UCSB LIBRARY 
 
 MR. HILLHOUSE'S SPEECH 
 
 RESOLUTION TO REPEAL THE EMBARGO, 
 
 NOVEMBER 29, 1808. 
 
 MR. 
 
 WHEN I offered the resolution for a removal of 
 the embargo, and submitted my remarks to the senate, I was im- 
 pressed with serious apprehensions for our country's welfare, on 
 account of the embarrassments so forcibly described, and which have; 
 been painted in such vivid colours by the gentleman from Virginia. 
 [Mr. Giles.] It was because I felt anxious that we should extricate 
 ourselves as soon as possible from those embarrassments, that I 
 came forward thus early with my resolution. I had been led to 
 believe, and still believe, that the way to extricate ourselves is, to 
 explore the causes of .our difficulties, to examine into the truth of 
 facts, and to have a candid and impartial inquiry into the policy and 
 expediency of our present measures ; that if unfortunately we should 
 be found in an error, we may retrace our steps, and not by an ob- 
 stinate perseverance therein, involve our country in ruin. Little 
 did I expect that I should be charged with having proposed a tame 
 submission to foreign aggression, or a disposition to abandon our 
 neutral rights, or surrend r the independence of my country ; much, 
 less with having forgotten the spirit and policy of '76, which carried 
 us safely through the revolution, and achieved- our independence. 
 I confined myself to general remarks, and was not perhaps so 
 particular as I ought to have been, to make myself understood. I 
 shall therefore now take the liberty of stating what were the spirit 
 and policy of '76 ; and I shall be able to shew, from public docu- 
 ments and records, that as long as that spirit and policy were pur- 
 sued, they secured us in the enjoyment of our independence, and
 
 2 
 
 caused our maritime and other rights to be respected. Unfortu- 
 nately for our country, it was a departure from that policy that has 
 brought us into our present situation. It is not surprising that 
 many mistakes should be made respecting the sjiirit and fiolicy qf' 
 '76, by those who must have derived their information from tradi- 
 tion, and not from their own personal observation. I have noticed 
 that many of those who say the most on that subject, were either 
 not born, or were in their cradles, or have since migrated to the 
 United States, to enjoy the fruits and blessings of that revolution. 
 
 The patriots and statesmen who guided our public councils at 
 the commencement of the revolution, believing our rights were 
 invaded, and our liberties endangered by the arbitrary and unwar- 
 rantable claims of the British parliament, resorted first to respect- 
 ful petitions and remonstrances, to induce the British government 
 to abandon their unjust claims, and adopt such measures as would 
 secure our rights and liberties. But when these means were found 
 to be ineffectual, they nobly dared to make their appeal to arms, and 
 to declare themselves a free and independent nation : and though 
 we were without a regular organized government, and had neither 
 army nor navy, they dared, in defence of their just rights, to wage 
 war with a powerful nation. They did not tell us that we must 
 abandon our right to navigate the ocean, or yield up any other 
 right because of surrounding dangers. The maxims then were, that 
 rig/its, which were not worth defending, were no rights: that to be 
 res/iecled) we must convince others that we would not tamely submit 
 to insult ; and that to preserve peace we must be prepared for tvar. 
 This spirit and policy carried us safely through the revolutionary 
 Avar, established our independence, and secured our national sove- 
 reignty ; one essential attribute of which is, the right to navigate 
 the ocean. In 1783 we obtained an honourable peace. In 1793, 
 \v ar having commenced between France and England, our mari- 
 time rights were invaded by the latter, and our vessels were cap- 
 tured and condemned under the memorable November orders. An 
 attempt was then made to introduce the same policy to defend our 
 rights and vindicate our honour, which is now, and for some time 
 has been, in the flood tide of experiment. The famous resolution* 
 proposing duties of discrimination between foreign nations, the en- 
 tering into a commercial warfare with England, and propositions 
 for a non-intercourse la~i\ and sequestration of British debts, will be 
 remembered. The journals of that session of congress contain a 
 record of them, and will shew who were the fn ends and advocates 
 of that policy. 
 
 Fortunately for the nation, we then had a chief magistrate whe 
 was actuated by the .s/;mV, and well knew, and was determined t 
 pursue the policy of '76. He boldly came forward, and put an end 
 to all those projects, by nominating an envoy extraordinary to the 
 court of Great Britain, to remonstrate against the wrongs, and de- 
 mand satisfaction for the injuries we had sustained. That minister
 
 vifas not sent out with a non-imfiortation or a non-infercourse act iu 
 his hand ; which the president well knew would have been under- 
 stood and considered by Great Britain in the nature of a threat, or 
 an attempt to coerce ; and would defeat the object of the mission. 
 He was in reality sent with the olive branch on the principle of a 
 fair and honourable negotiation. 
 
