\ 
 
 \ 
 

 PREFACE. 
 
 THE desire which has been repeatedly expressed by 
 persons cognizant of its existence, that the important 
 and interesting manuscript left by Gouverneur Morris 
 should be brought to light the portion buried in Mr. 
 Jared Sparks s history as well as the large and more 
 piquant part excluded therefrom induced me to under 
 take the work of editing the diary and letters of my 
 grandfather. 
 
 The chief object I had in view was to put in such a 
 form as might prove attractive to the public his letters 
 and the notes which he daily jotted down during that 
 most momentous epoch of modern history the period 
 of the Revolution in France. 
 
 With no political principles to advance or maintain, 
 and with no hero of romance or of the sword upon 
 whose merits to descant, my effort was simply to cull, 
 from a voluminous manuscript, all the varied and striking 
 incidents in the world of politics in the cabinet, and of 
 society in the boudoir and salon ; and, by the light of the 
 keen delineations of character, so full of the verve and 
 essence of the moment, therein contained, to bring into 
 strong relief the motives and actions of men and women. 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 Americans will doubtless accord a ready sympathy to 
 a man who was truly an American, and at a time when 
 thus to proclaim his principles attested an independence 
 careless of unpopularity. Possibly, too, our kindred over 
 seas may find something of interest in the career of one 
 who, though a rebel against England, spent the best 
 years of his life assisting in the formation of a govern 
 ment under which the poor of the earth might find an 
 asylum, and whose views were consistently " favorable 
 to the peace and happiness of mankind." 
 
 ANNE GARY MORRIS. 
 
 Old Morrisania, October, 1888. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Gouverneur Morris. Birth. Education. Graduates at King s College. 
 Studies law. Licensed to practise. Early development of a taste 
 for finance, Takes an active part in the events which ended in the 
 Declaration of Independence. Elected a member of the first Pro 
 vincial Congress in 1775. Speaks on finance. Leads in debates in 
 the New York Congress. Draws up instructions for Franklin, then 
 Minister to France. Reports to Congress on the subject of a treaty 
 with the British Commissioners. Practises law in Philadelphia. Ap 
 pointed assistant to the Superintendent of Finance. Practises his 
 profession after the war. Becomes known to the French Ministry 
 through a letter written to the Marquis de Chastellux. A delegate 
 to the Convention which formed the Constitution. Sails for France 
 in 1788, . ... . . ... i ". I 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Morris Lands at Havre. Goes to Paris. Letter to the French minister 
 in America. State of Paris. Washington s commission. Letter to 
 William Carmichael. Society life. Madame de Chastellux s salon 
 and others. Paris on the eve of the Revolution. Madame de Beau- 
 harnais at home. Presented to Montmorin. Meets the Duchess of 
 Orleans. M. de Malesherbes. Letter to the Marquis de la Luzerne. 
 Madame de Tesse s Republican salon. Hurry of life in Paris. Lafa 
 yette s election in Auvergne. Paupers in Paris. Morris s busy life. 
 Meets Madame de Flahaut. Pleasant days and evenings with charm 
 ing women. Dines with Necker. Madame de Stae l. Supper with the 
 Baron de Besenval. Interview with the Marechal de Castries. Visit 
 to the statues at the Louvre. A day of misfortunes, . . 19 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Dearth of wheat at Lyons. Morris offers Necker a cargo. Graciousness of 
 the Duchess of Orleans. Ladies vexed by long arguments in the 
 salons. Ten thousand troops ordered out. Swiss guards within the 
 barriers. Necker 1 s fall desired. Tete-a-tete dish of tea with Madame 
 de Segur. King and princes oppose liberty. Political talk with the 
 Bishop of Autun. Makes a plan of finance for France. Advises the 
 massing of the Swiss guards round the king s person. Election excite 
 ments. A water-party on the Seine. An eventful day at Versailles. 
 Meeting of the States-General. Magnificent spectacle. Mirabeau 
 hissed. The Duke of Orleans applauded. Visit to Marly. Madame 
 du Barry. Madame de Segur at her toilet. Petit-Trianon Gardens. 
 Madame de Suze s lapdog, . . . . . . . 5 1 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Morris surprised at Parisian manners and customs. Tea in the Palais 
 Royal. Visit to Romainville. M. de Beaujolais. Morris writes 
 verses to the Duchess of Orleans. Careless driving. Made a mem 
 ber of the Club of Valois. Interviews with Judges. Note on the to 
 bacco contracts. The Dauphin s death. States-General more than 
 ever embroiled. Morris stands for Houdon s statue of Washington. 
 Strictures on the Bishop d Autun. Visit to Raincy. The clergy 
 join the Tiers. The Salle des Menus closed. Bath in the Tennis 
 Court. Great excitement in Paris. Morris s sentiments quoted. His 
 interest in France. Necker offers to resign. The mob at Versailles. 
 Inflammatory publications at the Palais Royal. The nobles join the 
 other orders. Revolt among the guards. The Abbaye broken open. 
 The king terrified, . . . . . . . < . 85 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Grain under convoy. Tumult in Paris. Fourth of July dinner. Visit to 
 Romainville. Bread scarce. Paris gay. The administration routed 
 and Necker banished. M. de Narbonne. Mobs in the streets. Ar 
 morers shops broken open. Scenes in the Palais Royal Gardens. Ter 
 rible night in Paris. The Hotel de P orce broken into. Morris dons 
 the green bow. No carriages allowed in the streets. Affairs at Ver 
 sailles. A cry for arms. Carriages stopped and searched. The Bas 
 tille taken. Madame de Flahaut s salon. M. de Launay. Carnival 
 at Versailles. The Bastille in ruins. The king comes to Paris and 
 dons the red and blue cockade. The procession, . . .ill 
 
CONTENTS. vii 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Dinner at Madame de Flahaut s. Artists studios. Dinner with Lafay 
 ette. Visit to the Bastille. The Club. Foulon s head carried through 
 the streets. Making up a foreign mail. Madame de Montmorin. 
 Ideas respecting a constitution for France. Asked to consult with the 
 ministers. Passport for London. Journey to England. Beggars. 
 Impressions of England, ........ 133 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 London. The Haymarket Theatre. The Marquis de la Luzerne. Trum- 
 bull. The refugees. LadyDunmore. The Cosways. Hon. Mrs. 
 Darner. Society duties. Strictures on society. Sail on the Thames. 
 Downe Place. Returns to Paris. Critical state of affairs. Madame 
 de Tesse. Lafayette. Public opinion sets against the National As 
 sembly. Finances. Scarcity of bread. The Flanders Regiment. 
 Social life. Prepares a memorandum on subsistence. The queen. 
 Madame de Flahaut. The banners blessed. The opera. Resistance 
 to authority among the bakers. Versailles. Question on the finances. 
 Mirabeau speaks in the Assembly. Meets Madame de Stael. 
 Conversation with Madame de Flahaut. Asked to furnish flour for 
 Paris, . . . 145 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The feast at Versailles. Consternation at Paris. Morris urges Lafayette 
 to attach himself to the king s party. Disturbance in Paris. 
 Church property discussed. Expedition to Versailles proposed in 
 the Palais Royal Gardens. Excited state of the people. Carriages 
 stopped in the streets. Agonizing night at Versailles. The royal 
 family brought to Paris. The heads of the Body-guard carried 
 through the streets. The royal family installed at the Tuileries. De 
 spatches opened by the mob. Clermont de Tonnerre. The Comte 
 de Narbonne and Madame de Stael. Dinner at Lafayette s. Conver 
 sation with Lafayette on the situation of France. Mirabeau. Madame 
 de Chastellux s salon. The Duchess of Orleans. The Bishop of 
 Autun reads a motion to be presented to the Assembly. A ministry 
 arranged, . . . . . . . . . .168 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Deputies demand passports. The streets alive with disorderly characters. 
 Houses marked for destruction. Unsafe to walk about Paris. Necker 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 sombre and depressed. Madame de StaePs salon. The Duke of Or 
 leans leaves for England. Morris calls on Necker, and suggests the 
 idea of raising the price of bread. Letter to Lafayette. The Duke 
 of Orleans is stopped at Boulogne. News of insurrections. Conver 
 sation in Madame de Flahaut s salon about intended changes in the 
 ministry. Lafayette commits a blunder in offering himself to Mira- 
 beau. The Cardinal cle Rohan. Flour to be imported from America. 
 Graphic letter to Robert Morris. Madame de Flahaut disconsolate over 
 the reduction in pensions, 187 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Denis Frangois accused of secreting bread and beheaded. Paris aban 
 doned to cruelty and violence. Martial law passed by the Assembly. 
 The Duke of Orleans liberated. -He goes to England. At the club. 
 Chit-chat in Madame de Flahaut s salon. Belgrade surrenders. Anec 
 dote of the 5th of October. Clermont de Tonnerre proposes going 
 to America. Morris asked his plan for restoring order to France. 
 Necker unable to cope with the difficulties. Dinner at Madame 
 Necker s. Talk about Lafayette s connection with Mirabeau and 
 with Necker on plans for subsistence. News from Flanders. Asked 
 to take part in the administration of affairs. Dines with the Duchess 
 of Orleans. Takes the Bishop of Autun to visit Lafayette. The 
 Assembly suspends the parlements. Criticisms on the society in Ma 
 dame de Stael s salon. Lively dinner conversation with Madame de 
 Stael, ..... . . 200 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Exodus from the ranks of society. Many closed salons. Changed state 
 of feeling. Necker s "plan" for the Caisse d* Escompte. The Pope 
 quarrels with the farmers-general. Opposition to Necker. Mirabeau 
 describes the Assembly. Lafayette s ambition. A tedious session. 
 Interview with Necker. Tea at Madame de Laborde s. Plan for 
 dealing with the American debt to France. Necker converses on the 
 constitution then preparing. The Bishop d Autun asks advice as to 
 speaking in the Assembly. A rumor that he is to be appointed Ameri 
 can Minister to the Court of Louis XVI. An evening in Madame de 
 Sta 1 s salon. Tact of the hostess. Clermont-Tonnerre reads a dis 
 course. Necker speculates as to the issue of one hundred and thirty 
 millions of paper money. The Abbe Delille reads his own verses 
 in Madame de Chastellux s drawing-room, . ..... 227 
 
CONTENTS. i x 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The opera. Gardell and Vestris. Strictures on the character of the peo 
 ple of France. The Caisse Patriotique opened. Paris gay with uni 
 forms. People sacrifice their jewels for the public benefit. Morris 
 disapproves of Necker s plan of finance. Resolutions passed in the 
 Assembly which affect Protestants. The public debt. The king s 
 brother goes to the Commons. Monsieur and the Favras conspiracy. 
 Lafayette intriguing deeply. Morris makes punch for the society 
 at Madame de Vannoise s. His first suggestion of settling the 
 banks of the St. Lawrence. Asked for information about America. 
 Ceremony of saluting the ladies with a kiss on New Year s eve, . 250 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Comparison between the newspapers of 1777 and 1789. New Year s salu 
 tations. Scene at the Chatelet. Madame de Flahaut s boudoir. 
 Stoppage of pensions. Lively discussion thereon in Madame de 
 StaeTs salon. Visit to the Comte de Chastellux. Message from the 
 Parlement of Brittany. Morris examines table - ornaments for 
 Washington. Decree in the Assembly concerning office-holding. 
 Adherence to the constitution required. Riot in Paris. A handsome 
 surtout for the table sent to Washington. Need of cultivating the j^-^ 
 taste of America. The Duchess of Orleans obliged to economize. 
 The Cardinal cle Rohan. The Bishop of Orleans. Marmontel. 
 Letter to Washington. Morris writes a note on the situation of 
 affairs for the king. Delivered to the queen by her physician. Anec 
 dote of the king. He goes to the Assembly. Conversation with 
 Lafayette, 262 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 * 
 
 Journey to Antwerp. Brussels. Reflections on the state of Flanders. 
 Vanderhoot s committee. Notes on the cathedral and galleries of 
 Antwerp. Supper at M. Cornelison s. Agreeable society of Antwerp. 
 Notes during the journey to Amsterdam. Evening in Madame Bost s 
 salon. Political discussions. Force of the Dutch navy. Scene on 
 the Merchants Exchange at Amsterdam. News from France of 
 Necker s resignation. The Hague. The churches at Delft. Crosses /^ 
 to England. Interview with the Duke of Leeds on the treaty and 
 despatch of a minister to the United States. News from Paris. 
 Pointed opposition to Necker. Visits Sir John Sinclair. Letter to 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Colonel Ternant. Meets Fox at dinner. Mrs. Jordan at Drury Lane 
 Theatre. Warren Hastings s trial. Criticism on Burke and Fox. 
 Brilliant ball at Mrs. John B. Church s, 296 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Reticence of the Duke of Leeds. Morris s letter to the duke. Letter to 
 Washington. Undertakes to negotiate for the sale of American es- 
 tates. Miss Farren. The impressment of American seamen. In 
 terview with the Duke of Leeds. Presented to Pitt. Long interview 
 with Pitt and the Duke of Leeds relative to the treaty of commerce, 
 non-payment of money due by the English Government to American 
 land-owners, evacuation of the frontier-posts, etc. The Hastings 
 trial. News from Paris. The National Assembly vote the king an 
 allowance. Abolition of the nobility. The Duke of Orleans in a 
 " whimsical " situation. Great fete of the federation. Letter to Will 
 iam Short at Paris. Strictures on the young men of London. Rise 
 of the Jacobins in Paris. Lafayette s position insecure, . .321 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Various undertakings in Europe. Dulness of card-playing in England. 
 Washington approves of Morris s communications with the ministers. 
 Letter to Washington on French affairs. Interview with the Duke of 
 Leeds. Continental tour before returning to Paris. Civilities from 
 persons to whom he had letters. Difficulties of travel in 1790. Un 
 comfortable inns and bad roads. Interview with Baron de Dolberg. 
 Paris again. Flatteringly received by the Comte de Montmorin. 
 Morris presents a dog to the Duchess of Orleans. The Due de 
 Castries s hotel pillaged. M. de Flahaut wishes to go to America as 
 minister. The play of Brutus." Much excitement in the theatre. 
 Dines with the Garde des Sceaux. Apprehends a plot of the Em 
 peror for liberating the queen and restoring the former government. 
 Criticises the new constitution. Gives his opinion of the condition 
 of affairs to Lafayette. The last months of 1790, . . . 342 
 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Another trip to London. Stiffness of English society. Annoying indiffer 
 ence of the Duke of Leeds to American interests. Returns to Paris. 
 Dines with the Duchess of Orleans. Ternant appointed Minister 
 Plenipotentiary to the United States. Conversation with M. de 
 
CONTENTS. xi 
 
 Segur. M. de Montmorin wishes Morris appointed Minister from 
 the United States. Asked to confer wifh the Committee of Com 
 merce. Dines with Lafayette. Dines with Marmontel. Lafayette 
 vexed. Madame de Nadaillac. The "farm " abolished by the Assem 
 bly. The tobacco decrees. Desired to write a letter on them. 
 Letter to Washington thereupon. Some details of the affair of Octo 
 ber 5th at Versailles. Disturbance in Languedoc. Trepidation of 
 the Bishop of Autun. Great tumult in Paris. Conversation with 
 Madame de Nadaillac. The Chateau during the riot. Lafayette 
 confesses the guards were drunk. Morris s advice to him, . . 369 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The queen intriguing with Mirabeau. Morris s impressions of the Abbe 
 Maury. Madame de Nadaillac s salon. Madame de Tesse converted 
 to Morris s political principles. Vicq d Azyr s eulogy of Franklin. 
 Morris takes supper with Condorcet. Paris illuminated. First in 
 troduction to Lady Sutherland. Conversation with the Abbe Maury. 
 Death of Mirabeau. Discusses with Montmorin Mirabeau s succes 
 sor. Mirabeau s impressive funeral. Strictures on his character. 
 Robespierre comes to the front. Morris predicts to M. cle Mont 
 morin the speedy dissolution of the present Assembly. A visit from 
 Paine. Madame de Nadaillac talks of religion and duty. Madame 
 de Flahaut asks advice as to marriage. Morris prepares a note for 
 the king on the rations for the French marine. Madame de Stael 
 reads her tragedy " Montmorenci." Morris gives her some advice. 
 Brilliant society in her salon, 389 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Shows M. de Montmorin draught of a letter devised as an answer from the 
 king to the department. The entours of the king resign. Resignation 
 of Lafayette. Sketch of European politics in a letter to Mr. Inglis, of 
 London. A republic becoming fashionable. Lady Sutherland s gra- 
 ciousness. Lafayette accepts the position of head of the National 
 Guards. Montesquiou asks Morris how to amend the constitution. 
 Celebration of the suppression of the octroi. Conversation with 
 Montmorin. Madame de Nadaillac s coquettish character. Morris 
 suggests to several ladies positions near the queen. Madame de Fla 
 haut expects one soon. Montmorin weary of the situation. Visit to 
 Madame de Nadaillac, ........ 46 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 A visit to St. Cloud. Departure for England. Visit to the Duchess of 
 Orleans at Eu. London. The escape from the Tuileries and capt 
 ure at Metz. Morris returns to France. The Assembly intend to 
 cover the king s flight. Madame de Lafayette greatly excited. Con 
 versation with M. de Montmorin. Dinner with the Americans in 
 Paris on the Fourth of July. The fete of Voltaire. The king s 
 nature discussed. Decree passed declaring the inviolability of the 
 king. Lady Sutherland s drawing-room. What passed in the Champ 
 de Mars. The mob fired on. Society frightened and within doors. 
 Letter to Robert Morris. The king s aunts harangue the people of 
 Rome on the king s escape. Morris meets Lord Palmerston. Pro 
 nounces the French Constitution ridiculous. Consultation between 
 M. de Montmorin and Morris. Morris draws up a memoir e for the 
 king. Madame de Stael and the Constitution. Her opinion of the 
 memoir e Morris had prepared for the king. The Constitution pre 
 sented to the king, . ... . . . . . 425 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Convinced that Montmorin withheld the memoir e until the king had ac 
 cepted the Constitution. Lady Hamilton. Festival of the adoption 
 of the Constitution. The opera. The king and queen received with 
 applause. Paris illuminated. Letter to Washington on the king and 
 the Constitution. A coalition dinner with Madame de Stael. The 
 current of opinion against dropping the king s titles, Sire and Ma- 
 jeste. A reaction in favor of the king. Supper at Madame de 
 Guibert s. Long conversation with Montmorin, who says he can trust 
 no one but Morris. M. de Moustier attests Morris s favor with their 
 majesties. What passed between the King of Prussia and the Em 
 peror at Pilnitz. The Duke of Orleans declares his bankruptcy. 
 Much struggling for offices in Paris. Moustier thinks Morris mis 
 taken about the Constitution. M. de Montmorin declares war 
 against the newspapers, . . . . . . . .451 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Desired to converse about subsistence at a royalist dinner. M. de Molle- 
 ville tells him he has proposed him as Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 Distress of the Montmorin family. Narbonne, Madame de Stael, 
 and the ministry. Supper at Lady Sutherland s. Morris gives a 
 
CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 dinner. M. de Narbonne finally appointed Minister of War. Vicq 
 d Azyr says the queen wishes Morris s ideas in writing on the de 
 cree against the princes. Dinner at the British ambassador s. Pre- 
 ville at the Comedie Frangaise. Sketching a form of government 
 for France. Writes a philippic against the chefs des rtpublicains. 
 Letter to Robert Morris on the failure to effect a commercial treaty 
 with Great Britain. Washington nominates Morris for the mis 
 sion to France. Confirmed by a very small majority in the Senate. 
 The king m high spirits. Letter to Washington on the paper circu 
 lation of France and the general anarchy. The Bishop of Autun to 
 go to England. The Jacobins discover a plan for violent change of 
 the Constitution. Morris prepares for a journey to England. Mes 
 sage from the queen, ......... 476 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Morris goes to England. Suspicions aroused by the suddenness of his 
 departure. A political significance given to it. Letter to Washing 
 ton from London. Morris hears in London of his appointment as 
 Minister to France and receives his credentials. Letter to Robert 
 Morris on the difficulties attending the mission to France. Dines 
 with the Count de Woronzow. Paine s new publication. An even 
 ing with the Duchess of Gordon. Conversation with Woronzow. 
 Bishop of Au tun s mission to England. Letter to Washington on 
 this subject. Mrs. Darner s studio. She is at work on a statue of 
 the king. Morris writes a verse on her art, . . . .501 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Morris returns to Paris. Hears rumors that he will not be received in his 
 diplomatic capacity. Makes arrangements to fulfil the requirements 
 of his position. News from the armies. Madame de Tarente asks of 
 Morris advice for the queen. Interview with the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs. Conversation with Moustier. Disorder in the armies. The 
 king disarms his guard. Morris is presented to the king. Letter 
 to Jefferson. Dines with Dumouriez. Sudden change in the min 
 istry. Jeu de la Reine. Much movement in Paris. Guard march 
 ing under Morris s windows. Monciel asks his advice in this crisis. 
 The deputation from the faubourgs fill the Chateau and insult the 
 queen. Morris goes to Court. The king receives a part of the mili 
 tia. Lafayette arrives at Paris. Addresses the Assembly. The 
 queen polite to Morris, 529 
 
xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Condition of Europe in July, 1792. Letter to Jefferson. Morris opens 
 his house. Tells Montmorin that the king should leave Paris. Mor 
 ris prepares me moires for the king. Paris terrified by riots. The 
 king and queen distressed and in great apprehension. They expect 
 to be murdered at the Chateau. Morris goes to Court. Very hot 
 weather. Great agitation in Paris. Musketry ushers in August loth. 
 The Chateau undefended is carried and the Swiss guards murdered. 
 The king and queen are in the National Assembly. Morris s house 
 filled with frightened people. The ambassadors leave Paris. Mor 
 ris stays at his post. He tells Claviere that he has no powers to 
 treat with the new government. Morris s house searched. Murders 
 continue. Letter to Jefferson describing the Revolution, . . 551 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Lafayette refuses to obey the Assembly. Leaves France and is captured. 
 King and queen are imprisoned in the Temple. Disorder reigns in 
 Paris. Murders continue. Morris hears that the Brissotine faction 
 desire to do him mischief. Letter to Washington. The dangers of 
 living in Paris. Trials of Morris s position. Retreat of the Prus 
 sians. Apprehension of a famine. Taking of Nice. Anxious un 
 certainty of Morris s life. Letter to Jefferson on the state of affairs. 
 Letters to friends assuring them of his well-being. Difficulty of send 
 ing letters safely. Letter to Alexander Hamilton. Morris becomes 
 aware that the French Government desire his recall, . . . 586 
 
THE DIARY AND LETTERS 
 
 OF 
 
 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS 
 
THE DIARY AND LETTERS 
 
 OF 
 
 GOLJVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Gouverneur Morris. Birth. Education. Graduates at King s College. 
 Studies law. Licensed to practise. Early development of a taste 
 for finance. Takes an active part in the events which ended in the 
 Declaration of Independence. Elected a member of the first Pro 
 vincial Congress in 1775. Speaks on finance. Leads in debates in 
 the New York Congress. Draws up instructions for Franklin, then 
 Minister to France. Reports to Congress on the subject of a treaty 
 with the British Commissioners. Practises law in Philadelphia. Ap 
 pointed assistant to the Superintendent of Finance. Practises his 
 profession after the war. Becomes known to the French Ministry 
 through a letter written to the Marquis de Chastellux. A delegate 
 to the Convention which formed the Constitution. Sails for France 
 in 1788. 
 
 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was born at Morrisania 
 to quote the record made by his father in the family 
 Bible "On the 31 of January about half an hour after 
 one of the Clock in the morning, in the year 1752, accord 
 ing to the alteration of the style, by act of Parliament, and 
 was christened the 4 of May 1754, and given his mother s 
 name." Gouverneur s father probably discovered signs 
 of unusual promise in the boy ; for in his will, which is 
 dated November 19, 1760, is the following request : " It is 
 my desire that my son, Gouverneur Morris, may have the 
 best education that is to be had in England or America." 
 Lewis Morris died when his son was twelve years old, and 
 i 
 
2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 the care of his education, in consequence, devolved upon 
 his mother. Great pains were taken that his training 
 should be of a kind to fit him for any career that might 
 open for him. 
 
 When quite a child he was placed in the family of Mon 
 sieur Tetar, at New Rochelle ; and here he laid the foun 
 dation of a thorough knowledge of the French language, 
 which, in after life, he spoke and wrote with much fluency 
 and correctness. In 1768 Morris graduated at King s Col 
 lege (now Columbia), and immediately after graduating 
 he studied law in the office of William Smith, afterwards 
 Chief Justice of the Province of New York, but better 
 known as Colonial historian of the State. 
 
 The bar was undoubtedly the profession where the 
 qualities of Morris s mind, his vigorous and penetrating 
 intelligence, were most likely to excel. His elocution 
 was animated and persuasive, his voice sonorous and 
 pleasing, his figure tall and exceedingly graceful ; all the 
 attributes of an orator seemed to have fallen to his share. 
 Ambitious to excel, full of hope, with perfect confidence 
 in his own powers, and therefore entire self-possession, it 
 was possible for him to say, with all sincerity, that in his 
 intercourse with men he never knew the sensations of 
 fear, embarrassment, or inferiority. 
 
 Licensed to practise as an attorney-at-law full three 
 months before he was twenty, in 1771, his ambition was to 
 make for himself a distinguished position at the Colonial 
 bar. Two years before this a series of anonymous articles 
 on finance, occasioned by a plan proposed^in the Assembly 
 of New York to issue paper money, appeared in a news 
 paper. They all attracted much attention but particu 
 larly one deprecating the evil of a paper currency as 
 mischievous in its effects and wrong in principle, and 
 only a means of postponing the day of payment, which 
 
I77S-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 3 
 
 should be met by substantial funds, collected from the 
 province. 
 
 His studies completed and his admission to the bar se 
 cured, Morris s thoughts and desires turned toward Eu 
 rope and foreign travel. " To rub off in the gay circles of 
 foreign life a few of those many barbarisms which char 
 acterize a provincial education ; to form some acquaint 
 ances that may hereafter be of service to me, to model 
 myself after some persons who cut a figure in the law," 
 were some of the reasons he gave his friend William Smith 
 for wishing to go abroad. In further excuse of the scheme 
 he says : " I have somehow or other been so hurried 
 through the different scenes of childhood and youth, that 
 I have still some time left to pause before I tread the 
 great stage of life, and you know how much our conduct 
 there depends upon the mode of our education. It is 
 needless to add that my inclinations have taken part in 
 the debate." His friend evidently saw serious difficulties 
 in the way principally pecuniary, for he told him that 
 his mother must give up much before he could have his 
 wish, and advised him, even when the guineas lay at his 
 feet, to "think ! think ! think !" The voyage was aban 
 doned for the time, and for the next three years Morris 
 applied himself closely to his profession. 
 
 These were stirring times, the colonies and the mother 
 country were disputing, a rupture was imminent, the port 
 of Boston was already closed. His aristocratic relations, 
 rather than, as is generally supposed, his Tory antecedents, 
 led him to advocate a reconciliation rather than a break with 
 the mother country, and in June, 1775, when this question 
 occupied a large share of the attention of the Provincial 
 Congress of New York, he was made a member of a com 
 mittee to draft a plan to settle all difficulties with Great 
 Britain. In a paper written in 1774 he says : " Taxation is 
 
4 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 the chief bar, and a safe compact seems in my poor opinion 
 to be now tendered internal taxation to be left with our 
 selves. Reunion between the two countries is essential to 
 both I say essential. It is for the interest of all men to seek 
 reunion with the parent State. The spirit of the English 
 constitution has yet a little influence left, and but a little. 
 The remains of it will give the wealthy people a superior 
 ity this time, but would they secure it, they must banish 
 all schoolmasters, and confine all knowledge to themselves. 
 This cannot be the mob begin to think the gentry be 
 gin to fear this their committee will be appointed they 
 will deceive the people and again forfeit a share of their 
 confidence. And if these are instances of what with one 
 side is policy, with the other perfidy, farewell aristocracy. 
 I see, and I see it with fear and trembling, that if the dis 
 putes with Britain continue, we shall be under the worst of 
 all possible dominions the dominion of a riotous mob ! " 
 When the crisis finally came, Morris, illustrating the 
 justice of Madison s subsequent eulogy of him, namely, 
 that "to the brilliancy of his genius was added what is 
 too rare, a candid surrender of his opinions, when the 
 lights of discussion satisfied him," came promptly for 
 ward to aid his country in the struggle, and from that 
 moment he was to be found among the patriots who were 
 bravest arid most constant. ( He was already an expert in 
 finance, and at once rendered most efficient service in 
 drawing up a plan to raise money for the expenses of the 
 army, and other military operations. This subject was 
 one of the first and most important which occupied the at 
 tention of the members of the first Provincial Congress of 
 New York, to which he was elected a member in 1775. 
 The extent of his knowledge of this exceedingly intricate 
 subject surprised his fellow-workers on the committee, and 
 when the report was read, before a large audience of in- 
 
1776.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 5 
 
 terested persons, he spoke with a remarkable force and 
 eloquence. His dignity and persuasive manner strongly 
 appealed to the sympathy of his audience, and the young 
 orator of twenty-three carried off the honors of the day. 
 The report as it came from his pen was forwarded to the 
 Continental Congress and adopted without amendment 
 or change. ) 
 
 ^Matters had by this time come to such a pass, between 
 England and her colonies, that in May of this year, 1776, 
 the Continental Congress recommended to the various 
 assemblies and conventions of the colonies, the adoption 
 of such regular constitutions and forms of government as 
 might best suit their several needs. In the third New 
 York Congress, then assembled, Morris took the lead in 
 the debates relative to the adoption of a new form of gov 
 ernment. The Tory element in the Congress still feared 
 to take any decided step that might show absolute disloy 
 alty to the King. And among the many wealthy families 
 owning large estates and with Tory proclivities, there 
 was still a hope of at least a patched-up reconciliation 
 with Great Britain. Up to this time, indeed, the question 
 of independence had seemed scarcely a serious one. But 
 Morris earnestly favored in the Congress the formation 
 of a new government. He believed that the time had 
 come to take such a step ; that the dignity of a free people 
 had been outraged by the oppressions of England ; that 
 to submit longer would be a crime against justice and a 
 mockery of liberty. Fragments of a speech made by him 
 during the course of the debates still exist, in which he 
 touched upon the already hackneyed theme of reconcilia 
 tion as the phantom which had long deluded the fancy 
 of his associates in the Congress. "A connection with 
 Great Britain cannot exist, and independence is absolutely 
 necessary. . . . We run a hazard in one path I con- 
 
6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 fess, but then we are infallibly ruined if we pursue the oth 
 er. ... Some, nay many, persons in America dislike 
 the word Independence ; for my own part I see no reason 
 why Congress is not full as good a word as States-General 
 or Parliament ; and it is a mighty easy matter to please 
 people when a single sound will effect it. . . . It is quite 
 a hackneyed topic boldly insisted on, though very lightly 
 assumed, that the instant an American independence is 
 declared we shall have all the powers of Europe on our 
 backs. Experience, sir, has taught those powers and will 
 teach them more clearly every day, that an American war 
 is tedious, expensive, uncertain, and ruinous. Nations do 
 not make war without some view. Should they be able 
 to conquer America, it would cost them more to maintain 
 such conquest, than the fee simple of the country is worth." 
 He made a strong appeal for the political liberty of the 
 country, which he thought might be secured by the sim 
 plest contrivance imaginable "dividing the country into 
 small districts, the annual election of members to Con 
 gress, and every member incapacitated from serving more 
 than one year out of three. Why should we hesitate ? 
 Have you the least hope in treaty ? Will you trust the 
 Commissioners ? Trust crocodiles, trust the hungry wolf 
 in your flock or a rattlesnake near your bosom, you may 
 yet be something wise. But trust the King, his Ministers, 
 his Commissioners, it is madness in the extreme. Why 
 will you trust them? Why force yourself to make a daily 
 resort to arms ? Is this miserable country to be plunged 
 in an endless war ? Must each revolving year come heavy 
 laden with those dismal scenes which we have already wit 
 nessed ? If so, farewell liberty, farewell virtue, farewell 
 happiness ! " 
 
 With the crisis in the affairs of the colonies in 1776, pub 
 lic sentiment in New York underwent a change, and five 
 
1776.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 7 
 
 days after the Declaration of Independence the Congress 
 of that Colony declared their intention to support that inde 
 pendence at all risks. When the Constitution of the State 
 of New York was made, in August, 1776, Morris labored 
 to introduce into it an article prohibiting domestic slavery, 
 but he was not successful. A letter to his mother in this 
 year expressed the deep feeling with which the prospect 
 of the war filled him. "What may be the event of the 
 present war," he says, "it is not in man to determine. 
 Great revolutions of empire are seldom achieved without 
 much human calamity, but the worst which can happen is 
 to fall on the last bleak mountain of America, and he who 
 dies there, in defense of the injured rights of mankind, is 
 happier than his conqueror, more beloved by mankind, 
 more applauded by his own heart." 
 
 After the new Constitution of New York had been 
 adopted, Morris was elected a delegate to the Continen 
 tal Congress, but owing to the critical state of affairs in 
 his own State he was unable to attend. In October he 
 was elected a second time. He had been in public life 
 for nearly three years and had established a reputation 
 for talents of no ordinary kind. Congress honored him 
 the day he presented his credentials by appointing him 
 one of a committee of five of great importance. The army 
 with Washington at Valley Forge were discouraged and 
 demoralized by the terrible winter, and there, in concert 
 with the general-in-chief, a plan was prepared to reor 
 ganize the army, clothe and feed them, and regulate the 
 medical department. Approved and adopted by Con 
 gress, the effects of the plan were soon manifest. Dur 
 ing this winter which Morris spent at Valley Forge he 
 formed a life-long and intimate friendship with Washing 
 ton. After the occupation of New York by the British, he 
 had been entirely cut off from his home at Morrisania ; 
 
8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 and the strong Tory proclivities of his friends subjected 
 him to suspicion on the part of certain mischief-making 
 persons. Mr. Jay wrote to him from Philadelphia : 
 " Your enemies talk much of your Tory connections. 
 Take care, do not unnecessarily expose yourself to cal 
 umny and perhaps indignity." In reply Morris says, "As 
 to the malevolence of individuals, it is what I have to 
 expect, and is by no means a matter of surprise. But by 
 laboring in the public service, so as to gain the applause 
 of those whose applause is worth gaining I will have my 
 revenge." It was whispered abroad by his enemies that 
 Morris s letters to his mother, which had to pass through 
 the British lines before they reached her, contained mat 
 ter other than that intended for her and to the advantage 
 of the enemy. 
 
 A curious history is told of a letter written to Mr. Mor* 
 ris, in 1775, by his brother-in-law in London, express 
 ing his interest in Morris s career, bidding him deserve 
 well of his country, and endeavor to insure peace and pre 
 serve good order. " The most vigorous preparations," he 
 continued, warningly, " are making to carry on the war. 
 The nation is united, although the pulse does not beat so 
 high as if they were waging war against a foreign enemy." 
 Detained at New York because addressed to a rebel, then 
 sent to Halifax, the letter was thence despatched to New 
 York by a vessel which was lost off the coast of New 
 Jersey. The mail-bag drifted on the coast, and the letter 
 found its way to Burlington, N. J. Morris heard of its 
 existence and asked for it, but a mystery surrounded it, 
 and its contents had something suspicious about them in 
 the opinion of those who had read it. Eventually it was 
 forwarded to Morris by the President of Pennsylvania, 
 who had been prejudiced after reading it, although, dur 
 ing the three years that it had been drifting about, all 
 
I778-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 9 
 
 Morris s energies had been given to resisting Great Britain 
 and making the government secure. The letter is still 
 preserved at Morrisania. 
 
 His letters to his mother were few and unimportant. 
 In 1778 he wrote to her that since he had left Morrisania 
 he had never heard directly from her, and " never had the 
 satisfaction of knowing that of the many letters I have 
 written, you have ever received one. It would give me 
 infinite pleasure," he adds, " to hear of my friends, your 
 self in particular. But since it is my lot to know no more 
 than the burthen of general report I must be contented. 
 I received great pain from being informed that you are 
 distressed on my account. Be of good cheer I pray you, 
 I have all that happiness which flows from conscious rec 
 titude. I would it were in my power to solace and com 
 fort your declining years. The duty I owe to a tender 
 parent demands this of me ; but a higher duty has bound 
 me to the service of my fellow creatures. The natural in 
 dolence of my disposition, has unfitted me for the paths of 
 ambition, and the early possession of power has taught 
 me how little it deserves to be prized. Whenever the 
 present storm subsides I shall rush with eagerness into 
 the bosom of private life, but while my country calls for 
 the exertion of that little share of abilities which it has 
 pleased God to bestow on me, I hold it my indispensable 
 duty to give myself to her. I know that for such senti 
 ments, which are not fashionable among the folks you see, 
 I am called a rebel. I hope that your maternal tenderness 
 may not lead you to wish that I would resign these senti 
 ments. Let me entreat you, be not concerned on my ac 
 count ; I shall again see you perhaps the time is not far 
 off. Hope the best. Adieu." 
 
 Three years after this Mrs. Morris was dangerously ill. 
 He earnestly desired to go to her, and she as earnestly de- 
 
10 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 sired to see her only son. But public opinion of both 
 friends and foes was so strong against his making the visit 
 that it was never made. Indeed, in order that his motives 
 for contemplating this visit might be publicly known, he 
 published a letter in the Freeman s Journal in which he 
 plainly stated what may be called his " position " in these 
 difficult circumstances, as follows: "In the year 1776 I 
 left all for the sake of those principles which have justified 
 and supported the revolution. This sacrifice was made 
 without hesitation or regret, but it gave me real concern 
 to leave an aged parent at the mercy of the enemy. It is 
 true, I was for some time honored by my countrymen be 
 yond my desert and beyond my ambition. When our pros 
 pects were very gloomy, I was deeply engaged in public 
 business of an intricate nature, and placed in a variety of 
 arduous and critical situations. I have thought much, 
 labored much, suffered much. In return I have been cen 
 sured, reproached, slandered, goaded by abuse, blackened 
 by calumny, and oppressed by public opinion. I have de 
 clined many pressing solicitations to visit my mother 
 within the enemy s lines. But when a violent disease en 
 dangered her life, and I learnt of her anxiety to see me 
 before her eyes were closed forever, I promised to go. 
 The necessary passport of the British general was ob-? 
 tained, but not the permission of the President and Coun 
 cil of the State of Pennsylvania. But since my intentions 
 are disagreeable to you, I will persist no longer. Having 
 already devoted the better part of my life to your service, 
 I will now sacrifice my feelings to your inclinations." 
 After an absence of seven years, and only when peace 
 was concluded, did Morris return to his mother, and his 
 home. He reached Morrisaniain time to help his mother 
 prepare her claim of the estate for damages done there 
 to by the British army. Besides the large number of 
 
1778] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. II 
 
 animals taken for food, timber had been cut on four hun 
 dred and seventy acres of woodland for ship-building, ar 
 tillery, and firewood. The claim amounted to ^8,000, 
 but it was not paid during Mrs. Morris s life-time. 
 
 In October, 1778, Morris was intrusted with the task of 
 drawing up the first instructions ever sent to an Amer 
 ican minister. Dr. Franklin was then at the Court of 
 Versailles. When the report of the American Commis 
 sioners abroad came in 1778, Morris was elected chair 
 man of a committee of five to consider and report upon 
 the so-called conciliatory propositions of Lord North of 
 fering to abandon the vexed point of taxation and to send 
 commissioners to treat with the Americans. Morris drew 
 up the report which declared that the United States could 
 not treat with any commissioners from Great Britain un 
 less British fleets and armies should be withdrawn and 
 the independence of the United States acknowledged. 
 This report, the most important during the war, was unan 
 imously adopted by the Continental Congress and became 
 the basis of the peace. As the time approached for the 
 expiration of his term in Congress, rumors reached him 
 that a scheme had been set on foot to defeat his re-elec 
 tion, principally on the ground that he had neglected the 
 interests of his State for those of the general Government. 
 He was advised to make a visit to the State legislature 
 and attend to his interests there. This he did, but too 
 late ; he lost his election. 
 
 It is much to be regretted that he has left no record 
 of his relations with the Government during these years, 
 but from the multiplicity of his labors it seems remarkable 
 that he could have found time to devote to the necessary 
 practice of his profession. Years afterward, when applied 
 to for some written account of the events of the Revolu 
 tion in which he personally took part, he says : " I have 
 
12 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 no notes or memorandum of what passed during the war. 
 I led then the most laborious life which can be imagined. 
 This you will readily suppose to have been the case when 
 I was engaged with my departed friend Robert Morris, in 
 the office of finance, but what you will not so readily sup 
 pose is, that I was still more harassed while a member of 
 Congress. Not to mention the attendance from n to 4 in 
 the house, which was common to all, and the appoint 
 ments to committees, of which I had a full share, I was at 
 the same time Chairman, and of course did the business, 
 of the Standing Committees ; viz., on the commissary s, 
 quartermaster s, and medical Departments. You must not 
 imagine that the members of these committees took any 
 share or burden of the affairs. Necessity, preserving the 
 democratical forms, assumed the monarchical substance of 
 business. The Chairman received and answered all letters 
 and other applications, took every step which he deemed 
 essential, prepared reports, gave orders, and the like, and 
 merely took the members of a committee into a chamber 
 and for form s sake made the needful communications, and 
 received their approbation which was given of course. I 
 was moreover obliged to labor occasionally in my own 
 profession as my wages were insufficient for my support. 
 I would not trouble you, my dear sir, with this abstract of 
 my situation, if it did not appear necessary to show you 
 why, having so many near relations of my own blood in 
 our armies, I kept no note of their services. Nay I could 
 not furnish any tolerable memorandum of my own exist 
 ence during that eventful period of American history." 
 
 After five years of active work in public affairs, Mor 
 ris could not entirely dissociate himself from the great 
 events of the day, and although, when he lost his elec 
 tion to Congress, he became a citizen of Philadelphia 
 and settled down to the practice of his profession, his 
 
1780.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 13 
 
 mind was still actively interested in the deplorable finan 
 cial condition of the country, and he found time to write 
 a series of essays in the Pennsylvania Packet, signed " An 
 American." In these essays he discusses the currency, 
 the coinage, the undesirability of a compulsory fixed value 
 for paper money, and the banks of America ; and it would 
 be difficult to find a more comprehensive view of the 
 financial proceedings of the old Congress, and the effects 
 of the paper currency, than these essays contain. 
 
 In Philadelphia in May, 1780, while trying to control 
 a pair of runaway horses, Morris was thrown from his 
 phaeton, dislocated his ankle, and fractured the bones of 
 his left leg. The two physicians who were called to him 
 recommended an immediate amputation as the only means 
 of saving his life, and, although this must have been 
 a painful alternative for so young a man to contemplate, 
 he submitted to the decree of the doctors with philosophy 
 and even cheerfulness, and to the operation with extreme 
 fortitude. The leg was taken off below the knee, and the 
 operation has been cited by physicians knowing the par 
 ticulars as most unskilful and hasty. The day after it 
 took place a friend called upon him, full of sympathy and 
 prepared to offer all the possible consolation on an event 
 so melancholy. He painted in vivid words the good effect 
 that such a trial should produce on his character and 
 moral temperament, enlarging on the many temptations 
 and pleasures of life into which young men are apt to 
 be led, and of the diminished inducement Morris would 
 now have to indulge in the enjoyment of such pleasures. 
 "My good sir," replied Mr. Morris, "you argue the matter 
 so handsomely and point out so clearly the advantages of 
 being without legs, that I am almost tempted to part with 
 the other." Morris seems to have felt the force of his 
 friend s arguments in regard to the balancing effect on his 
 
14 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 character of the loss of a portion of his person, for to an 
 other friend, also deeply sympathetic and full of regret 
 that he should have met with so grave a misfortune, he 
 remarked : " Sir, the loss is much less than you imagine ; I 
 shall doubtless be a steadier man with one leg than with 
 two." For the remainder of his life he wore a wooden 
 leg, of primitive simplicity, not much more than a rough 
 oak stick with a wooden knob on the end of it. 
 
 This simple contrivance, however, suited him better 
 than any of more elaborate construction which he after 
 wards tried in Paris and London. Owing to this accident, 
 when he was presented at Court at Paris he asked to be 
 allowed to appear without a sword, and, though a serious 
 departure from court etiquette, the favor was granted. 
 During one of the years of his ministry in Paris, when 
 carriages were abolished as being aristocratic, and the 
 chances were against the escape of any person discovered 
 driving in one, Morris, who seems always to have de 
 fied the mob though by no means averse to saving his 
 life, drove through the streets followed by hoots and 
 cries of, " An aristocrat," and, quietly opening the door 
 of his carriage, thrust out his wooden leg, and said : "An 
 aristocrat ! yes, truly, who lost his leg in the cause of 
 American liberty ;" whereat followed great applause from 
 the mob. 
 
 When Robert Morris was made Superintendent of Fi 
 nance, and Congress provided for an Assistant Superin 
 tendent, knowing intimately the character and abilities of 
 his friend Gouverneur Morris, he at once made choice of 
 him to fill the position. Together they labored to estab 
 lish public credit and confidence, and with the small sum 
 of four hundred thousand dollars they established, and 
 Congress incorporated, the " Bank of North America." 
 Gouverneur Morris says, in a letter to a friend not long 
 
1783-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 15 
 
 before his death : " The first bank in this country was 
 planned by your humble servant." 
 
 The serious charge was made against Morris, during 
 the years of his connection with the Finance Department, 
 that he was a monarchist and had advocated using the 
 army to establish such a form of government. In a let 
 ter to General Nathaniel Greene, in 1781, he says : "Ex 
 perience must at last induce the people of America if the 
 war continues to entrust proper powers to the American 
 Sovereign, having compelled that Sovereign reluctantly to 
 relinquish the administration and entrust to their ministers 
 the care of this immense republic. I say if the war con 
 tinues or does not continue, I have no hope that the Gov 
 ernment will acquire force ; and I will go further, I have 
 no hope that our Union can subsist except in the form of 
 an absolute monarchy, and this does not seem to consist 
 with the taste and temper of the people. From the same 
 attachment to the happiness of mankfnd, which prompted 
 my first efforts in this revolution, I am now induced to 
 wish that Congress may be possessed of much more author 
 ity than has hitherto been delegated to them." He feared 
 war between the States, " for near neighbors are very rarely 
 good neighbors," and advocated a centralization of power ; 
 but his actions, as well as writings, are his best vindication 
 from any wish to forma monarchy in America. His creed 
 was rather to form the government to suit the condition, 
 character, manners, and habits of the people. In France 
 this opinion led him to take the monarchical view, firmly 
 believing that a republican form of government would not 
 suit the French character. 
 
 After the war was over, Morris retired from the position 
 of Assistant to the Superintendent of the Finances of the 
 United States and again betook himself to the practice 
 of the law, intending to settle at New York ; but various 
 
l6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 ties of business kept him in Philadelphia and more or less 
 associated with Robert Morris, sometimes acting as his 
 agent, sometimes on his own account. Together they de 
 vised plans and projects, new adventures of many kinds 
 which promised success and pecuniary advancement. As 
 early as 1782 Congress had instructed Robert Morris to 
 report on the foreign coin then circulating in the United 
 States. A letter with a full exposition of the subject was 
 sent to Congress, officially signed by Robert Morris, but 
 written, as Mr. Jefferson said, by the Assistant Superin 
 tendent of Finance. The most interesting part of this 
 report was a new plan for an American coinage, which 
 originated with Gouverneur Morris, and which was, in 
 fact, the basis of the system now in use. In 1784 it is 
 worth noting that Morris became known to the French 
 Ministry through two letters written to the Marquis de 
 Chastellux in regard to the commercial relations between 
 France and the United States, but particularly the West 
 India trade. M. de Chastellux says : "Your letters have 
 been communicated to M. le Marechal de Castries, Minis 
 ter of Marine, who is delighted with them ; he told me that 
 he had seen nothing superior or more full of powerful 
 thought on the subject of government and politics." 
 
 In 1786 his mother, who had been an invalid for several 
 years, died. By his father s will the estate of Morrisania, 
 after the death of Mrs. Morris, devolved upon the second 
 son, Staats Long Morris, who had married in England 
 the Duchess of Gordon, and was a general in the British 
 army. Lewis, the eldest son, had received his portion be 
 fore his father s death, and, under his father s will General 
 Morris, when he should become possessed of the prop 
 erty, was to pay a legacy of ^7,000 to the other children. 
 Of this sum ^2,000 were to come to Gouverneur. Gen 
 eral Morris was quite willing to part with Morrisania, 
 
1787-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 1 7 
 
 never intending to live there, and Gouverneur determined 
 to make the purchase. By the aid of loans and accommo 
 dations he became possessed of this estate and part of the 
 general s lands in New Jersey. Commercial adventures, 
 large shipments of tobacco to France, and other under 
 takings had already laid the foundation of a fortune. 
 
 In 1787, as a delegate from Pennsylvania, of which 
 State he was, after a seven years residence, considered a 
 citizen, Morris took his seat in the Convention assem 
 bled for the great task of framing the Federal Consti 
 tution. But here again he made no notes, and left no 
 account of his personal action in the Convention. In a 
 letter to Colonel Pickering, written two years before his 
 death, he says : " While I sat in the Convention my mind 
 was too much occupied with the interests of our country 
 to keep notes of what we had done ; my faculties were 
 on the stretch to further our business, remove impedi 
 ments, obviate objections and conciliate jarring opin 
 ions." President Madison, in a letter to Jared Sparks, 
 bears testimony to his endeavor to preserve harmony, and 
 to his active and able assistance in that difficult and 
 momentous work. " He certainly," says Madison, "did 
 not incline to the democratic side, but contended for a 
 senate elected for life," the suffrage to be given only to 
 freeholders, and property to be represented. He vigor 
 ously opposed slavery, moved to insert the word "free" 
 before " inhabitants," and denounced the slave system as 
 a " nefarious institution, the curse of Heaven on all the 
 states in which it prevails," boldly asserting that he never 
 would concur in upholding the institution. In the same 
 letter Madison says: "The finish given to the style and 
 arrangement of the constitution fairly belongs to the 
 pen of Mr. Morris. A better choice could not have been 
 made, as the performance of the task proved. The talents 
 
1 8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. I. 
 
 and taste of the author were stamped on the face of it." 
 Morris speaks in a manly way of the Constitution in a let 
 ter to a gentleman in France : "You will, ere this," said 
 he, "have seen the Constitution proposed for the United 
 States. I have many reasons to believe that it was the 
 work of plain, honest men, and such I think it will ap 
 pear. Faulty it must be, for what is perfect ? Should it 
 take effect, the affairs of this country will put on a much 
 better aspect than they have yet worn, and America will 
 soon be as much respected abroad as she has for some 
 time past been disregarded." 
 
 During the winter of 1787 Morris was in Virginia super 
 intending the mercantile affairs in which he and Robert 
 Morris were jointly interested. It was necessary to have 
 an agent on the spot who understood the business, to 
 manage the shipment of tobacco to France, for which 
 large contracts had been taken by the farmers-general. 
 In November, 1788, Morris determined to take his "de 
 parture from Philadelphia for the Kingdom of France," 
 he wrote to General Washington, who supplied him with 
 letters of introduction to many persons, giving him also 
 several commissions to execute for himself. Among them 
 was one to purchase in Paris a gold watch for his own 
 use. "Not a small, trifling nor a finical, ornamental one, 
 but a watch well executed in point of workmanship, large, 
 flat, and with a plain, handsome key," were the instruc 
 tions. Morris sailed from Philadelphia in the ship Hen 
 rietta, and passed the Capes of Delaware on the i8th of 
 December, 1788. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 19 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Morris Lands at Havre. Goes to Paris. Letter to the French minister 
 in America. State of Paris. Washington s commission. Letter to 
 William Carmichael. Society life. Madame de Chastellux s salon 
 and others. Paris on the eve of the Revolution. Madame de Beau- 
 harnais at home. Presented to Montmorin. Meets the Duchess of 
 Orleans. M. de Malesherbes. Letter to the Marquis de la Luzerne. 
 Madame de Tesse s Republican salon. Hurry of life in Paris. Lafa 
 yette s election in Auvergne. Paupers in Paris. Morris s busy life. 
 Meets Madame de Flahaut. Pleasant days and evenings with charm 
 ing women. Dines with Necker. Madame de Stael. Supper with the 
 Baron de Besenval. Interview with the Marechal de Castries. Visit 
 to the statues at the Louvre. A day of Misfortunes. 
 
 ON Tuesday, the 2yth of January, 1789, after a tem 
 pestuous voyage of forty days, the Henrietta en 
 tered the port of Havre. After landing, Morris at once 
 sought out the persons who were engaged with Rob 
 ert Morris in the tobacco and flour contracts, and the 
 business he had undertaken for his friend was pushed 
 forward with all the energy which was one of his strong 
 est characteristics. Part of his work during the few days 
 he spent at Havre was investigating the chances for specu 
 lation in wheat, of which there was, at the moment, he 
 wrote, "an actual scarcity and a still greater expected." 
 He immediately conceived and communicated to William 
 Constable & Co., of New York, with whom he was in spe 
 cial partnership, a plan "for purchasing all the wheat on 
 Hudson s river," and entered into arrangements by which 
 it should reach France at the moment of the greatest de- 
 
20 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 mand " thereby raising the price on the other side of the 
 Atlantic." By the 3d of February he was in Paris, and 
 settled at the Hotel Richelieu, Rue de Richelieu. In his 
 early letters and diary he says nothing whatever of his 
 impressions of Paris his entire attention and time were 
 given to finding out from the firms of Le Normand and 
 Bourdieu the reason of their failure to accept large con 
 signments of tobacco for which they had contracted, and 
 why his friend should be placed in a " situation unex 
 ampled for a man of his property." ) 
 
 His first allusion to Paris and public affairs in France 
 is in a letter to the Comte de Moustier,* then in America, 
 in which he speaks of the cordial reception the count s 
 letters had procured him. 
 
 " The more I see of Paris," he wrote, " the more sensi 
 ble I am of your sacrifice in leaving it to traverse a great 
 ocean, and establish yourself with a people as yet too new 
 to relish that society which forms here the delight of life. 
 For devoting thus to the public service both your time 
 and enjoyments, you have as yet been poorly recom 
 pensed. Your nation is now in a most important crisis, 
 and the question, Shall we have a constitution or shall 
 will continue to be law ? employs every mind and agitates 
 
 *Eleonor- Francois, the Marquis de Moustier, arrived in America as minis 
 ter from France at the close of the year 1787. He was rich and close though 
 lavish in display, and showed less tact in dealing with Americans than his 
 predecessors had done, and was consequently less liked. His sister, Madame 
 de Brehan, with her son, accompanied him to this country. A letter from 
 John Armstrong to General Gates says of Moustier: "We have a French 
 minister here with us, and if France had wished to destroy the little remem 
 brance that is left of her, and her exertions in our behalf, she would have 
 sent just such a minister. Distant, haughty, punctilious, and entirely gov 
 erned by the caprices of a little singular, whimsical, hysterical old woman 
 whose delight is in playing with a negro child and caressing a monkey." M. 
 de Moustier illuminated his house (in Broadway, near the Bowling Green) 
 splendidly in honor of Washington s inauguration, and gave a grand ball to 
 the President and his suite. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 21 
 
 every heart in France. Even voluptuousness itself arises 
 from its couch of roses and looks anxiously abroad, at the 
 busy scene to which nothing can now be indifferent. 
 Your nobles, your clergy, your people, are all in motion 
 for the elections. A spirit which has lain dormant for 
 generations starts up and stares about ignorant of the 
 means of obtaining, but ardently desirous to possess the 
 object, consequently active, energetic, easily led, but, alas, 
 easily, too easily, misled. Such is the instinctive love 
 of freedom which now boils in the bosom of your coun 
 try, that respect for his sovereign, which forms the dis 
 tinctive mark of a Frenchman, stimulates and fortifies 
 on the present occasion those sentiments which have 
 hitherto been deemed most hostile to monarchy. For 
 Louis the Sixteenth has himself proclaimed from the 
 throne, a wish that every barrier should be thrown down 
 which time or accident may have opposed to the general 
 felicity of his people. It would be presumptuous in me 
 even to guess at the effect of such causes, operating on 
 materials and institutions of which I confess to you the 
 most profound ignorance. 
 
 " I feel that I have already gone too far in attempting 
 to describe what I think I have perceived. But before I 
 quit the subject I must express the wish, the ardent wish, 
 that this great ferment may terminate not only to the 
 good but to the glory of France. On the scenes which 
 her great theatre now displays, the eyes of the universe 
 are fixed with anxiety. The national honor is deeply 
 interested in a successful issue. Indulge me also, I pray, 
 in conveying the opinion that until that issue is known, 
 every arrangement both foreign and domestic must feel a 
 panic. Horace tells us that in crossing the sea we change 
 our climate not our souls. I can say what he could not ; 
 that I find on this side the Atlantic a strong resemblance 
 
22 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 to what I left on the other a nation which exists in 
 hopes, prospects, and expectations the reverence for 
 ancient establishments gone, existing forms shaken to 
 the foundation, and a new order of things about to take 
 place, in which, perhaps even to the very names, all for 
 mer institutions will be disregarded. 
 
 "To judge of the present turmoil I can give you no 
 better standard than by telling you, what is seriously true, 
 that when I took up the pen it was to give you news of 
 your friends, and to describe the impression made on my 
 mind by the objects which necessarily present themselves 
 in this great capital, I will not say of France, but of 
 Europe. And have I done it ? Yes, for the one great 
 object in which all are engaged has swallowed up, like the 
 rod of Aaron in Egypt, every other enchantment by which 
 France was fascinated." 
 
 It must have been a curious and melancholy spectacle 
 which Paris presented to a thoughtful man and a for 
 eigner ; one, too, just from a society very new and decid 
 edly affected by the Quaker element. The convulsion 
 which was already shaking society to its foundation every 
 where disturbed the atmosphere. Intrigues, social and 
 political, were rife ; the Court was sinking in a quicksand 
 of pleasure. The king struggled, in a feeble way, to raise 
 the moral standard, but not to any extent could he purify 
 the Court, and only for the moment could he pacify the 
 indignant and starving multitude who clamored outside 
 the palace-gates. Fatigued with pleasure, bored with ev 
 erything, the young men recklessly accumulated debts, 
 solely, it would seem, in the hope of amusing themselves. 
 But Paris was gay, full of men and things to interest and 
 amuse. Philosophers, patriots, men of letters, rioters, 
 beautiful women, clever and witty, leaders of society and 
 politics, were all there. Everything, nearly, could be found 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 23 
 
 in Paris, "but scavengers and lamps," as Arthur Young 
 said. The streets were narrow and without foot-pave 
 ments ; they were dirty and crowded. "To walk through 
 them was toil and fatigue to a man and an impossibility 
 to a well-dressed woman," says Young again. One-horse 
 cabriolets abounded, driven recklessly by young men of 
 fashion, endangering life and limb. Persons of moderate 
 means, unable to own carriages, were forced by the mud 
 and filth to dress in black, with black stockings. This cir 
 cumstance alone marked strongly the line between the 
 man of fortune and the man without. Public opinion had 
 somewhat modified the dress of the ladies, and the enor 
 mously high structure which had been supposed to adorn 
 the female head during the Regency changed, in 1780, to 
 a low coiffure, started by the queen, and called the "coif 
 fure a 1 enfant." Four years later the chapeau " a la caisse 
 d escompte, chapeau sans fond comme cette caisse," * came 
 into fashion. Having lost the elevated head-dress, than 
 which nothing could be more grotesque, the dress-makers 
 proceeded to deform nature in another way, and the enor 
 mous poches came into vogue which made a woman look 
 like a " Hottentot Venus "f destroying nature s form. 
 Extremely high heels, much rouge, and many mouches 
 were supposed to heighten their beauty. The men, sword 
 at the side, hat under the arm, with very trim, high-heel 
 shoes, braided or embroidered coats, powdered hair caught 
 together at the back in a small bag, called a bourse, and 
 with two watch-chains, on the ends of which hung a vast 
 number of charms, or breloques, were to be seen in the 
 street carrying themselves with much stiffness and pride. 
 This bearing, however, changed speedily on entering the 
 antechamber. "A marvellous suppleness attacked their 
 backs, a complacent smile succeeded the severe one, their 
 
 * Dulaure : Histoire de Paris. t Ibid. 
 
24 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 conversation was full of adulation and baseness." * By 
 the year 1791 the seriousness, not to say the terrors of the 
 Revolution, had eradicated much of this nonsense ; etiquette 
 and ceremonial lost their power ; the women abandoned 
 high heels and powder, and the men put their hats on 
 their heads, gave up powder, wore their hair naturally, 
 and only carried swords in defence of their country. Even 
 the form of ending a letter changed, with the levelling in 
 fluence of the times, from the very adulatory and elaborate 
 method to simple " salutations amicales " or "assurances 
 d estime ; " "le respect" was reserved for women of high 
 position and old people, f 
 
 In strong contrast to the mincing fine gentleman, pick 
 ing his way through the mire and filth of the streets, was 
 the pauper element. This was enormously represented 
 a stormy, riotous mob, ready for anything, and employing 
 their time begging and singing rhymes in honor of the third 
 estate. From the Palais Royal newspapers advocating 
 the rights of the third party literally flowed, and found a 
 large reading-public ready to receive them. In the month 
 of June pamphlets were in all hands ; " even lackeys are 
 poring over them at the gates of hotels." J "A little 
 later, every hour produced something new. Thirteen came 
 out to-day, sixteen yesterday, arid ninety last week." 
 
 These tracts were spread through the provinces : and 
 nearly all of them, teeming with levelling and seditious 
 principles, advocated liberty, and violence against the 
 nobles and clergy. Only two or three pamphlets on the 
 other side had merit enough to be known. 
 
 As early as February, 1789, Necker avowed that " obedi 
 ence is not to be found anywhere, and that even the troops 
 are not to be relied on." This state of things in Paris 
 
 * Dulaure : Histoire de Paris. t Ibid. 
 
 t Ibid. Arthur Young. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 25 
 
 ushered in the meeting of the States-General, called, after 
 the lapse of one hundred and sixty years, to work seem 
 ingly impossible reforms, and to frame a constitution 
 under which France should be free and happy. 
 
 The commission with which General Washington had 
 intrusted Morris was his first care, and he at once ap 
 plied for information to Mr. Jefferson, then American 
 Minister at Versailles ; and in a letter to Washington he 
 tells him this, and that the man who had made Madison s 
 watch was a rogue, and recommended him to another, 
 namely, Romilly. "But as it might happen that this also 
 was a rogue, I inquired at a very honest man s shop, not a 
 watchmaker, and he recommended Gregson. A gentleman 
 with me assured me that Gregson was a rogue, and both 
 of them agreed that Romilly is of the old school, and he 
 and his watches out of fashion. And to say that of a man 
 in Paris is like saying he is an ordinary man among the 
 Friends of Philadelphia. I found at last that M. L Epine 
 is at the head of his profession here, and, in consequence, 
 asks more for his work than anybody else. I therefore 
 waited on M. L Epine and agreed with him for two watches 
 exactly alike, one of which will be for you and the other 
 for me." 
 
 Turning to public affairs, he continues : " Our new Con 
 stitution has greatly raised our reputation in Europe, 
 but your appointment and acceptance would go far to fix 
 the general opinion of the fact. By the bye, in the mel 
 ancholy situation to which the poor King of England has 
 been reduced, there were, I am told, (in relation to you) 
 some whimsical circumstances. His first outset was to 
 seize Mr. Pitt by the collar and with outrageous language 
 addressed to the Rebel General, had nearly strangled him 
 before he could get help. Afterwards the Defender of the 
 Faith, in one of his caprices, conceived himself to be no 
 
26 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 less a personage than George Washington at the head of 
 the American Army. This shows that you have done some 
 thing or other which sticks most terribly in his stomach. 
 And the Prince of Wales I am told intends, (no doubt from 
 filial piety and respect) to be very good friends with the 
 country and the man who have turned his father s head." 
 His next letter was addressed to Mr. Carmichael, the 
 American minister at Madrid and an old friend. He ex 
 presses his attachment to him and desire to fly to him, 
 if he were not restrained by important objects, to be at 
 tended to at once. He says : " You intimate a desire to 
 know my situation and intentions. For the former it is 
 simply this : by acquiring property I have placed myself 
 in the common situation of desiring more, but with the 
 same frankness with which I avow that desire, let me as 
 sure you that the thirst for riches has never yet vitiated 
 my palate. I wish not to accumulate, but to enjoy. And 
 age has pointed out a different path towards enjoyment 
 from that which delighted my youthful footsteps. In a 
 word, I w r ish to possess what I possess in peace, and for that 
 purpose I want lively property. Various means are before 
 me. You speak of becoming an American farmer, in the 
 last result and as a last resource. I have ever viewed it as 
 my great desideratum. But let it for both of us be otium cum 
 dignitate. And to this end it is essential to possess a moder 
 ate share of fortune s favors. As soon as I can I shall pro 
 ceed to Holland. But I contemplate a return to this capi 
 tal as speedily as possible, and from hence I wish to go to 
 Madrid. You will calculate, however, that as the most im 
 portant scene enacted for many years on the European the 
 atre, will in the next months be displayed at this place, 
 I, in common with all others, have curiosity to see it. 
 You must also consider that I have motives stronger than 
 curiosity, for until the States-General shall have decided 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2/ 
 
 on the important objects for which they are convened, this 
 government can take no solid arrangement for anything. 
 Lafayette is out of town. He is gone to Auvergne to get 
 himself elected either for the Noblesse or the Tiers Etat. 
 I hope the former, for he would otherwise (in my opinion) 
 be too desperately estranged from his own class. As he 
 did not communicate to me his hesitation, I presume that 
 he had determined, for he made some important communi 
 cations just before his departure. Apropos a term which 
 my Lord Chesterfield well observes all generally use to 
 bring in what is not at all to the purpose apropos, then, 
 I have here the strangest employment imaginable. A re 
 publican, and just, as it were, emerged from that assem 
 bly which has formed one of the most republican of all 
 republican constitutions, I preach incessantly respect for 
 the Prince, attention to the rights of the nobility, and mod 
 eration, not only in the object but also in the pursuit of it. 
 All this, you will say, is none of my business, but I con 
 sider France as the natural ally of my country and of 
 course that we are interested in her prosperity. Besides, 
 (to say the truth) I love France, and as I believe the King 
 to be an honest and good man I sincerely wish him well 
 and the more so as I am persuaded that he earnestly de 
 sires the felicity of his people." 
 
 Letters to prominent people gave Morris at once an en 
 tree into the different sets of society, and invitations to 
 breakfasts, dinners, and suppers were not wanting. On 
 one occasion only he mentioned not being perfectly mas 
 ter of French, which he had not spoken since his school 
 days, but it was not long before he acquired an uncommon 
 facility both in writing and speaking it. One day which 
 he mentions seems more than full. It began with a 
 breakfast at M. le Normand s, where they discussed the 
 tobacco subject, so deeply interesting to the speculator 
 
28 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 as well as the smoker. The same day he dined with 
 Madame Dumolley, who included in her society the ex 
 tremely noisy element, the men who came on foot, and with 
 out the adornments of dress. Her Monday entertainments, 
 and small intrigues were to her the sole end and aim of the 
 week ; she lived for them, and the guests who were the 
 special favorites of the moment. Madame Dumolley had 
 a pleasant face and an agreeable varnish of politeness ; and 
 this, added to the fact that she never failed to include a 
 more or less vigorous love-making episode in her pur 
 suit after happiness, rendered her salon attractive. She 
 evidently exhibited a taste for horticulture, for Morris 
 promised to send to America for seeds and plants for her. 
 Later in the evening, after the play, a supper was to be par 
 taken of with Madame de la Caze, at whose house he met a 
 large party, absorbed in quinze. Here, he says : "M. de 
 Bersheni, for want of something else to do, asks me many 
 questions about America, in a manner which shows he 
 cares little for the information. By way of giving him 
 some adequate idea of our people, when he mentioned the 
 necessity of fleets and armies to secure us against inva 
 sion, I tell him that nothing would be more difficult than 
 to subdue a nation every individual of which, in the pride 
 of freedom, thinks himself a king. And if, sir, you should 
 look down on him, would say, " I am a man. Are you any 
 thing more ? " l All this is very well ; but there must be a 
 difference of ranks, and I should say to one of these peo 
 ple, " You, sir, who are equal to a king, make me a pair of 
 shoes." Our citizens, sir, have a manner of thinking 
 peculiar to themselves. This shoemaker would reply, 
 " Sir, I am very glad of the opportunity to make you a 
 pair of shoes. It is my duty to make shoes. I love to do 
 my duty." This manner of thinking and speaking, how 
 ever, is too masculine for the climate I am in." 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 29 
 
 Most of the mornings were passed in receiving visits and 
 writing not only keeping up a correspondence, daily ac 
 cumulating, but in copying all his own letters into books 
 and generally sending duplicates of them to America be 
 sides. A letter to Robert Morris (March 2d) requested 
 him to send Madame Dumolley s seeds, and begged his at 
 tention to another object, which was to " obtain forme an 
 account of the American tonnage that is, the number of 
 tons of the vessels of U. S. I want this for the Marechal 
 de Castries. This nobleman was so kind as to seek an 
 acquaintance with me in consequence of some letters I 
 had written to the late Marquis de Chastellux and which he 
 had translated and shown to several persons. The last of 
 these letters occupied him in the illness which proved 
 fatal, about three months ago. I forget the contents but 
 in my rash manner I had, it seems, given opinions about 
 the situation and affairs of this country which (luckily) 
 proved to be just. Shortly after my arrival here I received 
 a message from Madame de Chastellux desiring a visit to 
 the wife of my late friend, and speedily, as she was on the 
 point of lying in. I waited upon her, and two days after 
 received an intimation from M. de Castries that as he was 
 already acquainted with me through the letters above 
 mentioned he wished for an interview, etc. In conse 
 quence I waited on him. He has since asked me to din 
 ner, and promised to present me to M. Necker, to whom I 
 have not yet delivered your letter. It is thought that M. 
 de Castries will again be made Minister of the Marine. 
 He both expects and wishes for it, and he is an intimate 
 friend of M. Necker who, as I have already told you, 
 holds fast to the farmers-general. But what is of more 
 consequence in my eyes than situation or connection, they 
 are men of honor and rectitude." 
 
 The Marechal de Chastellux served under Rochambeau 
 
3<D DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 in the War for American Independence, in 1780. Madame 
 de Chastellux, an extremely charming and accomplished 
 Irishwoman, lady in waiting to the Duchess of Orleans * 
 and her confidential friend and companion, drew round her 
 those immediately connected with the Court. It was in 
 her salon, very shortly after his arrival in Paris, that Mor 
 ris met the Duchess of Orleans, the beautiful and charming 
 daughter of the Due de Penthievre, whose love-marriage 
 with the Due de Chartres, who became the Due d Orleans 
 and, later, the notorious Philippe Egalite, had been hap 
 py until about this time, when the duke s irregularities 
 rendered her life sad and uncertain. With her Morris 
 formed a sincere and lasting friendship. Here also he 
 met the Comtesse de Segur, who told him at the first meet 
 ing that she was afraid that he " might not arrive before 
 she left the room." Among the six or seven grand salons 
 of Paris, that of Madame de Segur mtre, the natural daugh 
 ter of the Regent, had for years occupied a conspicuous 
 place ; and she, notwithstanding her age, retained all 
 her vivacity, charming young and old alike with her 
 memories and tales of the Regent s time and of her own 
 eventful life. Her daughter-in-law, the Marechale de Segur, 
 who always aided her in doing the honors, added to the 
 attraction of the salon by her gentle grace and charming 
 manner. With these queens of the salon to instruct him, 
 it was not long before Morris, being an apt scholar, 
 found himself fully initiated into the mysteries of coquetry ; 
 for these seductive court ladies never feared to follow 
 their flattering words with the "look, manner, and tone 
 of voice perfectly in unison with the sentiment." But 
 Morris was wary of such flatteries, though admitting that 
 
 * The Duchess of Orleans, wife of the Duke of Orleans, cousin to Louis 
 XVI., daughter of the Due de Penthievre and sister-in-law of the unfortu 
 nate Princesse de Lamballe. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 31 
 
 "a pleasing error might be preferable to a disagree 
 able truth." In March he wrote to Washington, and 
 expressed his unbounded surprise at " the astonishing 
 spectacle" which, he said, "this country presents to one 
 who has collected his ideas from books and information 
 half a dozen years old. Everything is a ranglaise, and the 
 desire to imitate the English prevails alike in the cut of a 
 coat, and the form of a constitution. Like the English, 
 too, all are engaged in parliamenteering, and when we con 
 sider how novel this last business must be, I assure you 
 their progress is far from contemptible." 
 
 On Tuesday (March 3d), the salon of Madame la Com- 
 tesse de Beauharnais was opened to him, by an invitation 
 of a week s standing, to dine at three o clock. Setting off 
 in great haste, to be punctual, and arriving at a quarter 
 past the hour, he found in the drawing-room " some dirty 
 linen and no fire." While the waiting-woman takes away 
 one, a valet lights up the other. Three small sticks in a 
 deep heap of ashes give no great expectation of heat. By 
 the smoke, however, all doubts are removed respecting 
 the existence of fire. To expel the smoke a window is 
 opened, and the day being cold I have the benefit of as 
 fresh air as can reasonably be expected in so large a city. 
 Towards 4 o clock the guests begin to assemble, and I be 
 gin to suspect that as madame is a poetess, I shall have 
 the honor to dine with that excellent part of the species 
 who devote themselves to the Muses. In effect, the 
 gentlemen begin to compliment their respective works, 
 and as regular hours cannot be expected in a house 
 where the mistress is occupied more with the intellect 
 ual than the material world, I have the delightful pros 
 pect of a continuance of the scene. Towards five, ma- 
 dame steps in to announce dinner, and the hungry poets 
 advance to the charge. As they bring good appetites 
 
32 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 they have certainly reason to praise the feast, and I 
 console myself in the persuasion that for this day at 
 least I shall escape indigestion. A very narrow escape, 
 too, for some rancid butter of which the cook had been 
 very liberal, puts me in bodily fear. If the repast is not 
 abundant we have at least the consolation that there is no 
 lack of conversation. Not being perfectly master of the 
 language, most of the jests escape me ; as for the rest of 
 the company, each being employed either in saying a good 
 thing, or studying one to say, tis no wonder if he cannot 
 find time to explain that of his neighbor. They all agree 
 that we live in an age alike deficient in justice and in taste. 
 Each finds in the fate of his own works numerous instances 
 to justify the censure. They tell me, to my great surprise, 
 that the public now condemn theatrical compositions be 
 fore they have heard the first recitals, and to remove my 
 doubts, the comtesse is so kind as to assure me that this 
 rash decision has been made on one of her own pieces. 
 In pitying modern degeneracy, we rise from the table. I 
 take my leave immediately after the coffee, which by no 
 means dishonors the precedent repast, and madame in 
 forms me that on Tuesdays and Thursdays she is always 
 at home, and will always be glad to see me. While I 
 stammer out some return to the compliment, my heart, 
 convinced of my unworthiness to partake of such Attic 
 entertainment, makes me promise never again to occupy 
 the place, from which, perhaps, I had excluded a worthier 
 personage." 
 
 On the 5th of March Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Morris went 
 together to Versailles, the latter to be presented to the 
 Comte de Montmorin,* then Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 
 * Saint Herene de Montmorin became Minister of the Interior in 1791. 
 He was condemned by the Revolutionary Tribunal, and executed in Sep 
 tember, 1792. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 33 
 
 and to deliver his letters to him. He found him civil, but 
 in a polite way he rather intimated that " he had already 
 more trouble than he desires with strangers. Thence to 
 the Comte de Caluzem, who receives me with a degree of 
 hauteur I never before experienced. On reading my let 
 ters of introduction from his brother the Marquis, his 
 features and manner are at once softened into affability, 
 and the gout in one foot takes the blame of the prece 
 dent looks, which I believe had produced something cor 
 respondent in my features. I render the visit as short as 
 possible, and wait on the Comte d Angivilliers, whose 
 politeness compensates in a great degree for the ministe 
 rial atmosphere I have just now breathed. In spite of pre 
 determination, my visit is too long, and thus by being 
 troublesome I pay a compliment, whose value he cannot 
 be sensible of. This visit, short as it is, and the first I 
 ever made to a court, has convinced me that I am not 
 formed to succeed there. Return to Paris and dine with 
 Madame de Tesse republicans of the first feather. The 
 countess, who is a very sensible woman, has formed her 
 ideas of government in a manner not suited, I think, either 
 to the situation, the circumstances, or the disposition of 
 France, and there are many such." 
 
 The evening of this rather eventful day was passed in 
 the salon of Madame de Chastellux, where the Duchess of 
 Orleans was also whiling away an hour. "Madame de 
 Chastellux presents me to her Highness, informing me that 
 she had the goodness to permit of my reception. In the 
 course of the visit, her Royal Highness has the conde 
 scension to speak to one who is only a human being. My 
 morning s course has taught me the value of a few words 
 uttered in a gentle tone from such a character." 
 
 The reckless driving in the streets of Paris a peculiar 
 ity remarked to-day by visitors to the French capital 
 3 
 
34 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 Morris rather humorously ridicules in the following lines, 
 entitled " Paris : " 
 
 " A coachman driving furious on, 
 For here, to fly is quite the ton, 
 Thro the thick vapors of the night, 
 Sees by a glimmering lamp s dim light, 
 Some creature stniggling in the street, 
 Which soon beneath his horses feet 
 Is trod, and there in anguish feels 
 The crushing of the chariot wheels. 
 Villain ! exclaims the aged count, 
 Stop ! ho ! the guard ; bougez, dismount. 
 The law, pardieu, shall have its course. 
 (Au Commits air e?) He has killed my horse. 
 Seigneur, replies the poor cocher, 
 Moi, humbly I your pardon pray. 
 Had I supposed a horse lay there 
 I would have taken better care. 
 But by St. Jacques declare I can 
 I thought twas nothing but a mau / " 
 
 A dinner was given to Morris on the 7th of March by 
 the Baron de Montvoissieu " at the request of M. de Males- 
 herbes,* who is there a pleasant, respectable old man, 
 whose daughter, Madame de Montvoissieu, has five fine 
 children. It has the effect of rendering her happy. At 
 least she has more the appearance than any other woman I 
 have seen here. M. 1 Eveque d Arras tells me our new 
 Constitution is the best that has ever yet been found, 
 but has some faults which arise from our imitation of the 
 English." 
 
 M. de Malesherbes quite captivated Morris, who spoke 
 enthusiastically of him in a letter to the Marquis de 
 
 * Chretien Guillaume de Lamoignon de Malesherbes, a judge, philanthro 
 pist, and man of letters. In 1775 appointed Minister of the King s Household 
 and of the Police ; resigned in 1776. In 1792, when the king was arraigned by 
 the Convention, Malesherbes offered his services, which were accepted, but his 
 act was resented by the Terrorists, and he fell a victim to the guillotine. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 35 
 
 la Luzerne, then ambassador at London. " I am in 
 love," he wrote, " with one of your family, and this is 
 not singular, for everyone else has the same passion, 
 though not perhaps in so great a degree. I am sure you 
 will not accuse me of want of taste, when I tell you that 
 the person in question is M. de Malesherbes. He has so 
 much goodness and so much serenity that it is impossible 
 not to feel a very sincere affection for him. I must tell 
 you how glad I should have been to have met you here, 
 where there are a thousand things in which a stranger has 
 need of advice, but although I much regret your absence, 
 yet I have too much affection for you to wish you here. 
 France seems to be in a situation which, terminate as it 
 may with respect to public affairs, cannot fail eventually 
 to produce dissensions in private circles. . . . Stay 
 where you are a little while, and when you come back you 
 will hardly know your country. As yet the spectacles 
 hold some share in the conversation, but I hear as much 
 politics among the ladies of Paris as ever you did among 
 those of Philadelphia. Republicanism is absolutely a 
 moral influenza, from which neither titles, places, nor even 
 the diadem can guard their possessor. If when the States- 
 General assemble their debates should be published, the 
 Lord preserve us from a hot summer." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson, the American minister, was just on the 
 eve of departure for America, and no one had as yet been 
 appointed in his place. "The Comte de Puisignieu," 
 Morris says, " tells me that I must stay in France to fill 
 Jefferson s place, by which I understand a wish to discover 
 if I have any views and expectations. I assure him with 
 great truth that I have no desire to be in that place even 
 if it were vacant." It was not long after the evening 
 spent in Madame de Tesse s republican salon that Morris 
 was told by Madame de Lafayette that she considered him 
 
36 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 an aristocrat, and in consequence of his conversation with 
 Madame de Tesse that enthusiast who had worked for 
 years to make a constitution for France, and was ready to 
 shed her last drop of blood if perchance she might see it 
 accepted ; and it was doubtless not a little surprising to 
 Morris to discover that " his ideas were too moderate for 
 that company." 
 
 Another surprise seems to have been the cold, uncom 
 fortable weather which he found, instead of the " smiling 
 European spring about which," he says, "so much has 
 been said and sung." "To-day the face of the country is 
 that of January, all white," he mentions in his diary, " and 
 from present appearances one would hardly expect the 
 genial spring ever to come." 
 
 The hurry of life in Paris evidently troubled him, for in 
 a letter to his brother (March nth) he says : 
 
 " I have one great objection to Paris, which is that I 
 have not a moment s time. The amusements I cannot 
 partake of because my business in the morning and my 
 engagements till midnight keep me in a perpetual hurry. 
 I have seen enough to convince me that a man might in 
 this city be incessantly employed for forty years and grow 
 old without knowing what he had been about. This is a 
 charming circumstance for those who, having nothing to 
 do, would otherwise be obliged to study how best to kill 
 old time, and who waste their hours in constant complaints 
 that the days of man are short and few." 
 
 During the spring the affairs of a certain Mr. Nesbitt, 
 who seemed to be in a chronic state of hiding from 
 his creditors, gave Morris more or less trouble, and no 
 small share of amusement, owing to various contretemps, 
 while seeking the presence of certain ministers " with 
 whom," he said, " I am utterly unacquainted." One en 
 counter he particularly mentioned, where he was to go to 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 37 
 
 Versailles and call upon M. DeVille Delville, and where 
 " I am to make the modest request that he will grant me 
 the favor to stop the usual course of law and justice." 
 
 A letter from Count Dillon* was to open the way to an 
 interview with the Minister. But it is best to let Mor 
 ns tell his own experience of approaching so high a per 
 sonage. "Arrived at Versailles," he says, " the coachman 
 sets me down at the door of M. de Puisegur, Minis 
 ter at War. After waiting for my turn I address the Min 
 ister by asking if he is M. DeVille Delville, to whom I 
 have the honor of addressing myself. He informs me 
 of my mistake, and as he is a man of the sword and not of 
 the robe, this mistake is not a small one." Finally, when 
 M. Delville is found and appealed to for help he refuses 
 to understand reason ; and the next morning the unfortu 
 nate Mr. Nesbitt woke Morris at any early hour, by 
 rushing into his chamber to escape from the officer. " I 
 get up," Morris says, " and endeavor to persuade this 
 latter to go away ; but it will not do. He has already sent 
 for the commissary and the guard. Presently they arrive 
 in their respective uniforms, and as the door is kept 
 bolted a locksmith is also sent for. He comes, and before 
 the application of his tools I inform Mr. Nesbitt of what 
 has passed, and he comes out. He contends that they 
 cannot take him, because he has not been duly summoned. 
 But the officer produces a certificate that he has. And 
 although this is certainly false, yet justice must believe 
 its own instruments. He sets off for the bureau and I go 
 and make interest for his release. Nesbitt is nevertheless 
 dragged to 1 Hotel de Force and detained there some 
 
 * Count Arthur Dillon, a French general, chosen a deputy to the States- 
 General in 1789. Later he served under Dumouriez, but was disaffected 
 toward the new regime and was recalled in 1793, imprisoned, and perished 
 on the guillotine in 1794. 
 
38 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 time. "I go to the Comte de Puisignieu to supper. Hear 
 that Lafayette is like to lose his election in Auvergne a 
 circumstance which gives great pleasure, I find, to some 
 persons here. His conduct is much disapproved of, as 
 indeed is naturally to be expected, by all those attached 
 to the order of nobility. I believe he has mixed a little 
 too deep, for I am very much mistaken if he is not, 
 without knowing it himself, a much greater aristocrat than 
 those of the party opposed to him. In effect, as the con 
 stitution of this country must inevitably undergo some 
 change which will lessen the monarchical power, it is 
 clear that unless the nobles acquire a constitutional sanc 
 tion to some of their privileges, if will be in the power of 
 the ministry afterwards to confound them entirely with 
 the people, (according to the strange doctrine supported 
 by the Duke of Orleans) and the result must be either a 
 tyranny of one in the first instance or as a consequence of 
 the anarchy which would result from giving the wretched 
 constitution of the Pennsylvania legislature to the King 
 dom of France." 
 
 As to the distress among the paupers of Paris during 
 this spring, Morris, who fearlessly and harmlessly walked 
 or drove through every part of the town, observing closely 
 as he went, wrote to his brother, General Morris, then in 
 England, as follows : 
 
 " I believe your apprehensions of the sufferings of 
 people here from cold are not unfounded. But they 
 have in that respect an advantage which you did not 
 think of ; viz., that they are stowed so close, and in 
 such little cabins, that if they live through the first few 
 months they have an atmosphere of their own about them. 
 In effect, none of the beggars I have seen complain to me 
 of cold. They all ask for the means to get a morsel of 
 bread, and show by their countenance that by bread they 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 39 
 
 mean wine. And if the vintners were to interpret this 
 last word, the poor devils would find that it means a very 
 different kind of liquor. Among the objects which pre 
 sent themselves, doubtless some are deserving of charity, 
 but these are scarcely to be noticed in the crowd of pre 
 tenders. However, they get from me all my small change, 
 and I must confess, to my shame, that I give rather for 
 peace sake than through benevolence. The rascals have, 
 I suppose, found out by studying human nature that each 
 man loves himself better than his neighbor, and therefore 
 make it his interest to give. The rich, in return, as pat 
 rons of industry, are vastly inattentive to these importu 
 nities, and by withholding their alms try to make it the 
 interest of the others to work rather than to beg. The 
 effects of habit on each are wonderful. Not long since I 
 saw a gentleman of my acquaintance weep at an air of an 
 opera, who had heard a beggar clatter his crutches in pur 
 suit of him for the length of a street without turning 
 round to look at him. Tis true there is a difference in the 
 music. 
 
 "You are right in your idea that our contest has given a 
 confused notion of liberty to this country, but there are 
 many persons here whose views are very clear and dis 
 tinct. It is highly probable that a constitution will be es 
 tablished, as free as is consistent with their manners and 
 situation ; in which case the King will gain more abroad 
 than he loses at home, if, indeed, it can be called a loss to 
 part with the power of doing mischief and retain only the 
 power of doing good. If the indisposition of the King of 
 England should keep their politics a little more at home, 
 the nation will be much happier. That preponderance 
 which Britain had gained during the peace, from the cir 
 cumstances in which other nations found themselves, and 
 which has led to a very dictatorial conduct that by those 
 
4O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 same circumstances became successful, would, I fear, 
 have soon set the world again on fire, and it is ten to one 
 that her own feathers would have been singed in the gen 
 eral combustion." 
 
 "At supper to-night [March lyth] in the salon of the 
 Baron de Besenval," * the diary mentions, " M. le Comte 
 de Puisignieu, who has an estate in St. Dominique, 
 asks me to speak to M. de Malesherbes on the com 
 merce of the Islands. This apropos of the letter written 
 some years before on this subject to the Marquis de Chas- 
 tellux. I tell him that I have no wit to talk with their 
 ministers on public affairs, but if he chooses to ask my 
 ideas it will be my duty to give them, after his very par 
 ticular attention to me. In effect, I had rather leave our 
 affairs in the hands of our Minister, and give him my 
 ideas." 
 
 From this time Morris became deeply engaged in 
 large affairs of public interest to America and France. 
 In a long conversation on the i8th of March with William 
 Short, Secretary of the United States Legation under Jef 
 ferson, speculations in American bonds and the purchase 
 of the debt of the United States to France, were discussed 
 at length, and Morris expressed himself willing to take 
 an interest for himself and his friends, in speculations 
 of this kind " which are well founded provided always 
 there be nothing in them prejudicial to the United States 
 or inconsistent with personal honor or integrity." Din 
 ing with M. de Malesherbes the evening of this same 
 day, he hinted to him " the idea of supplying the garrison 
 in the French Islands from America and of furnishing 
 
 * Baron de Besenval, lieutenant of the Swiss. The women, owing to his 
 gray hairs, had great confidence in him. He was considered the best racon 
 teur in the salon of Madame Jules de Polignac. He was tried for his life on 
 the charge of being an aristocrat and trying to fly from France, but was ac 
 quitted in March, 1790. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 41 
 
 salt beef to the fleet." Certainly Morris found no dif 
 ficulty in filling the days with work and society duties, 
 if paying thirteen calls on various ladies, besides having 
 long conversations on the Nesbitt affair with Parker, on 
 the purchase of the debt to France with M. Le Coulteux * 
 the banker, a pleasant hour of gossip with Madame de 
 Chastellux, and ending the day with a supper at Madame 
 de Corney s, " when we have some good music," meant 
 anything. 
 
