hundred years after Christ, took these Presbyters to
be any other than priests or ministers." Page 26, " Our late humorists give power of
excommunication to every parish Presbytery." Page 27, "How is it possibla that
spiritual food and teaching should be severed ? Who can feed the soul and not instruct
it ? " Page 28, ' ' This is as if every child should have two nurses, one to give it the
bib, another the breast ; one to hold the dish, and the other to put in the spoon 1 "
Page 29, ' ' He sees not why these good women, ' the widows,' should not put in for a
share in the parish Presbyteries, and chide with the Elders.'"
CHAPTEE XXIII.
The Effects of the Omission by the Society of Friends
of the Systematic Beading of the New Testament in
Public Worship. Secularization of the New-England
Theocracy by the Admission of "Nominal" or "Politi-
cal " Members, similar in its effects to the intro-
duction of "Birthright Membership" among the
" Friends." Becapitulation of the Effect of their
Internal Legislation. Ackworth School Founded.
Whitfield's Belations with the Society of Friends.
Their part in the Abolition of the Slave Trade and
Slavery. Their Advocacy of the Lancasterian School
System, Prison Beformation, the Amelioration of the
Criminal Code, and the Bible Society. The Society
decreases rapidly in numbers during this period.
It may be inquired, how was it that a Church, whose
founders considered that " this way of religion " was
" according to the Scriptures, and in the fulfilling of them
in doctrine, practice, and conversation," and that "the
ministry, ordinances, Church government and discipline "
of the early Society were "in the same power and Spirit,
and by the example of the Apostles," could wander so far
from scriptural precedent as to its membership and Church
officers ? Owing to the circumstances described in the
earlier portion of these pages, the practical exclusion of
the reading of the New Testament Scriptures in the con-
gregation had been handed down from the period of John
541
Smyth, of Amsterdam. Its origin was a reaction against a
liturgy, whose use was forced upon unwilling worshippers.
This reaction swept away in its violence that most salutary
practice of the Church of England, the systematic reading
of the Holy Scriptures. We have before observed* that its
omission in meetings for public worship was not peculiar
to the Society of Friends till the middle of the eighteenth
century. This omission of the systematic reading of the
Holy Scriptures in the church, among the Friends, gradu-
ally produced important consequences. As far as the duty
of the frequent private and family reading of the Holy
Scriptures was concerned, probably the members of few
churches were more exemplary; but the effect of this was
simply to call their attention to their private duty as Chris-
tians, while those portions of the New Testament which
relate to the membership and the officers of the Christian
Church, and to the duties of the Church in a corporate
capacity, were overlooked.
A curious historical parallel to the position in which the
Society of Friends was now placed by the adoption of an
hereditary membership, is found in the state of the
semi-congregational churches in Massachusetts, formed by
a kind of compromise between the purely Independent
Church system of John Eobinson and the Pilgrim Fathers,
and the ideas of the Presbyterian or Puritan refugees from
persecution in England. These were the Churches who
persecuted the Friends and Baptists, and whose principles
led them to desire liberty of conscience for themselves, but
not for those who differed from them. In the fearful
persecutions of the Friends and Baptists, in New England,
the descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers appear to have had
* See pages 401 to 403.
542
little part ; and such part as the colony of Plymouth took,
must be laid not to John Kobinson's principles, but to the
way in which the Independents became gradually incorpo-
rated with the Boston State Church Government.* The
New England churches were in name Independent, but
they were not the exponents of pure Independency, but of
the views of the Puritan portion of the Anglican Church.
They endeavoured, as we have already explained, to carry
out Calvin's idea of a theocracy. They enacted that " none
should have the rights of freemen who were not members of
some regularly established Church." This, we are told,
" continually exerted a secularising influence in regard to
religion, on the minds of the truly pious, by causing a
religious character and profession to be habitually viewed as a
means of enjoying civil privileges."