 In the mean time, knowing that a failure of the negotiation must 
 result in war, or an abandonment of our rights, every preparation 
 to meet the event, which it was in the power of the country to 
 make, was made. Laws were passed for fortifying our ports and 
 harbors ; to provide a navy ; to erect arsenals and provide magazines ; 
 for raising artillerists and engineers ; for directing a detachment 
 from the militia ; to prohibit the exportation of arms and ammuni- 
 tion, and to encourage the importation of the same ; to build or pur- 
 chase vessels to be armed and equipped as gallies or otherwise; and 
 for making further and more effectual provision for the protection 
 of the frontiers of the United States. These several acts were pas- 
 sed in the short space of about ten weeks ; and not only found their 
 way into the statute book, but were promptly carried into execu- 
 tion: and being laws of a mere municipal nature, providing for our 
 internal security and defence, they gave no umbrage to Great Bri- 
 tain. Yet they spoke a language she well understood. What was 
 the consequence ? Great Britain admitted our claim, revoked her 
 orders, and made satisfaction for the injury ; and a treaty was con- 
 cluded, under which our citizens have received millions of dollars 
 for the losses they sustained by the capture and condemnation of 
 their vessels ; and since it went into operation, as the gentleman 
 from Virginia candidly admits, the United States have enjoyed un- 
 exampled prosperity. 
 
 France, still at war with England, had expected that the differen- 
 ces between England and the United States, would involve the two 
 countries in war. Dissatisfied, therefore, with the treaty, France 
 manifested an unfriendly disposition towards our government. In 
 1797, the spoliations committed under the outrageous decrees of 
 France, were such as could no longer be tolerated consistently with 
 our national honour and interest : and the French government had 
 moreover refused to receive our minister. 
 
 It was once more fortunate for the nation, that our then chief ma- 
 gistrate, and the councils of our country, were still under the influ- 
 ence and guidance of the spirit and policy of '76. Envoys extraordi- 
 nary were sent to remonstrate against the injuries we were suffering, 
 and to demand satisfaction : not accompanied by non-importation 
 laws, or any other acts or resolutions which could wound the pride 
 of that nation: at the same time congress provided means of de- 
 fence ; so that the nation might be prepared to avenge its wrongs, 
 arid vindicate its honor, in case of refusal, on the part of France, 
 to do us justice. Laws were passed, prohibiting the exportation 
 'yf arms and ammunition, and for encouraging the importation there,-
 
 of; to provide for the defence of the ports and harbours of the Uniteci 
 States; to authorize a detachment from the militia, and to provide 
 a naval armament. 
 
 France did refuse to treat, and rejected our ministers. What was 
 the result ? n r )t long, detailed diplomatic correspondences, further re- 
 monstrances, and paper resolutions : a negotiation of a different na- 
 ture commenced; we spoke a language not to be misunderstood : 
 >ve spoke from the mouth of the cannon. Our treaties with her 
 were annulled; all intercourse prohibited; our merchant vessels 
 authorized to arm, and defend themselves againt French privateers ; 
 an army was raised; and our little navy equipped, manned, and 
 sent out to protect our commerce, and capture the armed vessels 
 of France. A war, not of offence, but deft-nee, was commenced. Na- 
 val conflicts soon ensued, and a French frigate was taken, after a 
 hard fought battle, by an American frigate commanded by the gal- 
 lant Truxton. The French privateers and piratical boats, which 
 had annoyed our trade, were swept from the ocean ; our commerce 
 resumed its wonted activity, and our vessels again navigated in 
 safety every sea. What was the conduct of France? a declaration of 
 war? far from it. Though she had before treated us with indignity, 
 the manly attitude we assumed, in defence of our rights and national 
 honor, commanded her respect ; and she proposed and entered into 
 a negotiation, which ended in a treaty, that was ratified by both 
 governments, and was finally promulgated by a proclamation of 
 the president of the United States, on the 21st of December, 1801. 
 At this period the American flag was respected in every sea, and 
 the American name and character were honored by all nations. 
 
 Since that period, unfortunately for our country, a different poli- 
 cy has prevailed in its public councils, founded no doubt on the idea 
 "that a just nation is trusted on its word; while wars are only 
 necessary to nations of an opposite character." A policy calculated 
 on to save the necessity of ships of war., and exactly comporting 
 vrith some of the modern ideas of economy. In pursuance of this 
 policy, our navy has been suffered to decline; and some of our 
 ships have, for years, been moored to rot in the mud of the Eastern 
 Branch of the Potomac. 
 
 Many efforts have been made, but in vain, for removing our little 
 fleet into the salt water, to protect our commerce, at least on out- 
 coast; and to secure us from being insulted, within our own juris- 
 diction, by the armed vessels of the belligerents. We were told 
 that if our ships went out, and should meet with foreign vessels 
 depredating on our commerce, or insulting our government, they 
 ivould^A/, and we should have war. That our ships would fight, 
 on proper occasions, I have no doubt. 
 