 " Colonel Laumoy breakfasts with me to-day," he says 
 in his diary for March 2ist, and we go together to Versailles, 
 invite ourselves to dine with the Count d Angivilliers, and 
 look at the apartments in the Castle of Versailles. This 
 is an immense monument of the vanity and folly of Louis 
 Fourteenth. We see neither the King nor the Queen, but 
 as we come not to look for them this is no misfortune. 
 Like the other hangers on of the Court, we desire not 
 them, but theirs with this difference, however, that we 
 mean to gratify curiosity, not cupidity. The King is well 
 lodged the Queen s apartments I cannot see because Her 
 Majesty is there, but it is ten to one that I should like her 
 better than any other part of the furniture. Her picture, 
 however, by Madame Lebrun, will do as well, and perhaps 
 better, for it is very beautiful, doubtless as much so as the 
 original." 
 
 It was at Versailles in the salon of Madame Cabanis, 
 wife of the celebrated physiologist and physician, Pierre 
 Jean George Cabanis, the personal friend of Mirabeau, 
 
 *The firm of Le Coulteux de Cantaleu, bankers, of Rouen, was of great 
 antiquity even in the time of Louis Fourteenth, who, desirous of encourag 
 ing commerce and breaking down the barriers which prejudice had raised 
 against it, offered to give the members of the firm letters of nobility. They 
 refused the offer, saying that they preferred the reputation of old merchants 
 to that of new nobles, and would rather be at the head of one class than at 
 the tail of the other. 
 
42 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 and the ami de la maison of Condorcet, that Morris first 
 met Madame de Flahaut, the romance writer, the friend 
 of Montesquieu and of the Bishop of Autun. She was 
 at this time in the glory of her youth and attractions, with 
 possibly a touch of sadness about her and certainly a rare 
 sympathy, which, added to her thoroughly trained mind, 
 with its decidedly philosophical cast, gave her an uncom 
 mon power over men. Hers had been a strange life. 
 Married at fifteen to the Comte de Flahaut, then quite 
 fifty who had denied himself no excess of dissipation 
 she found herself coldly neglected. The Abbe Perigord, 
 who had performed the marriage ceremony for her, be 
 came her friend, companion, and instructor for to him 
 she owed the opening and training of her intellect and 
 he became also the father of her only child, who was 
 named Charles, after the abbe. But to return to the diary. 
 "Madame de Flahaut," Morris says, "entered the room 
 with her sister Madame d Angivilliers, the wife of M. 
 Bellarderie d Angivilliers, Director-General of the Navy. 
 She speaks English and is a pleasing woman ; if I might 
 judge from appearances, not a sworn enemy to intrigue." 
 Madame Adele de Flahaut, during the dark days of the 
 Revolution, received many substantial proofs of friendship 
 from Morris. She was destined to fly for her life and to 
 be made a widow by the guillotine in 1793. 
 
 Those were pleasant days and evenings in the grand 
 salons of the Palais Royal, and the lesser ones of Paris p 
 generally, before the Terror came. A change had undoubt 
 edly come since the time of Louis XV. There was no longer 
 dancing, and fewer love-making couples scattered about 
 the room ; large groups of people came together for more 
 general conversation. The gaming table was always to be 
 found, where one woman and an abbe tried their luck with 
 the dice-box ; while someone reading a book by the win- 
 
1789.] - GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 43 
 
 dow was not an uncommon sight. "The society was 
 there," Goncourt says, " but not the pleasure of the salons 
 of the time of Louis Fifteenth." But the ladies had not, as 
 yet, lost their spirits by reason of the sorrows that came 
 later, and their natural grace of manner and mind lent a 
 charm to their conversation that nothing else could give. 
 Morris surely counted himself born under a fortunate 
 star to be the favored guest of such as they. In the bou 
 doir of the lovely Madame de Duras-Dufurt, the friend 
 of Madame de Stael and an authoress, he was one even 
 ing wholly charmed by the surroundings. " For the first 
 time," he says, " I have an idea of the music which 
 may be drawn from the harp. In the boudoir of madame, 
 adjoining the salon, I have the pleasure to sit for an hour 
 alone by a light exactly resembling twilight, the temperature 
 of the air brought to perfect mildness and the sweetest 
 sounds. Later in the evening came a change of scene, and 
 a bishop from Languedoc makes tea and the ladies who 
 choose it stand round and take each their dish. This 
 would seem strange in America, and yet it is by no means 
 more so than the Chevalier de Louis who begged alms of 
 me this morning after introducing himself by his own let 
 ter." Going to Madame de Chastellux s one evening 
 (March 25th) Morris found himself among the noblesse, and 
 in a few moments after the Duchess of Orleans appeared. 
 " The duchess," he says, "is affable and handsome enough 
 to punish the duke for his irregularities. Madame de 
 Segur goes away early, as the company seem determined to 
 increase. The widow of the late Duke of Orleans comes 
 in, and at going away, according to custom, kisses the 
 duchess. I observe that the ladies of Paris are very fond of 
 each other, which gives room to some observations from her 
 Royal Highness on the person who has just quitted the 
 room, which show that the kiss does not always betoken 
 
44 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 great affection. In going away she is pleased to say that 
 she is glad to have met me, and I believe her. The reason 
 is that I dropped some expressions and sentiments a little 
 rough, and which were agreeable because they contrast with 
 the palling polish she constantly meets with everywhere. 
 Hence I conclude that the less I have the honor of such 
 good company the better, for when the novelty ceases all is 
 over, and I shall probably be worse than insipid. Every 
 body complains of the weather and yet the weather don t 
 mend. It could not be worse if we praised it." 
 
 The diary notes that " on Friday [March 27th] the Mare- 
 chal de Castries calls and takes me to dine with M. and 
 Madame Necker.* In the salon we find Madame de Stael. 
 She seems to be a woman of sense and somewhat mascu 
 line in her character, but has very much the appearance of 
 a chambermaid. A little before dinner M. Necker enters. 
 He has the look and manner of the counting-house, and, 
 being dressed in embroidered velvet, he contrasts strongly 
 with his habiliments. His bow, his address, etc., say, / 
 am the man. Our company is one half Academicians. 
 The Duchess of Biron, formerly Lauzun, is one. I observe 
 that M. Necker seems occupied by ideas whch rather 
 distress him. He cannot, I think, stay in office half an 
 hour after the nation insist on keeping him there. He is 
 much harassed and madame receives continually memoires 
 from different people, so that she seems as much occupied 
 
 * Jacques Necker, Prime Minister of France, was a native of Switzerland. 
 The first public exposition of the revenue and expenses of the State was 
 made by him in his famous compte rendu published in 1781 and which was re 
 ceived with great favor ; but, later, his reforms made for him many enemies at 
 Court and elsewhere. He succeeded Brienne as Prime Minister or Comp 
 troller of Finances about September i, 1788. He favored the Revolution by 
 granting to the Tiers Etat a double number of deputies. On the I ith of July, 
 1789, he was suddenly dismissed, but was recalled on the 2istof July, and re 
 mained in office until September, 1790, when, becoming convinced that he 
 was too conservative to satisfy the popular party, he resigned, and passed the 
 rest of his life at Coppet. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 45 
 
 as he is. If he is a really great man I am deceived, and 
 yet this is a rash judgment ; but how can one help forming 
 some judgment ? If he is not a laborious man I am also 
 deceived. From dinner I visit Madame de Chastellux. 
 After being there some time the Duchess of Orleans en 
 ters. We have a trio for half an hour. She has something 
 or the other which weighs heavy at her heart, perhaps the 
 besoin d etre aimee, that painful void left aching in the 
 breast. I make an apology for her husband s wildness, 
 by advising her to breed her son, M. de Beaujolais, to 
 business, because otherwise at five and twenty, having en 
 joyed all which rank and fortune can give him, he will be 
 unhappy from not knowing what to do with himself. She 
 repeats that she is very glad to see me there. This is 
 very kind, but I do not exactly know what it means." 
 
 After a pleasant hour with the duchess and Madame de 
 Chastellux, a supper with the Baron de Besenval claimed 
 attention. " A large party," he says, " and his reputed son, 
 the Vicomte de Segur, is one of the number, and if resem 
 blances and caresses may be taken for evidence of the 
 fact it must be admitted. This young man is the Lovelace 
 of his day and as remarkable for seductions as his father. 
 He does not want for understanding. The tone of the 
 society here seems to be that it was not worth while to 
 call the States-General for such a trifle as the deficit 
 amounts to. The business of M. Necker therefore stands 
 thus : If any mischiefs happen they will be charged to 
 him. If he gets well through the business others will 
 claim the reputation of what good is done by the States- 
 General. He loves flattery for he flatters ; he is there 
 fore easily deceived. He believes that many persons sup 
 port him out of esteem, who I believe only use him, and 
 will throw by the instrument when it can no longer serve 
 their purpose. Necker is in blast till May, but will prob- 
 
46 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 ably blow out unless further means can be devised. The 
 Caisse d Escompte is full of effets royaux (royal bills). 
 Consequently both the means and the inclination to afford 
 succor are wanting." 
 
 Not yet entirely used to the manners and customs of 
 Paris, "I find," Morris says, "that I have been guilty 
 of a betise in answering a note of Madame de Corney by 
 one addressed to monsieur. Although it was signed De 
 Corney, I ought to have understood better the marks of 
 the crow-quill. Dine [March 3oth] with Marshal de Cas 
 tries.* Hint an idea to him respecting the debt and ex 
 press a wish to converse with him on the subject. He 
 appoints to-morrow. Call on Madame de Chastellux. 
 After some time Madame de Segur comes in. Her visit 
 is short, being engaged for the evening. After she has 
 left us for a while the Duchesse d Orleans enters. A 
 look from her Royal Highness opens the idea that M. 
 Morris est tm peu amour eux de Madame la Marquise, but 
 Madame la Duchesse is mistaken. However, this mis 
 take can do no harm to anybody. The Vicomte de Segur 
 comes in and a look which he takes great pains to conceal 
 tells me that he believes I am inclined to take his advice 
 of the other day, viz., to have an affair with the widow, 
 and it tells me also that he means to console her for the 
 loss of her husband. From thence I go to Madame de 
 Flahaut s, an elegant woman, and a snug party. She is 
 by no means deficient in understanding, and has, I think, 
 good dispositions. Nous verrons" 
 
 In a long conversation on April ist, which was solicited 
 v by the Marechal de Castries, Morris stated his ideas 
 
 "The Marechal de Castries, an able general of France, was Governor-Gen 
 eral of Flanders at one time and afterward Minister of Marine. His hotel was 
 among the first destroyed in Paris by the Revolutionists in 1789. He emi 
 grated and found an asylum with the Duke of Brunswick. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 47 
 
 with regard to the value of the debt from America to 
 France, and proposed to purchase it with tobacco, flour, 
 rice, and salt provisions part payment to be made with 
 money, and part with the debt. But the Marshal ob 
 jected to the salt provisions because they must encourage 
 this commerce with Ireland, the Irish buying large 
 quantities of Bordeaux wine. " He thinks," Morris says, 
 "the tobacco may do, objects to the flour, and says noth 
 ing about the rice, and thinks, on the whole, that the pay 
 ment of the debt is of trifling importance in comparison 
 with the greater object of French commerce. M. Necker 
 will, on the contrary, I presume, be of opinion that the 
 payment of the debt is of the utmost importance." Mor 
 ris, however, was to submit his ideas on paper that the 
 marshal might further consider them. 
 
 M. de Lafayette had, in spite of Morris s fears to the 
 contrary, just secured his election for his province in 
 Auvergne, and on the second of April Morris called on 
 Madame de Lafayette to congratulate her on the result, 
 and talk a little politics. From there to Madame de 
 Chastellux s, where Madame Rully, " another of the Du- 
 chesse d Orleans s women of honor, comes in, and with 
 very fine eyes which she knows very well how to make use 
 of. Has no antipathy to the gentler passion. Nousverrons. 
 
 Madame , sister to the late M. de Chastellux, joins 
 
 us, and after some time the Duchess of Orleans. She 
 complains of a headache, but is, I think, rather out of 
 temper than in ill-health. M. Morris seems to me not to 
 be such agreeable company as before. Take leave and 
 go to supper with Madame de Corney. After a little 
 while Madame de Flahaut enters. Presently, M. de 
 Corney.* He has in vain contested for the rights of the 
 Prtuotd of Paris. Reads us his speech. M. Necker is 
 
 * M. de Corney, procureur de la ville. 
 
48 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 blamed, and the company do not appear inclined to mercy 
 on his subject. I had learnt at Madame de Chastellux s 
 that the King has received an express that M. de Calonne 
 is at Douay, and will probably be elected a member of the 
 States-General. This intelligence is not disagreeable to 
 the company here. M. de Corney tells me he did every 
 thing in his power for Nesbitt, but the bureau of M. De- 
 Ville Delville are violently prejudiced against him. This 
 Nesbitt ought to have known, for in his affair he met a 
 beautiful woman, the sister or cousin of his creditor, and 
 in the second affair M. le Secretaire treated him with the 
 utmost politeness and showed no doubt of the success of 
 his application, etc., whereas at Versailles I found very 
 great obstacles. Thus a little negligence has involved 
 him in a manner which I shall find very difficult to ex 
 tricate him from. At going away Madame de Corney tells 
 me, Et bien, je vous ai fait souper avec Madame de 
 Flahaut, ne suis-je pas une bonne femme? * Oui, Ma 
 dame. The rest of my compliment is conveyed by press 
 ing her hand and a look of reconnaissance." 
 
 " I go [April 3d] to keep an engagement with Madame 
 de Flahaut, to see the statues, paintings etc., of the 
 Louvre. She is in bed and her brother-in-law is sit 
 ting witli her. So it appears she has, as she says, for 
 gotten her engagement to me. M. de Flahaut comes in. 
 She sends us forward, and is to follow. This is done. 
 We walk over the court of the Louvre, through the mud, 
 view the statues the paintings we cannot see, that pleas 
 ure is for another opportunity. Return to her quarters. 
 Monsieur, presuming that I was about to follow her up 
 stairs merely out of politeness, apologizes for me. In 
 consequence I take my leave, and thus a scene, which 
 my imagination had painted very well, turns out good for 
 nothing. The weather contributes to render it disagree- 
 
XJNIVEKSIT 
 
 1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 49 
 
 able wind, rain, and, of course mud without, and damp 
 ness within. But this is human life. Monsieur, as I go 
 away, expresses a hope to see me again soon, and requests 
 to be commanded if he can be useful in anything. This 
 politesse is always agreeable, though a man must be a fool 
 to believe in it. 
 
 This is a day of accidents. In going from hence I slip 
 as I step into the carriage, and bruise my shin very much. 
 Thus everything goes wrong. Visit the Comtesse Durfort. 
 She has company and is but just risen. Pressed to dine, 
 but decline it. She is going to sup with the Baron de 
 Besenval, and I promise to be there if I can. She says 
 if I do not go, it is because I will not. * On peut tout 
 ce qu on veut. Stammer out a bald compliment in re 
 ply. I am certainly good for nothing, and the only tol 
 erable thing I can do is to go home. This is done, and, 
 being out of humor with myself, I find the dinner very 
 bad. Threaten to deal with another waiter extremely 
 ridiculous. The waiter, who behaves with great humility, 
 must, I think, despise me for talking angrily before I can 
 talk French. At five o clock I visit Madame de Segur. 
 Madame de Chastellux and Madame de Puisignieu are 
 there. In conversing about public men and measures I 
 am so weak and absurd as to express many opinions which 
 I ought to conceal, and some of which I may perhaps find 
 reason to alter. Two ladies come in, and as I am going 
 away Madame de Segur, to whom I had mentioned my 
 intention of visiting Mr. Jefferson, has the politeness to 
 say, Nous vous reverrons, M. Morris ? and I have 
 the stupidity to answer in the affirmative. Call on Mr. 
 Jefferson, and sit an hour with him, which is at least fifty 
 minutes too long, for his daughter had left the room on my 
 approach, and waits only my departure, at least I think so. 
 Returning in consistency with my promise, I call on Ma- 
 4 
 
50 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 dame de Segur, and am shown into the room where she 
 is with her father-in-law. He lies on a couch, or rather 
 so f a the gout in his right hand, which is his only hand. 
 Madame de Chastellux and another lady are there. I 
 think I was wrong to come here, and for that reason find 
 it difficult to get away vastly awkward. At length make 
 a shift to take leave, and, to avoid all further folly for this 
 day, determine to go home." 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 51 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Dearth of wheat at Lyons. Morris offers Necker a cargo. Graciousness of 
 the Duchess of Orleans. Ladies vexed by long arguments in the 
 salons. Ten thousand troops ordered, out. Swiss guards within the 
 barriers. Necker s fall desired. Tete-a-tete dish of tea with Madame 
 de S6gur. King and princes oppose liberty. Political talk with the 
 Bishop of Autun. Makes a plan of finance for France. Advises the 
 massing of the Swiss guards round the king s person. Election excite 
 ments. A water-party on the Seine. An eventful day at Versailles. 
 Meeting of the States-General. Magnificent spectacle. Mirabeau 
 hissed. The Duke of Orleans applauded. Visit to Marly. Madame 
 du Barry. Madame de Se gur at her toilet. Petit-Trianon Gardens. 
 Madame de Suze s lapdog. 
 
 IN the month of April the dearth of wheat at Lyons 
 gave the ministers serious apprehension, and Morris 
 proposed to the banker Le Coulteux to offer a cargo of 
 grain which was then arriving. The plan was approved 
 of and an express sent to Versailles to consult with M. 
 Necker. " This evening [April 6th] at Madame de 
 Puisignieu s," says the diary, " I am told that there is 
 wheat enough in the kingdom, but that it is bought up by 
 forestallers and that M. Necker is suspected of having 
 engaged the funds and credit of government in the op 
 eration, by which he will get for the crown one hundred 
 and fifty millions. I cannot help expressing my detesta 
 tion of this vile slander, and M. de Puisignieu seems 
 ashamed of hinting it. How wretched is the situation of 
 that man who is raised high above others. His services, 
 the fruit of anxious solicitude, are attributed to chance, or 
 pared down to the size of ordinary occurrences. But every 
 
52 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 public misfortune, even the interference of the seasons 
 and the operations of human cupidity, are charged to the 
 ignorance or injustice of administration. M. Le Coulteux 
 wishes that I should go with him to one of the adminis 
 tration about the cargo of the Russel, as he is fearful 
 that an offer from him would be considered merely in the 
 light of a private speculation. In the afternoon go to 
 M. Le Coulteux s and take him up by appointment. 
 We visit M. Montlieraiu, and Monsieur C. opens the 
 business. I find he was right in his idea of the reception 
 it would meet with, but I cut the matter short by putting 
 it at once on its true ground without any of those com 
 pliments that had already been brought forward and which 
 might of course now be dispensed with. This induces 
 M. Montlieraiu to think more seriously of the mat 
 ter. The brother of the first magistrate of Lyons is sent 
 for, who wishes it very much. After considering the sev 
 eral difficulties the thing appears of such consequence that 
 a letter is to be written to-morrow, to M. Necker. I 
 desire pointedly that, if my name is used, M. Necker may 
 know that this offer is made from a view to relieve the ad 
 ministration, but above all to succor the distressed peo 
 ple and without the slightest attention to pecuniary con 
 siderations." 
 
 The procession to Longchamp " took place on the 
 8th of April, and Morris described it as " exhibiting a 
 strange mixture of wretched fiacres and superb equipages 
 with all the intermediate degrees. While visiting Madame 
 de Chastellux this evening," he continues, " a message is 
 brought from the Duchess of Orleans to the effect that 
 she cannot pay her intended visit. Madame de Chastellux 
 told me that the Duchess had observed on not seeing me 
 there for some time, and said she would visit me chez 
 Madame la Marquise this evening. This is a badinage 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 53 
 
 which I begin to comprehend, and there is nothing in it to 
 flatter my vanity. Tant mieux. I assure the marchioness 
 of my veneration and affection, etc., for her Royal High- 
 ness s virtues, in which there is much more sincerity than 
 a person of her rank has a right to expect. She tells me 
 that Madame de Rully is a slut. I assure her that this in 
 formation gives me great concern, that I was becoming 
 violently in love with her, and am totally palled by the 
 communication. Tout cela s entend." 
 
 The early spring attracted Morris toward the coun 
 try, and he mentions visiting the country-seat of M. 
 le Normand, where, with his true farmer s instinct, he 
 carefully examined the farm, and expressed himself very 
 much surprised to learn " that the sheep are housed in 
 winter. I attribute it with other practices to want of 
 knowledge in husbandry," he says, " for, in effect, this is a 
 science very little understood in France. They will ac 
 quire it by means of that Anglomania which now rages 
 among them. If at the same time they should improve 
 both their agriculture and constitution, it will be difficult 
 to calculate the power of this nation. But the progress 
 of this nation seems to be much greater in the fine arts 
 than in the useful arts. This perhaps depends on a gov 
 ernment oppressive to industry but favorable to genius. 
 At Vieflis [the chateau of M. le Norrage] we have a 
 thousand proofs that the master does not understand cal 
 culation : a very large house not finished, a garden or 
 park which, if ever completed, will at least have been ex 
 pensive, and will perhaps be magnificent. A large com 
 pany and a small dinner. An abbe declaims violently 
 against moderation in politics. He will, he says, carry 
 the post by assault. This will be somewhat difficult, as 
 the King has already surrendered everything at discretion. 
 I desire the Comte de Pellue to ask him what he wants. 
 
54 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 He says a constitution. But what constitution ? In ex 
 plaining himself, it appears that he desires less than is 
 already granted, and a part of the company differ with 
 him because he does not desire enough. And so much 
 for carrying everything by assault. A tedious argument 
 is commenced, to which I pay no attention, but find that 
 the ladies are vexed at it, because the orators are so vehe 
 ment that their gentle voices cannot be heard. They will 
 have more of this, if the States-General should really fix a 
 constitution. Such an event would be particularly dis 
 tressing to the women of this country, for they would be 
 thereby deprived of their share in the government, and 
 hitherto they have exercised an authority almost un 
 limited, with no small pleasure to themselves, though 
 not perhaps with the greatest advantage to the commu 
 nity." 
 
 " To-day [April i5th] I visit M. Millet. He is at play with 
 a number of people who look like gamblers. Madame is 
 abroad and probably engaged at a different game. Call 
 on Madame de Durfort. She lets me know that she is go 
 ing to pay a visit to a sick person, and she takes an officer 
 of dragoons to support her under the affliction. Take tea 
 with Madame de Chastellux. She gives me many curious 
 anecdotes of this country. Two ladies come in and talk 
 politics. One of them dislikes M. Necker so much that she 
 seemed vexed with herself for being pleased with a little 
 jeu d esprit which he composed several years ago and 
 which Madame de Chastellux reads to us." 
 
 "In a very long conversation with M. de Lafayette to 
 day [April i yth] he gives me the history of his campaign in 
 Auvergne. I find that his mind is getting right as to the 
 business he has in hand. We consider of a revolt in Paris, 
 and agree that it might occasion much mischief but would 
 not produce any good, that in consequence it will be 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 55 
 
 best to enter a protestation against the manner of canvass 
 ing the city, etc., but to go on with the business and get 
 the members elected. There is to be a meeting of the 
 noblesse this afternoon and M. Clermont * will talk to. 
 this effect. He is, if possible, to be made one of the rep 
 resentatives and is therefore to be brought forward as a 
 speaker immediately. Lafayette says he has genius and 
 family though of small fortune. Go to dine with M. de la 
 Breteche after dinner. M. de Durfort, comes in. He has 
 been at the meeting. M. de Clermont s speech was very 
 much admired and he carried his point by a large ma 
 jority, contrary, says M. de Durfort to the wish of M. 
 Necker s friends. I am very curious, and among other 
 things ask if M. de Lafayette was there. Yes, and said a 
 few words which were very well. As M. de Durfort is not 
 the friend of either M. de Lafayette or M. Necker, I fancy 
 things have gone very right. Ten thousand men are or 
 dered into the neighborhood of Paris, and the French and 
 Swiss guards are within the barriers, which makes the 
 Mare chaussee, etc., six thousand more, so that if we have 
 an insurrection it will be warm work. The revolution that 
 is carrying on in the country is a strange one. A few peo 
 ple who have set it going look with astonishment at their 
 own work. The ministers contribute to the destruction of 
 ministerial authority, without knowing either what they 
 are doing or what to do. M. Necker, who thinks he di 
 rects everything, is perhaps himself as much an instru 
 ment as any of those which he makes use of. His fall is 
 I think desired, but it will not happen so soon as his ene 
 mies expect. It will depend much on the chapter of acci 
 dents who will govern the States-General, or whether they 
 will be at all governable. Gods ! what a theatre this is 
 
 * Clermont de Tonnerre was elected by the noblesse to the States-General 
 in 1789. Perished in the massacre of August 10, 1792. 
 
56 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 for a first-rate character. Lafayette has given me this 
 morning the anticipation of a whimsical part of the drama. 
 The Duke de Coigny, one of the Queen s lovers, is directed 
 by his constituents to move that the Queen shall not, in 
 case of accidents, be Regent, and he (Lafayette), who is 
 hated by both King and Queen, intends to oppose that mo 
 tion. I give him one or two reasons which strike me in 
 support of his opinion, but he inclines to place it on a dif 
 ferent ground. His opinions accord best with those of a 
 republic. Mine are drawn only from human nature and 
 ought not therefore to have much respect in this age of 
 refinement. It would indeed be ridiculous for those to 
 believe in man who affect not to believe in God." 
 
 " This afternoon [April 28th] over a tete-a-tete dish of tea 
 with Madame de Segur we have a pleasant talk. The tea 
 is very good, and her conversation is better flavored than 
 her tea, which comes from Russia. After this an hour 
 spent with Madame de Chastellux at the Palais Royal, 
 where I found her with her son lying in her lap. A 
 mother in this situation is always interesting, and her late 
 loss renders her particularly so. In the course of conver 
 sation, asking after the health of her princess, she repeats 
 a message formerly delivered. On this occasion I observe 
 that I should be sorry to show a want of respectful atten 
 tion or be guilty of an indiscretion, and therefore wish to 
 know what would be proper conduct should I meet Her 
 Highness anywhere else that my present opinion is that 
 it would be proper not to know her. She says I may rely 
 on it that in such case she would recognize me. I tell her 
 farther that, although in my interior I have a great indif 
 ference for the advantages of birth, and only respect in 
 her Royal Highness the virtues she possesses, yet I feel 
 myself bound to comply exteriorly with the feelings and 
 prejudices of those among whom I find myself. Between 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 57 
 
 nine and ten it is concluded that the Duchess will not 
 make her evening visit, and I take my leave, returning the 
 message I had received : I have visited Madame la Du- 
 chesse chez Madame de Chastellux, and I am sorry not to 
 have met her there. " 
 
 Morris seemed to be impressed with his lack of the 
 proper spirit of a traveller and sightseer, for in a letter 
 [April i8th] to a friend at Philadelphia he confessed his 
 shortcomings in that regard. 
 
 " I am pretty well convinced," he wrote, " that I am not 
 fit for a traveller, and yet I thought otherwise when I left 
 America. But what will you say to a man who has been 
 above two months in Paris without ascending to the top 
 of Notre Dame, who has been but three times to Ver 
 sailles, and on neither of those times has seen the King or 
 Queen, or had the wish to see them, and who, if he should 
 continue here twenty years, would continue in ignorance 
 of the length of the Louvre, the breadth of the Pont 
 Neuf, etc. ? A man in Paris lives in a sort of whirlwind 
 which turns him round so fast that he can see nothing, and 
 as all men and things are in the same vertiginous situation 
 you can neither fix yourself nor your object for regular 
 examination. Hence the people of this metropolis are 
 under the necessity of pronouncing their definitive judg 
 ment from the first glance ; and being thus habituated to 
 shoot flying, they have what the sportsmen call a quick 
 sight. They know a wit by his snuff-box, a man of taste by 
 his bow, and a statesman by the cut of his coat. It is true 
 that like other sportsmen they sometimes miss, but like 
 other sportsmen they have a thousand excuses besides 
 the want of skill. The fault, you know, may be in the 
 dog or the bird or the powder or the flint, or even the 
 gun, without mentioning the gunner. 
 
 "We are at present in a fine situation for what the 
 
58 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 bucks and bloods would term a frolic and high fun. 
 The ministers have disgusted this city by the manner 
 of convoking them to elect their representatives for the 
 States-General, and at the same time bread is getting 
 dearer. So that when the people assemble on Monday, 
 Tuesday, and Wednesday next, what with hunger and dis 
 content the least spark would set everything in a flame. 
 The state physicians have, by way of antidote, brought 
 between fifteen and twenty thousand regular troops 
 within and about the city ; so that at any rate the bans 
 bourgeois may not have all the fun to themselves. This 
 measure will rather tend to produce than to prevent a 
 riot, for some of the young nobility have brought them 
 selves to an active faith in the natural equality of man 
 kind, and spurn at everything which looks like re 
 straint." 
 
 "This evening [April 2oth] while I am taking tea in 
 Madame de Flahaut s salon, the Marquis de Boursac 
 comes in fresh from the elections. He has been very busy 
 all day in traversing the views of the ministry in the elec 
 tion of the nobles, and thinks with success. There is to be 
 a meeting to-morrow morning at the Provost s of Paris, 
 to decide finally what they shall do. Madame goes to 
 make her visit of condolence to Madame de Guibert, 
 whose husband, a Neckerist, is dismissed from his place 
 in the War Office, at which, by the bye, she is delighted, 
 though Madame de Guibert will not be so well pleased, 
 notwithstanding that she is of the party opposed to her 
 husband. Promise Madame de Flahaut to return, and go 
 to M. Millet s ;* sit a little while with him and his mis 
 tress, and then call on Madame de Corney. She is in 
 high spirits at the opposition like to take place among the 
 nobles. She gives me an anecdote from the Baron de 
 
 * One of the partners in the firm of Le Coulteux de Cantaleu. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 59 
 
 Breteuil,* who had it from the mouth of M. Ma- 
 chault, a minister. The King and Princes have united 
 together to oppose the progress of liberty, the rapidity of 
 which has at length given them serious alarm. The King 
 applied to M. Machault to be premier, which he de 
 clined on account of his age. Was asked his opinion of 
 M. Necker. * I don t like his conduct, but I think it 
 would be dangerous to dismiss him at present. Madame 
 de Corney presses me to stay to supper, but I decline, tell 
 ing her I am engaged to her friend the Comtesse de Fla- 
 haut, which she of course admits to be a sufficient reason. 
 Go to Madame de Flahaut s. Meet the Bishop d Autun.f 
 Talk more politics than I ought. 
 
 " I am of the opinion that if the Court should attempt 
 now to recede, it is impossible to conjecture the event. 
 The chiefs of the patriotic party have gone so far that 
 they cannot retreat with safety. If there be any real vigor 
 in the nation the prevailing party in the States-General 
 may, if they please, overturn the monarchy itself, should 
 the King commit his authority to a contest with them. 
 
 * Baron de Breteuil, said by Madame Campan to have been the cause of 
 the scandal and result of the affair of the diamond necklace, because of his 
 hatred for the Cardinal de Rohan. The Abbe Vermond threw the entire 
 blame on him. In August, 1789, he was nominated to fill M. Necker s place 
 in the Finances. 
 
 t Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince of Benevento, a cele 
 brated French diplomatist and wit, born at Paris, February 13, 1754. An 
 accident made him lame for life ; and, in consequence, he was required to re 
 sign his birthright and enter the church, which profession was very distaste 
 ful to him. In 1788 he became Bishop of Autun, and in 1789 member of the 
 States-General, and, enlisting in the service of liberty and equality, he joined 
 the Third Estate. He was proscribed by Robespierre, and took refuge in 
 the United States. In 1799 he co-operated with Bonaparte in the revolution 
 of the i8th Brumaire. He was distinguished for his sarcastic wit and exquisite 
 tact, his coolness and sobriety, and " masterly inactivity." He resigned from 
 the cabinet of Louis XVIII. because he would not sign the humiliating treaty 
 which was concluded with the Allied Powers. He died at Paris in May, 1838, 
 leaving memoirs to be published thirty years after his death. 
 
6O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 The Court is extremely feeble, and the manners are so 
 extremely corrupt that they cannot succeed if there be 
 any consistent opposition. Unless the whole nation be 
 equally depraved, the probability, I think, is that an at 
 tempt to retreat at this late period of the business will 
 bring the Court into absolute contempt." 
 
 " After the Comdie Francaise to-night [April 2ist] I go 
 to Madame de Chastellux s, and she gives me the news 
 from Versailles. M. de Vauguyon* is not to return to 
 Spain. M. de la Luzerne is to go there. Hope that 
 M. de Segur will go to London. The nobles of Paris 
 have agreed to elect, protesting against the Regle- 
 ment. This is the best course they could take. Madame 
 de Chastellux tells me that the Duchesse d Orlans had 
 left, a little before my arrival, a message for me. She 
 wishes me to see her son, M. de Beaujolais." 
 
 Morris had been for some time engaged in forming a 
 plan of finance for France. It had been translated into 
 French, and presented to M. de Malesherbes. The morn 
 ing of Wednesday, the 22d, Morris spent with Jeffer 
 son, discussing the question of the finances generally, and 
 particularly the plan which he had made. " Mr. Jeffer 
 son," he says (April 22d), "likes much my plan of finance. 
 We wait till after four for Lafayette, who then comes in 
 deshabille, having been engaged in politics till that mo 
 ment. The business we believe is going well. I advise 
 that the Swiss guards should be removed from about the 
 King s person by the States-General, and a compliment be 
 at the same time made to the national troops. Mr. Jeffer 
 son does not seem to think this important, but I urge it to 
 the conviction of Lafayette. He wishes to have our opin 
 ion whether he should take a great part in the debates of 
 
 * The Due de Vauguyon had been the governor of the sons of the Dauphin, 
 who became, respectively, Louis XVI., Louis XVIII., and Charles X. 
 
1798. J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 6 1 
 
 the States-General. We agree that he should only speak 
 on important occasions. Afterwards Jefferson and I .go 
 to the Palais Royal to get our profiles taken." [The 
 semi-silhouette substitute for the photography of to- 
 day.] 
 
 - To-night [April 24th] at supper at the Baron deBesen- 
 val s, we are told of an express announcing the Emperor s 
 death, and then again that he is not dead. It appears, 
 however, that he is not long for this world. We hear a 
 great deal also about the disturbances for want of bread. 
 These give pleasure to the company here, who are all ad 
 verse to the present administration. We hear also that 
 there is to be a new administration ; that Monsieur is to 
 be the chief, and all the present ministers are to go out 
 except Necker. This arrangement is less agreeable to the 
 company than it would have been to turn out Necker and 
 keep the rest. For my own part, I do not believe in a 
 change just now. Puisignieu tells me that the States-Gen 
 eral will quarrel immediately about the question as to the 
 votes, whether they shall be given par ordre or par tete. 
 He asserts this with so much warmth as to show that he 
 wishes it. He says, further, that the nation is incapable of 
 liberty ; that they can bear nothing long and will not even 
 stay at their regiments above three months. Thus he takes 
 the noblesse for the nation, and judges the noblesse from 
 those members who, from idleness and dissipation, are of 
 the least consequence in revolutions except, indeed, so far 
 as their numbers are concerned. It seems the general posi 
 tion of those who wish the King to be everything that he 
 must inevitably be so in a few years, let the nation do 
 what it will in the present moment. In fact, the revolu 
 tionists have but flimsy materials to work with, and unless 
 some greater energy of character should result from their 
 present doings, the friends of despotism must succeed." 
 
62 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 " All this morning [April 25th] I am employed in writ 
 ing, and in the afternoon go to dine with M. Millet and 
 his mistress, the Marquis de Brehan, an old lady and 
 her daughter, beautiful and just coming forward, one 
 married woman, a young and extremely handsome one, 
 the husband of the former, and the friend of the latter, 
 with a captain in the navy, who like myself is a bachelor, 
 and a young man I know not who. The dinner (a la matelote] 
 and the guests are of M. Millet s bespeaking. After des 
 sert we are entertained by an old woman who plays on 
 the vielle (hurdy gurdy) and accompanies her instrument 
 with loose songs, to the great delight of the gentlemen, 
 the mother, and the married lady, whose husband has an 
 exhausted, disconsolate air. The child listens with infinite 
 attention. The two young ladies are not well pleased. 
 M. Millet proposes another such party for next week, 
 which we agree to. He is to order the dinner and consult 
 us. I tell him it shall be just what he pleases, but that we 
 will, if he pleases, excuse the music. From thence we go 
 to the Hotel Royal des Invalides, a most magnificent 
 piece of architecture. The chapel and the dome are sub 
 lime. In the kitchen we are made to observe, among 
 other things, a little kettle with 2,500 pounds of beef for to 
 morrow s soup ; another, with a smaller quantity, for mes 
 sieurs les offiders. A spectacle which excited the great 
 est effect in my mind was a number of mutilated veter 
 ans on their knees in the chapel. The most sincere devo 
 tion. Poor wretches ! they have no hope on this side of 
 the grave. The women went on their knees when we 
 came near the sacristy. At M. Millet s suggestion, I 
 made a prayer for the two handsomest, which they liked 
 quite as well as any in the Missal. M. Millet tells me 
 that he heard a number of the "invalides " expressing their 
 pity that so fine a man should have lost his lesr. He did 
 
I798-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 63 
 
 not perceive me give one of them a crown, or he would 
 have known how to appreciate the compliment and the 
 compassion." 
 
 On Sunday (April 26th) Morris was entertaining a 
 friend, whereupon, he says, "I receive to my great surprise 
 a billet from a lady containing a declaration of love, but 
 anonymous. I write an ambiguous answer to the fair in 
 cognita and send my servant Martin to dog the messen 
 ger, a little boy, who delivers it to a waiting-woman. She 
 goes to the house of M. Millet. It is therefore from his 
 mistress, who certainly is worth attention. In the even 
 ing I call on Madame Millet, but have not an opportunity 
 to say a word to her en particulier. Call on Madame de 
 Chastellux, and find that as usual the Duchess has just left 
 her, and a little message for me. There is something 
 whimsical in this, but I express a regret on the subject. 
 This evening at Madame de Flahaut s they are in the 
 midst of politics, of which I am tired. After supper the 
 Bishop of Autun reads us the protest of the nobles and 
 clergy of Brittany, and during the lecture I very uncivilly 
 fall asleep. Madame is not well, and besides has met with 
 something in the course of the day which preys upon her 
 spirits. I enquire what it is and she declines telling me, 
 which I am glad of." 
 
 Paris was astir with the excitement of the elections 
 during this month of April. On the 2ist the "Electoral 
 Assemblies " had begun. The streets were full of electors 
 of each degree. Besides, the town swarmed with beggars. 
 Twenty thousand vagabonds infested the capital, sur 
 rounded the palace, and filled the Hotel de Ville. The 
 government, being forced thereto, kept twelve thousand of 
 them digging on the hills of Montmartre and payed them 20 
 sous a day. They were starving. Bread was very scarce. 
 They surrounded the bakers shops and a bitter murmuring, 
 
64 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 gradually growing louder, arose from them. Irritated, ex 
 cited, imaginative, they waited for some excuse for action,, 
 however slight. It came on the 25th, in a rumor that Re- 
 veillon, an elector and manufacturer, had " spoken badly 
 of the people at an electoral meeting." What he actually 
 said no one knew ; that he was a just man all knew ; what 
 they imagined he said was that "a man and his wife and chil 
 dren could live on fifteen sous a day," and he was a traitor 
 and must die. All day Sunday the crowds, idle and angry, 
 had time to talk and to encourage each other to violence. 
 On Monday, still idle and drunk, the mob began to move, 
 armed with clubs. Morris mentions going out to see the 
 banker Le Coulteux. "His gate" [April 2yth], he says, 
 " is shut and all the shops are shut. There is, it seems, a 
 riot in Paris, and the troops are at work somewhere, which 
 has given a great alarm to the city. I believe it is very 
 trifling." By midnight the crowd was somewhat dispersed, 
 but only to reassemble with renewed energy to do its wild 
 work the next morning. The cause of the " Third Estate " 
 was what they had come to defend, and not even when they 
 faced the cannon and saw two hundred of their number 
 killed did they relinquish their firm conviction that the 
 cause of the Third Estate was righteous and would pre 
 vail. 
 
 Meantime the society of the Palais Royal in Madame de 
 Chastellux s salon drank their tea quietly, and talked poli 
 tics. "Madame de Chastellux tells me," writes Morris, 
 "she expects the Duchess to-night. I therefore stay to 
 meet her Royal Highness. She comes in pretty late, is 
 vastly civil, refers to her several messages, extremely 
 sorry not to have met me, etc., to all of which I answer as 
 well as I can. In effect, it goes beyond my idea, though I 
 must from necessity adhere to my original interpretation. 
 She talks a good deal of politics with her friends about the 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 65 
 
 assemblies, etc., and I congratulate her on this employ 
 ment for her mind, which has contributed already to her 
 health. She says her visit must be very short ; she is go 
 ing to see her children. She came in late, and she should 
 not have made the visit, but to see me. This is clearly 
 persiflage, but it would be vastly uncivil in me should I 
 appear to think so." 
 
 In a letter written to Mr. Carmichael on the 27th, men 
 tion is made of a visit paid to M. de Montmorin, who re 
 ceived him civilly, but indifferently. He says : " Should 
 the intrigue now carrying on be successful, they will all 
 be turned out, and then I will cultivate the acquaint 
 ance of M. de Montmorin, for the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs is too much occupied. I can say nothing to you 
 about the politics of this country. I know I write under 
 the inspection of those whose hands this letter may pass 
 through in both kingdoms. Besides, there is nothing that 
 can be depended on till the States-General shall have 
 been some time assembled. The Emperor is, I suppose, by 
 this time in the regions of the departed. This country is 
 not in a condition to send an army of observation to the 
 Rhine, and of course her ministers will be but little at 
 tended to. The part which Britain and Prussia may take 
 is uncertain." 4 
 
 " On the way to see M. Millet [April 28th] I see some 
 troops marching with two small field pieces towards the 
 Faubourg St. Antoine. It seems there has been a riot 
 there. Hear at M. Millet s a terrible account of it, 
 which certainly is exaggerated. Later I find that the riot 
 has been pretty serious." But the French theatre, and an 
 endeavor to discover if Madame Millet was the fair hero 
 ine of the anonymous billets, evidently occupied more of 
 Morris s attention than the riots. " It would seem," he 
 says, " that the billets are not from her and that I am 
 5 
 
66 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 egregiously mistaken, and my curiosity is strong." M. 
 Millet s party, planned the week before, was fixed for the 
 ist of May. " I dress and go to M. Millet s, where 
 the party are to meet. Madame is waiting for her bonnet, 
 and afterwards we wait for some other persons of the com 
 pany. Proceed to the Palais de Bourbon. See the small 
 apartments and garden. They are very beautiful. From 
 thence we go to the cabaret, and dine a la matelote the 
 same company we had last week, except the captain in the 
 navy. After dinner, the women propose to go on the 
 Seine, to which I readily agree. We shall be less liable 
 to observation there, which, considering my company, is 
 of some consequence. M. Millet will not go and ma- 
 dame is glad to get rid of him, which he seems to per 
 ceive, and goes home alone to enjoy the reflection which 
 such an idea cannot fail to engender. We embark in a 
 dirty fishing boat, and sit on dirty boards laid across. 
 Mademoiselle, who is dressed in muslin trimmed with hand 
 some lace, adds much to the beauty of her dress, which is 
 completely draggled. Her friend seems well pleased with 
 my attentions to her, and she tries to be modest, but apes 
 the character badly. After descending a considerable dis 
 tance, we remount to the Barriere de Chaillot, but from a 
 mistake in the orders, (which has been the loss of many 
 battles) our carriages are not to be found. We walk to 
 wards town. The women, as wild as birds let out of a cage, 
 dispatch the men different ways, but yet no news of our 
 equipages. Cross the river, and go to look for them where 
 we dined. Not finding them, we return to recross it. 
 Meet a servant, who tells me that carriages are at the 
 Grille Chaillot. We recross. The scow is taken over by 
 the course of the current, a rope being extended across the 
 river, and a pulley moving to and fro along it, to which 
 pulley the boat is connected by a strong rope, and that 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 6/ 
 
 end of the rope which is fastened to the boat moves by 
 means of a loop sliding along a bar at the gunwale such 
 a distance towards the end of the scow from the centre as 
 to present the side of the vessel to the current, in an angle 
 of about forty-five degrees. By this means the scow is 
 carried over with considerable velocity. After waiting 
 some time for the carriages (during which time the women 
 amuse themselves with running about), they at length 
 arrive, and I come home. Dress and go to Madame de 
 Flahaut s. A large company, a great deal of politics, and 
 some play. I do not get home till one, having set down a 
 gentleman who was unprovided of a carriage. Then I 
 sit and read till near two, and go to bed, heartily fatigued 
 with the day s amusement, if I may give that name to 
 things which did not amuse me at all. I incline to think 
 that Madame Roselle is my unknown correspondent, and 
 I do not care sixpence who it is." 
 
 On the 29th of April Morris wrote to General Washing 
 ton giving him a description of M. de Lafayette s suc 
 cess in his political campaign in Auvergne. " He had to 
 contend," he says, "with the prejudices and the interests of 
 his order, and with the influence of the Queen and Princes, 
 (except the Duke of Orleans) but he was too able for his 
 opponent. He played the orator with as much eclat as ever 
 he acted the soldier, and is at this moment as much envied 
 and hated as ever his heart could wish. He is also much 
 beloved by the nation, for he stands forward as one of the 
 principal champions for her rights. The elections are fin 
 ished throughout this kingdom, except in the capital, and 
 it appears from the instructions given to the representa 
 tives (called here les cahiers] that certain points are uni 
 versally demanded, which when granted and secured will 
 render France perfectly free as to the principles of the 
 constitution I say principles, for one generation at least 
 
68 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 will be required to render the practice familiar. We have, 
 I think, every reason to wish that the patriots may be suc 
 cessful. The generous wish which a free people must 
 form to disseminate freedom, the grateful emotion which 
 rejoices in the happiness of a benefactor, and a strong 
 personal interest as well in the liberty as in the power of 
 this country, all conspire to make us far from indifferent 
 spectators. I say that we have an interest in the liberty of 
 France. The leaders here are our friends ; many of them 
 have imbibed their principles in America, and all have 
 been fired by our example. Their opponents are by no 
 means rejoiced at the success of our Revolution, and many 
 of them are disposed to form connections of the strictest 
 kind with Great Britain. The commercial treaty emanated 
 from such dispositions, and, according to the usual course 
 of those events which are shaped by human wisdom, it will 
 probably produce the exact reverse of what was intended 
 by the projectors. The spirit of this nation is at present 
 high, and M. Necker is very popular, but if he continues 
 long in administration it will be somewhat wonderful. 
 His enemies are numerous, able, and inveterate. His sup 
 porters are uncertain as to his fate, and will protect him 
 no longer than while he can aid in establishing a con 
 stitution. But when once that great business is accom 
 plished he will be left to stand on his own ground. The 
 Court wish to get rid of him, and unless he shows very 
 strong in the States-General they will gratify their 
 wishes. His ability as a minister will be much contested 
 in that assembly, but with what success time only can 
 determine. 
 
 "The materials for a revolution in this country are very 
 indifferent. Everybody agrees that there is an utter pros 
 tration of morals but this general position can never 
 convey to the American mind the degree of depravity. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 69 
 
 It is not by any figure of rhetoric, or force of language, 
 that the idea can be communicated. An hundred anec 
 dotes and an hundred thousand examples are required to 
 show the extreme rottenness of every member. There are 
 men and women who are greatly and eminently virtuous. 
 I have the pleasure to number many in my own acquaint 
 ance, but they stand forward from a background deep 
 ly and darkly shaded. It is, however, from such crum 
 bling matter that the great edifice of freedom is to be 
 erected here. Perhaps, like the stratum of rock which is 
 spread under the whole surface of their country, it may 
 harden when exposed to the air, but it seems quite as like 
 ly that it will fall and crush the builders. I own to you 
 that I am not without such apprehensions, for there is one 
 fatal principle which pervades all ranks. It is a perfect 
 indifference to the violation of all engagements. Incon 
 stancy is so mingled in the blood, marrow, and every essence 
 of this people, that when a man of high rank and impor 
 tance laughs to-day at what he seriously asserted yester 
 day, it is considered as in the natural order of things. 
 Consistency is the phenomenon. Judge then what would 
 be the value of an association should such a thing be pro 
 posed, and even adopted. The great mass of the people 
 have no religion but their priests, no law but their superi 
 ors, no morals but their interest. These are the creatures 
 who, led by drunken curates, are now in the high-road a la 
 Liberte, and the first use they make of it is to form insur 
 rections everywhere for the want of bread. We have had a 
 little riot here yesterday and the day before, and I am 
 told that some men have been killed, but the affair was so 
 distant from the quarter in which I reside that I know 
 nothing of the particulars." 
 
 By the ist of May the elections in Paris were nearly 
 over and the first victory of the people gained in the de- 
 
7O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 cision of the Government that the Third Estate should 
 have a representation equal in numbers to that of the 
 orders of the nobles and clergy combined. On Sunday, 
 May 3rd, the Court and clergy at Versailles awaited the 
 result of the audience to be given to the deputies on Mon 
 day. A superb day dawned Talleyrand says, " A heav 
 enly day." The beautiful lawn of the palace was crowded 
 with groups of gayly dressed officers and high dignita 
 ries of the church, each wearing the brilliant tokens of 
 his rank. Ladies decked in the brightest colors and 
 wearing the happiest smiles talked, sauntered about, and 
 sat on the stone benches along the alleys underneath the 
 delicate spring foliage. In striking contrast to these were 
 the groups of the members of the Third Estate shunned 
 as if they bore the seeds of a pestilence among them. 
 They talked in whispers, hurriedly and earnestly they 
 never smiled. Their costume of black hose and surtout 
 and short black cloak, to which they had been condemned 
 by the old sumptuary laws and which denoted the ple 
 beian, made the contrast even greater. Proudly they 
 carried themselves in this dress, but on their faces were 
 care and gloomy foreboding, and a sudden ominous silence 
 fell upon them whenever a stray member of the noblesse 
 happened to pass near. 
 
 On a balcony of the palace was the queen, surrounded 
 by a bevy of beauties of the Court, all in high spirits, dis 
 cussing the pageant of to-morrow, which to them had an 
 interest almost solely spectacular, just as they valued the 
 Salle des Menus as a room where their beauty could be seen 
 to the best advantage because it was lighted from above. 
 Mr. Morris speaks of visiting Madame de Lafayette and 
 finding that " they are on the move to Versailles. Lafay 
 ette is already there to pay his respects in quality of rep 
 resentative. I go and sit a while with Madame de Puisi- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. /I 
 
 gnieu at her toilet. Then go to see Madame de Segur, 
 and amuse myself with the children, and leave her at her 
 toilet, to meet her again to-night at Madame de Puisi- 
 gnieu s, and she tells me she will stay the whole evening in 
 consequence of my being there instead of keeping another 
 engagement. . . . During the evening a gentleman enter 
 tains the ladies with the description of the hanging match 
 last Thursday. He is colonel of a regiment which was on 
 duty to attend the execution. We drink a great deal of 
 weak tea, which Madame de la Suze says very justly is du 
 lait coupe. Madame de Segur comes in while the com 
 pany are at supper, and I tell her very truly that I was 
 just going away but will now stay. The conversation in 
 our corner turns as usual upon politics, and among other 
 things on the want of grain. M. Necker is a good deal 
 blamed, but in my opinion very undeservedly. One fool 
 ish thing has indeed been committed, and that is the only 
 one which they do not find fault with. It is the order for 
 searching the barns of the farmers. The riot, also, is dis 
 missed. The Baron de Besenval, who gave the order for 
 quelling it, seems vastly pleased with his work. He or 
 dered, it seems, two pieces of cannon with the Swiss guards, 
 and when preparations were made for firing them the mob 
 took to their heels. It is therefore agreed that the Baron 
 is a great general and as the women say so it would be 
 folly and madness to controvert their opinion. If I were 
 a military man I should incline to think that two four- 
 pounders could not be of much use in a city like this, 
 where the streets are in general so narrow as only to per 
 mit two carriages to go abreast, where the same narrow 
 streets are very crooked, and where the houses are in gen 
 eral four to six stories of stone walls. But as I am not 
 versed in the art of war it is my duty to agree with the 
 rest that a man must indeed be a great general who, with 
 
72 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 only 1,500 troops, infantry and cavalry, and, above all, with 
 only two pieces of artillery, could disperse ten or fifteen 
 thousand, chiefly spectators, but the seditious, to the 
 amount of three thousand, completely armed with sticks 
 and stones." 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson to-day [May 3d] tells me of a billet for the 
 audience to-morrow which Madame de Tesse reserves for 
 Mr. Short, and which he will get for me as Short cannot be 
 here. I urge on M. de Lafayette, who dines with us, the 
 election of the Duke of Orleans and give my reasons for 
 it. He tells me he will be elected. Mention to him a way 
 of placing M. Necker advantageously, which he thinks 
 would be very useful. Visit Madame de Chastellux, who 
 is so kind as to bring me the form of the ceremonial of 
 to-morrow from the Duchess of Orleans, and at the same 
 time a message. If she can, will pay a visit. Madame de 
 Chastellux proposes to obtain through her a ticket for the 
 audience for me. M. le Marechal de Segur comes in. 
 After some conversation, a message from the Duchess. 
 She cannot visit this evening, being too much engaged in 
 writing. I come home to go early to bed, as I must set 
 off early to-morrow for Versailles." 
 
 On Monday, May 4th, the grand procession of the depu 
 ties to the States-General formed and defiled through the 
 streets of Versailles to the Church of St. Louis. The same 
 costumes were enforced as in the last States-General, 
 more than one hundred and seventy years before, and the 
 same etiquette, but it was the last gala day of the old 
 monarchy. All ranks and classes were astir this morning. 
 All turned their faces toward Versailles the goal of all 
 their hopes. Morris was among the number. He says : 
 11 At six this morning I set off for Versailles. Am over 
 taken on the road by M. le Normand and M. La Caze. 
 We alight and walk together through the streets till the 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 73 
 
 procession commences, except a little while that I sit with 
 Madame de Flahaut, who was so kind as to send and offer 
 me part of a window. While we wait for the procession 
 the conversation turns on the bal de 1 opera. M. de la 
 Ville Blanche tells me a story somewhat characteristic of 
 national manners. His wife and a lady, her friend, went 
 thither together. After a while they separated, and, meet 
 ing again, conversed a long time, the lady being perfectly 
 ignorant who the person was whom he had picked up, for 
 she was with him. After the ball was over and all three 
 had got home, they rallied the friend for being so taken 
 in. She could give no other reason for being so much de 
 ceived, but that madame was in company with monsieur 
 and therefore she could not possibly suppose it was his 
 wife." 
 
 While the lookers-on thoughtlessly talked, laughed, and 
 joked, careless of all but the gay scene, the procession 
 moved on. The nobles glittered in gorgeous dresses and 
 orders. The bishops, superb in violet robes, were followed 
 by their humble cures in modest garb. The Commons were 
 in black mantles, very plain, and hats without feathers. 
 Louis XVI. , beautiful Marie Antoinette, with her rnaids 
 of honor and the brilliant Court, completed the pict 
 ure. Morris says: "The procession is very magnificent, 
 through a double row of tapestry. Neither the King nor 
 Queen appears too well pleased. The former is repeatedly 
 saluted as he passes along with the Vive le Roi, but the latter 
 meets not a single acclamation. She looks, however, with 
 contempt on the scene in which she acts a part and seems 
 to say : For the present I submit but I shall have my time/ 
 I find that my conjecture as to the Queen s temper and the 
 King s is right, when I make a short visit in the salon of 
 Madame de Chastellux later, and, as she is going to the 
 Duchess, she tells me that the King was vexed that the 
 
74 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 Duke of Orleans* should walk as representative and not 
 as prince of the blood, and also that his consort received 
 no mark of public satisfaction. She was exceedingly 
 hurt. Her conversation on meeting the Duchess of Orleans, 
 who, as well as the Duke, had been repeatedly applauded : 
 Madame, il y a une demi-heure que je vous ai attendue 
 chez moi. Madame, en vous attendant ici (at the Church 
 of Notre Dame), j ai obei a 1 ordre qu on m a envoye de la 
 part du Roi. Eh bien, madame, je n ai point de place 
 pour vous, comme vous n etes pas venue. C est juste, 
 madame. Aussi, ai-je des voitures a moi qui m attendent. 
 I cannot help feeling the mortification the poor Queen 
 meets with, for I see only the woman, and it seems un 
 manly to treat a woman with unkindness. Madame de 
 Chastellux tells me a sprightly reply of Madame Adelaide, 
 the King s aunt, who, when the Queen in a fit of resentment, 
 speaking of this nation, said, * Ces indignes Francais ! 
 exclaimed, Dites indignes, madame. The Duchess of 
 Orleans could not get a billet for me, but the Duchesse de 
 Bourbon has promised to try, and if she succeeds will send 
 it to the Palais Royal this evening, and in that case Ma 
 dame de Chastellux will receive it from the Duchess of 
 Orleans and send it to me. Return home, receive a note 
 from Mr. Jefferson assuring me that I can get a ticket 
 from Madame de Tesse who has reserved one for Mr. 
 Short, who is not arrived. This has been so fine a day 
 that walking about without my hat has got my face 
 scorched exceedingly, and both my forehead and eyes are 
 inflamed." 
 
 The 5th of May, the day long looked for, had come, and 
 royalty welcomed the national estates with all pomp and 
 
 * Duke of Orleans, cousin of the king and afterward the celebrated revo 
 lutionary Philippe Egalite. Never a favorite of the queen, he was tolerated 
 at Court only on account of his wife. 
 
1789-1 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 75 
 
 splendor in the great Salle des Menus. The king, with 
 his ministers of state in front, the queen and princes of 
 the blood at his side, sat on a magnificent throne of pur 
 ple and gold. Morris says he reached Versailles early, 
 and at a little after eight got into the hall. " I sit there in 
 a cramped situation till after twelve, during which time the 
 different members are brought in and placed, one bail- 
 liage after the other. When M. Necker comes in he is 
 loudly and repeatedly clapped, and so is the Duke of Or 
 leans ; also a Bishop who has long lived in his diocese, 
 and practised there what his profession enjoins. Another 
 Bishop, who preached yesterday a sermon which I did 
 not hear, is applauded, but those near me say that this ap 
 plause is unmerited. An old man who refused to dress in 
 the costume prescribed for the Tiers, and who appears in 
 his farmer s habit, receives a long and loud plaudit. M. 
 de Mirabeau is hissed, though not loudly. The King at 
 length arrives, and takes his seat ; the Queen on his left, 
 two steps lower than him. He makes a short speech, 
 very proper, and well spoken or rather read. The tone 
 and manner have all the fierte which can be expected or 
 desired from the blood of the Bourbons. He is interrupt 
 ed in the reading by acclamations so warm and of such 
 lively affection that the tears start from my eyes in spite 
 of myself. The Queen weeps or seems to weep, but not 
 one voice is heard to wish her well. I would certainly 
 raise my voice if I were a Frenchman ; but I have no 
 right to express a sentiment, and in vain solicit those who 
 are near me to do it. After the King has spoken he takes 
 off his hat, and when he puts it on again his nobles imi 
 tate his example. Some of the Tiers do the same, but 
 by degrees they take them off again. The King then takes 
 off his hat. The Queen seems to think it wrong, and a 
 conversation seems to pass in which the King tells her he 
 
76 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. ill. 
 
 chooses to do it whether consistent or not consistent with 
 the ceremonial ; but I could not swear to this, being too 
 far distant to see very distinctly, much less to hear. The 
 nobles uncover by degrees, so that, if the ceremonial re 
 quires three manoeuvres, the troops are not yet properly 
 drilled. After the King s speech and the covering and 
 uncoverings, the Garde des Sceaux makes one much 
 longer, but it is delivered in a very ungraceful manner, 
 and so indistinctly that nothing can be judged of it by 
 me until it is in print. When he has done, M. Necker 
 rises. He tries to play the orator, but he plays it very ill. 
 The audience salute him with a long, loud plaudit. Ani 
 mated by their approbation, he falls into action and em 
 phasis, but a bad accent and an ungraceful manner de 
 stroy much of the effect which ought td follow from a 
 composition written by M. Necker and spoken by M. 
 Necker. He presently asks the King s leave to employ a 
 clerk, which being granted, the clerk proceeds in the lect 
 ure. It is very long. It contains much information and 
 many things very fine, but it is too long, and has many 
 repetitions and too much compliment, and what the French 
 call emphase. The plaudits were loud, long, and incessant. 
 These will convince the King and Queen of the national sen 
 timent, and tend to prevent the intrigue against the pres 
 ent administration, at least for a while. After the speech 
 is over the King rises to depart, and receives a long and 
 affecting Vive le roi. The Queen rises, and to my great 
 satisfaction she hears for the first time in several months 
 the sound of, Vive la Reine. She makes a low courtesy and 
 this produces a louder acclamation, and that a lower cour 
 tesy. As soon as I can disengage myself from the crowd, 
 I find my servant and I go where my carriage put up, in 
 order to proceed to Paris, being tolerably hungry and not 
 inclined to ask anyone for a dinner, as I am convinced 
 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 77 
 
 that more such requests will be made this day than will be 
 agreeable to those who have dinners to bestow. I find 
 that my horses are not harnessed, and that I am at a trai- 
 teur s. I ask for dinner, and am shown into a room 
 where there is a table d hote, and some of the Tiers are sat 
 down to it. We enter into conversation, talk of the man 
 ner of voting. Tell them that I think when their new 
 constitution is formed it will be well for them to vote/^r 
 ordre, but in forming it to vote par tete. Those who best 
 understand the thing incline to this opinion, but they are 
 from Brittany, and one of them inveighs so strongly 
 against the tyranny of the nobles, and attacks his brother 
 so warmly, that the others come about, and one, a noble 
 representing the Tiers, is so vociferous against his order 
 that I am convinced he meant to rise by his eloquence, 
 and finally will, I expect, vote with the opinion of the 
 Court, let that be what it may. I rise, wish them very sin 
 cerely a perfect accord and good understanding with each 
 other, and set off for Paris." 
 
 A week later the weather grew hot, and the dust and 
 dirt became unbearable ; even the garden of the Palais 
 Royal "is," says Morris, "as dusty as a highway and 
 absolutely intolerable." Of the other intolerable nui 
 sances of the Palais Royal, the lawlessness and vice, and 
 the oratorical efforts of the agitators, Morris makes 
 little mention ; but evidently Paris had lost some of its 
 attraction, and, glad to escape from it to the cool of the 
 country, he went to the home of M. Le Coulteux. "The 
 country through which I drive to reach Lucennes," he 
 says (May 9th), " is highly cultivated, and on the sides of the 
 hills under the fruit trees I observe currant and goose 
 berry bushes, also grape vines. Probably this mode of cul 
 tivating the vine would succeed in America. M. Le Coul- 
 teux s house was formerly the property of a prince of 
 
78 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 Conde, built in the old style but tolerably convenient, and 
 the situation delicious. His mother and sister arrive in 
 the evening, and his cousin De Canteleu. The Tiers con 
 tinue to meet and to do nothing, as they are desirous of 
 voting par tete, and the other orders do not join them. 
 Sunday morning [May loth] we drive to the aqueduct of 
 Marli and ascend to the top. The view is exquisite the 
 Seine winding along through a valley very highly culti 
 vated, innumerable villages, at a distance the domes of 
 Paris on one side, the Palace of St. Germain, very near, 
 on the other, a vast forest behind and the Palace of 
 Marli in the front of it embowered in a deep shade, the 
 bells from a thousand steeples at different distances mur 
 muring through the air, the fragrance of the morning, 
 the vernal freshness of the air oh, how delicious ! I 
 stand this moment on a vast monument of human pride, 
 and behold every gradation from wretchedness to mag 
 nificence in the scale of human existence. We breakfast 
 between ten and eleven, and walk over the garden, and 
 upon our return ride to Marli. The garden is truly royal, 
 and yet pleasing, the house tolerable, the furniture in 
 different. We are told by the Swiss that they are prepar 
 ing for His Majesty s reception. Return to the house of 
 M. L. Le Coulteux and dress. On entering the salon our 
 company is increased by the representatives of Normandy. 
 We had already received an accession of a banker and his 
 two sisters at breakfast. At dinner we have a political 
 conversation which I continue with the Normans after 
 dinner, and we finally agree in our opinions. Discuss, by 
 way of an episode, the propriety of an India company. 
 This afternoon we visit the Pavilion of Madame du Barry.* 
 
 * After Louis XV. died the young King Louis XVI pensioned Madame 
 du Barry, besides allowing her the free use of her ill-gotten wealth. She 
 was excluded from appearing at Court and virtually exiled from Paris to the 
 "Chateau aux Dames." His forbearance was noticed by her following as 
 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 79 
 
 This temple is consecrated to the immorality of Louis 
 Quinze. It is in fine taste and the finish is exquisite ; 
 the view most delightful, and yet very extensive. In re 
 turning from thence we see Madame du Barry. She is 
 long passed the day of beauty, and is accompanied by an 
 old coxcomb, the Prevot des Marchands.* They bend 
 their course towards the Pavilion, perhaps to worship on 
 those altars which the sovereign raised. From the Pa 
 vilion we ascend the hill and go between the house and 
 the fishpond, which smells abominably, to see the villagers 
 dance. Returned to the house I have a talk with Laurejit 
 Le Coulteux on the subject of the purchase of the debt 
 due to France. He wishes me to have an interview with 
 M. Necker. This matter has hitherto met with great 
 obstacles and difficulties, from the peculiar temper of M. 
 Necker, who is what may be called a cunning man, and 
 therefore those acquainted with him do not choose to 
 come forward at once openly, because they are certain 
 that he would first assume the merit of having previously 
 known everything which they communicate, and, secondly, 
 would take advantage of such communications to defeat 
 their object if he could get by any means any better terms 
 from others to whom he should start the idea. To deal 
 with such a person requires caution and delicacy. Lau 
 rent says he cannot get M. Necker to finish the business 
 they already have to do with him, but will, if I please, get 
 me an interview with him. He thinks it must be man 
 aged merely as a matter of finance, in which I own that 
 my opinion has from the first accorded with his. I take 
 
 more than could have been expected by her, owing to the levity with which 
 she had always treated the Dauphin. 
 
 * The Prevots des Marchands were officers of the highest antiquity. The 
 appointment was made by the king, sometimes for two years, or renewed 
 every year at his pleasure, and their jurisdiction extended over the revenues 
 of the Hotel de Ville, the quays and wharves of the river. 
 
So DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 M. Laurent with me, and on our return to Paris he vents 
 a good deal of ill humor on M. Necker, who has kept him 
 a long time in play and now, as he suspects, (I believe 
 with truth) keeps De Canteleu in the same position. He 
 tells me that their object is to get an order for money 
 acknowledgedly due. He has an invitation to dine with 
 M. Necker and is then, if the conversation be turned upon 
 that topic, to recommend to M. Necker an interview with 
 me. After a pleasant ride of two hours we reach Paris." 
 
 Back again in Paris, the old routine commenced, writ 
 ing, receiving innumerable visitors, and making calls in 
 return. "In the evening [May nth] I go," he says, "and 
 sit with Madame de Chastellux. She receives a message 
 from the Duchess and sends her answer that I am with 
 her, and have charged her with a commission, etc. This 
 is to make my thanks for her Royal Highness s kind at 
 tention in sending to Versailles for a ticket of admission 
 to the opening of the States-General. In a few minutes 
 she comes in, tells me that she came on purpose to see me, 
 observes that I have been out of town, hopes to see me 
 frequently at Madame de Chastellux s, is sorry the pres 
 ent visit must be so short, but is going with Madame de 
 Chastellux to take a ride and make some visits. To all 
 this I can make no reply, but by look and manner expres 
 sive of deep humility and a grateful sense of the honor 
 done to me. In fact, my tongue has never been sufficiently 
 practised in this jargon, and always asks my heart what 
 it shall say, and while this last, after deliberation, refers to 
 my head for counsel, the proper moment has passed. As 
 I think I understand her Royal Highness, and arn toler 
 ably safe on the side of vanity, there remains but one port 
 to guard, and that is shut up. She has perhaps the hand 
 somest arm in France, and from habit takes off her glove, 
 and has always occasion to touch some part of her face so 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 8 1 
 
 as to show the hand and arm to advantage. Call on Ma 
 dame Dumolley, who is at chess. Madame Cabarus* comes 
 in. I tell her that it is the fault of La Gaze that I have 
 not paid my respects at her Hotel. She tells me I need 
 no introducer. She has a beautiful hand, and very fine 
 eyes. These in a very intelligible manner say that she 
 has no objection to receiving the assurance how fine they 
 are. She goes soon to Madrid, and will be glad to see me 
 both here and there. Slip away without staying to sup 
 per and return home. The weather is extremely warm 
 and like to continue so. The spring of Europe, which has 
 been much vaunted by the natives from affection, and the 
 prejudices which it occasions, and by travellers from the 
 vanity of appearing to have seen or tasted or smelt or felt 
 something purer or newer or sweeter or softer than their 
 neighbors the spring of Europe has reduced itself, this 
 year at least, to one week, namely, the three last days of 
 April and the first four of May, and in this short spring 
 Parker, by changing his waistcoat, has taken the rheuma 
 tism." 
 
 Thursday, May i4th, Morris spent at Versailles ; called 
 on several of his fair friends, and "in my way about the 
 town," he declares, " I wander to the Queen s apartments, 
 which are furnished in very good taste. Pass from thence 
 to the chapel, in which there is just as much devotion as I 
 expected. Call on Madame de Segur and sit a while at 
 her toilet. She says she is heartily tired of Versailles, 
 which I believe. She shows me a declaration of the clergy 
 of Paris highly monarchical, and which will do them no 
 good. After leaving her, a shower of rain arising, I take 
 refuge in the antechamber of M. de Montmorin, who asks 
 
 * Madame Cabarus was the wife of Count Francois Cabarus, who in 1782 
 established the bank of San Carlos, at Madrid. Cabarus was arrested in 
 1790, but was released, and in 1797 appointed Minister Plenipotentiary at the 
 Congress of Rastadt. 
 6 
 
82 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 me if I am come to dine with him, tq which I reply in the 
 negative. He tells me I must come some day, which I 
 promise to do. Dine with M. de Lafayette we have here 
 the politics of the day. Call on Madame de Montvoisseux, 
 who asks me to go with her party to the Queen s gardens 
 at Petit Trianon. We walk about the garden a good deal. 
 Royalty has here endeavored at great expense to conceal 
 itself from its own eye. But the attempt is vain. A dairy 
 furnished with the porcelain of Sevres is a semblance too 
 splendid for rural life. The adjoining muddy pond, on 
 the other hand, but poorly resembles a lake. On the 
 whole this garden is handsome, and yet the money applied 
 in making it has been but badly spent, and would be 
 not badly spared. I observe a number of representatives 
 to the States-General walking about in it. Perhaps there 
 is not one of them who thinks of what ought to strike 
 them all, that this expense and others like this have occa 
 sioned their meeting. Return pretty late to town and sup 
 with Capellis and his fair aunt, Madame de Flahaut. An 
 other lady is there, who derives much pleasure from the 
 sound of her own voice. The day has been extremely 
 hot ; a shower in the evening does not render the air much 
 cooler." 
 
 "This morning [May i6th] is windy, cold, rainy, and 
 disagreeable ; but in consistence with my arrangements in 
 concert with M. Le Coulteux, I set off for Lucennes, and 
 arrive there a little after two o clock. He and his family 
 have been expected for two days, but none are come, and 
 as the cook has not made his appearance it is evident that 
 he will not be out to dinner. Go to a tavern where, with 
 very promising appearances, the utmost the house can 
 aiford is a mackerel, a pigeon, fresh eggs, and asparagus. 
 The first has probably been too long on his travels and ac 
 quired too much of the haut gotit for a plain American. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 83 
 
 This circumstance occasions the death of the solitary 
 pigeon, who is thereby released from the confinement in 
 which he was starving. The cookery and the provisions 
 are worthy of each other so that this day at least I shall 
 run no risk of indigestion. Mine host, in a laudable zeal 
 for the honor of his house, makes up in the bill what was 
 deficient in the dinner. By this means the dishes make a 
 very respectable figure. The poor little pigeon is rated 
 at something more than a shilling, and the bunch of spin 
 dled asparagus at about three shillings, which is not un 
 reasonableconsidering the eggs are at about threepence 
 apiece. After this repast, go to Malmaison, where all is 
 topsy-turvy, a strong smell of paint in the house, and add 
 ed to that a dish of cabbage and vinegar boiling, which 
 gives another smell not a whit more pleasant. Walk over 
 the garden, which is agreeable. Madame Dumolley takes 
 me in her whiskey, and we have a mighty pleasant ride 
 in one of the Royal parks. I take tea with Madame, and 
 return to town after a very pleasant day." 
 
 Going a few days later to call on Madame de Suze, he 
 found her "in a scene of great distress" which he de 
 scribes with a touch, at least, of humor. " Her lapdog be 
 ing very ill, the pauvre bete has suffered now for a long 
 time. At first it had the maladie napolitaine ; for this it 
 was sent to the doctor of dogs, who by a course of mercu 
 rials eradicated this disease, and returned him as complete 
 a skeleton as ever came out of the powdering tub. The 
 kind mistress, by her care and assiduity, soon brought him 
 up to a tolerable embonpoint, when, lo ! another indispo 
 sition. This is tres grave, et voila Madame, la fille de 
 chambre et un des valets, qui ne s occupent que de cela. 
 At three different times in my short visit: Jevous de- 
 mande bien pardon, M. Morris mais c est une chose si de- 
 solante que de voir souffrir comme ca une pauvre bete. 
 
84 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 Ah ! Madame, ne me faites point de vos excuses, je vous en 
 prie, pour des soins si aimables, aussi merites que toutes 
 vos attentions. At length, by peeping into his back, she 
 discovers a little maggot. Ah, mon Dieu ! Mais, voyez 
 done! I leave them to go to dine with M. la Breteche. 
 We have the envoy of Saxe-Gotha and M. de Durfort 
 of the guards. After dinner, walk to the pavilion and 
 sit some time. The tutor of the son of M. de Durfort, 
 who was with her husband some time at Florence, gives 
 us a long account of Italy, during which I am so unfortu 
 nate as to fall asleep, sitting next to Madame. Among 
 other things, he mentions the want of cleanliness among 
 the Italians as very shocking, and speaks of it with the 
 same air of horror which some people put on when they 
 notice a similar defect in the French." 
 
J789-J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 85 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Morris surprised at Parisian manners and customs. Tea in the Palais 
 Royal. Visit to Romainville. M. de Beaujolais. Morris writes 
 verses to the Duchess of Orleans. Careless driving. Made a mem 
 ber of the Club of Valois. Interviews with Judges. Note on the to 
 bacco contracts. The Dauphin s death. States-General more than 
 ever embroiled. Morris stands for Houdon s statue of Washington. 
 Strictures on the Bishop d Autun. Visit to Raincy. The clergy 
 join the Tiers. The Salle des Menus closed. Bath in the Tennis 
 Court. Great excitement in Paris. Morris s sentiments quoted. His 
 interest in France. Necker offers to resign. The mob at Versailles. 
 Inflammatory publications at the Palais Royal. The nobles join the 
 other orders. Revolt among the guards. The Abbaye broken open. 
 The king terrified. 
 
 IT is impossible not to see the eyebrows slightly raised 
 and the look of surprise on Morris s face as he notes 
 the manners and customs of the ladies of Paris. " What 
 would have induced one of my countrywomen to place 
 herself in such a position ? " he says, on one occasion, 
 when a very extraordinary request was made to him, hardly 
 suitable for ears polite. While sitting one evening with a 
 friend in the Palais Royal, drinking lemonade and tea, 
 " the waiter comes to tell me that two ladies are without who 
 wish to speak to me. These, I find, are Madame de Bour- 
 sac and Madame d Espanchall, whom we had met before at 
 the Tuileries. A good deal of light, trivial conversation, 
 in which these ladies intimate to me that their nuptial 
 bonds do not at all straighten their conduct, and it would 
 seem that either would be content to form an intrigue. 
 
86 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 As they can have no real want of lovers, and as they can 
 have no prepossession in my favor, this conduct evidently 
 resolves itself into some other motive probably a view to 
 somej 0/is cadeaux. As I have a vast fund of indifference on 
 the subject, I say a number of handsome nothings, and as 
 the ladies are relieved by my presence from the scandal of 
 being alone and the ennui of a female tete-a-tete, I shall 
 have the credit with them of being more agreeable, et 
 plus homme d esprit, than I am, by a great deal." 
 
 To fulfil an engagement made with Madame de Chastel- 
 lux to visit the Marquis de Segur, Morris went to her 
 apartments on the day appointed and found her in at 
 tendance upon the Duchess at her prayers. She brought 
 a message from her Royal Highness of regret that Mr. 
 Morris had not gone to see her at her apartment, and that 
 she would be glad to see him any morning. " I agree t6 
 pay a visit to her with Madame de Chastellux. We get 
 into my carriage, and go to Romainville, the seat of 
 M. de Segur. The view is very fine from the house and 
 from different parts of the garden, at the foot of which is 
 a charming little cottage. In the garden I remark an 
 obelisk dedicated to friendship. It is erected by the 
 Baron de Besenval (I suppose), who was most intimately 
 the friend of Madame de Segur as well as with the Mare- 
 chal. She, with an unusual degree of candor, avowed her 
 passion to her husband, and all three lived very happily 
 together until her death. The present Vicomte de Segur 
 is son to the Baron, and his elder brother is supposed to 
 be son to the Marechal. The Comtesse de Segur does 
 very well the honors of the house, being a very sensible 
 and, indeed, a lovely woman. The Prince and Princess 
 Galitzen* dine this day at Romainville. He tells me he 
 
 * Prince Dimitri Galitzen, a Russian diplomatist and author, at that time 
 Resident Minister at the Hague. 
 
1789-1 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 8/ 
 
 has been from home now about seven years. We return 
 to town and I visit Madame de Flahaut, who insists on my 
 spending the evening with Madame de Boursac, which I 
 agree to. A good deal of chit-chat, and after supper M. 
 de Boursac comes in, and then M. d Espanchall, whose 
 lady is also there, and the conversation degenerates into 
 politics. The women prattle a plenty of nonsense about 
 the election of Paris, which it seems is to be disputed, and 
 thereby put their two husbands out of patience." 
 
 The promised visit to her Royal Highness, the Duchess 
 of Orleans, was accomplished on Saturday, May 23d. "At 
 ii o clock," he says, "with Madame de Chastellux I go to 
 her apartments. She is at breakfast, the Vicomte de Se- 
 gur sitting next to her. If I guess right his attentions are 
 more agreeable to her than she is aware of. His inquisi 
 tive eye asks how I am with Madame de Chastellux, to 
 which I answer by a firmness of insipid countenance per 
 fectly in harmony with the fact that I have never yet har 
 bored an idea respecting her which would derogate from 
 a vestal, and this not from virtue entirely but very much 
 from indifference, and yet she is young and handsome and 
 sensible. What is the reason of this? The Duchess also, 
 by an insinuating glance, seems to say, I find you are vast 
 ly attentive there and I am glad of it. She is vastly mis 
 taken and I am glad of that. Her younger son comes in, 
 
 M. de Beaujolais, a fine, sprightly boy. Madame de , 
 
 one of her women, enters limping. She had something on 
 the toe which she has been extracting and has cut to the 
 quick. I tell her, Madame, quand on est touche au vif 
 on s en repent longtemps. An old devout lady who is 
 present, taking the thing with great simplicity in the lit 
 eral sense, adds, in the true matron tone, et surtout au 
 pied. There is a conserve on table which the Duchess 
 offers, but I decline, as not liking 4 les choses sucrees. " 
 
88 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 There was keen enjoyment to be got out of a drive with 
 a charming, gay companion like Madame de Flahaut, 
 "through the unfrequented parts of the Bois de Boulogne, 
 where a number of deer skipping about contrast very 
 finely with the belles and beaux who are grouped together 
 in different parts." Again, to wander, as he says, " alone in 
 the garden of Malmaison before dinner, and dream of my 
 country and converse with my absent friends, and by soli 
 tude to bring my mind back to its natural tone. Then in 
 the evening I go to see Madame de Chastellux and write 
 for her some lines that occurred to me whilst driving to 
 day, but which I tell her are not an impromptu, though I 
 might give them the air of one. She thinks, or at least 
 says she thinks, them very handsome. I agree very hon 
 estly that they are well turned and musical, but I cannot 
 agree that they have so much merit as she seems to allow. 
 
 " If Beauty so sweet in all gentleness drest, 
 
 In loveliness, virtue, arrayed ; 
 By the graces adorned, by the muses carest, 
 By lofty ambition obeyed ; 
 
 "Ah! who shall escape from the gold-painted dart 
 
 When Orleans touches the bow ? 
 Who the softness resist of that sensible heart 
 Where love and benevolence glow ? 
 
 "Thus we dream of the Gods, who with bounty supreme 
 
 Our humble petitions accord. 
 Our love they excite, and command our esteem, 
 Tho only at distance adored." 
 
 "A few days later," he says, "when I call at the Palais 
 Royal to say good-bye to Madame de Chastellux, who is 
 going to Raincy for the summer, she tells me she gave 
 my verses to the Duchess, who was much pleased ; found 
 them very handsome, but not just. She does not merit, 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 89 
 
 etc. In reply, I beg her Royal Highness to be informed 
 that she has at least the security that they were not a pre 
 meditated compliment but the result of my reflections 
 during a solitary ride, and that I shall not think so well of 
 her as I have done if she is not convinced of the justice of 
 my verses, which in my opinion forms their principal, if 
 not their only merit, for she must know better than any 
 other person whether she merits the good opinion there 
 expressed." 
 
 " A day in the country [May 24th]. Very warm weather 
 and dusty. A large company at Lucennes. Among them 
 M. Delville, who speaks of the bad quality of the tobacco 
 sent to him by Mr. [Robert] Morris. I explain to him 
 the nature of the inspection laws, etc., and I tell him that 
 I do not complain of the conduct of the farm, which has 
 been candid and generous, but that the Committee of 
 Berni has occasioned all the mischief. In the evening I 
 drive to Malmaison. Madame Dumolley is very civil, but 
 I must go to see her, I find, only sur les jours de fete, Qu. : 
 Is that because she has not at other times a dinner she 
 would wish to exhibit, or wishes not, at other times, to be 
 broken in upon, or wishes to save the risk of a visit when 
 she is not at home ? The last is the reason assigned, but 
 the second is that which I believe iru At a little before ten 
 I set off for Paris ; and my coachman, being asleep, I am 
 nearly overset in one of the ditches. After several efforts 
 to make him awaken, he still continuing to drive wild, I 
 stop him and ask if he is drunk. Tell him if he is, then to 
 get down from the box and let my servant drive ; but, if he 
 is sober, then to go on and to pay more attention, for that 
 if he oversets the carriage I will instantly run him through 
 the body. This has the desired effect, and brings him to 
 the use of his senses. How idle to suppose that man is a 
 reasonable creature. If he had run into the ditch, which 
 
90 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 is dry, and about six foot perpendicular, it is a thousand 
 to one that I should have been in a condition not to act, 
 and he not to suffer, but this is a danger to which by habit 
 he is familiarized. The other by its novelty makes im 
 pression, and he does not consider, at least until he is 
 fairly awake, that I have no weapon but my cane to exe 
 cute the threat." 
 
 Morris s clear views on general subjects, and his par 
 ticular knowledge of the politics of Europe as well as of 
 France, had already won for him a reputation which was 
 not always to him a wholly agreeable one, for his time was 
 valuable, and yet the interruptions to it, springing from 
 his popularity, were incessant. "To-day" [May 2yth], 
 he says, " I am disturbed immediately after breakfast by 
 General Sir How Whitford-Dalrymple and a Mr. Davis. 
 They stay a long time, and enter with much solicitude into 
 politics. As far as their symptoms may go they indicate 
 great attention of the British Cabinet to what passes here 
 regarding the States-General, etc. I tell them that if the 
 King of Prussia were worth a farthing, the English might 
 on the death of the Emperor play a very good game ; viz., 
 upon the election of the Archduke, put up the Electors 
 of Bavaria and, giving Saxony to Prussia, take for the Stad- 
 holder the Austrian Netherlands, which with some of the 
 little Bishoprics in the neighborhood would form a re 
 spectable monarchy, and by this means Britain would 
 form for herself an extensive barrier, including Hanover, 
 and would hem in her enemy on every side almost. 
 Whereas if France establishes a free government, she may 
 easily exchange with the house of Austria for something 
 to be acquired elsewhere, or for money, the right to Flan 
 ders and then, annexing both Flanders and Holland, she 
 will become indisputably mistress of the fate of Europe ; 
 that Holland (that is, the United Netherlands) is now in a 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 91 
 
 position that cannot endure, and her fate depends on the 
 measure of the moment ; that if France disposes herself to 
 act, the first step will be to secure an alliance with us at 
 any rate, because on our European ally will depend the 
 fate of the West Indies, etc. We shall see at a future day 
 what will be the effect of such suggestions. Go to dine 
 with Madame Faucault, the daughter of my old friend 
 James Leray de Chaumont. She is at her toilette and is, 
 I am told, a woman of gallantry. Dine and chatter poli 
 tics. Madame Leray de Chaumont* talks to me very 
 sensibly, considering that she is said to be crazy. After 
 dinner I walk in the Champs Elysees, and meet M. de 
 Durfort, who tells me the number of troops in the neigh 
 borhood of Paris is to prevent tumult if the States-General 
 are dissolved ; laugh at this idea, which shows only the 
 wishes of himself and his friends. After leaving him I 
 call on Madame de la Suze. She is just going to dress, 
 but that is nothing. * M. Morris me permettra de faire 
 ma toilette? Certainly. So we have the whole perform 
 ance of undressing and dressing except the shift. Finish 
 the evening in the salon of Madame de Flahaut, where 
 I meet Madame de Boursac, who tells me that I am in 
 scribed a member of the Club de Valois on the nomina 
 tion of M. de Boursac." 
 
 With unabated energy Morris continued his efforts to 
 
 * Madame Leray de Chaumont was Miss Grace Coxe of Philadelphia. M. 
 Leray de Chaumont met her while he was in America after the peace. She 
 is reported to have fallen in love with the Frenchman, and declared that if 
 he refused to marry her it would break her heart. He thereupon told her 
 tnat his attentions to her were marked by no more fervor than were those he 
 paid to others of her sex, but that if she felt so strongly on the subject, he 
 would write to his parents for permission to marry her. Morris escorted 
 her back to America in 1798, and the subsquent history of her peculiarities 
 would be amusing if it were not that she subjected her children, and Mor 
 ris, who was by their father, during his absence in France, appointed guar 
 dian, to ceaseless annoyances. 
 
92 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 bring about an accommodation with the farmers-gen 
 eral and Robert Morris in the affair of the tobacco. But 
 the dreaded suit became inevitable, and, in order to urge 
 it forward, he was advised to visit his judges. This he 
 accordingly did, and in the course of the day obtained 
 assurances from the grocer, that the court was " impartial, 
 and alike uninfluenced by farmers and grand seigneurs, 
 that he would do everything in his power for the cause, 
 etc. ; " from the vender of skins, who was so surprised by 
 a chariot stopping at his door "and a servant in livery in 
 quiring for him, without anything of the humble suitor 
 in his countenance," that his " honor was brought into 
 the street " by the unusual proceeding, a promise to 
 do everything in his power ; and from the amiable M. 
 Levi, the vintner, a promise to mention the matter to 
 his brethren at the earliest opportunity, with many assu 
 rances that " he believes my suit to be good, and that they 
 desire to give the best reception to strangers, etc.; that of 
 course a winter passage of a thousand leagues is not un 
 dertaken on light ground by a man of common under 
 standing, etc. I of course assure him that there is doubt 
 less every reason for confiding in the justice of the French, 
 yet a stranger opposed to a powerful company is at a dis 
 advantage." After interviews with the bookseller, the 
 woollen draper, the goldsmith, and the furrier, Morris 
 says he was quite overcome by the ludicrous side of the 
 picture, " which is so strongly painted to my own eyes 
 that I cannot forbear laughing at myself, and having at 
 length brought this disagreeable scene to an end, as a 
 means of refreshment I utilize a ticket which I have for 
 the Pare Monceau, where I walk a considerable time. It 
 has merit, and has cost at least as much as it deserves. 
 The gardener, an Englishman, and believing me to be one, 
 is so kind as to direct a sentinel to find me out, and then 
 
1789] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 93 
 
 comes himself and offers to show me the hot-house, etc. 
 This is vastly polite and, indeed, kind, but perhaps the 
 expectation of a little French coin from an English pocket 
 may have had some influence. As this, however, would 
 be an ungenerous suspicion, I leave him the full gratifica 
 tion of the patriotic sentiment, lavish a profusion of com 
 pliments, but not a single sou. After a very magnificent 
 supper and a game of whist at the house of M. Bontin, I 
 propose to him the supplying of the marine with provi 
 sions, and offer him a concern. He objects his office, to 
 which I reply that he need not appear in it, but that, be 
 sides, it is a most honorable and praiseworthy pursuit to 
 obtain supplies for the Crown upon easier terms, and 
 thereby to cement more strongly an alliance of infinite 
 consequence to France. We are to talk further on this 
 subject." 
 