"In the next place, notwithstanding the strictness of the
examination of candidates for church privileges at that
period (about 1662), there can be no doubt that the
regulation brought into the Church numbers, continually
increasing, who entered it, not from a simple regard to the
institutions of Christ and the welfare of His spiritual king-
dom, but from selfish and mercenary motives — for the sake
of secular advantages connected with Church membership : "
* The Independent Churches at Plymouth appear, to a considerable extent, to have
maintained their principles. Edward Winslow says, in 1646, that they " do not
exercise the civil sword against those who differ from them, if Christian in their life,"
but against " evil doers," and not against " tender consciences, who follow the light of
God's Word. — ' ' Hypocrisy Unmasked, " London, p. 101. But they appear, even at this
period, to be wavering, and Edward Winslow complains " that the government of
Plymouth, to our great grief, have only stirred up the Elders of the Church to deal
with a pastor" — and "divers of his congregation who approve the said pastor" —
"who waiveth the administration of baptism to infants." In 1656, the Plymouth
authorities made a law, that every person who entertains Quakers is to be fined £5, or
to be whipped at Plymouth. In 1658, Culworth and Hatherley, magistrates at Scituate,
entertained Quakers and were deposed. In 1659, the Plymouth people were not severe.
— See Bowden's "History of American Friends."
543
and the result was that, " the religion of the heart " was
more and more "neglected;" the means of grace were
applied with less and less fidelity, and the influences of the
Spirit were withdrawn." They had originally two classes
of members, nominal or political members, and " qualified
members;" but the effect was, that " the nominal or simply
political members gained the ascendency." * Mather says
that, " if the apostacy should proceed as fast for the next
thirty years as it has done the last, surely it will come to
this, that in New England the most conscientious people
therein will think themselves to gather churches out of
churches!" It will be seen that the strictness of their
views respecting Church membership, was in this case
broken down by the political necessities of the country
absolutely requiring that persons not ready to take up
their membership in the churches, should not be disfran-
chised as respects their civil rights; and rather than give
up their idea of a practical Theocracy, and the complete
identity of Church and State, they were compelled to con-
nive at the introduction of improperly qualified Church
members, till their Church membership became practically
a birthright.
The same position of affairs was brought about in the
Society of Friends by widely different means ; but the
secularization was effected on a principle substantially
the same.
The Kingdom of Christ being represented on earth by
the Church, and the Church being competent to exercise
all the secular government needful to Christians, who could
refrain from desiring that " the seed of the faithful " should
be early brought under so desirable a government ? In the
* Wisner, quoted by Dr. Waddington. — See " Congregational History," pp. 654, 655.
544
case of the Society of Friends, all who were born into it
became eventually entitled to the civil privileges of the
theocracy, while, at the same time, strong motives existed
for the expulsion of the unworthy. In the New England
theocracy the tendency was to diminish a dissatisfied class,
who, while they remained excluded from membership, were
debarred the privileges of citizenship, to the injury of the State,
and to render the Church co -extensive with the State, by
the comprehension of persons worthy to possess State rights,
but unworthy to be received as Church members. They thus
endeavoured to make the Church and the State co-extensive.
The same result was virtually attempted to be accomplished,
by the institution of " Birthright Membership," combined
with a careful religious training, in the Society of Friends.
The course of events in the Society of Friends, up to
this period, may be therefore briefly recapitulated. First,
the application of a wise and salutary Church govern-
ment to matters purely civil and beyond its province, and
the prominence thereby given to secular gifts in contra-
distinction to purely Christian gifts — " gifts of grace."
Secondly, the non-adoption of the practice of our Lord
and the Primitive Church (which the Society professed
to copy) of the public reading of the Holy Scriptures in
the church. By this accidental omission in their polity,
encouragement was given to a purely mystical tendency
to press the true and scriptural doctrine of the personal
teaching of the Holy Spirit beyond the limits assigned
to it in Holy Scripture. Not only was Christ in the
Person of the Holy Ghost believed in as a real Teacher,
Guide, and Comforter, dwelling in the heart of the Christian,
and also from time to time appearing in the hearts of the
ungodly as the "Light of the world," and the " Light of
life " to lead them to heaven, but he was declared to be a
545
teacher of those things outwardly revealed in Holy Scripture,
which Christ had already personally taught and committed
to Christian men to teach; but a contrast was drawn between
the " teaching of men " and the teaching of " God alone."
In words this resembled the utterances of the Early Friends,
but was in meaning diametrically opposite. In the one
case, it was the denial of the necessity of all human
teaching, which necessarily destroyed the importance of the
ministry of the Gospel, and led to the depreciation of all
human learning. In the other case, that of the Early
Friends, it was the denial of the Christian "gift of teach-
ing " to unregenerate men.