 Though the discouragements which have been thrown in the way 
 of our naval prosperity have greatly tended to depress the martial 
 spirit, it still exists, and if an opportunity presents will be drawn 
 forth into action. Believing this, I confidently rely on our being
 
 ultimately able to extricate ourselves from the perplexing and dis- 
 tressing situation described by the gc; t'eman from Virginia. Thai 
 this opinion is correct, the conduct of our naval force in the Medi- 
 terranean sea, furnishes ample proof. The war with Tripoli has 
 afforded the only active and hcnorablf employment which our navy 
 has had since the treaty with France; and in which the gallant 
 deeds of our little band of heroes, deeds worthy of the American 
 name and character, have commanded the admiration and applause 
 of surrounding nations ; and the recollection thereof will be cherish- 
 ed by the American peopie, when yonder marble monument, erect- 
 ed in honor of those heroes who fell before Tripoli, shall be moul- 
 dered into dust. 
 
 The question recurs, what is the cause of our present embar- 
 rassments ? what has brought us into our present sad dilemma ? for 
 a sad one it is, if it be true, that we are reduced to the alternative 
 of a war with both belligerents, or the continuance of the present 
 embargo system. Surely they could not have originated in party 
 newspaper publications, or the electioneering squabbles of the ins 
 and the outs The effects of these are greatly over-rated. Though 
 they produce much excitement and noise here, they make but a 
 small impression on the other side of the water. The public do- 
 cuments on our table, those furnished last session of congress, and 
 information in possession of the senate, shew that our difficulties 
 arise from our having forsaken the &jtirit, and departed from the 
 policy of '76 ; and, in lieu thereof, adopted that retiring policy 
 which recommends the abandonment of our right to navigate the 
 ocean, because our commerce is exposed to danger from the illegal 
 attacks and depredations of the belligerent powers. The spirit of 
 '76 induced us to face danger, to secure that right : and would not 
 the same ttjiirit prompt us to hazard something in its defence ? 
 
 It is a painful task to me to undertake to point out the impolicy 
 and impropriety of our present system of measures ; but I see no 
 other way of avoiding those evils which the gentleman from Vir- 
 ginia has so forcibly described (to remove which I would most cor- 
 dially co-operate) or to effect that union in our public councils, which 
 he so ardently desires, and which I most devoutly wish for, than by 
 going into the inquiry, to discover where the error lies. 
 
 I shall go no further back than to 1806, the date of the memorials of 
 the merchants of New Haven, and the great cities and towns on the sea 
 coast, now introduced by the gentleman from Kentucky. [Mr. Pope.} 
 They complained of aggressions on their commerce by Great Bri- 
 tain, and prayed that the protecting arm of government might be 
 extended for their relief. The Boston memorial suggested a spe- 
 cial mission. They expected, no doubt, that the envoy would be 
 sent, as heretofore, to attempt a friendly negotiation of differences ; 
 not to hold out a non-importation act for an olive branch, or to be 
 bound by instructions to demand, as an ultimatum, that the Ameri- 
 can flag should protect all persons on board our merchant vessels ;
 
 6 
 
 which the British government contended could net be granted, be- 
 cause they said it would tend to unman their navy, and cripple that 
 important means .f defence against a powerful and enraged foe : 
 and as they disclaimed all right of impressing American seamen, 
 they supposed that our claim, in its utmost extent, might be con- 
 sidered a measure calculated to withdraw from their service their 
 wn seamen, rather than to protect real American seamen. This 
 had been the subject of negotiation, as well under the former, as 
 the present administration, and the point had been pressed as far 
 as could be of any avail. The like answer was given to both ad- 
 ministrations : the principle cannot be admitted. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia has read a resolution, declaring 
 there had been a violation of our neutral rights, and an encroach- 
 ment upon onr national independence, by the capture and condem- 
 nation of our vessels under the orders of the British government ; 
 which resolution passed in February, 1806, by the unanimous vote 
 of the senate : a vote that does honor to that body, as it exhibits to 
 the nation, and to the world, that whatever may be the collision of 
 party on subjects of minor importance, whenever it is a question, 
 in regard to the defence of our own rights, and the interest of ayb- 
 reign flower, we are an undivided ficofile. Yet notwithstanding 
 this unanimous expression of the opinion of the senate, and the ap- 
 pointment of an envoy, which took place at this time, no measures 
 of defence were adopted. A.non-imfiortation act was passed and relied 
 upon for maintaining our claims ; this was declared in public de- 
 bate ; and being made known could not be concealed. It was waft- 
 ed to England before our envoy could reach her shores. So far 
 from being able to use that act for the purpose of enforcing our 
 claims ; to prevent its being an insuperable bar to negotiation, our 
 ministers inform the secretary of state, in their letter of Septem- 
 ber 11, 1806, that in speaking to the British minister of that act, 
 they mentioned it in these terms : " after a short vindication of 
 the act, in the course of which we did not omit to represent it in 
 connection with the special mission which grew out of it, as 
 manifesting the friendly sentiments and views of our government 
 towards that of his majesty." 
 