 The promised visit was paid to M. de Montmorin at 
 Versailles on Friday, the 2pth of May. " His porter in a 
 surly tone tells me I am come too late, just when the Count 
 is going to dinner, to which I reply by desiring he will 
 tell his master I wish to speak to him. Stay in the ante 
 chamber pretty late. At length dinner is announced, and 
 I deliver the letter which I have kept so long, with an 
 apology, which is well received. Go up to dinner. Com 
 mon States-General chit-chat. The dinner lasts long, 
 as we wait for a gentleman who is in session of the no 
 blesse. On quitting the Count he very kindly regrets that 
 he sees so little of me this day, which compliment might 
 have been spared, as it depended on him to have had more 
 particular conversation. He desires a repetition of my 
 visit, and that I would consider his house as my home 
 whenever I am there." 
 
 " This morning [May 3oth], being rather broken to pieces 
 by business interruptions, I applied the fragments of the 
 
94 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 day to seeing curiosities with Madame de Flahaut as my 
 companion. First the Gobelins, which, after all that 
 has been said in their favor, are an idle kind of art, be 
 cause they produce pieces which are more costly and less 
 beautiful than paintings, and though in one sense they 
 last long, yet in another they do not, because the colors 
 fade. For the rest, it is a wonderful operation. From the 
 Gobelins, in the gallery of which are some excellent paint 
 ings, we go to the King s botanical gardens. Having no 
 knowledge of botany except to distinguish onions and 
 cabbages from oak trees, I can pretend to no judgment of 
 this garden, which is, I daresay, excellent. It is in some 
 respects handsome, and, taking the whole together, plants, 
 buildings, etc., must have cost a great deal. Our exami 
 nation is very cursory. From thence we go to Notre 
 Dame. The altar piece is exquisite, as are several of the 
 paintings. This reverend Gothic building is well worth 
 examination. Dine with the Marechal de Castries and 
 explain to him the affair of the claim set up against the 
 farm, and I am to make a note out and give it to him. I 
 tell him that a man of sense, decision, and firmness is 
 necessary to the King in the present moment to extricate 
 him from the difficulties in which they are plunged. 
 Also make some rough sketches of the means. After 
 dinner I call on Mr. Jefferson and sit a good while. 
 General conversation on character, politics, etc. I think 
 he does not form very just estimates of character but 
 rather assigns too many to the humble rank of fools, 
 whereas in life the gradations are infinite and each indi 
 vidual has his peculiarities of fort and feeble. Go to 
 Madame de Flahaut s, spend the evening, and talk a good 
 deal of loose, light nonsense." 
 
 "On my way to Malmaison to-day [May 3ist], passing 
 along the Champs Elysees, I stop a moment to speak to 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 95 
 
 Mr. Jefferson and General Dalrymple. They tell me that 
 the Conciliatory Commission at Versailles have parted 
 without doing anything, notwithstanding a very florid 
 harangue of M. Necker. This man s vanity must be ex 
 cessive, to think that he can influence by his eloquence, 
 and especially when the esprit et intfret de corps are in 
 such powerful operation. At Malmaison meet De Can- 
 teleu as I expected. I impart my intention of submitting 
 the decision of the tobacco claim to M. Necker himself, 
 which, under all circumstances, he thinks well of. He 
 thinks the indecision of character which marks M. Necker 
 will prevent him from agreeing to our plan about the 
 American debt. Says the treasury is in blast for June and 
 July ; that M. Necker knows nothing of administration, 
 is, in effect, ignorant of mankind, etc." 
 
 The note on the subject of the tobacco contracts, and 
 a future contract for the French claim on America, 
 Morris prepared on the ist of June. "This is a laborious 
 task," he says [June ist], "for me, as it is in French. One 
 of M. Le Coulteux s principal clerks comes to examine the 
 work and see if it is French. He finds but little to cor 
 rect." The next day the note was presented to M. de 
 Castries. "He finds it very well. He distinguishes be 
 tween the debt for which France is or was guarantee and 
 that which arises from actual advances, and it seems that 
 on the former they would make no abatement. Evidently 
 he has conversed on this subject with M. Necker. He 
 will have the note copied with a small alteration and will 
 give it to the minister. Thinks that, beginning with the 
 pros and proceeding afterwards to the other points, we 
 may finally have the whole connected together. " 
 
 Dining, June 2d, with the Marechal de Segur at his 
 country-place, Morris met the Archbishop of Bordeaux. 
 " He is, they say, an intimate friend of M. Necker s. 
 
96 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 Converse with him a little on politics, and propose that 
 the King should cut the knot which the States cannot 
 untie ; viz., that he should prescribe to them the future 
 constitution and leave them to consider it, etc. He says 
 he thinks it must end in some such way. Return to town 
 and in my way take a view (from the heights) of this vast 
 city. It covers an immense tract of country indeed. 
 Take a turn in the Palais Royal and go to supper with 
 Madame de Flahaut. Confoundedly bored and find it ex 
 tremely difficult to keep myself awake." 
 
 " This afternoon [June 3d] I go to see Mr. Jefferson. 
 We have some political conversation. He seems to be out 
 of hope of anything being done to purpose by the States- 
 General. This comes of having too sanguine expectations 
 of a downright republican form of Government. The 
 literary people here, observing the abuses of a monarch 
 ical form, imagine that everything must go better in pro 
 portion as it recedes from the present establishments, and 
 in their closets they make men exactly suited to their sys 
 tems. But unluckily they are such as exist nowhere else, 
 least of all in France. I am more than ever persuaded 
 that the form which at first appeared to me most fit for 
 them is that which will be adopted, not exactly according 
 to my idea, but probably in some better manner. After 
 refreshing myself with a cup of tea at the cafe in the 
 Palais Royal, I go to the Club Valois, of which I have 
 been chosen a member. There is nothing remarkable 
 here. Call on Madame de Flahaut, where I am engaged 
 to sup. Find her with her feet in hot water, sick, and has 
 had an ague and fever, and her head is very heavy. She 
 desires me to prescribe for her. I recommend a grain 
 and a half of tartar emetic and after that bark is to be 
 taken." 
 
 " To-day [June 4th] the news of the Dauphin s death was 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 97 
 
 announced, and Mr. Short tells us that the States-General 
 are more embroiled than ever. Mr. Jefferson, with whom 
 I take a drive, requests, on the part of M. Houdon,* that I 
 would stand to-morrow for the figure of General Washing 
 ton, to which I consent." 
 
 Houdon was working at this time on the statue of Wash 
 ington which now adorns the City Hall at Richmond, Vir 
 ginia, but there seems to have been no particular reason, 
 other than that of friendship and the fact of his being 
 a countryman of Washington s, that Morris should have 
 been called upon to make a vicarious victim of himself. 
 The fact of his devoted friendship for Washington, however, 
 was reason enough to obtain his consent to stand for the 
 statue, "although," as he says, "it, being the humble em 
 ployment of a manikin, was rather irksome. This is 
 literally taking the advice of St. Paul to be all things 
 to all men. Promise M. Houdon to attend next Tues 
 day morning at half-past eight to have my bust taken, 
 which he desires, to please himself, for this is the answer 
 to rny question what he wants with my bust a question 
 dictated with a view to obviate any future demand of pay 
 ment on my part. Later in the afternoon I go to the 
 Palais Royal, and pay a visit of respectful inquiry to Ma 
 dame de Flahaut. She is better. From there go to the 
 Club Valois. The Tiers have agreed to proceed to the 
 verification of the powers, * par ordre sauf a considerer 
 par des commissaires les doutes qui . This is une petite 
 victoire remportee par la noblesse, qui s en glorifie beau- 
 coup. From the club go to supper at the Baron de Be- 
 
 * Jean Antoine Houdon, a French sculptor, was born at Versailles in 1741. 
 About the year 1785 Dr. Franklin gave him a commission to execute the 
 marble statue of Washington which is now in the State House at Richmond, 
 Virginia. He came to Philadelphia to obtain the model of this work. His 
 reputation was increased later in life by his statues of Voltaire and Cicero, 
 and his busts of Rousseau, Franklin, Napoleon, and Ney. He died in 1825. 
 
 7 
 
98 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 senval s ; nothing worth notice, except that in the salon we 
 have a fire, which seems disagreeable to nobody." 
 
 "The States-General seem to approach a little more 
 toward accommodation, I hear to-night [June 6th], in Ma 
 dame de Flahaut s salon, from 1 Eveque d Autun, who is one 
 of our company and an intimate friend of Madame de Fla- 
 haut. He appears to be a sly, cunning, ambitious, and 
 malicious man. I know not why conclusions so disadvan 
 tageous to him are formed in my mind, but so it is, and I 
 cannot help it." 
 
 " At three o clock [June loth] I set off for Versailles and 
 visit some of my friends among them Mesdames d An- 
 givilliers and Tesse. The former is as angry about the 
 presumption of the Tiers as the latter was at the intem 
 perance of the nobles ; both are equally right and wrong. 
 See here two sisters, who show by their gentle glances 
 that they like to have tender things said, at least. . I don t 
 know them. Call on Madame de Flahaut, but find her too 
 unwell to go abroad this evening. A good deal of chit 
 chat with her. She tells me that I suit the taste of this 
 country, etc., which is a vast compliment to a stranger I 
 really apprehend much more than I deserve." 
 
 The expressions of regard and friendship made by the 
 Duchess of Orleans for Morris were not wholly fafon 
 de parler, and Thursday, June nth, was the day appoint 
 ed for him to visit her Royal Highness at Raincy, where 
 he arrived at eleven o clock. "Nobody yet visible," he 
 says, "and after some time the Duchess appears and tells 
 me she has given Madame de Chastellux notice of my ar 
 rival. This consists with my primitive idea. Near 12 
 before the breakfast is paraded, but as I had eaten mine 
 before my departure this is no present inconvenience. 
 After breakfast we go to mass in the chapel. In the trib 
 une above we have a bishop, an abbe, the Duchess, her 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 99 
 
 maids, and some of their friends. Madame de Chastellux 
 is below on her knees. We are amused above by a num 
 ber of little tricks played off by M. de Segur and M. de 
 Cubieres* with a candle, which is put into the pockets 
 of different gentlemen, the Bishop among the rest, and 
 lighted while they are otherwise engaged (for there is a 
 fire in the tribune), to the great merriment of the spec 
 tators. Immoderate laughter is the consequence. The 
 Duchess preserves as much gravity as she can. This scene 
 must be very edifying to the domestics who are opposite 
 to us, and to the villagers who worship below. After this 
 ceremony is concluded we commence our walk, which is 
 long and excessively hot. Then we get in bateaux, and 
 the gentlemen row the ladies, which is by no means a cool 
 operation. After that more walking, so that I am exces 
 sively inflamed, even to fever-heat. Get to the Chateau 
 and doze for a little, en attendant le diner, which does not 
 come till after five. A number of persons surround the 
 windows, and doubtless form a high idea of the company, 
 to whom they are obliged to look up at an awful distance. 
 Ah, did they but know how trivial the conversation, how 
 very trivial the characters, their respect would soon be 
 changed to an emotion extremely different. Madame de 
 St. Simon is the subject of an epitaph by the Vicomte de 
 Segur, the purport of which is that she is lewd, and that 
 idea is tres fortement prononce. She attacks him in a se 
 rious discourse on the folly of his pursuits, which, having 
 only vanity for a motive, tend to inspire a passion where 
 none has hitherto been felt, and merely because of that. 
 He defends himself by observing that a thing of that sort 
 cannot affect his vanity, because the pursuit of a woman 
 
 *The Marquis Simon Louis Pierre de Cubieres was attached to the person 
 of the king as equerry and served him faithfully at the risk of his own life in 
 the Revolution. 
 
100 DIARY AND LETTERS OF CHAP. IV. 
 
 is like a game of chess, when in consequence of a certain 
 set of moves the success is certain. She agrees in this 
 idea, and thence draws more certainly her conclusions 
 that such pursuits are ridiculous. I think I understand 
 this conversation in its full latitude, for my own observa 
 tion had already pointed at the object, not named but, if I 
 mistake not, clearly understood. After dinner the weath 
 er, which had been hot, becomes cold, and the fire is by no 
 means disagreeable. More walking, but I refuse to par 
 take of it, being fairly winged, to use the sportsman s 
 phrase. A little before 8 set off for town, having the com 
 pany of Madame de Chastellux s nurse and child. The 
 request to take them would have looked odd in America, 
 but I conclude that it is quite in the order of things here, 
 and readily comply, but indeed for a better reason. I am 
 glad in this kind of way to repay attentions which my 
 heart will not let me meet in any other." 
 
 "This morning [June i2th] Mr. Jefferson, just from Ver 
 sailles, tells me that the Tiers had called on the noblesse 
 and clergy to join them and proceed to business, which 
 has thrown the former into a rage. He considers the 
 affairs of this country as being in a very critical situation. 
 They are so, but the royal authority has great weight, and, 
 if brought in to the aid of the privileged orders, may yet 
 prevent their destruction. However, he and I differ in 
 our system of politics. He, with all the leaders of liberty 
 here, is desirous of annihilating distinctions of order. 
 How far such views may be right respecting mankind in 
 general is, I think, extremely problematical, but with re 
 spect to this nation I am sure it is wrong and cannot 
 eventuate well." 
 
 "To-day [June ipth], I call on Madame de la Suze. 
 She is embroidering with the tambour needle. Is quite 
 out of temper with the politics of the times, but is deter- 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. IOI 
 
 mined to be of the party which will furnish money, be 
 that which it may, because the husbands of herself and her 
 sisters ont beaucoup sur le Roi. Voila les opinions poli- 
 tiques qui sont bien motivees. From thence go to the club, 
 and read the papers. The clergy have this day by a small 
 majority determined to join the Tiers. This stroke is fa 
 tal to the noblesse, for the Tiers having already consti 
 tuted themselves the National Assembly as representing 
 96 percent, of the nation, they will now have the claim to 
 be a majority of orders as well as heads. Unless the 
 royal authority be interposed to save the nobles, they are 
 gone, and of this there seems to be but slender probability. 
 From the club go to Madame d Espanchall s (an invita 
 tion which I would gladly have evaded) to supper. I am 
 assailed for the copy of an extempore epitaph written at 
 Raincy on the Vicomte de Segur, which is wretchedly bad. 
 I evade the request till after supper, when I am again so 
 licited by Madame de Boursac to repeat it, and Madame 
 de Warsi, who is a very beautiful and accomplished woman, 
 entreats me to write it, because she understands English 
 only by the eye having learnt to read, not to speak it. 
 Having her promise to return the scrap of paper, I write 
 for her the wretched lines in question, which had the sin 
 gle merit at the moment of having been written sur-le- 
 champ as a petite vengeance for Madame de St. Simon, on 
 whom he had written an epitaph at breakfast not too 
 delicate. 
 
 Here lies a merry, wicked wight, 
 Who spent in mischief all his life, 
 And, lest the world should do him right, 
 Determined not to take a wife. 
 
 The applause it met with arose from the pleasure man 
 kind always feel at seeing a tyrant galled. Madame de 
 
102 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 Warsi begs leave to keep them, which I refuse. She says 
 she remembers them, and, to convince me, sets about writ 
 ing them from memory, and convinces both herself and 
 me that she cannot. I then take the pencil and write for 
 her: 
 
 To one like you, divinely fair, 
 
 On nothing but yourself I ll write, 
 Nor will I own another care, 
 
 Than what may give to you delight ; 
 If that delight I might convey, 
 
 At every gentle, kind caress, 
 I d own the force of beauty s sway, 
 
 And you what blessing tis to bless. 
 
 M. de Boursac tells me (which is the aristocratic conso 
 lation) that the King has called a council on the present 
 state of affairs, in which each is to deliver his opinion in 
 His Majesty s presence. I do not believe that this will 
 produce any effect whatever : for the decision this day will 
 awe those who two days ago were loud against M. Necker, 
 and probably those who called, or prompted the call of 
 this council, will find the event to be in direct reverse of 
 their wishes and expectations." 
 
 It was on the iyth of June that the Commons, after a 
 long and ominously patient waiting for the other two or 
 ders to unite with them, decided " to begin the work of 
 national regeneration," and declared themselves the Na 
 tional Assembly of France. Three days after, when about 
 to assemble to begin their great work, Morris speaks in 
 the diary of the fact "that the different corps of the States- 
 General were prevented from meeting, the chamber being 
 surrounded with guards. The reason assigned," he con 
 tinues, "is that the King intends to have a Seance Royale 
 on Monday, and that some alterations are necessary to the 
 salon. After driving and walking a while, go to the club. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. IO3 
 
 Meet the Comte de Croix, Due de la Rochefoucault,* Vi- 
 comte de Noailles,f Segur, young Dillon, and sundry 
 others. Various conjectures about the object of the Se 
 ance Royale to be held on Monday. I believe that this 
 step would not have been taken if the Court had foreseen 
 the step of the clergy yesterday. They have very inflam 
 mable materials to handle, and must take great heed. 
 The general idea seems to be that the seance is conse 
 quential upon what passed in the Tiers, when they as 
 sumed to themselves the title of National Assembly. But 
 I conjecture that, however this incident may have pre 
 cipitated that event, it originates in the idea of arranging 
 the different corps in such a way as that they may act, in 
 stead of being as at present an useless horde." 
 
 The schemes of the court and king were not furthered 
 by closing the doors of the great hall against these men 
 determined upon a new order of things. Several of the 
 more courageous among them led the others to an old 
 tennis-court, where they solemnly swore the great oath, 
 called the Jeu de Paume, "not to separate until a consti 
 tution for France had been adopted." 
 
 "At the club this evening" [June 2ist], Morris says, 
 "it is said that the Seance Royale intended for to-morrow 
 is postponed. At 5 o clock on the 2oth M. Necker wrote 
 a letter to the lieutenant of police, assuring that it is not 
 intended to prevent the further session of the States. 
 When there is apprehension on one side and determina 
 tion on the other, it is easy to see how things will eventu- 
 
 *Duc de la Rochefoucault, a patriot and active member of the States- 
 General in 1789. He favored the popular cause in the Revolution, but was 
 massacred at Gisors in 1792. 
 
 t Vicomte de Noailles was a deputy to the States-General in 1789, and pro 
 posed, on the 4th of August, the suppression of feudal rights and other privi 
 leges of the aristocracy. Soon after the commencement of the Reign of Terror 
 he emigrated to the United States. In 1804 he was killed in a naval engage 
 ment with the English. He married a sister of Madame de Lafayette. 
 
IO4 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 ate. For my part, I presume that the Seance Royale is 
 postponed that they may come to a new determination 
 consequent on the resolution of the clerge." 
 
 When the news of the Jeu de Paume reached Paris, 
 the Palais Royal, says Arthur Young, " was in a flame ; 
 the coffee-houses, pamphlet shops, corridors, and gardens 
 were crowded alarm and apprehension sat in every eye : 
 nothing was so glaringly ridiculous but the mob swallowed 
 it with indiscriminating faith. It was, moreover, curious 
 to remark among people of another description that the 
 balance of opinion was clearly that the National Assembly 
 had gone too far had been too violent and had taken 
 steps the mass of the people would not support." 
 
 " Before starting for Versailles to-day [June 23d] I sec 
 the Duchess of Orleans, who says she w r ould ask me to dine 
 if I had not declared that I was going to Versailles. 
 When I arrive at Versailles I call upon Madame de Tesse, 
 who gives me a cordial reception, complaining, however, of 
 my politics. Lord and Lady Camelford, with their daughter, 
 come in. Mr. Jefferson tells me that on the strength of an 
 acquaintance with an acquaintance of Madame de Tesse s, 
 without being themselves known to her, they had sent and 
 asked a dinner. This is quite as free and easy as the French 
 themselves can be. The King has to-day, in his Seance 
 Royale pleased the nobility and very much displeased the 
 Tiers. I find it difficult to learn exactly what has passed, 
 but it seems to rne the nobility have less cause for exulta 
 tion than they imagine. At dinner I sit next to M. de 
 Lafayette, who tells me I injure the cause, for that my sen 
 timents are continually quoted against the good party. I 
 seize this opportunity to tell him that I am opposed to the 
 democracy from regard to liberty ; that I see they are 
 going headlong to destruction, and would fain stop them 
 if I could ; that their views respecting this nation are 
 
1789] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. IO5 
 
 totally inconsistent with the materials of which it is com 
 posed, and that the worst thing that could happen would 
 be to grant their wishes. He tells me that he is sensible 
 his party are mad, and tells them so, but is not the less de 
 termined to die with them. I tell him I think it would be 
 just as well to bring them to their senses and live with 
 them. He says he is determined to resign his seat, which 
 step I approve of, because the instructions by which he is 
 bound are contrary to his conscience. Before we part I 
 take an opportunity to tell him that if the Tiers are now 
 very moderate they will probably succeed, but if violent 
 must inevitably fail. From Madame de Tesse I go to see 
 Madame Montvoisseux, where the party is aristocratical 
 delighted with the King. In the course of conversation 
 they tell me some anecdotes which convince me that the 
 King and Queen are confoundedly frightened, and I am 
 thence led to conjecture that the Court will still recede. 
 M. Necker yesterday offered to resign, but the King re 
 fused to accept his resignation. This afternoon he waits 
 on His Majesty, surrounded by the common people, who 
 attend him with shouts of applause to the door of the 
 chateau. At half-past seven, when I leave Versailles, he 
 is still with the King." 
 
 During the last days of June, the mob, composed of 
 idlers, strangers, the leaders of the coffee-houses of the 
 Palais Royal, and disorderly persons of all kinds, swarmed 
 into Versailles. Daily those whom they called aristocrats 
 were grossly insulted. The Archbishop of Paris was hoot 
 ed through the streets. The king s secretary and the 
 Keeper of the Seals were insulted until they were in fear 
 of their lives, and the secretary died in consequence of the 
 excitement. 
 
 In the hall where the Assembly sat, nominally with 
 closed doors, Bailey says there were always more than 
 
 c/ 
 
106 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 six hundred spectators noisy, active, and disrespectful, 
 often taking part in the deliberations by applause and 
 hisses. When the result of the Seance Royale was known 
 in Paris, Arthur Young says, " the ferment is beyond de 
 scription ; 10,000 people have been all this day in the Palais 
 Royal. It is plain to me, from many conversations I have 
 been witness to, and the constant meetings, united with the 
 inflammatory publications that hourly appear, that nothing 
 the King or Court could do would now satisfy the people." 
 
 By Thursday, the 25th, a majority of the clergy and a 
 minority of the noblesse had joined the Tiers. " Going to 
 Versailles to visit the Due de Vauguyon, on a matter of 
 business," Morris writes, "I hear that the minority of 
 the clergy have constituted themselves into a body, and 
 agreed to the King s propositions. The majority of the 
 noblesse, who of course continue to be the body, have 
 (it is said) determined also to accept the same proposi 
 tions, but with some modifications. The National Assem 
 bly, or whatever else they may now choose to call them 
 selves, have agreed on a deputation to the King. The 
 question is whether His Majesty will receive it, because 
 thereon depends the ultimate state of the noblesse." 
 
 The opposition of the nobles was fruitless. The flood, 
 sweeping everything before it, brought them nearer and 
 nearer to the ranks of the National Assembly, and on 
 Saturday, June 27th, they took their place among them. 
 Morris says : " The nobles have this day, agreeably to a re 
 quest of the King s, joined the other two orders. So that 
 at length the great question is determined, and the votes 
 will be par tete. It remains only for them to form a con 
 stitution, and as the King is extremely timid, he will of 
 course surrender at discretion. The existence of the mon 
 archy therefore depends on the moderation of the Assem 
 bly. For the rest, I think they will soon establish their 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. IO/ 
 
 credit, which, among other things, will bring the exchange 
 between France and foreign nations to be more favorable. 
 If the money of this country is brought into free circula 
 tion, I think it will lower interest everywhere. The sum 
 is immense, and its effects must be commensurate to its 
 activity and mass. At present it lies dead and is poorly 
 supplied by the paper Caisse d Escompte." 
 
 Since the 23d of June there had been rioting and insub 
 ordination in the ranks of the French guards. They de 
 clared their intention not to act against the National As 
 sembly. Eleven of the leaders had been confined in the 
 Abbaye, and on the 3oth of June these men sent a letter to 
 their comrades, asking assistance. The mob in the Palais 
 Royal, on hearing this letter read aloud, took fire at 
 once and started for the prison. " I go," says Morris, "to 
 the Palais Royal to see what is doing, and from thence 
 to the club. Find that the mob have broken the prison 
 and released some soldiers, who were confined for their late 
 breaches of military discipline, consequent on their in 
 ebriation by those who are debauching them from their 
 duty. This makes, as it ought to do, a serious impression. 
 Probably to-morrow will produce similar and greater ex 
 cesses. Mr. Jefferson tells me, from the large camp which 
 is forming under the Marechal de Broglie, and from the air 
 of many who are unfriendly to the present measures of 
 the Tiers, and from the influence of the Comte d Artois in 
 the Council, very serious events are apprehended, that 
 perhaps the King will be prompted to attempt a resump 
 tion of his authority. All this is very well, but, under the 
 existing ideas of the moment, it is very doubtful whether 
 he could prevail on his soldiery to act, and if not, his ful- 
 minations will become as contemptible as those of the 
 Church, for in both cases it is the secular arm of flesh 
 which alone renders the anathema terrible." 
 
108 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 The following letter, written [July ist] to the Hon. 
 Mr. Jay, gives a comprehensive view of the situation in 
 Paris. Morris says : " I am too much occupied to find time 
 for the use of a cypher and in effect this government is 
 so occupied with its own affairs, that in transmitting to 
 you a letter under an envelope there is no risk. This, 
 however, I am pretty certain will go safe. The States- 
 General have now been a long time in session and have 
 done nothing. Hitherto they have been engaged in a dis 
 pute whether they shall form one body or three. The 
 commons, who are represented by a body equal to both 
 the others, and who besides have at least one half the 
 representatives of the clergy, insist on forming a single 
 house. They have succeeded, but the nobles deeply feel 
 their situation. The King, after siding with them, was 
 frightened into an abandonment of them. He acts from 
 terror only. The soldiery in this city, particularly the 
 French guards, declare they will not act against the peo 
 ple. They are now treated by the nobility, and parade 
 about the streets drunk, huzzaing for the Tiers. Some of 
 them have, in consequence, been confined not by the 
 force, but by the adroitness of authority. Last night this 
 circumstance became known, and immediately a mob re 
 paired to the prison. The soldiers on guard unfixed their 
 bayonets and joined the assailants. A party of dragoons 
 ordered on duty to disperse the riot thought it better to 
 drink with the rioters and return back to their quarters. 
 The soldiers, with others confined in the same prison, were 
 then paraded in triumph to the Palais Royal, which is 
 now the liberty pole of this city, and there they celebrated 
 as usual their joy. Probably this evening some other 
 prisons will be opened, for Liberte is now the general 
 cry, and Autorite is a name, not a real existence. The 
 Court are about to form a camp in the neighborhood of 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 109 
 
 Paris of 25,000 men, under the command of the Marechal 
 de Broglie. I do not know him personally, therefore 
 cannot judge what may be expected from his talents, but 
 all my information goes to the point that he will never 
 bring his army to act against the people. The Garde clu 
 Corps are as warm adherents (in general) to the Tiers as 
 anybody else, strange as that may seem, so that in effect 
 the sword has slipped out of the monarch s hands without 
 his perceiving a tittle of the matter. All these things, in a 
 nation not yet fitted by education and habit for the enjoy 
 ment of freedom, give me frequently suspicions that they 
 will greatly overshoot their mark, if indeed they have not 
 already done it. Already some people talk of limiting the 
 King s negative upon the laws ; and as they have hitherto 
 felt severely the authority exercised in the name of their 
 Princes, every limitation of that authority seems to them 
 desirable. Never having felt the evils of too weak an ex 
 ecutive, the disorders to be apprehended from anarchy 
 make as yet no impression. The provincial assemblies or 
 administrations in other words, the popular executive of the 
 provinces which Turgot had imagined as a means of mod 
 erating the royal legislative of the Court, is now insisted 
 on as a counter- security against the monarch, when they 
 shall have established a democratical legislative, for you 
 will observe that the noble and clerical orders are hence 
 forth to be vox et p renter ea nihil. The King is to be limited 
 to the exact sum necessary for his personal expenses. 
 The management of the public debt and revenue to pro 
 vide for it will be taken entirely out of his hands, and the 
 subsistence of the army is to depend on temporary grants. 
 Hence it must follow that his negative, in whatever form 
 reserved, will be of little avail. These are the outlines of 
 the proposed constitution, by which, at the same time, let- 
 tres de cachet are to be abrogated and the liberty of the press 
 
IIO DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 established. My private opinion is that the King, to get 
 fairly out of the scrape in which he finds himself, would 
 subscribe to anything, and truly from him little is to be ex 
 pected in any way. The Queen, hated, humbled, morti 
 fied, feels and feigns, and intrigues to save some shattered 
 remnants of the royal authority ; but to know that she 
 favors a measure is the certain means to frustrate its suc 
 cess. The Comte d Artois, alike hated, is equally busy, 
 but has neither sense to counsel himself nor choose coun 
 sellors for himself much less to counsel others. The 
 nobles look up to him for support, and lean on what they 
 know to be a broken reed, for want of some more solid de 
 pendence. In their anguish they curse Necker, who is in 
 fact less the cause than the instrument of their sufferings. 
 His popularity depends now more on the opposition he 
 meets with from one party than any serious regard of the 
 other. It is the attempt to throw him down which saves 
 him from falling. He has no longer the preponderating 
 weight in counsel which a fortnight ago decided every 
 thing. If they were not afraid of consequences he would 
 be dismissed, and on the same principle the King has re 
 fused to accept his resignation. If his abilities were equal 
 to his genius, and he were as much supported by firmness 
 as he is swayed by ambition, he would have had the ex 
 alted honor of giving a free constitution to above twenty 
 millions of his fellow-creatures, and could have reigned 
 long in their hearts and received the unanimous applause 
 of posterity. But as it is, he must soon fall whether his 
 exit be physical or moral must depend on events which I 
 cannot foresee. The best chance which royalty has is that 
 popular excesses may alarm. At the rate at which things 
 are now going, the King of France must soon be one of 
 the most limited monarchs in Europe." 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. Ill 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Grain under convoy. Tumult in Paris. Fourth of July dinner. Visit to 
 Romainville. Bread scarce. Paris gay. The administration routed 
 and Necker banished. M. de Narbonne. Mobs in the streets. Ar 
 morers shops broken open. Scenes in the Palais Royal Gardens. Ter 
 rible night in Paris. The Hotel de Force broken into. Morris dons 
 the green bow. No carriages allowed in the streets. Affairs at Ver 
 sailles. A cry for arms. Carriages stopped and searched. The Bas 
 tille taken. Madame de Flahaut s salon. M. de Launay. Carnival 
 at Versailles. The Bastille in ruins. The King comes to Paris and 
 dons the red and blue cockade. The procession. 
 
 IN the beginning of July of this eventful year wheat 
 was scarcer than ever. Some towns had none at all, 
 and such grain as could be bought was musty. But even 
 this bad bread was the object of envy to starving creat 
 ures, who robbed the fortunate possessors of it on the 
 high-roads. " The grain supply of Paris must be guarded," 
 Morris says, " or it would be robbed and exhausted before 
 reaching the town. While I was out this day I met a con 
 voy of grain coming into town under the guard of a party 
 of troops. For several weeks, all of the grain and stores 
 brought to this town has been escorted in like manner. 
 I hear of an intended attack on the Hotel de Force." 
 
 The evening of July 3d Morris spent with M. Le 
 Coulteux, discussing the offer of the farm to take a cer 
 tain amount of the tobacco about which there was so much 
 trouble. " Cantaleu, who is there, is full of politics," 
 he says, " and tells me I am frequently quoted by the aristo 
 crats as being of their party. This leads to an explanation 
 of my opinions, in which we perfectly agree, and he ap- 
 
112 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 pears glad of it. The conciliatory point is an abolition 
 of the parlements, which I think necessary to the estab 
 lishment of freedom, justice, and order." 
 
 Surrounded by tumult and disorder on his own nation 
 al holiday, Morris endeavored to find some consolation 
 in reminding himself of the blessings of peace, and in a 
 letter to a friend he spoke of the day as " demanding our 
 filial acknowledgments a day now at length auspicious, 
 since by the establishment of our new Constitution we 
 have the fair prospect of enjoying those good things for 
 which we have had so hard a contest." Mr. Jefferson 
 celebrated the day by giving a dinner to the many Amer 
 icans in Paris, among whom were " M. and Madame 
 de Lafayette. We have," Morris says, "some political 
 conversation with him after dinner, in which I urge him 
 to preserve, if possible, some constitutional authority to 
 the body of nobles, as the only means of preserving any 
 liberty for the people. The current is setting so strong 
 against the noblesse that I apprehend their destruction, 
 in which will, I fear, be involved consequences most per 
 nicious, though little attended to in the present moment." 
 
 It was a continuously cold and uncomfortable season 
 which Morris encountered this year in France. " Un 
 til this month," he wrote in July to Mr. Carmichael, " fire 
 has been a companion not only agreeable but even neces 
 sary. So much for that charming vernal season of Europe 
 which I have often heard celebrated by many of our coun 
 trymen, whose principal merit lies in having twice crossed 
 the Atlantic. . . . You ask me if Mr. Jefferson is gone 
 to America. He is not, but is ready to depart at a moment s 
 warning, having staid some time expecting his conge, but is 
 still in the same expectation. I conclude that it will not be 
 expedited until the arrangement of the ministerial depart 
 ments shall have been completed. Probably the Secretary 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 113 
 
 of Foreign Affairs will decline acting until appointed under 
 the new government. It is probable also that the ques 
 tion of the conge will not be agitated till another question 
 is determined, viz., who shall act here in the interim ; 
 and also I doubt not but the secretary, Mr. Short, will be 
 empowered. You suppose that the minister has intro 
 duced me to the Corps Diplomatique. I hinted that mat 
 ter to him shortly after my arrival. He told me they were 
 not worth my acquaintance. I have a set which I have 
 made myself, and these are not, you will easily conceive, 
 among the worst company of Paris. As to the ministerial 
 dinners, I have not been at them. It has never been pro 
 posed to me. The ministers, you know, give no invita 
 tions themselves, and we are bashful. By the bye, I some 
 time since went and asked a dinner of the Comte de 
 Montmorin, who very kindly assured me at parting that I 
 must in his house consider myself perfectly at home, and 
 this you know from him is not an unmeaning compli 
 ment. I am tout bete that I have not since profited by 
 these kind assurances. But what can I do ? Versailles is 
 the most triste sejour on earth, and though I am tempted 
 by the strong passion of curiosity to go thither and attend 
 the debates of the Etats-Generaux, I have not yet pre 
 vailed on myself to do it. I believe no man ever made 
 less use of strong recommendations to ministerial peo 
 ple. Probably I am wrong, but I cannot help it. Apro 
 pos, do you know Lafayette ? Should you reply by ask 
 ing me, Whence so strange a question ? I answer, in the 
 words of the great Montesquieu, My object is not to make 
 men read but to make them think. There are great in 
 trigues against the administration here, but hitherto with 
 out any effect. I have steadily combated the violence and 
 excess of those persons who, either inspired with an en 
 thusiastic love of freedom, or prompted by sinister designs, 
 8 
 
114 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 are disposed to drive everything to extremity. Our 
 American example has done them good, but, like all nov 
 elties, Liberty runs away with their discretion, if they have 
 any. They want an American constitution, with the ex 
 ception of a king instead of a president, without reflect 
 ing that they have not American citizens to support that 
 constitution. Mankind see distant things in a false point 
 of light, and judge either more or less favorably than they 
 ought this is an old observation ; another as old, perhaps, 
 but which all are not in the position to feel, is, that we try 
 everything by the standard of preconceived notions, so that 
 there is an impossibility almost of knowing by description 
 a distant people or country. Whoever, therefore, desires 
 to apply in the practical science of government those rules 
 and forms which prevail and succeed in a foreign coun 
 try, must fall into the same pedantry with our young 
 scholars just fresh from an university, who would fain 
 bring everything to a Roman standard. Different consti 
 tutions of government are necessary to the different so 
 cieties on the face of this planet. Their difference of po 
 sition is in itself a powerful cause their manners, their 
 habits. The scientific tailor, who should cut after Gre 
 cian or Chinese models, would not have many customers 
 either in London or Paris ; and those who look to Amer 
 ica for their political forms are not unlike the tailors in 
 the Island of Laputa, who, as Gulliver tells us, always 
 take measure with a quadrant. He tells us, indeed, what 
 one would naturally expect from such a process, that the 
 people are seldom fitted. The King, who long since de 
 clared for the people, has since been wavering. He is an 
 honest man, and wishes really to do good, but he has not 
 either genius or education to show the way towards that 
 good which he desires. In the contest between the repre 
 sentatives of the people and of the nobles, he has by those 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 115 
 
 about him been induced to give support to the latter ; but 
 he came forward too late, and not in the proper manner. 
 The result is that he has retreated, and the nobles have been 
 obliged to give way. . . . The noblesse, who at this day 
 possess neither the force, the wealth, nor the talents of the 
 nation, have rather opposed pride than argument to their 
 assailants. Hugging the dear privileges of centuries long 
 elapsed, they have clamored about the Court, while their 
 adversaries have possessed themselves fully of the public 
 confidence everywhere. Knowing and feeling the force of 
 that situation, they have advanced with a boldness which, 
 to those unacquainted with all the facts, has looked like 
 temerity. But this hardihood has imposed those who are 
 at the head of the opposition to them are not possessed of 
 talents or of virtue. The chief has not even courage, 
 without which you know that in revolutions there is noth 
 ing. 
 
 "The French troops, as far as can be ascertained, would 
 not serve against their countrymen, and the foreign troops 
 are not sufficiently numerous to make any serious impres 
 sion. The people of this city are going (by that invincible 
 instinct which produces in every animal the conduct pe 
 culiar to his situation) in the same road which marked 
 the aurora of American opposition. Three months ago the 
 sight of a soldier excited awe now they speak of attacking 
 whole regiments, and in effect there are not infrequently 
 some scuffles with the foreign troops. Thus opinion, 
 which is everything, becomes daily fortified. While I 
 write I consider the sovereignty of this country as being 
 effectually lodged in the hands of the Assemblee Nationale, 
 for you will observe that this name is assumed instead 
 of Etats-Generaux, which is tantamount to an American 
 legislature resolving itself into a convention. They mean 
 immediately to form a constitution, and I have no doubt 
 
Il6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 but that they will obtain the King s consent. The parti 
 sans of the ancient establishments have contrived to have 
 a very large body of troops assembled in this neighbor 
 hood, but, if I conjecture rightly, those troops will soon be 
 dispersed. The National Assembly have already marked 
 their disapprobation, but the matter will not stop here, 
 and sooner or later the King must send them away. In 
 deed, I am induced to believe that this measure will cause 
 the kingdom to be cleared of foreign troops, for, not be 
 ing able to rely on the French regiments, they have se 
 lected principally the foreigners. The probable object of 
 those who are at the bottom of the business is to surprise 
 some order from His Majesty s fears, which are now con 
 tinually excited, so that he is constantly the sport of ap 
 prehensions. But they have a more difficult and danger 
 ous business than they are at all aware of. The Assembly 
 have determined that all taxes shall cease, when they 
 separate, except such as they continue to impose. This 
 provides for as long a term of existence as they may choose 
 to take, and if dispersed, France will certainly refuse to 
 pay. An army will never break a general combination to 
 that effect ; so that either sooner or later they must submit, 
 and every show of authority now will weaken it without 
 producing any other effect. Such, then, is the state of this 
 country, in which I think the crisis is past, without having 
 been perceived, and now a free constitution will be the 
 certain result. If they have the good sense to give the 
 nobles as such some share in the national authority, that 
 constitution will probably endure ; but otherwise it will 
 degenerate into a pure monarchy, or become a vast re 
 public. A democracy can that last ? I think not I am 
 sure not, unless the whole people are changed. In any 
 event, however, of the business it bids fair to change the 
 political face of Europe. But whither am I going?" 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 1 1/ 
 
 "Walk to-day [July 8th] in the Champs iClysees, where I 
 meet Mr. Appleton and Mr. Jefferson, who tell me the 
 news of Versailles. There will be on Saturday night 
 25,000 men in and about Paris. Some talk of a Seance 
 Royale on Monday, but this not founded. Go to M. Le 
 Coulteux s. They have sad news : that the Etats-Generaux 
 are to be dissolved, a bankruptcy declared, and the pay 
 of the troops decreased, etc. While at dinner De Norraye 
 comes in from Versailles and assures the company, from 
 the mouth of M. de Montmorin, that there is to be no 
 Seance Royale on Monday." 
 
 The next day (July pth) Morris was in the hands of the 
 doctor, "who says I must stay eight days longer in Paris. 
 He is certain I shall soon be very well. I should more 
 readily adopt this opinion if I were anywhere else than in 
 so large and foul-smelling a city as Paris. As soon as I 
 can get my business done I am off directly for London. 
 Visit Mr. Jefferson, who shows me his letter to M. de 
 Lafayette on the subject of M. Mirabeau s misinformation 
 to the States-General. To my surprise, it contains nothing 
 like what M. de la Norraye yesterday at dinner told the 
 company it did contain, having had it at M. de Mont- 
 morin s. An excellent lesson this, to be cautious of be 
 lieving." A note this morning from Madame de Flahaut 
 summoned Morris to her apartment during the impor 
 tant and mysterious ceremony of the toilet. Here usu 
 ally in attendance was the abbe, without whom the 
 hour of the toilet was not complete, who told the latest 
 scandal and read the latest brochures. At this hour, po 
 etically called la jeunesse de la journe e, the arrangements 
 of the day were made the affiche of the theatre was ex 
 amined, graceful scented notes of tenderness were received 
 and sent, gowns to be inspected and flowers to be sold, 
 temptations in the way of laces and articles de luxe all 
 
Il8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 found their way into my lady s boudoir during the hour of 
 the toilet. And her caprices and fascinations charmed 
 the particular favorite who was admitted to the intimacy 
 of this informal morning hour. There were several visit 
 ors with Madame de Flahaut on this occasion, and, a pleas 
 ant chat ended, Morris drove to Romainville to bid adieu 
 to the Marechal de Castries and his daughter-in-law. 
 " Madame Lebrun is there, the famous painter, who is as 
 
 pleasant a companion as she is artist ; Madame de 
 
 the friend of the Vicomte. We walk about the garden. 
 The Marechal very kindly asks me to stay at his country- 
 house for the re-establishment of my health. Approach 
 ing the house we find Mesdames de Segur and Chastellux, 
 and are presently joined by M. de Puisignieu. He assures 
 me that the scarcity of corn is excessive, which he is the 
 better able to judge of as his regiment of Chasseurs are 
 employed in the escort of provisions and protection of 
 grain now standing. Take a walk with Madame de Segur 
 and converse on the situation of their public affairs, which 
 she understands as well as anybody. Take leave, with 
 promises to return speedily. Promise also to write to her. 
 Return to town. This day has been hot. I observe that 
 the potatoes which I see growing are what we consider 
 the worst kind, at least if one may judge from their tops. 
 I go to the club when I return to town and hear that the 
 King, in answer to the address of the Etats respecting the 
 troops, has told them that he had no intentions that will 
 affect them, and if their apprehensions continue he will re 
 move the session of the States to Soissons or Noyon and 
 go himself to Compiegne. This is an artful reply. If he 
 can get them far from Paris he will weaken that impulse 
 which at present creates such alarm. But the evil lies 
 deeper than his counsellors are aware of, and the business 
 now broached must have its complete course. While at 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 119 
 
 the club receive a message from Madame de Flahaut, who 
 begs I will come to supper to tell her the news. Go. A 
 partie carrte, when I arrive and make the fifth. Stay late, 
 and reconduct an abbe, one of her favorites. He is hunch- 
 . backed, and far from an Adonis in other respects ; it must 
 therefore be a moral attachment. This day has been hot, 
 but the evening is pleasant and I feel no small pleasure 
 to smell the ripening grain. There are now, in and about 
 this city, above a million of human creatures whose only 
 resource for bread is in the vigilance and attention of 
 government, whose utmost exertions, however, can but just 
 keep pace with the necessity." 
 
 Daily this great necessity grew more terrible the great 
 army of the unemployed increased and clamored for bread. 
 Rumor announced the approach of a large army from 
 Versailles to the capital, and that the Baron de Breteuil 
 had said, " If it is necessary to burn Paris, burn Paris." 
 Gayety meanwhile reigned at Paris. Fetes and dinners 
 enlivened the frequenters of the Palais Royal Gardens, and 
 a ball in the Champs Elysees kept up the spirits of the 
 fishwomen and the dwellers in the Faubourg Saint Antoine. 
 Everything and everybody in Paris seemed ready for civil 
 war. In the council-room Necker and his friends saw the 
 king sleep his false sleep, which was a ruse of His Majesty 
 to cover his embarrassment, and they shrewdly suspected 
 what it meant. July i2th, Morris dined with the Mare- 
 chal de Castries. " As I am going away he takes me aside 
 to inform me that M. Necker is no longer in place. He 
 is much affected at this intelligence, and, indeed, so am I. 
 Urge him to go immediately to Versailles. He says he 
 will not, that they have undoubtedly taken all their meas 
 ures before this moment, and therefore he must be too 
 late. I tell him he is not too late to warn the King of his 
 danger, which is infinitely greater than he imagines ; that 
 
I2O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 his army will not fight against the nation, and that if he 
 listens to violent councils the nation will undoubtedly be 
 against him ; that the sword has fallen imperceptibly from 
 his hands, and that the sovereignty of the nation is in 
 the Assemblee Nationale. He makes no precise answer 
 to this, but is very deeply affected. Call, agreeable to my 
 promise, on Madame de Flahaut ; learn that the whole ad 
 ministration is routed out and Necker banished. Much 
 alarm here. Paris begins to be in commotion, and from 
 the invalid guard of the Louvre a few of the nobility 
 take a drum and beat to arms. M. de Narbonne, the friend 
 of Madame de Stae l, considers a civil war as inevitable, 
 and is about to join his regiment, being, as he says, in a 
 conflict between the dictates of his duty and of his con 
 science. I tell him that I know of no duty but that which 
 conscience dictates. I presume his conscience will dic 
 tate to join the strongest side. The little Abbe Bertrand, 
 after sallying out in a fiacre, returns frightened because 
 of a large mob in the Rue St. Honore, and presently comes 
 in another abbe, who is of the parliament, and who, rejoic 
 ing at the change, is confoundedly frightened at the com 
 motions. I calm the fears of Madame de Flahaut, whose 
 husband is mad, and in a printed list, it seems, of the furi 
 ous aristocrats. Offer to conduct the abbe safely home, 
 which offer Bertrand accepts of. His terror as we go along is 
 truly diverting. As we approach the Rue St. Honore, his 
 imagination magnifies the ordinary passengers into a vast 
 mob, and I can scarcely persuade him to trust his eyes in 
 stead of his fears. Having set him down, I depart for Mr. 
 Jefferson s. In riding along the boulevards, all at once 
 the carriages and horses and foot passengers turn about 
 and pass rapidly. Presently after we meet a body of 
 cavalry, with their sabres drawn and coming half speed. 
 After they have passed up a little way they stop. When 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 121 
 
 we come to the Place Louis Quinze, observe the people, to 
 the number of perhaps an hundred, picking up stones, and 
 on looking back find that the cavalry are returning. Stop 
 at the angle to see the fray, if any. The people take post 
 among the stones which lie scattered about the whole 
 place, being then hewn for the bridge now building. The 
 officer at the head of the party is saluted by a stone, and 
 immediately turns his horse in a menacing manner to 
 ward the assailant. But his adversaries are posted in ground 
 where the cavalry cannot act. He pursues his route, and 
 the pace is soon increased to a gallop, amid a shower of 
 stones. One of the soldiers is either knocked from his 
 horse or the horse falls under him. He is taken prisoner, 
 and at first ill-treated. They fired several pistols, but 
 without effect ; probably they were not even charged with 
 ball. A party of the Swiss Guards are posted in the 
 Champs Elysees with cannon. Proceed to Mr. Jefferson s. 
 He tells me that M. Necker received yesterday about 
 noon a letter from the King, by the hands of M. de la 
 Luzerne, in which he orders him to leave the kingdom ; 
 and at the same time M. de la Luzerne is desired to exact 
 a promise that he will not mention the matter to anybody. 
 M. Necker dines, and proposes to Madame Necker a visit 
 to a female friend in the neighborhood. On the route he 
 communicates the intelligence, and they go to a country- 
 seat, make the needful arrangements, and depart. M. de 
 Montmorin immediately resigned, and is now in Paris. 
 In returning from Mr. Jefferson s I am turned off to the 
 left by the vedette posted on the road to the Place Louis 
 Quinze. Go to the club. A gentleman just from Versailles 
 gives us an account of the new administration. The peo 
 ple are employed breaking open the armorers shops, and 
 presently a large body of the Gardes Francaises appear, 
 with bayonets fixed, in the garden, mingled with the mob, 
 
122 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 some of whom are also armed. These poor fellows have 
 passed the Rubicon with a witness. Success or a halter 
 must now be their motto. I think the Court will again re 
 cede, and if they do, all further efforts will be idle; if they 
 do not, a civil war is among the events most probable. If 
 the representatives of the Tiers have formed a just estimate 
 of their constituents, in ten days all France will be in a 
 commotion. The little affray which I have witnessed will 
 probably be magnified into a bloody battle before it reaches 
 the frontiers, and in that case an infinity of corps bourgeois 
 will march to the relief of the capital. They had better 
 gather in the harvest." 
 
 In the beautiful garden of the Palais Royal, among the 
 flowers and fountains, the news-venders and the gamblers 
 in this place, which had been described by the anti-revolu 
 tionists as the image of the Chimera, with the head of a 
 beautiful prostitute, the tongue of a serpent, the hands 
 of a harpy, with eyes throwing forth flames and a mouth 
 distilling poisonous and patriotic words all of revolu 
 tionary Paris had assembled this Sunday, the i2th of July. 
 The news of Necker s dismissal came, and was greeted 
 with a cry of rage. Camille Desmoulins, mounted on a 
 table, cried, "Aux armes ! " and announced that the Court 
 meditated a " St. Bartholomew of patriots." Women dis 
 tributed green cockades, the favorite color of the hour, and 
 at midnight the big bells of Notre Dame and of the Hotel 
 de Ville rang out their alarm. That night, in Paris, none 
 but children slept. At Versailles the day passed in anx 
 iety ; communication with Paris was cut off, and when 
 the Assembly began its sitting, the morning of the i3th, 
 Versailles was still in ignorance of events at Paris. But 
 they knew that the old ministry had been ordered to quit 
 the Court, and that in the new one they had small confi 
 dence. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 123 
 
 The next morning Morris hears from Martin, his ser 
 vant, that the Hotel de Force is broken into, and all the 
 prisoners liberated. " Presently after," he continues, " a 
 letter is brought in enclosing one for me from Mr. Nes- 
 bitt, who is at the Temple and wishes to see me ; but my 
 cocker tells me he cannot bring my carriage, having al 
 ready been stopped and turned back. In effect, the little 
 city of Paris is in as great a tumult as any could wish. 
 They are getting arms wherever they can find any ; seize 
 600 barrels of powder in a boat on the Seine ; break into 
 the Monastery of St. Lazare, and find a store of grain which 
 the holy brotherhood has laid in. Immediately it is put 
 into carts and sent to the market, and in every cart a 
 friar. The Garde-Meuble du Roi is attacked, and the arms 
 are delivered up to prevent worse consequences. These, 
 however, are more curious than useful. But the detail of 
 the variety of this day s deeds would be endless. I dine at 
 home, and after dinner go to the Louvre, having previ 
 ously ornamented my hat with a green bow in honor of 
 the Tiers, for this is the fashion of the day, which every 
 body is obliged to comply with who means to march in 
 peace. It is somewhat whimsical that this day of violence 
 and tumult is the only one in which I have dared to walk 
 the streets, but as no carriages are abroad but the fiacres, 
 I do not hazard being crushed, and apprehend nothing 
 from the populace. Madame de Flahaut is under a great 
 apprehension, which I endeavor to appease. Capellis 
 comes in, and when we are about to set off for the Palais 
 Royal, we meet on the stairs monsieur, from Versailles, who 
 tells us the news. Go to club. Sit a while chatting on 
 the state of public affairs. M. de Moreton tells me that 
 the present ministers are a set of rascals and tyrants, 
 that he knows them perfectly well, and one of them, it 
 seems, is his relation, for whom he exhibits no partiality. 
 
124 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 After a while Monsieur de arrives from Versailles, 
 
 and tells us that the fashion at Court is to believe that the 
 disturbances at Paris are very trifling. The National As 
 sembly have advised the King to recall the former minis 
 try, and to permit the Assembly to send a deputation to 
 Paris to recommend the forming des corps bourgeois for 
 the maintenance of order in the city. To the first, he 
 replied that the executive power is his, and he will ap 
 point whom he pleases to be his ministers ; and he disap 
 proves the second measure. In consequence of this, the As 
 sembly make some sharp resolutions, whose purport seems 
 to be the devoting to public infamy the present admin 
 istration, and declaring His Majesty s advisers to be guilty 
 of high treason. Thus the Court and popular party are 
 pitted against each other. In ten days I think it will be 
 decided whether the retreat of the monarch will be imme 
 diate and only ruin his counsellors, or whether it will be 
 remote and his own ruin involved in that of his ministers. 
 Some horses are brought into the Palais Royal. We go 
 to see what they are, but cannot learn. We are told, 
 however, by one of the orators that they have received a 
 deputation from the two regiments quartered at St. Denis, 
 offering to join the Tiers if they will come out and receive 
 them ! My companions urge them by all means to go. 
 But this manoeuvre must at least be deferred till to-mor 
 row. The leaders here, I think, err in not bringing about 
 immediately some pretty severe action between the for 
 eign and national troops. The consequences would, in 
 my opinion, be decisive." 
 
 "Arms and bread!" is the cry on Tuesday, the i4th. 
 The wine and bread shops have been pillaged ; now arms 
 are wanted. The mob rushed to the Hotel de Ville, hear 
 ing from an elector, the Abbe d Ormesson, that arms 
 were stored there ; then to the Hopital des Invalides, and 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 125 
 
 forced the garrison to give up arms. Then came the cry, 
 "We want the Bastille." Nearly 80,000 men, with scarce 
 ly the semblance of a leader, had been got together. A 
 horde of these men, armed and desperate, filled the avenues 
 leading to this fortress, prison, and tomb. Morris men 
 tions being stopped twice while driving, " to see if there 
 be any arms in my carriage. While I am visiting M. Le 
 Coulteux a person comes to announce the taking of the 
 Bastille, the Governor of which is beheaded, and the Pre- 
 vot des Marchands is killed and also beheaded. They 
 are carrying the heads in triumph through the city. The 
 carrying of this citadel is among the most extraordinary 
 things I have met with. It cost the assailants 60 men, it 
 is said. The Hotel Royal des Invalides was forced this 
 morning, and the cannon and small arms, etc., brought off. 
 The citizens are by these means well armed, at least here 
 are the materials for about 30,000 to be equipped with, 
 and that is a sufficient army. I find that the information 
 received last night as to the arrfae of the Assemblee 
 Nationale is not correct. They have only declared that 
 the last administration carry with them the regret of 
 the chambers that they will persist in insisting on the 
 removal of the troops, and that His Majesty s advisers, 
 whatever their rank and station, are guilty of all the con 
 sequences which may ensue. Yesterday it was the fashion 
 at Versailles not to believe that there were any disturb 
 ances at Paris. I presume that this day s transactions will 
 induce a conviction that all is not perfectly quiet. From 
 M. Le Coulteux s go to visit Madame de Flahaut, who is in 
 much anxiety. Her husband, she tells me, is foolhardy, 
 and she apprehends much for his safety. I am present at 
 a family scene in which she plays her part extremely 
 well, and appeals to me for my opinion on one of the 
 points. I answer that in discussions of such a delicate 
 
126 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 nature it is a rule with me not to interfere. The question 
 is whether he should leave the city. I advise him, if he 
 does, to go at noonday, etc. While he is sitting with us, 
 madame having on her lap an ecritoire, by way of exciting 
 his curiosity I scribble some wretched lines, which he asks 
 me to translate for him. Nothing is easier ; but, unluck 
 ily, one of the ideas is not calculated to please. It was 
 thus : 
 
 In fever* on your lap I write, 
 
 Expect, then, but a feeble lay ; 
 And yet, in every proverb s spite, 
 
 Tho tis in verse, believe, I pray. 
 
 No lover I ; alas ! too old 
 
 To raise in you a mutual flame. 
 Then take a passion rather cold, 
 
 And call it by fair friendship s name." 
 
 She tells me that he looked rather foolish at the declara 
 tion of being too old to excite a passion. I assure her my 
 object was only to excite curiosity. She observes that I 
 succeeded in my wishes, but that it was ridiculous in mon 
 sieur to ask an explanation, because I could have given 
 him the same translation if the lines had been entirely 
 different." 
 
 During the hours of fright, tumult, and horror in Paris, 
 when the body of De Launay, after being kicked and 
 dragged through the gutter and his head carried on a pike 
 through the streets in triumph, was left lying, with many 
 other victims, in the Place de Greve, the Comte d Artois 
 at Versailles held high carnival in the orangery and, 
 with dances, songs, feasting, and wine in abundance, en 
 tertained the foreign soldiery. The morning of the i5th, 
 
 * Morris had been ill with a chill and fever. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 Morris says, "La Caze comes from Le Normand to tell 
 me that it is impossible to do business this day, which, 
 I fear, is true enough. He also tells me the King is com 
 ing to town this day [July 15 th], which J do not believe a 
 word of. Dress and wait long for my carriage. Receive 
 a message from Madame de Flahaut. Walk to the Louvre, 
 and order my carriage to follow ; later I go to Mr. Jeffer 
 son s, and am stopped near the Pont Royal and obliged 
 to turn into the Rue St. Honore. Stopped again at the 
 Church St. Roch, and a number of foolish questions asked. 
 Colonel Gardner comes to me ; is very happy to be in 
 Paris at the present moment. So am I. Considers, as I 
 do, the capture of the Bastille an instance of great intre 
 pidity. A few paces from the church I am again stopped, 
 and a vast deal of self-sufficiency in the officer brings 
 on an altercation with my coachman. As everything is 
 turned into this street and interruptions of the kind I ex 
 perience are so frequent, the embarras is very great. I 
 therefore turn back, and come to the Hotel to dine. 
 While I am at dinner La Caze comes in. Fie contradicts 
 his news of this morning, but says a deputy is just arrived 
 from the States-General who brings an account that the 
 King has retreated, etc. This I expected. We shall see. 
 Go, according to promise, to Madame de Flahaut s, with 
 her nephew and the Abbe Bertrand ; we proceed along 
 the quay to the Tuileries, walk a little, and sit some time. 
 She wants to see the deputies of the Assemblee Nationale 
 come to town, owns that it is foolish, but says that all 
 women have the same folly. There is much rejouissance 
 in town. After placing madame at home, her nephew 
 and I go to the club. I send away my carriage, and pres 
 ently after receive a message from her desiring the loan 
 of it. Send the servant after the coachman, but it is too 
 late. His horses are put up, and he is patrolling as one of 
 
128 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 the garde bourgeoise. The Due d Aguillon* and Baron de 
 Menouf are at the club, both of them deputies of the no 
 blesse. I learn through and from them the secret history 
 of the revolution of this day. Yesterday evening an ad 
 dress was presented to the Assembly, to which His Maj 
 esty returned an answer by no means satisfactory. The 
 Queen, Comte d Artois, and Duchesse de Polignac had been 
 all day tampering with two regiments, who were made al 
 most drunk, and every officer was presented to the King, 
 who was induced to give promises, money, etc., to these 
 regiments. They shouted Vive la Reine, Vive le Comte 
 d Artois, Vive la Duchesse de Polignac, and their music 
 came and played under Her Majesty s windows. In the 
 meantime, Marechal de Broglie was tampering in person 
 with the artillery. The plan was to reduce Paris to famine, 
 and to take two hundred members of the National Assem 
 bly prisoners. But they found that the troops would not 
 serve against their country. Of course these plans could 
 not be carried into effect. They took care, however, not 
 to inform the King of all the mischiefs. At two o clock 
 in the morning, the Due de Liancourt went into his bed 
 chamber and waking him, told him all ; told him that he 
 pawned his life on the truth of his narration, and that un 
 less he changed his measures speedily all was lost. The 
 King took his determination. The Bishop d Autun (they 
 say) was called on to prepare un discours, which he did. 
 The orders were given for dispersing the troops, and at 
 the meeting of the Assembly the King, accompanied by 
 
 * Due Armand de Vignero d Aguillon was the second of the noblesse to re 
 nounce his privileges in the session of August 4th, warmly supported the 
 popular cause in the States-General, and later took command of one of the 
 armies ; was prosecuted in 1792, but escaped by flight. 
 
 t Jacques Francois Baron de Menou. Served in the Republican army in 
 1793, in the Vendean campaign, and commanded the National Guard which 
 suppressed the insurrection in the Faubourg St. Antoine. 
 
1789] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. J2Q 
 
 his two brothers and the captain of the guard, came in and 
 made his speech. This produced very enthusiastic emo 
 tions of joy, and he was reconducted to the Chateau by 
 the whole Assembly, and by all the inhabitants of Ver 
 sailles. They tell me that the Baron de Besenval * is de- 
 noncd by the Assemblee Nationale, which appellation the 
 King recognizes in his discours ; that they will pursue the 
 present ministry. I give my opinion that after what is 
 passed the Comte d Artois should not be suffered to stay 
 in France. In this they agree. They say that they will 
 * faire le proces of the Marechal de Broglie, and probably 
 of the Baron de Breteuil. Sup with them, and, the claret 
 being better than any I have tasted in France, I give them 
 as a toast the liberty of the French nation and of the city 
 of Paris, which are drunk with very good will. Return 
 home. This has been a very fine day. It is said that the 
 King is to be in town at n o clock to-morrow. But for 
 what ? Bon mot : The Baron de Besenval is denonce on 
 account of some letters he had written which were inter 
 cepted. The Due de la Rochefoucault, appointed one of 
 the Assemblee Nationale by the city of Paris, meets the 
 baron coming out of the King s cabinet. Eh bien, Mon 
 sieur le Baron, avez-vous encore les ordres a donner pour 
 Paris ? The baron takes it as a politcsse. Non, Mon 
 sieur le Due, excepte qu on m envoie mavoiture. Appa- 
 remment c est une voiture de poste, Monsieur le Baron. 
 Another : In the procession yesterday the King and Comte 
 d Artois, walking together, were much crowded. One 
 of the deputies said to another, Voyez comme on presse le 
 Roi et Monsieur le Comte d Artois. The other answered, 
 II y a cette difference pourtant, que le Roi est presse par 
 1 amour de son peuple. To which the King, not hearing 
 
 * Baron de Besenval was tried by M. Deseze, a celebrated advocate, and 
 discharged, March, 1790. 
 
 9 
 
130 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 more than the last words of the conversation, replied, in 
 turning round, Oui, c est juste. " 
 
 This was the last successful day for the king. Among 
 the deputies who, taking hands, made a chain around him 
 even amid the cries of " Vive le Roi ! " there lurked 
 suspicion. A woman in the crowd dared press by the 
 Comte d Artois to the king and say to him, " Oh, my king, 
 are you sincere ? Will you not change within a fortnight ? " 
 "No," said the king, "I shall never change." 
 
 On the i6th a committee was held in the king s apart 
 ments, to discuss the important question whether His 
 Majesty should quit Versailles with the troops, or go to 
 Paris to calm the people. " The queen was for depart 
 ure," Madame Campan says, but it was decided that the 
 king alone should go to Paris. The king accordingly 
 went to Paris on the i7th, accompanied by the Marechal 
 de Beauvau, the Due de Villeroy, the Due de Villeguier, 
 and the Comte d Estaing.* "The queen restrained her 
 tears," says Madame Campan, "and shut herself up with 
 her family in her private rooms. She scarcely expected 
 that the king would return ; a deadly terror reigned 
 throughout the palace, and fear was at its height." 
 
 "This morning" [July iyth], says the diary, "my coach 
 man tells me there are placards up forbidding any car 
 riages to run, as the King is in town this day between ten 
 and eleven. Here is another day in which nothing will be 
 done. Dress immediately, and go out. Get a window, 
 through the aid of Madame de Flahaut, in the Rue St. 
 Honore, through which the procession is to pass. In 
 
 * Count Charles Hector d Estaing, commandant of the National Guard at 
 Versailles, was intimate at Court. Madame Campan says he us ed to dine 
 with the butchers at Versailles, and nattered the people by the meanest con 
 descensions. He worked hard to save the king and queen, and was himself 
 guillotined in April, 1794. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 131 
 
 squeezing through the crowd my pocket is picked of a 
 handkerchief, which I value far beyond what the thief 
 will get for it, and I should willingly pay him for his dex 
 terity could I retrieve it. We wait from eleven till four. 
 It seems that His Majesty was escorted by the militia of 
 Versailles to the Point-du-Jour, where he entered the 
 double file of Parisian militia which extends from thence 
 to the Hotel de Ville. Our friend Lafayette, elected 
 general of the militia of Paris, precedes his sovereign. 
 They move slowly, amid the acclamations of, Vive la na 
 tion ! Each line composed of three ranks ; consequently 
 it is a body six deep extending that distance. The Assem- 
 blee Nationale walk promiscuously together in the proces 
 sion. The King s Horse Guards, some of the Gardes du 
 Corps, and all those who attend him, have the cockades of 
 the city, viz., red and blue. It is a magnificent procession 
 in every respect. After it is over, go to dinner at the 
 * traiteur s, and get a beefsteak and bottle of claret. A 
 deputy from Bretagne comes in, whom I met yesterday at a 
 table d hote at Versailles. We seat him at our little table. 
 He tells me that the King yesterday sent the Assembly a 
 letter of recall for M. Necker ; that the ministers have all 
 resigned, except the Baron de Breteuil, who says he never 
 accepted ; that the Comte d Artois, the Due and Du- 
 chesse de Polignac, M. de Vaudreuil, and, in short, the whole 
 Committee Polignac, have decamped last night in despair. 
 I tell him that travelling may be useful to the Comte 
 d Artois, and therefore it may be well that he visited for 
 eign parts. We have a conversation on the commerce of 
 their islands, in which I state to him what I conceive to be 
 the true principle on which their system should be found 
 ed. He desires a further conversation, when that matter 
 shall be agitated. Tell him I am going to London. He 
 desires to have my address, that he may write to me. I 
 
132 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. V. 
 
 promise to let him have it. He mentions something which 
 interests my friend the Comtesse de Flahaut. I tell him 
 sundry truths the communication of which will be useful 
 to her, and omit certain others which might prove injuri 
 ous, and thus make an impression different from what he 
 had received, but I fear the folly of her husband and the 
 madness of his brother will ruin them both. It is impos 
 sible to help those who will not help themselves. I call 
 on her, and tell her what has passed in the government. 
 Sit a while with her and the Abbe Bertrand, and then go 
 to the club. The King this day confirmed the choice made 
 by the mayor ; gave his approbation of the regiment of 
 city guards. He put in his hat a large cockade of the red 
 and blue ribbons, and then, and not till then, received the 
 general shouts of " Vive le Roi! " This day will, I think, 
 prove a useful lesson to him for the rest of his life, but he 
 is so weak that unless he is kept out of bad company it is 
 impossible that he should not act wrongly." 
 
 "The weather [July i8th] is pleasant, and the town be 
 gins to be a little quiet. I go to the club and take tea. 
 Kersaw tells me that the Augean stable of Versailles is 
 now quite clean. The Abbe Vermond, and the King s 
 valet de chambre De Thierry, and the Comte d Angivill- 
 iers,* of his buildings, are departed. De Thierry he dis 
 missed, with many execrations. There are places in abun 
 dance to bestow now, and, of course, there will be an 
 abundance of intrigue to get them. In short, the whole 
 conspiracy against freedom is blown up to the moon." 
 
 * Count Charles Claude d Angiviliers, a patron of arts and sciences, a favor 
 ite of Louis XVI., who made him Director of Royal Gardens, Manufactures, 
 and Buildings ; died in 1810. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 133 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Dinner at Madame de Flahaut s. Artists studios. Dinner with Lafay 
 ette. Visit to the Bastille. The Club. Foulon s head carried through 
 the streets. Making up a foreign mail. Madame de Montmorin. 
 Ideas respecting a constitution for France. Asked to consult with the 
 ministers. Passport for London. Journey to England. Beggars. 
 Impressions of England. 
 
 THAT jolie intrigante, Madame de Flahaut, who never 
 failed to pull the strings that moved the puppets 
 high in authority, had probably some scheme in her clever 
 little head when she hospitably entertained her satellites 
 in the persons of the Abbe Bertrand, the Due de Biron, the 
 Eveque d Autun, and Mr. Morris at dinner, soon after the 
 Augean stable at Versailles had been cleansed and there 
 were places in abundance to bestow. "Very agreeable," 
 Morris says he found this society. It would not be 
 difficult to imagine the wit and abandon of the conversa 
 tion ; the spirituel and delicate repartee which fell from 
 the lips of the fair hostess ; the sarcastic and subtle wit, 
 joined with immense tact, which characterized the Bishop 
 of Autun ; the careless, daring indifference to conse 
 quences which seemed to belong to that Don Juan, the 
 Due de Biron ; the Abbe Bertrand, whom Morris always 
 found agreeable ; and, last of the number, Morris him 
 self, not very much behind the Frenchmen in wit and ap 
 preciation. It is matter of regret that none of the conver 
 sation found its way into the pages of the diary ; but "we 
 all go," Morris says (July ipth), "after dinner, to visit a 
 painter and see three pieces, in one of which the actual 
 
1 34 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VI. 
 
 execution of perspective goes beyond the power of my 
 imagination, particularly in the right hand of the princi 
 pal figure, which stands out so completely from the can 
 vas that one absolutely sees all round it, a thing scarce 
 credible, but which is not the less true. The subject is 
 Love escaped from his cage and leaving by his flight the 
 ladies in anguish and despair. The expression does not 
 come up to my ideas of the power of this art, but the 
 light and shade are distributed through the piece in a most 
 astonishing perfection. He (the painter) shows us a piece 
 he is now about for the King, taken from the ^Eneid : 
 Venus restraining the arm which is raised in the temple 
 of the Vestals to shed the blood of Helen. I tell him he 
 had better paint the Storm of the Bastille ; it will be a 
 more fashionable picture, and that one trait will admit of 
 a fine effect. It is of the garde fran$aise who, having got 
 hold of the gate and unable to bring it down, cries to his 
 comrades of the populace to pull by his legs. And this 
 man has the force and courage to hold while a dozen of 
 them pull him like a rope and bring down the gate, so 
 that he actually sustains the rack. To represent him 
 drawn out of joint, with his head turned round, encourag 
 ing them to pull still harder, must, I think, have a fine 
 effect. L Eveque d Autun agrees with me entirely in this 
 sentiment. Returning, we find M. de Rouille, who, I find, 
 is writing a history of the present revolution. He prom 
 ises to meet me at the club and give me the news of M. 
 Necker. Take the abbe home, and then go to the club. 
 M. de Rouille tells me they have yet no news of M. 
 Necker, but expect an express to-night, and that if he is 
 not yet farther than Brussels he will be in to-morrow 
 night. Recommend a subscription to collect the various 
 papers found in the Bastille, and then to employ an able 
 hand in writing the annals of that diabolical castle, from 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 135 
 
 the beginning of Louis Fourteenth s reign to the present 
 moment. Something of this sort will, I believe, be done. 
 Give the hint also of forming the Garde Franeaise into a 
 city guard, with very high pay, and keep up the corps by 
 putting with it all those who, by good conduct, shall have 
 merited something more than the rank of a common sol 
 dier, without being qualified for that of a sergeant. They 
 know not what to do at present with this corps." 
 
 " This morning [July 2oth] I go to the Hotel de Ville. 
 With much difficulty find out the Marquis de Lafayette,* 
 who is exhausted by a variety of attentions. Tell him I 
 will send his letters to America, and he must give me a 
 passport to visit the Bastille. Agree to dine with him, on 
 condition that I may bring my own wine. Return home, 
 write, and at four go to the Hotel de Lafayette. Find 
 
 there Madame and the Due de la Rochefoucault, M. , 
 
 etc., to dine. He gives me my passport for the Bastille. 
 Suggest to him my plan respecting the Garde Francaise 
 which he likes. Advise him to have a completed plan for 
 the militia prepared, and to submit it to the committee. 
 Ask him if he can think of any steps which may be taken 
 to induce the King to confer on him the government of 
 the Isle of France. He tells me that he would prefer that 
 of Paris simply ; that he has had the utmost power his 
 heart could wish, and is grown tired of it ; that he has 
 commanded absolutely an hundred thousand men ; has 
 marched his sovereign about the streets as he pleased, 
 prescribed the degree of applause which he should re 
 ceive, and could have detained him prisoner had he 
 thought proper. He wishes therefore, as soon as possi- 
 
 * Lafayette had done most efficient work in Paris as commandant of the 
 National Guard. From the i4th to the 226. of July he, at the risk of his life, 
 saved seventeen persons from hanging and other violent deaths in different 
 quarters of the city. 
 
136 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VI. 
 
 ble, to return to private life. In this last expression he 
 deceives himself or wishes to deceive me, or both, per 
 haps. But in fact he is the lover of freedom from am 
 bition, of which there are two kinds : one born of pride, 
 the other of vanity, and his partakes most of the lat 
 ter." 
 
 "At half-past one [July 2ist] I call for Madame de Fla- 
 haut, who expressed a wish to accompany me to the Bas 
 tille. Capellis and the Abbe Bertrand are waiting. Pres 
 ently after Madame appears, with Mademoiselle Duplessis. 
 We get all together into the coach of Capellis, and go to 
 the Bastille.* Some difficulty in getting through the 
 guards, notwithstanding my passport. We meet in the 
 architect employed in the demolition an old acquaintance 
 of the abbe s, who is glad to be useful. He shows us 
 everything more than I wish to see, as it stinks horribly. 
 The storming of this castle was a bold enterprise. Re 
 turn to the Louvre with Madame de Flahaut. Make a 
 long visit, at first tete-a-tete. Give her some verses, and 
 with infinite coolness tell her that I am perfectly my own 
 master with respect to her ; that, having no idea of in 
 spiring her with a tender passion, I have no idea either of 
 subjecting myself to one ; that, besides, I am timid to a 
 fault that I know it to be wrong, but cannot help it. She 
 thinks it a very strange conversation, and, indeed, so it is ; 
 but I am much mistaken if it does not make an impression 
 much greater on reflection than at the present moment. 
 Nous verrons. The Duke of Orleans is at the club to-day. 
 I am as cold with respect to him as an Englishman. A 
 thousand to one we are never acquainted, but, if we are, 
 he must make au moins la moitie du chemin" This was Mor 
 ris s first sight of the duke, for, although he had been so 
 
 * The demolition of the Bastille was begun at once, and some of the pris 
 oners were found buried among the stones. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 137 
 
 much with the duchess her lord had never appeared. 
 Possibly near her was the last place to look for him. 
 
 "To-day [July 22d] I go to the club to meet a gentle 
 man. At a table d hote we have a good dinner for three. 
 Coffee, etc., included, the price of the dinner is 48 francs. 
 After dinner walk a little under the arcade of the Palais 
 Royal waiting for my carriage. In this period the head 
 and body of M. Foulon * are introduced in triumph, the 
 head on a pike, the body dragged naked on the earth. 
 Afterwards, this horrible exhibition is carried through the 
 different streets. His crime is to have accepted a place in 
 the ministry. This mutilated form of an old man of sev 
 enty is shown to Berthier, his son-in-law, the intendant of 
 Paris, and afterwards he is also put to death and cut to 
 pieces, the populace carrying about the mangled frag 
 ments with a savage joy. Gracious God ! what a peo 
 ple ! " 
 
 With the Seance Royale on the 226. of July the crisis 
 passed, and the destructive work of the revolution was 
 complete. As Taine says, " It is no longer a government 
 which falls that it may give way to another, it is all gov 
 ernment which ceases to exist." It was well to be able to 
 turn from such revolting spectacles as those which were 
 presented to the public gaze in the streets of Paris, and 
 forget for a moment scenes so atrocious, even if for- 
 getfulness were only attained by spending the entire night 
 making up a mail for America an arduous task when the 
 grandfathers of the present generation sent letters across 
 the sea. " I wrote all night," Morris says (July 23d), 
 "and went to bed at seven this morning. Waked up at 
 eight to seal my letters. Take some more sleep, and be 
 tween one and two respond to a wish of Madame de Fla- 
 
 * Foulon was conseiller d etat. His anti-popular opinions cost him his 
 life. 
 
138 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VI 
 
 haul s that I should go to see her, as she does not go as 
 she intended to Versailles. She keeps me to dine, and 
 after dinner we glide into a confidential conversation. To 
 cure me of any sentiment she might inspire in me, she 
 avows a marriage of the heart. I guess the person. She 
 acknowledges it, and assures me that she cannot commit 
 an infidelity to him. I leave her, and go to Jefferson s. 
 Sit and chat and take tea." 
 
 Of Jefferson s standing in Paris Morris wrote to Robert 
 Morris (July 22d) in the following terms : " He commands 
 very much respect in this country, which is merited by 
 good sense and good intentions. The French, who pique 
 themselves on possessing the graces, very readily excuse 
 in others the want of them, and to be an Granger (like 
 charity) covers a multitude of sins. On the whole, there 
 fore, I incline to think that an American minister at this 
 Court gains more than he loses by preserving his original 
 ity. Mr. Jefferson lives well, keeps a good table and ex 
 cellent wines, which he distributes freely." 
 
 On the eve of a journey to England, then a formidable 
 undertaking, Morris mentions going out to Versailles to 
 say good-by to his friends there among them, Madame 
 de Montmorin. " I desire to be favored with her com 
 mands for London," he says. " To my compliments on 
 the Count being restored to his place, she replies that she 
 wishes to be a good way off, that she is shocked at the 
 scenes acting in Paris." The terrible catastrophe which 
 later overtook her and her family cast its shadow before 
 it and over her very early in the Revolution. M. de Mont 
 morin perished in the September massacres. She and one 
 son died on the scaffold. One daughter died in prison, 
 and Madame de Beaumont died of grief. "After dining 
 with the Montmorins," Morris continues, " among other 
 things I speak to monsieur of M. de Moustier. Tell him 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 139 
 
 confidentially that he is not agreeable to the people of 
 America, and that he must send us such a man as the 
 Chevalier de la Luzerne. He tells me in confidence the 
 person he intends to send over, but makes me promise 
 not to mention it to anybody. Visit at De la Luzerne s. 
 He reproves me for not dining with him. I find he is 
 taking a great deal of pains to show that he is well with M. 
 Necker, which proves beyond all things to me the prepon 
 derance which Necker will have in the council. I presume 
 the place of Garde des Sceaux is kept vacant until his 
 pleasure shall be known." Later in the evening, "visit 
 Madame de Tesse. She is deeply engaged in a political 
 discussion. I find that the high democrats begin to cool 
 a little, and I think that by degrees they will feel, though 
 they would not understand reason." 
 
 Morris had been requested by a member of the States- 
 General to " throw together some thoughts respecting 
 the constitution of this country. I am occupied all Sat 
 urday morning [July 24th], in this work. While I am 
 about it, Dr. McDonald comes in. I read to him what I 
 have written, and see him forcibly struck with the thoughts 
 and with the manner. This serves as an evidence to me 
 that there is some weight and truth in my observations." 
 
 The following evening (July 25th) he dined with Mr. 
 Jefferson, who gave him several letters of introduction for 
 use in London, and a passport. Sunday morning (July 
 26th), he received a note "from Madame de Flahaut, who 
 has something to communicate. Visit her at one. She 
 desires to know whether I will go to Versailles to confer 
 with the committee who are to report a constitution. She 
 is charged by one of them to make this request. I reply 
 that if it will not delay my departure for London I shall 
 consult, conceiving it my duty to render any service I 
 can to this country. I explain to her the paper written 
 
140 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VI. 
 
 yesterday, that she may translate it afterwards. Have a 
 little chit-chat, and dine with her partie carree, and after 
 wards drive and walk in the Bois de Boulogne. Received 
 while I was dressing a note from Madame de Chastellux, 
 desiring me to interest Lafayette in favor of a protege of her 
 late husband, who wants to be placed in the Regiment Natio 
 nal. At five go by appointment to Madame de Flahaut s. 
 She is at her toilette. Monsieur comes in. She dresses 
 before us with perfect decency, even to her shift. Mon 
 sieur leaves us to make a long visit, and we are to occupy 
 ourselves in making a translation." 
 
 " See Lafayette to-day [July 28th], to ask a commission 
 for the protege of Madame de Chastellux, and I desire 
 him to give the King some consolation which may make 
 him easy, as it is of the last importance to France. I 
 cannot tell him my reasons, because they are founded 
 on a secret intrusted to me, but I am most serious. As 
 we cannot have conversation now, he desires me to dine 
 with him. Return home and set about the translation of 
 what I wrote yesterday afternoon. Interrupted by visit 
 ors. As soon as completed, go to Madame de Flahaut s. 
 Monsieur not gone, as was intended, to Versailles. This 
 is unfortunate. He comes in and chats a while, but it is 
 clear that he means to give us the pleasure of his com 
 pany, that we may not have the pleasure of his absence. 
 This is very absurd. People who wish to please should 
 never be troublesome. Go to Madame de Fouquet s. A 
 lively conversation ; pressed to stay to dinner. Cannot. 
 Promise on my return to visit her immediately. Make 
 various visits, and go to M. de Lafayette s and dine. After 
 dinner mention again M. Martin s affair, and he prom 
 ises to do all in his power. Urge again the taking meas 
 ures to put the King at ease (note Madame de Flahaut 
 gave me yesterday the communication), upon which he is 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 141 
 
 desirous of knowing my reasons. I tell him that they arise 
 from a secret communication, therefore cannot go farther. 
 Propose an association to protect the Prince, and to de 
 clare those who may insult him enemies, both public and 
 private. Propose a plan to get rid of the difficulty of the 
 Assemblee Nationale, which is bound not to tax till the 
 constitution is completed, and which is pressed in conse 
 quence for time. Then urge strongly the danger of a con 
 stitution too democratical, and leave him. Go to Madame 
 de Segur s ; take leave, with an engagement to correspond 
 together ; thence to Madame de Flahaut s. Monsieur is 
 there, and Vicq d Azyr, the Queen s head physician. The 
 latter goes away presently. The former is called down, 
 and she communicates a request for my thoughts on the 
 subject of education for the French. Monsieur enters 
 again is obliged to go abroad. This is right. Take sup 
 per with Madame de Flahaut. Some conversation with 
 her and Monsieur, who returns, which is on the interest 
 ing subject of their public affairs. He seems well pleased 
 with me, which is uncommon. Make arrangements for a 
 correspondence with Madame." 
 
 All preparations for the journey to London were fi 
 nally completed except the passport to obtain which 
 required a visit to Lafayette at the Hotel de Ville. "I 
 do this," Morris says, "on the principle that if I do not 
 take care of my own business, I cannot expect anyone 
 else to do it for me. Mankind are in the constant prac 
 tice of believing in the attention of others, and of neglect 
 ing those who believe in them. // faut fare juste. I find 
 that I was right. At the Hotel de Ville there are a world 
 of difficulties, but they are at length all surmounted. 
 From thence I go to take leave of Madame de Flahaut, 
 and thence to Madame de Corney ; a number of gentle re 
 proaches for neglecting her, which I had well merited." 
 
142 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VI. 
 
 The next day, with post books and maps, Morris started 
 on his journey. Outside of Paris many convoys of wheat 
 and flour going to Paris, escorted by troops, and large 
 droves of cattle and pigs, which he mentions as being 
 " the worst formed animals I ever saw ; long, narrow, and 
 meagre, they seem more fitted for the race than the table," 
 had possession of most of the road. The weather was fine, 
 and " the mind and eye," he says, "are delighted by the 
 exuberance of the approaching harvest." At the entrance 
 to Dieppe a number of questions were asked, owing 
 to the fact of a number of refugees having lately passed 
 into England. While waiting for a calm sea and a favor 
 ing wind to take him to the shores of England, Morris 
 availed himself of the opportunity of a vessel sailing di 
 rect to New York, to write to Washington an account of re 
 cent events at Paris. He told him as private news that 
 "the Comte de Moustier has his conge and Colonel 
 Ternant will be his successor as charge d affaires, and 
 possibly as minister later. The important trait in this ap 
 pointment is that he is named as a person who will be 
 agreeable to us. You may rely on what I am about to 
 mention, but which I pray you not to disclose. It is 
 known to very few in this country, and may perhaps (as it 
 ought) be buried in oblivion. The King has actually 
 formed the design of going off to Spain. Whether the 
 measures set on foot to dissuade him will have, as I hope, 
 the desired effect, time only can discover. His fears govern 
 him absolutely, and they have of late been most strongly 
 excited. He is a well-meaning man, but extremely weak, 
 and probably these circumstances will in every event se 
 cure him from personal injury. An able man would not 
 have fallen into his situation, but I think that no ability can 
 now extricate him. He must float along on the current of 
 events, being absolutely a cypher. If, however, he should 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 143 
 
 fly, it will not be easy to predict the consequences, for 
 this country is at present as near to anarchy as society 
 can approach without dissolution. There are some able 
 men in the National Assembly, yet the best heads among 
 them would not be injured by experience, and unfortu 
 nately there are a good number who, with much imagina 
 tion, have little knowledge, judgment, or reflection. You 
 may consider the revolution as complete ; that is to say, the 
 authority of the King and of the nobility is completely 
 subdued, but yet I tremble for the constitution. They 
 have all that romantic spirit, and all those romantic ideas 
 of government which, happily for America, we were cured 
 of before it was too late. They are advancing rapidly. I 
 pass over those facts which you cannot but know, to men 
 tion in one word that the whole army of France have de 
 clared for liberty, and that one reason why His Majesty has 
 not taken the step above mentioned is that he does not 
 know a single regiment that would obey him." 
 
 The usual vicissitudes of weather and the usual discom 
 forts of the Channel awaited Morris when he started for 
 England on the ist of August, and it was not until the 3d 
 that he finally landed at Brighthelmstone. Three miles 
 from shore the vessel was met by a small boat, and the 
 passengers were landed on the beach, and "got on shore 
 dry, a thing which does not always happen," he says. 
 Lodgings were difficult to find owing to the races, and 
 the traveller did not linger longer than to notice that the 
 "cleanliness of the place forms a reverse of the place I 
 quitted yesterday, although that is the cleanest town, 
 except Versailles, I have seen in France." After many 
 detentions and failures to provide post-horses, the races 
 at Lewes being the absorbing interest of the moment, 
 Morris at length started for London. " In descending a 
 hill," he says, "we arrive at a seat of Lord Abergavenny. 
 
144 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VI. 
 
 The old castle, which was once, I suppose, the residence 
 of the feudal tyrant of this soil, becomes now simply an 
 object of ornament to the grounds. The house is neat, 
 and the clumps of trees which are strewed upon the wav 
 ing ground of vivid green derive an additional beauty by 
 contrast. At Croydon they are holding the sessions, so 
 that we have great difficulty to get anything. In the last 
 ten miles I see some fine forest-trees, but not before. 
 Those which had met my view were small and low, so that 
 I actually, in one instance, took the forest for a large 
 orchard till I came very near. I have as yet seen no land 
 in Europe equal to our best soil in America, and very lit 
 tle as good as our second quality. All the difference of 
 product arises from culture. With perpetual rains they 
 have but little water, and, to my great surprise, in this hilly 
 country, I have found no springs or rivulets." 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, 145 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 London. The Haymarket Theatre. The Marquis de la Luzerne. Trum- 
 bull. The refugees. Lady Dunmore. The Cosways. Hon. Mrs. 
 Darner. Society duties. Strictures on society. Sail on the Thames. 
 Downe Place. Returns to Paris. Critical state of affairs. Madame 
 de Tesse. Lafayette. Public opinion sets against the National As 
 sembly. Finances. Scarcity of bread. The Flanders Regiment* 
 Social life. Prepares a memorandum on subsistence. The queen. 
 Madame de Flahaut. The banners blessed. The opera. Resistance 
 to authority among the bakers. Versailles. Question on the finances. 
 Mirabeau speaks in the Assembly. Meets Madame de Stael. 
 Conversation with Madame de Flahaut. Asked to furnish flour for 
 Paris. 
 
 AS the traveller neared London, the absence of " those 
 fine trees which give," he says, " an air of mag 
 nificence to the approaches to Paris " surprised him. 
 " The last stage brings me to the Adelphi Hotel, and 
 early next morning Mr. Parker comes to breakfast. He 
 is to get me good lodgings and a chariot, and will send 
 out his servant for these purposes while I dress. He has 
 found lodgings, according to Mr. Parker s directions, in 
 the same street with him. Cela s entend. Do not observe 
 it, even by a look. The dealer in carriages enters, and we 
 agree for a carriage and horses, which will cost me four 
 guineas a week, besides a shilling a day for board wages 
 for the coachman. This is pretty well. Go to look at the 
 lodgings. They are very indifferent, at two guineas per 
 week. Go from thence to Frome s Hotel, Covent garden, 
 where I take rooms at six shillings per day, and one shil 
 ling for my servant. This is dear ; however, it will do till 
 
 10 
 
146 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 I can get in a better position. After dinner Mr. Parker 
 goes with me to the Haymarket Theatre. This, it seems, 
 is a benefit night. The pieces and performers, one only 
 excepted, are alike wretched. From the applause lavished 
 by the audience I am led to question their taste, or give 
 entirely up my own. In the box adjoining to us is Lady 
 Dunmore and family. With the aid of rouge she looks as 
 well, I think, as when I saw her in America, near twenty 
 years ago, and then she was pretty well advanced, and 
 rather to be admired for grace than beauty." 
 