The omission of the practice of the reading of Holy
Scripture in the Church, tended also to cause the full
acknowledgment of the Christian gift of " teaching " by
the founders of the Society* to be forgotten. The gift
of prophesying, or speaking to the edification, exhortation,
and comfort of believers, under those warm feelings of
Christian love, which from time to time the Holy Spirit
raises in the hearts of Christians towards Christians,
was at last looked upon as the only true ministry under
the Gospel dispensation. The denial of the gift of
teaching, or the declaration of the nature of the Christ-
ian religion to the world, by those who felt they were
called by God to the work, necessarily followed. Under
these circumstances, less and less attention to the close
study of the Holy Scriptures was given by the ministers f
of the Society, while the question, whether it was the will
of the Holy Spirit that they should preach at a particular
* See p. 435.
t They were' advised, in 1728, to " keep to the form of sound words, or Scripture
terms, and that none pretend to be wise above that which is written ; and in such
pretended wisdom, go about to explain the things of God."
546
moment, assumed increasing importance.* Hence arose
preaching, which was spoken of by the Church itself as
that which was calculated to bring Christianity into
" contempt." The amount of preaching was thus neces-
sarily reduced to a minimum.
The object of Fox had been to extend and develope a
system which should provide for the utmost possible
extension of lay preaching, and its organization and dis-
tribution after the fashion of a Methodist " plan." The
withdrawal of the Society from its position of a Home
Missionary Church was seen to be necessary, when Ministers,
who held that they were sent of God to preach His Gospel,
no longer reflected the same credit upon their holy calling
which they did in earlier times. f
We have seen that the measures taken to remedy the evil
were two-fold. The first was the exercise of a minute,
doctrinal, and practical oversight of the Ministers by a class
of officers developed by a Church which legislated elaborately
upon civil matters. The particular churches then aban-
doned without a struggle, to a large extent, both the choice
and the control of their Ministers. Instead of either putting
confidence in their legitimate Church officers, whom they
* Such was the development of the idea of a "prophetical" ministry, that in the year
1750, in a work written expressly for the instruction of young ministers, the following
description of a minister's duty is given: — "Now, a spiritual minister is, and ought
every day to be, hke blank paper, when he comes into the assembly of the Lord's
people." " The danger of borrowing may lie as near, respecting the Scriptures of the
Old and New Testaments, as with any other book that may affect our minds, as what
we have before heard," i.e. , from other ministers. " For it is no more lawful for us to
preach what we have read, because we have read it, than it is for us to preach what we
have heard because we have heard it." — "A Description of the Qualifications of a Gospel
Minister," by Samuel Bownas. This minister states elsewhere that he once took out
his Bible at a public meeting, and was astonished at the good effect it had on hia
hearers.
t See pp. 526, 530, and 531.
547
held to be called of God, or superseding them, they trusted
a class of persons who had neither greater knowledge,
greater spiritual gifts, nor greater zeal for the propagation
of the Christian religion to oversee them, and with results
which may be described as simply disastrous. We have
seen that this Church commenced with a scriptural and
rational system of membership, which was maintained with
the utmost strictness. The practical maintenance, however,
of a secular government, taking cognizance of the minutest
matters, not only robbed this of its spiritual significance,
but led to a secular definition of membership, and eventually to
a Birthright Membership, which made the Friends, accord-
ing to the definition of one of the founders of their Body,
only " a part of the World " separated by education and
peculiar usages. They were no longer persons who professed
that their " Faith stood in the power of God;" that they
were " in possession " of this " Gospel " by true conversion
of heart, and had become members of a particular Christian
Society, because they wished harmoniously to propagate the
Christian religion, and to uphold the New Testament ideal
of a working Church, showing forth the practical effects of
the Christian religion in its spirituality, purity and power.
A Birthright Membership led to a widely-spread weakness
and corruption. They endeavoured to remedy this, not by
Christian teaching in the way Christ had expressly com-
manded, but on the one hand by strictly expelling all those
who were disorderly walkers; those who married out of
the Society, and those persons who did not exactly
comply with the rules of the Church ; and on the other
by giving a sound secular and religious education (as far
as it was possible in the nature of things for the Society
to enforce it) to every child who was deemed a member of
the Society. The necessary effect of these measures was —