 Although the mission failed of success, have we not reason to 
 believe, from the documents laid before congress, that if the in- 
 structions had been as liberal, and the negotiation had been conduct- 
 ed in the Kfiirit and policy of '76, as was that of 1794, which doubt- 
 less v.-as expected by those merchants, it would have had a like fa- 
 vorable termination ? an intimation having been previously given, 
 by the British minister, of a duftonlhn, which, in diplomatic pro- 
 ceedings, is nearly tantamount to a direct offer, to renew the for- 
 mer treaty (under which we had enjoyed ten years peace, and, to 
 use the expression of the gentleman from Virginia, unexampled 
 (irofijicriti/} to remain in force two years after the termination of 
 'he present war. The overture was not accepted ; from an appre.-
 
 hension, perhaps, that our dexterity in managing a negotiation, 
 aided by such measures as the present policy might dictate, would 
 enable us to obtain better terms. That the non-importation act did 
 not aid, but tended to obstruct, a friendly adjustment, is manifest 
 from the following note of lord Holland and lord Auckland, ad- 
 dressed to our ministers. 
 
 "DOWNING STREET, 
 
 " September 4, 1806. 
 rt GENTLEMEN, 
 
 " We have received a copy (sent by you at our request) of the 
 act of congress to prohibit, from and after the 15th of November, 
 the import into the territories of the United States, of a very large 
 description of goods, wares and merchandise, from any port or 
 place situated in Great Britain or Ireland. 
 
 " On a full consideration of that act, we think it our duty to ex- 
 press our earnest hope and expectation, that some means may be 
 found to suspend the execution of a measure so opposite, in its 
 temper and tendency, to the disposition and views with which our 
 pending negotiation has been commenced and is carrying on. 
 
 " The measure, unless suspended, will take e fleet, if not before 
 our discussions can be closed, at least before it is possible that their 
 result can be known in the United States ; and would obviously 
 lead to the necessity of proposing to parliament similar steps on the 
 part of this country, by which mutual irritation would be excited, 
 and fresh impediments created in the way of such a final adjust- 
 ment, as, we trust, is mutually desired. 
 
 " We rely on you for taking such immediate steps, in this busi- 
 ness, as may best contribute to a happy termination of our treaty, 
 and to a cordial and permanent friendship between his majesty's 
 subjects and the citizens of the United States. 
 " We have the honor to be 
 
 Your faithful humble servants, 
 
 "VASSAL HOLLAND, 
 " AUCKLAND." 
 
 Our ministers did recommend a suspension of the act and it was 
 accordingly suspended. 
 
 The effects usually produced by a policy which attempts to coerce 
 by threats- addressed to an independend power, were exemplified 
 in the correspondence of our minister at the court of Madrid, ap- 
 pointed soon after the commencement of the present administra- 
 tion. After protracted diplomatic discussions, in which our tifinis- 
 ter laboured to convince the SpanishEjovernment of the justice of 
 our claim, and the propriety of tldFfcteeding to it, and this ap- 
 peal to their reason had proved inettlHfeftlast attempt was made
 
 s 
 
 in a pompous gasconading note, in which (as well as I remember 
 from having heard the correspondence once read) our minister in- 
 formed the government of Spain, that the United States were a 
 great, powerful, and high spirited nation, who would not submit to 
 injury or insult , and concluded by telling the Spanish minister that 
 there were only two modes of settling Controversies between na- 
 tions, arbitration or war. The Spanish minister returned for an- 
 swer, that the king his master had commanded him to inform the 
 American minister, he should not choose arbitration. 
 
 Thus has the matter rested, and our claims are still unsatisfied. 
 
 When it was discovered that the United States had abandoned 
 the spirit and policy of '76, and placed their dependence on acts of 
 congress, paper resolutions, and diplomatic remonstrances as their 
 system cf defence ; what was the consequence? repeated violations 
 of our neutral rights, and the capture and condemnation of our ves- 
 sels. Long and elaborate reasonings have been gone into, to estab- 
 lish our lights, and induce a change in the conduct of those powers, 
 and to cause them to respsct our rights : all to no purpose. Evils 
 have been accumulating upon us to that degree, that we are now 
 told, that, to save our independence and honor, and secure our 
 rights, we must agree to a continued embargo, " a permanent sus- 
 pension of commerce :" that is, to preserve our rights, we must 
 abandon them altogether. Logic this, which I do not understand. 
 If there be wisdom QY policy in the measure, it is beyond iny com- 
 prehension. Had this been the spirit and policy of '76, should we 
 ever have achieved our independence ? should we now occ py these 
 seats, under the constitution of the United States? our rights are 
 attacked on the ocean : we are called upon to abandon them. If 
 our shores should be invaded, would not this retiring policy invite 
 us to flee to the mountains ? 
 