 A visit to the Marquis de la Luzerne, * the French am 
 bassador, was among his first duties. " His reception," 
 Morris says, " is perfectly good." The next visit was one of 
 business, to Mr. Bourdieu. " I talk to him about a loan. 
 He tells me that nothing of that kind can be done in the city; 
 that perhaps I may meet with people at the west end of 
 the town who are better disposed, but that the name of 
 America terrifies the mercantile part of the community. 
 I receive some letters here, but none from Holland, so that 
 I cannot go to work for relief of Robert Morris s affairs. 
 Madame de Flahaut, in a letter, gives me an account of 
 poor Besenval s capture and detention." 
 
 Next day (August jth) he goes to see R. Penn, who re 
 ceives him quite en famille. " He tells me the state of the 
 family claims and his own, and desires me to consider 
 myself at home at his house. Call on Sir John Sinclair f 
 at Whitehall. He is out of town. Later go to dine with 
 the Marquis de la Luzerne ; several of the Corps Diploma 
 tique. The Marquis de la Luzerne informs me of the or- 
 
 * Anne Cesar, Chevalier de la Luzerne, ambassador to London in 1788. 
 He had been sent in 1779 to the United States as minister, and, without in 
 structions from his government, performed the responsible duties of the posi 
 tion with credit. He died at London in 1791. 
 
 t Sir John Sinclair originated the Board of Agriculture, and wrote many 
 valuable books, essays on agriculture, etc. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 147 
 
 ganization of their ministry : M. de la Tour du Pin, Min 
 ister of War ; 1 Archeveque of Bordeaux, Garde des 
 Sceaux, which Malesherbes refused. I am sorry for this 
 refusal Tell the Marquis that I understood the Bishop 
 of Autun was thought of for it. He says that he has not 
 the right kind of head for this office. Thence I conclude 
 that he is rather visionary in his ideas, and perhaps he is, 
 for that is the common misfortune of men of genius who 
 do not sufficiently mix in the affairs of the world." 
 
 "To-day [August 8thJ I call on Mr. Trumbull the painter. 
 He shows me a small piece he has copied from his original 
 Sortie of Gibraltar, which I think very fine. Return home 
 and dine on a composition called turtle-soup, with which 
 I drink a composition called claret. The latter is prefer 
 able to the former." To the refugees who were always 
 to be found in considerable numbers in the drawing-rooms 
 of the Marquis de la Luzerne, Morris tried to admin 
 ister a little comfort. He says of them : " The refugees 
 talk a little refugee, which is natural. I tell them that all 
 the little commotions burning castles, etc. though pain 
 ful and distressing, are but specks in the great business, 
 and will if they get a good constitution be soon forgotten. 
 M. de Fitzjames inquires of me the news from Paris, 
 but I find that we left it about the same time. I did not 
 recollect him, but it seems that we had met at club. The 
 Marquis de la Luzerne takes me aside, and we converse a 
 little on their politics. I think his object is merely to show 
 an attention before his company which may be useful to 
 me. In going in to dinner M. Gate, the Lieutenant de 
 Police, takes hold of me, and says he will not be parted. 
 Seats himself next me, and at dinner tells me his story. 
 All this requires polite attention on my part, which is paid. 
 Dine on a very fine trout, or rather a part of one, which I 
 think must have weighed about eight pounds. Observe 
 
148 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 that I am somewhat a favorite with Madame la Vicomtesse. 
 This must be kept up, et pour cause. Inquiries are made, 
 I find, by Lady Dunmore and her daughter about the 
 jambe de bois. Lady Dunmore makes acquaintance after 
 dinner ; asks the opinion of my countrymen about his lord 
 ship ; I tell her candidly. We have a conversation which 
 she is pleased with, and to my surprise, and I dare say her 
 own, we are on terms of great familiarity. La Luzerne 
 and Capellis, I find, remark on it, so that I am obliged to 
 join them and stop the laugh. The French tell him a 
 world of wonders and confusions, upon which I take him 
 aside and tell him to believe nothing of what they say ; 
 that it is refugee news, and he knows well what sort of 
 thing that is. The Princesse Galitzen, who shares in the 
 conversation with Lady Dunmore, is, I find, like others to 
 tally mistaken with respect to the troubles in France. They 
 all supposed, as was supposed in the American Revolution, 
 that there are certain leaders who occasion everything, 
 whereas in both instances it is the great mass of the peo 
 ple. At going away her ladyship thanks me for answer 
 ing her questions." 
 
 Among other letters, Morris had one to Mrs. Cosway, 
 the wife of the distinguished miniature-painter. By ap 
 pointment, one evening was spent in her drawing-rooms, 
 where were a "very genteel company," he says, " the 
 Dowager Duchess of Bedford among them. Music very 
 good. The arrangement of the company, however, is 
 stiff and formal. There must be in this, as in other coun 
 tries, the ways of bringing people together, even to in 
 timacy, but it appears at the first aspect to be rather 
 difficult. We shall see. I observe to the Hon. Mrs. Da 
 rner * that the French, having no liberty in their govern- 
 
 * Anne Seymour Darner, the sculptress, was born in 1748, and was the only 
 child of Field Marshal Conway. Her family connections were of the very 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 149 
 
 ment, have compensated to themselves that misfortune 
 by bestowing a great deal upon society ; but that I fear 
 in England it is confined to the House of Commons. She 
 seems to suppose the latter part of this observation ironi 
 cal, and tells me, with an animated smile, that we enjoy 
 liberty in my country. This lady is a great statuary, and 
 is doing the King. Quaere, if she copies after nature, for 
 she does it as large as life. Her taste is justly considered 
 as extraordinary, but I doubt whether she is the single 
 instance within these three kingdoms of a fair one who 
 keeps at home a block to work upon. Visit at the assem- 
 blee of Madame de la Luzerne. The Duke and Duchess 
 of Luxemburg are there, and the Duke and Duchess of 
 Leeds. After some time the Duke of Leeds makes up 
 and inquires of Mr. Adams. A light conversation ensues. 
 After the Duke and Duchess of Leeds retire, Lady Dun- 
 more, whom I had seen at Mrs. Cosway s, comes in. A 
 little sociable chat in the small circle until late." 
 
 Together with his very important and difficult business 
 affairs, Morris found that his rapidly increasing society 
 
 best blood in England, and her birth and beauty entitled her to a life of ease 
 and luxury, but she early developed a taste for art and studies, which taste 
 her cousin, Horace Walpole, took great pleasure in directing. David Hume 
 seems to have given her the first impulse toward the art of sculpture when, 
 on one occasion, while walking together, they met a vender of plaster casts. 
 Hume stopped to speak to the lad, looked at his wares, and gave him a shil 
 ling. The lively Miss Conway laughed at him for wasting time on such pal 
 try images ; whereupon the historian gently reproved her, telling her not to 
 be so severe, that it had required both science and genius to make even such 
 poor imitations, and, he continued, "with all your attainments you cannot 
 produce such works." After this conversation she set herself to model in 
 wax, and finally to cut the marble. Mrs. Damer was one of the trio of beau 
 tiful women who canvassed London during the bitterly contested election of 
 Charles James Fox for Westminster. On the death of Horace Walpole Mrs. 
 Damer found herself the possessor of his Gothic villa at Strawberry Hill, and 
 here, amid the splendid confusion of things valuable and otherwise, and sur 
 rounded by her chosen companions, Mrs. Berry, Mrs Garrick, Mrs. Siddons, 
 and, last but not least, Joanna Baillie, she passed the last years of her life. 
 She died in her eightieth year, after an eventful and interesting career. 
 
I 50 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 duties kept him more than agreeably occupied. " From 
 the necessity of being my own clerk," as he wrote to 
 Robert Morris, August 26th, "and the interruptions to 
 which I am constantly exposed, you will easily perceive 
 that my moments are few and precious. Indeed, in the 
 way I now live, I might pass five years in London and yet 
 know but little more of it than when I left Philadelphia." 
 He regretted much that he had been able to make so 
 little progress in Mr. Robert Morris s affairs. " But I 
 have had," he wrote, " the wind ahead of me ever since I 
 left the Capes of Delaware. It will be favorable by and 
 bye." 
 
 The London " rout " was evidently not in accord with 
 Morris s taste, and he expresses an ever-fresh astonish 
 ment at the stiffness of the drawing-rooms and the la 
 dies. " I go to-night to Mrs. Cosway s," he says. " She is 
 vastly pleasant, but her ladies are all ranged in battalia 
 on the opposite side of the room. Discuss a little with 
 her .the froideur anglaise, and, while she is in conversation 
 with them, throw the pith of that discussion into these 
 stanzas, which I leave with her, being a kind of address 
 to the ladies. 
 
 By nature s various beauty blest, 
 
 Ah ! why your wealth conceal, 
 And why, in cold indifference drest, 
 
 Her blessings not reveal? 
 
 Vast treasures in a heart confined 
 
 No pleasures can impart ; 
 And so the treasures of the mind, 
 
 And feelings of the heart. 
 
 Your conversation, like your coin, 
 
 Is gold, but yet tis strange 
 How oft, when social circles join, 
 
 You want a little change. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. I5l 
 
 Observe that she is about to communicate this for their 
 edification, and therefore take Capellis off with me." 
 
 Notwithstanding the multiplicity of his engagements, 
 Morris found time to see a few of the sights of London. 
 He speaks of taking a wherry at Westminster Bridge and 
 going down the Thames. " The Bridge of Blackfriars is 
 crumbling to pieces, and London Bridge does not seem 
 formed in a manner to last forever. The famous building 
 of Somerset House, which I had heard vaunted highly, 
 seems to be built in a paltry style, and the front of stone 
 accords but illy with the sides of brick. The shipping are 
 the really curious object here. These give to the reflect 
 ing mind a high idea of the commerce and wealth of this 
 great city. Having gone down to the farthest of those 
 which can properly be said to lie in the port of London, 
 we ascend the river again to the Tower stairs, where my 
 carriage is waiting. The wherries of this river are admi 
 rably calculated for stemming rapid currents." 
 
 A visit to Downe Place, the country-seat of John B. 
 Church,* Member of Parliament from Wendover, proved 
 most interesting. One day (September 6th) was delight 
 fully employed visiting Herschel. " He receives us," 
 Morris says, " in a manner which is, I think, peculiar to 
 men of his kind of greatness : simplicity, modesty, mild 
 ness. He shows and explains his great telescope ; a 
 
 * John B. Church had been Commissary-General under Lafayette in Amer 
 ica during the Revolution ; an Englishman of very high social position and 
 great wealth, he made himself prominent as a citizen of New York, and while 
 there married Miss Angelica Schuyler, a member of a family who warmly es 
 poused the cause of America. On his return to England Mr. Church found 
 himself out of favor with the Tories, but thoroughly independent in politics as 
 in purse, he soon found friends among the Pitt and Fox party, and was elected 
 to Parliament from Wendover. Mr. Church s house in London, was the 
 frequent resort of Pitt, Fox, and Burke. Talleyrand sought refuge under 
 his roof, and through Church s exertions, when ordered by government to 
 leave London in twenty-four hours Talleyrand was enabled to flee to America. 
 
152 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 speculum now polishing for it weighs 1,400 Ibs. that 
 in present use, 2,500. The polishing at present is per 
 formed by a machine, but formerly it was done by hand, 
 and twenty-two men were engaged in that work twenty 
 weeks. The concavity of this speculum is about two- 
 tenths of an inch, the diameter about three feet, I think. 
 The substance is a composition of metals. From thence 
 we go to Windsor Castle," the view from which especially 
 impressed him. 
 
 Arrived in town on the 8th, Mr. Parker communicated 
 intelligence which, Morris says, "affects deeply our plan 
 about the purchase of the American debt to France. I 
 must in consequence set off immediately for Paris." For 
 this M. de la Luzerne provided him with a passport, and 
 Mrs. Penn gave him a guinea to buy rouge for her, and 
 on Wednesday, the pth, he left London. This return 
 journey was made by the way of Canterbury and Dover, 
 at which place he arrived on the loth, and hired a cutter 
 to take him across the channel. "After much higgling," 
 he says, "by the boatman over the price, and having got 
 outside the harbor, find that there is as little of cleanliness 
 as of morality on board. At eight o clock, being much fa 
 tigued, I go below and lie down on a blanket spread on 
 the cabin floor. The bed is hard but wholesome. The 
 vermin, however, have not yet supped and I must furnish 
 them entertainment. The hope of slumber is, from this 
 and other circumstances, soon over." By two o clock in 
 the morning, however, he was safely on shore "at a clean 
 house and between clean sheets without the walls of Cal 
 ais." While he is preparing to depart thence on the mor 
 row, " a friar comes in to beg, with an air that shows his 
 conviction how improper a thing it is to lay me under that 
 kind of contribution. I tell him it is a bad trade which 
 he follows, and that I understand the National Assembly 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. I S3 
 
 are about to reform such institutions. He has heard so, 
 but as this is the only mode they have to get a living they 
 must continue at it as long as possible. I give a shilling, 
 and in return for the usual routine of good wishes, (which 
 he runs over with the same easy air which distinguished 
 my friend Dr. Cooper, of King s College, in reading the 
 Litany) I wish him a better business. This wish is more 
 sincere than his, by a shilling at least. At eleven leave 
 Calais, duly provided with a passport from the new gov 
 ernment. Cross the Oyse. Near Clermont, on its banks, 
 is the chateau of the Due de Liancourt, to whose inter 
 position is attributed the timely retreat of poor Louis 
 Seize upon the taking of the Bastille. 
 
 " Being obliged to stop at Chantilly to repair the linch 
 pin of the carriage, I examine the stables ; a magnificent 
 habitation, indeed, for twenty dozen horses, who have the 
 honor to dine and sup at the expense of Monseigneur le 
 Prince de Conde. From thence I take a view of the chateau 
 on the outside, but have not time for examination. It must 
 have been strong before the invention of cannon. At pres 
 ent the wide, deep fosse which surrounds it, and which is 
 well supplied with good water, furnishes an agreeable 
 habitation to a variety of carp, white-spotted, etc., who 
 come at a call and eat the bread thrown to them. My 
 conductor is a politician, but he is not of the fashionable 
 sect. He is a chasseur of the Prince and finds it very 
 wrong * que tout le monde ait le droit de chasser. On 
 the way I observe a very uncommon mode of hunting par 
 tridges. The chasseurs, armed with clubs, are spread every 
 where over the fields. When a bird lights, it is pursued 
 until it is so fatigued it falls a victim to pursuers. Mar 
 tin thinks it is a sin and a shame, but while he utters his 
 lamentations the postilion turns round to me : C est un 
 beau privilege que les Francais se sont acquis, monsieur. 
 
154 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 * Oui, monsieur, mais il me parait que ce privilege ne 
 vaudra pas autant 1 annee prochaine. " 
 
 "On Tuesday [September i3th], about seven, I arrive at 
 the Hotel de Richelieu, at Paris. Dress and go to the club. 
 I learn that the Assemblee Nationale have agreed to a single 
 chamber of legislation, and a suspensive veto in the King. 
 This is travelling in the high-road to anarchy, and that 
 worst of all tyrannies, the despotism of a faction in a popu 
 lar assembly. I am led into a little discussion on this 
 subject, and stay to supper, after which taste some Hun 
 garian wine presented by a Polish colonel, whose name 
 ends with whisky, but his liquor is delicious. By one 
 means or another seven bottles are consumed, and two 
 more being ordered, I rise and declare that I will drink no 
 more, which puts an end to the business. The Duke of 
 Orleans comes in during this match, and from some little 
 circumstances I perceive that I may be well acquainted 
 with his Royal Highness if I please." 
 
 "Writing to-day [September i6th] till noon. Then call 
 on Mr. Jefferson. He engages me to dine to-morrow in 
 company with the Marquis de Lafayette and the Due de la 
 Rochefoucault. I then start for Versailles, and call on 
 Madame de Tot. She is at her toilette but visible. Some 
 conversation on their affairs, by which I find that opinions 
 change. Return to M. de Montmorin s to dine. Madame 
 is much afflicted by the state of affairs. Madame de Segur 
 comes in with her brothers. She is in great anxiety ; ap 
 prehends that the King will fly. I tell her that his flight 
 appears impracticable. She thinks it will set Paris in a 
 flame. There is no conjecturing the consequences. A 
 prince so weak can influence very little either by his pres 
 ence or absence. After dinner we have a conversation on 
 politics with some of the deputies, in which P endeavor to 
 show them the absurdity of their suspensive veto, and the 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 probable tyranny of their single chamber. I had better 
 let this alone, but zeal always gets the better of prudence. 
 M. de Montmorin expresses a wish to see me often, which 
 I promise, but think it will not be possible to perform this 
 time." 
 
 Calling on Madame de Montvoissieu, he found her 
 " very indignee" and adds that " she, as well as Madame de 
 Segur, wishes to be in America." Thence he went to see 
 Madame de Tesse. " She is a convert to my principles. 
 We have a gay conversation of some minutes on their af 
 fairs, in which I mingle sound maxims of government with 
 that piquant legerete which this nation delights in. I am 
 fortunate, and at going away she follows me and insists 
 that I dine with her next time I come to Versailles. We are 
 vastly gracious, and all at once, in a serious tone, Mais 
 attendez, madame, est-ce que je suis trop aristocrate ? 
 She answers, with a smile of gentle humiliation, Ah, mon 
 Dieu, non. From thence I regain my carriage, to go to 
 the Assemblee Nationale to find De Cantaleu. While wait 
 ing there -I see, among others, young Montmorency, who 
 takes me round and procures admittance to the gallery. 
 Chance places me next to Madame Dumolley and Madame 
 de Cantaleu. We recognize each other suddenly, with a 
 very pleasant surprise. Madame Dumolley asks me the 
 question which I have already been obliged to answer a 
 hundred times: Et que disent les Anglais de nous au- 
 tres? With a significant tone, Ah, madame, c est qu ils 
 raisonnent, ces messieurs-la!" 
 
 " Dine to-day [September iyth], according to my prom 
 ise, with Mr. Jefferson. One of his guests, the Due de la 
 Rochefoucault, is just come from the States-General, and 
 at half-past four Lafayette arrives. He tells us that some 
 of the troops under his command were about to march to 
 morrow to Versailles to urge the decisions of the States- 
 
156 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 General. This is a rare situation, for which they must 
 thank themselves. I ask him if his troops will obey him. 
 He says they will not mount guard when it rains, but he 
 thinks they will readily follow him into action. I incline 
 to think that he will have an opportunity of making the 
 experiment. Mention to him my desire to confer on the 
 subject of subsistence. He says I must come and dine 
 with him ; but this is idle, if I am rightly informed, because 
 he generally has a crowd and is but few minutes at home. 
 After dinner go to the club. The opinions are changing 
 fast, and in a very little time, if the Assemblee Nationale 
 continue their present career, a majority of this nation 
 will, I think, be opposed to them. Their adherents, how 
 ever, are zealous, and if a civil war does not take place it 
 must be from some circumstance which escapes my con 
 jecture. There is, indeed, one thing which promises peace ; 
 viz., that from the King s feebleness of character nobody 
 can trust themselves to him or risk themselves in support 
 of his authority. But if he escapes from Versailles and 
 falls into different hands from those now about him there 
 must be a struggle. A slight circumstance will show how 
 well the present rulers are fitted to conduct the affairs of 
 this kingdom. Lafayette is very anxious about the scarc 
 ity of bread, and holds out that circumstance for conversa 
 tion and discussion. The Due de la Rochefoucault there 
 upon tells us of some one who has written an excellent 
 book upon the commerce of grain."* 
 
 It would be unnecessary to enlarge here upon the unique, 
 and at the same time pathetic, impulse of the nobles in the 
 Assembly at Versailles on the night of the 4th of August. 
 It seemed a sudden awakening to a sense of love and jus 
 tice, and a devastating battle ensued between self-interest, 
 the traditions of years, and the great inspiration which, 
 
 * The Abbe Galiani, who wrote the Dialogues sur le Commerce des Bles. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 1 57 
 
 born in that moment, threw a lurid light upon the rotten 
 ness of the feudal system and the pressing needs of the 
 people. The decrees and regulations which followed the 
 resolutions of that night are matters of history. Taine 
 says they were but so many spiders webs stretched across 
 a torrent. There was excitement and joy in the ranks of 
 the mob, but deep depression and gloom followed the al 
 most hysterical generosity and self-abnegating spirit of the 
 nobles during that memorable night. Louis XVI. ap 
 peared to receive with gratitude the title of Restorer of 
 French Liberty, which after much wrangling was offered 
 to him en masse by the Assembly, on the i3th of August. 
 They chanted a Te Deum and struck off a medal, but the 
 homage offered reduced to nothing the kingly power. 
 
 To-night [September iSth] at the club, where I take 
 supper, the king s letter to the Assembly on the subject of 
 the resolutions of the nobles on the famous Fourth of 
 August is introduced. It is very moderate and, like the 
 rest of M. Necker s writings, too long and flowery, but it 
 will excite much sensation, I believe. It holds out the 
 idea of retreating if pushed hard, which is a sort of invita 
 tion to the aggressor. But one thing that perhaps the 
 ministers are not aware of is, that from this moment the 
 King will derive force from every instance of disrespect 
 which is shown to him. Nothing can save the National 
 Assembly but modesty and humility, their share of which 
 is not too abundant. The current of opinion begins to 
 set strong against the Assemblee Nationale. Many who 
 looked on with anxious silence six weeks ago now speak 
 out, and loudly." 
 
 Again, at this time, Morris pressed on Lafayette the 
 question of subsistence for the army. But he was slow 
 to make arrangements, and complaints came to Morris of 
 failures on Lafayette s part to keep promises. He says of 
 
158 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 him : " I have known my friend Lafayette now for many 
 years, andean estimate at the just value both his words and 
 his actions. If the clouds which now lower should be 
 dissipated without a storm, he will be infinitely indebted 
 to fortune ; but if it happen otherwise, the world must 
 pardon much on the score of intention. He means ill to 
 no one, but he has the besoin debriller. He is very much 
 below the business he has undertaken, and if the sea runs 
 high he will be unable to hold the helm." 
 
 Necker had declared in August that the treasury was 
 empty. The Due d Aiguillon showed among the expenses 
 of the State, the debts of the Count d Artois alone, which 
 amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand francs : the 
 items gardens, horses, dogs, and mistresses. The August 
 and September receipts were thirty-seven, and the expen 
 ditures seventy millions. The finances were at the mo 
 ment the all-absorbing topic of conversation. "At the 
 club to-day [September 2oth] they are in violent discus 
 sion about the finances, which seem to be going fast to 
 the devil. Opinions are changing fast, and in about fif 
 teen days we shall hear somewhat of the sentiment the 
 provinces entertain of their present rulers." 
 
 These last days of September were full of terror. There 
 was no money, and there was no bread. At Versailles the 
 king, and those in authority under him, struggled feebly 
 to meet the emergency, with what success the horrors of 
 the 5th of October give a melancholy proof. At Paris 
 the mob struggled against hunger and misery, and died in 
 the struggle. In the midst of their trouble they were told 
 that the king, whom they looked on as their only friend, 
 was to be taken to Metz. Simultaneously the streets filled 
 with foreign uniforms. Green trimmed with red, and black 
 cockades were seen. Enemies seemed to encompass Paris. 
 There was movement and excitement everywhere ; a cer- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 159 
 
 tain ominous agitation as of impending peril. Since the 
 i5th of September some members of the Assembly had 
 known, through warning letters, that the 5th of October 
 was fixed for a decisive blow. On the i8th came the news 
 of the inarch of the Garde Francaise to Versailles ; on 
 the 23d the Flanders Regiment arrived. Meanwhile the 
 other life of Paris went on. The gayety seemed to grow 
 more giddy and reckless, as if impelled by some unseen 
 force to its destruction. "Indeed," Morris says, "pleas 
 ure is the great business ; everybody has his country-seat, 
 and comes to town to do business once in three or four 
 days, and then works not to finish but to get rid of work, 
 that he may again go out of town, making business deal 
 ings with them extremely uncertain." People dined and 
 drank plentifully, and went to the theatre or opera, to 
 forget all care. Morris mentions Marmontel s " Didon," 
 which, he says, "is given as well as an opera can con 
 veniently be." And so in various ways society, so called, 
 closed its eyes to what was enacting in real life, outside 
 the walls of the theatre, at its own doors. 
 
 In the midst of constant and varied demands upon his 
 time for the fair dames of Paris were exacting of the 
 devotion of those who had been admitted to the boudoir 
 and bedroom Morris found time to prepare for M. de 
 Corney a memoir e on the subject of subsistence. Lafayette, 
 when told by M. de Corney of the note, said that he would 
 push it with all his power that a plan from Mr. Morris 
 on subsistence merited every attention. 
 
 " At the club to-night [September 22d] there is nothing 
 worthy of remark," the diary says, "except that everyone 
 seems now to be of opinion that queens should be exclud 
 ed from the regency, on like principles to those by which 
 they are excluded from the throne, viz., la lot salique ; and 
 further, that no stranger should be in the regency. This 
 
l6o DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 last article is not amiss, if the first can be excepted out of 
 the provision. I tell them my opinion, which is generally 
 disliked, but they will change. One of the company waits, 
 as I am going out, to whisper that he is of my opinion." 
 
 Madame de Flahaut, who was deep in the secrets of the 
 government, chiefly through her intimacy with the Bish 
 op of Autun, was also the confidante of Morris in his 
 plans for the public benefit. " This morning I go by ap 
 pointment to see Madame de Flahaut. She is at her toi 
 lette with her dentist. Show her a list of the Committee 
 of the Finances and take her opinion of some characters ; 
 finally, I tell her that I have a project respecting them in 
 which she must participate and must aid in the execution 
 of. She gives me reason to expect that M. de Montes- 
 quiou will be Minister of the Marine, and that in such case 
 good things may be done. We shall see. At the club I 
 hear a sketch of Necker s propositions to the States. They 
 appear to me strange. However, no judgment can be 
 formed till we have the details." 
 
 " Madame de Flahaut has the latest news from Versailles 
 to-day [September 25th]. She says that Necker has made 
 a wretched discourse filled with self-applause ; that the 
 Marquis de Montmorin will to-morrow report from the 
 Committee of Finance upon his propositions, and therein 
 will detail his own plan ; asks if I will go, as in that case 
 she will procure me a ticket, and for Monday also, when 
 the Bishop d Autun is to report from the Committee on the 
 Constitution. I agree to both propositions. She has con 
 veyed to Montesquioti an expression of mine, which by the 
 manner of relating is turned into an elegant compliment. 
 She says he was well pleased, and that if he is brought 
 into the ministry I may boldly visit him with the certainty 
 of a good reception ; that if he is Minister of the Marine 
 we may do valuable business, in which, as in other objects 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. l6l 
 
 where she may be useful, she is to participate. At noon 
 take her to the convent to visit her relt gieuse, and am to call 
 for her again at four. In the mean time I go to see the 
 Marquis de la Billarderie, the brother of the Comte de 
 Flahaut, to tell him how turtle is to be dressed ; but we 
 fall on the subject of politics and the question about the 
 tortue is postponed ad inferendum. Going back to my 
 hotel I am delayed by militia, who are going, or have been, 
 to church to obtain a blessing on their banners. Later I 
 visit Madame de Chastellux, and excuse myself for not 
 drinking tea with her. She tells me that the Duke of 
 Orleans is plunging himself into debts and difficulties to 
 support the present faction s temper, and that the Duchess 
 will demand an appropriation of the revenue to her separ 
 ate use. The sum fixed on by her is half a million. Many 
 compliments from M. Lafayette ; he has not placed Ma 
 dame de Chastellux s protege, and she is extremely vexed. 
 This conduct, which flows from the same source with those 
 things which have brought him up, very naturally tends 
 to bring him down. After a drive with Madame de Flahaut 
 and two young ladies to the Bois de Boulogne, I go to 
 the opera, according to my promise, and arrive toward the 
 close of the piece at the loge of Madame Lavoisier. The 
 dancing after the opera is prodigiously fine. Vestris* and 
 Gardell, who are upon the stage together, are both won 
 derful ; Gardell is second only because Vestris is first. 
 Go to the arsenal and take tea with Madame Lavoisier en 
 attendant le retour de monsieur, who is at the Hotel de 
 Ville. Monsieur comes in and tells us of the obstination of 
 the bakers. This corporation threatens the municipality 
 
 * Vestris, an Italian dancer, had made his debut in Paris in 1748. He was 
 popularly styled the " God of dancing." His vanity was excessive, but 
 amusing, as is attested by the familiar anecdote that he was once heard to 
 observe, that Frederick, King of Prussia, Voltaire and himself were the only 
 great men of the century. He died in 1808. 
 II 
 
l62 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 of Paris with a discontinuance of their occupation, unless 
 a confrere justly confined is released. Thus the new au 
 thority is already trampled on." 
 
 The question of the finances came on in the Assembly 
 on Saturday the 26th. A start at five in the morning and 
 a rapid drive to Versailles brought Morris to the door 
 of the Assembly at eight. "By this means," he says, "I 
 am still in time and get well seated immediately behind 
 my friend Madame de Flahaut. At ten the session is 
 opened ; some trifling matter of presents to the Assembly 
 called the gifts of patriotism, but more properly the sacri 
 fices to vanity ; after these a tedious verbal controversy on 
 the reduction of yesterday s minutes, much heat and noise 
 and impatience, by which means half an hour is employed 
 in what ought to have been settled in half a minute. The 
 Marquis de Montesquieu makes his report ; vast respect 
 for the Premier Ministre des Finances, and then sundry 
 details and combinations, which show that the committee 
 understand the business much better than the ministers. 
 At the close, however, of the report, there is a feebleness 
 which they are perhaps not fully aware of, or perhaps it 
 was unavoidable. They appeal to patriotism for aid, but 
 they should, in money matters, apply only to interest. 
 They should never acknowledge such want of resource as 
 to render the aid of patriotism necessary. After the re 
 port is read the Comte de Mirabeau objects to the consid 
 eration of it, and insists that they should immediately take 
 up M. Necker s proposition, in which he has a motion to 
 make. He is called to the tribune, and in a tone of fine 
 irony urges the adoption of the plan proposed by the 
 Premier Ministre from the blind confidence which the As 
 sembly have in him, and from that unbounded popularity 
 which he enjoys. These, says he, in that dreadful situ 
 ation which he has exposed, and in the imminency of 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 163 
 
 danger which produces debate, urge, nay, command us to 
 adopt without examination what the minister has devised 
 for our relief. Let us agree to it literally {fextuellement\ 
 and if it succeeds let him, as he ought, enjoy the glory of 
 it ; if it fails, which heaven forefend, we will then exercise 
 our talents in trying to discover if yet there remains any 
 means to save our country. To my great astonishment 
 the representatives of this nation, who pique themselves 
 on being the modern Athenians, are ready to swallow this 
 proposition by acclamation. The President, Clermont- 
 Tonnerre, who perceives its tendency, throws into a differ 
 ent form the style of adoption. Mirabeau rises and very 
 adroitly parries the stroke by showing that this form is 
 not consistent with his view, which the Assembly seemed 
 willing to comply with ; that certainly a subject of such 
 magnitude should not be carried by acclamation without 
 having the specific form before them, and that if he were 
 to propose a form it would require at least a quarter of 
 an hour to consider it and prepare it. He is immediately 
 (by acclamation) ordered to redact his proposition, and 
 while he is about it the Bishop d Autun retires. We re 
 mark it. My friend Madame de Flahaut acknowledges 
 that they are in league together. The world already sus 
 pects that union. During their absence there is a great 
 deal of noisy debate on various subjects, if indeed such 
 controversy can be dignified with the name of debate. 
 At length Mirabeau returns and brings his motion forward 
 in consistence with his original idea. The Assembly now 
 perceive the trap, and during the tumult Lally de Tollen- 
 dal proposes that the motion be sent to the Committee of 
 Finance to frame as an arret e. Here again Mirabeau man 
 oeuvres to evade that coup, and while the house are hung 
 up in their judgment, or rather entangled from want of 
 judgment, d Espresmenil makes a motion coincident with 
 
1 64 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 that of Mirabeau in substance, though contrariant in form. 
 There is not sufficient confidence in him, and therefore 
 the proposition drops. But it would seem from hence 
 that he is in the faction with Mirabeau and Autun, or that 
 the same principle of hatred to Necker has operated a 
 coincidence of conduct on the present occasion. After 
 this, tumult and noise continue to reign. Mirabeau at 
 length, in another speech, openly declares his disapproba 
 tion of Necker s plan. It is moved to postpone the con 
 sideration of the subject at three o clock, but that motion is 
 lost. At half-past three Madame de Flahaut goes away, 
 and at four I retire, extremely fatigued, in the belief that 
 Mirabeau s motion cannot possibly be adopted, and that 
 they will postpone at last the consideration. Go to Ma 
 dame de Tesse s. She is at the Assemblee. Madame de Tot 
 is so kind as to order some bread and wine for me en at 
 tendant le diner. At length the Corntesse de Tesse arrives 
 at five. Madame de Stae l is with her. I had nearly told 
 this last my opinion of Necker s plan before I knew her. 
 The Assembly are aux voix on the adoption ; the propo 
 sition not essentially different from that of Mirabeau, and 
 thus they are the dupes. He has urged, they say, a deci 
 sion with the eloquence of Demosthenes. While we are at 
 dinner the Comte de Tesse and some members arrive. 
 The adoption is carried hollow, at which Necker s friends 
 rejoice and Madame de Stae l is in raptures. She is 
 pleased with the conduct of Mirabeau, which she says was 
 perhaps the only way of bringing such a wrong-headed 
 body to act rightly ; that the only thing they could do was 
 to comply with her father s wish, and that there can be no 
 doubt of the success of his plans. Bravo ! After dinner, 
 Madame de Tesse having told her that I am un homme 
 (T esprit, she singles me out and makes a talk; asks if I 
 have not written a book on the American Constitution. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 165 
 
 Non, Madame, j ai fait mon devoir en assistant a la forma 
 tion de cette Constitution. Mais, Monsieur, votre con 
 versation doit etre tres interessante, car je vous entends 
 citer de toute part. Oh, Madame, je ne suis pas digne 
 de cet eloge ! How I lost my leg ? It was, unfortunately, 
 not in the military service of my country. Monsieur, 
 vous avez 1 air tres imposant, and this is accompanied 
 with that look which, without being what Sir John Fal- 
 staff calls the leer of invitation amounts to the same 
 thing. I answer affirmatively, and would have left the 
 matter there, but she tells me that M. de Chastellux often 
 spoke of me, etc. This leads us on ; but in the midst of 
 the chat arrive letters, one of which is from her lover (De 
 Narbonne), now with his regiment. It brings her to a lit 
 tle recollection, which a little time will, I think, again 
 banish, and, in all human probability, a few interviews 
 would stimulate her curiosity to the experiment of what 
 can be effected by the native of a new world who has left 
 one of his legs behind. But, malheureusement, this curios 
 ity cannot now be gratified, and therefore will, I presume, 
 perish. She enters into a conversation with Madame 
 de Tesse, who reproves most pointedly the approbation 
 she gave to Mirabeau, and the ladies become at length 
 animated to the utmost bounds of politeness. I return 
 to Paris much fatigued ; the day has been prodigiously 
 fine." 
 
 " To-day [September 27th] I read M. Necker s proposi 
 tions ; they are wretched, and I think he is certainly 
 ruined. See Madame de Flahaut, who tells me the plan of 
 the Bishop d Autun respecting finance, which is in some 
 respects defective. She wishes me to have an interview 
 with him and the Marquis de Montesquiou, and will en 
 deavor to arrange it. Chatting with her upon various sub 
 jects we arrange a ministry and dispose of several per- 
 
1 66 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 sons Mirabeau to go to Constantinople, Lauzun to 
 London. I tell her that this last is wrong, as he does not 
 possess the needful talents ; but she says he must be sent 
 away because without talents he can influence in some 
 degree the proposed chief, and a good secretary will sup 
 ply the want in England. We converse a great deal about 
 the measures to be pursued, and this amiable woman 
 shows a precision and justness of thought very uncommon 
 indeed in either sex. After discussing many points, 
 Enfin, she says, mon ami, vous et moi nous gouverne- 
 rons la France. It is an odd combination, but the king 
 dom is actually in much worse hands. This evening she 
 is to confer with the Queen s physician, and set him to 
 work to remove some of Her Majesty s prejudices. I tell 
 her that she may easily command the Queen, who is weak, 
 proud, but not ill-tempered, and, though lustful, yet not 
 much attached to her lovers, therefore a superior mind 
 would take that ascendency which the feeble always sub 
 mit to, though not always without reluctance." To this 
 Madame de Flahaut replies, " with an air of perfect confi 
 dence," that she would take care to keep the queen sup 
 plied with an alternating succession of gallants and 
 masses, and Morris comments : " It is impossible not to 
 approve of such a regime, and, I think, with a due propor 
 tion of the former medicine she must supplant the pre 
 sent physician." 
 
 Morris grew rather wearied of Lafayette s procrastin 
 ation in the matter of the memoir e respecting subsistence. 
 No attention had been paid to it ; but while Morris was 
 waiting for his answer, several other men in authority 
 applied to him for aid in supplying flour; indeed M. 
 Cretel," he says, "asks me if I would not furnish some 
 flour. I tell him that if Laville will appoint some person 
 to treat with me on that subject I will do anything in my 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. l6/ 
 
 power, and that I think I can be useful, but that I will 
 not throw myself at their heads. I then tell Lafayette 
 that a vessel had been detained some days waiting for the 
 answer to the memoire ; that in a few days more I will 
 have nothing to do with the affair ; that some of the 
 persons of the committee have, I presume, been casting 
 about for the ways and means to make money out of the 
 present distress, and are easy as to consequences because 
 certain they shall not be victims ! " 
 
1 68 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The feast at Versailles. Consternation at Paris. Morris urges Lafayette 
 to attach himself to the king s party. Disturbance in Paris. 
 Church property discussed. Expedition to Versailles proposed in 
 the Palais Royal Gardens. Excited state of the people. Carriages 
 stopped in the streets. Agonizing night at Versailles. The royal 
 family brought to Paris. The heads of the Body-guard carried 
 through the streets. The royal family installed at the Tuileries. De 
 spatches opened by the mob. Clermont de Tonnerre. The Comte 
 de Narbonne and Madame de Stae l. Dinner at Lafayette s. Conver 
 sation with Lafayette on the situation of France. Mirabeau. Madame 
 de Chastellux s salon. The Duchess of Orleans. The Bishop of 
 Autun reads a motion to be presented to the Assembly. A ministry 
 arranged. 
 
 ON Thursday, the first of October, the feast was pre 
 pared at Versailles for the Flanders Regiment. 
 This superb entertainment had been conceived in an un 
 fortunate moment by the court to bring the loyal regi 
 ments to feast together. The queen with all the ladies of 
 the court graced the scene by their presence in the boxes, 
 and increased the brilliant effect. Her Majesty descended 
 from her box, and with her son and husband, graceful and 
 tall, with a truly queen-like dignity, walked through the 
 ranks of soldiers. Excited by wine, by music, and by the 
 presence of their queen, they drank her health, cheered 
 her, dragged the tricolor cockade from their hats, trampled 
 it under foot, and donned the white cockade. Quickly 
 the news of the sumptuous banquet at Versailles reached 
 Paris. It spread like fire among the famishing crowds. 
 Aristocrats had trampled their colors under foot. They 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 169 
 
 had bread and to spare ; they feast while we starve. Let 
 us go to Versailles and demand bread. If we once have 
 the king, queen, and dauphin in the midst of us they will 
 be obliged to feed us. We will bring back with us the 
 Baker, Bakeress, and the Baker s Boy ! 
 
 The first of October found Morris and M. de Corney 
 at work making estimates for Lafayette for the purchase 
 of provisions at reasonable rates to be served out to the 
 poor of Paris. Fresh pork which was selling at sixteen 
 sous per pound, they offered to transport to Paris and sell 
 at half the price. Next day : " I go to-day to Lafayette s 
 and ask a dinner," he says. " I find that even among his 
 military family, there are some who at least wish well to 
 the noblesse. After dinner I take him aside and tell him 
 some of my sentiments on his own situation ; that he 
 must immediately discipline his troops and make himself 
 obeyed ; that his nation is used to be governed and must 
 be governed. That if he expects to lead them by their 
 affection he will be the dupe. So far he accords ; but on 
 the subject of discipline his countenance shows the self- 
 accuser, for he has given the command to officers who 
 know nothing of their business. I mention to him the sub 
 ject of subsistence. He wishes me to appear before the 
 new committee on Monday, and that Mr. Short should also 
 be there, so as to give it the appearance of a diplomatic 
 affair. This is not overwise, but I desire him to write to 
 me what he wishes, and to write also to Short. We will 
 see how feebleness will manage in arduous circumstances. 
 I tell him the serious truth, that if the people of this me 
 tropolis want they will send their leaders to the devil at 
 once, and ask again their bread and their chains ; that 
 Paris is, in fact, the dupe of this business at any rate, be 
 cause her splendor is owing entirely to despotism, and 
 must be diminished by the adoption of a better govern- 
 
I/O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [[CHAP. VIII. 
 
 ment. I then urge him, in the great division of parties, 
 to attach himself to that of the king, being the only one 
 which can predominate without danger to the people. 
 He is startled at this assertion. I proceed to demonstrate 
 it, but Mazzie comes in and with his usual self-possession 
 makes a third person in the conversation. Therefore I 
 quit it. Chat a little with Madame de Lafayette, who 
 receives me much better than she used to do. I know 
 not why, but perhaps I have contracted more of that 
 tournure to which she has been habituated. I go to the 
 club. De Noailles tells us that Necker s proposition as 
 modified will take. Kersau says that letters from the 
 provinces assure the same thing. I am, however, still 
 incredulous. Laborde gives us the fourth of his income 
 (400,000 f.), and the Due d Orleans 600,000. I ask Kersau 
 who is the fittest man in this kingdom for military Minis 
 ter of the Marine. He tells me it is Marignan, his brother- 
 in-law, or himself. Mirabeau s address to the nation on 
 the subject of the new imposition is said to be superb. 
 Those who contribute their fourth are to receive an in 
 terest of four per cent., and the contribution is to be paid 
 in three years. Those who have less than 400 per annum 
 are not to pay but at their pleasure." 
 
 " Much disturbance in Paris," is chronicled by the diary, 
 October 4th. " The foolish story of the cockades at Ver 
 sailles and the serious suffering for the want of bread have 
 collected from eight to ten thousand wretches, who go to 
 the Hotel de Ville. How it will end I know not, but this 
 is certain, that unless they contrive to obtain food for the 
 people they will be constantly embroiled. Bailly, the 
 mayor, is, they say, inept and wishes to resign. They 
 talk of Mirabeau as a successor. Thus every country has 
 its John Wilkes. It is no common combination, that of a 
 heart to devise, a head to plan, and a hand to execute. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. I? I 
 
 Dine with Madame de Flahaut and the Bishop d Autun 
 at the Louvre. She is taken ill at dinner. We converse 
 about the public affairs, and she tells us that if he is min 
 ister we must make a million for her. He has many just 
 ideas on the subject of finance, but a defect which he is 
 not aware of. To correct it I tell him that he must get 
 men about him who understand work and who love work. 
 Mention De Corney as the kind of man who would suit 
 him, and observe that there are very few of the kind in 
 this country, to which he heartily agrees, but is not willing 
 to acknowledge that he does not love work himself. He 
 says the present ministry will last forever ; that is, longer 
 than he wishes ; but Necker s health and the difficulties he 
 is already plunged in seem to me to augur differently. 
 We cannot even sketch the outlines of a future plan dis 
 tinctly, but in general we agree as to what ought to be 
 done. On the subject of the church property, I urge that 
 it should be obtained by consent of the Clergy, and only 
 mortgaged at first, but sold afterwards by degrees so as to 
 obtain the full value. State this as security for the prin 
 cipal, and the dimes [tithes] as security for the interest, of a 
 loan which is to be subscribed instantly by means of for 
 eign aid ; and then, instead of insisting on the right to 
 repay to the owners of the rentes viaglres their capital ad 
 vanced (which is his idea), to invite them to a change, by 
 giving the principal which the rente is worth, calculated 
 at an interest of five per cent that principal reimbursa 
 ble, and bearing an interest of six per cent.; then begin 
 to pay the principal with money obtained at four per cent., 
 and force all the public creditors who will not take four 
 per cent, to accept their capital. This scheme is not only 
 practicable but easy. Urge the propriety of obliging the 
 Caisse d Escompte to settle their accounts before any fur 
 ther extension is given their establishment, and that in 
 
1/2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 future the management should be part by commissioners, 
 to prevent the present mischief ; which is, that the minis 
 ters who are in the administration make use of it merely 
 as the means to support circulation, by which they raise a 
 fictitious capital and gamble at the risk of the community. 
 This idea he approves of, but does riot relish my further 
 idea of having subordinate banks in the great cities. I 
 did not sufficiently explain it, but I have a general idea 
 which might, I think, be executed with great advantage in 
 this country. If opportunity offers for execution I will 
 detail it, but for the present I must think of other affairs." 
 In the Palais Royal this Sunday (October 4th), possibly 
 for the first, certainly not for the last time, a woman used 
 her voice to extinction proposing the expedition to Ver 
 sailles and denouncing the " plaster-of- Paris bread, sacri 
 legious opera dinners, green uniforms, and black cock 
 ades." Danton " roared " his denunciations, and Marat, 
 equally condemnatory, made "as much noise as the four 
 trumpets on the Day of Judgment." Acts of violence and 
 cries of " A bas ! " were the result of seeing the black cock 
 ades, which men ruthlessly dragged off and crushed under 
 foot. So passed Sunday. Monday morning, " the town 
 is in alarm," Morris says. " I go towards Chaillot to see 
 what is doing, but am stopped at the Pont Royal. Go 
 into the Tuileries. A host of women are gone towards 
 Versailles with some cannon. A strange manoeuvre ! 
 Walk up to Mr. Short s ; he is just going to dine. We re 
 turn together to the Place Louis Quinze. This tumult is the 
 continuation of last night ; a wild, mad enterprise. Go to 
 the arsenal. Admitted with difficulty. They are at din 
 ner. Madame Lavoisier is detained in town, as all car 
 riages were stopped and the ladies obliged to join the 
 female mob. While we si: at table, we learn that the mi 
 litia and the Regiment National are marching towards 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 1/3 
 
 Versailles. Return home and dress. At eight o clock go 
 to the Louvre to take Madame de Flahaut to sup with 
 Madame Capellis. Capellis is with her. He says the 
 Regiment de Flandre, the Milice de Versailles, and the 
 Garde du Corps are determined to give the Parisians a 
 warm reception. Lafayette has marched by compulsion, 
 guarded by his own troops, who suspect and threaten him. 
 Dreadful situation ! Obliged to do what he abhors, or suf 
 fer an ignominious death, with the certainty that the sac 
 rifice of his life will not prevent the mischief. I go to 
 supper. Much discourse about what is to happen at Ver 
 sailles, and we agree that our Parisians will be beaten and 
 we consider it as fortunate that they are gone. I venture 
 the assurance that from this day forward the French army 
 will return to its sovereign, presuming, always, that the 
 Regiment de Flandre will, as it is said, do its duty this 
 night. A gentleman here tells us an anecdote which 
 shows how well this nation is adapted to the enjoyment of 
 freedom. He walked near a knot of people collected to 
 gether, where an orator was haranguing. The substance 
 of his oration was : Messieurs, nous manquons du pain, 
 et voici la raison. II n y a que trois jours que le Roi a 
 eu ce veto suspensif, et deja les aristocrats ont achete des 
 suspensions et envoye les grains hors du Royaume. To 
 this sensible and profound discourse his audience gave a 
 hearty assent. * Ma foi, il a raison. Ce n est que ca. Oh 
 rare ! These are the modern Athenians alone learned, 
 alone wise, alone polite, and the rest of mankind barba 
 rians ! I learn this evening that several of the provinces 
 are become discontented at the acts of the Assembles 
 Nationale, but principally with the city of Paris. At 
 Madame de Flahaut s the company at supper was reduced 
 almost to a tete-a-tete. The guests all decline, from the 
 public confusion." 
 
1/4 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 At Versailles by eleven in the morning the Comte de 
 St. Priest knew of the approach of the mob, with its ad 
 vanced guard of seven or eight thousand women women 
 in the guise of Amazons : the Queen of the Halles, dressed 
 in scarlet, with eyes flashing and hair flying ; and sad 
 women, with starving babies in their arms. It was a mob 
 with many unexpressed intentions, but with a fixed, unal 
 terable resolve to find bread. The king, strangely infat 
 uated, hunted that eventful day, and must be reminded of 
 his duty. And even in the face of approaching calamity 
 he found time to make an entry in his journal and to note 
 the forty-one birds killed, and to comment on the interrup 
 tion occasioned "par les evenements." The queen, while 
 taking a walk the last she ever took in the pretty gar 
 dens of Trianon, was called to a realization of " les evene 
 ments," to which she was more keenly alive than the king. 
 
 In the Assembly they squabbled over the king s response 
 relative to the Rights of Man, quite unmindful or ignorant 
 of the fact that men had come to settle the debated ques 
 tion in their own way. Through the wild gale and the 
 deluges of rain, the darkness adding to the general misery, 
 the mob came. The tocsin sounded, and mingled its 
 voice with that of the tired, wet, hungry mob in the 
 streets. In the chateau, the Comte de Luxembourg begged 
 the king for orders. "What orders?" asked Louis XVI. 
 "Against women ? You mock me." 
 
 Hasty preparations were making to take the royal fam 
 ily to Rambouillet, but the king refused to go, and the 
 queen refused to leave him. Fear and apprehension grew 
 insupportable as the night dragged slowly on. The queen 
 heeded nothing ; not even the cries of the Dauphin, 
 " Mamma, I am hungry," elicited any response. Sudden 
 ly, about four o clock in the morning, the agony was in 
 creased, if possible, by blood-curdling proposals made con- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 1/5 
 
 cerning the queen among the mob. Then the chateau 
 suddenly filled with armed men, who found access through 
 the door of the Cour de 1 Opera, which in the confusion 
 had been left open. They followed the passages which 
 led to the queen s chamber, where she, exhausted by the 
 confusion of the day, slept. Brave Miomandre de Sainte 
 Marie met the mob on the great staircase, and pleaded 
 with them to desist from their mad purpose, but unavail- 
 ingly ; on they went. Then he shouted to the guards, " Save 
 your queen ! " Rudely awakened, she rushed, scantily clad, 
 to the king s chamber by a secret passage, and for a mo 
 ment she found a refuge ; but the crowd demanded that 
 she should show herself, and with her children she ap 
 peared on the balcony. " No children," came the cry; 
 and she stood alone before them, heroic and queen-like. 
 The king must go to Paris, the crowd decreed ; and he 
 promised to go "on condition," he said, "that I shall not 
 be separated from my wife and family." At one o clock 
 the melancholy procession set out a hundred of the 
 deputies and the bulk of the Parisian army, the royal 
 family, and in the midst the heads of the two body-guards 
 murdered during the night, carried on poles. The day 
 was one of rare beauty. It was on such a day and in 
 such a manner that Versailles ceased to be the home of 
 kings. 
 
 "Tuesday morning, October 6th, Paris is all in tumult," 
 Morris says. " Two heads of the gardes du corps are 
 brought to town, and the royal family, who are in posses 
 sion of the Regiment National, late Gardes Fra^ais, 
 are to come this afternoon. I go to see Madame de Fla- 
 haut. She \vants to visit at the Place Royal. We take 
 her fille de chambre along (to save appearances). The 
 gentleman, M. de St. Priest, is not at home, but is returned 
 from Versailles. On our return we find that among other 
 
1/6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 visitors the Bishop has been there. Madame is alarmed ; 
 sends after him. She wants to know the news from Versail 
 les. Presently after, asks if she shall send for Capellis to 
 know the news of Paris. I agree. While at supper Capellis 
 comes in. The Bishop is not to be found. Capellis gives 
 a recital of what has passed. Many circumstances of in 
 sult to the royal personages. The Queen obliged to fly 
 from her bed in her shift and petticoat, with her stockings 
 in her hand, to the King s chamber for protection, being 
 pursued by the poissardes. At the Hotel de Ville M. 
 Bailly, in reading the King s speech, omitted in some part 
 the words avec confiance. The Queen corrected him, 
 which produced a shout of, Vive la Reine! They are to 
 lodge in the chambers fitted up in the Ttiileries (as slander 
 says) for her amours. These will now present her but bit 
 ter remembrances. Oh virtue ! thou art valuable, even in 
 this world. What an unfortunate prince ! the victim of 
 his weakness, and in the hands of those who are not to be 
 relied on even for pity. What a dreadful lesson it is for 
 man that an absolute prince cannot with safety be indul 
 gent. The troubles of this country are begun, but as to 
 the end, it is not easy to foresee it. The National Assem 
 bly is to come to Paris, and it is supposed that the inhabi 
 tants of the Louvre will be deniches. Madame de Flahaut 
 declares she willgo off on Monday. I am very heartily tired 
 of myself and everything about me, and return home, with 
 the one consolation that, being very sleepy, I shall in that 
 sweet oblivion lose a thousand disagreeable thoughts. 
 This day has been rainy and windy, and I believe (at sea) a 
 high gale if not a storm. Man turbulent, like the elements, 
 disorders the moral world, but it is action which supports 
 life." 
 
 "The King forbade all resistance, Madame de Flahaut 
 hears [October yth] from Versailles, and the Queen, on re- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 1/7 
 
 tiring to her own chamber, told her attendants that, as the 
 King was determined to go to Paris, she must accompany 
 him, but she should never leave it. Poor lady, this is a 
 sad presage of what is too likely. The King ate a very 
 hearty supper last night. Who will say that he wants 
 fortitude? At the club there is a good deal of random 
 conversation about public affairs. Most men begin to per 
 ceive that things are not in the best train. There are 
 still, however, a number of the enrages who are well pleased. 
 If my calculations are not very erroneous, the Assemblee 
 Nationale will soon feel the effects of their new position. 
 There can be no question of the freedom of debate in a 
 place so remarkable for order and decency as the city of 
 Paris. I told O Connel that they must give discharges to 
 all the soldiers who asked them, if they want to have an 
 obedient army, and recruit next winter when they are hun 
 gry and cold, because misery will make them obedient. I 
 think he will circulate this idea as his own, because he has 
 a good dose of what is called by different names, but in a 
 soldier is the love of glory. A curious incident has hap 
 pened this day. The district of St. Roch have opened the 
 despatches to the ministers and read them to the black 
 guards, to see if they contained anything against the na 
 tion." 
 
 M. Le Coulteux, on the 8th of October, again suggested 
 that Morris should have an interview with M. Necker, 
 and propose to him the purchase of flour and wheat. " I 
 receive the proposition very coldly," says the former, "and 
 tell him that I am going to England, being heartily out of 
 humor with everything in France. Later I proceed to M. 
 de Lafayette s. He is surrounded. In conference with 
 Clermont de Tonnerre, Madame de Lafayette, M. de Stael, 
 and M. de Semien his friend, are en comit^ in the salon. 
 This is all petit. I take a few minutes to tell Lafayette 
 
 12 
 
1/8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 what appears necessary as to a change of administration. 
 He has spoken to Mirabeau already. I regret it ; he 
 thinks of taking one minister from each party. I tell him 
 that he must have men of talents and firmness, and for the 
 rest it is no matter. Am to dine with him to-morrow and 
 converse on this matter. Visit Madame de Flahaut. M. 
 Aubert is there, and before he goes Mr. O Connel arrives. 
 He stays till nine o clock. I then tell her that I want to see 
 her Bishop, and that he pledge himself to support Lafay 
 ette ; wait for his arrival, but as he does not come in, and 
 M. St. Priest and his daughter arrive, I go away. At M. 
 Le Coulteux s Cantaleu tells me of what has passed with 
 Necker. They see their way to a supply till March next, 
 but then they must have aid. In conversing with him 
 on the means, he proposed an interview with me, and 
 mentioned that I wished to see him on the subject of the 
 debt from America. Necker immediately observed that 
 perhaps I would take the debt in payment of supplies. 
 Thus we stand. I am to see him between five and six on 
 Saturday afternoon. Lafayette is to desire him to speak 
 to me on the subject this evening. Nous verrons. At eleven 
 I receive a note from Madame de Flahaut. The Bishop 
 is just arrived and wishes to see me. I go to the Louvre. 
 Capellis is there. Madame takes the Bishop and me out, 
 which surprises Capellis not a little. We converse pretty 
 fully on the arrangement of a ministry. The getting- rid 
 of Necker is a sine qud non with the Bishop, who wants his 
 place. Indeed, I am of the same opinion. He gives me 
 every assurance I can wish respecting Lafayette. After 
 arranging the new ministry, we come to finance: the 
 means of restoring credit, etc. Consider his plan respect 
 ing the property of the church. He is bigoted to it ; and 
 the thing is well, but the mode not so well. He is attached 
 to this as an author, which is not a good symptom for a 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 man of business. However, our friend insists with him 
 so earnestly that she makes him give up one point. She 
 has infinite good sense. After the Bishop d Autun leaves, 
 Count Louis de Narbonne, Madame de StaeTs lover, 
 comes in ; a lively scene of raillery between them, upon 
 an affair of the Bishop d Autun s with Madame de Stael. 
 It seems that he and the Bishop are intimate friends. Fie 
 at bottom is much hurt at the conduct of his friend, and 
 very gayly proposes to her a pleasant vengeance. Asks 
 for dinner. She desires me to stay longer, but my hour is 
 come, and therefore we must postpone reflections till this 
 afternoon. Leave her and go to see De Corney. He 
 shows me his letter to the King on the subject of subsist 
 ence. I approve of it, for he has delivered it this morn 
 ing. His wife, I find, is acquainted with the whole affair. 
 This is the woman s country. Go to Lafayette s. A large 
 company to dine. After dinner go into his cabinet and 
 talk to him about a new ministry of more ability than the 
 present. Mention the Bishop of Autun for the Finances. 
 He says he is a bad man and false. I controvert the 
 proposition, upon the ground already given to me. I tell 
 him that with the Bishop he gets Mirabeau. He is sur 
 prised at this, and assures me they are enemies. I tell him 
 that he is mistaken, and as my information is the best, he 
 is thrown into the style of a man greatly deceived. I tell 
 him the idea of the Bishop, that the King should immedi- 
 atelv have given him (Lafayette) a blue riband. This 
 goes farther towards convincing him that he is an honest 
 man than many good actions. Montesquieu as Minister 
 at War might do. He does not much like him, but he is 
 the friend of M. de Montmorin. Propose Touret for Garde 
 des Sceaux. He owns that he has talent, but questions as 
 to his force of mind. I ask him what he intends to do 
 with Clermont-Tonnerre. He says he is not a man of 
 
1 80 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 great abilities. I add that he is a man of duplicity (faux). 
 He agrees that he is ; therefore no difficulty with respect 
 to him. I tell him that the coalition I propose will drive 
 Necker away by the very populace which now support 
 him. Necker is already frightened, and sick of the busi 
 ness he is engaged in. The Due de la Rochefoucault comes 
 in. He tells us that the Assembly are to come to Paris, 
 and that the motion of the Bishop respecting the prop 
 erty of the church is postponed till to-morrow, when he 
 expects to have the clergy with him. I am to see Lafay 
 ette again on Sunday morning at nine. I cannot dine 
 with him to-morrow ; besides, it is nonsense to meet at 
 dinner in a crowd. Ternant and I have a little conversa 
 tion. He tells me he is sure of his regiment, and can 
 bring with him six hundred chasseurs from the skirts of 
 the Bois de Boulogne. I ask him if I shall name him as 
 one who can be relied on to a person of my acquaintance. 
 He desires that his name may not be used, unless in the 
 houses where he visits ; but that I may say I know an 
 officer who can be relied on, etc., without naming him. Go 
 to Madame de Flahaut s. Madame de Corney is with her. 
 After she is gone she asks the result of our conversation 
 at Lafayette s. I give the amount in few words. She 
 tells me that Louis de Narbonne, who, with infinite wit, is 
 un assez mauvais sujet, will be the enemy of the Bishop 
 on account of the amour. I am tired and vexed ; there 
 fore come home, take tea, and go early to bed. This has 
 been a rainy, disagreeable day." 
 
 " I am to meet the Bishop at Madame de Flahaut s this 
 evening," says the entry for October loth. " I see M. Le 
 Coulteux this morning, and confer about the debt to 
 France. In speaking about the mode in which we are 
 to treat with M. Necker, I mention my determination to 
 act very openly, etc. Laurent le Coulteux wants to higgle, 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. l8l 
 
 and as I treat this mode of dealing with contempt, we 
 have a pretty smart conversation ; in the course of it he 
 discovers how much he is hurt by my indifference. I pur 
 sue, however, my straightforward line, and Cantaleu agrees 
 with me in sentiment. We have soon some more company, 
 and go to dinner. His attentions and those of Madame 
 are marked. At five call on Cantaleu, and we visit M. 
 Necker. Madame asks us to dine next Tuesday. We go 
 to the cabinet of monsieur, and after some chat proceed 
 to the consideration of the debt of the United States to 
 France. I tell him the whole truth with respect to it, and 
 assure him that I will not engage in a purchase with 
 out such a view to profit as will save me from all risk, 
 and that he must make a sacrifice. Cantaleu reads the 
 note I gave to the Marechal de Castries, and we finally 
 come to consider between sixteen and twenty millions. 
 He proposes the latter sum, and on Tuesday we are to 
 talk farther about it. Visit Madame de Flahaut, who 
 leaves me reading " La Pucelle " and goes out in my 
 carriage. She returns after a short visit. Stay till near 
 eleven, but the Bishop does not appear, so I quit the 
 field." 
 
 "I go this morning [October nth] to keep my appoint 
 ment with Lafayette. He keeps me waiting a very long 
 time. Find that he wishes to avoid coming to any points as 
 to a new administration, therefore carelessly ask him if he 
 has thought on the subject of our last conversation. This 
 letids us on. I state to him the present situation of France, 
 and the necessity of combining men of talents who have 
 principles favorable to liberty ; that without talents the 
 opportunity of regaining executive authority will be lost, 
 and that without the proper principles the authority when 
 recovered will be abused ; that he cannot possibly act 
 both as minister and soldier still less as minister of 
 
1 82 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 every department ; that he must have coadjutors in whom 
 he can confide ; that as to the objections he has made on 
 the score of morals in some, he must consider that men do 
 not go into administration as the direct road to Heaven ; 
 that they are prompted by ambition or avarice, and there 
 fore that the only way to secure the most virtuous is by 
 making it their interest to act rightly. He tells me that 
 he means to introduce Malesherbes as Garde des Sceaux, 
 and to the objection that he will not be induced to accept, 
 the reply is, that he will accept from M. de Lafayette. I 
 have a stronger objection, which I do not choose to make ; 
 viz., that he is not sufficiently a man of business, although 
 certainly well informed and possessed of a great deal of 
 understanding. He mentions Rochefoucault as Minister 
 of Paris, and to the objection that he has not the needful 
 talents, he answers that he will give him a premier commis 
 who has. The Minister of War is in the same situation, 
 but they cannot carry the commis into the council to delib 
 erate and judge. He will himself be in council, and will 
 take care to manage everything there. Unluckily he does 
 not reflect that he himself wants both talents and informa 
 tion. He again mentions that he will have Mirabeau, to 
 which I reply that a man so profligate will disgrace any 
 administration, and that one who has so little principle 
 ought not to be trusted. I do not, as I might, retort on 
 the subject of morality. I know pretty well the man I am 
 speaking to, and therefore can estimate his reasons. He 
 is very desirous to get rid of me, and I take my leave. I 
 am vexed to find that by littleness the little are to be 
 placed where greatness alone can fill the seat. He keeps 
 Necker, whose talents he despises, because Necker is hon 
 est and he can trust him, as if it were possible to trust a 
 timid man in arduous circumstances. Visit Madame de 
 Flahaut. She is with her physician, but Deceives me a lit- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 183 
 
 tie after one, and begs me to dine tete-a-tete with her. 
 The Queen is coming round. This morning the King s 
 dentist fell dead at his feet. The poor King exclaimed 
 that he was devoted to experience every kind of misfort 
 une. He had, however, presence of mind enough to de 
 sire Vicq d Azyr, the physician, to go and break the matter 
 gently to the Queen, who was not well and might suffer 
 from such a shock. She is highly pleased with the Bish 
 op s motion. Visit Madame de Chastellux. She is in 
 bed and, I think, very ill ; a dreadful cough, which must 
 terminate fatally if not soon relieved. The Duchess 
 comes in, and makes some kind reproaches for not visiting 
 at Raincy. Return home, write and dress, and then go 
 to club. Stay but a few minutes. Go to Madame de 
 Flahaut s. She is abroad ; I wait her return, which is not 
 until after three. She tells me that she has repeated to 
 the Bishop my conversation with Lafayette, of which, by 
 the bye, I told only such parts as could by no means con 
 vey his intentions, although they were not communicated 
 to me in express confidence. Mirabeau is to have an in 
 terview this evening with the King (private, and unknown 
 to anybody but ourselves). 
 
 " I leave her and visit at M. de Montmorin s. M. de la 
 Luzerne is there. Both very glad to see me, and as they 
 have been at a conversation duly serious, I animate it with 
 a gayety which produces very good effect. It is a pity that 
 these people have not the needful abilities ; however, I 
 have labored to keep Montmorin in place, and I think it 
 possible still to succeed. He is very honest, and his situa 
 tion with Florida Blanca * renders him a desirable mem- 
 
 * Count Florida Blanca, a Spanish statesman, and prime minister in 1777. 
 He made great efforts to recover Gibraltar, in which attempt, however, his 
 plans were frustrated but the Spanish captured Florida, Minorca, the 
 Bahamas, and a fleet of fifty-five merchant-vessels. 
 
 \ 
 
1 84 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 ber of the ministry, because, so long as these two con 
 tinue in office, they may count upon Spain with certainty. 
 From hence go to Madame de Chastellux s. The Duchess 
 is there, and Mr. Short. A light, pleasant conversation ; 
 among other things, her picture at the salon, which Mr. 
 Short thinks is perfect. I tell her Royal Highness : 
 Madame, ce portrait-Id n a qu un defaut d mes yeux. Et 
 qu est-ce done, ce defaut? C est qu il ne m appartient 
 pas, Madame. The Due de Penthievre is in town, and 
 Madame de Chastellux tells me she is sure I should like 
 him. II passe sa vie a bien faire. Oui (pointing to the 
 Duchess), elle est bien faite, etc. The Comtesse de Segur 
 comes in, and afterwards the Chevalier de Bouflers ;* then 
 the Abbe St. Phar. Madame de Segur asks my opinion 
 of the affairs. Talk to her sensible observations, but I 
 cannot go farther. She gives me her information, that 
 the Due de la Rochefoucault is to be brought into the 
 ministry. At half-past nine go to the Louvre to supper. 
 Madame de Rully had come in before I left. She gave 
 us some anecdotes, and also the state of Corsica, where 
 her husband now is with his regiment. At Madame de 
 Flahaut s we have Colonel O Connel and Madame La- 
 borde his friend, with her husband. After dinner the 
 Bishop comes in, and the rest go away. I tell him what 
 has passed with Lafayette, as far as is proper, and my 
 future intention, which is to tell him that, having done my 
 duty to him and to his country, I quit the matter and leave 
 him to the course of events. I urge an union with those 
 who are to form the new ministry, and that they avow 
 themselves to the people as candidates and let the Court 
 know that they will come in together or not at all. He 
 thinks this right, and also that the present circumstances 
 
 * Marquis Stanislas de Bouflers, a mediocre French writer. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 185 
 
 have sufficient force to consume another administration 
 before things are entirely fixed. He reads us his motion ; 
 it is well done. Afterwards we talk about the best ways 
 and means to effect the intended objects, and I give him a 
 few hints on general principles tending to the wealth and 
 happiness of a nation and founded on the sentiments of 
 the human heart. He is struck with them, as men of real 
 talents always are with the disclosure of real truth, and 
 this, by the bye, forms a principal charm of conversation. 
 Oh, it is dreadfully tiresome to explain down to the first 
 principles for one of those half-way minds which see just 
 far enough to bewilder themselves. Leave the Bishop 
 with Madame." 
 
 " Monday [October i2th], I visit Madame de Flahaut by 
 appointment. She shows me a letter to the Bishop, which 
 is perfect. A deep knowledge of human character, an 
 acquaintance with the world which arises from reflection 
 on the hearts of those who live in it, and the most just 
 conclusions of the regulation of his conduct, enforced by 
 the tenderness of female friendship all this join to render 
 a hasty production perfect. I thought well of myself, but 
 I submit frankly to a superiority which I feel. She told 
 me some days ago, after seeing Mr. Jefferson s counte 
 nance, Get homme est faux et emporteV The arrange 
 ment talked of at present for an administration is to 
 make Necker Premier, the Bishop d Autun Minister of Fi 
 nance, and Liancourt Minister of War. Mirabeau (who 
 had yesterday four hours conversation, not with the King 
 but with Monsieur, and who is to see the King this day) 
 wishes to be in the ministry ; an embassy will no longer 
 content him. I leave her and go to Madame de Chastel- 
 lux s. At about eight the Duchess comes in with the 
 Vicomte de Segur. About fifty members of the Assem- 
 blee Nationale, it is said, have retired ; among them De 
 
1 86 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Mounier * and Lally-Tollendal.f This will excite some sen 
 sation, if it be true. Go thence to Madame de Laborde s, 
 and sup. After supper make tea for them." 
 
 * Mounier was a man of strong judgment and inflexible character, who 
 considered the system of the English constitution as the type of representative 
 government and wished to effect the revolution by accommodation. 
 
 t Marquis de Lally-Tollendal, a deputy from the noblesse to the States- 
 General in 1789, was one of the minority of his order who united with the 
 Tiers Etat and favored reform. He emigrated to England in 1792. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 1 87 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Deputies demand passports. The streets alive with disorderly characters. 
 Houses marked for destruction. Unsafe to walk about Paris. Necker 
 sombre and depressed. Madame de StaePs salon. The Duke of Or 
 leans leaves for England. Morris calls on Necker, and suggests the 
 idea of raising the price of bread. Letter to Lafayette. The Duke 
 of Orleans is stopped at Boulogne. News of insurrections. Conver 
 sation in Madame de Flahaut s salon about intended changes in the 
 ministry. Lafayette commits a blunder in offering himself to Mira- 
 beau. The Cardinal de Rohan. Flour to be imported from America. 
 Graphic letter to Robert Morris. Madame de Flahaut disconsolate over 
 the reduction in pensions. 
 
 T)EFORE many weeks had passed, three hundred depu- 
 JD ties demanded passports. An indisposition attacked 
 them, which Louis Blanc calls the "maladie de la con- 
 tre-revolution avortee." Among the two parties which 
 formed the counter-revolutionists, there were differences 
 of action. The one endeavored to shun events, the other 
 strove to ferment new agitations. The streets were alive 
 with women of no character, dressed as for the masquer 
 ade, who entered houses and demanded money. Later, 
 houses marked for more or less destructive purposes were 
 everywhere to be seen. Red indicated fire, white signified 
 pillage only, but the black mark proclaimed the house 
 doomed, and its inmates subjects for death. Malet-du- 
 Pin * wrote to some one that moderation had become a 
 crime, and Mirabeau told the Comte de la Marck that, " given 
 
 * Malet-du-Pin was said to be the sole newspaper man in Paris during the 
 Revolution who, without insult or flattery, gave correct analyses of the de 
 bates. 
 
1 88 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 up to itself, Paris in three months will probably be a hos 
 pital, and certainly a theatre of horrors." Honest women 
 were no safer than courtesans from arrest and insult, and 
 hardly dared to cross their own door-sills. Loustolot 
 wrote that there was not a citizen in Paris who dared to 
 say, " To-night I shall sup with my children." 
 
 During these days, Morris employed himself with the 
 necessary calculations and estimates for the purchase of 
 the debt to France, preparatory to an interview with M. 
 Necker. "I go this evening" [October i3th], says the 
 diary, " with M. Le Coulteux to dine with M. Necker. 
 He is sombre and triste, and so engrossed by the affairs of 
 subsistence that I cannot speak to him upon the other sub 
 ject. At dinner Madame de Stael seats herself next to me, 
 and repeats part of the conversation of the other day at 
 Madame de Flahaut s. The Count Louis de Narbonne has 
 told it to her. I apologize for my share in it, and add 
 that I had rather say twice as much to her face. My 
 apology, which is the reverse of an excuse, is accepted, and 
 she asks why I do not come to see her. II y a longtemps, 
 madame, que je desire avoir cet honneur-la ! Some civil 
 things are said on both sides, and I am to visit this even 
 ing." 
 
 Quite the first salon of Paris at this time was that over 
 which Madame de Stael presided. Her regular Tuesday 
 evening supper, when not more than a dozen or fifteen 
 covers were laid and her chosen friends were admitted 
 into the little salon, the " chambre ardente," was the great 
 feature of the week. Here, the candles extinguished to 
 heighten the effect, the Abbe Delille declaimed his " Cata 
 combs de Rome," and here Clermont-Tonnerre submitted 
 to the criticism of his friends his discourse before deliver 
 ing it in public. Near the chimney Necker stood, en 
 tertaining the Bishop of Autun, who smiled but avoided 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 189 
 
 talking. Here was to be found the Duchesse de Lauzun, 
 of all women the most gentle and timid ; and in the midst 
 stood the hostess, in her favorite attitude before the fire, 
 with her hands behind her back, a large, leonine woman, 
 with few beauties and no grace of gesture. She neverthe 
 less animated the salon by her masculine attitude and pow 
 erful conversation. When Morris entered the charmed 
 circle on this particular Tuesday, he found, he says, " De 
 Narbonne, who is of course with Madame de Stael this 
 evening. M. de Montmorin is also there, with his daughter, 
 and a madame de Coigny, said to have beaucoup d esprit. 
 I feel very stupid in this group, which by degrees goes off 
 and leaves madame, three gentlemen, and myself. As soon 
 as supper appears I make my exit, promising her to come 
 again. Much anxiety is felt about the situation of public 
 affairs. Le Coulteux owned to me this afternoon that he 
 has no hopes of a constitution but from the hand of the 
 King." 
 
 " This morning [October i4th] General Dalrymple * 
 spends two hours with me. Tell him he must introduce 
 me to the King s banker, who, he says, is very rich. 
 Tell him that I desire such an introduction because 
 I think I shall possess information as to things in this 
 country from which money may be made. He asks im 
 mediately if I would advise speculations in their funds at 
 present, to which I reply in the negative. He tells me 
 that the Duke of Orleans is off for England ; he wants to 
 know my opinion as to his journey. I am surprised at 
 this, but conclude that some transactions of his Royal 
 Highness have been discovered which would involve dis 
 agreeable consequences, and that the King has desired 
 him to go off by way of avoiding inquiry. It is said that he 
 
 * General Sir Howe Whiteford Dalrymple, a British general, fought in sev 
 eral campaigns in the war against France. 
 
DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 has gone on business of a public nature, but this, I think, 
 must be an excuse, because no man in France is more per 
 sonally disagreeable to the King of England. Go to dine 
 at Madame de Flahaut s. She receives a note from the 
 Bishop d Autun. He is to be with her at half-past five. 
 She insists that I shall leave her at five. I put on a de 
 cent share of coldness. Go to the club and inquire a little 
 about the departure of the Duke of Orleans, who certainly 
 is sent by the King in a diplomatic capacity, but there 
 must be some reason not diplomatic. Go from thence to 
 General Dalrymple s, where two gentlemen of this coun 
 try are drinking hard. A lady of a certain sort is at the 
 table. Later I see Madame de Flahaut ; she tells me that 
 the Bishop will not accept of the Finances under Necker. 
 She is leaving soon, and we are to dine a trio with the 
 Bishop at four to-morrow." 
 
 " To-day at four [October i5th] T go to the Louvre as 
 arranged. We wait till near five before the Bishop comes 
 from Versailles, and then sit down to an excellent dinner. 
 She engages us to sup at Madame de Laborde s.* I go 
 away and visit Madame de Segur, who begins a conversa 
 tion which is broken in upon by the arrival of two visit 
 ors. Go from thence to Madame de Corney s. She is in 
 bed and has a very disagreeable cough. Go to Madame 
 de Chastellux s : the Duchess is there, as usual ; also the 
 Vicomte de Segur. Some politics with him. Madame de 
 Segur comes in late ; has been detained by her visitors. 
 Requests me to visit Lafayette and pray him not to go 
 into the Council. I decline, but at last, upon her urgency, 
 promise to write him a letter to-morrow. Go thence to the 
 
 * The most sumptuous table, perhaps, in Paris was that of M. de Laborde, 
 over which presided his wife, a sensible woman, who, wiser than many others 
 of the financial set, took with pleasure and graciously the advances of the 
 grandes dames, but withal maintained her dignity. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 191 
 
 Louvre ; madame is dressing ; is much fatigued. The 
 Bishop arrives ; I tell him my intention of writing to La 
 fayette. He approves of it, and observes that he must be 
 preserved because he is useful. He tells me that he will 
 not accept of a place in the present administration, and I 
 approve of that determination. He is received with in 
 finite attention at Madame de Laborde s, which proves that 
 they expect he will be somebody. Madame de Flahaut s 
 countenance glows with satisfaction in looking at the 
 Bishop and myself as we sit together, agreeing in senti 
 ment and supporting the opinions of each other. What 
 triumph for a woman. I leave her to go home with him." 
 "To-day [October i6th] I call upon M. Necker and 
 mention to him the idea of raising the price of bread in 
 Paris by making the difference fall on those who employ 
 workmen ; so that, estimating it at two sous, the master 
 should be obliged, when bread is at four, to allow, say, two, 
 three, or four sous additional. Also start to him the idea 
 of asking the Assembly to appropriate a sum to the sup 
 ply of Paris. To the first he replies that there is no wheat 
 to be got, and he treats responsibility to the nation for 
 such use of public money with contempt. I tell him that 
 he must not count on supplies from England ; at this he 
 seems alarmed. I offer my services to obtain it from 
 America. He thanks me, but has already given his 
 orders, which I knew, or I should not have said so much. 
 He makes no mention of the debt, nor I either. Go from 
 thence to the club, and hear a little of the sentiment en 
 tertained, of the Duke of Orleans. His friends appear 
 chopfallen and defend him, which is absurd, for they 
 know not enough of the matter to make an able defence, 
 or, if they know, conceal that knowledge, which comes to 
 the same thing. Visit at Madame de Chastellux s. At 
 eight the Duchess comes in, and remarks to me upon her 
 
IQ2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 punctuality ; afterwards Madame de Segur, who tells me 
 that M. de Lafayette does not go into the Council, at least 
 for the present. After making tea, etc., I visit Madame 
 de Flahaut, who has just returned from the opera. The 
 Bishop comes in and I read my letter to Lafayette, she 
 translating, but Capellis comes in before it is finished and 
 stays till twelve, when we all take leave." 
 
 The letter referred to, after a careful revision by Ma 
 dame de Flahaut and the Bishop of Autun, Morris sent 
 to Lafayette on the iyth of October. It is as follows : 
 
 PARIS, October 16, 1789. 
 MY DEAR SIR : 
 
 I took the liberty, in some late conversation, to give my sentiments on 
 public affairs. I know the folly of offering opinions which bear the ap 
 pearance of advice, but a regard for you, and the sincerest wishes for the 
 prosperity of this kingdom, pushed me beyond the line which caution 
 would have drawn for one of less ardent temper. 1 do not wish you to 
 consider this as apology ; on the contrary, I desire you to recollect, both 
 now and hereafter, the substance of those conversations. In that progress 
 of events which rapidly advances, you will judge my judgment. 
 
 I am convinced that the proposed constitution cannot serve for the gov 
 ernment of this country ; that the National Assembly, late the object of 
 enthusiastic attachment, will soon be treated with disrespect ; that the 
 extreme licentiousness of your people will render it indispensable to in 
 crease the royal authority ; that under such circumstances the freedom 
 and happiness of France must depend on the wisdom, integrity, and firm 
 ness of His Majesty s councils, and, consequently, that the ablest and best 
 men should be added to the present administration ; that, so far as regards 
 yourself, you should take care that those who come in be sensible of the 
 obligation they owe you, disposed to repay it, and of a temper neither to 
 desert you nor their sovereign nor each other, in the moment of danger 
 or for the sake of advantage ; I consider the present time as critical, and 
 that if neglected, many irreparable mischiefs must ensue. Such are the 
 bodings of a mind not easily ruffled nor alarmed, but feelingly alive to the 
 interests of friendship and devotedly attached to the liberties of mankind. 
 Certainly, you have much better means of information than I have. Cer 
 tainly, you have that intimate knowledge of your own nation which it is 
 impossible for a stranger to acquire, and most certainly you have perfect 
 
1789] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 193 
 
 acquaintance with the characters which stand forward for public observa 
 tion. 
 
 Let what I have said, therefore, go for nothing ; I have repeated it here 
 as being in some sort the needful introduction to what I am now to com 
 municate. Last evening, in company with some of your friends who sup 
 posed me to enjoy a share of your confidence, in which I assured them, 
 with great truth, that they were mistaken, I was urged to visit and entreat 
 you not to go into the Council. Knowing how much you are occupied and 
 how improper it is for me to interfere, I declined the visit, but was at 
 length prevailed on by earnest entreaty to promise that I would in a letter 
 assign the reasons which influence them : r. That your present command 
 must of necessity engross your time and require undissipated attention ; 
 and in consequence, that you must fail in the duty either of minister or 
 general. 2. That when in Council your opinions will not have more weight, 
 and perhaps less, than they have at present, because at present they are re 
 spected as coming from you, but will only be received in Council accord 
 ing to the reasons adduced in their support, and it is not always that the 
 wisest man is the most eloquent. 3. If your opinions do not prevail, you 
 will have the mortification to sanction by your presence the measures which 
 you disapprove, or quit in disgust the seat which you have taken. 4. If 
 your opinions prevail, you will then, in your quality of general, be called on 
 to execute what, in your quality of councillor, you had ordained. In this 
 situation the public opinion will revolt unless it be subdued. The one 
 will ruin you and the other your country. 5. The jealousy and suspicion 
 inseparable from tumultuous revolutions, and which have already been 
 maliciously pointed against you, will certainly follow all your future steps 
 if you appear to be too strictly connected with the Court. The founda 
 tions of your authority will then crumble away, and you fall, the object of 
 your own astonishment. 6. The retreat of the Duke of Orleans is attrib 
 uted to you, and if you go into the Council immediately after what is called 
 by some his flight, and by others his banishment, the two events will be 
 coupled in a manner particularly disadvantageous and disagreeable. 7. 
 If you go into the ministry with Mirabeau, or about the same time, every 
 honest Frenchman will ask himself the cause of what he will call a very 
 strange coalition. There are in the world men who are to be employed, 
 not trusted. Virtue must ever be sullied by an alliance with vice, and 
 liberty will blush at her introduction if led by a hand polluted. Lastly, I 
 am earnestly, most earnestly, requested by those who love you well to add 
 one caution as to your friends : Trust those who had that honor before 
 the 1 2th of July. New friends are zealous, they are ardent, they are at 
 tentive, but they are seldom true. 
 
 Excuse the liberty of an old one, who is, truly yours, 
 
 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
194 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 " Laurent Le Coulteux dines with me to-day [October 
 1 7th], and we enter into conversation about the shipment 
 of wheat and flour from America. I give him informa 
 tion, and tell him if he chooses to take an interest in such 
 business he may have it. My indifference makes him de 
 sirous of it. He proposes a concern in thirds, to which I 
 assent, and desire him to prepare his letters and send them 
 to me. We then speak of the tobacco business. He is 
 very unwilling to give the credit I require, hesitates, and 
 tries to evade it. Luckily my carriage arrives, and I tell 
 him that a pressing engagement obliges me to leave him. 
 Drive to the Louvre and take Madame de Flahaut to the 
 convent to visit her religieuse, Maman Trent, who is as 
 much of this world as one devoted to the other can be. 
 The old lady admires her looks, and will not believe that 
 she has been indisposed. We return again ; I leave her 
 to receive the Bishop. She drops an expression, for the 
 first time, respecting him which is cousin-german to con 
 tempt. I may, if I please, wean her from all regard to 
 wards him. But he is the father of her child, and it would 
 be unjust. The secret is that he wants the fortiter in re, 
 though he abounds with the suaviter in modo, and this last 
 will not do alone. Visit Madame de Chastellux ; the 
 Duchess is there, the Marechal and Vicomte de Segur ; 
 make tea. A person comes in and tells the Duchess that 
 her husband is stopped at Boulogne. She is much af 
 fected ; we undertake to assure her that it cannot be 
 though there is every reason to suppose that, in the pres 
 ent disordered state of the kingdom, he would not pass. 
 She is very solicitous to know the truth, and I go to M. 
 de Lafayette s to inquire it. He is not at home, or, rather, 
 if I may judge from appearances, he is not visible. 
 Thence to M. de Montmorin s, who is abroad. Return to 
 Madame de Chastellux s ; the poor Duchess is penetrated 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 195 
 
 with gratitude for this slight attempt to serve her. It is 
 very hard that a heart so good should be doomed to suffer 
 so much. Take leave ; she follows me out to express 
 again her thankfulness. Poor lady ! Go to Madame de 
 StaeTs ; a pretty numerous company ; a great deal of vi 
 vacity, which I do not enter into sufficiently. She asks 
 me, while I sit next to Narbonne, if I continue to think she 
 has a preference for M. de Tonnerre. I reply only by ob 
 serving that they have each of them wit enough for one 
 couple, and therefore I think they had better separate 
 and take each a partner who is un peu bete. I do not enter 
 enough into the ton of this society. After supper some 
 gentlemen come in, who tell us that there is a riot in the 
 Faubourg St. Antoine. We have had a great deal of news 
 this evening ; a number of insurrections in different 
 places. It is affirmed by madame, on good authority, 
 that the Duke is stopped. Go from thence to the club, 
 where we learn that the supposed riot is a false alarm. 
 But my servant tells me that they expect one to-morrow, 
 and have ordered out a large body of troops at eight 
 o clock in the morning. The grenadiers of the late 
 French guards insist on keeping possession of the 
 King s person. This is natural. It has been a fine day 
 something like what we call in America the second 
 summer." 
 
 "At the club [October i8th] M. , who is one of 
 
 the entours of M. de Lafayette, tells me that the friends 
 of the Duke of Orleans will (it is apprehended) denounce 
 him tp the Assemblee Nationale, so as to oblige him to 
 return, they expecting that his popularity in Paris will 
 make him triumph over his enemies. He wishes me to 
 go and dine with Lafayette, but this cannot be ; besides I 
 will not again trouble him with advice unless he asks it, 
 and perhaps not then. At three visit Madame de Flahaut 
 
196 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 The Bishop is with her. Converse about the intended 
 changes in administration. I insist that Mirabeau be not 
 brought into the Council, that they are mistaken in sup 
 posing he can after that elevation preserve his influence 
 in the Assembly ; that introducing a man of such bad 
 character will injure them in public opinion, and that 
 everything depends in the present moment upon the pres 
 ervation of that opinion. The Bishop tells me that in 
 his opinion no administration can work well in which M. 
 Necker has a share. After he is gone Madame tells me 
 that Lafayette is determined not to let Montesquieu into 
 the war department. This Mirabeau told the Bishop, and 
 Montesquieu told her that Necker declares the calcula 
 tions in the Bishop s motion are pitiful. This accounts 
 for his opinion delivered to me. Lafayette has committed 
 a great blunder in opening himself to Mirabeau. If he 
 employs him it will be disgraceful, and if he neglects him 
 it will be dangerous, because every conversation gives 
 him rights and means. She tells me that the Bishop has 
 invited himself to dine with her every day. We laugh 
 and chat. I go to General Dalrymple s to dinner. The 
 General says he is well informed that the Due d Orleans 
 was on his knees to entreat pardon of the King. De 
 spatches are sent off to urge his dismission from his 
 keepers at Boulogne. The conversation is turned by de 
 grees to American aifairs, and I tell them (which is true) 
 that they have committed an error in not sending a minis 
 ter to America. They are vastly desirous of convincing 
 me that an alliance with Britain would be for our inter 
 est, and I swallow all their arguments and observations 
 in such a way as to induce the belief that I am convinced, 
 or at least in the way of conviction. The young man 
 thinks he has done wonders. From thence I go to the 
 Louvre, though I had determined not. The Cardinal de 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 197 
 
 Rohan * is with Madame. We talk among other things 
 about religion, for the Cardinal is very devout. He was 
 once the lover of Madame s sister, and much beloved. He 
 says the King is not the fool he is supposed to be, and 
 gives instances to prove it ; but the Cardinal is not the 
 man of sense he was supposed to be, and therefore his 
 evidence is not to be taken blindly. Shortly after the 
 Cardinal goes, M. de St. Venau comes in and I take my 
 leave." 
 