 On my mind there rests not the smallest doubt, that if our pub- 
 lic councils had been undeviatingly guided by the spirit and policy 
 of '76, we should neither have had war, nor been under the neces- 
 sity, in obedience to our own laws, of abandoning the ocean, and 
 submitting to the loss of a commerce second only in importance to 
 that of any nation on the face of the globe : whereby we are called 
 upon to make a sacrijice of property greater than the ivhole expense 
 of all the armaments and other defensive measures, adopted under 
 both the former administrations, for the protection of our com- 
 merce, and the vindication of our national honor. In point of real 
 economy, then, we are losers to a -vast amount : and to what extent 
 these privations and sufferings are to be carried, and how'long to be 
 continued, cannot be foreseen. 
 
 Gentlemen, who oppose the repeal of the embargo, tell us 
 that Great Britain has obtained the complete dominion of the sea ; 
 that she is proud, haughty, avaricious ; and that her object is to ob- 
 tain the commerce and carrying trade of the world. After having 
 secured the quiet possession thereof, will she peaceably suffer us to-
 
 become her rivals ? Will she not tell us, you voluntarily abaix* 
 <loned,and shall not again resume them ? and would it not be attend- 
 ed with more danger, expense, and difficulty to regain them, than 
 to hold fast the possession ? 
 
 In vain should we address her from that retirement recommend- 
 ed by the gentleman from Virginia, as dignified; a retirement in 
 which would be dissipated the resources and wealth of the nation. 
 In vain, I say, should we address her with arguments the most for- 
 cible to prove our right to navigate the ocean. In vain should we 
 ask her consent, though we were to employ the persuasive elo- 
 quence of that gentleman, to permit us to resume our extended and 
 profitable commerce. We should come forth from our dignified re- 
 tirement under great disadvantages to commence a new conflict for 
 our right to navigate the ocean. The enemy with whom we shall 
 have to contend may have made peace with her rival, and we be 
 left alone to maintain the conflict. 
 
 Or perhaps we may have to contend with an enemy all powerful 
 on the land, and who may become formidable on the sea ; with a 
 power that has for a long time cast a wishful eye towards the fair 
 fields of America, and has almost kept up continual claim to a large 
 portion of the United States, which was once within her embrace, 
 and which was wrested from her by the war of 1756. Then may 
 we expV;~* to see adopted the ancient Roman policy the turning 
 out of th'- old proprietors of the soil to make way for military adven- 
 turers. 'Phen might Ate expect the feudal system in all its ancient 
 rigor. " 
 
 The g^tleman from Virginia has told us that his brother farmers 
 must raise less produce, and turn their surplus labor to improve 
 and beautify their farms. Is there not some danger that even this 
 may serve as a lure to tempt the cupidity of some foreign nation ; 
 and if the same timid, retiring policy should prevail, will they not 
 be emboldened to attempt to possess themselves of those very farms 
 and improvements ? Nor should we be secure, were we to assume 
 the savage garb and manner of life. Mr. President, if a conflict should 
 be necessary to maintain our right to navigate the ocean, I wish it 
 may happen while some of the revolutionary patriots of '76 are still 
 living, who can reanimate their countrymen with their sfiirit. Some 
 of the present generation may acquire that spirit by inheritance ; 
 but none, I fear, by education. 
 
 It has been insinuated more than once, that the opposition to the 
 present system of measures (and to that system no one has been 
 more opposed than myself) proceeds from fiarty feelings and disap- 
 pointed ambition. That this is unfounded, will appear by a resort to 
 the journals of congress, our statute book, and to well known pub- 
 lic transactions. At the commencement of the struggle for our 
 liberties and independence, from a full conviction of the rectitude 
 of the cause, I engaged on the side of our country, with the ardor 
 natural to a youthful mind. And those who know me best will 
 
 2
 
 10 
 
 not accuse me of having declined, through the -whole revolutionary 
 war, any exposure or sacrifice which the call of my country re- 
 quired. In 1794 I voted for all those efficient measures of de- 
 fence then adopted, and opposed the naper resolution policy then 
 brought forward, the same substantially which for some years has 
 been pursued, and is now urged upon us. In 1797-^8 I voted for 
 the naval and military preparations then made. Under the present 
 administration, I have uniformly voted for all such measures of de- 
 fence as appeared to me to have efficacy, or to comport with the 
 spirit and policy of '76 ; though the gentleman from Virginia 
 would seem to imagine I was smarting under the unpopularity of 
 my former votes for armies and navies ; measures which are sup- 
 posed to have gone far in effecting a change in the administration. 
 I am happy, however, in the reflection, that if those votes lost me 
 my popularity and political power, they contributed to save my 
 country's rights andhonor. I shall also be found uniformly to have 
 opposed a timid, humiliating policy, which must ever end in war, 
 or an abandonment of our nation's rights and hotter. A senator of 
 the United States is unworthy of that high and responsible station, 
 and to be entrusted with the destinies of his country, if, upon ques- 
 tions of great national importance, involving our rights, honor and 
 independence, his vote could be governed by his attachment or dis- 
 like to a chief magistrate, or others in power. 
 