 After much discussion and trouble, Morris and M. Le 
 Coulteux finally agreed to import 30,000 barrels of flour 
 from America as soon as possible "having," as Mor 
 ris says, "in contemplation the relief of those wants 
 which I foresee will take place here the ensuing spring." 
 "I am persuaded," he wrote at this time, in a very graphic 
 letter to Robert Morris, "for my own part, that this gov 
 ernment must feel secure in the article of subsistence be 
 fore they take the measures needful for the order which 
 is indispensable. Everything now is as it were out of 
 joint. The army without discipline or obedience. The 
 civil magistracy annihilated. The finances deplorable. 
 They have no fixed system to get through the difficulties, 
 but live upon expedients, and are at the mercy of projec 
 tors. A country so situated may starve in one province 
 while another suffers from its abundance. There is no 
 order anywhere. I have only once attended the delibera 
 tions of the National Assembly since September. Indeed 
 that once has fully satisfied my curiosity. It is impos 
 sible to imagine a more disorderly Assembly. They 
 neither reason, examine, nor discuss. They clap those 
 whom they approve and hiss those whom they disap 
 prove. But if I attempted a description I should never 
 
 * Cardinal de Rohan, so famous for his complicity in the affair of the dia 
 mond necklace. 
 
198 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 have done. That day I dined in company with the Pres 
 ident, and told him frankly that it was impossible for such 
 a mob to govern this country. They have unhinged ev 
 erything. The executive authority is reduced to a name. 
 Everything almost is elective, and consequently no one 
 obeys. It is an anarchy beyond conception, and they will 
 be obliged to take back their chains for some time to come 
 at least. And so much for that licentious spirit which 
 they dignify with the name of Love of Liberty. Their 
 Literati, whose heads are turned by romantic notions 
 picked up in books, and who are too lofty to look down 
 upon that kind of man which really exists, and too wise 
 to heed the dictates of common-sense and experience, 
 have turned the heads of their countrymen, and they have 
 run-a-muck at a Don Quixote constitution such as you are 
 blessed with in Pennsylvania. I need say no more. You 
 will judge of the effects of such a constitution upon peo 
 ple supremely depraved." 
 
 "To-day [October ipth], I hear the purport of Cantaleu s 
 conversation with M. Necker about the debt of the United 
 States to France. This last demands a million louis, which 
 I think too much, and says that he cannot think of pre 
 senting to the public view a bargain in which he gets less 
 than twenty-four millions [francs]. This afternoon I drive 
 with Madame de Flahaut to the Bois de Boulogne, but we 
 are stopped for want of a passport at the barriere. We 
 make a short visit at the convent. Madame is in much grief 
 over the loss of her income. The reduction of her broth 
 er s affairs, who is superintendent of the King s building, 
 takes some of her support from her ; and 4,000 which was 
 due by the Comte d Artois vanishes with his Royal High- 
 ness s person. Thus there remains but 12,000, and those 
 badly paid, being a rente viagere. With this little income 
 it is impossible to live in Paris. She must then abandon 
 
1789.) GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 199 
 
 her friends, her hopes, everything. Shortly after we ar 
 rive at the Louvre M. de Montesquieu comes in, and dis 
 cusses the motion of the Bishop d Autun. He disapproves 
 of the calculations. He is right in his observations, which 
 are precisely those which I made to the Bishop previous 
 to his motion. However, good may be drawn from the 
 business eventually. Leave them, promising to return. 
 Go to Madame de Chastellux s, and, as usual, make tea 
 for the Duchess. Nothing here but the usual chat. Ma 
 dame de Segur is here and Mr. Short. Return to the 
 Louvre. The Marechal de Segur tells us at Madame de 
 Chastellux s that Mirabeau was to be in the ministry. 
 Madame de Flahaut tells me that Montesquieu says he is 
 false to the Bishop, and is to go with Necker conjointly 
 into the finances. She is anxious to see the Bishop this 
 evening ; she is ill and apprehends a fever, but I restore 
 her considerably by the aid of a little soup." 
 
200 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Denis Frangois accused of secreting bread and beheaded. Paris aban 
 doned to cruelty and violence. Martial law passed by the Assembly. 
 The Duke of Orleans liberated. He goes to England.. At the club. 
 Chit-chat in Madame deFlahaut s salon. Belgrade surrenders. Anec 
 dote of the 5th of October. Clermont de Tonnerre proposes going 
 to America. Morris asked his plan for restoring order to France. 
 Necker unable to cope with the difficulties. Dinner at Madame 
 Necker s. Talk about Lafayette s connection with Mirabeau and 
 with Necker on plans for subsistence. News from Flanders. Asked 
 to take part in the administration of affairs. Dines with the Duchess 
 of Orleans. Takes the Bishop of Autun to visit Lafayette. The 
 Assembly suspends the parlements. Criticisms on the society in Ma 
 dame de Stael s salon. Lively dinner conversation with Madame de 
 Stael. 
 
 IT was on Wednesday, the 2ist of October, that a wom 
 an started the cry that Denis Francois, the baker, had 
 secreted bread. The shop was mobbed, and a few loaves 
 were found put aside for the family consumption. 
 
 "There has been hanged a baker this morning by the 
 populace, and all Paris is under arms," says the diary. 
 "The poor baker was beheaded according to custom, and 
 carried in triumph through the streets. He had been all 
 night at work for the purpose -of supplying the greatest 
 possible quantity of bread this morning. His wife is said 
 to have died of horror when they presented her husband s 
 head stuck on a pole. Surely it is not the usual order of 
 Divine Providence to leave such abominations unpun 
 ished. Paris is perhaps as wicked a spot as exists. In 
 cest, murder, bestiality, fraud, rapine, oppression, base 
 ness, cruelty ; and yet this is the city which has stepped 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2OI 
 
 forward in the sacred cause of liberty. The pressure of in 
 cumbent despotism removed, every bad passion exerts its 
 peculiar energy. How the conflict will terminate Heaven 
 knows. Badly I fear ; that is to say, in slavery. The 
 court of the Louvre is occupied by cavalry. Go to the 
 Champs Elysees where I see General Dalrymple. He tells 
 me some additional circumstances of what is passing in 
 Austrian Flanders. There is great reason to believe that 
 the Stadtholder, supported by Prussia, will possess himself 
 of that valuable territory. While they are about it they 
 may as well take some of the strong posts which France 
 holds there, with some of the little principalities upon the 
 eastern quarter, and then these Low Countries will form a 
 very powerful state. Discord seems to extend itself more 
 and more through this kingdom, which is remotely threat 
 ened with a disunion of its provinces. 
 
 " There is nothing new at the club this evening, but the 
 Bishop of Autun brought the latest news to Madame de 
 Flahaut. He tells us that the Assembly have passed 
 what they call the law martial, but which is, properly 
 speaking, a riot act. The Garde des Sceaux has defended 
 himself this day before the Assembly tolerably. The 
 Bishop seems to have no great desire for a post in the ad 
 ministration at present. I think this arises partly from 
 disappointment and partly from apprehension. I urge 
 again the necessity of establishing among the candidates 
 for places such arrangements and good understanding as 
 may endure when in office, and contribute to the attain 
 ment of it. After dinner the Bishop goes away and Ca- 
 pellis comes in with Madame d Angiviliers. Some inci 
 dents related in the conversation to show that M. de Nar- 
 ~bonne, Madame de StaeTs friend, is un fort mauvais 
 sujet, which accords well with a certain obliquity of as 
 pect that distinguishes a countenance otherwise good. 
 
2O2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 Go from hence to Madame de Chastellux. The Vicomte 
 de Segur gives me a book he has written, and desires that 
 I will give him my candid opinion of it. It is a supposed 
 correspondence between Nifion de 1 Enclos and her lover, 
 the Marquis de Villarceaux. The Duchess receives a note 
 from the Due de Biron that the Due d Orleans embarked 
 yesterday at nine in the morning with a fair wind for 
 England. It is said that three persons are to be hanged 
 to-morrow, by due course of law, for putting the baker to 
 death. They are wrong to defer the execution." 
 
 "At the club to-day [Oct. 22d] I enter into some discus 
 sions with a member of the iStats-Generaux or Assemblee 
 Nationale, who shows his own imbecility. At leaving the 
 room the company almost commit the indecency, so com 
 mon in the Assemblee, of clapping the speaker they ap 
 prove. One of them follows me out to mention that it is 
 in vain to show light to the blind. N importe. Go to 
 Madame de Flahaut s. She has with her the Due de 
 Biron, who soon leaves her. She tells me an anecdote of 
 Lafayette, not much to his honor ; he had said in his lit 
 tle society of Madame de Simiane, in speaking of the Due 
 d Orleans, Ses lettres de creance sont des lettres de grace. 
 The Due de Biron who knows all the steps taken with the 
 Due d Orleans (his friend), wrote to Lafayette on this sub 
 ject, and has received an answer in which he tells him, 
 1 Je n ai pas pu me servir d une telle expression puisqu il 
 n y a aucun indice contre le due d Orleans. She says 
 she has seen the letter. Undoubtedly the Due de Biron 
 will make it tolerably public. I leave when the Marquis 
 de Montesquiou comes in, and visit Madame de Chas 
 tellux. The Duchess arrives late, having been to visit the 
 Queen. Madame de Chastellux tells me the position of 
 affairs in this family. We discuss the line of conduct 
 which the Princess ought to pursue, and as she is in the 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 203 
 
 hands of the Vicomte de Segur and of Madame de Chas- 
 tellux, I think she will act with a degree of understanding 
 and firmness not natural to her. From thence return, ac 
 cording to my promise, to supper at Madame de Flahaut s. 
 A good deal of random chit-chat, in which she plays the 
 moqueuse on my bad French. This is not amiss. Stay till 
 twelve and then we all quit. Two persons have been 
 hanged this afternoon for murdering the baker, and there 
 are two or three more, it is said, to be hanged to-mor 
 row." 
 
 " Write all the morning [October 23d], and then take 
 Madame de Laborde and Madame de Tour to walk in 
 the Champs Elysees. General Dalrymple, who joins us, 
 tells me that Belgrade has surrendered ; and he also 
 tells me of certain horrors committed in Arras, but to 
 these things we are familiarized. Leave Madame de 
 Laborde and I go to M. Le Coulteux s. After a few min 
 utes M. de Cubieres comes in. He gives me a ludicrous 
 
 account of the conduct of the Due de on the famous 
 
 night of the 5th, and afterwards mentions the interview 
 between Lafayette and his sovereign the former pale, 
 oppressed, and scarce able to utter the assurances of 
 his attachment ; the King, calm and dignified. The first 
 request was to give the custody of the royal person to 
 the former Gardes Franeais, now Milice Nationale. 
 This was conveyed in the form of an humble prayer to 
 be admitted to take their ancient post. Cubieres was 
 then obliged to retire, as some persons had entered who 
 had no right to be present, and in leaving the room he 
 was obliged to retire with them. From thence go to 
 Madame de Chastellux s. The Marechal and Comtesse 
 de Segur are there, but a fifth person is present, which 
 prevents conversation of any interest ; at a quarter after 
 eight I retire, leaving a message for the Duchess, who has 
 
204 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 not kept her appointment. By the bye, Madame de Fla- 
 haut hinted this morning a wish to be among the women 
 of the Duchess. I think this cannot be, mais nous ver- 
 rons s il y a une place qui viendra de vaquer. Visit Ma 
 dame de Stae l. Clermont-Tonnerre is there, and asks 
 whether he can be decently placed in America for 60,000 
 francs. I observe that he is despondent. I give scope to my 
 ideas respecting their situation, and he feels from thence 
 no small remorse, for, in fact, the evils they feel arise from 
 their own folly. Madame gives some little traits of re 
 proach for the weakness of mind which induces an idea of 
 retreat. I tell him that I have abandoned public life, I 
 hope, forever, but that if anything could prompt a wish for 
 a return it would be the pleasure of restoring order to 
 this country. I am asked what is my plan. I tell them 
 that I have none fixed, but I would fix my object and take 
 advantage of circumstances as they rise to attain it ; as to 
 their Constitution, it is good for nothing they must fall 
 into the arms of royal authority. It is the only resource 
 which remains to rescue them from anarchy. Madame 
 de Stael asks me if my friend the Bishop will sup with 
 her this evening. Madame, peut-etre M. d Autun 
 viendra, je n en sais rien, mais je n ai pas 1 honneur 
 de son amitieV Ah, vous etes 1 ami de son amie. A 
 la bonne heure, Madame, par cette espece de consan- 
 guiniteV The Bishop, it seems, has invited himself and 
 M. de Tonnerre to sup with her. Go from thence to Ma 
 dame de Laborde s. A table of tric-trac, and a good deal 
 of chit-chat after it, keep us till one o clock. 
 
 In a conversation on Saturday, the 24th. M. de Cantaleu 
 told Morris " that Necker had sent him word that I may 
 make my propositions regarding the debt on a quar 
 ter of a sheet of paper. Cantaleu, like the rest, is very 
 desponding about their public affairs. He says Necker 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 20$ 
 
 has not abilities enough to get through his business, and 
 that there is equal danger in holding and abandoning his 
 post. This is very true. The Ministry and Assembly are 
 on the eve of a squabble, whose object will be to deter 
 mine which of them is to blame for the miserable situation 
 to which France is reduced. There is to-night at Madame 
 de Chastellux s the usual society. The Duchess tells 
 me I must come and dine with her. I tell her I am al 
 ways at her orders for any day she pleases. She tells me 
 to come when I please. I promise. After the rest of the 
 company is gone, the Chevalier de Foissy and I stay with 
 Madame de Chastellux and chat a little. She says she 
 will make her don patriotique by presenting me to the 
 King for one of his ministers. I laugh at the jest, and 
 the more so as it accords with an observation made by 
 Cantaleu to the same effect, which I considered as bor 
 dering on persiflage at least, and answered accordingly." 
 
 Mr. Morris mentions on Sunday, the 25th, spending 
 the evening in Madame Necker s salon. " M. Necker," 
 he says, "is much occupied, and I cannot speak to him. 
 See for the first time since I arrived in Europe Count- 
 Fersen, whose merit consists in being the Queen s lover. 
 He has the air of a man exhausted." 
 
 On Tuesday, October 2yth, an invitation came to dine 
 with Necker, and converse about the French debt. " I go 
 thither," Morris says. " M. de Stael is very polite and 
 attentive. After dinner we retire to the minister s cabi 
 net. Cantaleu and I open the conversation. Tell M. 
 Necker that the terms he seems attached to differ so ma 
 terially from what I had thought of, that no definitive bar 
 gain can be made, and therefore, after fixing the terms, I 
 must have time to consult persons in London and Amster 
 dam ; that he is the best judge as to the sum below which 
 he cannot go ; that I will not attempt to bring him lower 
 
2C>6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 than what he thinks he can justify, but if it is too high, 
 I am off ; that, having fixed the sum, we will then fix the 
 terms, and finally he must be bound and I free ; that it 
 is necessary to keep the transaction secret, because, 
 whether we bargain or not, if my name be mentioned, it 
 will destroy the utility of my friends in America, who 
 have been and will continue to be firm advocates for doing 
 justice to everybody ; and further, that if it be known in 
 America that France is willing to abate, it will be a mo 
 tive with many to ask abatements on the part of the 
 United States. He feels the force of these observations, 
 and desires to consider how far he and M. de Montmorin 
 can treat this affair without the Assembly. He does not 
 like the idea of being bound, and leaving me free. I ob 
 serve to him that nothing is more natural. He is master 
 of his object, and can say yes or no. But I must apply to 
 others, and it cannot be expected that rich bankers will 
 hold their funds at my disposal upon the issue of an un 
 certain event, much less withdraw those funds from other 
 occupation. He agrees that there is force in this obser 
 vation. He then talks of ten millions per annum for three 
 years as being a proper consideration. I tell him that I 
 cannot agree to such sum. He says he has been spoken 
 to about it, and is informed that he can discount it in Hol 
 land at twenty per cent. I tell him that I doubt the last, 
 because, having been in correspondence with two capital 
 houses in Holland relative to a loan which I am author 
 ized to make, they both inform me that the several loans 
 now opened for different powers, and the scarcity of 
 money, renders success impossible. De Cantaleu presses 
 me to offer terms. I mention 300,000 f. a month, to begin 
 with next January, and continue till the 24,000,000 f. are 
 paid. Here this part of the conversation ends. He is to 
 confer with Montmorin. He then asks me about the ex- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2O? 
 
 port of wheat and flour from America this season. I re 
 ply that my answer must be much hazarded, but at length 
 estimate that it may amount to a million bushels of wheat 
 and 300,000 barrels of flour. He proposes the question 
 whether there be not goods in France which, sent out to 
 America, may serve for the purchase of flour. I tell him 
 no, for that goods will sell on credit, and flour for cash. 
 He asks whether it would not be well to send ships to 
 America for flour on the part of the King, for such a 
 scheme has been proposed to him from Bordeaux. I tell 
 him no, because the alarm would be spread, and prices 
 thereby greatly raised ; that the ships should be char 
 tered in such a way as to be bound to take wheat, flour, 
 or tobacco, and then they might proceed in the usual line 
 of mercantile speculation. Finally I drop the idea that 
 six weeks ago I would have contracted for the delivery of 
 one hundred to one hundred and fifty thousand barrels of 
 flour, at a fixed price. He asks with vivacity why I did 
 not propose it. I reply that I did not choose to push my 
 self forward, which is a slight hint that he might, if he 
 pleased, have applied for information. He asks why not 
 propose such a contract now. I tell him that the order 
 he has already given will, I fear, raise the prices too high 
 in America. He says it is a trifle, only 30,000 barrels. I 
 tell him it is 60,000, but he says the last 30,000 is very uncer 
 tain. Rather presses me to make an offer. I tell him I 
 will consider of it. 
 
 "Leave M. Necker and go to Madame de Chastellux s. 
 She is in bed and in tears ; fears that her brother is killed, 
 or rather dead of the wounds he received at the capture 
 of Belgrade. I give her all the comfort which the case 
 admits of ; viz., a hope that it is not so, for, by suspending 
 the stroke a little while, its eifect is less forcible. The let 
 ter she has received, and which she shows me, looks ill. 
 
208 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 Converse a little with Madame de Segur about our friend 
 Lafayette s connection with Mirabeau. She wishes to know 
 what I would have him do. I tell her that if he did me 
 the honor to ask my advice, I could not give him any 
 good ; that he has reduced himself to the situation of 
 making Mirabeau a dangerous enemy by neglect, or still 
 more dangerous friend by aiding him in his views ; that it 
 is M. Necker who now plays the handsome part. He will 
 not stay in the ministry if Mirabeau be admitted. Mira 
 beau insists on coming in, and if he succeeds, M. Necker 
 has the desired opportunity of retiring from a post which 
 at present it is equally dangerous to keep or leave. Being 
 forced out, Mirabeau will be obliged by the general opin 
 ion to abandon the place he has acquired, and then a 
 ministry will be chosen entirely new. She wishes much 
 to know who I think would be proper, and mentions the 
 Bishop d Autun as having a very bad reputation. I tell 
 her that I doubt the truth of what is said against him, 
 because there are facts which show that he has some virt 
 ue, and merits confidence; that he has talents, but that, 
 without being attached to him or any other person in par 
 ticular, I am persuaded that France can furnish men of 
 abilities and integrity for the first offices ; that M. de 
 Lafayette should discipline his troops, because his friend 
 Mirabeau may otherwise turn that weapon against him." 
 
 " Dine at the Palais Royal [October 28th] with Madame 
 de Rully, who sits for her picture in crayons. She has a 
 mind to coquet with me, because she has the same mind 
 as to everybody else. A madame de Vauban who is here 
 is a disagreeable looking woman. The interior of this 
 manage is very much like the Castle of Indolence. Go 
 from thence to the Louvre. The Bishop is with madame; 
 he asked a dinner with her son, who is arrived this day. 
 Quite a family party. He goes away, and I tell her that 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, 209 
 
 I am sorry to have interrupted such a scene. She dwells 
 much upon her child and weeps plenteously. I wipe away 
 the tears as they fall. This silent attention brings forth 
 professions of endless affection. She means every word 
 of it now, but nothing here below can last forever. We 
 go together to Madame de Laborde s and make a short 
 visit, the child being in company. Set her down at the 
 Louvre, and go to Madame de Chastellux s. The Duch 
 ess, who was not well at dinner, is very little better now, 
 or rather she is worse ; the usual case with those who suf 
 fer from the lassitude of indolence. Sleep becomes neces 
 sary from the want of exercise as well as from the excess 
 of it." 
 
 " After dining with M. Boutin, I go to Madame Necker s 
 [October 29th], where I speak to M. Necker on the sub 
 ject of subsistence. He catches at the idea of a con 
 tract for 20,000 barrels of flour, but will not make the 
 kind of contract which I proposed. He asks me what the 
 flour will cost. I tell him it will cost about 3o/ sterling, 
 and I offer to deliver it at 3i/ ; he wishes it at 3o/, and 
 desires me to write him a note on the subject, that he may 
 communicate to the King. He will not listen to the idea 
 of importing pork and rice, and giving them to the poor. 
 I endeavor to show him that by doing this and letting the 
 bread be sold at what it costs, the treasury would save, be 
 cause few would accept the donation, but all derive advan 
 tage from the loss on bread. He is wrong, but humanum 
 est errare. Go to Madame de Chastellux s. Her brother 
 is dead. The Duchess comes in late and the tea is delayed, 
 and finally I am obliged by the various delays to leave 
 them abruptly. At the Louvre madame is waiting for me. 
 We go to Madame de Laborde s to sup, and M. d Afry and 
 I are, it seems, each to drink a bottle of wine. I perform 
 very nearly my task, but he declines entirely. The wine is 
 
210 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 good, but the strongest I ever tasted. After eating an en 
 ormous supper to accompany the liquor, I make tea and 
 then chat with the ladies." 
 
 " At dinner I hear [October 3oth] the news from Flan 
 ders. The Austrian Netherlands seem to be in a fair way 
 of shaking off the yoke, and it is said that they have a 
 great number of deserters, both officers and soldiers, from 
 the Prussian army. It is to be concluded that Prussia is 
 concerned in the business, and if so England may proba 
 bly be also for something. Indeed, this opportunity is 
 most inviting. There appears to me no good reason why 
 all the Low Countries should not be united under one sov 
 ereign, and why they should not possess themselves of all 
 the strong places on the French frontier, Calais, Lille, 
 Tournay, Douay, Mons, Namur, and even Cambray, in 
 which last place there is absolutely no garrison, for the 
 milice bourgeoise have insisted on doing the duty, which 
 they are now heartily tired of. Namur, which is in the 
 Emperor s dominions, is absolutely dismantled. Go, after 
 dinner, to Madame de Chastellux s and make tea for the 
 Duchess. She presses me to come and dine with her soon, 
 with Madame de Segur. I promise for Monday, to which 
 Madame de Segur agrees. Go to Madame de StaeTs ; a 
 conversation too brilliant for me. Sup and stay late. I 
 shall not please here because I am not sufficiently pleased." 
 
 " Saturday afternoon [October 3 ist] I go to the Louvre, 
 and get Madame de Flahaut to correct my letter to M. 
 Necker. Capellis mentions to me the supplying of Brest, 
 Rochefort, and Toulon with flour, and says he believes they 
 have already ordered it from America. I tell him that M. 
 de la Luzerne would have done well to consult me on the 
 subject ; that the different departments sending separate 
 orders to different people necessarily raised the prices 
 upon each other. Take tea with Madame de Chastellux. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 211 
 
 The Duchess comes in. M. de Foissi tells us that the debate 
 on church property is postponed till Monday, at the in 
 stance of Mirabeau, and that it was thought the motion 
 would have been negatived had the question been put 
 this day. The Duchess reminds me of the promise to dine 
 on Mcfnday and then departs." 
 
 "A large party at Madame de Flahaut s on Sunday [No 
 vember ist] ; a very excellent and a very pleasant dinner. 
 After dinner Madame s physician comes in and tells her 
 that a M. Vandermont has said of rne that I arn an in 
 trigant, un mauvais sujet* and a partisan of the Due d Orleans. 
 He insists not to be named ; she tells me that this man is 
 very dangerous, being a mauvais sujet, and wishes me to speak 
 to Lafayette. There is but one thing to be done, if I stir at 
 all, and that is to call on him and tell him that if he 
 speaks disrespectfully of me again I will put him to 
 death ; but in times like the present such conduct would 
 only give an air of importance to what must otherwise 
 fall of itself, for I am not of sufficient consequence to oc 
 cupy the public attention. This man, she says, would not 
 scruple to bring me to the lanthorn, in other words, to 
 have me hanged. This would be rather a sharp retribu 
 tion for the remark which has excited his rage. On the 
 fifth of last month he dined with me at M. Lavoisier s, and 
 observed that Paris maintained the kingdom of France, 
 to which I answered, Oui, Monsieur comme moi je nourris 
 les elephants de Siam. This excited the choleric humors 
 of a pedant, and he takes his revenge by saying things 
 which are, luckily, too improbable to be believed. On the 
 whole, I resolve to take no notice of this thing, particu 
 larly as I could not produce my author, should M. Van 
 dermont deny the fact, and that would place me in a very 
 ridiculous position. At five I visit the Marquis de Lafay 
 ette. He tells me that he has followed my advice, though 
 
212 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 he did not answer my letter. I congratulate him on what 
 passed two days ago from a gentleman to the Comte de 
 Mirabeau, which was so pointedly affrontive as to ruin 
 him, because he cannot be now placed in the ministry 
 and is lost in the opinion of the Assembly. He asks with 
 eagerness if I think he is lost with them. I reply that the 
 Bishop d Autun has just expressed that opinion to me. 
 He says he does not know the Bishop much, and should 
 be glad to know him more. I offer to give them a dinner 
 together the day after to-morrow, or if he does not choose 
 it, I will say nothing about the matter. He desires me to 
 say nothing of it, because if he should dine with me in 
 stead of at home, it would make an histoire which is true. 
 He wishes me, however, to bring the Bishop to breakfast 
 with him the day after to-morrow. I promise to invite 
 him. Go to Madame de Laborde s. M. de la Harpe 
 reads us some observations on La Rochefoucault, La 
 Bruyere, and St. Evremond. They have merit but are 
 liable to criticism. After supper we fall into politics. 
 Monsieur tells us that the municipality of Rouen have 
 stopped some grain intended for Paris. This leads to ob 
 servation on the many-headed monster they have created 
 in the executive department. He exculpates the Assem 
 bly as having been obliged to destroy in order to correct. 
 But the necessity of such an apology augurs ill. Indeed, 
 whenever apology for the conduct of government becomes 
 necessary, they are in the way toward contempt, for they 
 must acknowledge misconduct before they excuse it, and 
 the world is kind enough to believe the acknowledgment 
 and reject the excuse." 
 
 " Monday morning [November 2d] take Madame de 
 Flahaut and Madame de Laborde to walk in the King s 
 Garden and then to the Church of the Sorbonne to examine 
 the monument of the Cardinal de Richelieu. The dome 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 213 
 
 of the church is fine. Go later to the Palais Royal to 
 dine with the Duchesse d Orleans. I arrive late and have 
 kept dinner waiting half an hour. Excuse myself as hav 
 ing waited news from the Assemblee Nationale, which is 
 true, because I stayed at the Louvre some time to see the 
 Bishop d Autun, who did not come in. We dine well and 
 pleasantly, with as little ceremony as possible, at the table 
 of a person so high in rank. After coffee go with Ma 
 dame de Segur to the apartments of Madame de Cha- 
 stellux. The Marechal reads us a letter from M. Lally- 
 Tollendal to his constituents which is not calculated to do 
 much good to the Assemblee Nationale. It will not do 
 him any good either, for the King, for whom it is meant, 
 will want rather those who can render the Assemble use 
 ful, than those who absent themselves from it. The 
 Duchess comes in and gives us the bulletin of the Assem 
 blee. They have determined that the church property 
 belongs to the nation, or, at least, that the nation has a 
 right to make use of it. This latter expression seems to 
 have been adopted as conciliatory. From thence go to 
 Madame de Laborde s. After some time the Bishop 
 d Autun comes in. He is to breakfast with me to-morrow, 
 and go thence to M. de Lafayette s." 
 
 " Tuesday morning [November 3d] in fulfilment of his 
 promise, the Bishop d Autun calls on me and we breakfast. 
 He tells me that M. de Poix is to visit M. de Lafayette this 
 morning, in order to make terms for Mirabeau. We talk 
 a little about M. de Lafayette ; his worth and what he is 
 worth. At nine we go to visit him. The cabriolet of M. le 
 Prince de Poix is at the porte-cochere, whence we know he 
 is here. M. de Lafayette is closeted with him. A great 
 many visitors and affairs render the minutes for our con 
 versation short. Lafayette makes professions of esteem, 
 and desires to receive frequent visits. There is an dmeute in 
 
214 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 v the Faubourg St. Antoine about bread, which leads to a 
 consideration of the means to supply Paris. Lafayette pro 
 poses a committee, consisting of three ministers, three of 
 the municipality of Paris, and three members of the Etats- 
 Gene"raux, and says there is a man who, acting under such 
 committee, can serve the supplies. The Bishop thinks the 
 Assemblee will not meddle. I am sure they will not, be 
 cause they act only from fear, and will not risk the conse 
 quences of being responsible for the subsistence of this 
 city. Lafayette asks the Bishop what he thinks of a new 
 ministry. He says that nobody but M. Necker can sustain 
 the famine and bankruptcy which appear unavoidable. La 
 fayette asks if he does not think it would be right to prepare 
 a ministry for some months hence. The Bishop thinks it 
 would. They discuss a little character, and as par hasard 
 Lafayette asks whether Mirabeau s influence in the As 
 sembly is great, to which the Bishop replies that it is not 
 enormous. We fall back by degrees to the subsistence, 
 and I suggest a hint which Short has given me, viz., to 
 give medals to the poor, representing a pound of bread, 
 and then let it rise to what price it may, by which means 
 the Government will in effect pay for the bread they eat, 
 and for that only, whereas they now pay for a part of what 
 everybody eats. On this the Bishop observes that the 
 ministers, in this moment when the charge of plot is so 
 frequent, will be accused of a conspiracy against the na 
 tion if they make largesses of bread to the multitude. I 
 think he sees that their plan would give the administra 
 tion too much power to be removed, and he is right. His 
 idea, I think, is to come in when the magazines are full, 
 and then to do what he wishes may not now be done. La 
 fayette in the course of conversation mentions his friend 
 La Rochefoucauld, saying at the same time that he has 
 not the needful abilities, but that his integrity and reputa- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 21$ 
 
 tion are important. I think this is the only man he will 
 insist upon, and I think any person we please may be ad 
 mitted as the price of the duke s admission. The Bishop 
 says he cannot think of a new ministry unless the change 
 is entire. Lafayette agrees to this, and says that in this 
 moment the friends of liberty ought to unite and to un 
 derstand, each other. At coming away the Bishop ob 
 serves to me that Lafayette has no fixed plan, which is 
 true. With a great deal of the intrigant in his character 
 he must be used by others because he has -not talent 
 enough to make use of them. Go to M. Necker s after 
 setting the Bishop down. M. Vauviliers receives me in 
 the drawing-room with a compliment as being the person 
 who is to feed France. After dinner M. Necker takes me 
 aside. He wishes to tie me down to fixed periods for the 
 arrival of the flour and for the payment. I tell him I wish to 
 have a house to contract with me. He says I run no risk, 
 and he will have the agreement signed by the King. My 
 carriage not being come, Madame de Stael insists upon 
 taking me where I want to go. Later, when I go to the 
 club, I find that the Assembly have this day suspended the 
 parlements. This is a better blow at tyranny than any 
 they have yet struck, but it will occasion much ferment 
 among the numerous influential characters which they 
 are composed of." 
 
 "At the club there is the usual diversity of opin 
 ion on the state of public affairs [November 4th]. Go 
 from here to Madame de Chastellux s. The Duchess re 
 proaches me for going away early last evening and com 
 ing late now. Has been here near two hours, and her son, 
 M. de Beaujolais, is brought on purpose to see me. He 
 presents himself with a very good grace. Is enjouJ et em- 
 presstf. I kiss him several times, which he returns with 
 eagerness. He will make a pleasant fellow some ten 
 
2l6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 or twelve years hence, for the petites -mattresses of that day. 
 Puisignieu is here, and after some time Madame de Segur 
 comes in. The Marechal is afflicted with gout. Madame 
 de Chastellux is to take a bouillon to-morrow with her 
 fair friend. Thence I am led to believe in the possibility 
 of a marriage between her and the old gentleman, which 
 other circumstances give much room to imagine. Go 
 thence to Madame de Stael in consequence of her invita 
 tion yesterday. A great deal of bel esprit. The Bishop 
 d Autun declined coming this morning, when I asked him 
 at Madame de Flahaut s. I am not sufficiently brilliant 
 for this consultation. The few observations I make have 
 more of justice than splendor, and therefore cannot amuse. 
 No matter, they will perhaps remain when the others are 
 effaced. I think there is a road to success here, in the 
 upper region of wits and graces, which I am half tempted 
 to try. It is the sententious style. To arrive at perfec 
 tion in it one must be very attentive, and either wait till 
 one s opinion be asked, or else communicate it in a whis 
 per. It must be clear, pointed, and perspicuous, and then 
 it will be remembered, repeated, and respected. This, 
 however, is playing a part not natural to me. I am not 
 sufficiently an economist of my ideas. I think that in my 
 life I never saw such exuberant vanity as that of Madame 
 de Stael upon the subject of her father. Speaking of the 
 opinion of the Bishop d Autun upon the subject of the 
 church property, which has lately been printed, not hav 
 ing had an opportunity to deliver it in the Assembly, 
 she says it is excellent, it is admirable, in short there are 
 two pages in it which are worthy of M. Necker. After 
 wards she says that wisdom is a very rare quality, and she 
 knows of no one who possesses it in a superlative degree 
 except her father." 
 
 This morning [November 5th] the Comte de Luxem- 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2 1/ 
 
 bourg and La Caze come to breakfast for the purpose of 
 knowing my sentiments on public affairs. At dinner I 
 hear the news from Brabant, viz , that the imperial troops 
 had been much worsted, and that the people have declared 
 independence. This latter part is certain, for I read the 
 declaration, or rather part of it." 
 
 " Spend the morning [November 6th] with Le Coulteux 
 adjusting the form of a contract for flour with M. Necker, 
 which is to be copied and sent with a note from me. Re 
 turn home after three to dress, then go to M. de Montmo- 
 rin s. Luckily the dinner has been kept back on account 
 of some members of the Etats-Generaux or Assemblee. 
 After dinner he asks me why I do not come oftener. He 
 wishes much to converse with me. He is engaged to dine 
 abroad next Tuesday, but any other day, etc. Chat with 
 Madame de Beaumont, his daughter, who is a sprightly, 
 sensible woman, and at six take Madame de Flahaut to 
 the opera, where I am so weak as to shed tears at a panto 
 mime representation of the Deserters. So true it is 
 that action is the great art of oratory. Go from the opera 
 to Madame de Chastellux s ; the Comtesse de Segur has 
 been there with her children ; all disappointed at not see 
 ing me ; this is civil, but I am sorry not to have met them. 
 The Duchess has left her reproof ; all that is well enough. 
 Madame tells me that the Prussian General Schlefer, who 
 commanded the army of 10,000 men sent to quiet the 
 troubles of Liege, after a few executions which restored 
 order, harangued his troops, thanked them for their 
 zeal, and then, by reason of the disordered state of his master s 
 finances, disbanded them ; but in consideration of their 
 former services, left them their arms, baggage, etc., and gave 
 them a month s pay to maintain them on their journey home. 
 In the astonishment naturally resulting from such an 
 event the patriots of Brabant offered them very advanta- 
 
2l8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 geous terms, and of course the whole army passed into 
 their service. General Dalton, apprised of this manoeuvre, 
 immediately applied to Count d Esterhazy, command 
 ing at Valenciennes, to know if he would receive the Aus 
 trian troops. This last despatched an express to M. de la 
 Tour du Pin, the Minister of War here. A council was 
 held and the answer returned this morning. Go to Ma 
 dame de Laborde s. In the course of the evening mention 
 this as a rumor, the authenticity of which I will not war 
 rant. M. Bonnet tell us that such a report being spread, 
 though differing materially in circumstances, inasmuch as 
 it related only to a request to be admitted unarmed in case 
 events should render a retreat necessary, he had inquired 
 of one of the ministers and had been told that they had 
 luckily found an excuse for not complying with Dalton s 
 request, in the want of subsistence, already so great. This 
 is weak indeed ; they should have received those troops, 
 near 10,000 men, and marched them slowly toward Stras 
 bourg, there to wait the Emperor s orders. The battalions 
 he has already marched to their assistance, joined to these 
 and to the foreign regiments in the service of France, would 
 form an army sufficient to restore order to this kingdom, and 
 discipline to their troops, etc. The idea of those who differ 
 with me is, that the Parisians would immediately assassinate 
 the King and Queen ; but I am far from believing in such 
 an attempt, and I am persuaded that a respectable body 
 of troops in a position to avenge that crime would be a 
 cogent motive to prevent it. These, however, are the con 
 jectures of a private man. Unhappy France, to be torn by 
 discord in the moment when wise and temperate councils 
 would have led thee to the pinnacle of human greatness ! 
 There has happened this day a very strange incident ; a 
 person who says he belongs to the family of Montmorenci 
 (i.e.) a servant of one of them, is arrested for giving money 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2 19 
 
 to a baker not to bake. Either some of these persons are 
 mad, or else their enemies have a wickedness of invention 
 worthy of the prime mover of evil. At going away this 
 evening the Comte de Luxembourg takes me aside and 
 asks if I have thought of a person for Prime Minister of 
 this country. I repeat what I told him on Thursday, that 
 I am not sufficiently acquainted with men and things here 
 to hazard opinions ; that France has my best wishes for 
 her prosperity and sincere regret for her situation. He is 
 to breakfast with me on Monday. This evening, not being 
 able to obtain cream for her tea, one of the company pro 
 posed to Madame de Laborde to try a species of cheese. 
 This odd proposition was adopted, and to my amazement 
 it proved to be the best cream which I have tasted in 
 Paris. I get home late, and find a letter from Cantaleu, 
 desiring my aid to combat a proposition made in the As 
 sembly this morning by Mirabeau. It is to send an em 
 bassy extraordinary to America, to desire payment of the 
 debt to France, in corn and flour." 
 
 " This morning [November yth] Cantaleu breakfasts 
 with me, and we prepare his argument against Mirabeau s 
 proposition. I hear that M. Necker is making inquiries 
 as to the price at which flour can be delivered here. I tell 
 my informer, who wishes to know my sentiments, that if 
 M. Necker has set on foot such an inquiry it is with a 
 view to chaffering in a bargain he is about to make ; that 
 I have told him the price which the flour will cost. Call 
 at half-past three on Madame de Flahaut. The Bishop 
 comes immediately after. The event of Mirabeau s prop 
 ositions, levelled at the ministry, has been a resolu 
 tion that no member of the present States-General shall 
 be admitted to share in the administration. Some meas 
 ures have been taken to guard the church property, at the 
 instigation of the Bishop. The news which Madame de 
 
22O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 Chastellux communicated last evening are, I believe, en 
 tirely false, and yet they were told to her by a confidential 
 person. To be sparing of one s faith is in this country 
 to economize one s reputation." 
 
 "Engaged all the morning [November 8th] writing. At 
 three I dine with Madame de Flahaut. We have an excel 
 lent dinner, and, as usual, a conversation extremely gay. 
 After dinner, the company go to cards, and I who have im 
 posed upon myself the law not to play, read a motion of 
 the Comte de Mirabeau, in which he shows very truly the 
 dreadful situation of credit in this country, but he is not 
 so successful in applying a remedy as in disclosing the 
 disease. This man will always be powerful in opposition, 
 but never great in administration. His understanding is, 
 I believe, impaired by the perversion of his heart. There 
 is a fact which very few seem to be apprised of, viz., 
 that a sound mind cannot exist where the morals are un 
 sound. Sinister designs render the view of things oblique. 
 From the Louvre go to Madame de Chastellux s. The 
 Comte de Segur and his amiable daughter-in-law are 
 there. Make a declaration of love to her in jest, which I 
 might have done in earnest ; but as she expects every 
 hour a husband whom she loves, neither the jest nor ear 
 nest would be of consequence." 
 
 Formality seems to have taken no part in the arrange 
 ment of dinner guests, for Morris says, " I go to-day 
 [November Qth] to dine at M. Necker s, and place myself 
 next to Madame de Stael, and as our conversation grows 
 animated, she desires me to speak English, which her hus 
 band does not understand. Afterwards in looking round 
 the table, I observe in him much emotion. I tell her that 
 he loves her distractedly, which she says she knows, and 
 that it renders her miserable. Condole with her a little 
 on her widowhood, the Chevalier de Narbonne being ab- 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 221 
 
 sent in Franche-Comte. Much conversation about the 
 Bishop d Autun. I desire her to let me know if he suc 
 ceeds, because I will, in such case, make advantage of such 
 intelligence in making my court to Madame de Flahaut. 
 A proposition more whimsical could hardly be made to a 
 woman, but the manner is everything, and so it passes. 
 She tells me she rather invites than repels those who in 
 cline to be attentive, and some time after says that perhaps 
 I may become an admirer. I tell her that it is not impos 
 sible ; but, as a previous condition, she must agree not to 
 repel me, which she promises. After dinner I seek a con 
 versation with the husband, which relieves him. He in 
 veighs bitterly against the manners of this country, and 
 the cruelty of alienating a wife s affections. He says that 
 women here are more corrupt in their minds and hearts 
 than in any other way. I regret with him, on general 
 grounds, that prostration of morals which unfits them for 
 good government. Hence, he concludes, and I believe 
 truly, that I shall not contribute towards making him un 
 comfortable. 
 
 " When M. Necker has got rid of those who environ 
 him he takes me into his cabinet, observes that I have 
 stipulated to receive such premium as the court may give 
 for other flour on importation of the first 20,000 barrels. 
 I tell him that he must feel with me the propriety of that 
 stipulation, but that I presume he will not give any pre 
 mium. He says that he disapproves of it, but that so 
 many urge the measure he shall he obliged perhaps to 
 submit, for in the present times they are frequently under 
 the necessity of doing what they know to be wrong. He 
 leaves that stipulation, but he says I ought to be bound 
 in a penalty to deliver the 20,000. I tell him that I cer 
 tainly mean to comply with my contract, but that he also 
 ought to be bound to a penalty. He proposes ^2,000, 
 
222 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 assuring me that it is only to comply with needful forms. 
 I tell him I have no objection to a greater sum, except 
 that I cannot command the elements, and, of course, do 
 not know how long it will be before my letters reach 
 America. He says that they will not exact the penalty 
 on account of the delay of a month or two, upon which we 
 agree. He pauses in amending the agreement, at the 
 binding of the King to a like penalty. I cut the matter 
 short by telling him that I rely on His Majesty s honor 
 and the integrity of his ministers. I tell him that I ex 
 pect he will not extend his orders in America, and he says 
 he will not, but rely on me, for which purpose it is that he 
 wishes the bargain to be such that he may have full confi 
 dence in it. Having signed the agreement, which he is to 
 send to me to-morrow countersigned by the King, I go 
 later to Madame de Chastellux s, make tea for the Duch 
 ess and introduce the eating of a rye bread toast, which is 
 found to be excellent. The Vicomte de Segur comes in 
 and tells us that the Baron de Besenval has discovered 
 that England gives two millions sterling to make mischief 
 in this country. I dispute the matter, which is, I am sure, 
 impossible. He insists with great warmth that it is true, 
 and thence concludes that the tales circulated to the prej 
 udice of the Duke of Orleans are false. There is a great 
 deal of absurdity in all this, and if he makes such a de 
 fence for the Duke everywhere, he will convict him. 
 Madame de Segur takes me aside at going out, to remark 
 on this, and adds her persuasion that the Duke was the 
 distributor of the money given for these wicked purposes. 
 The Comte de Luxembourg asked me, in the course of the 
 evening, what should be done to ameliorate the deplorable 
 situation of France. I tell him, nothing ; that time can 
 alone indicate the proper measures and the proper moment; 
 that those who would accelerate events may get themselves 
 
1789] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 223 
 
 hanged, but cannot alter the course of things ; that if the As 
 sembly become generally contemptible, a new order must 
 naturally arise from that circumstance ; but if they preserve 
 public confidence, they only can restore this country to 
 health and tranquillity, and of consequence no private in 
 dividuals can in the present moment do good. He says 
 he is afraid some persons will be precipitate, and show an 
 armed opposition. I tell him that if any be so mad, they 
 must take the consequence of their rashness, which will be 
 fatal to themselves and to their cause, for that successful op 
 position always confirms authority. This young man de 
 sires to meddle with the state affairs, but he has not yet read 
 the book of man, and though a good mathematician I am 
 told, may yet be a very wretched politician. M. le Nor- 
 mand, whom I see to-day, considers a public bankruptcy 
 here as inevitable, and views a civil war as the necessary 
 consequence." 
 
 " I hear from Mr. Richard [November loth] that the 
 Duke of Orleans offered Beaumarchais 20 per cent, for a 
 loan of 500,000 francs, and that he had since applied to their 
 house for a loan of 300,000 francs, but in both cases without 
 success ; that their house is so pushed for money, they know 
 not how to turn themselves. Go to dinner at Madame La 
 Tour s ; arrive very late, but, luckily, the Comte d Afry 
 and the Bishop d Autun arrive still later. We have a bad 
 dinner and more company than can sit at the table. Ev 
 erything is ennuyeux ; perhaps it arises in a great measure 
 from myself. Go with the Comte d Afry to the repre 
 sentation of Charles Neuf, a tragedy founded on the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew. It is a very extraordinary 
 piece to be represented in a Catholic country. A cardi 
 nal, who excites the king to violate his oaths and murder 
 his subjects, then in a meeting of assassins consecrates 
 their daggers, absolves them from their crimes, and prom- 
 
224 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 ises everlasting felicity, all this with the solemnities of 
 the established religion. A murmur of horror runs 
 through the audience. There are several observations 
 calculated for the present times, and, I think, this piece, 
 if it runs through the provinces, as it probably will, must 
 give a fatal blow to the Catholic religion. My friend the 
 Bishop d Autun has gone a great way towards its destruc 
 tion by attacking the church property. Surely there 
 never was a nation which verged faster towards anarchy. 
 No law, no morals, no principles, no religion. After the 
 principal piece I go to Madame de Laborde s. I am re 
 quested to attend Madame d Angivilier, and, as the devil 
 will have it, they enter on politics at eleven and stay till 
 one, disputing whether the abuses of former times are 
 more grievous than the excesses which are to come." 
 
 " This morning early [November nth] the Comte de 
 Luxembourg comes in and stays all the morning. He 
 presses me hard to promise that I will take a part in the 
 administration of their affairs. This is a mighty strange 
 proposition, particularly from a man who has, I think, no 
 sort of interest, though indisputably of the first family in 
 this country. He drops the idea of a combination which 
 exists, and whose intention is to restore affairs to a better 
 situation, and that he is in their confidence. But two 
 questions naturally arise upon this subject : What they 
 mean by a. better situation ? and whether they be not persons 
 who think they can govern because they wish to govern ? 
 It is possible that this young man may be connected with 
 people of greater maturity on some political intrigue, and 
 may be authorized to talk to me, though I doubt both the 
 one and the other, particularly the latter. I make, how 
 ever, the same answer, which I should do to a more regu 
 lar application, that I am wearied with public affairs ; the 
 prime of my life has been spent in public occupations ; 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 22$ 
 
 my only present wish is to pass the remainder in peace 
 ful retirement among my friends. I add, however, for his 
 own government, that, in my opinion, no change can be 
 operated at present which will be either useful or safe. 
 
 " After he leaves me I go to Madame de Stael s. The 
 Bishop d Autun is here, and I fix with him to dine at Ma 
 dame de Flahaut s with the Marquis de Montesquieu next 
 Friday, for the purpose of discussing M. Necker s plan 
 of finance, which is then to be proposed.* A great deal of 
 light chit-chat here, which amounts to nothing. Madame 
 Dubourg is so kind as to stimulate me a little into con 
 versation with her, and whispers that Madame FAmbas* 
 sadrice fait les doux yeux a M. 1 Eveque, which I had al 
 ready observed, and also that he was afraid I should see 
 too much." 
 
 "I dine to-day [November i2th] with M. de Mont- 
 morin. After dinner converse with him on the situation 
 of affairs. He tells me that their administration has no 
 head, that M. Necker is too virtuous to be at the head, and 
 has too much vanity ; that he himself has not sufficient 
 talents, and if he had he could not undergo the fatigue ; 
 
 * Necker s plan of finance, which Morris frequently mentions, was an 
 effort to induce the National Assembly to consent to the conversion of the 
 Caisse d Escompte into a national bank j. the commissioners to be chosen 
 by the National Assembly ; the notes put successively ins circulation to be 
 fixed at two hundred and forty millions ; the nation, by a special decree of 
 the National Assembly, sanctioned by his Majesty, to guarantee the notes, 
 which were to be stamped with the arms of France- and the legend Garantie 
 Nationale." He also proposed that the capital of the Caisse d Escompte, which 
 represented then thirty millions in circulation and seventy deposited, should 
 be augmented to fifty millions by a creation of twelve thousand five hundred 
 shares payable in silver. Loustalot opposed Necker s scheme on the ground, 
 that it would simply associate the nation in the bankruptcy of the Caisse 
 d Escompte, for if the Caisse d Escompte had the credit, it had no use for a 
 national guarantee, and if the nation had the credit, it was not necessary 
 for the Caisse d Escompte to establish a Caisse Nationale. Bouchez and 
 Roux mention that Necker s project made but little sensation, as several of 
 the journals did not even notice it. 
 
 5 
 
226 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 that as to great measures the King is incapable of them ; 
 and therefore he has no other method of acquiring power 
 but to gain the love of his subjects, to which he is entitled 
 by his goodness of heart. Madame de Flahaut tells me, 
 when I call on her this evening, that she wishes to have 
 her husband appointed minister in America. Has spoken 
 to Montesquieu on the subject, who has applied to Mont- 
 morin, but was told that the place was given ten months 
 ago. I had already told her that it could not be, at least, 
 for the present." 
 
 " To-day [November i3thj I am invited to meet the 
 Bishop d Autun and the Duke de Biron at Madame de 
 Flahaut s, but first to take Madame de Laborde and my 
 fair hostess to visit Notre Dame. The Bishop d Autun 
 and the Duke consider M. Necker absolutely ruined. 
 The Duke tells me that Necker s plan was disapproved of 
 yesterday in the Council, or rather, last evening. Montes- 
 quiou comes in and I go away, as there is a little affair to 
 settle between him and the Bishop. Visit Madame de 
 Corney. Leave her surrounded by two or three persons, 
 one of whom is engaged in the discussion of the proces of 
 M. de Lambesc, accused of the crime of lese nation for 
 wounding a man in the Tuileries on the Sunday preced 
 ing the capture of the Bastille. Return to the Louvre. 
 Madame informs me that the affair is settled between the 
 Bishop and the Marquis. Indeed, it could not be other 
 wise, for it was a falsehood related of the former to the 
 latter, and, of course, a denial put things to rights. Ma 
 dame being ill goes into the bath, and when placed there 
 sends for me. It is a strange place to receive a visit, but 
 there is milk mixed with the water, making it opaque. 
 She tells me that it is usual to receive in the bath, and I 
 suppose it is, for otherwise I should have been the last 
 person to whom it would have been permitted." 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 22? 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Exodus from the ranks of society. Many closed salons. Changed state 
 of feeling. Necker s "plan" for the Caisse d Escompte. The Pope 
 quarrels with the farmers-general. Opposition to Necker. Mirabeau 
 describes the Assembly. Lafayette s ambition. A tedious session. 
 Interview with Necker. Tea at Madame de Laborde s. Plan for 
 dealing with the American debt to France. Necker converses on the 
 constitution then preparing. The Bishop d Autun asks advice as to 
 speaking in the Assembly. A rumor that he is to be appointed Ameri 
 can Minister to the Court of Louis XVI. An evening in Madame de 
 StaeTs salon. Tact of the hostess. Clermont-Tonnerre reads a dis 
 course. Necker speculates as to the issue of one hundred and thirty 
 millions of paper money. The Abbe Delille reads his own verses 
 in Madame de Chastellux s drawing-room. 
 
 BY November society began to feel the exodus from its 
 ranks. The most brilliant salons of a few months 
 back were closed and silent, and their gay inmates lan 
 guishing in foreign lands. In the few that remained 
 open the society forgot that persiflage and coquetry which 
 had been its life. The hostess forgot her tranquil mode 
 of dispensing hospitality while listening to the heated de 
 bate ; and, presiding over her tea-table, was not unlikely, 
 in the excitement of political discussion, ungracefully to 
 spill the scalding liquid over her hands. Men forgot to 
 make k>ve to their hostesses in their eagerness to read to 
 them the latest news in the Gazette, and strangest of all, 
 the women forgot to notice the cessation of compliments 
 and love-making in their zeal to discuss a motion to be 
 made by a deputy, or the latest brochure of a friend. 
 The salon of Madame de Beauharnais still flourished, and 
 
228 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 she, with her pretty, very feminine and enjuponnJ talent, en 
 tirely inoffensive to the amour propre of the sterner sex, 
 continued to draw about her a coterie who bemoaned the 
 insensibility of the world to their literary efforts. Here 
 la liberte et re galitt, those dames d atours of madame, her 
 counsellors les plus intimes, presided. Madame had herself 
 once made two or three jolts mots, and contented herself 
 by repeating them at intervals. Madame also knew how 
 to listen, or appear to listen when she never listened at all, 
 and here literature was the god to which they dedicated 
 themselves ; here Voltaire was crowned. Society must 
 find relief from constant political conversation, and the 
 gaming-table offered the best advantages. It became the 
 resort of the deputy, worn out trying to hear or make him 
 self heard in a disorderly seance, and of the noblesse who 
 played for money for daily expenses ; and so it was that 
 the gaming-table, offering so much to so many, continued 
 through all the shiftings and changes of events and people 
 in Paris, and flourished until the days of the Terror. 
 
 There was now a general unrest, a murmuring and spas 
 modic movement in the streets of Paris one day like 
 those of a dead city ; the next awake with a feverish ex 
 citement, and orators holding forth everywhere. The 
 National Assembly fought over the constitution, Necker 
 struggled with the finances and subsistence, and Camille 
 Desmoulins wrote about and gloated over the disclosures 
 of the Red Book, with its list of fraudulent pensions and 
 its appalling sum-total. 
 
 It was Saturday, November i4th, that M. Necker brought 
 forward his plans for the Caisse d Escompte, which was 
 to convert it into a national bank. " M. d Aguesseau 
 tells me," Morris says, "that Necker proposed his plan 
 with much modesty and diffidence. No opinion can be 
 formed of the reception it will meet with. The Chevalier 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 229 
 
 de Boufflers and the Comte de Thiard, whom I meet at 
 dinner at the Duchess of Orleans s, are neither of them 
 pleased with what is going forward in the Assembly. 
 They are to sit three times a week in the afternoons. Go 
 to the Louvre ; Madame is in bed enrhumte. We have 
 several visitors, Madame Capellis among others, who tells 
 me that the Pope s nuncio is to be of our party next 
 Monday evening, and gives me to understand that he 
 wishes to be acquainted with me. I do not suppose that 
 this arises from any great devotion on my part to the Holy 
 Roman Apostolic See. While I am visiting I am troubled 
 with spasmodic affections of the nervous system which give 
 great pain at times in the stump of my amputated leg, and, 
 in the other leg, an anxious sensation which I conceive to 
 arise from some derangement of the nervous system, and 
 therefore I must expose myself more to the air and take 
 exercise. The wind has blown all night very hard and con 
 tinues high this morning. I think it is from the southwest, 
 and I fear that many have fallen victims to its rage. Gen 
 eral Dalrymple, whom I visit after dinner, tells me that 
 the gale of wind which we have had within these few days 
 has committed dreadful ravages on the British coast, and 
 that his letters announce the destruction of eight hundred 
 men. He considers M. Necker s plan as flat nonsense, 
 and tells me that the bankers he conversed with are of 
 opinion that it is good for nothing. I have read the m- 
 moire, and I think this plan cannot succeed." 
 
 " On Monday at half-past nine call on Madame de Fla- 
 haut to take her to supper with Madame Capellis. She 
 is in bed and very much indisposed. Stay but a few 
 minutes and then go to supper. The nuncio of His Holi 
 ness is not here. It is the day on which his courier de 
 parts. Capellis tells me he wishes to bring us together, 
 because the Pope has quarrelled with the farmers-general 
 
230 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XL 
 
 about the supplies of tobacco formerly taken from them ; 
 that he draws them now from Germany, and he thinks an 
 agreement might be made to furnish his Holiness from 
 America. I doubt much the success of the scheme, for 
 the Pope can only contract from year to year, and the dis 
 tance is such that half the year would be consumed before 
 a leaf of tobacco could arrive. The company here are 
 much disgusted with the actings and doings of the Assem- 
 blee Nationale." 
 
 "To-day [November iyth] I hear the latest American 
 news, which were conveyed by the British September pack 
 et. Mr. Jefferson has been made Secretary of Foreign Af 
 fairs. After some visitors leave, I go to the Chatelet to visit 
 the Baron de Besenval. The old gentleman is much pleased 
 with this attention. We talk politics a little and he takes 
 an opportunity to whisper that we shall soon have a 
 counter-revolution, which I have long considered as in 
 evitable, though I am not sufficiently master of facts to 
 judge from whence it is to arise. Go to club. The Par- 
 lement of Metz have, it seems, acted with more pointed 
 opposition than the Parlement of Rouen, and the Assem- 
 blee will fulminate its decrees in consequence. The 
 Church, the Law, and the Nobility, three bodies inter 
 mediary, which in this kingdom were equally formidable 
 to the King and people, are now placed by the Assemblee 
 in direct hostility, and they have at the same moment, by 
 the influence of ill-grounded apprehension, tied the hands 
 and feet of their natural ally, the King. A very little time 
 must unite the opposition, and when united they will of 
 course place themselves under the banners of the royal 
 authority, and then, farewell Democracy. Go from the 
 club to M. de Montmorin s. Nothing here worthy of at 
 tention. M. d Aguesseau and M. Bonnet dine with us ; 
 the latter wants some information about their affairs in 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 231 
 
 India. I tell him that the way to check Britain in India 
 is to make the Isle of France un port-d armes, and a free 
 port, etc. M. de Montmorin tells us that he proposed 
 this very plan in 1783. M. Bonnet asks me if free ports 
 in France are necessary for us. I tell him that I be 
 lieve not, but on this subject he must consult Mr. Short, 
 who is our representative. He desires an interview, but 
 M. de Montmorin tells him that Mr. Short can have no 
 precise information on the subject. In effect, when this 
 matter was first agitated, Jefferson consulted me, but I 
 chose to preserve the respect due to the representative of 
 America. Visit Madame de Chastellux. She gives me 
 an account of the interior of her family. The Duchess 
 comes in, and the Marechal de Segur. He tells me that 
 Brittany has undergone a sudden change ; the Noblesse 
 and people are united, and they will reject the acts of the 
 Assemblee. M. de Thiard had told us that something of 
 this sort would happen. The Cambrises are also discon 
 tented. Go from thence to the Louvre. Madame is in 
 bed. The Bishop arrives ; he lays down his hat and cane, 
 and takes a chair in the manner of a man determined to 
 stay. He confirms the news from Brittany, and adds that 
 the cochois (?) looks black. This brings to my mind some 
 dark hints communicated by the Comte de Luxembourg 
 about Normandy. I told him, in reply to his apprehen 
 sions about the dismemberment of the kingdom, that if 
 Normandy, Picardy, Flanders, Champagne, and Alsace 
 continued true to the King, His Majesty might easily re 
 duce the remainder of his kingdom." 
 
 "This morning [November i8th] while I am writing La 
 Gaze comes in. He tells me that there was last night a 
 meeting of the actionnaires de la Caisse a Escompte. They 
 have named the commissaires to treat, report, etc., on 
 Necker s plan. The general opinion seems to be opposed to 
 
232 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 the plan, which, indeed, I do not wonder at. Dine with 
 M. de Lafayette on the Quai du Louvre. He does not 
 come in until long after we had sat down to dinner, and 
 yet we did not sit down till five. After dinner I ask him 
 what he thinks of Necker s plan. He says it is the gen 
 eral opinion that it will not go down. He adds that the 
 Bishop d Autun, or somebody else, should come for 
 ward with another. I reply that no man can properly 
 come forward with a plan except the minister, because no 
 other person can know sufficiently all the needful circum 
 stances ; that the present administration must be kept in 
 their seats, because the late resolution of the Assembly 
 prohibits a choice of ministers in their body. He says 
 that he thinks he can for once take a ministry out of the 
 Assemblee, provided he does not name Mirabeau and one 
 or two others. Upon this I observe that I do not know 
 whether the Bishop d Autun and his friends will be so 
 weak as to accept of office in the present wild situation of 
 affairs ; that nothing can be done without the aid of the 
 Assemblee, who are incompetent ; and that, the executive 
 authority being annihilated, there is but little chance of 
 carrying their decrees into effect, even if they could be in 
 duced to decree wisely. He says that Mirabeau has well 
 described the Assemblee, which he calls the Wild Ass ; that 
 in a fortnight they will be obliged to give him authority 
 which he has hitherto declined. He shows clearly in his 
 countenance that it is the wish of his heart. I ask him 
 what authority. He says a kind of dictatorship, such as 
 Generalissimo, he does not exactly know what will be 
 the title. Upon this I tell him again that he ought to 
 discipline his troops, and remind him of a former question, 
 viz., whether they would obey him. He says they will, 
 but immediately turns round and talks to some other per 
 son. Here is a vaulting ambition which o erleaps itself. 
 
i 7 3 9 .] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 233 
 
 This man s mind is so elated by power, already too great 
 for the measure of his abilities, that he looks into the 
 clouds and grasps at the supreme. From this moment 
 every step in his ascent will, I think, accelerate his fall. 
 Leave this place and go to the Louvre. Madame has com 
 pany. Stay till they are gone. The Marquis de Montes- 
 quiou was here when I arrived ; he had just entered. He 
 is running round now to smell the incense which will 
 be offered him for his plan of finance, which was this day 
 communicated to the Assembiee. It goes, as I am told, 
 upon the basis of paying off the national debt by a 
 sale of the church property. I tell Madame that, if 
 this be so, it will prove a bubble, for the reasons long 
 since assigned to the Bishop d Autun. The reliance on 
 this fund was the radical defect of his plan. Go hence 
 to the apartments of Madame de Chastellux. She tells 
 me that the Marquis de Lafayette intends to imitate 
 Washington and retire from public service as soon as 
 the constitution is established. Perhaps he may be 
 lieve this himself, but nothing is more common than to 
 deceive ourselves. Sup at Madame de Laborde s. The 
 Comte de Luxembourg tells me that the opposition made 
 in some districts to the recalling of the Gardes dti Corps 
 has prevented the execution of a plan. I do not ask 
 him what it is, because I do not wish to know. He tells 
 me that M. de Lafayette committed a great imprudence 
 in telling him aloud, in the hearing of many persons, that 
 he could not be charged with preventing it. I collect from 
 this only that there is much latent animosity against 
 him, and that while he is building his castle others are 
 employed in mining the foundation." 
 
 "This morning [November i9th], while the Comte d Es- 
 taing is with me, I receive a note from M. Le Coulteux. He 
 has been three hours yesterday with M. Necker and the 
 
234 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 Committee of Subsistence. He says that M. Necker will 
 treat with me for wheat at six shillings, but I can obtain 
 six shillings and sixpence, and that he has fixed an inter 
 view for me with Necker at seven this evening. He is 
 obliged to go abroad, therefore desires me to consider of 
 the means of execution, and call on him before I go to M. 
 Necker s. After a walk through the Champs Elysees, I 
 go to the Palais Royal and dine with the Duchess of 
 Orleans. Thence to the Louvre to get a ticket, which the 
 Bishop was to procure for the Assemblee of to-morrow. 
 Receive it, and go to M. Le Coulteux s. Converse about 
 the means of executing a contract, if any is made. He 
 cannot furnish credit or money, etc. See M. Necker. 
 He, I find, expects from me a pointed proposal, and tells 
 me that M. Le Coulteux had named the quantity I would 
 deliver, the price, and the terms. I tell him there is some 
 misunderstanding, and take my leave." 
 
 " This morning [November 2oth] I rise early and go to 
 the Assemblee. Stay there till four. A tedious session, 
 from which I derived a violent headache. Mirabeau and 
 Dupont are the two speakers on M. Necker s plan who 
 command the most attention, but neither of them, in my 
 opinion, derives honor from the manner of treating it. 
 Probably it will be adopted, and if so, it will be, I think, 
 fatal to their finances, and completely derange them for 
 some time to come. Sup at Madame de Stael s ; give her 
 my opinion of the speeches of this morning, and show 
 one or two things in which M. Dupont was mistaken. 
 She does not like this, because he supported her father s 
 plan, which she declares to be necessary." 
 
 "Dine to-day [November 24th] with the Prince de 
 Broglio. The Comte de Segur dines with us. A pleasant 
 company. The Bishop is of the number. After dinner I 
 give him some hints as to the objection made by many to 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 235 
 
 the opposers of M. Necker s plan, because they do not 
 come forward with a better. Go from hence to M. Neck 
 er s. The mayor and the Committee of Subsistence waiting 
 to speak with him. Send in my name, and in consequence 
 he comes out to the antechamber. I tell him that I can 
 not undertake to furnish him with wheat ; that I must 
 either ask for it an extravagant price or risk a loss ; that 
 I do not choose the first, and will not incur the second ; 
 that if he has any other plan for obtaining it, in which I 
 can be useful, he may command me. He is a little disap 
 pointed at this intelligence. Leave him, and pay my re 
 spects to Madame Necker. Leave here and go to the 
 Louvre. The insurgents in Brabant seem to be in a fair 
 way to success. The Imperialists are in possession of 
 Bruxelles only, and are besieged there. Madame de Fla- 
 haut, as becomes a faithful ally to the Emperor, quells all 
 insurgency on my part. Shortly after M. de Thiard comes 
 in. He gives us some account of what has passed in 
 Brittany. Among other things, it happened that the mu 
 nicipalities quarrelled about subsistence, and the matter 
 went so far as to use force on each side. Each in con 
 sequence gave orders to a regiment to march against 
 the other, for in each a regiment happened to be quar 
 tered. Luckily, a compromise took place ; but this is the 
 first-fruits of the new constitution of armies and municipal 
 ities. There will be many others of the like kind, for, when 
 mankind are resolved to disregard as vulgar prejudice 
 every principle which has hitherto been established by 
 experience for the government of man, endless inconsist 
 encies must be expected. Sup here. Make tea for Ma 
 dame de Laborde. Madame de Flahaut complains that 
 she has not a handsome sugar-dish for her tea-equipage. 
 This is by way of introduction to the story that she (who 
 pretends to be very avaricious) would not accept of one 
 
236 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 as a present from me, and that Madame de Laborde, who 
 pretends to be disinterested, accepted a handsome cup 
 and saucer. In fact, the latter was done in consequence 
 of her urgency. I insist that this conduct arises from 
 pure malice, and write with my pencil the following : 
 
 Clara, your avarice you boast, 
 
 And boast, too, your good nature ; 
 I know not which you prize the most, 
 
 I guess which is the greater. 
 
 The proffered present you refuse, 
 
 But make your friend receive ; 
 For what she takes you her abuse, 
 
 And me, for what you leave. 
 
 This has been a fine day, clear but cold. The ice remained 
 all day in the shade." 
 
 " Go to see [November 26th] Madame de Brehan and 
 M. de Moustier, who are just returned from America. 
 Converse with her a considerable time, always inquiring 
 news of my country, and she desirous of obtaining the 
 state of her own ; natural on both sides, but of course 
 much variegated. M. de Moustier has much to say about 
 the American debt, and gives reason to believe that no 
 bargain can be made for it. I call on the Marechal de 
 Segur, who is ill with the gout. Some conversation about 
 the proposed reduction of the pensions. I disapprove of 
 it, and this disapprobation, which with me is sincere, suits 
 very well with the ideas of the Marechal, who is one of the 
 most considerable pensioners. See De Moustier again to 
 night at Madame de La Suze s. He is now well pleased 
 with America and believes in her good disposition and 
 resources ; is charged with the request on her part that 
 this Court will make no negotiation whatever for the debt, 
 but will postpone the instalments for three years longer, 
 and then the interest beginning with the next year shall 
 be regularly provided for. I tell him that I think M. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 237 
 
 Necker s plan of borrowing on it in Holland is liable to a 
 great objection ; viz., that the Dutch will not probably 
 lend without being so authorized on the part of the 
 United States as to have a claim upon them, because 
 otherwise the Government of America might pay the 
 amount to France, and refuse to pay anything to Dutch 
 individuals. He says he has already spoken to the Comte 
 de Montmorin on this subject, and to some members of 
 the States-General ; that he will speak also to M. Necker 
 whenever he desires it. This will certainly interfere with 
 our former plan, and oblige us either to change or to 
 abandon it. After a long conversation with him, and much 
 amity from him and the Marquise, I take my leave. 
 
 "See M. Laurent Le Coulteux and tell him the plan 
 which has been digested, of offering for the debt to France 
 as much of the French stocks as would produce the same 
 interest. He is so pleased with it that he offers himself to 
 be the negotiator, provided he can have sufficient security 
 in Holland. This is vastly obliging. Agree to meet at 
 Cantaleu s this evening. Go to Van Staphorst s. Tell 
 him the objection brought by Moustier to the negotia 
 tion which M. Necker has proposed in Holland. He tells 
 us a proposition made to him by Lafayette to act as spy 
 for discovery of intrigues of the aristocratic party, by 
 which, says Lafayette, a civil war may be prevented. We 
 advise Van Staphorst to decline that honorable mission. 
 Parker adds that it should be declined verbally, so as to 
 leave no written trace of the negotiation. I leave them 
 together and return home to dress. The Comte de Lux 
 embourg comes in and tells me a great deal of news, which 
 I forget as fast as I hear it. He has a world of projects, 
 too, but I give him one general opinion upon the whole, 
 that he and his friends had better take measures for influ 
 encing the next elections. This afternoon I see Canta- 
 
238 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 leu ; he seems to think that De Moustier s intelligence is 
 fatal to our project. We have a great deal of useless talk ; 
 at length it ends with my desire to Cantaleu that he 
 should find out the impression made by De Moustier, 
 and my promise to talk to Necker on the subject. 
 
 " Dine at the Louvre with Madame de Flahaut. The 
 Bishop and his intimate friend, the Due de Biron, are of 
 the party. The Bishop asks my opinion of the American 
 debt. I tell him that I think well of it ; it is a debt which 
 ought to be paid. The Due de Biron says that he thinks 
 it will be paid, and I agree with him in opinion. I tell the 
 Bishop that there is a proposition to be presented to M. 
 Necker for liquidation of it with French effets bearing 
 an equivalent interest. He thinks that the offer ought to 
 be accepted. After dinner, visit the Comte de Montmorin ; 
 mention to him the proposition of paying the debt with 
 effets. He desires money. He says that they have no 
 doubt of receiving payment from the United States, but 
 that they want now to receive money." 
 
 "The Comte de Luxembourg comes [November 28th], 
 and detains me a long time for nothing. Tells me, however, 
 that the party of the Nobles are determined to be quiet. 
 This is the only wise conduct. A message from Madame 
 Necker to dine with her ; I presume that this is for the 
 purpose of talking about a supply of wheat which I en 
 gaged for. Go to M. Necker s, and am introduced into his 
 cabinet. He broaches a conversation on the constitution. 
 I declare my opinion that what they are now framing is 
 good for nothing, and assign my reasons. He makes some 
 inquiries respecting the American Constitution, which I 
 reply to. Ask him about wheat and tell him the manner 
 in which I would have executed a contract for it had I 
 conceived such contract prudent. I tell him that I shall 
 lose by the contract for flour, but that nevertheless it shall 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 239 
 
 be executed. Ask him how he stands as to his loan in 
 Holland. He says he has some propositions. I tell him 
 that I shall make him some which will be agreeable, per 
 haps, and then go into the salon, that he may read a long 
 piece of writing just put into his hands. Madame de 
 Stael comes in, who reproaches me for forsaking her ; I 
 apologize, and promise to sup next Wednesday. We have 
 a good deal of random conversation. Dine, and after din 
 ner tell M. Necker that a person from London gives me 
 information respecting the debt which, added to other 
 things, will enable me to make him a good offer when he 
 has finished with other people. He says we will talk 
 about it in his cabinet when I go away. We retire thith 
 er, and then I offer him as much of capital in their rentes 
 perpetudles as will make the interest of i,6oo,ooof. now 
 payable by the United States. He thinks the proposition 
 a good one, but says he must have half money. I tell 
 him no, that is too much ; he says the sacrifice of the in 
 terest is too great, and will expose the bargain to severe 
 criticism. He seems to think that the report of Moustier 
 is not of sufficient weight to prevent the prosecution of 
 his plan in Holland. We finally part, he saying we must 
 wait." 
 
 "To-day [December ist] I prepare a note to make M. 
 Necker an offer for the debt, which I think he cannot re 
 fuse. Dine with M. Boutin ;* pretty large company and a 
 very good dinner ires recherche". I have a good deal of con 
 versation with the Comte de Moustier. He is preparing 
 
 * M. Boutin, who had filled the offices of Collector General of the Revenue, 
 Councillor of State, and Paymaster of the Navy, had made, at an enormous 
 expense, a garden, which he called " Tivoli," but for which the popular 
 appellation was La Folie-Boutin. It was a ravishing garden, with surprises 
 in the way of grottoes, shrubbery, and statues at every turn, and a pavilion 
 furnished with princely luxury. In this bewildering place M. Boutin gave 
 suppers no less sumptuous than the surroundings. 
 
240 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 a letter about the American debt, and shows me the heads 
 of it. I tell him my plan, though not in detail, and he likes 
 it because it tends to defeat the views of M. Duer and his 
 associates, Claviere and Warville. I hear that Mr. Short 
 is much pleased that I have determined to propose a plan, 
 and will call on me to-morrow. The Marquis de Lafa 
 yette has spoken to Necker, and the latter has promised not 
 to conclude any agreement without a previous communi 
 cation to Mr. Short. Arrive very late at the Louvre. 
 Communicate to the Bishop my plan for the debt, which 
 I tell him I will show him, and which, if refused by M. 
 Necker, may probably come before the Assembly. On 
 Thursday evening we are to meet at Madame de Flahaut s, 
 to consider the discourse he will pronounce on Friday 
 morning." 
 
 "This morning [December 2d] Mr. Short calls and I 
 show him the proposition I mean to make to M. Necker. 
 He is much pleased with it. I tell him that if he approves 
 of it I wish he would undertake to recommend it to the 
 United States, as he must see that it will promote their 
 interest. He tells me that his recommendation can have 
 but little weight, as I must know, but that, if necessary, 
 he will urge the adoption of it here. He presses me to 
 make the proposition immediately. I tell him that I 
 mean to show it to Lafayette, and for that purpose to dine 
 with him. He likes this. He sets me down at Lafa 
 yette s, who arrives sooner than usual from the Hotel de 
 Ville, and has but little company. I communicate my 
 plan, which he also is pleased with. I then tell him 
 something of the Bishop d Autun s plan. He tells me 
 that the Bishop is to call upon him Friday evening. He 
 says that Necker must be kept for the sake of his name." 
 
 " Have much conversation to-day [December 3d] with 
 various persons on speculations they propose in the debt. 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 241 
 
 Dine at the Palais Royal at a restaurateur s. Dr. Senf tells 
 me that the affairs of Brabant are going on well, that the 
 other Imperial provinces will soon join, that a declaration 
 of independence will be the immediate consequence, and 
 that a treaty with England and Prussia will speedily fol 
 low. This I believe, because it is probable. Take Ma 
 dame de Flahaut to the Comedie Frangaise. Return to 
 the Louvre. The Bishop comes in, according to agree 
 ment. He asks my opinion whether or not to speak to 
 morrow in the Assemblee, and tells me the substance of 
 what he means to say. I make some observations on the 
 heads of his discourse. Advise him to speak, but confine 
 himself as much as possible to the line of objections ; 
 add some reasons to be given to the Assemblee for not pro 
 posing a plan. Urge him to treat the Caisse d Escompte 
 with great tenderness; to blame the administrators as 
 such for their imprudence in lending the Government 
 more than their capital, but excuse them at the same time 
 as citizens for their patriotism ; treat the arrearage to them 
 beyond the first loan of 70,000,000 f. as a sacred debt, de 
 manding preference of all others ; criticise M. Necker s 
 plan very lightly if it is like to fall, but if he thinks it will 
 be adopted, very severely ; to deal much in predictions as 
 to the fatal effects of paper money, the agiotage (stock-job 
 bing) which must ensue, and the prostration of morals 
 arising from that cause ; finally, the danger which must 
 follow to the public, and the advantage to a future admin 
 istrator who shall think proper to speculate in the paper 
 or funds ; that these observations become him as a clergy 
 man and as a statesman, and they will be the more proper 
 as his enemies charge him with sinister designs of this 
 sort. He goes away to consider, as he says, whether he 
 shall say anything. I urge again that, when he comes into 
 the ministry, he will want the Caisse d Escompte, and tell 
 16 
 
242 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 him at the same time to remove from the mind of Lafayette 
 the idea that he is connected with the Duke of Orleans." 
 
 " Go to M. de Montmorin s [December 4th] and meet, ac 
 cording to appointment, the Comte de Moustier and Ma 
 dame de Brehan. Show him my proposition intended for M. 
 Necker. He seems not fully to approve. I rather think that 
 he withholds assent because he thinks it like to be very suc 
 cessful, but I may be deceived. At going away the Comte 
 de Montmorin asks why I depart so soon. I tell him that 
 I am going to M. Necker s, etc. ; that if he chooses I will 
 communicate to him my proposition, not as a minister but 
 as a friend. He asks to see it, examines it with attention, 
 requires explanations, and finally approves it much, and 
 offers to speak to M. Necker on the subject. I desire him 
 not, lest M. Necker should think I have been deficient in 
 respect. Go to M. Necker s ; he is gone to council. Con 
 verse with Madame in such a way as to please her. She 
 asks me to dine to-morrow. I mention my prior engage 
 ment, but say I will come after dinner, as I wish to see M. 
 Necker. She tells me I had better corne to dinner. I 
 will if I can. Go to the opera. After a while the Comte 
 de Luxembourg comes into the loge. He has something 
 to say of politics. I take Madame de Flahaut home. 
 The Comte de Luxembourg comes in ; he takes her aside 
 and has a conversation, the purport whereof is to offer to 
 the Bishop the support of the aristocratic faction. I doubt 
 much his being authorized to make this offer. Leave them 
 together, and go to Madame de StaeTs. Music here. She 
 sings and does everything to impress the heart of the 
 Comte de Segur. Her lover, De Narbonne, is returned. 
 Segur assures me of his fidelity to his wife. I join heart 
 ily in praise of her, and truly assure him that I love her as 
 much for her children as for her own sake, and she is cer 
 tainly a very lovely woman. After supper De Narbonne 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 243 
 
 tells us that he is authorized by Franche Comte to accuse 
 the Comitt des Recherches. This committee is very like 
 what was called in the State of New York the Tory Com 
 mittee, of which Duer was a leading memb.er, a committee 
 for detecting and defeating all conspiracies, etc. Thus it 
 is that mankind in similar situations always adopt a corre 
 spondent conduct. I had some conversation before sup 
 per with the Comte de Segur, who disapproves of the 
 Bishop s oration, and so, indeed, do most others. And 
 they blame particularly those things which I had advised 
 him to alter. He has something of the author about him. 
 But the tender attachment to our literary productions is 
 by no means suitable to a minister : to sacrifice great ob 
 jects for the sake of small ones is an inverse ratio of moral 
 proportion. Leave Madame de StaeTs early. Set down 
 M. de Bonnet, who tells me that I am to succeed Mr. 
 Jefferson. I tell him that if the place is offered it will be 
 difficult for me not to accept, but that I wish it may not 
 be offered." 
 
 " This morning [December 5th], Mr. Parker calls and 
 tells me that Necker will treat upon the terms I am to 
 propose. He says that he is convinced, from the conver 
 sation he has had with Ternant, that Necker would not 
 have been permitted to deal for the debt under par, and 
 that therefore no agreement could have taken effect un 
 less concluded privately. Go to Madame Necker s to 
 dine. Madame de Stael comes in, and at the instigation 
 of her husband asks me to dine next Wednesday. At 
 dinner we converse pretty freely of political subjects and, 
 in consequence of an observation I make, Necker exclaims 
 in English, Ridiculous nation ! He does not know that 
 my servant understands English. After dinner in the 
 salon I take him aside, to ask if he has considered my 
 proposition. He tells me that a Colonel Ternant has a 
 
244 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 plan. I tell him that the one I now give is the same, that 
 my last proposition was the utmost that the houses here 
 would agree to, and therefore what I now offer is without 
 their participation. He asks if we are prepared to lay 
 down the French effets. I tell him no. He says he can 
 not listen to propositions which give him no solid secu 
 rity. I reply that no house in Europe is sufficient for so 
 large a sum, and therefore security as such is nonsense, 
 but that he shall run no risk, for he shall not part with 
 the effets till he receives payment. He objects that he 
 will still have no certainty of the payment, and wants to 
 know how I shall make the operation. I tell him that it 
 is by means of our connections in America and in Hol 
 land, that we can do the business better than he can, and 
 therefore we can give him better terms than he can ob 
 tain from others. He insists that the proposition shall be 
 supported by solid security before he will consider it ; I 
 tell him that this is not just, that there are two points for 
 his consideration : First, whether the offer is good, and, 
 secondly, whether he is sufficiently secured ; that if the 
 offer is not good, it is useless to talk of security, but if it 
 be such as he ought to accept, then it will be proper to 
 know what kind of responsibility will be sufficient. In 
 the meantime it would render me ridiculous to ask secu 
 rity for performance of a bargain not made. To this he 
 replies that if I once get his promise I shall make use of 
 it as a ground to negotiate upon and go about knocking 
 at the doors of different people. This is not a very deli 
 cate comparison. I reply in a tone of dissatisfaction, 
 mingled perhaps with a little pride, that I shall knock at 
 no doors but such as are already open to me. Our con 
 versation is loud, he makes it so purposely, and at this 
 point Madame de Stael, with the good-natured intention 
 of avoiding ill-humor, desires me to send her father to sit 
 
1789-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 245 
 
 next to her. I tell her, smiling, that it is a dangerous 
 task to send away M. Necker, and those who tried it once 
 had sufficient cause to repent it. This latter observation 
 brings back good-humor, and he seems inclined to talk 
 further with me, but I take no further notice of him, and, 
 after chatting a little with different people, I take leave. 
 Go to Parker s and tell him what has passed, which of 
 course disappoints him not a little. We consider of what 
 is next to be done, and, after canvassing the matter a good 
 deal, agree that we will sleep upon it, and give him time 
 to cool." 
 
 " This morning [December 6th] Mr. Parker comes and 
 tells me that Colonel Ternant says Necker shall be 
 forced to accept the proposition. He will meet me this 
 day at the Comte de Montmorin s at dinner. Go to Ma 
 dame de Flahaut s. We converse on affairs ; the Bishop re 
 grets much that he did not follow my advice. She cen 
 sured severely last night his advisers, in the presence of 
 M. de Suzeval, who is one of the principal ones. He ac 
 knowledged that he had done wrong, and regretted his 
 weakness. The Comte de Luxembourg, who was to have 
 been of her party for dinner, sends an apology, and we 
 then agree that I shall stay and dine in order to converse 
 with the Bishop about Laborde s plan of finance. The 
 Bishop arrives, and tells me what has passed on the sub 
 ject. It appears that M. Laborde has behaved with mean 
 ness and treachery. The plan is Panchaut s. It was de 
 livered to Laborde by the Bishop to consider of the 
 practicability in a pecuniary point of view, and with a 
 declaration that he desired to obtain by that means a pro 
 vision for Panchauts family, who are indigent. After 
 many conferences, Laborde declared that the two hundred 
 millions required could not be obtained. In consequence 
 the Bishop made the declarations contained in his speech, 
 
246 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 and M. Laborde came forward the next day with his plan, 
 which requires three hundred millions, and criticised what 
 had been said by his friend. The plan seems to be very 
 much like what I had thought of, and Madame de Fla- 
 haut, to whom I had given this morning a few outlines of 
 my scheme, was astonished at the resemblance or, rather, 
 at the identity. Consider some notes, etc., which the 
 Bishop is about to add to his speech now in press. I 
 then communicate to him my plan for the American debt. 
 But first I ask whether a caisse d escompte will be 
 established, and whether the American debt will be trans 
 ferred to it as a part of the fund. He tells me that he thinks 
 both will be done. I tell him that I wish they may, and then 
 state to him M. Necker s conversation with me, and remark 
 on the folly of asking from an individual adequate secu 
 rity to the amount of forty millions. He agrees with me 
 entirely, and I think that M. Necker will sooner or later 
 have reason to regret that he treated my offer with so 
 much contempt. Immediately after dinner I go to M. de 
 Montmorin s. He is engaged in conversation with a gen 
 tleman who detains him until he is obliged to retire to his 
 bureau. Go and sit with Madame de Corney some time, 
 and explain the nature of my agreement for flour, as I 
 find that De Corney had been informed of a contract I had 
 made with the city and which does not exist. He might 
 have supposed that I did not deal candidly with him. Go 
 hence to Madame Dumolley s. Some political conversa 
 tion, with a degree of heat that is inconceivable among so 
 polite a people. Thence to the Louvre, where I stay till 
 near twelve. A large company. I tell the Bishop what 
 has passed with De Cantaleu, for which he is much obliged 
 to me." 
 
 "To-day [December 8th], while I am calling on M. de 
 Montmorin, who is trying to discover Necker s reasons 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 247 
 
 against the proposition, De Moustier comes in. He says 
 that he has just delivered a letter to the porter on the sub 
 ject of the American debt ; that all negotiation upon it 
 must be deferred. I think he has endeavored to throw 
 cold water on my plan. Tell Colonel Ternant so, who says 
 that he should equally oppose it in any other circum 
 stances, but that the distresses of France form a sufficient 
 reason now for the adoption." 
 
 " On Wednesday at three I dine with Madame de Stae l. 
 After dinner M. Clermont-Tonnerre reads us a discourse 
 he intends to deliver in the Assemblee. It is very elo 
 quent and much admired. I make, however, one or two 
 observations on the reasoning, which bring the company 
 to an opinion adverse to his. He goes away mortified, 
 and thus I think I have made an enemy. We shall see. 
 Go to the Carrousel, and stay till twelve. The company is 
 large and I employ the time in reading. The Comte de 
 Luxembourg tells me that some persons meditate a mas 
 sacre of the King, Queen, and Nobles. I tell him that I 
 do not believe it." 
 
 "To-day [December i2th], dine with the Duchess at the 
 Palais Royal. Afterwards take Madame de Flahaut to 
 the opera * Didon, with the Chercheuse d esprit, a ballet. 
 These form anything except rational amusement. M. 
 Necker s chief clerk, who was the other day at M. de Mont- 
 morin s, assured M. de Montmorin that he thought my 
 proposal for the debt such as the minister ought to adopt. 
 A small company at the Louvre ; we sup, and I leave them 
 together at play. The Bishop d Autun says the committee 
 have been engaged all this evening with M. Necker in 
 considering how one hundred and thirty millions of paper 
 can be issued with the least inconveniency. The affairs 
 are in a sad condition indeed, and I think they will not 
 mend speedily." 
 
248 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 " After dinner to-day [December i3th], go to the Lou 
 vre and find my amiable friend in tears. She has been to 
 see her religieuse, who is ill and suffering from a scorbutic 
 complaint, and suffering from the neglect of her sister 
 nuns also. She reproaches herself with not having been 
 to pay her a visit for several days, by which means she 
 was ignorant of her situation. She has given orders for a 
 better treatment. I administer all the consolation in my 
 power, and that consists first in sympathy, which is very 
 sincere ; then in attenuating the evil. I then take her to 
 the opera, and leave her there." 
 
 "At Madame de Chastellux s to-day [December i4th], 
 we have a large breakfast party, and the Abbe Delille 
 reads or rather repeats to us some of his verses, which are 
 fine and well delivered. Go to the Louvre. The Bishop 
 is there ; he mentions a plan for issuing billets d 1 Etat bear 
 ing interest. I show him the folly of such a measure. 
 He says it is a plan of Montesquiou s, to which I reply 
 that, as none of the plans likely to be adopted are good 
 they may as well take that of M. Necker, since otherwise 
 they enable his friends to say that the mischief arises from 
 not having followed his advice ; that, besides, if paper 
 money be issued, that of the Caisse is quite as good as 
 any other. He says that by taking a bad step France 
 may be ruined. I tell him that is impossible, and he may 
 tranquillize himself about it ; that whenever they resort to 
 taxation credit will be restored, and, the credit once re 
 stored, it will be easy to put the affairs of the Caisse in 
 order. Go to the Palais Royal, not having been able to 
 leave Madame de Flahaut till four. I arrive when dinner 
 is half over. After dinner the Abbe Delille entertains 
 us with some further repetitions. Go to club, and thence 
 to the Comte de Moustier s. Sit a while with him, and Ma 
 dame de Brehan. Go together to Madame de Puisignieu s. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 249 
 
 Spend the evening. Conversation chiefly with De Mous- 
 tier. I find that, notwithstanding public professions as 
 to the public proceedings of America, both De Moustier 
 and Madame de Brehan have a thorough dislike to the 
 country and its inhabitants. The society of New York is 
 not sociable, the provisions of America are not good, the 
 climate is very damp, the wines are abominable, the peo 
 ple are excessively indolent." 
 