 The gentleman from Kentucky, in referring to me, has used the 
 expression "the gentleman in opposition," meaning, I suppose, to 
 have it understood, that I am an opponer of the present administra- 
 tion. I do not admit that I am, or ever have been the opposer or 
 the./az>or//e of ,any administration. I avow myself to be the opposer 
 only of such measures as in my judgement will not promote the 
 public good. [Mr. Pope rose to explain, and said he meant only to 
 refer to the opposition of Mr. Hillhouse to the embargo.] Mr. H. 
 declared himself satisfied. 
 
 The gentleman from Kentucky has also announced (he does not 
 say officially) that the presidential electionering races for the pre- 
 sent season are over ; and calls upon the several riders to dismount 
 their hobbies ; not reflecting that I am not one of the jockey club nor 
 had a cttrd of invitation to the race ground, without which none 
 were admitted. Neither I, nor any member from Connec- 
 ticut, was invited to attend the famous caucus which was convened 
 for the purpose of manufacturing the great officers of state. We 
 were not emulous of that honor, being content with the mode point- 
 ed out by the constitution of the United States, for choosing presi- 
 dent and vice-president. j 
 
 To preserve our independence, and avoid tame submission, we are 
 gravely told by the gentleman from Virginia, and also in a report pro- 
 nounced by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. Smith) to be the 
 most luminous production ever submitted to congress, (the result 
 probably of the combined wisdom of the whole administration) that
 
 11 
 
 ^ there is no other alternative but war with both nations, or a contf- 
 nuance of the present system." The idea of going to war, at the 
 same time, with the two great belligerent powers, is as novel and 
 surprising to me, as the idea of a fiermancnt embargo for a measure 
 of & --fence. Suppose the warfare be on the land ; in what manner, 
 let me ask, would three belligerents, each hostile to the other, ar- 
 ray their forces fer action, and conduct the battle ? would it be in 
 the form of a triangle, each firing alternately, first on one enemy 
 and then on the other? or suppose the fleets of two of the bellige- 
 rents, say French and American, meet on the ocean ; and after a 
 bloody conflict, for I have no doubt both nations would fight brave- 
 ly, the American fleet, for I would always incline to our own side, 
 cripples and captures that of their enemy ; a British fleet then comes 
 up and takes both, though inferior perhaps, before the action, to 
 eithe: ? the idea is too ridiculous to merit serious attention. 
 
 When two nations have a common enemy, they are inclined to 
 cultivate a friendly deposition towards each other. If we were to 
 declare war against England, France, no doubt, would revoke her 
 decrees, give us a friendly reception into her ports, and afford us 
 all the aid and protection in her power, both by sea and land. 
 England would do the like, if we were to declare wai against 
 France. Such unquestionably would be the fact ; and it is in vain 
 to shut our eyes against the truth. There was a strong proof of 
 this exhibited in the conduct of England and France in 1794, and 
 1798. 
 
 Is it not national antipathies, more than foreign fired- lections, that 
 produce crimination and recrimination of an English party, and a 
 French party, of English and French influence '. for the honor of 
 my country I hope it is ; for I should be sorry to think so meanly 
 of the American people as to believe they would prefer the interest 
 of a.ny foreign nation to that of their own. Should we unfortunate- 
 ly be brought to make the experiment, by being engaged in ajusC 
 and necessary war (and none other 1 hope will ever be made by the 
 United States) I am confident we shall find a union of sentiment 
 and action. These are, however, unnecessary speculations ; for I 
 see no necessity of declaring war against any nation. 
 
 To permit our merchant vessels to arm, under proper restric- 
 tions and to equip, man, and send out our public ships, to defend 
 those maritime rights which are clear and indisputable, is not war, 
 nor will it necessarily involve vis in war. Every nation on earth 
 would respect us for defending our essential rights. I do not agree 
 with the gentleman from Kentucky, that the commanders of mer- 
 chant vessels can commit the peace of the nation, if the government 
 do not countenance and uphold them in their wrong, but promptly 
 disavow the act. Vessels bound up the Mediterranean sea, and to 
 the East Indies, have always been allowed to arm ; and I have 
 never heard that they have, in a single instance, committed the 
 peace of the nation.
 
 . in answer to the inquiry, what good has the embargo done ? 
 Jhe gentleman from Virginia says, that it has saved to our citizens 
 one hundred and fifty millions of property, which would have been 
 captured and carried into France or England ; and to our country 
 fifty thousand seaman, who, instead of being in captivity in a foreign 
 land, are placed int ,ie bosom of their families. This, if true, is an 
 important consideration ; but I doubt the fact. Not that I question 
 the veracity of the gentleman : were he to declare a fact as of his 
 own knowledge, I should have a most perfect reliance on it. But in 
 this case the gentleman's declaration being but an expression of 
 9/zfm'on, not supported by any one fact within his knowledge, he 
 must excuse me if I cannot yield my assent to it ; more especially 
 <ts circumstances, some of which are within my own knowledge, 
 lead me to a different opinion. It is a fact, that most of our vessels 
 which escaped the embargo, or have since gone out under permits 
 from the president of the United States, have returned in safety, 
 and made gooJ voyages, from which the seamen " have returned 
 to the bosom of their families," and with something to administer 
 to their wants and comfort ; not, as in the other case, empty- 
 handed from our dismantled ships, to share the distresses of their 
 little households, and to hear their children cry for bread. Many 
 of our vessels which were out when the embargo Was laid, have 
 remained out. avoiding the inhospitable shores of their own country, 
 as they would a land infected with pestilence. 'I hose vessels have 
 been navigating the ocean under the American flag, with as much 
 safety as before the embargo was laid, and have constantly been 
 employed in the carrying trade to -vast firqfi'. 
 
 Having, at the commencement of this debate, submitted my ob- 
 servations on the supposed possibility of starving England or 
 destroying her manufactures ; and the gentleman from Massachu- 
 setts, [Mr. Lloyd] better informed on the subject of commerce 
 than myself, having exhibited the facts to the senate in a manner 
 that must carry conviction, I shall not trespass on the patience of 
 the senate with any further remarks on that point. 
 
 Nor shall I add to what I have already said, to prove that one ob- 
 ject of the embargo \vas to fiut down coimnerce, for the purpose of 
 / 7Y/; manufacture^, than to adduce the authority on which my 
 .opinion rests ; u 'lich was not, as has been insinuated by the gentle- 
 i.KvU i'rom Maryland, com mon place observations, and party news- 
 paper publications, but the declarations of the president of the 
 United States, not in an ordinary correspondence, but in an answer 
 to an address from the legislature < f New Hampshire, a New Eng- 
 ,i.ite. participating in common with the other New England 
 ^states in the beneti'.s of commerce. Speaking of the embargo, he 
 says, " It gave us time to make a last appeal to the reason and re- 
 jnitatirjn of nations. In the mean while I see with satisfaction that 
 this measure of self-denial is approved and supported by the great 
 body of our real citizens ; that they meet with cheerfulness the
 
 IS 
 
 temporary privations it occasions ; and are preparing with spirit 
 to provide for themselves the se comforts and conveniences of life, 
 for which it would be unwise <-ver mort to resort to distant coun- 
 tries." In another answer to an address, this sentiment is expressed, 
 that the agriculturalist and manufacturer shall be planted clown side- 
 by side, so as to receive, at our own doors, those comforts and 
 conveniences of life, which we have been accustomed to seek on 
 the ocean. No such effects could be produced by the embargo, 
 nor can it answer any such purpose, unless made fierpetual^ or 
 continued for a great length of time. 
 
 The gentleman frcm \ irginia has thought proper to go into a 
 consideration of the commercial advantages which he imagines are 
 enjoyed by the people inhabiting the northern in comparison with 
 the southern states, under the constitution and laws of the United 
 States, and has indulged himself in remarks respecting a disposi- 
 tion in the people of Mew England to insurrection, rebclliin and 
 disunion; but these are topics on \\hich I shall say nothing, as I 
 do not think it expedient to discuss them at this time. 
 
 The intimations of the gentleman from Kentucky and the gentle- 
 man from Georgia, [Mr. Crawford,] about amputation and military 
 coercion, I shall also pass by without further notice, than to assure 
 those gentlemen, that in New England they will produce no intimi- 
 dation, if they should excite any attention. 
 
 It was particularly unfortunate for the gentleman from Virginia, 
 that he should feel himself under the necessity of making remarks 
 that may be construed into a denunciation of a certain description 
 of our fellow citizens as DEMAGOGUES, and as having attempted to 
 excite se dition and rebellion, because they doubt the expediency of 
 the embargo, and question the policy of some of the measures of 
 the present administration That gentleman. I imagine, will hardly 
 consent that to doubt the policy and oppose the measures of an ad- 
 ministration, shall be the criterion for deciding who are the DEMA- 
 GOGUES of our country ; for surely, if that is to be the rule of deci- 
 sion, the conduct of that gentleman during the Jirst administration 
 under the constitution of the United States, and the ability and 
 perseverance with which he maintained his opposition to it, would" 
 give him a fire~eminent claim to rank high on the list of DEMA- 
 GOGUES. I extremely regret those remarks on another account. 
 I know many of the most venerable characters of our country, 
 men who were patriots of '76, men who made great sacrifices, and 
 risqued their lives in our struggle for liberty and independence, 
 men who have acquired a well earned fame, which has never been 
 tarnished, who doubt the policy of the embargo, and decidedly dis- 
 approve the measure, as being altogether inefficient as it regards 
 foreign powers, and ruinous to ourselves. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia is peculiarly unfortunate also, in 
 ascribing the failure of the embargo, to produce the desired effect 
 on foreign nations, to party misrepresentations, and newspaper 
 electioneering publications, describing the embargo as an unpopu-
 