250 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XII. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The opera. Gardell and Vestris. Strictures on the character of the peo 
 ple of France. The Caisse Patriotique opened. Paris gay with uni 
 forms. People sacrifice their jewels for the public benefit. Morris 
 disapproves of Necker s plan of finance. Resolutions passed in the 
 Assembly which affect Protestants. The public debt. The king s 
 brother goes to the Commons. Monsieur and the Favras conspiracy. 
 Lafayette intriguing deeply. Morris makes punch for the society 
 at Madame de Vannoise s. His first suggestion of settling the 
 banks of the St. Lawrence. Asked for information about America. 
 Ceremony of saluting the ladies with a kiss on New Year s eve. 
 
 THE opera to-night [December i5th] is a new one, 
 and very good. I take Madame de Flahaut to en 
 joy it with me. It has as little of the inevitable evil of an 
 opera as can easily be supposed, but the radical vices re 
 main ; the scenery is fine. After the opera, Gardell and 
 then Vestris exhibit their muscular genius. The latter 
 seems almost to step on air. It is a prodigious piece of 
 human mechanism. Take M. and Madame Robert (the 
 painter) from the opera, and go afterwards to the Louvre. 
 M. St. Priest is here. We are to sup trio. The Vicomte 
 de St. Priest comes in a coxcomb, and, what is worse, an 
 old one. The conversation is dull." 
 
 "To-day [December i6th] I hear that the Comte de 
 Montmorin says M. Necker is ready to accept my pro 
 posal as soon as a solid house in Europe will come for 
 ward with the offer ; that the plan I have offered suits 
 (as M. de Montmorin says) this government exactly, and 
 must be very well if it suits the United States as well. At 
 Madame de Laborde s I am introduced to Madame d Houde- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2$ I 
 
 tot, who is the protectrice of Crevecceur, who is much 
 courted by the academicians, who was the only beloved 
 of Rousseau, who had at the same time another lover, a 
 happy one, and who is, I think, one of the ugliest women 
 I ever saw, even without her squint, which is of the worst 
 kind. 
 
 " Madame de Flahaut tells me to-night that Montesquieu 
 will propose to-morrow a plan of finance, which consists 
 in issuing a large sum of billets d Etat bearing interest ; 
 but if the report of the committee to be made by Le Can- 
 taleu is adopted by acclamation, Montesquiou will be 
 silent. He and the Bishop were with her this evening 
 and they discussed the matter together. She asks my 
 opinion. I tell her it is good for nothing, and give one or 
 two reasons. I add that the more reasonable their plan, 
 the more unreasonable is their conduct in offering it. 
 But the character of this country is precipitation, not 
 to mention the vaulting ambition which o erleaps itself. 
 There is, besides, a spur to prick the sides of their intent 
 with all the sharpness of necessity, for both these gentle 
 men are not a little out at elbows. The Marquis de Mon 
 tesquiou comes in. He tells me the plan of finance re 
 ported by the committee and that which he means to move 
 in substitution. The first is complicated, and it would 
 seem that the farmers have, by bewildering, convinced 
 themselves. The second is simple, but liable to a little ob 
 jection which the author had overlooked ; I state it. He 
 endeavors to obviate it ; in effect, he feels attached to his 
 plan, which is natural, but if adopted, I think it will work 
 evil to him as well as to the country, for the paper money 
 must depreciate. He asks whether, in my opinion, the 
 paper proposed by the committee will sustain its value. I 
 tell him no, but that he had better let the plan of his op 
 ponents do the mischief. He seems to be convinced 
 
252 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XII. 
 
 against his will, and therefore, according to Hudibras, is, 
 I presume, of the same opinion still." 
 
 On the 1 7th of December the report of the ten com 
 missioners was presented to the Assembly. On the ipth, 
 Morris says : " The Bishop just come from the Assem- 
 blee ; says they have passed tumultuously the plan of 
 the committee grounded on the plan of M. Necker. He 
 seems much dissatisfied with it." Necker s plan adopted, 
 the Caisse Patriotique was opened, and into it flowed 
 every imaginable thing, of great or small value precious 
 stones, articles of jewellery, "mouches" boxes, some time 
 since abandoned by the ladies. Great ladies sacrificed their 
 jewels, and adorned themselves with ribbons instead. 
 Madame de Genlis and Madame de Bulard, to give em 
 phasis to their patriotic feelings, wore pieces of the stone 
 of the Bastille set in laurel leaves, pinned on with a forest 
 of ribbons of the three colors. The king and queen con 
 tributed their share, in gold plates and dishes of great 
 value. A spasm of generosity possessed all ranks, and 
 rivalled the soldier fever, which for months had been 
 strong, and had filled the streets of Paris with the most 
 fantastic costumes imaginable, of which red, green, and 
 gold epaulets were a brilliant feature. Each district had 
 its distinctive color and mode, but all united in car 
 rying the tricolor, in the manufacture of which all the 
 available material in Paris seems to have been sacrificed. 
 During the last month of 1789 a loan of eighty millions 
 was made to the Caisse d Escompte. As to the new plan, 
 the diary says : 
 
 "At Madame de Segur s this morning [December 2oth] 
 her brother, M. d Aguesseau asked my opinion of the new 
 plan of finance. I gave it very candidly, but find from 
 Madame Chastellux this evening that it made a very som 
 bre impression upon his mind. M. de Montmorin tells 
 
J7 8 9 .] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 253 
 
 me that M. Necker is pleased with my proposition, and 
 willing to treat with me, provided I can show that I am au 
 thorized by persons of sufficient property in Europe to 
 create a due responsibility. I communicate to him what 
 passed with M. Necker, and, if I can judge rightly of this 
 conversation, the Count at least (and probably M. Necker) 
 is desirous of bringing this business to a conclusion. He 
 asks me if he may speak to M. Necker about it. I tell 
 him yes, and that I will take an opportunity one day to 
 call at M. Necker s coffee, and converse with him if he 
 chooses." 
 
 "The Assemblee passed to-day [December 24th] a reso 
 lution which gives the Protestants admission (by neces 
 sary implication) to the offices of state. The Bishop is 
 much pleased with it, but said nothing in its support. I 
 advise him to have his conduct remarked in some of the 
 journals, because that his order is already against him, 
 and therefore he must secure the interest of those who are 
 against his order." 
 
 " M. de Moustier tells me to-day [December 25th] that 
 some persons were arrested last night in consequence of a 
 plot formed to assassinate M. de Lafayette, M. Bailly, and 
 M. Necker, and to carry the King off into Picardy. I don t 
 believe a word of the plot. It will, however, serve a certain 
 purpose to the inventors. Moustier tells me further that 
 Necker is prepared to accept my offer, and vaunts much 
 his services in the business, all which I know how to esti 
 mate at the just value. The conversation at Madame de 
 Chastellux s this Christmas evening is sensible, but not mar- 
 quante. The Comtesse de Segur tells me that M. du 
 Fresne, who is M. Necker s right-hand man, says that his 
 chief is not equal to his business. The Duchess comes in, 
 and Mr. Short. I tell him of Moustier s eagerness to show 
 his utility to America, and add that certainly if the plan 
 
254 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XII. 
 
 takes effect it must be attributed to him, Parker, and myself. 
 Go to Madame de Guibert s to supper. After supper a 
 question is agitated respecting the Dauphin, father to 
 Louis Seize and the Due de Choiseul, which leads to the 
 subject of poisons. M. de Laborde mentions a very ex 
 traordinary kind of poison as being notorious, and de 
 tailed in the dictionary of medicines. It consists in fat 
 tening a hog with portions of arsenic, and then distilling 
 his flesh, which gives a poisonous water of slow but sure 
 effect. He appeals, then, to the Count de Thiare for the 
 truth of this extraordinary fact. A lady at court asked 
 for a glass of water. It was brought, and she drank it. 
 Immediately she burst into tears, declaring that she was 
 poisoned, and told the King, It is that villain/ point 
 ing to one of his attendants, who has done it. The 
 King rallied her on the subject, but she went away greatly 
 distressed, and died in about eight days. The person she 
 had designated asked leave, in the interim, to go and look 
 after his affairs in Savoie, went off, and was never heard 
 of. We afterwards get upon finance, and M. de Guibert, 
 who loves to hear himself talk, says a good deal to prove 
 that he knows but little. He is, however, a violent Neck- 
 erist. I leave this house before twelve, being not very 
 well. It has been a fine day, but Paris, on this great fes 
 tival of the nativity, shows how much she has fallen by 
 the revolution. The paper of the Caisse keeps going 
 down, and is now at two per cent, discount. The actions 
 also fall fast, which is very natural." 
 
 "A member of the Committee of Finance mentions at the 
 club to-day [December 26th] that the totality of the public 
 debt here is about 4,700,000,000!, including herein all re 
 imbursements of charges of every kind, and calculating 
 the viaglres [life annuities] at ten years purchase ; that it 
 may amount, perhaps, to 4,800,000,0001., that is, to 200,000,- 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 255 
 
 ooo pounds sterling. This, then, is the extreme of a burthen 
 which this kingdom totters under. The Abbe d Espagnac 
 insists that it is not so much by a great deal. While the dis 
 pute on this subject is at its height, a gentleman arrives 
 who communicates the extraordinary intelligence that 
 Monsieur, the King s brother, has been to the Commons 
 and made a speech on the subject of a charge circulated 
 against him yesterday, that he was at the head of the sup 
 posed plot against M. Bailly and M. de Lafayette. Go to 
 Madame de Chastellux s. While there the Chevalier de 
 Graave brings us Monsieur s speech. It is very well writ 
 ten, but has the fault of calling himself a citizen, and, 
 again, his audience fellow-citizens. Go to the Louvre. 
 Madame tells the history of this speech. Monsieur yes 
 terday, upon hearing of the slander, applied to the Due de 
 Livi, who, not knowing what advice to give him, applied 
 to the Bishop d Autun, who made the speech for him. 
 This morning Monsieur applied to the King, and asked 
 him if he meant to send another of his brothers out of the 
 kingdom ; then went on to complain of the slander. This 
 touches Lafayette, who has too many of these little matters 
 on the anvil. It was then determined that Monsieur should 
 go to the Ville, etc." 
 
 "At half-past two [December 27th] visit Madame de 
 Flahaut. The Bishop d Autun is there. She reads me a 
 letter he has written to the author of the Courrier de 
 r Europe explaining his plan. I make to him sundry ob 
 servations concerning it, but refuse to take it with me and 
 make notes. After he is gone she asks me not to men 
 tion to Lafayette, as was intended, the archiepiscopacy 
 of Paris for the Bishop d Autun, but to show the advan 
 tages which may be derived from the step taken by Mon 
 sieur. Go to M. de Lafayette s. After dinner I speak 
 to Lafayette about Monsieur s speech to the Commons. 
 
256 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XII. 
 
 He takes Short* and me into his closet. Tells us that for 
 a long time he has had information of a plot ; that he 
 has followed the track, and at length took up M. de 
 Favras ; that on M. de Favras was found a letter from 
 Monsieur which seemed to show that he was but too deep 
 ly concerned in it ; that he had immediately waited upon 
 him with that letter, which he delivered, telling Monsieur 
 that it was known only to him and M. Bailly consequent 
 ly, that he was not compromised ; that Monsieur was 
 much rejoiced at this intelligence ; that yesterday morn 
 ing, however, he sent for him, and, being surrounded by 
 his courtiers, spoke in high terms respecting a note which 
 had been circulated the evening before charging him 
 with being at the head of the conspiracy. Lafayette told 
 him that he knew of but one way to discover the authors, 
 which was by offering a reward, which should be done ; 
 that Monsieur then declared his determination to go to 
 the town-house in the afternoon, and that in consequence 
 due preparation was made to receive him when he should 
 come ; that he came, and pronounced the speech we have 
 seen, which was written by Mirabeau, whom he considers 
 as an abandoned rascal. Every man is dear to himself. 
 All the world knew Mirabeau to be a rascal when Lafa 
 yette connected himself with him ; but it is in this moment 
 only that he feels the misery of such a connection. I re 
 mind him of the warnings I had given with respect to 
 Mirabeau, and add the intelligence which the Comte de 
 Luxembourg desired me to convey ; viz., that Mirabeau 
 had sworn he would ruin Lafayette. I then tell him that 
 this step of Monsieur s has thrown the cards into his hands ; 
 that he has placed himself at the head of the revolution, 
 in which place he ought to be kept, because, if there 
 
 * William Short, charge d affaires during Jefferson s official residence at 
 Paris, was at this time the only representative of the United States in Paris. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 257 
 
 should happen any counter-revolution, he secures the heads 
 of all others against accidents, and if the revolution is 
 fully effected, the nullity of his character will of course se 
 clude him from all weight and authority. He relishes 
 this idea. I then take the opportunity to inculcate upon 
 his mind anew the advantage of an administration whose 
 characters are fair, which appears strongly in the case of 
 M. Necker, to whose probity everything is pardoned. He 
 feels conviction, but it will not last. His temper is turned 
 towards intrigue and must unite itself to them of similar 
 disposition. At going away I ask him if he sees often the 
 gentleman I presented to him. He says that he does not. 
 Mentions, however, his name (the Bishop d Autun), which 
 I did not intend, and tells me that he desired to have given 
 him the King s library, with the Abbe de Sieyes * under 
 him, as a step toward r Education nationale, which is the 
 Bishop s hobby-horse. I undertake to make this com 
 munication at his request. Visit Madame de Chastellux. 
 She tells me that Monsieur is not much applauded in so 
 ciety, that is, in good company. I am not at all surprised 
 at this. Go from hence to Madame de Laborde s, having 
 first written a little extempore address to the Duchess as 
 from Madame de Chastellux, to whom she had presented 
 a small clock comme dtrennes : 
 
 To show how the minutes glide swiftly away, 
 
 Dear Princess, a present you send ; 
 Oh come, by your presence this loss to repay, 
 
 Oh come at the call of your friend. 
 
 Your goodness has taught me those moments to prize, 
 
 Your kindness their value bestows, 
 And my love, like the bounty which beams from your eyes, 
 
 Each moment more fervently glows." 
 
 * Abbe Sieyes, a central figure through all the years of the French Revolu 
 tion, from the moment of writing, in 1789, the brochure entitled, " Qu est-ce 
 que le Tiers Etat," until ten years later he was dismissed and placed in the 
 
 7 
 
258 DTARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XII. 
 
 " Dine to-day [December 30th] with the Duchesse d Or- 
 leans. Take tea with Madame de Chastellux a nd then go 
 to Madame d Houdetot s. Her lover, M. de St. Lambert, 
 is here. Conversation is sensible and agreeable enough, 
 but I think I shall not go often. Of all Cupid s maga 
 zines the least valuable, in my opinion, is his cabinet of 
 antiquities. Have a conversation with M. de Montmorin 
 and chat a while with the ladies, and, observing some al 
 manacs on the chimney-piece, I take out my pencil and 
 address a few lines to Madame de Beaumont, his daugh 
 ter : 
 
 How days and months and years succeed, 
 
 Clara, you here behold ; 
 But while you look on this, take heed, 
 
 Both you and I grow old. 
 
 Those days which come, the past destroy, 
 
 Do not too long delay ; 
 For every hour, not spent in joy, 
 
 Is so much thrown away. 
 
 She is more pleased with this than she expresses, for the 
 moral is rather to be adopted than approved. Go hence 
 to a party at Madame de Vannoise s. The intention, I find, 
 is to hear the harmonica and drink punch. I am requested 
 to mix that liquor and, in order that my glasses may pro 
 duce equal music with those of the performer, I make it 
 very strong. Madame de Laborde comes and sits next to 
 me, with M. Bonnet. I repeat to her the lines I had writ 
 ten for Madame de Beaumont. She, of course, objects to 
 the liberality of the sentiment, and M. Bonnet, who is to 
 judge and can understand English only by the eye, though 
 
 hands of Bonaparte. The constitution he drew for France was conceived 
 with a view of transforming the popular beliefs and principles ; beginning a 
 new order of things, not working to perfect the old. He was of bourgeois 
 birth. 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 259 
 
 he has translated Tristram Shandy, gives me his pencil 
 and a piece of paper. I address to her a demonstration 
 of my theme instead of copying what I had written : 
 
 You find my morals somewhat free, 
 
 But why enthral the mind ? 
 The truest doctrine, trust to me, 
 
 Is nature unconfined. 
 
 What she commands let us obey, 
 
 Nor strive to be too pure ; 
 All human maxims lead astray 
 
 And only hers are sure. 
 
 I do not not know whether this is exact, but it is con 
 venient, and will, I know, be more strictly followed by 
 those who condemn it than by the author. A reputation 
 either good or bad as to morals is easily acquired. To 
 judge a man by his actions requires a degree of attention 
 which few have a right to expect, and few are willing to 
 pay. It is much more convenient to judge from the con 
 versation than from the conduct. 
 
 " At the club to-day we have a strange story of a 
 sentinel stabbed, and the instruments left behind in 
 scribed, Va-t en attendre Fayette. I profess, as usual, 
 my disbelief. Go to the Louvre. The Due de Biron, 
 1 Eveque d Autun, and M. de St. Foi, who dined here, 
 are still with Madame, who is dressing to go to the 
 Comedie. I am vexed at this. The Bishop and M. de St. 
 Foi retire to a consultation, which is, I suppose, about his 
 letter to the Conrrier de r Europe ; when that is finished, I 
 tell the Bishop what Lafayette had desired me to com 
 municate. I add that I did not mention the archbishopric 
 because Madame desired me not, but more because, not 
 withstanding the fair opportunity, I persisted in the opin 
 ion transmitted by her, for which I had not, however, given 
 
26O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XII. 
 
 to her the reasons ; that I think he should speak first him 
 self, because he is of too elevated a rank to deal by an in 
 termediary ; if he were of an inferior grade, I would ask 
 for him. He approves of this. Madame asks me to go to 
 the play, which I refuse, and to Madame de Laborde s, 
 which I decline ; I offer, however, to set her down at the 
 play-house, which she accepts of. Go to Madame de 
 Chastellux s. M. de Brabancon comes in, to whom I 
 communicate an idea which has occurred to my mind of 
 forming a settlement upon the banks of the River St. 
 Lawrence. He seems pleased with it, and will speak to 
 the persons of his acquaintance who want to go out to 
 America." 
 
 " Goto Madame de Laborde s to supper [December 3 ist]. 
 Madame d Houdetot tells me that she dined at M. Necker s. 
 I find that his family are much hurt at a refusal of the 
 Assemblee to accept a gift proffered from Geneva, which is 
 considered as a slight to M. Necker. She tells me that the 
 Abbe Rayneval has addressed an excellent letter to the 
 Assemblee. I suppose from hence that it is a criticism upon 
 their conduct, which will not, I think, do them much 
 good. 
 
 " This morning two persons come to see me who 
 are determined to go out to America, and to purchase 
 there my Raritan trust. I am to write a letter for them 
 to New York. A person calls to obtain information 
 about America, which I give, and also advice. Write, and 
 then go to dine with M. Millet. After dinner one of the 
 King s pages comes in, who is to begin his tour of duty 
 to-morrow. He tells us of the wonderful sagacity, under 
 standing, and instruction of the King, his virtues, etc. He 
 must be very confident, I think, of the credulity of his au 
 dience. M. de Moustier, who had spoken very favorably 
 of him to me, and particularly as being an honest man, 
 
1789.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 26 1 
 
 looks somewhat ashamed. A good deal of company at the 
 Louvre. At midnight the gentlemen kiss the ladies ; I do 
 not attempt this operation, because there is some resist 
 ance, and I like only the yielding kiss and that from lips 
 I love." 
 
 Many people in Paris were already looking toward 
 America as offering more safety if not comfort than any 
 place nearer home, in the general upheaval of society 
 that they felt was surely coming ; and much of Morris s 
 time was occupied in giving advice and assistance to the 
 emigrants. Several colonization schemes had already 
 been set on foot in Paris by Americans anxious to get rid 
 of their unproductive lands. One of the most shameful and 
 cruel of these projects was the famous Scioto enterprise, 
 and the founding of Gallipolis on the Ohio. Joel Barlow 
 and Duer were among the men who furthered the emi 
 gration of hundreds of unfortunate families, lured to de 
 struction by pictures of a salubrious climate and fertile 
 soil. Morris, who was entirely convinced of the rot 
 tenness of the Scioto Company, cautioned and tried to 
 protect the unwary Frenchmen from too hastily rushing 
 into the forests of America. 
 
262 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 CHAPTER V XIII. 
 
 Comparison between the newspaper of 1777 and 1789. New Year s salu 
 tations. Scene at the Chatelet. Madame de Flahaut s boudoir. 
 Stoppage of pensions. Lively discussion thereon in Madame de 
 StaeTs salon. Visit to the Comte de Chaste! lux. Message from the 
 Parlement of Brittany. Morris examines table - ornaments for 
 Washington. Decree in the Assembly concerning office-holding. 
 Adherence to the constitution required. Riot in Paris. A handsome 
 surtout for the table sent to Washington. Need of cultivating the 
 taste of America. The Duchess of Orleans obliged to economize. 
 The Cardinal de Rohan. The Bishop of Orleans. Marmontel. 
 Letter to Washington. Morris writes a note on the situation of 
 affairs for the king. Delivered to the queen by her physician. Anec 
 dote of the king. He goes to the Assembly. Conversation with 
 Lafayette. 
 
 NOT the least important of the stirring events of the 
 year just closed (1789) was the sudden development 
 of the great and far-reaching power of journalism. Al 
 ready Marat, Camille Desmoulins, Loustalot, and the 
 principal journalists of the Revolution, had forced them 
 selves before the public ; and the genius of the Revolu 
 tion had spoken through their medium with telling effect. 
 There is a striking comparison between the first daily 
 paper which was published in Paris in 1777, with its arti 
 cle on the " Almanac of the Muses," its letter describing 
 some " Vagary of Voltaire s," " Two Facts," and a "Witty 
 Thing," and the violent organs of the Girondin party, or 
 the power wielded by the pen of Camille Desmoulins, 
 while the Revolution was in full swing. And now was 
 instituted what might almost be called the cult of the 
 
i 79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 263 
 
 Lantern, for which someone wrote a sacrilegious litany 
 supplicating it to avenge the wrongs of France and have 
 pity on the people, with the refrain, " Effroi des aristo 
 crats, vengez-nous." The street lamp only came into gen 
 eral use in Paris during the reign of Louis XIV. Before 
 his time, for many years, the Parisians had been in the 
 habit of setting a lamp in a conspicuous window during 
 times of danger ; but under Louis XIV. the lantern in the 
 streets became an object of great admiration. The first 
 and most interesting lantern of Paris hung on a house 
 opposite the Hotel de Ville below a bust of the Grand 
 Monarque, and during the reign of Louis XVI. this iron 
 branch came to be at once interesting and terrifying to 
 the aristocrats. The year 1790 was more or less quietly 
 ushered in at the capital, but throughout France cha 
 teaux were burned, their owners cruelly outraged and 
 banished, a vast amount of property of all kinds des 
 troyed, and terror and confusion reigned supreme. 
 
 "The first day of the year," Morris says, "some 
 friends call and give me the salutations of the season, and 
 I go [January ist] round and pay sundry visits of the sea 
 son, among others at the Chatelet to the Baron Besenval. 
 He is a little vexed at finding new delays in his trial. He 
 receives a visit from the dames de la Halle, who in very 
 bad French, though Parisians, make him their sincere 
 compliments, promise friendship and assistance, which are 
 not to be despised. He of course treats them all with 
 respect, and Mesdames d Oudenarde and La Caze stimu 
 late them to acts of violence. This is truly characteristic 
 of wrathful women. I go to M. de Lafayette s. A long 
 time before the company assemble. Dine at half-past 
 four. He tells me that Monsieur and Mirabeau are closely 
 allied, that one is a weak and indolent creature, the other 
 an active and artful rascal. I tell him that they must fin- 
 
264 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 ish the trial of Besenval because the people begin to take 
 his part, and that of course a violent torrent may be turned 
 against his prosecutors ; this affects him. To my sur 
 prise he tells me that, notwithstanding my criticisms on 
 the Assemblee, I must acknowledge that their constitution 
 is better than that of England. I assure him that he is 
 much mistaken if he imagines that to be my opinion. 
 Visit Madame de Stael, who expresses very kindly her 
 apprehension that I had forgotten her ; stay till half-past 
 ten, and go to the Louvre, where the Bishop d Autun is 
 waiting for me. Explain to him a plan which I had com 
 municated to Madame for purchasing facilities in America 
 and in which she is to be interested. He tells me that, if 
 the advantage is great and the operation solid, he thinks 
 he can obtain two millions. I tell him that I wish to con 
 fine the object to one million. We are to talk further. 
 He observes on what I say that the American debt would 
 furnish a good speculation. I tell him that I am already 
 engaged in it ; that it is so large an object that the junc 
 tion of many capitalists became necessary. Madame be 
 ing ill, I find her with her feet in warm water, and when 
 she is about to take them out, one of her women being 
 employed in that operation, the Bishop employs himself 
 in warming her bed with a warming-pan, and I look on. 
 It is curious enough to see a reverend father of the church 
 engaged in this pious operation." 
 
 " Go to the club [January 4th]. The National Assembly 
 have stopped the pensions, giving only 3,ooof. for arrear 
 ages to the first instant. The list is to be examined be 
 tween this and the ist of July next, for the purpose of 
 reformation, and absentees are to receive nothing until 
 their return. Go to Madame de StaeTs, where this mat 
 ter is discussed pretty much at large. I tell them that 
 when privileges were abolished the road was opened for 
 
i 79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 265 
 
 the destruction of all property. This gives rise to an end 
 less dispute, in which she shows much genius and little 
 good breeding. The opinions are various, but they will 
 all be alike. I threw out the idea on purpose to make an 
 impression on some who have, I know, styled me aristo 
 crat, etc., because I do not approve of their sentiments. 
 
 " I find Madame de Flahaut au desespoir about the re 
 duction of the pensions, but she has very little reason. I 
 convince her of this, or, rather, she was already convinced 
 of it, but says she will cry very loud. Her servants this 
 morning have waited on her, with the assurance that they 
 will, if necessary, live on bread and water for the next six 
 months. The Bishop d Autun comes in. She had told 
 me, before his arrival, that Monsieur has written a letter 
 to the King demanding a seat in council. It is in concert 
 with the Bishop and the Due de Livi. The Bishop says 
 that the dfrret respecting the pensions would not have 
 taken effect but for the Abbe de Montesquiou. Dine with 
 M. de Montmorin. The pensions are of course the subject 
 of conversation. I treat the de cret as a violation of the 
 laws of property. It seems to be so considered, but not 
 in a light so extensive as that in which I place it. Draw 
 a parallel between this and the compensation given by 
 Great Britain to the American Loyalists. The absence 
 of many members who had gone to dinner is considered 
 here the cause of the decree. At parting, M. de Mont 
 morin asks me how my plan goes on. I tell him that I 
 expect to be joined by the Hollanders, for that three per 
 sons who are here are agreed, and one of them goes this 
 afternoon to Amsterdam to bring in his associates. He is 
 very glad to hear this. See Madame de Chastellux, who 
 tells me that she has seen M. de Lafayette ; that Favras 
 will be hanged ; that Monsieur was certainly in the plot ; 
 that he is guided by Mirabeau. As M. de Lafayette makes 
 
266 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 the world his confidant, the secret must of course be kept, 
 for it cannot go farther. But the consequence to him must 
 be perpetual enmity from Monsieur, the brother of the 
 King, who in all cases must be doing mischief, even if he 
 has not ability to do good. The Marechal de Segur comes 
 in. We have some conversation about the pensions, and 
 my sentiments accord well with his." 
 
 " Go to M. de Moustier s to dinner [January yth]. The 
 Comte de Croix, the Prince de Broglio, and Clermont- 
 Tonnerre are our party. The last two are greatly violent 
 against the Assemblee, to which they belong, but the 
 Comte de Croix has a little of the obstination flandraise, 
 and continues firm to the edicts, many of which he op 
 posed." 
 
 " Dress, and dine to-day [January 8th] with the Duchess 
 of Orleans. She has changed, I think for the better, in 
 her maitre d hotel. After dinner visit the Comte de Chas- 
 tellux and his lady in a pavilion of the Louvre, in the 
 garret, near one hundred and sixty steps from the earth, 
 in little cabins, and stinking most odiously from the col 
 lected treasures of ages. Madame shows me a box pre 
 sented by her Princess, who had sent a painter on purpose 
 to the Castle of Chastellux to take the different views. 
 It is a situation in the mountainous part of Burgundy, 
 near a small, clear river, abounding in trout. The Count 
 and his lady are a domestic couple. How happy might 
 they be to breathe the air of their own chateau, if it 
 were possible for mortals to know what constitutes their 
 own felicity. Madame de Segur is here, and the Marechal. 
 The Duchess comes in. I make her a dish of tea. She 
 makes use of many obliging expressions, the reason of 
 which I cannot conjecture, but incline to think that they 
 result from inattention. We shall see. After she is gone, 
 the Chevalier de Graave reads us the speech made this 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 26/ 
 
 day by the Parlement of Brittany to the Assemblee. It 
 is written with great force and precision, and shows that 
 they are confident of being supported by the province." 
 
 " Dine to-day [January zoth] with M. de Lafayette. 
 After dinner he asks me how they are to provide for the 
 case of disobedience in the provincial and district adminis 
 trations, which are submitted to the orders of the King, but, 
 being elected, may not respect those orders. I tell him that 
 no provision can be made ; that it is an institution radi 
 cally wrong, and they cannot alter it, because they have 
 said so much to the people about liberty ; that they must 
 of necessity leave the correction of this and many other 
 defects to time and experience, happy if the changes 
 induced by the latter should not bring back an authority 
 too severe. He does not like this sentiment. I suppose 
 they will find out some expedient, but certainly nothing 
 effectual. Go from hence to the Louvre. Madame de 
 Flahaut is distressed. She has been in tears all day. Af 
 ter much entreaty she tells me the cause. Her pensions 
 from Monsieur and from the Comte d Artois are stopped ; 
 on that from the King she receives but 3,000!, and must 
 therefore leave Paris. I try to console her, but it is im 
 possible. Indeed, the stroke is severe, for with youth, 
 beauty, wit, and every loveliness, she must quit all that 
 she loves, to pass her life with what she most abhors. Go 
 from hence to Madame de Chastellux s. Short is here. I 
 repeat, in conversation about the Parlement of Brittany, 
 what in his presence I observed to Lafayette ; viz., that the 
 Assemblee must deal very delicately with the Bas-Bretons. 
 But he repeats Lafayette s answer ; viz., that nine-tenths 
 of the province are with the Assemblee. I doubt this intel 
 ligence, because the address of the Parlement is in a style 
 of calm firmness which shows a conviction of support, and 
 their position in the neighborhood of Britain is critical. 
 
268 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 "This morning [January nth] I go to the Porcelaine 
 to see a kind of ornament cemented on glass, being birds 
 formed with their feathers and other natural objects in the 
 same way ; of course, the representation is more just than 
 painting. The maker is here, and we inquire the price of 
 a surtout (epergne) * for a table ten feet long and two feet 
 wide. It is 2,ooof., and cannot be finished before October 
 next. Go to the Luxembourg, to dine with Count Louis 
 de Narbonne. A very good dinner, and very good wines ; 
 
 the Comte d Afry, the Due de , the Chevalier de 
 
 Narbonne, Madame de Vintimille, and Madame Fronsac. 
 This last I had seen at M. de Montmorin s. She appears to 
 have a great deal of the free and easy about her ; whether 
 it is the result of a virtue out of all reach, or of an indif 
 ference about appearances, is to be examined. She is not 
 unhandsome, and plays well on the harpsichord. M. de 
 Bonnet, who was to have dined here, comes in late from 
 the Assemblee. They have passed a decree by which the 
 members of the Chambre des Vacations are rendered inca 
 pable of holding any office, or of electing or being elected, 
 until they shall announce to the Assembly their adherence 
 to the constitution. This is strong, but the Count de 
 Mirabeau was of opinion that they should be sent to the 
 Chatelet and tried for Use-nation. 
 
 " Go from hence to Madame de Chastellux s. Madame 
 de Segur and the Marechal and the Count come in. Con 
 versation is about the decree of the day, and so it is at 
 Madame de StaeTs. I contend that this decree is void, ac 
 cording to the principles of the Assemblee themselves, who 
 have declared their incompetency to act in a judicial ca 
 pacity. This induces a long dispute, in which I take a 
 greater part than the thing is worth, but the society here 
 
 * Washington had intrusted to Morris an order for the purchase of table- 
 ornaments to be used at his state dinners at Philadelphia. 
 
i 79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 269 
 
 has that tournure, and one must conform to or abandon it. 
 The latter, perhaps, is the wiser course/ 
 
 " After dinner [January i3th] go to the Louvre, and 
 find Madame de Flahaut in deep distress at the idea of 
 leaving Paris. She cannot go with me to look for a sur- 
 tout and ornaments, having affairs. The Bishop arrives. 
 He has had me elected into a society here which as yet I 
 do not exactly know the meaning of ; it is, however, a se 
 lect one. He expects to get a million for the speculation 
 proposed to Madame. He tells me that the members of the 
 Breton Parlement come hither voluntarily, because they 
 apprehended force from the Commons of Rennes. This 
 is extraordinary, for Rennes subsists only from the pres 
 ence of the Parlement. There has been a riot this day in 
 Paris, and a number of the militaires engaged in the squab 
 ble have been taken prisoners. The matter is not gener 
 ally understood, but all agree that Lafayette has acted 
 with great prudence and decision." 
 
 " See Madame de Flahaut this morning [January i4th]. 
 She tells me that next week the Caisse d Escompte will stop 
 payment in coin altogether. At Madame de Chastellux s 
 the Duchess reproaches me with neglecting her while she 
 was ill the last three days, to which I reply that if I could 
 have been useful to her I should certainly have shown my 
 attention. I call for Madame de Flahaut and we go to 
 look for a surtout ; afterwards go to the manufactory of 
 Angouleme. We agree that the porcelaine here is hand 
 somer and cheaper than that of Sevres. I think I shall 
 purchase for General Washington here. Madame tells me 
 that the Comte de Segur has persuaded Lafayette to place 
 the Bishop in the finance. He told him that he disliked 
 the Bishop as much as M. de Lafayette, but that they had 
 no man of sufficient abilities, and it would not do to have 
 the abilities of the Bishop opposed to them. Lafayette 
 
2/0 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 told this to his friend Madame de Simieu, she to Madame 
 
 de Coigny, she to Madame de , who told it to the Due 
 
 de Biron, and he told it to Madame de Flahaut, who de 
 sires me to keep up this apprehension through Madame 
 de Segur ; but I shall certainly say nothing to her but the 
 truth, nor that, unless the occasion calls for it. Her hus 
 band is, I think, wrong in pushing so hard to obtain a 
 place in the administration. But time must determine the 
 propriety of this judgment. The Duchess arrives late at 
 Madame de Chastellux s to-night. The mother of the 
 Bishop d Autun is here. She is highly aristocratic ; she 
 says that the great of this country who have favored the 
 Revolution are taken in, and I think that she is not much 
 mistaken in that idea." 
 
 A surtout of seven plateaus and the ornaments in biscuit 
 and three large glass covers for the three groups were 
 bought and sent to Washington. When sending the 
 pieces, Morris wrote to him as follows : " In all there are 
 three groups, two vases, and twelve figures. The vases 
 may be used as they are, or, when occasion serves, the tops 
 may be laid aside and the vases filled with natural flowers. 
 When the whole surtout is to be used for large companies, 
 the large group will be in the middle, the two smaller ones 
 at the two ends, the vases in the spaces between the three, 
 and the figures distributed along the edges, or rather along 
 the sides. . . . To clean the biscuit warm water is to 
 be used, and a brush such as is used for painting in water- 
 colors. You will perhaps exclaim that I have not com 
 plied with your directions as to economy, but you will be 
 of a different opinion when you see the articles. I could 
 have sent you a number of pretty trifles for very little 
 prime cost, but you must have had an annual supply, and 
 your table should have been in the style of a petite mai- 
 tresse of this city. ... I think it of very great im- 
 
1790.3 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 portance to fix the taste of our country properly, and I 
 think your example will go very far in that respect. 
 It is therefore my wish that everything about you should 
 be substantially good and majestically plain, made to endure. 
 . . . By the bye, you must be thankful that I did not 
 run you into further expense, for I was violently tempted 
 to send out two dozen cups and saucers, with the needful 
 accompaniments, to Mrs. Washington." 
 
 "There is a musical party at Madame Le Coulteux s to 
 night [January i6th], which is to me very dull, although 
 the singing is very good. De Cantaleu asks me with a sar 
 castic smile how the Bishop d Autun is. I tell him that 
 he is by no means eager to enter into the administration 
 at present. He observes that at present a minister can do 
 nothing ; things will go forward in their own way. I tell 
 him that he is right as to the present moment, but that 
 ministers might have directed some time ago, and either 
 everything will go to destruction or they will hereafter 
 direct the machine ; that even now it is important to in 
 dividuals to be apprised of their intentions. I find that 
 M. de Cantaleu has all the self-importance of a parvenu 
 who thinks that his merit has obtained what, in fact, is the 
 price of his attachment to the ministers. I ask Laurent if 
 nothing can be made out of the assignats. He says that 
 until five or six months are passed, and their value a little 
 known, it will be impossible to judge about them." 
 
 "Dine at Lafayette s [January lyth]. He asks what I 
 think of Ternant as Minister to America. Tell him that I 
 approve. Hence I conclude that he intends the appoint 
 ment to pass in my opinion as of his making. Very well. 
 After dinner Gouvernay tells me that Necker is much 
 better, but makes himself worse than he is, by way of 
 securing a retreat which he meditates. He says fur 
 ther that a chief minister is necessary. I ask him who 
 
2/2. DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 is to be in the finances ; whether the Bishop d Autun. 
 He says that he will not do at all ; that he is unequal 
 to the business ; that M. Touret for the Home Depart 
 ment, and M. de St. Priest for the Foreign Affairs will 
 do very well, but there are no other men sufficiently 
 eminent. I ask Madame de Lafayette, who comes up to 
 us, to name a man. She cannot. I observe that I hear 
 the Comte de Segur is in pursuit of the office of Foreign 
 Affairs. Gouvernay and she join in declaring that he is 
 not fit for it. At dinner Lafayette asked me what they 
 should do about their militia. I told him, nothing ; for 
 they cannot do what is right, and therefore had better 
 leave it in such situation as that it can be mended, which 
 would not be the case if fixed by the constitution. He 
 says that he and others are determined to select particular 
 articles in the constitution as it now stands, and form of 
 them a constitution properly so called, leaving the rest to 
 the mercy of the legislature. This I approve of, but yet 
 much will depend on the selection. I advise that they 
 should, in respect to their bill of rights, imitate the masons, 
 who knock down the scaffolding when they have finished 
 the house. Go to the Louvre and give Madame de Fla- 
 haut such information as relates to her friend ; but he has 
 too good an opinion of his own opinion to make a good 
 Minister of Finance. In the different societies everybody 
 seems to agree that things go badly, and they speak with 
 despondence ; but, in fact, nothing good could result from 
 the measures of Government, which have been so very ill 
 judged." 
 
 " Dine to-day [January Tpth] at the Palais Royal.* The 
 
 * The Duke and Duchess of Orleans had lived happily until 1789, when Ma 
 dame de Genlis came between them, and the management of the children was 
 given to her. The first open quarrel they had was when the duchess refused 
 to accompany the duke on his mission to England, but she was subse 
 quently reconciled to him. About this time a separation had taken place be- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 273 
 
 Duchess tells me that the Duke s treasurer does not pay 
 as he ought to do, monthly, and that unless this is done 
 she will not adhere to the contract. She receives now 
 450,000! per annum, of which 350,0001. are appropriated to 
 the house, servants, table, etc. ; near 15,000 louis. Cer 
 tainly a great economy might be made upon this article. 
 After dinner go to the Louvre. The Cardinal de Rohan 
 is there. Accidentally he mentions his prods, and, after 
 relating the circumstances which brought it to his mind, 
 he declares that he thinks it a weakness to talk of it ; and 
 he is right. He has plus de grace que (Tesprit. But he 
 speaks in too good style to write in a style as bad as Ma 
 dame de la Motte has attributed to him. A new piece at 
 the Comedie to-night much applauded, but a very bad one. 
 It is, however, la mode. The object is to ridicule, or rather 
 to preach against, the prejudices entertained against the 
 family and connections of a man who is hanged. A Lor 
 Anglais is the preacher, who takes from the book of Eng 
 land a text which is not to be found in it, and, with the 
 aid of antitheses and other such figures, gives the audi 
 ence much satisfaction, which is greatly increased by the 
 
 tween them, and a lawsuit had been commenced to obtain the repayment of 
 her dowry. This demand, in the shattered condition of the duke s finances, 
 meant ruin. At length, worn out with worry, the duchess quitted her hus 
 band s palace on the twenty second anniversary of their wedding-day, April 
 5, 1791, and sought shelter with her father, the Due de Penthievre. Later the 
 Princesse de Lamballe undertook to reconcile the duke and duchess, and the 
 duke offered to restore the dowry, provided the duchess would settle an annu 
 ity of one hundred thousand livres on each of her children, entirely independ 
 ent of both parents. The duchess rejected these terms, but offered to be re 
 sponsible for the entire support of the Comte de Beaujolais and Mademoiselle 
 d Orleans, they to be immediately confided to her care. Scarcely was this 
 proposal made than Mademoiselle d Orleans was sent with Madame de Genlis 
 to England, and the duchess did not see her again for ten years. A suit 
 was brought against the duke in October, 1791, which was continued even when 
 the husband and wife were separated by many leagues, and the decree of 
 final separation was pronounced, in November, 1792, only a few weeks before 
 the duke lost his head. 
 18 
 
274 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 judicious ranting of the actors judicious, because a nat 
 ural action would disclose the defects of the piece, now 
 concealed by the roaring." 
 
 "While Count Dillon and I are walking in the Champs 
 Elysees to-day [January 2ist], the report of a pistol is 
 heard, which Dillon considers some duel, for of late there 
 is a great deal of that kind of work going forward. I 
 laugh at the idea, but presently we see a man led along 
 by a party of soldiers ; making up to them we learn that he 
 just now shot himself, but he took bad aim, so that the ball, 
 which entered in at his forehead, came out at the top of 
 his head. The soldier says he does not know who the man 
 is, and that when a man has lost his all, without any fault of 
 his own, the best thing he can do is to shoot himself. Go 
 hence to the Louvre, and stay but a few minutes ; M. le 
 Vicomte de St. Priest is here. Dine with the Duchess of 
 Orleans. The Bishop of Orleans is here. This Bishop 
 seems to be of that kind whose sincerest prayer is for the 
 fruit of good living, and, to judge by his manner of talk 
 ing, one would suppose that he deems it of more impor 
 tance to speak than to speak truth. Go to the Louvre. 
 Immediately after my arrival the Bishop comes in, who 
 seems not at all content to find me here. His expecta 
 tions of procuring a million prove abortive. The party 
 tells him that he thinks the affair excellent, but as they 
 must soon have paper money in France he must collect 
 his funds to take advantage of that event, by which he 
 will gain greatly. The Bishop goes away, and Madame 
 gives me a plan of finance to read which is prepared by 
 M. de St. Foi for the Bishop and on which she asks my 
 opinion. I tell her that nothing more is necessary to ruin 
 him entirely. In effect, it is a scheme for i,ooo,ooo,ooof. 
 in paper money redeemable in twenty years, at the rate of 
 50,000,0001. per annum ; the sum redeemed to be deter- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2/5 
 
 mined by lottery every six months, and then 25,ooo,ooof. 
 to be paid, and on that, premiums of twenty per cent, or 
 five millions, and to effectuate this, a tax of sixty millions 
 to be laid. This plan, then, is to borrow at an interest of 
 ten millions per thousand millions, or one per cent. The 
 author is clear that the paper, instead of depreciating, will 
 be above par, but the one hundred and twenty-five million 
 loan which forms the standard for the price of stocks here 
 and which bears near seven per cent, interest, premiums 
 included, sells at a discount of above ten per cent. I 
 show her a few of the many fatal consequences which 
 would attend the adoption." 
 
 "Walk in the gardens of the Tuileries [January 22d] 
 with Madame de Flahaut and M. de St. Pardou, and then 
 dine with the Comte de Montmorin. M. de Marmontel* 
 is here. After dinner I speak to the Count about the 
 commerce with their islands. He says he hopes something 
 will be done in the next fifteen days ; that in his opinion they 
 ought to permit a much freer commerce with us than with 
 any other nation, because that the state of their colonies 
 must depend on us. I communicate to him, in the most 
 perfect confidence, the commission with which I am 
 charged in part. I tell him two very great truths : that a 
 free commerce with the British Islands is the object 
 which will chiefly operate on us to give us the desire of a 
 treaty of commerce with Britain, and that I prefer much a 
 close connection with France. He tells me that their 
 great misfortune here is to have no fixed plan nor princi 
 ple, and at present no chief. I tell him that they ought 
 
 * Jean Francois Marmontel, the successor to D Alembert as perpetual sec 
 retary of the French Academy, a writer and critic, was in the first rank of the 
 literature of the eighteenth century. Full of resources and of ideas, he ex 
 pressed himself with precision and force. Through the epoch of the Revo 
 lution his course was dignified, prudent, and at the same time generous. 
 He passed those stormy years in retirement in the country, and died in 1799. 
 
2/6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 to go to war. He says he is convinced that if they do not 
 soon make war, it will soon be made against them. But 
 their finances ! I tell him that there is less difficulty in 
 that than he is aware of. But the great mischief is in a 
 constitution without energy. We join the company. A 
 good deal of conversation about public affairs, in which 
 Marmontel agrees with me in opinion. I had an oppor 
 tunity at dinner to remark on the varieties in taste. A 
 large trout was received from the Lake of Geneva, and it 
 was a question when we are to dine off it. The maitre 
 d hotel was interpellated and the trout was produced a 
 very large one, of at least twenty pounds weight and per 
 fectly fresh, having been brought by the courier. The 
 maitre d hotel says it must be kept till Wednesday, pour 
 etre mortifie, and as that day does not suit the company, 
 poor Monsieur Trout must e en mortify two days longer. 
 I cannot but sympathize in his afflictions." 
 
 " The Vicomte de St. Priest, who dines at the Palais 
 Royal to-day [January 25th] and sits next to me, mentions 
 the idea of the King s going to the Assemblee in order to 
 put himself at the head of the Revolution. I blame this 
 step and tell him, without mincing the matter, that his ad 
 visers to that step give him un conseil ou inepte ou perfide. 
 Madame de Segur differs with me, and after dinner her 
 husband, to whom she mentioned it, also tells me that he 
 holds the opposite opinion and wishes to discuss the mat 
 ter with me. I only add that the King ought to send the 
 Comte d Artois his children, so that the whole of the royal 
 family should not be in the power of their enemies, and 
 that he should let the nation do as they please. In the 
 course of things, they will come back to their allegiance. 
 The occasion does not suit for a discussion of this matter. 
 Return home and write. At nine go to the Louvre. The 
 Bishop d Autun is here. Some conversation about coin- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 277 
 
 age, in which he is not quite right, but I find that he has 
 studied the matter. I remind him of the book he was to 
 lend me. Send my servant home with him, and he trans 
 mits it. Tis somewhat droll to receive the Portier des 
 Chartreux from the hands of a reverend father in God." 
 
 The following letter, written in January, to Washington, 
 gives a forcible and correct picture of Paris, and of France 
 as well. " Your sentiments," he wrote, "on the Revolu 
 tion effecting here I believe to be perfectly just, be 
 cause they perfectly accord with my own, and that is, you 
 know, the only standard which Heaven has given us by 
 which to judge. The King is in effect a prisoner at Paris, 
 and obeys entirely the National Assembly. This Assembly 
 may be divided into three parts. One, called the aristo 
 crats, consists of the high clergy, the members of the law 
 (not lawyers), and such of the nobility as think they ought 
 to form a separate order ; another, which has no name, 
 but which consists of all sorts of people, really friends to 
 a free government. The third is composed of what are 
 called here the enragJs, that is, the madmen. These are the 
 most numerous, and are of that class which in America 
 is known by the name of pettifogging lawyers, together 
 with a host of curates, and many of those who, in all re 
 volutions, throng to the standard of change because they 
 are not well. This party, in close alliance with the popu 
 lace, derives from that circumstance very great authority. 
 They have already unhinged everything. . . . The 
 torrent rushes on, irresistible until it shall have wasted 
 itself. 
 
 " The aristocrats are without a leader, and without any 
 plan or counsels as yet, but ready to throw themselves 
 into the arms of anyone who shall offer. The middle 
 party, who mean well, have unfortunately acquired their 
 ideas of government from books, and are admirable fel- 
 
2/8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 lows upon paper ; but as it happens, somewhat unfortu 
 nately, that the men who live in the world are very differ 
 ent from those who dwell in the heads of philosophers, it 
 is not to be wondered at if the systems taken out of 
 books are fit for nothing but to be put into books again. 
 Marraontel is the only man I have met with among their 
 literati who seems truly to understand the subject ; for 
 the rest, they discuss nothing in the Assembly. One large 
 half of the time is spent in hollowing and bawling their 
 manner of speaking. Those who intend to speak write 
 their names on a tablet, and are heard in the order that 
 their names are written down, if the others will hear them, 
 which often they refuse to do, keeping up a continual up 
 roar till the orator leaves the pulpit. Each man permit 
 ted to speak delivers the result of his lucubrations, so 
 that the opposing parties fire off their cartridges, and 
 it is a million to one if their missile arguments happen to 
 meet. The arguments are usually printed ; therefore there 
 is as much attention paid to making them sound and look 
 well, as to convey instruction or produce conviction. But 
 there is another ceremony which the arguments go through, 
 and which does not fail to affect the form, at least, and 
 perhaps the substance. They are read beforehand in a 
 small society of young men and women, and generally the 
 fair friend of the speaker is one, or else the fair whom he 
 means to make his friend, and the society very politely 
 give their approbation, unless the lady who gives the tone 
 to that circle chances to reprehend something, which is, 
 of course, altered if not amended. Do not suppose I am 
 playing the traveller. I have assisted at some of these 
 readings, and will now give you an anecdote from one of 
 them. I was at Madame de StaeTs, the daughter of M. 
 Necker. She is a woman of wonderful wit, and above 
 vulgar prejudices of every kind. Her house is a kind of 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2/9 
 
 Temple of Apollo, where the men of wit and fashion are 
 collected twice a week at supper, and once at dinner, and 
 sometimes more frequently. The Comte de Clermont- 
 Tonnerre (one of their greatest orators) read to us a very 
 pathetic oration, and the object was to show that, as pen 
 alties are the legal compensation for injuries and crimes, 
 the man who is hanged, having by that event paid his debt 
 to society, ought not to be held in dishonor ; and in like 
 manner, he who has been condemned for seven years to 
 be flogged in the galleys should, when he had served out 
 his apprenticeship, be received again into good company 
 as if nothing had happened. You smile ; but observe that 
 the extreme to which the matter was carried the other 
 way, dishonoring thousands for the guilt of one, has so 
 shocked the public sentiment as to render this extreme 
 fashionable. The oration was very fine, very sentimental, 
 very pathetic, and the style harmonious. Shouts of ap 
 plause and full approbation. When this was pretty well 
 over, I told him that his speech was extremely eloquent, 
 but that his principles were not very solid. Universal 
 surprise. A few remarks changed the face of things. 
 The position was universally condemned, and he left the 
 room. I need not add that as yet it has never been de 
 livered in the Assembly, and yet it was of the kind which 
 produces a decree by acclamation ; for sometimes an ora 
 tor gets up in the midst of another deliberation, makes a 
 fine discourse, and closes with a good snug resolution, 
 which is carried with a huzza. Thus, in considering a 
 plan for a national bank proposed by M. Necker, one of 
 them took it into his head to move that every member 
 should give his silver buckles, which was agreed to at once, 
 and the honorable member laid his upon the table, after 
 which the business went on again. It is difficult to guess 
 whereabouts the flock will settle when it flies so wild, but, 
 
280 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 as far as it is possible to guess at present, this (late) king 
 dom will be cast into a congeries of little democracies, 
 not laid out according to the rivers and mountains, but 
 with the square and. compass, according to latitude and 
 longitude ; and as the provinces had anciently different 
 laws (called coutumes), and as the clippings and parings 
 of several provinces must fall together within some of the 
 new divisions, I think such fermenting matter must give 
 them a kind of political colic. 
 
 " Their Assemblee Nationale will be something like the 
 old Congress, and the King will be called executive magis 
 trate. As yet they have been busily engaged in pillaging 
 the present occupant of his authority. How much they will 
 leave him will depend upon the chapter of accidents ; I be 
 lieve it will be very little, but, little or much, the perspective 
 of such a king and such an assembly brings to my mind a 
 saying which Shakespeare has put into the mouths of two 
 old soldiers upon hearing that Lepidus, one of the famous 
 Triumvirate, was dead : So the poor third is up. World, 
 thou hast a pair of chaps no more ; and throw between 
 them all the food thou hast, they ll grind the one the other. 
 At present the people are fully determined to support the 
 Assembly, and although there are some discontents, I do 
 not believe that anything very serious exists in the style 
 of opposition. Indeed, it would be wonderful if there 
 should, for hitherto an extension of privileges and a re 
 mission of taxes to the lower class has marked every stage 
 of the progress. Besides, the love of novelty is a great 
 sweetener in revolutions. But the time will come when 
 this novelty is over, and all its charms are gone. In lieu 
 of the taxes remitted other taxes must be laid, for the 
 public burden must be borne. The elected administrators 
 must then either indulge their electors, which will be ruin 
 ous to the fisc, or, in urging the collection of taxes, displease 
 
I7QO.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 28 1 
 
 their constituents. In all probability there will be a little 
 of both ; hence must arise bickerings and heart-burnings 
 among the different districts, and a great languor through 
 out the kingdom, as the revenue must fall short of calcu 
 lation in point of time, if not in amount (and that is the 
 same thing where revenue is concerned). It will follow 
 that either the interest of the public debt will not be regu 
 larly paid, or that various departments will be starved ; 
 probably a little of both. Hence will result a loss of pub 
 lic credit, and then with much injury to commerce and 
 manufactures, operating a further decrease of the means 
 of revenue, and much debility as to the exterior operations 
 of the kingdom. At this moment the discontented spirits 
 will find congenial matter in abundance to work upon, and 
 from that period all the future is involved in the mist of 
 conjecture. If the reigning prince were not the small-beer 
 character he is, there can be but little doubt that, watch 
 ing events and making tolerable use of them, he would re 
 gain his authority ; but what will you have from a creature 
 who, situated as he is, eats and drinks and sleeps well, and 
 laughs and is as merry a grig as lives ? The idea that they 
 will give him some money when he can economize, and 
 that he will have no trouble in governing, contents him 
 entirely. Poor man, he little thinks how unstable is his 
 situation. He is beloved, but it is not with the sort of 
 love which a monarch should inspire ; it is that kind of 
 good-natured pity which one feels for a led captive. There 
 is, besides, no possibility of serving him, for at the slightest 
 show of opposition he gives up everything, and every per 
 son. As to his ministers, the Comte de Montmorin has 
 more understanding than people in general imagine, and 
 he means well, very well, but he means it feebly. He is a 
 good, easy kind of man, one who would make an excellent 
 peace minister in quiet times, but he wants the vigor of 
 
282 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 mind needful for great occasions. The Comte de la Lu- 
 zerne is an indolent, pleasant companion, a man of honor, 
 and as obstinate as you please, but he has somewhat of 
 the creed of General Gates, that the world does a great 
 part of its own business, without the aid of those who are 
 at the head of affairs. The success of such men depends 
 very much upon the run of the dice. The Comte de St. 
 Priest is the only man among them who has what they call 
 caractere, which answers to our idea of firmness, joined to 
 some activity ; but a person who knows him pretty well 
 (which I do not), assures me that he is mercenary and 
 false-hearted ; if so, he cannot possess much good sense, 
 whatever may be his share of genius or talents. M. de 
 la Tour du Pin, whom I am almost unacquainted with, is, 
 I am told, no great things in any respect. M. Necker was 
 frightened by the enrages into the acceptance of him in 
 stead of the Marquis de Montesquiou, who has a consid 
 erable share of talents and a good deal of method. Mon 
 tesquiou is, of course, at present the enemy of M. Necker, 
 having been his friend. 
 
 " As to M. Necker, he is one of those men who has ob 
 tained a much greater reputation than he had any right 
 to. His enemies say that as a banker he acquired his for 
 tune by means which, to say the least, were indelicate, and 
 they mention instances. But in this country everything 
 is so much exaggerated that nothing is more useful than a 
 little scepticism. M. Necker, in his public administration, 
 has always been honest and disinterested, which proves 
 well I think for his former private conduct, or else it 
 proves that he has more vanity than cupidity. Be that as 
 it may, an unspotted integrity as minister, and serving at 
 his own expense in an office which others seek for the pur 
 pose of enriqhing themselves, have acquired him very de 
 servedly much confidence. Add to this, his writings on 
 
I79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 283 
 
 finance teem with that sort of sensibility which makes the 
 fortune of modern romances, and which is exactly suited 
 to this lively nation, who love to read but hate to think. 
 Hence his reputation. He is a man of genius, and his 
 wife is a woman of sense. But neither of them has tal 
 ents, or, rather, the talents of a great minister. His educa 
 tion as a banker has taught him to make tight bargains 
 and put him upon his guard against projects. But though 
 he understands man as a covetous creature, he does not 
 understand mankind, a defect which is irremediable. He 
 is utterly ignorant also of politics, by which I mean poli 
 tics in the great sense, or that sublime science which em 
 braces for its object the happiness of mankind. Conse 
 quently he neither knows what constitution to form nor 
 how to obtain the consent of others to such as he wishes. 
 From the moment of convening the States-General, he has 
 been afloat on the wide ocean of incidents. But what is 
 most extraordinary is, that M. Necker is a very poor finan 
 cier. This I know will sound like heresy in the ears of 
 most people, but it is true. The plans he has proposed 
 are feeble and ineptious. Hitherto he has been supported 
 by borrowing from the Caisse d Escompte, which (being by 
 means of what they call here an arr$t de surs/ance secured 
 from all prosecution) has lent him a sum in their paper 
 exceeding the totality of their capital by about four mill 
 ions sterling. Last autumn he came forward to the As- 
 semblee with a dreadful tale of woe, at the fag end of 
 which was a tax upon every member of the community of 
 a fourth of his revenue, which he declared to be needful 
 for saving the state. His enemies adopted it (declaring, 
 what is very true, that it is a wretched, impracticable ex 
 pedient) in the hope that he and his scheme would fall to 
 gether. This Assemblee, this patriotic band, took in a 
 lump the minister s proposition, because of their confidence 
 
284 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 and the confidence of the people in them, as they said, but, 
 in fact, because they would not risk the unpopularity of 
 a tax. The plan thus adopted, M. Necker, to escape the 
 snare which he had nearly got taken in, altered his tax into 
 what they call the patriotic contribution. By this every 
 man is to declare, if he pleases, what he pleases to estimate 
 as his annual income, and to pay one-fourth of it in three 
 years. You will easily suppose that this fund was unpro 
 ductive, and, notwithstanding the imminent danger of the 
 state, here we are without any aid from the contribution 
 patriotique. His next scheme was that of a national bank, 
 or at least an extension of the Caisse d Escompte. It has 
 been variously modelled since, and many capital objections 
 removed, but at last it is good for nothing, and so it will 
 turn out ; at present it is just beginning. By way of giv 
 ing some base to the present operation, it is proposed and 
 determined to sell about ten or twelve millions sterling of 
 the Crown and Church lands, both of which are, by reso 
 lution of the Assemblee, declared to belong to the nation ; 
 but as it is clear that these lands will not sell well just 
 now, they have appointed a treasurer to receive what they 
 will sell for hereafter, and they issue a kind of order upon 
 this treasurer, which is to be called an assignat, and is to be 
 paid (out of the sales) one, two, and three years hence. 
 They expect that on these assignats they can borrow 
 money to face the engagements of the Caisse d Escompte, 
 and they are at the same time to pay some of the more press 
 ing debts with the same assignats. Now this plan must 
 fail as follows : First, there will be some doubt about the 
 title of these lands, at least till the Revolution is completed. 
 Secondly, the representative of lands must always (for a 
 reason which will presently appear) sell for less than a 
 representative of money, and therefore, until public confi 
 dence is so far restored as that the five per cents are above 
 
I79Q.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 285 
 
 par, these assignats, bearing five per cent, must be below 
 par ; money, therefore, cannot be raised upon them but at 
 a considerable discount. Thirdly, the lands to be disposed 
 of must sell a great deal below their value, for there is not 
 money to buy them in this country, and the proof is that 
 they never obtained money on loan at a legal interest, but 
 always upon a premium sufficient to draw it from the 
 employments of commerce and manufactures ; and as the 
 Revolution has greatly lessened the mass of money, the 
 effect of the scarcity must be greater. But further, there 
 is a solecism in the plan which escapes most of them, and 
 which is nevertheless very palpable. The value of lands 
 in Europe is, you know, estimated by the income. To dis 
 pose of public lands, therefore, is to sell public revenue, 
 and therefore, taking the legal interest at five per cent., 
 land renting for icof. ought to sell for 2,ooof. ; but they ex 
 pect that these lands will sell for 3,ooof., and that thereby 
 not only public credit will be restored but a great saving 
 will be made, as the 3,ooof. will redeem an interest of i5of. 
 It is, however, an indisputable fact that, public credit be 
 ing established, the stocks are worth more than land of 
 equal income, and for three reasons : First, that there is no 
 trouble whatever in the management ; secondly, there is no 
 danger of bad crops and taxes ; and, thirdly, they can be dis 
 posed of at a moment s warning, if the owner wants money, 
 and be as readily repurchased when it suits his conveni 
 ence, If, therefore, the public credit be restored, and 
 there be a surplus sum of ten to twelve millions to be in 
 vested, and if such large sales (contrary to custom) should 
 not, from the amount, affect the price, still the lands must 
 go cheaper than the stocks, and consequently the interest 
 bought will be smaller than the revenue sold. 
 
 " Having thus given you a very rude sketch of the men 
 and the measures of this country, I see and feel that it is 
 
286 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 time to conclude. I sincerely wish I could say that there 
 are able men at hand to take the helm, should the present 
 pilot abandon the ship. But I have great apprehensions 
 as to those who may succeed. The present set must wear 
 out in the course of the year, and most of them would be 
 glad to get fairly out of the scrape at present, but it is 
 alike dangerous to stay or to go, and they must patiently 
 await the breath of the Assembly and follow as it blows. 
 The new order of things cannot endure. I hope it may be 
 mended, but fear it may be changed. All Europe just 
 now is like a mine ready to explode, and if this winter 
 does not produce peace, next summer will behold a wider 
 extension of the war." 
 
 " To-day [January 26th], at half-past three, I go to M. de 
 Lafayette s. He tells me that he wishes to have a meet 
 ing of Mr. Short, Mr. Paine, and myself, to consider their 
 judiciary, because his place imposes on him the necessity 
 of being right. I tell him that Paine can do him no good, 
 for that, although he has an excellent pen to write, he has 
 but an indifferent head to think. In conversing about 
 this affair he tells me that he has gotten into his posses 
 sion a m&moire written by the refugees of Turin to stir up 
 the Princes of Germany against France, etc. It is to be 
 read in council to-morrow by M. de Montmorin. La 
 fayette says it shall be published. I desire him to suspend 
 that determination, and give him reasons which convince 
 his judgment, but without affecting his will. He is to 
 show it to me to-morrow, and I think the public will soon 
 be let into the secret. At half-past nine go to the Lou 
 vre. Madame has another lady with her and is at play. 
 She apologizes for it in English, which the other un 
 derstands. This is whimsical enough. I make tea for 
 them, and at half-past eleven we are left en tete-a-tete. 
 I communicate to her a note, written this morning, upon 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 28/ 
 
 the situation of affairs, and the conduct which the King 
 ought to pursue. This she will hand to the Queen 
 through Vicq d Azyr, the Queen s physician. I tell her 
 that she must cultivate the Queen and give her good 
 advice, the direct contrary of what the King receives 
 from the ruling party ; that if they succeed she will 
 then be provided for by means of her friends, but if 
 if they fail, then the Queen will feel obligations which, 
 having the power, she will of course repay. My friend 
 feels some repugnance to this, which is only proper con 
 duct for her. She tells me an affair in which the Marquis 
 de Montesquiou behaves with indelicacy, and in which she 
 sees the prospect of making some money. She is to give 
 me the particulars for my consideration. I leave her at 
 half-past twelve and return home." 
 
 " Friday [January 29th], I go to M. de Montmorin s to 
 eat the trout, which was so much mortifie that he refused 
 to assist at this repast. In plain English, it was spoiled 
 some days ago. Before dinner the question of the King s 
 visit to the Assemblee was started, and I very impru 
 dently give my opinion of that measure. Reflection tells 
 me that whether proposed by Necker or by Lafayette, 
 Montmorin has probably agreed to it. The Baron de 
 Besenval is released from his confinement this evening, 
 about eight o clock. From what Madame de Chastellux 
 tells me as coming from Madame Necker, by the Due de 
 Nivernois, I conclude that the proposed plan for the 
 King originates in the Finance Department. It is ridicu 
 lous. Go to the Louvre. M. de Montesquiou is there. We 
 have some conversation on political topics, and after a 
 while he goes away. Madame de Flahaut is exceedingly 
 distressed. She tells me their conversation, from which 
 she collected that unless he can borrow money to relieve 
 his wants he must put an end to his existence. She is 
 
288 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 much shocked at the situation of a friend who has been 
 long and sincerely attached to her. I calm her griefs as 
 well as I can, and leave her to go to Madame de Chas- 
 tellux s. The Comte de Segur gives me all the reasons 
 for the King going to the Assemblee, which are not worth 
 a sou, in my opinion." 
 
 "This morning [February ist] the Comte de Luxem 
 bourg comes to breakfast with me ; as I am very busy, I 
 cut the conversation short and begin to write. He leaves 
 me, lamenting always that he is not old enough to be in 
 administration, where, with the aid of my counsels, he 
 could do wonders. He will know better by and by. 
 Dine with the Duchess of Orleans. After dinner we dis 
 cuss a question on which I deliver a sentiment somewhat 
 extraordinary, in this extraordinary country, viz., that a 
 woman of sense and learning is more easily led astray 
 than another ; among other reasons, because, having per 
 haps a higher sense of duty, she feels a pleasure propor 
 tionately greater in the breach which leads her on further 
 and faster than another could go. The Duchess denies 
 this position, but in my elucidations I give some traits of 
 female sentiment so true that an old lady present declares 
 my opinion to be abominable, but fears it is just. I can 
 not stay to finish the discussion, but as soon as my car 
 riage is announced I step into it and go to M. Necker s. 
 I tell him briefly the conduct of the houses in Holland, 
 and add that I must go thither before I can deal further 
 with him. He seems to be much disappointed. I tell 
 him that I will do everything in my power to conclude the 
 affair agreeably to his - wishes ; that it is possible the 
 United States may employ me, and in that case I shall, 
 from motives of delicacy, decline all further dealings with 
 him, but in such case I will cause the thing to be done by 
 others. He seems better pleased. He is one of those 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 289 
 
 men whose opinions one must guess at. From Madame s 
 manner, I think I can perceive that my neglect of the 
 house for some time past has not been useful. Perhaps 
 there are other reasons. There are commotions in Brit 
 tany, and the Comte de Thiard tells me that commotions 
 arise from the Tiers, i.e., from some citizens disguised as 
 peasants. Evidently it is a concert with the members of the 
 Assemblee. Go hence to the Louvre, and sup. Madame de 
 Flahaut tells me that the Queen has told Vicq d Azyr she 
 has heard that the Bishop is a man of great abilities, and 
 that it is worth while to have such men. Vicq d Azyr said 
 he was well assured, from one of his intimate friends, that 
 Her Majesty would never have cause to complain of him. 
 The Queen smiled and said she knew who that friend was, 
 to which the physician replied, * Then Your Majesty will 
 spare me the indiscretion of mentioning it. He gave her 
 the note I had written, and which Madame de Flahaut 
 had copied for the purpose. The Queen said that, so long 
 as M. Necker continues in office, she will not interfere in 
 affairs." 
 
 "This morning [February 3d] M. de la Chaise calls, and 
 I spend the rest of the morning with him. I try to per 
 suade him to join me at once in an offer to M. Necker on 
 the debt, but he is afraid. I show him the advantages of 
 which the plan is susceptible, and the facility of the exe 
 cution, but he dares not. He recommends it to me very 
 strongly to go to Holland, and I think I shall take his ad 
 vice. Dine at the Palais Royal. An excellent dinner. 
 Puisignieu, who is here, tells me that he finds that I was 
 right in my ideas about the effect of the King s speech, 
 and owns that he was mistaken. I whisper to Madame de 
 Segur that this information has no effect either to alter or 
 confirm that opinion, which is founded on what I con 
 ceive to be the nature of man. It is a very strange thing 
 19 
 
290 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 that men who have lived in the world fifty years should 
 believe that opposition, founded on strong direct personal 
 interests, can be instantly calmed by a few honeyed ex 
 pressions. The present idea is that it will have a won 
 derful effect in the provinces, but I can conceive of no 
 other effect there than to create animosity. The noblesse 
 will consider it as the effect of the thraldom in which he is 
 held, and the populace as a declaration of war against their 
 superiors. The Abbe Delille repeats some verses, his 
 
 * Catacombs. They are very fine, and very well spoken, 
 but I remark to him that one of his lines is un pen fort : 
 
 1 II ne voit que la nuit, rientend que la silence. 
 
 He tells me he is surprised that I, above all men, should 
 make that remark, who must certainly remember Milton s 
 
 * darkness visible. There is a difference, however, both 
 in the phrase and in the idea ; there is a difference, also, 
 in the kind of poem, and perhaps Milton was on the 
 verge, at least, of bombast in that expression. However, 
 I do not discuss the matter further with him." 
 
 Just as Morris was hoping to arrange satisfactorily 
 the affair of a loan on the debt to France with houses in 
 Holland, he received the information " that the houses in 
 Holland have not only refused to be connected with me, 
 either as parties or on commission, but have opened a loan 
 for 3,000,000! on account of Congress, and written a letter 
 to Mr. Hamilton * and M. Necker urging them not to agree. 
 Go to Mr. Short s to see the letter to Hamilton, which, 
 besides being a very foolish one, is, like all the rest, a vio 
 lation of the promises made to me. I tell Van Staphorst 
 my opinion of their conduct, which he acknowledges to 
 be just. I have disagreeable forebodings about the af- 
 
 * Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of ine Treasury of the United States. 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 2QI 
 
 fairs negotiating in Holland. Van Staphorst tells me 
 that he thinks I had better go to Amsterdam, arid that, al 
 though the houses do not merit a participation in my plan, 
 yet they can be so useful that I shall find it to my interest 
 to employ them. I tell him that I think I shall go. Short 
 comes to see me, and I read him my letter to Colonel 
 Hamilton. He will write in conformity to my sentiments, 
 and is much hurt to find that the plan has not succeeded. 
 Madame de Segur is at Madame de Chastellux s when 
 I call there. She tells me, and the Marechal confirms it, 
 that the Queen decided the King to go to the Assemblee. 
 She adds, as received from an aristocratic quarter, that His 
 Majesty, the day before, swore hard at Necker, and 
 asked him if that step would procure peace, which the 
 poor minister could not promise ; that he was very much 
 out of humor, also, all the morning, and that when he 
 returned from the Assemblee he passed some time in tears. 
 I doubt that this picture is overcharged, but I believe the 
 ground is just, and my fair informant is of the same opin 
 ion. The Marechal avows that he has been very much 
 mistaken as to Necker s abilities." 
 
 On the 4th of February the King sent a message to 
 the Assembly to say that at midday he desired to attend 
 their deliberations : u Je desire etre recu sans ceremo- 
 nie." Dressed in black, attended by several pages and 
 his ministers, he arrived, affected not to sit down, but, 
 hat in hand, read his discourse. The diary comments on 
 the event as follows : " The Comte de Montmorin tells me 
 that the King s speech has been received with great ap 
 plause. The Assembly take an oath to support the consti 
 tution which is to be made. A strange oath. If this 
 step of His Majesty has any effect on reasonable minds, 
 it must be to prove more clearly the feebleness of his 
 ministers, For three mcaths past they have inveighed 
 
292 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 (to the members) against the proceedings of the As 
 sembly, and they appear to give His Majesty s full appro 
 bation. Go from hence to M. de Lafayette s. He asks 
 my opinion of this step, and is much surprised to hear 
 that I disapprove of it. I tell him that I think it can do 
 no good, and must therefore do harm. He says it will 
 enable him to advocate the royal authority in the As- 
 semblee." 
 
 "Dine to-day [February 5th] with the Prince de Bro- 
 glio, and go afterwards to Madame de Chastellux s. The 
 Prince of Hesse comes in, and tells us of what has passed 
 in Brabant relative to the reduction of 12,000 Hessian 
 troops which are sent for, and will probably arrive. This 
 comes exactly to the point which I have long suspected. 
 Mention, in consequence of what Madame de Chastellux 
 says, my opinion, which he contests a little, but on going 
 away he tells me it is all easy enough if the Prince of 
 Brunswick were at the head of affairs ; but this, he says, 
 is prevented by the Baron de Hertzberg. I find Madame 
 de Flahaut at dinner with Miss Fanny and Alice, nieces 
 of her religieuse. After dinner go with Madame de Fla 
 haut below to answer a letter. After returning to the 
 chamber, they contrive to keep me by simply locking the 
 door, and thus I am deprived of my intended visit to the 
 Commandant General. Go from hence to the house of 
 Madame de Vannoise. A Madame de Pusy, who is here, 
 seems to be on the lookout for aid. Go to Madame de La- 
 borde s. A Mrs. Williams, who is the wife of an English 
 artillery officer, and daughter of Doctor Mallett, the 
 friend of Lord Bolingbroke, makes acquaintance with me. 
 She pays me some compliments, which are too pungent 
 for my nerves, and, though they might have passed in 
 French, they revolt in English." 
 
 "While I am dining to-day [February loth] with Madame 
 
i 79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 293 
 
 de Flahaut, the Bishop comes in, and tells us the King s 
 advice to the Comte d Angivilliers, which is curious. * Pray 
 be quiet, Count, for the times are difficult, and everyone 
 must take care of himself ; so that, if you censure the pres 
 ent measures, you may get yourself into trouble. Go 
 hence to Madame de Chastellux s ; the Bishop s report of 
 an address from the Assemblee to their constituents is as 
 much censured here as it was applauded at M. de Lafay 
 ette s. I see M. de Montmorin, and tell him what has passed 
 specting the debt, and that in consequence I am going to 
 Holland. Go from hence to the Comedie Franaise. A 
 wretched piece. Take Madame de Flahaut home. Mon 
 sieur comes in from Versailles ; lend him my carriage to 
 go to the King s coucher. Tell her that I must go in a day 
 or two to Holland." 
 
 " Go to-day [February i3th] to M. Necker s to dinner. 
 After dinner, as I am going away, I ask if he has any com 
 missions for Amsterdam. He asks what leads me thither; 
 I tell him that I wish to divert the gentlemen there from 
 their present pursuits and bring them into my views. He 
 objects. Says he understands that the loan they have 
 opened is filled, and that he expects the Americans will 
 pay the debt, which is the best way. Thus it seems that 
 this plan is finally ruined. At Madame de Chastellux s, 
 to-night, the Comtesse de Segur tells me that on Wednes 
 day next M. Necker is to go to the Assemblee, and tell them 
 that upon the ist of March there will not be a shilling 
 in any chest belonging to the public. The Duchess comes 
 in ; the usual chit-chat." 
 
 "After dining with the Duchess of Orleans, go to La 
 fayette s [February i5th]. He takes me into his closet and 
 enters into conversation on the state of affairs. In the 
 course of conversation I ask him what situation their fron 
 tier towns are in toward Flanders. He gives but a dis- 
 
294 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 agreeable account of them, and complains of the Minister 
 at War, whose misconduct has aided the spirit of revolt 
 prevalent among the troops. I tell him that the enemies 
 of France must be extremely stupid if they do not attack 
 those places. He is much alarmed at the riots which still 
 rage in the provinces, and consults me as to a plan he has 
 in agitation for giving legal authority to quell them. Ap 
 prehensive that the officers of the municipality may not 
 appear on some occasions to head the military, he has, in 
 concurrence with M. Short, for this extraordinary occasion, 
 determined to authorize the commanding officer of the 
 troops to act alone. Thus these violent advocates of lib 
 erty adopt the measure most hostile to it. I oppose the 
 plan ; show him the evil consequences, personal and politi 
 cal. In reply to the question, what are they to do if the 
 municipalities will not make use of the authorities com 
 mitted to them, I first mark out the various penalties which 
 may be devised, but conclude that they will all prove in 
 sufficient, because the institution of the municipalities is 
 radically wrong. Predict to him that they will become 
 the sources of endless confusions, and of great debility, 
 but observe, at the same time, that they have flattered the 
 people with such extravagant notions of liberty that I see 
 it is out of their power to alter that organization until ex 
 perience may have made them wiser. Suggest the ap 
 pointment of commissioners as conservators to be sent into 
 each district. He thinks that the Assemblee will not agree 
 to give the King authority to name such commissioners. 
 Finally, however, we agree that it may be proper to de 
 clare, provisoirement) that certain commissioners already 
 named for other purposes shall be vested with the power 
 in question until the municipalities are organized. He 
 tells me that he must give the King a sugar-plum for his 
 speech to the Assembly. I smile, and tell him that he has 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 295 
 
 no sugar-plum to give ; that they have already parcelled 
 out the executive authority in such way that they cannot 
 restore it to the monarch. He tells me that he has thought 
 of appointing St. Priest Minister at War, with Duportail 
 under him. I tell him that I do not know St. Priest, but 
 understand from one who does know him that he is faux, 
 and advise him to be clear on that point before he makes 
 him his master. As to Duportail, I say nothing, but I be 
 lieve him to be incapable because I believe him to be too 
 much a man-of the closet ; but I know that he has ideas 
 very different from Lafayette as to this revolution. I tell 
 Lafayette that their finances are in the high road to destruc 
 tion ; that anarchy seems to menace, and even already to 
 attack on every quarter ; wherefore they must, above all 
 things, secure the army, which promises to be the only ex 
 isting establishment. I tell him that if a war breaks out 
 they must conduct it on principles totally different from 
 those hitherto used ; that they must put strong garrisons 
 in their islands, and then abandon the ocean and totally 
 stop their commerce, which they will be unable to protect; 
 that such ships as they can fit out must be sent to cruise 
 as privateers ; that they must march with all the force 
 they can muster directly into Holland, and endeavor to 
 possess themselves of that country. I have not time to 
 develop these ideas, but if needful I will take an oppor 
 tunity to put them on paper. Mr. Short tells me that La 
 fayette consulted him, with others, this morning about the 
 means of quelling riots. Go from hence to Madame de 
 Stael s. Stay but a little while. She desires me to bring her 
 a novel from England, if any good one comes out. She has 
 been told that I speak ill of her. I tell her it is not true." 
 "The morning of February the i6th, prepare for my 
 journey to Holland, get a passport and maps, bid Madame 
 de Flahaut adieu, and at eleven on the iyth leave Paris." 
 
296 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Journey to Antwerp. Brussels. Reflections on the state of Flanders. 
 Vanderhoot s committee. Notes on the cathedral and galleries of 
 Antwerp. Supper at M. Cornelison s. Agreeable society of Antwerp. 
 Notes during the journey to Amsterdam. Evening in Madame Bost s 
 salon. Political discussions. Force of the Dutch navy. Scene on 
 the Merchants Exchange at Amsterdam. News from France of 
 Necker s resignation. The Hague. The churches at Delft. Crosses 
 to England. Interview with the Duke of Leeds on the treaty and 
 despatch of a minister to the United States. News from Paris. 
 Pointed opposition to Necker. Visits Sir John Sinclair. Letter to 
 Colonel Ternant. Meets Fox at dinner. Mrs. Jordan at Drury Lane 
 Theatre. Warren Hastings s trial. Criticism on Burke and Fox. 
 Brilliant ball at Mrs. John B. Church s. 
 
 MORRIS S journey to Antwerp was not marked by 
 any particular adventures. Rather uncomfort 
 able inns, extortionate landlords, and lazy horses are the 
 principal experiences he notes. "Through France," he 
 says, " I find that the decree of the Assembly respecting 
 the monks was very much hazarded and is disagreeable to 
 the people in general. The appearance of the houses and 
 people in Flanders announces a milder government than 
 that of the country we have quitted. Parts of the country 
 abound in coal, and the pits are now worked to advantage 
 by the aid of steam-engines. This article seems all which 
 was wanted for the wealth of Flanders, and if in the pres 
 ent ferment they should (by being annexed to Holland or 
 otherwise) get the Scheldt opened, it will be difficult to 
 conjecture what will be the extent of their wealth. 
 
 " At Brussels I see in the Grande Place the Milice Bour- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 geoise. Valor may supply these people with something in 
 stead of discipline, but I am inclined to think that their 
 fate must be decided by other force than that of this coun 
 try. I learn that the popular party, joined to the nobility, 
 begins to show itself here against the clergy, but the 
 monks have the advantage in the villages." 
 
 "At Malines," says the diary for February 2ist, "the peo 
 ple are disposed to subject themselves to the Stadtholder 
 and form one country with Holland. They dislike the con 
 duct of the States, at least so says an intelligent fellow of a 
 waiter, and he seems as likely to understand the sentiments 
 of his fellow-citizens as anybody. I ask him if the relig 
 ion of the two countries will not form an obstacle. He 
 says it is thought not, for that many of the Dutch begin to 
 become converts to the Catholic faith, which is not to be 
 wondered at, because man cannot continue forever on this earth. 
 I express my joy at this happy circumstance and add my 
 opinion that the Dutch believe in God ; but this is ex 
 pressed with an air of doubt which requires further in 
 formation. Yes, sir, they believe in God, but not in the 
 Holy Virgin, and, besides, they eat flesh upon fast days ; 
 wherefore you see that they are in a very dangerous way. 
 I acknowledge the force of this observation. At Antwerp 
 I overtake M. Grand, who left Paris near three days be 
 fore me ; but by sundry accidents to his carriage he has 
 been delayed for nearly that space of time. He departs 
 to-morrow. Asks the news of Paris, and communicates 
 what he has heard in his way. We converse a little on 
 politics and I give him the result of my reflections on the 
 state of this country, which is, that the true interest of 
 Holland is that it should be a republic and, as such, a bar 
 rier against France. The Scheldt will then continue to 
 be shut up for the benefit of Amsterdam and Rotterdam. 
 The interest of France is to possess this country, by which 
 
298 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 means she keeps all enemies at a most respectful distance, 
 and the interest of this country is to become subject to 
 Britain, for by that means only can they enjoy the benefit 
 of an extensive commerce. 
 
 "M. Grand tells me [February 22d] that M. Necker wants 
 the money which has been borrowed by the Dutch houses. 
 After he leaves me I visit M. de Wolf, and we enter upon 
 business immediately. Visit M. Van Ertborn and converse 
 with him about the situation of the politics of this coun 
 try. In the course of conversation he tells me that the 
 people here have more capital than good use for it, but 
 they are wary of speculations and loans, many affairs of 
 that kind having turned out badly. They are generally 
 of opinion here that France must make soon a bankruptcy. 
 It is made long since. Dalton is dead, but it is yet a dis 
 pute whether by poison, pistol, or gout. Vanderhoot is 
 of a committee called the Secret Committee. He is to 
 be in town to-morrow. That committee, a kind of self- 
 elected body, have, it is said, made some kind of treaty 
 with foreign powers. I doubt that fact much. A young 
 man who arrives from Brussels, and is in the patriot army, 
 gives but a wretched account of the Etats-Generaux. Al 
 ready there has been a riot at Brussels, in which they say 
 one person lost his life. In consequence, Vanderhoot, as 
 the representative of the Nation, has published a placard pur 
 porting that the States act only as representatives of the 
 people, in whom the sovereignty resides." 
 
 " Breakfast [February 27th] with M. Dubois. He gives 
 me the French gazettes. The Marquis de Favras is, I 
 find, condemned and executed. He died bravely, and I 
 believe unjustly. But a sacrifice was, I suppose, deemed to 
 be necessary. After breakfast we go to the cathedral, and 
 there view the famous Descent from the Cross, painted 
 by Rubens. It is done with dreadful exactitude. Another 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 299 
 
 fine picture in this church is the Beatification of the 
 Blessed Virgin, which appears to have been completed by 
 Rubens in fifteen days, and to have been paid for at the rate 
 of 100 florins per day. His receipt has been discovered for 
 this picture charged in that way. From the cathedral in 
 stead of going, as we at first intended, to visit some gal 
 leries of paintings, we go to the house of M. Van Ertborn 
 to see the triumphal entry of M. Vanderhoot. On this 
 occasion the troops are all turned out under arms, and we 
 have as fine a procession as the city can afford. It is, in 
 fact, very splendid, and the hero of the day enters amid 
 the repeated acclamations of his fellow- citizens. Van 
 Eupon, the Secretary of the States, accompanies him, and 
 is also one of the pillars of the Revolution. 
 
 "Go to dine with M. de Wolf. Mr. Westbrook and his 
 lady are here, also a colonel in the British service, a Ger 
 man, whose object at Antwerp is to make a loan for the 
 Prince of Wales and the Dukes of York and Clarence. 
 Mr. Westbrook assures me that the revolution is to be at 
 tributed entirely to Vanderhoot. The colonel tells me 
 that Yorktown in Virginia was taken by the French troops 
 only, and that the Americans looked on at a distance. I 
 hope, for the honor of Mr. Vanderhoot, that the one piece 
 of information is more just than the other. I take the 
 liberty to put the colonel right, which might as well per 
 haps have been let alone, but I could not resist the pro 
 pensity. We have a very good fish dinner, for this is a 
 maigre day. Go with M. Dubois to a concert. We are 
 in the box of Madame with her sister, the Comtesse d Otro- 
 inonde, and their father, the Comte d Aes, who informs 
 me that news are arrived announcing with certainty the 
 Emperor s death. The Comte d Otromonde and his lady 
 repeat a very polite invitation to dine on Monday, as I 
 could not be of their party this day, but I must depart for 
 
3<DO DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Amsterdam. After waiting about half an hour Vander- 
 hoot comes in, and is received by loud acclamations, 
 which are repeated at every interval during the concert. 
 After he goes out they continue singing different songs to 
 his honor in the French and Flemish languages. The 
 former are more estimable for the sentiment than for the 
 poetry, and the latter I do not understand. With my pen 
 cil I write on a card and give to the ladies my tribute of 
 applause in English, which they do not understand, and 
 are therefore at liberty to believe that it is excellent. 
 
 Let freedom s friends from every clime 
 
 Here virtue s noble triumph see. 
 Hail, Vanderhoot ! to latest time 
 
 Thy name shall still remember d be. 
 
 For thee the patriot s breast shall glow, 
 For thee the grateful song shall rise, 
 
 On thee celestial choirs bestow 
 A place distinguish d in the skies. 
 
 From the concert we take a turn in the coach of Ma 
 dame Dubois through the town to see the illuminations, 
 and then go to supper at M. Cornelison s, who married the 
 sister of M. Dubois. The burgundy here is transcend- 
 ently good, but though of generous quality and generously 
 bestowed, I feel not the desire to pour out large libations. 
 After supper the conversation turns on the politics and 
 revolution of this country. The master of the house, 
 who seems to be much indisposed to the authority assumed 
 by the States, and is not perhaps a very great friend to the 
 revolution, gives us a history of it in his way ; and as some 
 dispute arises, I am able to collect from the whole conver 
 sation that a much greater portion of the success is to be 
 attributed to the misconduct of the Austrian troops than 
 to the vigor of the patriots either in body or mind. And 
 it seems also to be pretty clear that the members of the 
 
i 79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 3OI 
 
 States are of that species which is called good sort of men ; 
 and, indeed, if I might judge from Vanderhoot s counte 
 nance, he, also, is rather distinguishable for bonhomie than 
 for talents. Those who are called the Tiers Etat are rep 
 resentatives rather of the sovereign than of the people, 
 from the manner in which the elections are made ; and as 
 the nobles are hereditary, and the clergy are more proper 
 ly a profession than a political order, it must be confessed 
 that such an assemblage (originally possessed by their con 
 stitution of a share of the legislative authority, and now 
 by their own assumption possessed of the remainder, and 
 of the whole executive authority) does not seem likely to 
 render the condition of the people very agreeable should 
 this form of government be finally established. But I 
 cannot but think it more prudent to secure the country 
 first against the late sovereign, and afterwards, when the 
 revolution is completed, put their internal affairs in order. 
 
 " The English nation seems to be more agreeable to the 
 inhabitants of this country than either the Dutch or 
 French. I do not exactly see the reason of this, nor do I 
 recollect anything in their history which should have given 
 rise to this preference. The shutting up of the Scheldt 
 seems naturally enough to account for a rooted dislike of 
 the Dutch, and perhaps they are too near neighbors for 
 the French to be very much attached to them, for among 
 nations as with individuals near neighbors are seldom good 
 friends." 
 
 " After dining to-day [February 28th] with M. de Wolf 
 we behold the procession of M. Vanderhoot, who is about 
 to depart, and who is escorted from the city with as much 
 pomp as was yesterday displayed to receive him. Later 
 in the evening M. Dubois takes me to his brother s to 
 sup. After supper the conversation is accidentally turned 
 to religion, and a gentleman present observes that in all 
 
302 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 countries there is an established religion. I assure him 
 that there is none in America. We are led too far on this 
 head, for this country is too ignorant as yet to understand 
 the true principles of human policy with respect to relig 
 ion, and too bigoted, so that truths almost universally ac 
 knowledged appear almost like atheism. At least such is 
 my conjecture, from the countenances of the company, 
 when I tell them that God is sufficiently powerful to do 
 his own business without human aid, and that man should 
 confine his care to the actions of his fellow-creatures, leav 
 ing to that Being to influence the thoughts as he may 
 think proper." 
 
 March ist, Morris left Antwerp and proceeded to Am 
 sterdam. "My short residence in this city," he says, "has 
 attached me to the society I was in, so that I leave it with 
 regret." The business which occasioned his visit was 
 not without result, for he and De Wolf "agreed as to ways 
 and means of operating hereafter in the American debt." 
 On his way he observes that "the whole country on the 
 right is laid waste, and the greater part is under water. 
 The appearance as we approach is terrible, for it looks 
 like a wide ocean which we are to cross on a strip of land. 
 The fact, I find, is that the dyke was broken down by the 
 river, and the torrent swept away everything. It appears 
 to have been done a year or two ago, and is at present re 
 paired, but this is only a specimen of the state which 
 seems to threaten, though perhaps at a very remote period, 
 this extraordinary country. A great part of it is very 
 much below the level of the water, and therefore the small 
 est perforation of the bank would let in the inundation at 
 any time. The texture of these dykes also appears to me 
 to be nothing more than the common earth thrown up. 
 If so, a cargo of musk-rats would do them more serious 
 mischief than an hundred thousand men, provided that 
 
1790-1 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 303 
 
 animal could exist in this climate, and I see no reason why 
 it should not. After we leave this theatre of destruction 
 we go along a very considerable distance with the Haarlem 
 Meer (a very large lake communicating near to the city of 
 Amsterdam with the ocean). On our left and on our right 
 the turf grounds are under water, the road too narrow 
 to admit of more than one carriage for a great part of the 
 way, and the Haarlem Meer (perhaps swelled by the tide) 
 is nearly on a level with us. This is as dreary and dis 
 agreeable a ride as can be wished. At a little before four 
 we are set down at the Arms of Amsterdam, so that we 
 have been nine hours on the road." 
 
 "Go to see M. Hope on business of the American debt 
 [March 4th]. The envoy from Prussia to Portugal comes 
 in. At dinner the conversation turns a little upon the 
 state of Europe, and the envoy seems to think that the 
 Archduke will be chosen Emperor if he will make the 
 needful sacrifices, one of which (and, indeed, the principal 
 one) is to give up the alliance with the Empress of Russia 
 and make peace with the Turk. He seems to suppose 
 that he may by this means recover the possession of 
 Flanders. Go hence to Madame Host s. A very gen 
 eral company and excellent music. The salon is very 
 handsome, and decorated with valuable pictures by 
 the greatest masters. French politics are immediately 
 broached, and I find that they are of the Orange party, 
 consequently glad to see the miseries which the Revolu 
 tion has brought upon France. I endeavor to show that 
 the state of things in France was such as to necessitate a 
 change of some sort, and although they have, as is natural, 
 gone into an extreme, yet there is reason to hope that, see 
 ing their error, they will return. Insensibly we come to 
 ward Holland, and in reply to an observation of Madame 
 I observe that this country appears to me in a situation as 
 
304 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 precarious as any other in Europe ; that they cannot long 
 continue what they now are, but must descend of necessity 
 by the weight of irresistible circumstances. This calls out 
 M. Bost (a man of sense and information), and in the 
 spirit of argument he communicates useful facts, which 
 are nevertheless in confirmation of the opinion he com 
 bats. I tell him that the individual wealth of the country 
 resulting from the accumulated interest of money lent is 
 fatal to the public wealth ; that it has from natural causes 
 banished manufactures, and that their agriculture, circum 
 scribed within narrow bounds, cannot bear any further im 
 positions ; consequently the revenue cannot be increased. 
 And as their commerce, though positively greater than in 
 the last century, is comparatively much less, that source 
 of public wealth is drying up the competition of people 
 whose natural position gives them advantages. For the 
 commerce here, being that of an intermediary between 
 other nations, renders a profit only to the merchant with 
 out adding anything to the general mass. M. Bost in reply 
 to this says that the wealth depending on manufactures is 
 not only precarious but a felo de se, and necessarily de 
 structive of itself, because it must so raise the price of 
 labor as to give to other countries an advantageous com 
 petition. He is mistaken, but I think it best to let him en 
 joy his mistake. Besides, it is time to go to the concert. 
 
 " We have very good music. I ask an officer of the navy 
 the state of their army and navy. He tells me they have 
 fifty ships of the line and as many frigates ; their army 
 consists of 3,000 infantry and 2,000 artillery, and as many 
 cavalry. These last are some of the finest in Europe. I 
 ask Mr. Bost how much the tax of the twenty-fifth penny 
 yielded here. He tells me that it produced in the province 
 of Holland eighty millions of guelders." 
 
 " The news from France to-day [March 6th] is that M. 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 305 
 
 Necker is to go to the Assemblee and propose apian of 
 finance which will put everything to rights, and this they 
 seem to be convinced of. La Chaise had told me last 
 evening that things were going on very badly in their 
 finances, and that M. Necker has the jaundice ; thus the 
 same post brings very different accounts of the same 
 thing." 
 
 " Go to the exchange [March roth], which is a very 
 curious scene. Jan Willinks takes me upstairs to a win 
 dow to show it more fully. A general meeting, this, of 
 the representatives of the earth. Each merchant has his 
 stand, and the brokers, who are as busy as it is possible for 
 men to be, keep constantly applying to them on one sub 
 ject or another. Go to the French Theatre, and sit in the 
 Burgomaster s box immediately behind Madame Bost and 
 Madame Hasselaer. I find that this latter was acquainted 
 at Spa with my brother, General Morris. She says that 
 his wife is a very amiable woman. Learn the news from 
 France, which is that Necker has announced that he must 
 retire, and proposes to stop payment for a year, also to 
 issue paper money (at least, so says the abstract of his 
 speech). These, wild measures must ruin the exchange 
 and stocks." 
 
 " Dine [March i3th] with W. Willinks (enfamille). Our 
 company consists of his children, with their private tutors 
 and a professor, who is, he says, a very learned man ; also 
 a student under that professor. By this means we are ten 
 at table, and Madame places me in an arm-chair at the end 
 of it. She sits on my right, and Monsieur on my left. Two 
 dishes of cod, one at each end, some potatoes in the middle, 
 the cod s liver boiled in one sauce-boat and butter boiled 
 in the other, form the first course. With the aid of some 
 mustard, I take in a sufficient quantity of the fish to be cov 
 ered against contingencies. When this service is removed, 
 
 20 
 
306 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 the potatoes are replaced by a piece of boiled beef, and the 
 dish of fish next me is in like manner replaced by two 
 miserable chickens, or rather fowls, whose sharp breast 
 bones complain of the fire by which the little juice they 
 once might boast of has been dried away. A watery sauce 
 which surrounds them can but ill supply the defect of 
 nature and the waste of art. A flat pudding at the other 
 end, and four plates of greasy vegetables at the corners, 
 make up this second course. The dessert is a little better 
 as to quantity, but the quality shows that the principles of 
 a rigid economy have been duly attended to. The wines, 
 however, might give that indigestion against which the 
 due precautions have been taken in the dinner, but from 
 a similar cause, there is little danger of excess. Some in 
 sipid Cape Madeira figures in the dessert, with some sweet 
 wine which is called White Cape. The conversation is like 
 the feast, and turns upon business. I have but little reason 
 to be satisfied with it ; however, time and chance produce 
 strange revolutions on this globe. We shall see." 
 
 " To-day [March i6th] we embark in M. Willinks s yacht 
 for Saardam. It is a flat-bottomed vessel, with leeboards, 
 and is broader in proportion to the length than a periau- 
 ger. It is rigged sloop-fashion. At Saardam I am made 
 to remark the old-fashioned dress, and am struck with what 
 is not pointed out ; viz., the manner of arranging the hair 
 as I have seen it in old pictures of the time of Louis XIV., 
 in little ringlets on the forehead. A girl of about fifteen, 
 with auburn locks in that style, a clear complexion, and 
 rosy cheeks, looks like one of the woodland nymphs of 
 ancient poesy. Another thing pointed out to me is, I be 
 lieve, peculiar to this part of the world a mortuary door, 
 which is never opened but to take away a corpse." 
 
 " 1 hear [March ipth] that the Committee of Finance 
 have made severe strictures on Necker s plan, and repro- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 307 
 
 bated in particular the idea of a board of commissioners 
 of the treasury, chosen from out of the Assemblee. They 
 recommend also a paper money, bearing interest, which 
 they think will not depreciate, and in this I think they are 
 very much mistaken. Time only can show the worth of 
 that measure. The exchange in the meantime, and the 
 effets royaux, continue to fall. I go to the older Madame 
 Capadoces, but the young ladies of the family are here. 
 Madame Caton receives well my advances. Madame Sara 
 seems to have more understanding than her sister-in-law. 
 She is equally beautiful, though in a different style, and 
 has an air moins lubrique, but her eyes speak the language 
 of that sentiment which warms and melts the heart. No 
 pulse but the beat of delight, no sound but the murmur 
 of joy. Heaven knoweth best, ye fair daughters of Sion, 
 if ever it will be my lot to behold you again. All which 
 I can do is to raise some gentle prepossessions not un 
 favorable to future efforts, should chance again place me 
 within that circle where you fill so bright a space. I find 
 that rny adorations are not illy received by the fair Sara, 
 and that the delicious Caton is less pleased than she ex 
 pected at those worshippings. Tant mieux. We retire after 
 one o clock, which is not the way to preserve health, I be 
 lieve." 
 
 Morris left Amsterdam on the 22d, with assurances 
 from Mr. John Willinks that if it were possible they would 
 effect his object in regard to the debt question. The 
 Hague was the next stopping-place, and the following 
 morning, immediately after breakfast, he went to Scheven- 
 ingen, then " a little fishing-village " merely. "The road is 
 straight, level, and paved with brick. We go directly 
 through the dunes or sand-hills, which, viewed in their ex 
 tent northward along the coast, have somewhat the shape 
 and appearance of a troubled sea. A small ascent from 
 
308 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Scheveningen of five or six feet presents to my view the 
 German ocean. Three fishing-vessels lie on the beach. 
 Their leeboards are made of one plank only, and are long ; 
 the vessels short, and by no means clean-built. They are 
 not quite flat-bottomed, but nearly so. My guide tells me 
 that they have a great commerce for fish. At present they 
 are packing up skate for Brabant. Returning, we go to 
 the prince s cabinet of paintings. There are here several 
 very good pieces and some indifferent; a * Venus and 
 an Eve, both by Rubens. Dine, and depart for Rotter 
 dam. Stop at Delft and visit two churches. In the one 
 are the monuments of Van Tromp and another admiral ; 
 in the other church is the monument of the great Nassau, 
 first Stadtholder, murdered in this city by a person whom 
 the Spanish had hired for the purpose. At the feet of the 
 hero is represented his faithful dog, who, when his master 
 was slain, would neither eat nor drink, and so perished in 
 affectionate and sorrowful attendance. Poor, worthy creat 
 ure ! In this church is also the monument of Grotius. 
 Over the Stadtholder are represented two weeping Cupids, 
 but nothing can be more ludicrous than their grimaces. 
 From hence we proceed to Rotterdam, and arrive at half- 
 past six, having been but three hours. Mr. Gregory, I find, 
 has engaged a packet, and the next morning [March 24th] 
 we take a wagon and cross over to Helvoetsluys. The 
 weather is very warm, the violets are in full bloom, and I 
 pick up on a slope of the works which faces the sun a 
 mushroom very large, but too old to be eaten. We dis 
 appoint our host in not dining with him, and in taking 
 one bottle only of his wine for our sea-stores. Set sail 
 with a wind directly ahead and the tide almost done, con 
 sequently with but little prospect of getting to sea this 
 evening. At low-water it falls calm, and we cast anchor 
 about two leagues below Helvoet. Captain Bridges seems 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 309 
 
 to be a good-natured, honest fellow ; his mate, with a sour 
 though not sober countenance, looks ineffable contempt at 
 the passengers ; I suppose, because they are not seamen. 
 A fine evening closes this day." 
 
 Fifty hours after sailing Morris was landed safely at 
 Harwich on Saturday, March 27th, whence he proceeded 
 immediately to London. " The season here," he says, "is 
 very far advanced. The primroses, the violets, and many 
 fruit-trees are in full bloom. The rape-seed, also, is in 
 blossom. Arrive at five o clock at Froome s Hotel, Covent 
 Garden. Go to bed at ten o clock, and am but just fairly 
 nestled there, when my brother, General Morris, arrives. 
 My sister is also at the door, but does not come in. The 
 object was to take me home to supper. Am to breakfast 
 with them at ten to-morrow." 
 
 "This morning [March 28th], at ten, I go to General 
 Morris s. A very sisterly reception from his lady. Stay 
 and chat till near twelve, then visit the Marquis de la Lu- 
 zerne, ambassador from France. He tells me the news 
 from Paris, and in reply to my question of who is to re 
 place Necker, he says that the story of his going away is 
 all fabricated by Calonne. I tell him that I am persuaded 
 that he will quit, and that I do not consider it as a mis 
 fortune. I find, however, that he is much an advocate of 
 M. Necker and his measures. This is extraordinary, for 
 he has, I think, good sense enough to see the faults which 
 have been committed. Call on the Duke of Leeds, who is 
 not at home ; leave a card and tell the porter I will write 
 a note. Go to the Due de Luxembourg s ; admitted 
 with difficulty ; his son receives the letter with which I 
 am charged by his brother, the Duke being in bed. Re 
 turn home ; write a note to the Duke of Leeds, asking to 
 know the time when it will be most convenient for his 
 grace to receive certain communications which Mr. Morris 
 
310 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 is desired to make in a semi-official capacity to His Majes 
 ty s ministers by the President of the United States of 
 America. Go to the French ambassador s to dinner. 
 The Vicomtesse says she has a great deal to say about the 
 affairs of France when she sees me with less company. 
 Return home, and find a note from the Duke of Leeds, 
 giving me a rendez-vous for to-morrow at half-past two. 
 I told the Marquis de la Luzerne this morning that I was 
 directed to call on the ministry here for a performance of 
 the treaty, and enjoined him to secrecy. (He told it every 
 where.) I think it prudent to be in a situation to say al 
 ways to the French Court that every step taken by us has 
 been with their privity." 
 
 " Monday [March 29th], at the appointed hour I go to 
 Whitehall, and communicate to the Duke of Leeds* Wash 
 ington s letter to me. He expresses himself with some 
 warmth of approbation. * I am very happy, Mr. Morris, 
 to see this letter, and under the President s own hand. I 
 assure you it is very much my wish to cultivate a friendly 
 and commercial intercourse between the two countries, 
 and more, and I can answer for the rest of His Majesty s 
 servants that they are of the same opinion. I am very 
 happy, my Lord, to find that such sentiments prevail, for 
 we are too near neighbors not to be either very good 
 friends or very dangerous enemies. After more profes 
 sions from him I mention the points of the treaty which 
 remain to be performed, and observe that, by the Consti- 
 
 * In October, 1789, Washington wrote to Morris, and desired him, in " the 
 capacity of private agent and on the authority and credit of this letter, to con 
 verse with His Britannic Majesty s ministers on these points ; viz., whether 
 there be any, and what objections to performing those articles in the treaty 
 which remain to be performed on his part, and whether they incline to a 
 treaty of commerce with the United States on any, and what terms? " The 
 office of Secretary of State being at this time unfilled, Washington, to avoid 
 delays, made this communication under his own hand. This letter is the one 
 referred to in Morris s interview with the Duke of Leeds. 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 311 
 
 tution of the United States, which he has certainly read, 
 all obstacles to the recovery of British debts are removed, 
 and that if any doubt could have remained it is now obvi 
 ated by the organization of a Federal court which has cog 
 nizance of all causes arising under the treaty. He is very 
 happy to receive this information. I then mention that I 
 believe there are two points which remain to be fulfilled 
 on their part : viz., as to the Posts and compensation for 
 negroes taken away ; that perhaps, as to the first, they may 
 have sent out orders since the President s letter was writ 
 ten. He does not exactly know the situation. As to the 
 last, he had long wished that something had been done, 
 but something or another had always interfered. He 
 changed the conversation, which I bring back, and which 
 he changes again. It is evident, therefore, that he is at 
 present confined to general assurances. I tell him that 
 there was a little circumstance which operated very disa 
 greeably in America. He interrupts me : I know what 
 you are going to speak about, our not sending out a min 
 ister. I wished to send you one, but then I wished to 
 have a man everyway equal to the task, a man of abilities, 
 and one agreeable to the people of America, but it was 
 difficult; it is a great way off. My Lord, you cannot 
 want men well qualified, and I am certain that there are 
 many who will be glad to accept it. He again changes 
 the conversation. I therefore observe that he will prob 
 ably choose to consider this matter a little, and to examine 
 the American Constitution, the treaty of peace, etc. He 
 says that he should. I tell him that I shall be glad to 
 receive his answer as speedily as may be. He promises 
 despatch. In the course of the conversation he mentioned 
 a letter he had written to Mr. Adams, in which he ex 
 pressed the opinion that the performance of the treaty 
 should be article by article, as they stood in order. I re- 
 
312 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 ply that my private opinion had always been that it would 
 be proper for us to execute the treaty fully on our part, 
 and then call for execution by them, for that if each were 
 to delay until the other should act, all treaties would be 
 illusory. He agreed in the propriety of the observation. 
 I left [Washington s] letter with him, which he is to have 
 copied and returned." 
 
 "Mr. Church engages me to dine with him on Friday 
 [March 3oth], enfamille. He goes to find Charles Fox and 
 ask him to meet me." 
 
 The following sprightly society letter Morris de 
 spatched to Mr. Short at Paris, to be by him shown to 
 the disconsolate fair ones he had left behind, and who 
 complained of his silence. "Place me before them grace 
 fully," he wrote, "and assure them that they can at least 
 own that it is only in my absence that such complaints can 
 have any foundation. But truth is that I did not like to 
 write through Flanders, because the government are by 
 no means deficient in curiosity and not over-delicate in 
 the means of satisfying it. I hereby authorize you, how 
 ever, to say for me all which I ought to say and to do all 
 which I ought to do. I would deputize you to the hand 
 ling of Madame de C s tea-pot, but, since everything 
 
 now goes by election, I cannot hazard such encroachment 
 upon the droits de r/iomme. Be persuaded, however, of my 
 perfectly good wishes that you may be found worthy to 
 fill the department. You will lay me at the feet of her 
 R. H. Happy position ! there to kneel and there adore. 
 Assure her of my lowliest worshippings. To the charm 
 ing Comtesse de S , try to say what I have often felt 
 
 but could never express. In Madame d H det t s cir 
 cle, give every assurance which may be proper ; I hold 
 myself bound in honor not to belie you. Madame de La- 
 b will, I hope, always believe in my respectful ad- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 313 
 
 miration. You will see then Madame de F , to whom 
 
 present my remembrances. Supply on every occasion 
 my omissions, and command me under similar circum 
 stances. I will obey as well as I can." 
 
 " The French ambassador tells rne the news from Paris 
 to-day [April ist] at dinner. Things are going on badly. 
 The Assembly have reiterated to the King their refusal to 
 comply with his wish to choose a treasury board out of 
 their body. The pointed opposition to M. Necker be 
 comes now manifest. He seems much affected by the situ 
 ation of things, and tells me that within the last six months 
 they have done much evil, in which sentiment I cordially 
 agree. The Duchesse de Biron is here and Madame de 
 Boufflers, to which last I present remembrances from the 
 Marechal de Segur, but I believe I have mistaken the per 
 son who gave me that commission." 
 
 "Visit Sir John Sinclair [April 4th], from whom I re 
 ceived a note last evening requesting it. Various conver 
 sation. Just before I come away I ask him whether they 
 have made any alteration in their American trade bill and 
 intercourse bill. He says they have not. I ask what are 
 their intentions on that subject. He says they are of 
 opinion that trade can best regulate itself. I smile, and tell 
 him that I am very much of the same opinion, but that con 
 sistently with it we should abstain from all restrictions." 
 
 Almost as a Frenchman Morris mourned over the con 
 dition of France, as he saw how feeble her men were, 
 how little fitted for the task suddenly imposed upon them. 
 In the following letters to Colonel Ternant and Mr. Short, 
 who were both in Paris, he expresses his feelings very 
 forcibly. "The present moment," he wrote to Colonel 
 Ternant, "teems with great events. Would to God that, 
 in a certain city which you have sometimes seen, there 
 were great men established to meet with proper dignity 
 
314 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 the greatness of those incidents which will be hourly pro 
 duced." And later, writing to Mr. Short, he says : "I have 
 very little doubt in my mind either as to the progress or 
 event of things in France. Early in July I formed event 
 ual opinions, and events in August and early in Septem 
 ber rendered them absolute. Hitherto facts have shown 
 them to be just. If the two hundred millions given to the 
 municipality of Paris were what they are supposed to be, 
 value t the consequences you fear might take effect, but they 
 are among those things whose ultimate basis resolves itself 
 into opinion, and opinion cannot be restored until they 
 shall have undone much of what they have done, and done 
 many things of different complexion. Among those who 
 are now at the helm there is neither the mind to conceive, 
 the heart to dare, nor the hand to execute such things. 
 They will therefore continue to pile up system upon sys 
 tem, without advancing one inch. The dreadful primeval 
 curse is repeated upon them all. Paper thou art, and unto 
 paper shalt thou return. I deeply bemoan these things, 
 for I love France sincerely. ... It was not from 
 what I found in Amsterdam that I was deterred from 
 pursuing the propositions to M. Necker, but the convic 
 tion that his expectations have been so raised as to shut 
 his ears to anything which could with safety be proposed, 
 and I have not enough of the knight-errant in my com 
 position to go beyond that line." 
 
 " If I am not mistaken," the diary continues, " it will be 
 proper to be intimate at the French ambassador s, to a 
 certain point. At dinner to-day we have a long conversa 
 tion on the state of French politics. He tells me that he 
 thinks Lafayette and M. Necker ought to coalesce, as the 
 only means of saving France. I tell him that his idea 
 may be good, but I am sure it will not take effect. He 
 asks if Mr. Jefferson was not much consulted in the be- 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 315 
 
 ginning of the Revolution. I tell him that I believe he 
 was, and fear that his ideas were in many respects too 
 democratical. He speaks of Jefferson with much con 
 tempt as a statesman and as one who is better formed for 
 the interior of Virginia than to influence the operations 
 of a great people. I own that I am rather surprised at 
 this sentiment, because Mr. Jefferson has in general ex 
 cited favorable ideas of his intellectual faculties. Go 
 from hence to Mrs. Low s rout ; a number of Americans 
 there. Among the guests is Mrs. Mallet, who still looks 
 toward triumph, and has a less unnatural manner than 
 she had about fifteen years ago. She seems not unwilling 
 to extend her dominion, but this will not do for me." 
 
 "A pretty numerous company at Sir John Sinclair s to 
 day [April pth] at dinner chiefly literati, I believe. A 
 Mr. Irwin of the customs, a statesman, is, I find, decidedly 
 opposed to America, and he is, if an enemy, a dangerous 
 one, because he can always produce just such matter as he 
 pleases. At present his hobby-horse is to force the people 
 of this island, even by starvation, to raise as much corn as 
 they want. I foolishly enter into a little argument with 
 him on that subject; twould have been better to let him 
 enjoy his opinions, and to inculcate them. What I say turns 
 upon the point that the labor applied to husbandry cannot 
 so certainly insure its object as that employed upon manu 
 factures. The favorable or unfavorable season will de 
 cide on the harvest, in spite of all human endeavors." 
 
 "Mr. R. Penn tells me [April nth] that he thinks it 
 probable I shall be appointed minister to this Court. I 
 tell him that if I express an opinion, it will be not to ap 
 point a minister. He expresses his surprise at this senti 
 ment, which I justify on the ground that their present 
 rulers do not wish to form a connection with America. 
 Go from hence to Mr. Church s. They are just got back ; 
 
3l6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP, XIV. 
 
 he is from Newmarket, where he has lost money. I prom 
 ise to meet Charles Fox at dinner on Saturday. Visit 
 Lady Tancred. She seems more indebted for her beauties 
 to art than I had imagined at the first view. I learn that 
 she is sister to my old friend General Montgomery." 
 
 " General Morris calls on me this morning [April i6th] 
 to inform me of a mechanic who can make wooden legs 
 very well. I desire that he may call on me to-morrow. 
 At half-past two Mr. Penn calls, and dines. We then go 
 down to the House of Commons. He endeavors to pro 
 cure admission for me under the galleries as a foreigner, 
 which the speaker refuses, because I have not been pre 
 sented at Court. Madame de la Luzerne showed me this 
 evening a letter from her mother, or mother-in-law, men 
 tioning that M. Necker was to be denounced to the Na 
 tional Assembly, and that both parties are violent against 
 him. She tells me also that Lafayette is opposed to him. 
 This I knew before, but appeared not to know it, and even 
 endeavored to account for it on a supposition that they 
 may have differed lately about the taking of a board of 
 treasury out of the National Assembly. My friend the 
 Marquis de la Luzerne is violently opposed, I find, to the 
 Assembly, but in favor of M. Necker. Return home be 
 tween twelve and one, and sit some time reading the livre 
 rouge which M. Barthelemi gave me the perusal of this 
 afternoon." 
 
 "This morning [April iyth] after breakfast a mechanic 
 arrives who is to make a leg. Upon examination of the 
 stump he says that I shall be able to take the benefit of 
 the knee-joint. If this be so it will certainly be an im 
 provement, but he acknowledges that the machinery will 
 be less solid than the simple stick which I now use." 
 Morris met Charles James Fox at dinner this evening at 
 Mr. Church s. "Mr. Fox," he says, "does not arrive till 
 
I79Q.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 3 1/ 
 
 seven. He has been detained by the Duke of York. We 
 sat pretty late after dinner, and I observe that Mr. Fox 
 scrutinizes me closely to see what I am. I give him all 
 opportunity for that purpose. His manners are simple. 
 He speaks lightly of Chatham, who, says he, was a fortu 
 nate man, and that the successes in the war were to be attrib 
 uted to a measure of his father s, which was the capture 
 of the French ships and seamen before the Declaration ; I 
 observe that it was also to be attributed to the great force 
 sent out to America by Lord Chatham. In the course of 
 conversation I ask him what system the present adminis 
 tration have with respect to America. He says that he 
 thinks they have not as yet adopted any ; that he does not 
 imagine Mr. Pitt will take any trouble about the matter, 
 but will leave it to Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Grenville, 
 who are both of them indisposed to us, whereas Pitt him 
 self is rather friendly than otherwise. I ask him the char 
 acter of the Duke of Leeds. He speaks of him contemptu 
 ously, but says he takes upon himself a little lately. He 
 says that he and Burke are now almost alone in their 
 opinion that we should be permitted to trade in our own 
 bottoms to their islands ; that this opinion loses ground 
 daily, though for his part he persists in it. I tell him that 
 it is a solid principle of policy, for that our position ren 
 ders the islands so materially dependent on us that they 
 should make it our interest to keep them in possession ; 
 that further, if we choose to lay them under disadvan 
 tages in our ports, we can materially injure their naviga 
 tion, whereas the admission of our vessels into their isl 
 ands can do them no harm in that respect. All this is 
 true, but I suspect that we shall be obliged in America to 
 give them the conviction of their senses." 
 
 " This morning [April 2oth] I go immediately after 
 breakfast to a leg-maker and have my right leg taken in 
 
318 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 plaster of Paris, as a model by which to make the left leg 
 of copper. By the awkwardness of the workman I am 
 long detained, and obliged to have a second copy made ; 
 in fact, he has not one needful thing, which is a box for 
 taking the model by. Get a model made of the stump 
 also, so as to prevent the necessity of frequent sittings to 
 have the cushions fitted. I am detained under these op 
 erations until after four o clock. Dress, and go to the 
 French ambassador s to dine. A young gentleman is 
 there who I have often seen at the Baron de Besenval s. 
 He is just arrived ; he came in company with Mr. Crosby. 
 That circle are all in good health. I find that the debates 
 have been very outrageous in Paris, and things seem to be 
 verging fast towards change." 
 
 " To-day [April 23d] I dine with my brother, General 
 Morris. The company are a Lady Cundliffe, with her 
 daughters, Mrs. Drummond Smith and Miss Cundliffe ; 
 the Marquis of Huntly, Lord Eglinton, General Murry, 
 Mr. Drummond Smith (who, they tell me, is one of the 
 richest commoners in England), and Colonel Morrison of 
 the Guards. After dinner there is a great deal of com 
 pany collected in the drawing-room, to some of whom I 
 am presented ; the Ladies Hays, who are very handsome, 
 Lady Tancred and her sister, and Miss Byron are here, 
 Mr. and Mrs. Montresor. I am particularly presented 
 to Colonel Morrison, who is the quartermaster-general 
 of this kingdom, and whose daughter also is here. She 
 has a fine, expressive countenance, and is, they tell me, 
 of such a romantic turn of mind as to have refused 
 many good offers of marriage because she did not like the 
 men. I have some little conversation with Mrs. Smith 
 after dinner. She appears to have good dispositions for 
 making a friendly connection, as far as one may venture to 
 judge by the glance of the eye. Visit Mrs. Cosway, and 
 
i79o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 319 
 
 find here Lady Townsend, with her daughter-in-law and 
 daughter. The conversation here (as, indeed, everywhere 
 else) turns on the man (or rather monster) who for several 
 days past has amused himself with cutting and wounding 
 women in the streets. One unhappy victim of his in 
 human rage is dead. Go from hence to Drury Lane Thea 
 tre. The pieces we went to see were not acted, but in 
 stead, Twelfth Night and The Spoiled Child. This 
 last is said to have been written by Mrs. Jordan. She 
 plays excellently in it, and so, indeed, she does in the prin 
 cipal piece." 
 
 " Two tickets have been given me for the trial of Warren 
 Hastings. Call upon La Caze [April 29th], and take him 
 with me. We wait till past two before the Lords come 
 down, and then, after a decision against the managers upon 
 a former question, much time is consumed in complaint 
 against that decision. A witness being then called up 
 and a question proposed to him, an objection is raised by 
 the counsel as being within the decision just delivered. A 
 long argument on this subject from the managers, which 
 the counsel very properly reply to by their silence, and, the 
 opinion of the Lords being clear, the question is given up 
 without a formal declaration of that opinion. Shortly 
 after, another question is proposed to the witness, which is 
 objected to, and hereupon arises a serious argument. The 
 speakers this day are Burke and Fox. The former has 
 quickness and genius, but he is vague, loose, desultory, 
 and confused. Mr. Fox has not the needful self-possession 
 to make a great speaker. He is obliged to abstract him 
 self so much in pursuit of the matter that he is extremely 
 deficient in manner. He is a slovenly speaker, but he is 
 acute and discerns well. He does not sufficiently convey 
 to others the distinctions which he feels ; his mind appears 
 like a clouded sun, and this I believe results from the life 
 
320 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIV, 
 
 he leads. Temperance, application, and the possession of 
 competence with moderation to enjoy it, would render 
 him very great, if unhappily his faculties be not at that 
 point when a continuation of former habits becomes neces 
 sary to keep them alive. Go to my lodgings and dress, 
 read my letters, and then (but with no proper emotions for 
 that scene) go to Mrs. Church s ball. Things here are 
 really magnificent and well conducted. The royal broth 
 ers and Mrs. Fitzherbert are among the guests. The Duke 
 of Orleans also is here, with whom I exchange a few words, 
 and converse a good deal with his two brothers, just arrived 
 from Paris. See Mrs. Darner and several other people 
 whom I had before seen. On the whole, the manner of 
 these persons is very well, considering the haughty cold 
 ness of the nation and that I am an American. Stay till 
 after three, and then take Mr. Low home. When I get 
 home it is broad daylight." 
 
J79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 321 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Reticence of the Duke of Leeds. Morris s letter to the duke. Letter to 
 Washington. Undertakes to negotiate for the sale of American es 
 tates. Miss Farren. The impressment of American seamen. In 
 terview with the Duke of Leeds. Presented to Pitt. Long interview 
 with Pitt and the Duke of Leeds relative to the treaty of commerce, 
 non-payment of money due by the English Government to American 
 land-owners, evacuation of the frontier-posts, etc. The Hastings 
 trial. News from Paris. The National Assembly vote the king an 
 allowance. Abolition of the nobility. The Duke of Orleans in a 
 " whimsical " situation. Great fete of the federation. Letter to Wil 
 liam Short at Paris. Strictures on the young men of London. Rise 
 of the Jacobins in Paris. Lafayette s position insecure. 
 
 IT was now late in April, and still the Duke of Leeds 
 maintained a profound silence upon the subject of 
 the conversation Morris had held with him, nor had 
 he returned the copy of the President s letter. " I am 
 still waiting," Morris wrote to Washington on the 28th, 
 "for intelligence from the ministers, who (to judge by 
 appearances) slumber profoundly upon the application 
 made to them. It was not until the 28th of April, and 
 after several notes had been sent to jog his memory, that 
 the duke consented to notice Morris or his affairs. He 
 then pleaded indisposition as the excuse for his long 
 delay. 
 
 Morris in his reply [April 3oth] expressed himself as 
 happy to receive from such " respectable authority" the 
 sincere wish of England to fulfil her engagements with 
 the United States "in a manner consistent with the most 
 scrupulous fidelity ; " though this had never admitted of 
 
 21 
 
322 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 question in his mind, and he assured his grace of his con 
 viction of the determination of the United States to per 
 form in the fullest manner every stipulation which they 
 had made. He entreated of his grace s goodness to inform 
 him in what respect, and to what degree, lie considered the 
 final completion of those engagements to which the United 
 States were bound as having been rendered impracticable, 
 this being to him a new idea. He further asked his grace 
 the nature and extent of the redress expected for British 
 subjects upon the specific points of the treaty. On the 
 subject of a commercial treaty between the countries, 
 Morris expressed a sincere hope that he might be mistaken 
 in supposing that his grace showed a disinclination to se 
 curing an amiable intercourse by the force of a treaty, and 
 assured him how unhappy he should be to convey a false 
 impression on this subject, which might be prejudicial to 
 both countries. He begged, therefore, that he might be 
 set right. 
 
 The following letter to Washington was sent, with 
 Morris s full reply to the Duke of Leeds, of which a sum 
 mary only is given above. "I must rely," he wrote, "on 
 your kindness both to interpret favorably what I have 
 done, and to excuse my omissions. I thought it best to 
 heap coals of fire on their heads, and thereby either bring 
 them into our views or put them most eminently in the 
 wrong. It was, moreover, my wish to draw forth specific 
 propositions, because these will admit of discussion, or else, 
 if manifestly unjust, they can not only be repelled, but they 
 will serve to show a predetermined breach of faith by them 
 which will justify whatever conduct we may afterwards find 
 it proper to adopt. I have some reason to believe that 
 the present administration intends to keep the posts and 
 withhold payment for the negroes. If so, they will cover 
 their breach of faith by the best pretexts in their power. 
 
i79o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 323 
 
 I incline to think also that they consider a treaty of com 
 merce with America as being absolutely unnecessary, and 
 that they are persuaded they shall derive all benefit from 
 our trade without treaty. In the matter of treaties very 
 much will, I think, depend upon the situation of France. 
 From the conduct of the aristocratic hierarchy in the Low 
 Countries, who are instigated and supported by Prussia, 
 I have long been thoroughly convinced that the alternative 
 of war or the most ignominious terms of peace would be 
 proposed to the Imperial Courts. Counting upon the ab 
 solute nullity of France, and supposing that this country 
 can at any moment intimidate that into abject submission, 
 Prussia and Poland will, I think, join themselves to Tur 
 key and Sweden against Russia and Austria, which are 
 both exhausted and one of them dismembered. Probably 
 the war will be commenced before the letter reaches your 
 hands, and then Britain and Holland are to be the umpires 
 or, rather, dictators of peace. Perhaps there never was a 
 moment in which this country found herself greater, and 
 consequently it is the most unfavorable moment to obtain 
 advantageous terms from her in any bargain. It appears 
 clearly that the favorable moment for us to treat is not yet 
 come. It is indeed the moment for this country, and they 
 seem determined to let it pass away." 
 
 "This afternoon [May 2d], at the poets gallery of paint 
 ings, I have pointed out to me Lord Derby and Miss Far- 
 ren, who are to be married as soon as Lady Derby will 
 make her exit. Miss Farren is one of the Drury Lane 
 company of comedians." 
 
 One of the most arduous of Morris s undertakings for 
 his friends in America was to negotiate in London and 
 Paris for the sale of their respective estates, in various 
 parts of the United States. There was, of course, a general 
 feeling of distrust of a country so far away and so uncul- 
 
324 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 tivated, and a desire to be thoroughly indemnified for 
 losses. Writing to Robert Morris of the difficulties he en 
 countered in this effort, he says : " What can I offer those 
 who may wish to purchase ? Money I have not. Personal 
 security in this country I have not. In America they will 
 not take it, and if I propose a mortgage of the premises 
 they may reply that these they have already. As to the 
 Fairfax estate, it is somewhat differently circumstanced, 
 but even respecting it, I expect that if I can see and con 
 verse with Mr. Martin, he will insist on security here." * 
 As in Paris, so more or less in London, Morris s ad 
 vice was constantly asked about purchases in America, but 
 he found it extremely difficult to bring anyone to the 
 point of a purchase. 
 
 " Sir John Miller is at Mr. Wilmots to-night [May 5th], 
 and he tells me that great fortunes have been made by 
 borrowing money and purchasing estates in Ireland, which 
 yield an interest of five percent, upon the purchase money 
 till the old leases fall in, and then yield twice and three 
 times as much. He has himself speculated in this way to 
 the amount of ^20,000. In conversation he describes the 
 
 * The effort to purchase Fairfax lands was simply a speculation on Mor 
 ris s part. It was after the death of the sixth Lord Fairfax, the recluse of 
 Greenway Court in Virginia, when the State of Virginia had passed acts of 
 confiscation of all his lordship s lands, as well as of his lord proprietorship. 
 The acts recited that the confiscation was made because the title to them 
 had descended to an alien enemy, his brother Robert, the seventh lord. 
 Afterward it was insisted that the title of the Fairfax heirs in the lands which 
 the sixth Lord Fairfax had appropriated to himself in severalty, either by 
 deeds made to himself as lord proprietor, or by surveys or other acts, indi 
 cating his intention to appropriate them to himself individually, should be 
 allowed by the State, which was done by an act of legislature, procured to 
 be passed by John Marshall, afterward chief justice, and who had himself be 
 come a purchaser of a considerable tract of these lands. After that act of 
 legislature was passed, Dr. Denny Martin Fairfax, of Leeds Castle, nephew 
 of the sixth lord, sold all of those lands which had not been previously sold. 
 In 1789 Robert, seventh Lord Fairfax, was still alive. There was no Conclu 
 sion arrived at in the negotiation in which Morris was interested. 
 
I79Q.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 325 
 
 situation of a gentleman in the country here as far from 
 agreeable, if he resides anywhere in the neighborhood of 
 a peer or a great commoner, because, says he, such per 
 son must either be the humble servant of the great man or 
 must be borne down by his opposition, in all parish and 
 county meetings and in everything which relates to the 
 roads. To-night, when I come in, I find on my table an in 
 vitation from Mrs. Church to breakfast to-morrow at twelve. 
 I write the following answer : 
 
 Dear Madame, believe me, tis not without sorrow 
 
 I do not partake of your breakfast to-morrow ; 
 
 So kind a request it is hard to refuse, 
 
 But an envious Demon my pleasures pursues, 
 
 Resolved, with the blasts of cold duty, to blight 
 
 The blossoms of joy and the buds of delight. 
 
 To-morrow, laborious, I write all the day, 
 
 To friends who are far o er the water away, 
 
 Who dwell on that soil to your bosom so dear, 
 
 Which so oft from your eye draws the filial tear ; 
 
 That dear natal soil, Freedom s favorite child, 
 
 Where bliss flows spontaneous and virtue grows wild, 
 
 Where nature, disdaining the efforts of art, 
 
 Gives grace to the form and gives worth to the heart. 
 
 In plain prose, the packet sails to-morrow night and I 
 must write. " 
 
 " Dine to-day [May 6th] with the French ambassador. 
 When dinner is half over two of his family come in from 
 the House of Commons, where the debate was animated, 
 although they were all of one mind. The address has been 
 carried unanimously, and a determination is avowed to ob 
 tain from the Spanish Court an acknowledgment that 
 they are entitled to no part of America but such as they 
 occupy. After dinner, attend Mrs. Penn to the play. 
 Henry the Fifth is acted very badly, and with great ap 
 plause. The monarch makes great exertion to split the 
 
326 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 ears of the groundlings. A translation of the Marriage 
 of Figaro is very well done by the intended wife of Lord 
 Derby, Miss Farren. , She is said to be perfectly chaste, 
 and his lordship, I suppose, is satisfied on that subject, but 
 the caresses of the stage are not exactly what one would 
 wish to be exhibited on one s intended bride." 
 
 " This morning [May i3th] M. Bourgainville, one of La 
 fayette s aides-de-camp, comes in. I read to him my let 
 ter to his General and to Carmichael, and explain as fully 
 as conversation could permit my plan for carrying on a war 
 against this country. He is to write to M. de Lafayette 
 to-morrow for permission to pass over for a few days to 
 Paris. I give him also some ideas upon the constitution 
 which they are now forming, and read an essay written on 
 it last summer which contains many predictions since veri 
 fied. He tells me that he is an advocate for a single cham 
 ber, but that my objections against that form are strong." 
 
 Morris had been several times applied to, to take some 
 steps in regard to the American seamen impressed into 
 the British service, and he prepared a short memorial on 
 the subject, which was sent to the Lords of the Admi 
 ralty. Being strongly convinced of the necessity of more 
 action in the matter, in consequence of the cases brought 
 to his notice, he determined, if possible, to see the Duke of 
 Leeds on the subject. 
 
 He therefore requested an interview, which was granted 
 for the 2oth of May, and which the diary describes as fol 
 lows : " I stay but a short time with his grace the Duke 
 of Leeds. He apologizes for not having answered my let 
 ters. I tell him that I suppose he has been so much en 
 gaged in other affairs that he has not had time. He says 
 I misunderstood one part of his letter to me, for that he 
 certainly meant to express a willingness to enter into a 
 treaty of commerce. To this I reply that my present ob- 
 
1790] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 327 
 
 ject is to mention another affair, and as to my letter, he 
 will, I suppose, answer it at his leisure. I then mention 
 the impress of American seamen, and observe that their 
 press-gangs have entered American vessels with as little 
 ceremony as those belonging to Britain. I believe, my 
 Lord, this is the only instance in which we are not treated 
 as aliens. He acknowledges this to be wrong, and prom 
 ises to speak to Lord Chatham on the subject. I tell him 
 that I have already prevented some applications from be 
 ing made on this business in a disagreeable manner, but 
 that in a general impress over all the British dominions, if 
 the greatest care be not used, such things will happen 
 that masters of vessels, on returning home, will excite 
 much heat in America, and that, my Lord, added to other 
 circumstances, will perhaps occasion very disagreeable 
 events. And you know, my Lord, that when a wound is 
 recently healed it is very easy to rub off the skin. He 
 repeats his assurances. I tell him that I feel the incon 
 veniences to which they may be subjected from the diffi 
 culty of distinguishing between seamen of the two coun 
 tries, and add my wish that some plan may tie adopted, 
 founded on good faith, which may prevent the con 
 cealment of British seamen while it secures those of 
 America from insult, and suggest the idea of certificates 
 of citizenship from the admiralty courts of America to 
 our seamen. He seems much pleased with this, but I de 
 sire him to consult those of the King s servants whose par 
 ticular department it is, reminding him at the same time 
 that I speak without authority from America, on which 
 score I made an apology in the outset. I then take my 
 leave, but he requests me to call again about one o clock 
 to-morrow. 
 
 " At one o clock on Friday I again wait upon the Duke. 
 After waiting some time in the antechamber, I am intro- 
 
328 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 duced to where Mr. Pitt and he are sitting together. He 
 presents me to the latter, and we enter into conversation. 
 The first point is that of the impress, and upon that sub 
 ject Mr. Pitt approves the idea of a certificate from the 
 Admiralty of America. I mention that it might be proper 
 for the King s servants to order that certificates of a cer 
 tain kind should be evidence of an American seaman, 
 without excluding, however, other evidence, and that in 
 consequence the executive authority in America could di 
 rect the officers of the Admiralty Courts to issue such cer 
 tificates to those applying for them. We then proceed to 
 the treaty of peace. They both mention that I had mis 
 apprehended the letter of the Duke of Leeds respecting a 
 treaty of commerce. I observe that it may easily be set 
 right as to that mistake, but that it is idle to think of mak 
 ing a new treaty until the parties are satisfied about that 
 already existing. Mr. Pitt then took up the conversation, 
 and said that the delay of compliance on our part had ren 
 dered that compliance now less effectual, and that cases 
 must certainly exist where injury had been sustained by 
 the delay. I observe generally that delay is always a kind 
 of breach, being, as long as it lasts, the non-performance 
 of stipulations. But, descending a little more into particu 
 lars, I endeavor to show that the injury is complained of 
 by the Americans for the non-payment of money due 
 by this government to the owners of slaves taken away. 
 On the whole, I observe that inquiries of this sort may be 
 very useful if the parties mutually seek to keep asunder, 
 but that, if they mean to come together, it would be best to 
 keep them entirely out of sight, and now to perform on 
 both sides as well as the actual situation of things will 
 permit. After many professions to cultivate a good un 
 derstanding, Mr. Pitt mentions that it might be well to 
 consider in general the subject, and on general grounds to 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 329 
 
 see whether some compensation could not be made mutu 
 ally. I immediately replied : l If I understand you, Mr. Pitt, 
 you wish to make a new treaty instead of complying with 
 the old one. He admitted this to be in some sort his idea. 
 I said that even on that ground I did not see what better 
 could be done than to perform the old one. As to the 
 compensation for negroes taken away, it is too trifling an 
 object for you to dispute, so that nothing remains but the 
 posts.* I suppose, therefore, that you wish to retain the 
 posts. Why, perhaps we may. They are not worth the 
 keeping, for it must cost you a great deal of money, and 
 produce no benefit. The only reason you can desire them 
 is to secure the fur-trade, and that will centre in this coun 
 try, let who will carry it on in America. I gave him the 
 reasons for this opinion. If you consider these posts as 
 a trivial object, there is the less reason for acquiring them. 
 Pardon me, sir, I only state the retaining them as useless 
 to you ; but this matter is to be considered in a different 
 point of light. Those who made the peace acted wisely 
 in separating the possessions of the two countries by so 
 wide a water. It is essential to preserve the boundary if 
 you wish to live in amity with us. Near neighbors are 
 seldom good ones, for the quarrels among borderers fre 
 quently bring on wars. It is therefore essential for both 
 parties that you should give them up, and to us it is of 
 particular importance, because our national honor is inter- 
 
 * The continued occupation of the posts along the frontier by the British 
 troops had occasioned much dissatisfaction in America, and, as early as 1785, 
 Adams, when sent on his mission to Great Britain, had told Lord Carmarthen 
 that perhaps the most pressing of all the six points for discussion was the re 
 tention of the posts, which had deprived the " merchants of a most profitable 
 trade in furs, which they justly considered as their right." In 1785 this 
 subject was also mentioned to Pitt by Mr. Adams, but was always met with 
 the same answer, that it was a matter connected with the debts. It was not 
 until 1796, under Mr. Jay s treaty, that the much-disputed frontier-posts were 
 surrendered by Great Britain to the United States. 
 
330 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 ested. You hold them with the avowed intention of forc 
 ing us to comply with such conditions as you may impose. 
 Why, sir, as to the considerations of national honor, we 
 can retort the observation and say our honor is concerned 
 in your delay of performance of the treaty. No, sir, your 
 natural and proper course was to comply fully on your 
 part, and if then we had refused a compliance, you might 
 rightfully have issued letters of marque and reprisal to 
 such of your subjects as were injured by our refusal. But 
 the conduct you have pursued naturally excites resent 
 ment in every American bosom. We do not think it worth 
 while to go to war with you for these posts, but we know 
 our rights, and will avail ourselves of them when time and cir 
 cumstances may suit. 
 
 " Mr. Pitt asked me if I had power to treat. I told him 
 I had not, and that we would not appoint any person as 
 minister, they had so much neglected the former appoint 
 ment. He asked me whether we would appoint a minis 
 ter if they did. I told him that I could almost promise 
 that we should, but was not authorized to give any posi 
 tive assurance. We then converse loosely upon the man 
 ner of communicating on that subject. In the course of 
 it I tell him that we cannot take notice of their consuls, 
 or anything which they may say, because they are not 
 characters known or acknowledged by us. His pride was 
 a little touched at this." 
 
 " I suppose, Mr. Morris, that attention might as well be 
 paid to what they say as that the Duke of Leeds and I 
 should hold the present conversation with you. 
 
 " By no means, sir. I should never have thought of 
 asking a conference with his grace if I had not possessed 
 a letter from the President of the United States, which 
 you know, my Lord, I left with you, and which, I dare 
 say, you have communicated to Mr. Pitt. 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 331 
 
 " He had. Mr. Pitt said they would in like manner 
 write a letter to one of their consuls. 
 
 " Yes, sir, and the letter would be attended to and not 
 the consul, who is in no respect different from any other 
 British subject, and this is the subject which I wished you 
 to attend to. 
 
 "He said, in reply to this, that etiquette ought not to be 
 pushed so far as to injure business, and keep the countries 
 asunder. I assured him that the rulers of America had 
 too much understanding to care for etiquette, but prayed 
 him at the same time to recollect that they (the British) 
 had hitherto kept us at a distance instead of making ad 
 vances ; that we had gone quite as far as they had any 
 reason to expect in writing the letter just mentioned, but 
 that from what had passed in consequence of it, and which 
 (as he might naturally suppose) I had transmitted, we 
 could not but consider them as wishing to avoid an inter 
 course. He took up this point, and expressed a hope that I 
 would remove such an idea. He assures me that they are 
 disposed to cultivate a connection, etc. To this I reply 
 that any written communication that may be made by his 
 grace of Leeds shall be duly transmitted ; that I do not 
 like to transmit mere conversation, because it may be mis 
 conceived, and that disagreeable questions may arise ; that 
 as to the disposition for having a good understanding be 
 tween the two countries, it is evidenced on our part not 
 only by the step which the President has taken, but also 
 by the decision of the legislature, in which a considerable 
 majority were opposed to the laying extraordinary re 
 strictions upon British vessels in our ports. Mr. Pitt ob 
 serves that, on the contrary, we ought to give them particu 
 lar privileges in consequence of those which we enjoy 
 here. I tell him that I really know of no particular privi 
 lege we enjoy, except that of being impressed, which of 
 
332 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 all others we are least desirous to partake of. The Duke 
 of Leeds observed, in the same style of jocularity, that we 
 were at least treated in that respect as the most favored 
 nation, seeing that we were treated like themselves. They 
 promised to consult together, and give me the result of 
 their deliberations." 
 
 "At eleven o clock to-night [May 22d] I take Mrs. Phyn 
 to Ranelagh. We do not arrive till after twelve. The room 
 is filled, and it is an immense one. The amusement here 
 is to walk round until one is tired, and then sit down to tea 
 and rolls. The report of the day has been that the Na 
 tional Assembly have denied to the King the power of 
 making war and peace. I met an abbe at the French 
 ambassador s at dinner to-day, who is a very great astrono 
 mer, and who makes several observations on the philo 
 sophic credulity of Franklin and Jefferson. Both of them, 
 he thinks, have entertained a higher sense of the force of 
 steam-engines applied to navigation than they merit, and 
 I think so too. I have told Parker long ago that I believe 
 Rumsey s contrivances will answer only to work up stream 
 in rivers where fuel is cheap. The ambassador seems to 
 me to be in a violent agitation of mind, and I remark it 
 after dinner to his niece, who tells me that he has been so 
 for some days, but she cannot conjecture the reason. In 
 conversing about the news of yesterday, Church, who is 
 here, says that it is reported from M. de Calonne, said to 
 have learned it by express, that the National Assembly 
 have vested in the Crown the right of peace and war. I 
 express my surprise that in the present conjuncture the 
 Comte de Florida Blanca should be removed, and from the 
 state of affairs draw into question the truth of that report. 
 La Luzerne upon this subject declares that in Spain they 
 have no idea of any such situation as seems to be imag 
 ined here ; that there is nothing extraordinary in their 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 333 
 
 armaments, etc. This is going too far for his own object, 
 because a certain extent of armament in that country is in 
 disputable, and also that it exceeds the usual measure of 
 peace establishment very considerably." 
 
 " Dine [May 27th] with the Marquis of Lansdowne. It is 
 six when I arrive. He receives me politely, and apologizes 
 for not having invited me sooner. At dinner he sports sen 
 timents respecting the constitution of France to the French 
 who are here, which I believe to be foreign to his heart. 
 Dr. Price * is one of the guests, who is one of the Liberty- 
 mad people. After dinner, being together in the drawing- 
 room a few minutes, the noble marquis advances senti 
 ments to me far less friendly to France, but full of love 
 and kindness for America. I am, however, at liberty to be 
 lieve just as much as I please. The resolutions of the As 
 sembly are arrived, which say just nothing, as far as I can 
 find. They reserve the right of declaring war to the Na 
 tional Assembly, but permit the King to arm, etc. This, at 
 least, is the account given to me by Lord Lansdowne. 
 
 " Dine [May 28th] at the French ambassador s. He says 
 that the decree respecting war and peace was passed in 
 consequence of the tumultuous meeting of the populace 
 in the neighborhood of the place where the Assembly sit. 
 Bouinville says that Lafayette wants him to concert with 
 me, and then return for a few days to Paris. He thinks 
 that the decree will by no means prevent the administra 
 tion from engaging in a war, and I think so too." 
 
 " The news from Paris [May 3oth] is that everything is 
 
 * Richard Price, a dissenting minister and speculative philosopher, born in 
 1723, was the intimate friend of Dr. Franklin and Dr. Priestley. He strongly 
 advocated the cause of American liberty, and in 1778 he was invited by Con 
 gress to become a citizen of the United States. This offer he declined. He 
 was an ardent supporter of the French Revolution and drew down upon 
 himself thus the denunciations of Burke in the famous "Reflections." He 
 died at London in 1791. 
 
334 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 again in confusion. The populace have dispersed the 
 Court of the Chatelet, and hanged several persons confined 
 for crimes. The reason of this riot was to prevent an in 
 vestigation of the ex-cesses before committed at Versailles. 
 Farther, the object of the demagogues, according to rumor, 
 is to remove Lafayette and place La Meth * in his stead. 
 This would be a curious appointment. But France seems 
 now to be governed by Barnave,f Chapelier,J the Baron de 
 Menou, and Due d Aquillon,|| with others of the same 
 stamp. Unhappy kingdom ! " 
 
 The trial of Warren Hastings was going on most of the 
 time that Morris had been in London, and although tickets 
 of admission had been offered to him at various times, only 
 once had he gone to Westminster Hall ; on June yth, how 
 ever, when the trial was nearly over, he again went. " We 
 get," the diary says, " to Westminster Hall at eleven, and 
 find great difficulty in procuring a seat. About two the 
 court opens, and from twelve we have been pressed hard 
 by those who could not get seats, and are much incom 
 moded by the foul air till near six, when the company is a 
 little thinned. Mr. Fox sums up the evidence with great 
 ability. But he does not get through it at eight o clock, 
 \vhen the Lords adjourn. It is said that this man is to be 
 
 * Count Alexandra La Meth, a deputy of the noblesse in 1789, who united 
 with the Third Estate to form the national party. 
 
 t Antoine Charles Pierre Barnave, a revolutionist and an orator, and a 
 member of the States-General in 1789. 
 
 J Isaac Rene Gui Chapelier, an eminent lawyer, among the ablest members 
 of the States-General. He drafted the degree abolishing the nobility, and 
 favored the Feuillants, or the side of the constitution. In 1794 he was execut 
 ed on the charge cf having conspired in favor of royalty. 
 
 Jacques Francois Baron de Menou served in the republican army in 1793, 
 in the Vendean campaign, and commanded the national guard which sup 
 pressed the insurrection in the Faubourg St. Antoine. 
 
 || Armand de Vignero Duplisses Richelieu, Due d Aquillon, warmly sup 
 ported the popular cause in the States-General in 1789, was the second of 
 the noblesse to renounce his privileges in the session of August 4th, took 
 command of the armies, was proscribed in 1792, but escaped by flight. 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 335 
 
 acquitted, and from the various decisions as to evidence we 
 would be inclined to think so, but in my opinion this 
 charge of bribery is fully supported. It will, however, 
 depend, I suppose, on the situation of the ministry at the 
 time of the decision, whether he is acquitted or con 
 demned." 
 
 By the middle of June the bourgeoisie revolutionnaire in 
 the National Assembly, hoping to insure to themselves a 
 passive king, with all the splendor of a court around him 
 which he should owe to them, voted Louis XVI. an 
 allowance of 26,000, ooof. "Out of this sum, however," 
 Morris says, in commenting on the act, "he is to provide 
 for his household troops, and for the different branches of 
 the royal family. He has asked, though not pointedly, 
 4,ooo,ooof. for the Queen s dower, and they have granted 
 it, but not specifically. The forms will, I suppose, be gone 
 through speedily. There is also a plan of confederation 
 to take place between the military and militia, by way of 
 counter-security to the Revolution." 
 
 Ten days after the Assembly had enthusiastically voted 
 the allowance for the king ; just as enthusiastically, and 
 "with an inconsequence truly prodigious," they voted the 
 abolition of the nobility. 
 
 " To-day [June 24th] at dinner at the French ambas 
 sador s," continues the diary, " there are a number of the 
 Corps Diplomatique, and, what suits me better, a fine turtle. 
 Advices from France announce the total abolition of the 
 French nobility, down to the very arms and livery ; this 
 upon motion of some of the Whig nobles. There is also 
 a strange address to the Assembly from a junto of all na 
 tions. It seems as if the Revolutionists were studying 
 how best to excite a strong opposition to their measures. 
 Heaven knows how this will all end, but I fear badly, un 
 less they are saved by a foreign war. Go from hence to 
 
336 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 General Morris s, and sit some time with them. He says 
 there will be no war, and from his manner of speaking I 
 think he has been told so by some person who is in the 
 secret." 
 
 Morris s keen sense of humor prevailed even at this 
 juncture, which was full of sadness to many of his Parisian 
 friends, and he could not resist the inclination to see the 
 grimly amusing side of the change of names that must 
 ensue from such a decree. " Make a thousand compli 
 ments for me," he wrote to Mr. Short, " to her Royal High 
 ness and to Madame de Chastellux. I suppose that when 
 I return to Paris (which will be soon) I shall have to learn 
 new names for one-half of my acquaintance. Pray, are the 
 friends of the Revolution afraid that its enemies will not 
 be sufficiently exasperated?" 
 
 " The Marquis de la Luzerne tells me to-day [July 2d], 
 at dinner, that the Duke of Orleans has taken leave of the 
 King with intention to return. I tell him that I doubt yet 
 his returning, because I think that the slightest circum 
 stance would prevent it, and mention, as an instance, that 
 the receipt even of an anonymous letter announcing dan 
 ger would terrify him. He says there are many ways, but 
 that they will neither use them nor permit others to do it. 
 He seems rather vexed at this. The decree respecting the 
 nobility, he observes, is not yet sanctioned. I notice the 
 situation of the Duke of Orleans as being whimsical. He 
 cannot go into any country well, nor remain here, when 
 the war breaks out. He asks me why I suppose always 
 that there will be a war ? I tell him that I have long been 
 convinced of it, for many reasons. Vous dites toujours 
 les choses extraordinaires qui se realisent. Happening to 
 mention Short, he speaks of him as being fou t and ren 
 dered so by Jefferson. I tell him that he will probably be 
 appointed minister in France. He seems not well pleased, 
 
179.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 337 
 
 but says he is probably a very suitable person. He is 
 vexed at Lafayette s conduct respecting the noblesse, and 
 says that, although he has a good deal of management 
 (conduite) in his affairs, he has done much evil from the 
 want of genius (esprit\ in which idea he is not entirely 
 wrong." 
 
 On July i4th the great fete of the federation was held, 
 when the world of Paris celebrated the anniversary of the 
 fall of the Bastille, and swore to obey the new constitution. 
 There were three hundred thousand spectators assembled 
 in the great amphitheatre in the Champ de Mars. Here 
 could be seen the courtesan and the chaste maiden, the 
 capuchin and the chevalier of St. Louis, the porter and the 
 dandy of the Palais Royal, the fishwoman and the fine lady, 
 mingled together, and together they swore fraternity. How 
 they kept the oath history tells. At the elevation of the 
 Host by the celebrant, the Bishop of Autun, all that vast 
 multitude fell on their knees. Lafayette placed his sword 
 on the altar, and gave the signal for taking the oath. One 
 moment of intense silence, while he swore to be faithful to 
 nation and king ; then alt swords drawn, all arms raised, 
 and from all lips came the oath, " I swear." Then from 
 the king came the words, " I, King of the French, swear 
 to protect the constitution I have accepted." Frantic en 
 thusiasm greeted the queen, who, with the Dauphin in her 
 arms, said, "The king s sentiments are mine." Then the 
 Te Deum gave the amen to the oath. All the while the 
 rain kept falling in torrents on the pageant. In the even 
 ing another great fete was held, and on the ruins of the 
 Bastille one saw the sign, " Ici Ton danse." All night long 
 Paris was en fete. 
 
 "Your fete is passed," Morris wrote, July 26th, of this 
 event to William Short; "I trust that no sinister acci 
 dents have resulted from it. When we reflect on the inci- 
 22 
 
338 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 dents which have passed within less than two years, we 
 must be forcibly struck with the mutability of human 
 affairs. ... I sincerely, nay, devoutly, wish that the 
 constitution may be productive of great and lasting good 
 to France. It is, you know, very far from my ideas of 
 what is right, and it will give me great pleasure should 
 it disappoint my expectations. I had been, as you sup 
 pose, apprised of the schism in the democratic party, 
 at which I was not at all surprised. United by com 
 mon danger, very discordant materials were held together, 
 which from different motives had been thrown together. 
 The danger past, in appearance at least, the different 
 pretensions were brought forward, and (unfortunately, I 
 think) there is no man or set of men who have dared to 
 stop at that point of moderation \vhere alone good prin 
 ciples can be found, and by which alone good govern 
 ment can exist. Those who court the people have a 
 very capricious mistress ; a mistress which may be gained 
 by sacrifices, but she cannot be so held, for she is insati 
 able. The people will never continue attached to any 
 man who will sacrifice his duty to their caprice. In 
 modern days we have, I believe, more virtue than the an 
 cients ; certainly we are more decent. But the principles 
 of human nature are the same, and so shall we find the 
 pursuits of man to be, if we can but penetrate that veil of 
 decency by which young ambition is decorated. If we 
 cannot, he will spare us the trouble whenever those bar 
 riers are removed which were erected against him by that 
 great ally of virtue, the law. In proportion as the Revolu 
 tion shall appear to be completed, and the new order of 
 things appear to be established, schisms will multiply 
 anaong the Revolutionists, for each will desire (disinterest 
 edly, no doubt) a share of the good things which are 
 going, and which, from the droits de I homme, you know all 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 339 
 
 are entitled to enjoy. I remember, in one of the early ad 
 dresses of Congress, something was said about the luxury 
 of being free. Now the French genius may refine as much 
 upon this luxury as they used to do upon the other ; but, 
 bating their talents at refinement, I hardly conjecture 
 what ground those men will take hereafter who would 
 signalize their democratic principles. They will, I fear, 
 be but humble imitators of Sir John Brute, who, in the 
 heat of his zeal and wine, drank confusion to all order. 
 . The observation you made upon the dissolute con 
 duct of the Fedcres, I had long since made upon the whole 
 nation. It requires the strong stomach of monarchy to 
 digest such rank manners. As to the instinctive love of 
 their princes which you speak of, it is indeed instinctive, 
 and the animal will never get rid of its instinct. The 
 French will all tell you that their countrymen have des tetes 
 exalte es, and their manners, habits, and ideas are all up to 
 that standard. A Frenchman loves his king as he loves 
 his mistress, to madness, because he thinks it great and 
 noble to be mad. He then abandons both the one and the 
 other most ignobly, because he cannot bear the continued 
 action of the sentiment he has persuaded himself to feel." 
 " Paine tells me that the Comte de Montmorin has 
 applied to the Assemblee," says the diary for August 
 8th, "to know whether they will adhere to the family 
 compact. The Spanish ambassador has made a formal 
 demand, accompanied with a threat from his Court. I 
 think I see this in its true light, but do not mention 
 to him my idea. After he has left me some time, Bouin- 
 ville calls, and from conversation with him I find that 
 I am right. He tells me that the whole of the French 
 administration will go out, but that Montmorin will pre 
 serve his place in the council as governor of the chil 
 dren of France ; that secretaries will be appointed for 
 
340 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XV. 
 
 the present young men who can be at any time removed. 
 Ternant has been negotiating (but without effect), to quiet 
 the claims of the German princes, whose feudal claims in 
 France have been annihilated. Barnave is about to desert 
 La Meth, who has lately made overtures to M. de Lafa 
 yette, but he replied by a declaration that in the present 
 situation there was no alternative but victory or death. 
 General and Mrs. Morris call upon me. They take tea, 
 and sit till near ten. She tells me that the Duchess of 
 Gordon is, on her report, very desirous of becoming ac 
 quainted. She is, it seems, a woman of great wit and full 
 of life. They have dined with her, and she told my sister 
 she would give me a dinner with Mr. Pitt. I express much 
 satisfaction at the idea of being presented to the Premier. 
 In the course of conversation my sister tells me that the 
 fashionable style for young men in London is to affect 
 great ennui, and receive advances from the ladies which 
 they hardly deign to notice." 
 
 "To-day [August i5th] Mr. Bouinville dines with me, 
 and communicates all that he knows respecting the situa 
 tion of affairs in France. He tells me that Lafayette has 
 been very much hurt to find himself so much deceived by 
 those whom he thought attached to him. Mankind always 
 make false estimates on this subject. He tells me much 
 of what passed between him and the Duke of Orleans. 
 He seems not to know, or to be unwilling to mention, the 
 names of those who are intended for the new ministry. 
 He says that things are going very badly in Paris, and, in 
 deed, in all France. The Comite des Jacobins gathers 
 strength daily. Of course, Lafayette becomes insecure. 
 The army is in a state of total disorder, and the navy little 
 better ; the finance every hour more deranged than the 
 last. He seems, however, confident that the Assemblee 
 will adhere to the family compact, and that there will be a 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 341 
 
 war with this country, which I incline to doubt, because 
 there seems not to be sufficient energy in the French coun 
 sels. Paine, who was with me, had shown a paper which 
 he had written, and which Lafayette had caused to be 
 translated and published, recommending an attack in the 
 Channel by the combined fleets." 
 
342 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Various undertakings in Europe. Dulness of card-playing in England. 
 Washington approves of Morris s communications with the ministers. 
 Letter to Washington on French affairs. Interview with the Duke of 
 Leeds. Continental tour before returning to Paris. Civilities from 
 persons to whom he had letters. Difficulties of travel in 1790. Un 
 comfortable inns and bad roads. Interview with Baron de Dolberg. 
 Paris again. Flatteringly received by the Comte de Montmorin. 
 Morris presents a dog to the Duchess of Orleans. The Due de 
 Castries s hotel pillaged. M. de Flahaut wishes to go to America as 
 minister. The play of "Brutus." Much excitement in the theatre. 
 Dines with the Garde des Sceaux. Apprehends a plot of the Em 
 peror for liberating the Queen and restoring the former government. 
 Criticises the new constitution. Gives his opinion of the condition 
 of affairs to Lafayette. The last months of 1790. 
 
 DURING the year and a half that Morris had been 
 in Europe he had unremittingly* labored in behalf 
 of his friend Robert Morris, but the delays and difficul 
 ties that beset him were unending. A querulous and 
 quite uncalled for letter from Robert Morris drew from 
 him a list of his various undertakings. In all, they num 
 bered twelve separate and distinct enterprises. "Indian 
 voyages, the liquidated debt, debts to Spain and France 
 of the United States, the Fairfax estates, the sale of 
 land in America," so he enumerated them ; " and last, 
 but much the most difficult task of all, your various debts 
 and engagements. Here I have had to perform the task of 
 the Israelites in Egypt to make bricks without straw." 
 Besides all his other responsibilities, he had his farm at 
 Morrisania to think of, for it was at this time more of an 
 expense and care than anything else. 
 
I79Q-1 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 343 
 
 "This evening [August i4th], about nine, I visit the 
 Duchess of Gordon. Presently Lady Chatham comes in, 
 and then the rest of the company. Colonel Lenox and his 
 lady are here. She is a liner woman than is imagined 
 quick feelings, I think, and tenderness, which will by and 
 by meet some object more likely to command the heart 
 than the colonel, who seems to be a good-tempered fellow. 
 He speaks to me of my brother with much regard. Dull 
 drudging at cards, which I refuse to partake of. Stay to 
 supper, which, also, I do not partake of, nor, indeed, of the 
 conversation, which turns chiefly on who is and who is not 
 a fine woman. A Mr. Elliot who is here is a very genteel, 
 fashionable kind of man, much beyond the usual English 
 style. I think he must be a Scotchman, although his dia 
 lect is pure. Return home at two, well convinced that I 
 shall never do for the tonish circles here, for I will not 
 play, and, indeed, cannot spare time in the morning for 
 such late hours." 
 
 Morris constantly spoke of himself as not a cautious 
 man, but rather as one who must speak out the convictions 
 that were in him ; but he was at the same time lenient 
 with those whose opinions differed from his, and his com 
 mon sense always came out, as such a letter as the follow 
 ing to Mr. Short testifies: "It is perfectly natural," he 
 wrote, "that your opinions should differ from mine. It 
 will be very long before political subjects will be reduced 
 to geometric certitude. At present the reasoning on them 
 is a kind of arithmetic of infinity, when the best informa 
 tion, the coolest head, and clearest mind can only approach 
 the truth. A cautious man should therefore give only 
 sibylline predictions, if, indeed, he should hazard any. 
 But I am not a cautious man. I therefore give it as my 
 opinion that they will issue the paper currency, and sub 
 stitute thereby depreciation in the place of bankruptcy, or, 
 
344 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 rather, suspension. Apropos of this currency, this papier 
 terrJ, now mort et enterrd, the Assembly have committed 
 many blunders which are not to be wondered at. They 
 have taken genius instead of reason for their guide, adopt 
 ed experiment instead of experience, and wander in the 
 dark because they prefer lightning to light. You are very 
 merry on the subject of personal liberty, but the district has 
 more to say than many are aware of. Is it not written in the 
 Droits de 1 homme that liberty is an inalienable property 
 of man inseparable from the human character? and if this 
 be so, what better way of securing personal liberty than to 
 secure the person ? You wits may sneer, but you must learn 
 to respect the decrees of the municipalities, which, like 
 those of Heaven, are inscrutable, but not on that account 
 the less entitled to obedience and respect. The lady, I 
 am told, is so far from complaining of the restraint she 
 was laid under that, although an aristocrat, she tells the 
 Assembly, with all becoming humility, that she finds their 
 yoke is easy and their burden light, while the young gen 
 tleman ordered on duty in her chamber acknowledges that 
 service to be perfect freedom. Short-sighted man that 
 you are ! By way of addition and amendment, I would 
 humbly propose that the male aristocrats should be put 
 into the custody of the female Whigs, and I dare say they 
 would come out much less fierce than they were, 
 
 " The situation of France is by no means desperate. A 
 torrent of depreciation may inundate the land, and storms 
 and tempests arise, but the one, you know, fertilizes the 
 soil and the other purifies the atmosphere. Ultimately 
 health and abundance succeed the wintry appearance 
 which seemed fatal to both. Adieu. I shall leave this in 
 a day or two." 
 
 In a letter to Washington, dated August 3oth, he ex 
 pressed a hope that in a day or two he might " learn some- 
 
179.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 345 
 
 thing of their intentions here respecting us. And if I do 
 not hear from them, shall make a final address to His Grace 
 of Leeds. It is very flattering to me, sir, that you are so 
 kind as to approve of my communications with the minis 
 ters of this country, so far as they had gone in the begin 
 ning of May. I earnestly hope that my subsequent conduct 
 may meet the same favorable interpretation. This you may 
 rely on, that if in any case I go wrong, it will be from an 
 error of judgment. Affairs in France go badly. The na 
 tional bank which was in contemplation has never taken ef 
 fect. After deliberating about it and about it, the thing 
 dropped, and they did expect to have made out with their 
 paper currency (the assignats), but my predictions on that 
 subject seem to be verified. Their Assemblee is losing 
 ground daily in the public opinion. The army, long en 
 couraged in licentious conduct, is now in revolt. All the 
 bands of society are loosened and authority is gone. Un 
 less they are soon involved in foreign war, it seems impos 
 sible to conjecture what events will take place. For some 
 time past the ministers have been threatened with the lan- 
 term, and they would gladly get out of office. We are in 
 hourly expectation of hearing the decision of the Assem 
 blee on the family compact. The Spanish ambassador 
 has required, in pointed terms, a compliance on the part of 
 France. In the meantime both the Spanish and English 
 fleets were out, and approaching toward each other. 
 Probably each side means only to terrify at present." 
 
 Morris became decidedly impatient of the long de 
 lay on the part of the Duke of Leeds in replying to his 
 questions of April 3oth, and on September zoth he again 
 wrote to him, and told him that, in expectation of his reply, 
 " I have patiently waited in this city to the present hour, 
 though called by many affairs to the Continent. But my 
 departure cannot be much longer delayed, and therefore it 
 
346 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 becomes necessary to intrude once more on your grace s 
 attention." An interview accordingly was fixed for the 
 i5th, and the diary thus reports it : "I see at once by his 
 countenance, when I arrive at his office, that he feels him 
 self obliged to cut an awkward part. Let him begin, there 
 fore, which he does by mentioning that he understands I 
 am going to America. Set him right, by observing that the 
 expression in my letter of going to the Continent, meant 
 the continent of Europe. He says that he is still earnestly 
 desirous of a real, bonafide connection, not merely by the 
 words of a treaty but in reality. I reply with like general 
 professions. He says that as to the two points of the 
 treaty, there are still difficulties. He wishes they could 
 be got out of the way, and then hesitates and drops the 
 conversation. Finding from this that he is to hold a con 
 ference with me which is to amount to just nothing at all, 
 I determine to learn as much as I can from his looks. I 
 therefore begin by observing that I am extremely sorry 
 for it, but that the affair of the posts seems to present an 
 insurmountable barrier to any treaty, because it will serve 
 as a pretext to ill-disposed persons. This, I see, has some 
 effect. I add, therefore, that it gives serious alarm to per 
 sons otherwise well disposed, who say that the garrisoning 
 of those posts, being evidently a great and useless expense 
 to this country, can only be done with hostile views ; that 
 every murder committed by the Indians is therefore set 
 down to the account of British intrigues ; that I do not 
 presume to judge in respect to the great circle of Europe 
 an politics, but, according to my limited comprehension 
 of the matter, I am led to imagine that they could not 
 act with the same decisive energy towards their natural 
 enemies while they doubted of our conduct. He admitted 
 this. I proceed then a little further, premising that this 
 conversation must be considered as merely from one gen- 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 347 
 
 tleman to another. In case of a war with the House of 
 Bourbon, which, if it does not happen this year or the 
 next, will probably happen within twenty years which is 
 but a moment in the age of empires we can give the 
 West Indian Islands to whom we please without engaging 
 in the war at all, and that we shall certainly in such case 
 consider whether it is our interest that they should be 
 subject to England or France, and act accordingly. He 
 feels this observation, and unwarily lets me see that this 
 point has presented itself forcibly to their consideration. 
 Having gone as far in this line as appears proper, I take 
 a short turn in my subject and tell him that I had waited 
 with great patience during the negotiations which were 
 carrying on here, because I supposed that they would nat 
 urally square their conduct towards us by their position in 
 respect to other nations. He did not like this remark at 
 all, having too much of truth in it ! I added that as the 
 Northern Courts are now at peace, and I suppose they have 
 come to their final decisions with respect to the House of 
 Bourbon, I thought it probable that they were prepared 
 to speak definitely to us. I wait here for his answer, buf 
 he has none to give, being tolerably well embarrassed, and 
 that embarrassment is as good an answer as I wish. He 
 changes the conversation a little, and asks me what the 
 United States will think of the undefined claim of Spain 
 to America ; I am very willing to be pumped, and there 
 fore I tell him carelessly that I don t think it will make 
 any impression upon our minds, for that the Spaniards 
 are in fact so apprehensive of us that they are disposed to 
 sacrifice a great deal for our friendship ; that the only 
 reason they had for withholding the navigation of the 
 Mississippi River was from the apprehension of a contra 
 band trade, which was the reason why, in my opinion, they 
 must stake the last man and the last shilling upon the 
 
348 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 present affair of Nootka Sound, rather than admit the 
 right of selling there by British subjects. He owns that 
 the danger of contraband ought to be considered in deal 
 ing on this subject, for that nations, like individuals, 
 ought to treat with candor and honesty. I tell him that if 
 they come to any determination speedily, I could wish to 
 be apprised of it. He says that I shall, and offers to com 
 municate with General Washington through me, and for 
 that purpose to address his letters to me in France ; but I 
 tell him that his own packets will give a more direct op 
 portunity, and take my leave. On the whole, I find that 
 my conjectures are just. I think they will rather concede 
 a little than go to war with Spain, if France is in force to 
 join her ally, but they want to be in a position to deal ad 
 vantageously with us in case they should find it necessary. 
 I believe the debates in council on this subject have been 
 pretty high, and that the American party has been out 
 voted, or else that in feeling the ground they have found 
 themselves too weak to bring forward the question." 
 
 Morris left London on the 24th of September, but before 
 returning to Paris he took a short run on the Continent by 
 way of refreshment and recreation. Letters of introduc 
 tion opened pleasant houses to him in many of the towns, 
 and his taste for art led him to halt and at least glance 
 at the best sights that Ghent and other cities on the way 
 had to show. The smallest incidents of this, as, indeed, 
 of all his journeys, are carefully jotted down in the diary. 
 At Ghent he was not a little interested in the superstitions 
 of his guide, "who," he says, "had served a long time 
 in the French Army, which is not the school of most rigid 
 superstition, and who pointed out to me in my walk 
 which he took care should be through the streets where 
 the patriots and soldiery fought the marks of many 
 musket-balls in the wall of a house against which was an 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 349 
 
 image either of the Virgin or her Son I forget which 
 and, miraculously, not a bullet had touched that sacred spot. 
 Chance might have done this, was the first idea which en 
 tered the unbelieving noddle of a Protestant, but, after pass 
 ing, I looked back, and found that the miracle would have 
 been to have hit it, for it stood on a corner-house exactly 
 out of the line of fire. I might therefore very easily have 
 explained this miracle ; but if I should convince him of the 
 folly of the faith he has held for above sixty years, tis ten 
 to one if he could now find a better, and therefore it is 
 best to leave him in possession of his present property." 
 
 "At Bonn [October ipth] I wait on the French minister 
 with a letter from the Comte de Montmorin. He is at the 
 door when I inquire for him, and takes the letter to de 
 liver it. This is a little whimsical, but I am rather en des 
 habille , so that he does not, I believe, know what to make 
 of me. However, after reading the letter he is very atten 
 tive, which explains itself naturally enough by his urging 
 me to stay to-morrow, that he may comply with the orders 
 of the Comte de Montmorin, qui sont tres particuliers. 
 Madame de Chastellux has also mentioned me." 
 
 " Go to dine with the minister the day after my arrival. 
 In the evening there is an assembly, which I find is col 
 lected on purpose. The Archduke, late Governor of the 
 Low Countries, is here, to whom I am presented, and con 
 verse with him a little about the affairs of Brabant. I have 
 some conversation also with the Minister of the Finances, 
 who is quick and sensible. After the company are gone the 
 Count takes me into his cabinet to communicate a me moire 
 he has written on the claims of the German princes to 
 feudal rights in Alsace. On the whole, I am persuaded 
 that M. de Montmorin s letter has contained everything 
 which I could have wished." 
 
 Travelling all day over decidedly bad roads, with slow 
 
35 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 horses and obstinate postilions, required patience par 
 ticularly when a very bad dinner, cooked for the passen 
 gers who arrived an hour before, and re chauff^ was to 
 complete the day. The compensation, however, was 
 charming scenery, thoroughly enjoyed because not passed 
 at the rate of forty miles an hour. Morris stopped a night 
 at pretty Schwalbach, nestling in its deep ravine, and 
 already a " watering-place of great resort," he says. Then 
 on through Wiesbaden and Frankfort to Darmstadt. Not 
 unlike Arthur Young, Morris always noted the condition 
 of the soil, and the prosperity of the countries he passed 
 through, but with occasionally a pardonable comparison 
 not unfavorable to America. 
 
 "I reach Diebourg to-day [October 25th]. The Baron 
 de Groshlaer and his family receive me kindly. Shortly 
 after the first compliments and a dish of tea, we retire to 
 gether. I ask him the character of the Emperor. He 
 confirms the idea I had taken up of him. fteaven knows 
 how or why he shares his confidence between Manfredi, 
 
 the governor of his children, and , who was a long 
 
 time minister to the Court of France. The first is an 
 artful, sensible, sly fellow, and his turn of mind is suited 
 to the temper and character of Leopold. The other is 
 really a man of sense and a man of business. There is a 
 third, whose name I do not distinctly hear, who is of great 
 genius, but indolent and epicurean. Shortly before he left 
 Frankfort, Leopold seemed to give much of his confidence 
 to Colloredo, but this (as the others were gone away) 
 might have arisen as much from the need of counsel as 
 from any preference as to the counsellors. The Baron is 
 of opinion that both England and Prussia will try hard to 
 gain the Emperor, and will offer him French Flanders, 
 Artois, and a part of Picardy, to desert the Northern 
 League. He says that Leopold is sore on account of the 
 
I790-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 351 
 
 insults offered his sister, the Queen of France, but he does 
 not think the German princes who have claims on Alsace 
 and Lorraine will be able to obtain much aid, if any. In 
 deed, I think so too, for the contest will cost vastly more 
 than the object is worth. He imagines that the Duchy of 
 Juliers will be the desired object of his Prussian Majesty, 
 and this may be the case, because he is not an able man." 
 
 " At Mannheim [October 28th] I visit the Baron de Dol- 
 berg. He says that the Vicomte de Mirabeau had a long 
 interview with Leopold at Frankfort, and pressed him to 
 undertake a counter-revolution in France, but he smiled, 
 and told him that it was an impracticable project. He 
 thinks the administration in France was so bad as to occa 
 sion and justify a revolution, but quaere ; the Baron tells 
 me that the enmity of Austria to Prussia is at the greatest 
 imaginable height ; the Emperor has in his possession 
 the original correspondence for exciting a general revolt 
 in his dominions the instant a war should break out with 
 Prussia. I ask if this will not lead the Emperor to avenge 
 the meditated injury. He says that it will probably fester 
 inwardly till a fit occasion offers. He tells me that the 
 Austrian General says there are forty thousand troops 
 ordered to the Low Countries. He showed him the list. 
 This, with the army already there, will amount to fifty 
 thousand men too much if other powers stand neuter, 
 and too little if they do not." 
 
 " At Strasbourg [October 3oth] I learn that the Comte 
 de la Luzerne has resigned and that most of the other min 
 isters will go soon ; that the affairs of France are what I 
 supposed they about this time would be." 
 
 "Arrived in Paris on November 6th. I take up my 
 quarters at the Hotel du Roi. After I am dressed, take a 
 fiacre and visit at Madame de Flahaut s. She is abroad, 
 but Monsieur presses me much to pass the evening. I go 
 
352 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 to club, where I find the aristocratic sentiment prevails not 
 a little. Again go to the Louvre. Madame is at the 
 Comedie. She returns, and seems glad to see me. I find 
 that Lord Wycombe is un ennichd id. Dine at Madame de 
 Segur s. They put me a little au fait of what is going 
 on. The Comte de Montmorin gives me a very flattering 
 reception. See M. de Lafayette, who affects to be very well 
 pleased to see me. I promise to dine with him soon." 
 
 " When I go to-day [November 8th] to Lafayette s din 
 ner, he is so late that he does not sit down till we have half 
 dined ; retires soon after, and we have not time to hold the 
 conversation which he wished. After leaving here I meet 
 the Bishop of Autun at the Louvre, and desire him to ad 
 vise Lafayette to the same conduct which I have done in 
 a very delicate circumstance. He has obtained from the 
 King a promise to choose his guard among the late Garde 
 Fran^aise, and the Jacobins are violent on the occasion. 
 He says that he has a right, in talking to the King, to give 
 his opinion as well as any other citizen. I tell him he 
 should put himself on different ground, and say that he 
 has earnestly recommended the measure to the King, it 
 being a tribute of gratitude to those brave men who had 
 so signally distinguished themselves in favor of freedom. 
 The Bishop is entirely of my opinion and will speak, but 
 he observes, very justly, that it is much easier to convince 
 Lafayette than to determine his conduct." 
 
 "To-day [November 9th] I have a long conversation 
 with Short on general matters and matters relating to 
 America. I tell him that Robert Morris s contract with 
 the farm, which Jefferson considered as a monopoly, was 
 the only means of destroying that monopoly of tobacco in 
 Virginia, by the Scotch factors, which really existed. 
 Give him some reason therefor. We have a few words 
 on Lafayette s subject. He expresses his astonishment at 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 353 
 
 this man s inaptitude and imbecility. Poor Lafayette ! 
 He begins to suffer the consequences which always attend 
 too great elevation. II s* eclipse au premier. Short also tells 
 me that La Rochefoucault is terribly puzzled about the 
 affairs of impositions. I reply that this is always the case 
 when men bring metaphysical ideas into the business of 
 the world ; that none know how to govern but those who 
 have been used to it, and such men have rarely either time 
 or inclination to write about it. The books, therefore, 
 which are to be met with contain mere Utopian ideas. 
 After this I go to the salon of Madame de Flahaut, and 
 stay out the company. The Comte de Luxembourg has, 
 according to custom, much to whisper. I tell him, in 
 plain terms, that the aristocratic party must be quiet un 
 less they wish to be hanged." 
 
 "While in London I bought a large Newfoundland dog for 
 the Duchess of Orleans. To-day [November loth] I take 
 him to the Palais Royal, where I go to dine and present 
 him to her Royal Highness, who appears much pleased, and 
 the Vicomte de Segur Me prend en amitie. Cela s entend. 
 The Count and I take a turn round the gardens together, 
 and then I go to the club, where I murder a little time. It 
 has been a fine day. I think I never in my life had so 
 many different things agitating my mind as at present, 
 and I cannot commence one affair because another is con 
 stantly obtruding. Madame de Brehan says if the troubles 
 last she will go and live with me in America. I of course 
 agree to the arrangement." 
 
 "After dinner [November i2th], go to the opera. I sit 
 behind my fickle friend Madame de Flahaut, and as, luck 
 ily, the music makes me always grave, I keep still in the 
 sentimental style. The Comtesse de Prize is here, to whom 
 I pay my respects in the adjoining box. After the opera 
 luckily I meet Madame Foucault, and luckily she receives 
 
354 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 me particularly well. I take care, for many reasons, that 
 my countenance shall beam with satisfaction. Luckily she 
 expresses herself to Madame in terms very favorable to 
 me." 
 
 On Saturday, November 131!), the populace pillaged the 
 hotel of the Due de Castries. This was about the first of 
 this kind of depredation in Paris. The occasion of it, Mor 
 ris says, "is that the Due de Castries has wounded their 
 favorite, Charles de la Meth, in a duel, which he had drawn 
 upon himself by insulting the Duke. The history seems 
 curious. M. de Chauvigny comes to Paris for the pur 
 pose of fighting with Charles de la Meth, who, as he says, 
 fermented an insurrection in the regiment to which he 
 belongs. All this I learned at M. Boutin s, where M. de 
 Chauvigny, introduced by his brother, a bishop, related 
 what had passed on the subject. He had called on M. de 
 la Meth, whose friends, at a rendezvous given, told him that 
 M. de la Meth would not fight till the constitution was fin 
 ished. The other replied that he must in that case, until 
 the completion of it, continue to assert on every occasion 
 that M. de la Meth was a coward. This thing being again 
 in question at the Assemblee, De la Meth declared that he 
 would not have an affair with Chauvigny until he had set 
 tled with the Due de Castries (colonel of the regiment) 
 qui m a detache ce spadassin-la. De Castries, of course, 
 requires satisfaction, and they proceed to the ground, 
 where the friends of De la Meth, who is an excellent 
 swordsman, object to his fighting with pistols. De Cas 
 tries, like a true chevalier, agrees to decide the matter aux 
 armes blanches, and wounds his antagonist. The populace 
 in consequence destroy the property of his father. This 
 is rare ; I think it will produce some events which are not 
 now dreamt of. The Assemblee (in the hands of the Jaco 
 bins) have, it is said, sanctioned the doings of this day." 
 