 lar measure calculated to excite general discontent, and bring about 
 a change of rulers, which, he says, reached England between the 
 22cl of June and the 29th of July, and produced a sudden change in 
 the conduct of the British minister, and in his disposition to a 
 friendly accommodation. I could hardly have expected, even in 
 the heat of debate, such a declaration from a gentleman so well ac- 
 quainted with the British character and government. The ministry 
 there know full well how to appreciate parly publications, and the 
 representations of the ins and the out*. 
 
 Those party misrepresentations, as the gentleman is pleased to 
 call them, and those newspaper electioneering publications, would 
 have had but little effect in England, and still less weight with the 
 ministry, if they had not had an official stamp of .truth put upon 
 them, by the proclamation of the president of the United States 
 With the indulgence of the senate, I will read the proclamation. 
 
 " By the /ires! dent of the United States, a proclamation. 
 
 " Whereas information has been received, that sundry peisons 
 are combined, or combining and confederating together, on Lake 
 Champlain and the country thereto adjacent, for the purpose of 
 forming insurrections against the authority of the laws of the Unit- 
 ed States, for opposing the same, and obstructing their execution ; 
 and that such combinations are too powerful to be suppressed by 
 the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vest- 
 ed in the marshals by the laws of the United States : 
 
 " Now, therefore, to the end that the authority of the laws may 
 be maintained, and that those concerned, directly or indirectly, in 
 any insurrection or combination against the same, may be duly 
 warned, I have issued this my PROCLAMATION, hereby command- 
 ing such insurgents, and all concerned in such combinations, in- 
 stantly and without delay to disperse and retire peaceably to their 
 respective abodes : and I do hereby further require and command 
 all officers, having authority, civil or military, and all other per- 
 sons, civil or military, who shall be found within the vicinage of 
 such insurrections or combinations, to be aiding and assisting, by 
 all the means in their power, by foi ce of arms or otherwise, to quell 
 and subdue such insurrections or combinations, to seize upon all 
 tiiose therein concerned, who shall not, instantly and without delay, 
 disperse and retire to their respective abodes ; and to deliver them 
 over to the civil authority of the place, to be proceeded against ac- 
 cording to law. 
 
 *' In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the Unit- 
 ed States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same 
 with my hand. Ghen at the city of \\ashingtonthe 19th day of 
 April, 1 808, and in the sovereignty and independence of the Lnit- 
 ed. States the thirty second. 
 
 TH : JEFFERSOX. 
 " By the president, 
 
 " JAMES MADISON, secretary of state."
 
 15 
 
 The senate will recollect that the last session of congress was 
 closed on the 25th of April ; and, although the proclamation was 
 dated the 19th of that month, no intimation thereof, or of the 
 state of the country to which it referred, was given to congress by 
 the president of the United States. The proclamation was pub- 
 lished in Vermont, April 30, and in the National Intelligencer, 
 printed at the seat of government, on the 13th of May. Here was 
 an official document, issuing from the same high authority that re- 
 commended the embargo, declaring to the nation, and to the world, 
 that there existed so great uneasiness and discontent on account of 
 the embargo, as to induce the forming of unlawful combinations to 
 resist its execution, too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary 
 process of law, and which required the employment of a military 
 force. Superadd to this, that our small standing army, and the 
 whole naval force in actual service, were put in requisition, to aid in 
 its execution. 
 
 These circumstances present a melancholy view of our situa- 
 tion. An embargo recommended under the influence of the great 
 popularity of the president, and /irojessed to be laid for preserving 
 in safety our vessels, our seamen and merchandise, and saving the 
 honour, and vindicating the rights of our country, had become so 
 unpopular, before the close of the session of the congress which 
 imposed it, that in the president's opinion, it could not be executed 
 by the ordinary process of law, and through the mild medium oi 
 courts of justice; so that it had already become necessary to call in 
 the aid of an armed force. 
 
 I could have hoped it would not have been found necessary to 
 employ the American navy to cruize against our own commerce; 
 and little did I expect that the army I had so recently voted to 
 raise, for the purpose, as I supposed, of opposing foreign agg'-es- 
 sion, would be required to point their bayonets at the breasts of 
 their fellow citizens.
 
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