1790. j GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 355 
 
 " This morning [November i4th] the Comte de Moustier 
 calls on me. We discuss his plan of a constitution together, 
 and he tells me that he stands better at court than ever he 
 expected. He says he is personally in favor with the 
 Queen, and he expects to be consulted on affairs by and 
 by. The King and Queen, he tells me, are determined not 
 to abuse their authority if ever they recover it. He tells 
 me incidentally that both the King and Queen have men 
 tioned me to him, the former twice, and that I stand well 
 in their opinion. This may perhaps be useful to my coun 
 try at some future period. 
 
 " Visit Madame de Flahaut. It seems to me from ap 
 pearances that Lord Wycombe is expected, and I tell her 
 so, but she says it is the Bishop. Company come in im 
 mediately after me Madame de Laborde and Madame de 
 la Tour, after them Montesqutou; and while we are all 
 here enter Lord Wycombe, who is at once established as 
 the person to whom a rendezvous is given. We all go 
 away, but I presently after return and tell her, * Que je lui 
 serai a charge pour quelques moments de plus. My Lord 
 is more disconcerted than my lady. He seems not yet ad 
 vanced to the point which these things tend to. Go from 
 hence to club, where I find there are some who justify the 
 populace for yesterday s business. M. de Moustier told 
 me that Montmorin had asked for Carmichael as minister 
 at this Court, which might excite opposition to Madison 
 and Short, the present competitors. It is a question in my 
 mind as to this request having been made by Montmorin." 
 
 " I hear to-day [November i5th] at Madame de Chastel- 
 lux s the wish of the Garde des Sceaux * to converse with 
 
 * M. Duport du Tertre, a member of the electoral body of Paris, became 
 Garde des Sceaux, or, rather, Minister of Justice (for the post of chancellor was 
 abolished soon after he came into the ministry) early in November, 1790. At 
 this time, of the old ministry there only remained Saint-Priest of the Interior, 
 and Montmorin of Foreign Affairs. The advent of M. Duport du Tertre ex- 
 
356 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 me. I promise to wait upon him. The Duchess of Or 
 leans reproaches me for absenting myself, and I promise 
 to dine with her to-morrow. At eight o clock I go by ap 
 pointment to Madame de Flahaut s. She has not returned 
 from the Varietes, but desires I will wait. I am unluckily 
 obliged to do so, having promised Capellis to spend the 
 evening here. At half after eight she comes in, and Ma 
 demoiselle Duplessis * with her. I show more ill-humor 
 than consists with good sense or politeness ; at least, sucli 
 would be the opinion of most observers. She is full of 
 apologies, but I treat both them and her like a Turk. She 
 is very conciliating in her manner and words, and proposes 
 a rendezvous for to-morrow evening, which I refuse to 
 accept of. At length, however, she prevails, but as we go 
 in to supper together I tell her that she will probably fail 
 if a new comedy offers itself." 
 
 "To-day [November i6th], according to my promise, I 
 dine at the Palais Royal, and, as the Princess is alone when 
 I come in, I converse a little with her in a manner to gain 
 somewhat on her good will. After dinner I keep my ren 
 dezvous with Madame de Flahaut, but I find her surround 
 ed. Lord Wycombe, the Comte de Luxembourg, M. de St. 
 Foi are there, so I leave. My letters to-day are not pleas 
 ant. M. de Flahaut expresses a wish to go as minister to 
 America, and desires me to prevail on his wife to consent 
 to such a step, should it become possible to obtain the 
 place. I promise to speak to her on the subject. Go 
 and sit some time with Madame de Montmorin. She 
 expresses her conviction that Lafayette is below his busi- 
 
 cited great enthusiasm in ministerial circles. He was a simple, modest man 
 with a limited fortune, and of recognized uprightness of character. He signed 
 the order of arrest of the fugitive king, and finally lost his head in June, 
 1791- 
 
 * Mademoiselle Duplessis was a member of Madame de Flahaut s fam- 
 ily. 
 
I79Q.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 357 
 
 ness, which is very true. She says that the Queen will not 
 consent to make her husband governor of the children of 
 France ; that the aristocrats abhor him. At dinner we 
 converse about the play of this evening, * Brutus, which is 
 expected to excite much disturbance. After six o clock 
 Bouinville and I go to the play. At leaving the roopi, as 
 it is supposed that there will be three parties in the house, 
 I cry, in a style of rant, Je me declare pour le Roi, et 
 je vole a lavictoire. We cannot find seats, wherefore I go 
 to the loge of d Angivilliers, and find that I was expected, 
 having promised to come and then forgotten it. Lord 
 Wycombe is established here, next to Madame de Fla- 
 haut, in the place which I occupied formerly. St. Foi is 
 here, a cunning observer. I determine, therefore, to play 
 them all three, and I think succeed pretty well. Propose 
 to her to make the old fox believe she is attached to the 
 young lord, which she exclaims against. She is, however, 
 resolved, I think, to attach him, and may perhaps singe 
 her wings while she flutters around that flame. The piece 
 excites a great deal of noise and altercation, but the parterre 
 filled with democrats obtains the victory clearly, and, hav 
 ing obtained it, roars for above ten minutes, Vive le Roi. 
 After the play a motion is made to place the bust of Vol 
 taire on the stage and crown it, which is complied with 
 amid repeated acclamations. I write, for the amusement 
 of our party, these lines : 
 
 See, France, in Freedom s mantle gay, 
 
 Her former state disdains, 
 Yet proud her fav rite Bard t obey, 
 
 Tho dead, his spirit reigns. 
 
 The common road to power he trod, 
 Cried, Pull all tyrants down, 
 
 And, making of the mob a god, 
 Has gained from them a crown. 
 
358 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 I give them to Madame de Flahaut, desiring her to pass 
 them to my lord. He is well pleased with them, and this, 
 as it enables her to magnify her merits by her friends, 
 must of course please her. She wishes to fix an appoint 
 ment with me for Friday morning, but I desire her to 
 write her hour in season for me to reply, that, if there be 
 anything to prevent my attendance, I can inform her. She 
 is a coquette, and very fickle." 
 
 " Go to dine with the Garde des Sceaux [November 
 i8th]. His domestics know not what to make of me, a 
 thing which frequently happens at my first approach, be 
 cause the simplicity of my dress and equipage, my wooden 
 leg, and tone of republican equality seem totally mis 
 placed at the levee of a minister. He is yet in his closet. 
 I find in the circle no one of my acquaintance except Du- 
 pont the economist, who never took notice of a letter I 
 brought from his son, and seems a little ashamed of it. 
 The reception of the minister is flattering and his atten 
 tions great, so that those who had placed themselves next 
 him feel themselves misplaced. After dinner he takes me 
 aside to know my sentiments. I tell him that I consider 
 the Revolution a project that has failed ; that the evils of 
 anarchy must restore authority to the sovereign ; that he 
 ought to continue a mere instrument in the hands of the 
 Assembly, etc. As to him, the minister, he should, when 
 he quits his place, go directly from the King s closet to his 
 seat in the Assembly, and there become the advocate of 
 royal authority: He approves of my ideas, except for him 
 self, and says he has need of repose. This is idle, and 
 I tell him so. Ask him whether he intends to resign 
 (Madame de Flahaut told me so last evening, having 
 learned it from her Bishop). He says that he knows 
 nothing about it ; that he shall retire whenever the King 
 pleases. After our conversation the Abbe d Andrezelle has 
 
i79o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 359 
 
 a long entretien. He tells me of a society formed for a cor 
 respondence with the provinces to counteract the Jacobins. 
 I give him some ideas on that subject for which he ex 
 presses himself to be much obliged, and asks me to be 
 present at one of their meetings, which I consent to." 
 
 " I am pressed by the Bishop d Autun to stay to dinner 
 at the Louvre [November i9th], but I go to the Palais 
 Royal. We meet here the Due de Laval. After dinner I 
 have some conversation with him and the Comte de Thiard, 
 from whence I apprehend that a serious plan is laid for 
 introducing troops of the Emperor in order to liberate the 
 King and Queen, and restore the former government. 
 After dinner go to the Comedie Francaise, and sit with the 
 Duchess to hear Brutus. Thence to Madame de Segur s, 
 where I take up Madame de Chastellux. They lament to 
 me that Lafayette has lost his influence. In the way home 
 she tells me that she is persuaded there will be an effort 
 made by the Emperor in favor of his sister. I hinted to 
 the Comte de Thiard the advantages that would result 
 from putting the Dauphin into the hands of governors, 
 and sending him upon his travels. Many of the discon 
 tented nobles and clergy of France are urgent with the 
 chief of the empire to avenge the insults offered to his un 
 fortunate sister. So fair a pretext, such plausible reasons, 
 both public and private, joined to a great political interest 
 and personal territorial claims, might determine an enter 
 prising prince. But he is cautious, trusting more in art 
 than in force.. How will it all end ? This unhappy coun 
 try, bewildered in the pursuit of metaphysical whimsies, 
 presents to one s moral view a mighty ruin. Like the 
 remnantsof ancient magnificence, we admire the architect 
 ure of the temple, while we detest the false god to whom 
 it was dedicated. Daws and ravens, and the birds of night 
 now build their nests in its niches ; the sovereign, hum- 
 
360 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 bled to the level of a beggar s pity, without resources, 
 without authority, without a friend; the Assembly, at once 
 a master and a slave new in power, wild in theory, raw 
 in practice, it engrosses all functions, though incapable of 
 exercising any, and has taken from this fierce, ferocious 
 people every restraint of religion and of respect. Here 
 conjecture may wander through unbounded space. What 
 sum of misery may be requisite to change popular will, 
 calculation cannot determine. What circumstances may 
 arise in the order of divine will to give direction to that 
 will, our sharpest vision cannot discover. What talents 
 may be found to seize those circumstances to influence 
 that will, and, above all, to moderate the power which it 
 must confer, we are equally ignorant. One thing only 
 seems to be tolerably ascertained, that the glorious op 
 portunity is lost, and (for this time at least) the Revolution 
 has failed." 
 
 "The Bishop comes in [November 23d] while I am at 
 Madame de Flahaut s to-day, and as my carriage was sent 
 away he is grave. Leave them, and go to the Comte de 
 Montmorin s. Before dinner, the Due de Liancourt and 
 Montesquiou being there, in the course of conversation on 
 the actings and doings of the Assemblee, I say that the 
 constitution they have proposed is such that the Almighty 
 himself could not make it succeed without creating a new 
 species of man. After dinner I converse a little with 
 Montmorin about his own situation. He feels himself 
 very awkward, not knowing whether to stay or go, or, stay 
 ing, what to clo. Montesquiou comes up, and asks in 
 formation from me respecting the debt from America to 
 France. In the result of his inquiries it is agreed between 
 him and Montmorin that no proposition shall be accepted 
 without taking first my opinion on it. Go from hence to 
 Madame de Segur s. A little comedy is acted here by the 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 361 
 
 children, the subject of which is the pleasure derived to the 
 whole family by an infant of which the countess was late 
 ly delivered. The play is written by the father to whom 
 I address in the course of it these lines : 
 
 For perfecting the comic art, 
 
 Let others take a single part 
 
 While you, my friend, with nobler soul, 
 
 Embrace at once the mighty whole ; 
 
 For here we see arise from you, 
 
 The subject, play, and actors too. 
 
 As soon as the piece is finished I slip away. Madame de 
 Lafayette, who was here, reproaches me a little for desert 
 ing them. Monsieur has long been giddy from his eleva 
 tion. When he is a little sober I will see whether he can 
 any longer be useful to his country or mine. I rather 
 doubt it. Go to the Louvre, and find Madame has quar 
 relled with her Bishop, who is jealous of me. In conse 
 quence of the quarrel she is very ill, and surrounded by 
 friends and servants. 
 
 " After dining with Madame de Foucault [November 
 25th] I go to Lafayette s ; Madame receives me coolly 
 enough. I stay some time, leaning on the chimney- 
 piece. He comes out, and as soon as he sees me ap 
 proaches. Asks why I do not come to see him. I answer 
 that I do not like to mix with the crowd which I find here ; 
 that whenever I can be useful, I am at his orders. He 
 asks my opinion of his situation. I give it sans menage- 
 ment, and while I speak he turns pale. I tell him that the 
 time approaches when all good men must cling to the 
 throne ; that the present King is very valuable on account 
 of his moderation, and if he should possess too great au 
 thority might be persuaded to grant a proper constitution ; 
 that the thing called a constitution which the Assembly 
 have framed is good for nothing ; that as to himself, his 
 
362 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 personal situation is very delicate ; that he nominally, but 
 not really, commands his troops ; that I really cannot tell 
 how he is to establish discipline among them, but that 
 unless he can accomplish that object he must be ruined 
 sooner or later ; that the best line of conduct, perhaps, 
 would be to seize an occasion of disobedience and resign, 
 by which means he would preserve a reputation in France 
 which would be precious, and hereafter useful. He says 
 that he is only raised by circumstances and events, so that 
 when they cease he sinks, and the difficulty comes in how 
 to excite them. I take care not to express even by a look 
 my contempt and abhorrence, but simply observe that 
 events will arise fast enough of themselves if he can but 
 make a good use of them, which I doubt, because I do 
 not place any confidence in his troops. 
 
 " He asks what I think of a plan in agitation with re 
 spect to the protesting Bishops ; viz., to withhold their 
 revenues. I tell him that the Assemblee must turn them 
 out of doors naked if they wish the people to clothe them. 
 He says he is a little afraid of that consequence. I reiter 
 ate to him the necessity of restoring the nobility, at which, 
 of course, he flinches, and says he should like two cham 
 bers, as in America. I tell him that an American consti 
 tution will not do for this country, and that two such 
 chambers would not answer where there is an hereditary 
 executive ; that every country must have a constitution 
 suited to its circumstances, and the state of France re 
 quires a higher toned government than that of England. 
 He starts at this with astonishment. I pray him to re 
 mark that England is surrounded by a deep ditch, and, 
 being only assailable by sea, can permit many things at 
 home which would not be safe in different situations ; that 
 her safety depends on her marine, to the preservation of 
 which every right and privilege of her citizens is sacri- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 363 
 
 ficed ; that in all possible governments the first care must 
 be general preservation. He tells me the intended minis 
 ters ; they are all taken from among the people, and thus, 
 without knowing it, the people will find an additional tie 
 to the great envy of their fellows." 
 
 " Dine with Madame de Flahaut [November 27th]. She 
 tells me that the Bishop is well with the Queen. Cela 
 s entend. She tells me that De Moustier speaks illy of me 
 at Madame d Angivilliers.* He is wrong. Lord Wycombe 
 calls after dinner, and is seated a cote\ comme d usage" 
 
 "At two [November 28th] I visit Duportail,f the new 
 Minister at War, and go from thence to the Louvre. 
 Lord Wycombe is here, and has had the whole morning, 
 say from ten to two. He goes away, being pressed by 
 Madame to return in the evening. She says he told her 
 that she loved me, which at first she laughed at, but after 
 ward seriously refuted. She insists on my partaking of 
 her dinner. Monsieur seems displeased. After dinner she 
 sends me with Mademoiselle Duplessis to visit Madame de 
 Guibert, who gives me a eulogy on her late husband by 
 one of his friends. When we return, my lord is established 
 a cott. The Marquis de Montesquiou is merry at having 
 found them so situated. I leave this society, and visit Ma 
 dame de Chastellux. The conversation of this last society 
 was quite high in the aristocratic tone. The idea of car 
 rying off the King is mentioned. My fair friend talked to 
 me of presenting to Lord Wycombe the cup formerly 
 given to me, and which I had sent back. I think it prob 
 able that she has already bestowed it on him." 
 
 11 Dine to-day [November 29th] at M. de Montmorin s. 
 
 * In the salon of Madame d Angivilliers, so frequented during the eigh 
 teenth century, and so full of economic and advanced ideas of all kinds, the 
 Revolution found congenial soil and nourished vigorously. 
 
 t M. Duportail succeeded M. la Tour du Pin. He had gained distinction 
 in the American Revolution. 
 
364. DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Lafayette comes in, and Madame de Montmorin observes 
 that he does not seem very glad to see me. She asks the 
 reason. I tell her that I lately told him some truths which 
 differed so much from the style of flattery he has been ac 
 customed to that he is not well pleased with it. Mont 
 morin observes that Lafayette has not abilities enough to 
 carry through his affairs. He says that within a month 
 past things have appeared to him much worse than they 
 were. He seems apprehensive of a visit from foreign 
 powers, and that the Comte d Artois and Prince of Conde 
 may play a deep game. Nous verrons. \ go to the play 
 with Madame de Beaumont, and am placed luckily oppo 
 site to my fair friend. I know not whether she observes 
 me, but if she does it will be useful." 
 
 Just at this time more frequent applications were made 
 to Morris for advice about American lands, but he felt 
 that it would hardly do for him to bear the responsi 
 bility of " exciting French citizens to abandon their native 
 country." He was therefore anxious that an office should 
 be opened in Paris where maps could be seen and titles 
 lodged. Writing about this to Robert Morris, he says : 
 1 Purchasers here are for the most part ignorant of geog 
 raphy. So far from thinking the forests a disadvantage, 
 they are captivated with the idea of having their chateaux 
 surrounded by magnificent trees. They naturally expect 
 superb highways over the pathless desert, and see with the 
 mind s eye numerous barges in every stream. Le Coul- 
 teux was afraid to appear in the sale of your lands lest 
 the fashionable system of the * lanterne should be applied." 
 " I go to the Palais Royal to-day [November 3oth] to 
 dine with the Duchess, but she dines abroad and I go to 
 the club. The restaurateur is not a good one ; his wine is 
 very bad. Call at Madame de Segur s. She is in bed. 
 Wishes to know the purport of my conversation with La- 
 
1790.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 365 
 
 fayette. I tell her that I told him many serious truths, 
 which were not to his taste. I take the Vicomte de Segur 
 to Madame de Chastellux s, where he reads a little comedy 
 called ; Le Nouveau Cercle, which is not without merit, 
 but he reads too well to judge of it. For the rest, he has 
 made himself the principal character of the piece. Lady 
 Gary is here, an Irishwoman who has, I believe, the merit 
 of keeping a good house in Paris. Leave this at a little 
 after nine and go to the Louvre. My lord is here, of 
 course ; an observation which I make on the assignats 
 strikes him very forcibly. If I am not much mistaken, he 
 will quote it. His manner of seizing it shows a discerning 
 mind. Madame de Flahaut apologizes for having been 
 abroad this morning; had I told her I would call she 
 would have staid at home. I reply coolly that I came late, 
 that I might not interrupt her conversation with her new 
 friend. She feels this cutting sarcasm. She passed the 
 day with the Bishop, whose leg is hurt a strain of the an 
 kle. I let her make inquiries about the play, where I be 
 lieve she did not see me, and my answers will be a little 
 disquieting." 
 
 " My letters are extremely disquieting. I rise this morn 
 ing [December ist] before day, after a night of sleepless 
 anxiety. Sit down to write by candle-light, and get all my 
 letters finished in season. Receive a note from Madame 
 de Flahaut, desiring me to come between ten and eleven, 
 as she is to visit Madame d Angiviliers at half-past twelve. 
 I find her ill and complaining. I have not the disposition 
 either to quarrel or enjoy. Monsieur desires me twice to 
 remind her, at a quarter after twelve, that she is to visit 
 her sister. I tell her that every post since I have been 
 here brings me afflicting intelligence. She wishes to know 
 what it is, but I tell her that is unnecessary ; I mention it 
 in general, that she may not be surprised at my behavior. 
 
366 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 At twelve Lord Wycombe calls, and stays. I remind her 
 repeatedly of her engagement to her sister, and stay him 
 out, for which I apologize to her. Go to call on Le Coul- 
 teux. He is abroad. Madame is going out, and is half- 
 stripped when I enter. During the few minutes which I 
 stay she mentions a curious anecdote of the Comte de Pilau. 
 He is become devout to a most astonishing degree, and in 
 all the bigotry of the Romish Church ; a man who was 
 driven by the priesthood from Spain on account of his re 
 ligion, or, rather, the want of it ; a man who abandoned 
 an immense fortune for the sake of avoiding exterior 
 ceremonies. O God ! how weak, how inconsistent, how 
 wretched is man. Go to Mademoiselle Martin s and buy 
 a pot of rouge to take to my sister in London. I tell the 
 Bishop of Autun to-day that he ought, if possible, to ob 
 tain tiie embassy to Vienna." 
 
 "Sir John Miller visits me to-day [December 6th], and 
 talks of weights and measures. Dine at the Palais Royal. 
 After dinner visit M. de Lafayette. He is in a peck of 
 little troubles. I make my visit short. Madame s recep 
 tion is a la glace. Return to the Palais Royal, and take 
 Madame de Chastellux to the Louvre. At coming away 
 Madame de Flahaut desires me to take her to Madame de 
 Corney s. I am quite indifferent to her, and she asks me 
 the reason. I rally her on her connection with my lord, 
 who is to have this evening again, not having had an op 
 portunity to converse as he wished this morning. She 
 offers me a present which he made her, but I tell her I 
 will accept of nothing but a picture of her now in posses 
 sion of her Bishop, and that I will have it. I tell her when 
 I go away she will forget me. This she has long known. 
 I tell her that my reception when I last saw her was such 
 that, if Madame de Chastellux had not asked me to bring 
 her, I should not have given the trouble of my visit. 
 
I7QO.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 367 
 
 Arrived again at the Louvre, I hand her out and am about 
 to return, but she insists on my going up. Arrived there, 
 I take leave, but am persuaded to stay a little while. Her 
 pride speaks a high language. She then either is, or pre 
 tends to be, ill. Monsieur comes up, and after a few words 
 I again take leave, but she begs me in English to stay. 
 The Bishop comes in; I speak to him again on the subject 
 of an embassy to Vienna, and mark out the means of suc 
 ceeding. I tell him that at present it is equally dangerous 
 to be either in or out of the Assemblee ; that a foreign 
 embassy is the only means of preserving himself en evidence, 
 and that if he can make himself the confidential man be 
 tween the Queen and her brother, he will be in the straight 
 road to greatness, whenever circumstances will render it 
 desirable. After he is gone I stay a few minutes, and 
 then follow him." 
 
 " I receive a letter to-day [December 8th] brought by 
 the English mail urging my departure for London. Go 
 to the Louvre, according to my promise, and find Madame 
 de Flahaut in bed writing to her Lord. ... In the 
 evening go to the Palais Royal and attend the reading of a 
 tragedy written by M. de Sabran at fourteen years of age. 
 It is very well written, but before it is finished I am called 
 away by M. de Flahaut. Return to the Louvre, and sup. 
 I lend Madame i,2oof. in paper to redeem so much gold, 
 which she has pawned. I do not expect to be repaid." 
 
 These last months of 1790 found Paris in a melancholy 
 way. While the democratic revolution, with heads on pikes, 
 went steadily and surely on, the aristocratic mode of help 
 ing a man out of the world went as steadily on in the Bois 
 de Boulogne, turned into a meeting-place for excitements 
 of all kinds ; the resort of lovers, duellists, idlers, and 
 tramps of every description. In 1790 a challenge and a 
 rendezvous under the trees there was quite the proper 
 
368 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVI. 
 
 thing, and one word spoken in anger, or the appearance 
 of a cockade, was sufficient pretext for an exhibition of 
 skill with the sword or the pistol, lately introduced from 
 England, which had met with much applause. In vain the 
 authorities pleaded the aristocratic tendency of this way 
 of settling differences. No one listened. People must be 
 amused. Paris was rapidly emptying ; art had gone ; the 
 dancer had gone ; the marc hands de modes went, leaving 
 Paris to the mercy of the provinces for its fashions, from 
 whence came strange things bonnets trimmed with yellow 
 flowers, with the malicious suggestion that they were " au 
 teint de la constitution," and there seemed in this deserted 
 town to be only "fagotttres" left. But the roulette-table 
 and duelling consoled Paris. " Their patriotism," Goncourt 
 says, "they carried in their white cockade, for they whis 
 pered and wrote, * The king has abandoned us ; we are no 
 longer his subjects. " 
 
i 79 o.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 369 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Another trip to London. Stiffness of English society. Annoying indiffer 
 ence of the Duke of Leeds to American interests. Returns to Paris. 
 Dines with the Duchess of Orleans. Ternant appointed Minister 
 Plenipotentiary to the United States. Conversation with M. de 
 Segur. M. de Montmorin wishes Morris appointed Minister from 
 the United States. Asked to confer with the Committee of Com 
 merce. Dines with Lafayette. Dines with Marmontel. Lafayette 
 vexed. Madame de Nadaillac. The "farm " abolished by the Assem 
 bly. The tobacco decrees. Desired to write a letter on them. 
 Letter to Washington thereupon. Some details of the affair of Octo 
 ber 5th at Versailles. Disturbance in Languedoc. Trepidation of 
 the Bishop of Autun. Great tumult in Paris. Conversation with 
 Madame de Nadaillac. The Chateau during the riot. Lafayette 
 confesses the guards were drunk. Morris s advice to him. 
 
 IN the early part of December Morris again went 
 to London, where very pressing affairs demanded his 
 personal attention, and for some weeks, with w T hat resig 
 nation he could muster, he gave himself up to long, dull, 
 and extremely unsatisfactory conversations with city men. 
 Mrs. Siddons was somewhat of a relief from the monotony 
 of business, but he only speaks of seeing her a few times 
 once in "a very bad piece called Isabella, in which she 
 acts very well." The stiffness of London society manners 
 never suited his taste, and he invariably found the rout 
 and the evening entertainment tiresome, and his only 
 comment was that there was no pleasant intercourse be 
 tween the men and women. " I go," he says, "one even 
 ing to the Duchess of Gordon s. Here in one room the 
 young are dancing, and in another the old are gambling 
 24 
 
3/O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 at a faro-table. I stay but a little while, for the party is 
 to me vastly dull. The male dancers are very indifferent." 
 
 He again presented himself (December i8th) at the 
 Duke of Leeds s office, hoping to find that his affairs with 
 the government might have been advanced. He found 
 his grace "in council, but that breaks up while I am here. 
 Mr. Burgess tells me that the Duke is very much engaged. 
 He talks a great deal, but, stripping off the compliment 
 and profession, what he says amounts to no more than 
 that sundry cabinet councils have been held on the treaty 
 with America, and that a reference has been made of the 
 affair three months ago to Lord Hawkesbury, whose re 
 port has not yet been received. I answer to all this, very 
 dryly, that I have presented myself to let them know that 
 I am alive ; that I shall write from hence to America ; 
 that I leave town next week ; that I will wait on the Duke 
 at such time as he may indicate ; that if I learn nothing 
 more than that things are just as I left them I shall mere 
 ly say so ; that it may be worth their while to consider 
 whether the measures proposed last session in Congress 
 respecting the commerce with this country may not be 
 adopted, and what the consequences would be." 
 
 There is a decided flavor of republican curtness in this 
 message left for his grace which may have had its influ 
 ence. Certain it is, however, that although he subse 
 quently made two appointments to meet Morris, profuse 
 apologies from Mr. Burgess, and many regrets that " the 
 Duke is by a sudden and severe indisposition prevented 
 from meeting me," was all the satisfaction the latter 
 got from his grace. Morris was not slow to make his 
 ideas known with regard to the treatment he or, rather, 
 his country had received from the English Government, 
 and he mentioned that, "dining one day with Lord Lans- 
 downe, we have a great deal of conversation upon vari- 
 
i 79 o.] GOUVERNELJR MORRIS. 3/1 
 
 ous subjects. I give them my honest sentiments respect 
 ing Britain and America, which are not pleasing, but I do 
 not mean to please." 
 
 Not long after this he was back in Paris again, and 
 making an early visit to Madame de Flahaut to learn the 
 latest news, which was always to be found in her salon. 
 "She complains bitterly," he says, January 19, 1791, "of 
 the Bishop of Autun s cold cruelty. He is elected a mem 
 ber of the Department of Paris and resigns his bishopric. 
 He treats her ill. His passion for play has become ex 
 treme, and she gives me instances which are ridiculous.* 
 He comes in, and I come away. Visit Madame de Chas- 
 tellux, and go with her to dine at the Duchess of Orleans . 
 Her Royal Highness is ruined ; that is, she is reduced 
 from 45<D,ooof. to 2oo,ooof. She tells me that she cannot 
 give any good dinners, but if I will come and fast with her 
 she will be glad to see me." 
 
 "At Madame de StaeTs this evening [January 2ist] I 
 meet the world. Stay some time in various conversation, 
 altogether of no consequence. This morning Ternant 
 calls and takes breakfast. He was appointed Minister 
 Plenipotentiary to the United States last Sunday. We 
 converse a little about his mission. He wishes me to be 
 appointed here. I tell him that I understood from De 
 Moustier that Carmichael has been asked for. He says 
 that if it be not too late he will get that matter altered. 
 He will know more about it, and tell me. 
 
 " Go to the Louvre. M. de Flahaut had desired to see 
 
 * The Bishop of Autun was accused of playing so high that he made a pub 
 lic acknowledgment of his gains in the Chronique de Paris. " I have gained 
 in six months," he says, " not in the gambling-houses, but in the society of 
 chess-clubs, about thirty thousand francs," and seemed to think he had made 
 atonement by having had the courage to acknowledge his errors. He did 
 not, however, escape from the sarcasm of the pen of Camille Desmoulins, 
 who said: "The Bishop d Autun feels called upon to bring back all the 
 usages of the primitive church, and among them public confession." 
 
3/2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 me. He talks about sending hardware to America for 
 sale, a friend of his being at the head of a considerable 
 manufactory. I tell him his friend may call some morn 
 ing and I will speak to him. Go to Madame du Bourg s. 
 They are at play, and high play, too, in which I of course 
 take no part. Come away early." 
 
 " Madame de Flahaut tells me to-day [January 22d] that 
 she has a gleam of hope in her prospects, and I will try to 
 bring it to some end. Go to see Madame de Segur, and 
 take her a present of some apples, etc. Monsieur is with his 
 wife, and, the conversation turning that way, the pleasure 
 a man feels in speaking of himself leads him to communi 
 cate the history of the war between Russia and the Porte. 
 From his statement, England embroiled those powers. 
 Having taken the history a great way back, and brought 
 it to the peace which concluded the former war between 
 them, he states that the Empress took on herself to be 
 the liege lord (suzerain) of Georgia ; that the Afghis 
 Tartars, dwelling about the Caspian Sea, and who are con 
 stantly at war with the Georgians, received aid from the 
 Pasha in their neighborhood, and that the Tartars of the 
 Cuban made frequent depredations on the Russian terri 
 tories and then crossed that fordable river into the Turk 
 ish territory ; that complaints having arisen on this sub 
 ject, the mediation of France was asked and accepted, 
 and he and M. de Choiseul-Gouffier employed them 
 selves efficaciously in settling the difference. It was 
 agreed that the Pasha should no longer give aid to the 
 Afghis Tartars, and that those of the Cuban should not be 
 protected after their inroads as before ; that Prince Po- 
 temkin, having assembled a considerable army to be re 
 viewed by the Empress in that quarter, and being informed 
 that the causes of complaint continued notwithstanding 
 the treaty, sent immediately through the Russian ambas- 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 373 
 
 sador, Bulgakow, a menacing message to the Turk ; that 
 this being communicated by the Reis Effendi to M. de 
 Gouffier, he, much surprised, advised the Turk imme 
 diately to arm and informed him, Segur, of what was done 
 and doing ; that he thereupon spoke in very high terms 
 to the Russian ministry, who laid the blame upon Prince 
 Potemkin. They agreed to submit to any reasonable terms, 
 and although those proposed through M. de Gouffier 
 by the Turk were conceived rather haughtily, to his great 
 surprise they were acceded to. His courier, however, 
 charged with that intelligence, was intercepted by the 
 Turkish robbers, and murdered ; when he learned that 
 accident he immediately sent another, but before that 
 messenger arrived the English had been busy in dissuad 
 ing them from all accommodation. Their ambassador, 
 Mr. - , told the Reis Effendi that he would be pow 
 erfully supported by Prussia and Poland ; that if Aus 
 tria should join Russia, a powerful diversion would be 
 made by the revolt in Flanders then in train ; that they 
 must not trust to France, whose favorite system it was to 
 support Russia, with whom she had lately formed very 
 close connections, and of course could not be cordially 
 attached to the Porte. The reason of England was 
 (says Segur) that, being vexed with Russia for forming a 
 treaty with France by which, among other things, the 
 principles of the armed neutrality are acknowledged, and 
 for insisting on a like acknowledgment, ,in a proposed 
 renewal of the treaty with England, she was in hopes of 
 making a breach between France and her new ally Russia, 
 or her new ally the Turk. In consequence of the British 
 intrigues, the Porte refused to accede to the terms which 
 she had herself proposed, but sent others in a style im 
 perious and dictatorial ; that he was much hurt at this, 
 but, to his very great surprise, the Empress acceded to those 
 
374 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 also, but by the time that her despatches were ciphered, 
 and just as the courier was about to depart, they learned 
 that the Turk had actually commenced hostilities. He 
 says that he long since informed his court that Hertzberg 
 had formed vast projects menacing all Europe, but that 
 no attention was paid to his information, and, on the con 
 trary, he was represented as a firebrand, desirous of gen 
 eral mischief ; that he very early proposed the triple 
 alliance of Austria, Russia, and France, which was then 
 rejected and has never been completed because, finally, the 
 French Revolution prevented a ratification by France. 
 He says that the late Emperor Joseph told him, shortly 
 before his death, that the Empress of Russia had permitted 
 him to make a separate peace, and that he might assure 
 the King he would agree to give up Chorzim, and even Bel 
 grade, to effect it. We pass then to the peace of Reichen- 
 bach, and I tell him the manner in which Van Hertzberg 
 became the dupe of his own contrivances. * 
 
 "We learn this day some news which, if true, will affect 
 a little the affairs of this country. It is said that the Cath 
 olic militia of Strasbourg have all resigned and that a peti 
 tion is arrived, signed by four thousand persons, to which 
 a much greater number have adhered, desiring that all 
 which has been done in respect to the clergy and nobility 
 may be rescinded ; that conciliatory commissioners are 
 named (three) to go thither. Visit Madame de Chastellux 
 who tells me that she is informed by a person lately come 
 from French Flanders that a general apprehension is there 
 entertained of a visit from the imperial troops. I do not 
 believe in this visit. 
 
 "Leave her and go to the Louvre. I find Madame de 
 Flahaut in conversation with a deputy from the Islands, 
 who wishes a particular person nominated to the Depart- 
 
 * Unfortunately Morris does not give this conversation or his authority. 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 375 
 
 ment of the Colonies, and that, in the demarcation of lim 
 its with Spain, a tract should be ceded in St. Domingo, for 
 a part of which a plantation will be given of which she 
 shall have one-half. I sup here. She is very sad, and it 
 is in vain that I try to remove that sadness. But her pros 
 pects are very bad." 
 
 " La Caze repeats again to-day [January 23d] that Jef 
 ferson has made Robert Morris a promise on my subject 
 which is impossible. He tells me that he learned from 
 Colonel Smith the only objection to placing me in this 
 Corps Diplomatique would be my other pursuits. At 
 half-past three I call on Madame de Flahaut. The Bishop 
 of Autun is with her. Take a note of the person that the 
 Colonists want for their Minister, and then go to dine with 
 M. Montmorin. Meet Ternant. Montesquiou comes in 
 after dinner, and says he wishes to see me. Ternant and I 
 come away together. In the carriage he tells me that, on 
 entering the court at Montmorin s, he took occasion to ob 
 serve, on seeing my carriage, that it would be a good thing 
 I were appointed the Minister from the United States ; to 
 which Montmorin replied that he should like it much. 
 Ternant then told him it would be very easy to get it done, 
 since nothing more would be necessary than to signify a de 
 sire of the kind to Mr. Jefferson. Montmorin then said there 
 was another person who desired it, namely, Carmichael. 
 He asked if it was he or his friends who desired it, but be 
 fore any decisive answer could be obtained they entered 
 the salon. Afterwards go to take tea with Madame de 
 Chastellux, and sup with the Princess. A very fine day, 
 but drizzly evening. The news of Strasbourg, Montmorin 
 told me, is unfounded." 
 
 " This morning [January 25th] Ternant comes in. He 
 tells me that the appointment of a Minister for the Colonies 
 will experience considerable delay. He wishes me to con- 
 
376 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 fer with the Committee of Commerce. I promise to do so, 
 if they desire it. He wishes me to tell Montmorin the sum 
 which I conceive to be needful for a French minister in 
 America, which I will do when he tells me the appointment 
 is really made. At three o clock go to dine with Madame 
 de Stael, who is not yet come in. Meanwhile I visit at the 
 Louvre, where they are at dinner. Madame de Flahaut is 
 ill, and goes to bed. Return to dinner. The Abbe Sieyes 
 is here, and descants with much self-sufficiency on govern 
 ment, despising all that has been said or sung on that sub 
 ject before him, and Madame says that his writings and 
 opinions will form in politics a new era, as that of Newton 
 in physics. Go from hence to Madame du Bourg s. She 
 advises me to pursue rather the attractions of society than 
 any serious attachment. Company come in, which puts 
 an end to that matter." 
 
 " This morning [January 26th] 1 am prevented from do 
 ing anything almost. First, M. de Flahaut presents to me 
 by appointment his friend, who is a chief of the works of 
 Amboise. He wants vent for hardware in the United 
 States. Then Colonel Walker comes to communicate the 
 perplexed state of the affairs of the Scioto Civilization 
 Company. He asks my advice, but I can give no advice, 
 not knowing sufficiently all the facts ; some of the most 
 important he remains ignorant of. Before he is gone 
 Colonel Swan arrives, and tells me that his plan for the 
 debt has fallen through by the misconduct of Cantaleu. 4 
 He wishes me to visit Montesquiou. I tell him that if 
 Montesquiou wishes to see me he can call on me. Dine 
 with Lafayette, who is tolerably well content to see me. 
 Ternant is here ; he thinks a few weeks will drive things 
 to a decision. I think not. After dinner we have an inter 
 esting conversation together. He tells me that he had ar 
 ranged a plan for restoring order by the exertion of force, 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 377 
 
 in which De Bouillie and Lafayette were to co-operate, 
 but the latter failed while he was in Germany. He is now 
 at work to bring about the same thing. I see that he is 
 desirous of being in the ministry here, and would play at 
 heads for kingdoms. They want some person of this sort, 
 of a rank sufficiently elevated to run no risk unnecessarily, 
 and whose temper will not avoid any which may be neces 
 sary or proper. The Bishop happening to be at the Louvre 
 to-day, I ask him what kind of place he has got, what is 
 the income, whether it will support him, etc., and observe 
 that unless it will place him in an independent situation 
 he has done wrong in accepting. He says that it is the 
 only door which was open." 
 
 "Dine with the Duchess of Orleans to-day [January 
 2yth], and go thence to the Louvre. Madame de Flahaut 
 has her sister with her, who is arrived in great penury at 
 Paris, and to whom she has sent money, notwithstanding 
 the misery of her own situation. Leave them, and visit 
 Madame de Stael. Return early, after drinking much 
 weak tea." 
 
 " This morning [January 2pth] write, and at noon take 
 up Madame de Chastellux. We go together to Choisy, 
 and dine with Marmontel. He thinks soundly. After 
 dinner he mentions his mode of contesting the new-fan 
 gled doctrines of the droits de Vhomme by asking a definition 
 of the word draft, and from that definition he draws a con 
 clusion against the asserted equality of rights. He admits, 
 however, that all are equal before the law and under the 
 law. I deny this position, and make him remark that, 
 where there is great inequality of rank and fortune, this 
 supposed equality of legal dispensation would destroy all 
 proportion and all justice. If the punishment be a fine, 
 it oppresses the poor but does not affect the rich. If it be 
 corporal punishment, it degrades the prince but does not 
 
378 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 wound the beggar. He is struck with deep conviction at 
 this observation. I draw only one conclusion, that in 
 morals every general position requires numerous excep 
 tions, wherefore logical conclusions from such positions 
 must frequently be erroneous. I might have pursued (as 
 I have sometimes done) my remark a little farther, to the 
 legal compensation of injuries where the varieties are 
 greater, because the party committing and the party suf 
 fering wrong may each be of different rank in society. I 
 might go farther and notice those different varieties of 
 sentiment which the manners of different nations intro 
 duce into social life, for it is a fact that the * ill we feel is 
 most in apprehension. The legislator, therefore, who 
 would pare down the feelings of mankind to the metaphys 
 ical standard of his own reason, would show little knowl 
 edge though he might display much genius. We return 
 to the Palais Royal, where I set down Madame de Chas- 
 tellux. Go to the Louvre. Madame de Flahaut is alone 
 and in sorrow. Complains of. the cold insensibility of 
 her husband s relations. He is ill, very ill. The Baron 
 de Montesquiou comes in, and asks if her dower is secured. 
 It is not. M. d Angiviliers has paid his brother s debts ; 
 quaere, whether he will pay this as a debt privile gid" 
 
 " To-day [February ist] I hear that M. de Rouilliere is 
 dead suddenly, and as he was writing the history of the 
 times, and was not friendly to the powers which are, their 
 adversaries say that he was poisoned. 
 
 "Paul Jones calls on me, and wishes to have my senti 
 ments on a plan for carrying on war against Britain in In 
 dia, should she commence hostilities against Russia. At 
 half-past three go to dine with De la Rochefoucault, and 
 later visit Madame de Segur, and sit for some time. She 
 is just returned from attending on her princess at Belle- 
 vue. The two old ladies, Mesdames Adelaide and Victoire, 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 379 
 
 are about to start for Rome. Ternant came this morning 
 and desired me to go to Lafayette this evening, and thence 
 to the Committee of Commerce. He said that he should 
 have caused the committee to write me a note, but that 
 Lafayette, who chooses to seem (the omnis homo) to do 
 everything, preferred taking" me along with him. After 
 dining I go to Lafayette s. Converse some time with Ter 
 nant, and when Lafayette comes up I tell him that I can 
 not go to the committee but at their request ; that what I 
 say will have less weight ; that I think it better for him to 
 go this evening with Swan, and then, if the committee sig 
 nify a desire to see me, I will wait on them to-morrow even 
 ing ; that in the meantime he can signify to me what he 
 wishes should be done. He agrees to the propriety of all 
 this in words, but I can see that he is devilishly vexed. 
 Be it so. Better he be vexed than carry me about in his 
 pocket." 
 
 "This morning [February 3d] Ternant calls and tells 
 me of what passed last e.vening. He says that Lafayette 
 agreed to the free culture of tobacco ; that it is an affair 
 of party entirely. He says that he proposed inviting me 
 to the committee, but that M. Raymond objected, as I 
 was interested. Colonel Swan told me this morning, apro 
 pos of the tobacco question, that there is a knot of men in 
 the Assembly who dispose of all things as they list, and 
 who turn everything to account. He speaks of their cor 
 ruption with horror. I dress and go to M. Mory s to din 
 ner. There has been, it seems, a mistake, and instead of 
 finding Chaumont I meet two kept mistresses. Chau- 
 mont and his wife come in presently after. It is ridicu 
 lous enough. However, she goes home. We stay, and 
 dine late. M. de Flahaut, I hear, is getting better. His 
 malady arises from his misconduct in pecuniary affairs. He 
 is a wretch, and the best thing he could do would be to die." 
 
380 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 " I dine with M. de Montmorin to-day [February 4th]. 
 We have a numerous collection at dinner. Madame de 
 Montmorin shows me an almanac from England, sent her 
 by the Duke of Dorset, in which, among other things, is a 
 table of weights and measures. She says that it is one 
 among many things which will be useless to her. I write 
 in a blank leaf opposite to it : 
 
 A table here, of weight and measure, 
 In times like these it is a treasure ; 
 For each one measures now the state, 
 And what his reasons want in weight, 
 He makes up, as a thing of course, 
 By the abundance of discourse." 
 
 "This abundance of discourse" never ceased to amaze 
 Morris, so often was the mountain delivered of the 
 mouse. This day finished with a musical party at Ma 
 dame de Chastellux s, and an hour spent at Madame de 
 StaeTs. " Some advances are made to me by Madame. 
 We shall see." More music at the Palais Royal, and a 
 call at the Louvre, where Madame de Nadaillac sups, to 
 see me ; she is an aristocrat outrfo, and has heard that I 
 am of her sect. She is mistaken. She is handsome, and 
 has a good deal of esprit. Her aunt, Madame de Flahaut, 
 tells me she is virtuous and coquette and romantic. Nous 
 verrons. Madame de Nadaillac assures me that there are 
 many virtuous and religious young women in Paris. She 
 says she will give me a supper with the Abbe Maury." 
 
 "The Assembly have abolished the farm, etc., of to 
 bacco, permitted the culture, and laid on a large duty.* 
 
 * Louis Blanc, in his history of the French Revolution, gives a startling 
 description of the effect of farming the revenue which prevailed in France 
 until this year of 1791. Of eight principal branches of the revenue five were 
 farmed. The salt tax, the subsidy, the land, and the tobacco were all indi 
 rect contributions. The history of the farmers-general was the martyrizing of 
 the tax-payers ; for the tax-gatherers France was a conquered country. They 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 381 
 
 Dine [February i3th] with M. de Lafayette, and speak to 
 him about the enormous duty on tobacco brought in Ameri 
 can vessels. He wishes me to give him a note about it. I 
 tell him that I do not choose to meddle with matters out 
 of my line. He says that Mirabeau has promised him to 
 speak about it, and he expects that both the tobacco and 
 the oil will be taken up by the Diplomatic Committee. I 
 ask him whether it would not answer for the King to sus 
 pend that decree, and give his reasons. He says that he 
 would rather the Americans should be obliged to the na 
 tion than to the prince. I tell him that I learn from some 
 persons well informed that if he had spoken the question 
 would have been differently decided. He says that, on the 
 contrary, it was so carried to spite him, and that the aris 
 tocrats in particular opposed it merely on that ground. 
 Madame de Segur, whom I meet, confirms to me that the 
 aristocrats lost the tobacco question. I think an addi 
 tional reason for their vote is a hatred to America for 
 having been the cause of the Revolution. M. de Mont- 
 morin assures me that he is doing everything in his power 
 relating to the tobacco decrees, and I ask him if I shall 
 write him a letter on the subject. He expresses a strong 
 wish that I would, and pressed me earnestly to do so the 
 next day, as he was then to meet the Diplomatic Commit 
 tee." 
 
 Morris was extremely anxious to keep himself out 
 1 of sight, " not wishing to be quoted in any of the delibera 
 tions of the committee," and therefore, he says, speaking 
 of the note afterwards in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, " I stated 
 
 bled the people, and they had prisons and galleys ready to punish them. 
 Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, suggested " that by subjecting all 
 those taxes to an administration under the immediate inspection and direc 
 tion of government, the exorbitant profits of the farmers-general might be 
 added to the revenue." " The most dreadful laws," he said, "exist in a 
 country where the revenue is farmed." 
 
382 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 the observations as being made by American citizens. I 
 am endeavoring, if possible, to obtain a duty on the cult 
 ure equivalent to the import duty. There is little hope 
 of success to any proposition for alleviating, much less re 
 moving, the burdens they have laid upon us. The greater 
 part have adopted systematic reasoning in matters of com 
 merce as in those of government, so that, disdaining atten 
 tion to facts, and deaf to the voice of experience, while 
 others deliberate, they decide, and are more constant in 
 their opinions in proportion as they are less acquainted 
 with the subject, which is natural enough." 
 
 In a private letter to Washington, written about this 
 time, Morris says of the late decrees, that the " laying 
 a heavy duty on oil, and giving a great preference of duty 
 on tobacco imported in Frencli ships, and declaring that 
 none but those built in France shall be reputed French 
 bottoms, will excite much ill-humor in America. Those 
 who rule the roast here seem to think that because the old 
 government was sometimes wrong, everything contrary to 
 what they did must be right. Like Jack in the Tale of a 
 Tub, who tore his coat to pieces in pulling off the fringe 
 and trimmings that Peter had put on, or like the old Con 
 gress in its young days, which rejected the offer of valuable 
 contracts and employed a host of commissaries and quarter 
 masters because Great Britain dealt with contractors but, 
 really, in the present effervescence very few acts of the 
 Assembly can be considered as deliberate movements of 
 national will. There still continue to be three parties 
 here. The enrag/s, long since known by the name of Jaco 
 bins, have lost much in the public opinion, so that they 
 are less powerful in the Assembly than they were ; but 
 their Committees of Correspondence (called Society s Pa- 
 triotiques), spread all over the kingdom, have given them 
 a deep and strong hold over the people. On the other 
 
i 79 i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 383 
 
 hand the numerous reforms, some of them unnecessary, 
 and all either harsh, precipitate, or extreme, have thrown 
 into the aristocratic party a great number of discontented. 
 
 " The military, who as such look up to the sovereign, 
 are somewhat less factious than they were, but they are 
 rather a mob than an army, and must, I think, fall either 
 to the aristocratic or Jacobin side of the question. The 
 middlemen are in a whimsical situation. In the Senate 
 they follow the Jacobin counsels rather than appear con 
 nected with the other party. The same principle of 
 shamefacedness operates on great occasions out-of-doors, 
 but as the aristocrats have been forced down by a torrent 
 of opinion from the heights of their absurd pretensions, 
 and as the middlemen begin to be alarmed at the extrem 
 ities to which they have been hurried, those two parties 
 might come together if it were not for personal animos 
 ities among the leaders. 
 
 " This middle party would be the strongest if the nation 
 were virtuous, but, alas! this is not the case, and therefore 
 I think it will only serve as a stepping-stone for those who 
 may find it convenient to change sides. In the midst, 
 however, of all these confusions, what with confiscating 
 the church property, selling the domains, curtailing pen 
 sions, and destroying offices, but especially by that great 
 liquidator of public debt, a paper currency, this nation is 
 working its way to a new state of active energy which 
 will, I think, be displayed as soon as a vigorous govern 
 ment shall establish itself. The intervening confusion 
 will probably call forth men of talent to form such gov 
 ernment and to exert its powers." 
 
 About a week later Morris dined with Montmorin, when 
 they discussed the decrees. " He tells me that he is well 
 pleased with my reflections, but he does not expect to do 
 anything in the tobacco affair, the Assembly are so violent 
 
384 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII 
 
 and so ignorant. I mention to Mr. Duport, who is here, 
 my plan, to which he gives but little heed, for the same 
 reason which M. de Montmorin assigns. This last tells 
 me that a M. Pinchon, who it was said killed himself in 
 July, 1789, was murdered ; that it was shortly after he had 
 deposited his portefeuille with the Due d Orleans, which 
 he had been persuaded to do on account of the troubles ; 
 that the Due de Penthievre had been first proposed as his 
 depositaire, but this meeting with difficulty, his son-in-law 
 was fixed upon ; that the unhappy man was brought home, 
 and declared that he was murdered. He lived to sign sev 
 eral papers. There was found in his house two millions, 
 and his estate is bankrupt for fifty millions. M. Duport 
 mentions that from a state of the Due d Orleans affairs, 
 published by his chancellor, it appears that he is in arrears 
 about fifty millions more. Time will unravel these things, 
 if the suspicions be founded." 
 
 " I dine to-day [February 22d] with Madame de Foucault, 
 and meet there by appointment the Abbe Ronchon. Ma 
 dame is kindly attentive. I bring the Abbe away with me, 
 and he tells me that in the memorable affair of Versailles, 
 as it was known that the King was that day to hunt in the 
 forest of Meudon, a party of the populace, in number 
 about a thousand, went thither, and among them were 
 some assassins whose object was to kill him, and that a 
 reward of a thousand guineas was to be given to the wretch 
 who should perform that deed. He says that the Comte 
 de St. Priest, being informed of this, sent to urge His Maj 
 esty to come immediately on important business to Ver 
 sailles ; that this message made the violent party so much 
 his enemies as they afterwards appeared to be. The Abbe 
 believes all this, which I must acknowledge that I do not. 
 I think there is enough of little villainy about them, but I 
 question whether there be bold criminality." 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 385 
 
 "The Marquis de Favernay tells me [February 23d] 
 that there is the devil to pay in Languedoc. A kind of 
 religious war is there kindling between the Catholics and 
 Protestants. He says that the latter, who are rich, have 
 purchased over the national troops, and turned their 
 swords against the Catholics, under pretence of supporting 
 the new Constitution. I suppose others give a different 
 account of the affair, but it seems pretty clear at Nimes 
 and Uses they are actually come to blows. I go at nine 
 to the Louvre to take Madame de Flahaut to sup with 
 Madame de Nadaillac. According to custom, she is not 
 ready. We do not arrive till ten. Our hostess is very 
 pleasant. Insists that I shall be an aristocrat, whether I 
 will or no. She gives me assurances of her religion 
 and morality, etc., but she is a coquette, and she is enthu 
 siastic and romantic." 
 
 " Go to the Louvre [February 24th] ; see Madame de 
 Flahaut. She is ill in bed ; play sixpenny whist with her. 
 The Bishop of Autun is horribly frightened for his life. 
 When she got home last night she found in a blank en 
 velope a will of her Bishop making her his heir. In conse 
 quence of some things he had dropped in conversation, she 
 concluded that he was determined to destroy himself, and 
 therefore spent the night in great agitation and in tears. 
 M. de St. Foi, whom she roused at four o clock in the 
 morning, could not find the Bishop, he having slept near 
 the church in which he was this day to consecrate two 
 bishops lately elected. At length it turns out that, pursu 
 ant to repeated threats, he feared that the clergy would 
 cause him to be this day destroyed, and had ordered the 
 letter not to be delivered till the evening, meaning to take 
 it back if he lived through the day." 
 
 " I learn [February 27th] that Paris is in great tumult, of 
 which I had indeed observed some symptoms this morning. 
 25 
 
386 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [HAP. XVII. 
 
 Go to the Louvre ; the Bishop is here. I return home, 
 and find the Place du Carrousel full of soldiers. See Ma 
 dame de Chastellux who tells me that the Princess is much 
 alarmed at what is passing in Paris. There is a deal of riot 
 conjured up, but there seems to be no sufficient object, so 
 that it must waste itself." 
 
 During the early weeks of 1791 rumor was fulfilling her 
 agitating mission, ably assisted by Camille Desmoulins, 
 who faithfully kept alive the fear that the continued emi 
 gration of aristocrats meant a counter-revolutionary plot, 
 the end of which would be a general massacre. The roads 
 were guarded to prevent the queen from escaping, as the 
 people were led to believe she intended doing, dressed as 
 a jockey. The king had been supplicated by a deputation 
 from the sections of Paris to prevent the journey of mes- 
 dames* his aunts to Rome. But his majesty had only 
 made answer that in his opinion the ladies had as much 
 right to go as any other citizen. Deeply incensed by 
 this answer, Camille Desmoulins wrote that they had no 
 right to go off with their pensions, or, as he expressed it, 
 to eat French millions on Roman soil. But on the i9th 
 the old ladies quietly slipped off leaving the Assembly 
 rather startled, and extreme emotion and excitement 
 among the people, who were fully persuaded that the en 
 tire royal family meant to follow suit. Of the departure 
 of these ladies, Madame Campan speaks as follows: "I 
 know from the queen that the departure of mesdames 
 was judged necessary in order to leave the king s action 
 free from the constraint put upon him by the family." 
 La Chimique de Paris, a journal under the influence of 
 the constitutional party, expressed great surprise, in a 
 sarcastic article, that two sedentary old ladies should 
 be suddenly possessed with a desire to run over the 
 world. " C est singulier, mais c est possible. Elles vont, 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 387 
 
 dit-on, baiser la mule du pape c est drole, mais c est 
 edifiant." 
 
 " The Comte de Provence, quietly dining with Madame 
 de Balbi, found himself suddenly surrounded by the 
 fetnmes de la Halle and an immense crowd of people of 
 all professions, who, in a fever of excitement, demanded to 
 know if he meant to quit the King s person, or, if the King 
 went, should he go too ? To which last question he re 
 plied in such a way as to silence and disperse, for a time 
 at least, even this mob. Osez-vous, he said, Me prevoir? " 
 
 The riot which Morris particularly mentions was in 
 consequence of some false news spread through the 
 town that arms and ammunition had been transported to 
 the donjon of Vincennes, and that there existed in the 
 Tuileries a secret passage through which the royal family 
 intended to make their escape. Lafayette, at tire head of 
 the National Guard, saved the fortress of Vincennes from 
 being demolished, and forced the assailants to retreat 
 which they did, and tumultuously rushed into Paris, with 
 the formidable brewer Santerre in the midst of them. 
 Morris speaks of going to the court of the Tuileries 
 immediately after these riots, but " not being permitted to 
 walk in the gardens ; try the quay, but the mud is impas 
 sable ; go home and dress, and then go to Madame de Fou- 
 cault s to dine. After dinner visit Madame de Nadaillac. 
 She and her husband are tete-a-tete. We talk religion 
 and morality. Monsieur observes, with much vehemence, 
 that the man who, under pretext of the former, induces a 
 woman to violate the latter s laws is worse than an atheist. 
 Madame tries to mitigate a little this denunciation. Now 
 as Monsieur is of cold temper and temperament, and Ma 
 dame very enthusiastic, it seems to me that there is in this 
 a remote relation to the Abbe Maury, who is much con 
 sidered by Madame. He is a mauvais siijet^ and she is very 
 
388 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVII. 
 
 religious and duteous, etc. I part with her upon a pretty 
 good ton, and Monsieur is also content. Return home, and, 
 according to appointment, Mr. Swan and M. Bremond call 
 on me. The affair of the tobacco is adjusted with the 
 controller so that we are to have a decided preference. 
 The government are to furnish a million and a half, and 
 the interested on this side of the water are to make it up 
 four millions, the business to be carried on on equal and 
 joint account." 
 
 " To-day [March 2d] I dine with Lafayette. I communi 
 cate to him some facts respecting American affairs, and, 
 as he is desirous of taking them all up together, I tell him 
 that he had better, in such case, get a resolution or decree 
 empowering the administration to act, for that otherwise 
 he will have so many interests opposed to his plan that it 
 must certainly fail. I think he will not follow this advice, 
 because he wants to appear the Atlas which supports the 
 two worlds. I ask him to tell me what passed the other 
 day at the Chateau. He acknowledges that the Garde 
 Nationale was drunk, and himself so angry as to have be 
 haved indecorously to the gentlemen there ; but he says, at 
 the same time, that M. de Villequiere was much in fault, 
 who, notwithstanding he had given his word of honor not 
 to suffer any persons to come into the King s chamber 
 except his usual attendants, had suffered a crowd to get 
 thither, many of them of the worst kind of people. Hav 
 ing heard his story, I tell him (which is very true) that I 
 am sorry for it, but as the thing is done he must now bear 
 it out with a high hand, and turn M. de Villequiere out of 
 office, assigning publicly as a reason that he permitted 
 certain persons (to be named) to come into the King s 
 chamber on such an occasion, contrary to the promise 
 made on his honor. He finds this advice very good. He 
 must be preserved yet." 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 389 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The queen intriguing with Mirabeau. Morris s impressions of the Abbe 
 Maury. Madame de Nadaillac s salon. Madame de Tesse converted 
 to Morris s political principles. Vicq d Azyr s eulogy of Franklin. 
 Morris takes supper with Condorcet. Paris illuminated. First in 
 troduction to Lady Sutherland. Conversation with the Abbe Maury. 
 Death of Mirabeau. Discusses with Montmorin Mirabeau s succes 
 sor. Mirabeau s impressive funeral. Strictures on his character. 
 Robespierre comes to the front. Morris predicts to M. de Mont 
 morin the speedy dissolution of the present Assembly. A visit from 
 Paine. Madame de Nadaillac talks of religion and duty. Madame 
 de Flahaut asks advice as to marriage. Morris prepares a note for 
 the king on the rations for the French marine. Madame de Stael 
 reads her tragedy " Montmorenci." Morris gives her some advice. 
 Brilliant society in her salon. 
 
 U ALK about the Champs Elysees to-day [March 
 
 T T 7 
 V V 
 
 ] with Madame de Flahaut and Mademoiselle 
 Duplessis. Propose to M. de Favernay, whom I meet, to go 
 to the restaurateur s, but Madame proposes that we should 
 bring our dinner to her. We go to the Hotel des Ameri- 
 cains, and, having made our provision, return and eat it 
 there. After dinner I return home, read a little, and 
 dress. M. Bremond* and M. de Bergasse come in. We 
 have much conversation on public affairs, which form the 
 object of their visit. They tell me that the Queen is now 
 intriguing with Mirabeau, the Comte de la Marck, and the 
 
 * Etienne Bremond, of whom Morris so often speaks in his diary, had been 
 successively cure at Chartres. canon of the cathedral, canon of a church in 
 Paris, and docteur de la Sorbonne. His chagrin at the imprisonment of the 
 king threw him into a painful condition of health, which resulted in his death 
 in January, 1795. 
 
39 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Comte de Mercy, who enjoy her confidence. They wish 
 to visit me again. They tell me that Mirabeau, whose am 
 bition renders him the mortal enemy of Lafayette, must 
 succeed in ruining him by the instrumentality of his com 
 peers in the department. I incline to think, however, that 
 Lafayette will hold a good tug, being as cunning as any 
 body. Mirabeau has much greater talents, and his oppo 
 nent a better character. When the two gentlemen leave 
 me, I go to Madame de Nadaillac s. We have here the 
 Abbe Maury,* who looks like a downright ecclesiastical 
 scoundrel, and the rest are fierce aristocrats. They have 
 the word valet written on their foreheads in large charac 
 ters. Maury is formed to govern such men, and such men 
 are formed to obey him, or anyone else. Maury seems, 
 however, to have rather too much vanity for a great man. 
 Madame de Nadaillac is vastly attentive, and insists that I 
 must be un aristocrat outre. I tell her that I am too old to 
 change my opinions of government, but I will to her be 
 just what she pleases." 
 
 "To-day [March 5th] the Comte de Segur calls on me. 
 I ask him the character of the Comte de la Marck f and 
 the Comte de Mercy. J He tells me that the former is a 
 military man who understands his business, and that in 
 the affairs of Brabant his plan was to raise a popular party 
 which, in case of the independence of that country, should 
 be considered as the French party ; or, at any rate, by sow 
 ing dissension, facilitate the re-establishment of imperial 
 
 * The Abbe Maury defended with skill and eloquence the cause of the mon 
 archy, the church, and the nobles in the National Assembly. He became 
 afterward an archbishop and a cardinal, and died in 1817, having witnessed 
 the Bourbon restoration. He was born in 1746. 
 
 t Count Charles de la Marck was Minister of Marine from October, 1790, to 
 May, 1791. 
 
 ? Count Mercy d Argenteau was Austrian ambassador from the Court of 
 Vienna to Paris in 1791. He advised the flight of the royal family. 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 391 
 
 authority. The Comte de Mercy is, he says, one of the 
 ablest statesmen in Europe. Visit Madame Dumolley, 
 who is very desirous of my visits, because she finds I keep 
 company that she cannot reach. Leave her, go to the 
 Palais Royal, and sup with the Duchess. Madame de 
 St. Priest, who is here, wishes to know my opinion of what 
 has lately passed at the Louvre. I evade it handsomely, 
 and Madame de Chastellux tells me so, being a little vexed, 
 because she says that they will quote against her what I 
 have said, and which they will understand very different 
 ly from the true meaning. I ask her about the Comte de 
 la Marck, and find that I am acquainted with him. He is 
 intimately united with Mirabeau, is devoured by ambition, 
 and of profligate morals. Nous voilti done au fait. M. 
 d Agout comes in. He is just arrived from Switzerland, 
 and brings me many civil sayings from Madame de Tesse, 
 who is become a convert, she says, to my principles of 
 government. There will be many more such converts." 
 
 " This morning [March 7th] I write, being still unwell. 
 In the evening Madame de Flahaut calls at the door, and 
 sends to know how I do. She will not come up, although 
 her husband and nephew are with her. Go to Madame 
 de Chastellux s, where we take tea ; a trio, of which the 
 Duchess makes the third. Visit Madame de Nadaillac, who 
 has been ill. We converse about her malady, afterwards 
 upon religion, and she wishes to know whether I have the 
 virtue of an American, which she doubts, because she is 
 pleased to say I have the amiableness of a Frenchman. I 
 leave that matter a little doubtful, but she seems a little 
 displeased that her husband comes in, which is a good 
 sign. Make my visit neither long nor short, and I per 
 ceive that both are content." 
 
 " I go to the Louvre [March i2th] to take Madame de 
 Flahaut to drive ; but the Baron de Montesquieu is here, 
 
392 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 who wants to get into office, and then comes the toilette, 
 and then Mademoiselle Duplessis, so I go to call on Ma 
 dame de Chastellux. Swan calls and tells me what I had 
 hinted to him; viz., that Roederer s motions and resolutions 
 have cut up the regie by the roots. Ternant calls, with 
 whom I converse a little on those things. Dine with the 
 Comte de Montmorin, and, as Montesquieu comes in after 
 dinner, I mention those things to him. He wishes me to 
 have a memoire drawn. Go, after dinner, to the Academy 
 of Physicians, where Vicq d Azyr* pronounces the eulogi- 
 um of Doctor Franklin." 
 
 "I go [March i;th] to supper to-night at Madame 
 d Angivilliers. Madame de Condorcet is here. She is 
 handsome, and has un air spirituel. Talk with Condorcet ) 
 after supper on the principles of the e conomistes. I tell 
 
 * Felix Vicq d Azyr possessed great attractions of person and manner, and 
 as a writer, professor, and orator was judged a worthy successor to Buffon 
 at the French Academy. He was the great promoter of the Academy of 
 Medicine, and he represented a new phase in the progress of social science ; 
 Vicq d Azyr was perhaps the first physician who practised his profession in 
 Paris without a wig. He was chosen as the physician of Marie Antoinette, 
 and his short career embraced all the time that was accorded to the reign 
 of Louis XVI., for he only survived a short time after the 2ist of January, 
 1793, an d perished a moral victim to the terrors of the Revolution. He was 
 born in Normandy in April, 1748. 
 
 t The last of the philosophers of the eighteenth century was M. de Condorcet, 
 secretary of the Academy of Sciences, the successor of d Alembert, the last 
 correspondent of Voltaire, and the friend of Turgot. In his salon, which was 
 the centre of thinking Europe, where distinguished persons from far and near 
 were to be found, perhaps the most attractive feature was Madame Condor 
 cet, his lively, refined, and sympathetic wife. Always master of himself, Con 
 dorcet talked little, listened to everything, profited by everything, and for 
 got nothing. His sympathy was far-reaching, ready to embrace everything, 
 from the profound questions of the moment to the latest fashion in woman s 
 dress. In 1789 he ardently embraced the popular cause, and voted gener 
 ally with the Girondists, but not for the king s death. He attacked violently 
 the Constitution of 1793, and was obliged to seek safety against the Revolution, 
 and for eight months he found an asylum in the house of Madame Vernet, 
 where he wrote his famous Progres de 1 esprit humain. A longing for fresh 
 air impelled him to leave his house ; he was arrested, thrown into prison, and 
 ended his life by poison. 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 393 
 
 him, which is true, that once I adopted those principles 
 from books, but that I have since changed them from bet 
 ter knowledge of human affairs and more mature reflec 
 tion. In the close of our discussion I tell him that if the 
 impot direct be heavy, it will not be paid. Madame de Fla- 
 haut was taken ill to-day while she and Mademoiselle Du- 
 plessis were driving with me. We returned to the Louvre, 
 put her to bed, and played whist by her bedside. Vicq 
 d Azyr comes in, and we have a little conversation respect 
 ing the conduct to be pursued by the Court. I give him 
 some hints as to the past by way of elucidating the future, 
 and he is equally surprised at the information and at the 
 force of my reasons. I see this in his countenance." 
 
 " Spend the evening [March 2oth] at the Louvre. Sev 
 eral persons come in and go out. At length we divide into 
 parties to see the illumination of Paris for the King s re 
 covery. It is a dreadful night, the wind very high indeed, 
 from the westward, with rain. The illumination was the 
 poorest, barest thing imaginable. M. de St. Foi comes 
 in between ten and eleven, and tells us that the Pope has 
 laid the kingdom under an interdict. This must produce 
 some movement as soon as it is known. The Duchess of 
 Orleans to-day, when I dined with her, is so kind as to 
 reproach me with absenting myself. After dinner, I visit 
 Madame de Nadaillac. Her reception is rather that of a 
 coquette than a devote." 
 
 " I cannot work in my apartment to-day [March 25th] 
 "because my servants want to clear my chambers for the 
 reception of company. I therefore go to see Madame de 
 Flahaut. The servants being out of the way, I announce 
 myself. Madame is tete-a-tete with M. de Ricy. She cries 
 out, with suddenness and alarm, Qui est-ce la ? Upon 
 naming myself, Je vais vous renvoyer tout de suite; 
 I turn and leave them. I have to dine with me Mes- 
 
394 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 dames de Lafayette, Segur, Beaumont, and Fersensac. 
 The Abbe Delille is one of the gentlemen. I tell Short, 
 who is one of the guests, that he has but little chance of 
 being appointed to this Court ; that Jefferson wishes him 
 to return to America, and that the appointment rests 
 entirely in Washington s bosom ; that it is to be made 
 this session. I show him the memoire and notes I have 
 made about tobacco. Speaking about the actings and do 
 ings of the Assembly in this regard, he says that the Due 
 de la Rochefoucault is led by Roederer and Condorcet, 
 who are both rascals. I remind him that I had judged the 
 latter long since by his countenance." 
 
 " Visit Madame de Chastellux [March 26th]. The 
 Duchess, to whom I mention the reason why I did not ask 
 her to breakfast, expresses a great inclination to come some 
 day or other. Madame de Montmorin to-day shows me the 
 letter of General Washington* to the Assembly printed in 
 one of the public papers. It is not what the violent Revo 
 lutionists would have wished, and contains a hint respect 
 ing Lafayette which his enemies will not fail to notice. 
 Hence to Madame de Segur s, who presses me to stay and 
 dine, which I refuse. Dine, as I had promised, with the 
 Duchess of Orleans, to see her daughter. It is a pretty 
 little princess and has an air tres fin. Go from thence to 
 Madame de Foucault s. The conversation is immediately 
 turned upon love. In the course of it I observe that I 
 have remarked deux especes d hommes. Les uns sont 
 faits pour etre peres de famille et les autres pour leur 
 
 * On the 27th of January, 1791, Washington wrote to the President of the 
 National Assembly acknowledging the tribute paid to Franklin, which had 
 been sent to Washington in the form of a letter of condolence. He at the 
 same time desired the president to convey to the National Assembly his inter 
 est in their efforts to establish in France a firm constitution for the diffusion 
 of the true principles of liberty, assimilating as well as ameliorating the con 
 dition of mankind, and convincing them that their interest would best be pro 
 moted by mutual good will and harmony. 
 
i 79 i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 395 
 
 faire des enfants. She is delighted with this observation. 
 Chaumont reads me a part of Laforet s letter to him, giv-. 
 ing a very exalted idea of the situation of America and 
 counselling purchases of land and stock." 
 
 "At Madame de Chastellux s [March 28th] there is a 
 breakfast. The English ambassador* and his lady are 
 here. If I might judge from her manner, I have made a 
 little progress in her esteem. We shall see. This morn 
 ing I got a fall in the street which barks my stump a little. 
 Go to sup with Madame de Nadaillac. Tell the Abbe 
 Maury that I expect he will get the hat the Cardinal de 
 Lomenie has sent back. I tell him also that the Holy 
 Father has done wrong in not laying the kingdom under 
 an interdict. He answers that opinion is no longer with 
 the Saint Siege, and that without an army to support the 
 interdict it would be laughed at ; that the instance of Eng 
 land Ynakes Rome cautious. I reply that the cases are 
 somewhat different, but, further, as the Assembly have left 
 the Pope nothing he might play a sure game, since he can 
 lose no more, and at any rate he had better have done 
 nothing than only one-half of what he might do, because 
 mankind may, by degrees, be habituated to everything. 
 He agrees to the truth of this, and owns that he should 
 have preferred extremities. I tell him that, from the mo 
 ment when the church property was seized, I considered 
 the Catholic religion at an end, because nobody would be 
 priest for nothing. He agrees fully. 
 
 " To-night, at the Theatre de la Nation, there is a dread 
 ful representation of monastic vengeance and guilt. See 
 Madame de Chastellux, who tells me that the British am- 
 
 * George Grenville, second marquis, who during his father s lifetime was 
 summoned to Parliament as Baron Gower. His lordship, who was a privy 
 councillor and Knight of the Garter, was created Duke of Sutherland, Janu 
 ary 28, 1833. He married, September, 1785, Elizabeth, Countess of Suther 
 land, and Baroness of Strathnaver in her own right. 
 
396 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 bassadress is much pleased with me. She says the poor 
 Princess is very ill at ease." 
 
 "I dine [April ist] with the Duchess of Orleans. After 
 dinner go to the opera, and leave it early to take Madame 
 de Flahaut to Madame de Laborde s. In the way, we call 
 to inquire about Mirabeau s health. Guards stop us, lest the 
 carriage should disturb his repose. I am shocked at such 
 honors paid to such a wretch. On this subject I quarrel 
 with Madame de Flahaut. I stay at Madame de Laborde s 
 till eleven, and then go to Madame de StaeTs. The Eng 
 lish ambassadress is here, and receives me very well." 
 
 "Madame de Lafayette tells me to-day [April 2d] that I 
 am in love with Madame de Beaumont. I own it, though 
 it is not true. She says that her company must be insipid, 
 after such agreeable people. Que veut.dire cela? Go to 
 M. de Montmorin s to dine. After dinner go to the 
 Louvre. Mirabeau died this day. I tell the Bishop 
 d Autun that he should step into the vacancy he has 
 made, and to that effect should pronounce his funeral 
 oration, in which he should make a summary of his life, 
 and dwell particularly on the last weeks in which he 
 labored to establish order ; then dwell on the necessity of 
 order, and introduce properly the King. He says his 
 thoughts have run much upon that subject this day. I 
 tell him he has not a moment to lose, and that such occa 
 sions rarely present themselves. I spoke to the Cotnte de 
 Montmorin about a successor to Mirabeau this day, but he 
 tells me that he cannot easily see who shall be put into his 
 place. He owns that Mirabeau was determined to ruin 
 Lafayette, and says that he had held him back for some 
 time. He says that Lafayette is a reed, good for nothing. 
 He thinks that there is no chance now left but to convoke 
 the next Assembly as soon as may be, excluding the 
 members of the present, and that the meeting should be 
 
i 79 i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 397 
 
 far from Paris. The theatres are shut this day. The 
 weather is fine." 
 
 But of what use was it, if Mirabeau was dead so all 
 Paris and the Assembly felt, as they sat and stared at the 
 vacant chair, where the immense athletic creature, with 
 "a vast forehead which seemed made to carry the burden 
 of thought," had so lately sat. During this day of mourn 
 ing, amusements were forbidden. A marquise dared to 
 give a ball. The furious crowd besieged the house, and 
 maltreated some of her noble guests, who were obliged 
 to take out their swords to defend themselves. For eight 
 days all the departments were in mourning, as for a 
 national calamity. The Bishop of Autun administered 
 ghostly consolation to the dying Mirabeau, and the people 
 mourned him dead. Nothing like it had been known be 
 fore, not even when lamentations rent the air, and ringing 
 bells sounded through the streets with the cry, " Le bon 
 Roi Louis, pere du peuple, est mort." 
 
 " A wonderfully fine day [April 3d]. I go to Marli. Ma 
 dame du Bourg receives me with the joy of one who 
 wishes something from a city to vary the sameness of the 
 lane. After dinner we walk much about the garden, and 
 we see many scenes of rural love. The shepherds and 
 shepherdesses seem to care but little for the appearance 
 of strangers, but pursue their gambols as freely as their 
 flocks and herds. This furnishes the matter of our con 
 versation. Return to town, and spend the evening with 
 the Duchess of Orleans. Madame de Lootange is here. 
 There is a violence of aristocracy in her, as in many oth 
 ers, which is diverting. She is handsome." 
 
 " To-day [April 4th] I go along the boulevards as far as 
 the convoi of Mirabeau will permit ; then go back to the 
 Marais, where I visit M. and Madame de la Luzerne. 
 They receive me tfautant mieux as that, being no longer 
 
398 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 minister, my attention cannot be suspected. Visit Madame 
 de Nadaillac, where I arn led into an altercation un pen 
 vive with monsieur, who, among other ridiculous notions of 
 aristocratic folly, expresses a wish for the dismemberment 
 of France. I call on Madame de Chastellux for a few 
 minutes. She is to inform me to-morrow whether the ex 
 pedition to Sceaux takes place the day after. I cannot 
 \vait for her Royal Highness, but make a short visit to the 
 Louvre. It has been a prodigious fine day. The funeral 
 of Mirabeau (attended, it is said, by more than one hun 
 dred thousand persons, in solemn silence) has been an 
 imposing spectacle. It is a vast tribute paid to superior 
 talents, but no great incitement to virtuous deeds. Vices, 
 both degrading and detestable, marked this extraordinary 
 creature. Completely prostitute, he sacrificed everything 
 to the whim of the moment. Cupidus alieni, prodigus sui ; 
 venal, shameless, and yet greatly virtuous when pushed 
 by a prevailing impulse, but never truly virtuous, because 
 never under the steady control of reason nor the firm au 
 thority of principle, I have seen this man, in the short 
 space of two years, hissed, honored, hated, mourned. 
 Enthusiasm has just now presented him gigantic ; time 
 and reflection will shrink that stature. The busy idle 
 ness of the hour must find some other object to execrate 
 or to exalt. Such is man, and particularly the French 
 man." 
 
 Marat alone was violent against the dead man, and 
 called upon the people to give thanks that Riquetti was 
 no more. In less than three years the Convention of the 
 Revolution decreed that, "Le corps d Honore Gabriel Ri 
 quetti Mirabeau sera retire du Pantheon francais, celtii 
 de Marat y sera transfere." In 1794, in the silence of the 
 night, coldly and strictly was this arretd executed, and the 
 man who had been so feted was put, near the meeting of 
 
I79I-3 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 399 
 
 many streets, into a nameless grave, over which daily the 
 hurrying crowds pass. 
 
 Lafayette told Morris that he thought the Bishop of 
 Autun would replace Mirabeau in the Diplomatic Com 
 mittee ; but the man whom Mirabeau had contemplated 
 with apprehensive curiosity for so long, the man whose 
 words were so carefully prepared and arranged and 
 whose attitude was so grave, was the man who was to 
 take his place and go far beyond him. When Mirabeau 
 disappeared, Robespierre almost immediately came to the 
 front. 
 
 " Dine with M. de Montmorin to-day [April 8th]. After 
 dinner, take him aside and express my opinion that a 
 speedy dissolution of the present Assembly would be dan 
 gerous. Their successors would be chosen by the Jaco 
 bins, whereas, if some months are suffered to elapse, the 
 Jacobins and municipalities will be at war, because the 
 latter will not brook the influence of the former. He says 
 that he fears the municipalities will be entirely under the 
 guidance of the Jacobins. This is, I think, a vain fear. 
 He thinks that more of the present members should be re- 
 eligible. I differ in opinion, because he knows the char 
 acter and talents of the present set and can buy such as, 
 after reelection, may suit his purpose. He says they are not 
 worth buying, and would, for the most part, take money, 
 to act as they please ; that if Mirabeau had lived, he would 
 have gratified him to the extent of his desires. He says 
 they must now work in the provinces to secure the elec 
 tions ; but I ask how he is to know the inclination and 
 capacity of members elect. He owns this to be difficult. 
 Speaking of the Court, he tells me that the King is abso 
 lutely good for nothing ; that at present he always asks, 
 when he is at work with the King, that the Queen be pres 
 ent. I ask if he is well with the Queen. He says that he 
 
400 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 is, and has been for some months. I am sincerely glad of 
 this, and tell him so. 
 
 11 Spend an hour with the Duchess of Orleans. She 
 gives me the relation of some new horrors attending the 
 Revolution. She has been this morning to visit a sick 
 bishop. Return home, and read the answer of Paine to 
 Burke s book ; there are good things in the answer as 
 well as in the book. Paine calls on me. He says that 
 he found great difficulty in prevailing on any bookseller 
 to publish his book ; that it is extremely popular in Eng 
 land, and, of course, the writer, which he considers as one 
 among the many uncommon revolutions of this age. He 
 turns the conversation on times of yore, and as he mentions 
 me among those who were his enemies, I frankly acknowl 
 edge that I urged his dismissal from the office he held of 
 secretary to the Committee of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 "Madame de Chastellux tells me that the Duchess of 
 Orleans sets off to-morrow, under pretence of her father 
 being indisposed, to visit him, but, in fact, to bring about 
 a separation with her husband, whose conduct is become 
 too brutal to be borne. Poor woman, she looks wretched ! 
 Visit Madame de Nadaillac, and by a rambling conversa 
 tion get more ground than she is aware of. She talks of 
 religion, duty, and conjugal vows before there is any oc 
 casion, but to her surprise I agree that these vows should 
 be held sacred. Tell her that it is a happy circumstance 
 for her that she loves her husband, because that otherwise 
 she could not but entertain another passion, which would 
 prove at length too strong." 
 
 "This morning [April pth] M. Bremond calls on me. 
 In the course of conversation I mention the claims of the 
 German princes upon France for supplies furnished a long 
 time ago. He opens this matter up to me, and says that 
 he has agreements already made with them, and wants 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 4OI 
 
 only about 1,200,000! to complete the affair, which will 
 give at least twelve millions. In the course of conversa 
 tion, he asks if I will propose the matter to M. de Mont- 
 morin. I am to consider of it, and he is to call to-morrow 
 and furnish me with the proper materials to converse 
 upon. Mr. Short and I have a long conversation on Ameri 
 can finance, and I endeavor to show him that the proposi 
 tion made in the name of Schwitzer, Jeanneret & Co. is a 
 good one for the United States, provided they abate the 
 commission. This is my sincere belief. I tell him also 
 that from what the parties have said to and shown to me, I 
 am convinced that they have great strength both with the 
 Court and in the Assembly ; that an operation of this sort 
 would be so much the more useful, as the United States 
 might make use of all this credit to support their domestic 
 operations. The conversation is long, and he is a little 
 changed in his opinions. I tell him some things which 
 may render him a little cautious respecting Mr. Swan, who 
 is, I find, in the habit of using both our names for his par 
 ticular purposes. 
 
 " I take Mademoiselle Duplessis to Madame de Flahaut s, 
 where we dine at her bedside, and afterwards visit Madame 
 de Nadaillac. Her friend the Abbe Maury is with her, 
 and I leave them together. She desires to see me again, 
 which I promise. She is at Gros Caillou, to attend the in 
 oculation of her children. Madame de Flahaut asks me 
 to-day whom I would recommend, in case of widowhood, 
 to be her husband. I tell her that I understand that it is 
 in contemplation to permit the marriage of the clergy. 
 She says she will never marry the Bishop, because she 
 cannot go with him to the altar without mentioning first 
 her connection with another. Visit Madame Dumolley, 
 who wants to know why the Duchess of Orleans is gone 
 to the town of Eu. I pretend ignorance." 
 26 
 
402 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 "At ten [April i3th] I call on M. de Montmorin. En 
 ter fully with him both into his situation and that of the 
 kingdom. Propose the affair of the rations, and offer 
 him the interest agreed on. He declines being inter 
 ested, and after much conversation agrees to push it on 
 account of the King, provided the matter be secret. He 
 says he can rely on me, and that His Majesty will, he be 
 lieves, have the like confidence. I am to give him a note 
 this day to be laid before the King. Go to Jeanneret s 
 and inform Bremond of Montmorin s refusal, and at the 
 same time give him to understand that the business will 
 be done. Prepare the note for His Majesty. Go to dine 
 with M. de Montmorin, and after dinner give him the 
 note. He tells me that he must communicate the affair to 
 the Comte de la Marck. Their political connections are such 
 that he cannot avoid the communication. He will give 
 me a definitive answer on Monday morning. 
 
 " Go to Madame de StaeTs. Converse here with the 
 Duchesse de la Rochefoucault. Madame de Stael reads 
 her tragedy of Montmorenci. She writes much better 
 than she reads. Her character of the Cardinal de Riche 
 lieu is drawn with much ability. The society is small, and 
 we have no small reprehension of the Assemblee Nationale, 
 who, it must be confessed, act weakly enough. N importe. 
 Call at the Louvre, where I find M. de Curt making verses 
 and love to Madame de Flahaut." 
 
 "Call on Madame de Nadaillac [April i5th], whose 
 children begin to sicken with the small-pox. We talk of 
 religion and sentiment, but I am much mistaken if she 
 does not think of something else. Leave my name for 
 the British ambassadress, and go to dine with Madame 
 Foucault. She tells me that her husband has abandoned 
 his project of going to England, which she was delighted 
 with, and says that my description of it has deterred him. 
 
I79I.J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 403 
 
 I must endeavor to put this to rights. Her physician, also, 
 has agreed to advise the jaunt as needful for her health. 
 Shortly after dinner I go to the Louvre. We are present 
 ly interrupted by Vicq d Azyr, with whom Madame de 
 Flahaut has a conversation about the Bishop. I presume 
 that it is to put him well with the Queen. After this, another 
 interruption by her sister and a M. Dumas, who brings dis 
 agreeable tidings respecting an affair in which she was con 
 cerned. Then comes M. de Curt, full of amorous declara 
 tion and protestation. I leave this scene at eight, and go 
 again to Madame Foucault s. She tells me that her hus 
 band has taken it into his head to go to Nantes, and in 
 that case she is resolved to go to England with one of her 
 friends or with me. She says he is a very bad fellow- 
 traveller. At ten M. Stebell comes in. A Mademoiselle 
 Chevalier, about fifteen, plays on the forte-piano admirably 
 well a piece of her own composition, which has great 
 merit. Her brother, younger than herself, plays another 
 piece very well. After that M. Stebell, who is wonderful. 
 This man makes from five to ten guineas per day. He 
 receives for his visit here this evening fifty livres. It is 
 said that he wastes with levity what he acquires with so 
 much ease." 
 
 " This morning [April i6th] I visit Paine and Mr. 
 Hodges. The former is abroad, the latter in the wretched 
 apartments which they occupy. He speaks of Paine as 
 being a little mad, which is not improbable. Visit Madame 
 de Trudaine,* who being denied, I ask for paper and com 
 mence a note to her, but before it is finished a servant 
 
 * The salon of Madame de Trudaine was known familiarly as the Salon 
 du Gargon Philosophe. At one or two grand dinners and suppers a week 
 she entertained all the dukes, ambassadors, gentlemen of letters and finance, 
 strangers, and ministers. The conversation was at the same time solid and 
 piquant. The mistress of the salon sometimes marred the perfect accord of 
 her guests by her indifference. 
 
404 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 asks me up. She is dressing, and St. Andre comes up. 
 Nothing here. Madame receives me well, and we are to 
 be unpeu plus lie s ensemble. Call on Short, and take him to 
 Madame de StaeTs. After dinner we have a fine scene of 
 vociferous argumentation between her and an abbe. I 
 tell her that when she gets to Switzerland she must let her 
 head cool, and then digest her ideas of government, which 
 will become sound by her own reflections. Go from 
 thence to Madame de Beaumont s, where we make a long 
 visit, and then go to the Louvre, and after a while Madame 
 goes into the bath, and the society wait on her there. I 
 stay till after supper, and then take Mademoiselle Duplessis 
 home. In the way I am sprightly, and she is pleased. 
 Ternant, whom I saw at M. de Montmorin s, tells me that 
 Fleurieu, the Minister of the Marine, is about to quit his 
 post, and that he thinks he will be replaced by M. de 
 Bougainville. Montmorin reminded me that I am to call 
 on Monday." 
 
 " Go [April i yth] after dinner to the Louvre. We visit 
 together Madame de Nadaillac, whose son is ill with the 
 small-pox. Madame de Flahaut, after returning home, 
 takes again her bath. I go to Madame de StaeTs ; a brill 
 iant society. The British ambassadress, who is here, is 
 much entoure e by the young men of fashion. At coming 
 away the Comte de Montmorin, who is here, tells me that 
 he cannot give me an answer to-morrow, not having been 
 able to speak to the King this day. It has been fine 
 weather." 
 
 "This morning [April i8th] Swan and Bremond come. I 
 converse with them respecting the supply of rations to the 
 French marine. We have this day very much of a riot at 
 the Tuileries. The King intends for St. Cloud, but is 
 stopped, not merely by the populace, but by the national 
 militia, who refuse to obey their general. It seems that 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 405 
 
 His Majesty, having sanctioned the decree respecting the 
 clergy, and afterwards applied to one of the non-jurors to 
 perform the ceremonies enjoined at this season, has in 
 curred the charge of duplicity. I am a long time in ex 
 pectation of a battle, but am at length told that the King 
 submits. Call at the Louvre, where I find M. de Curt 
 established. Go away directly, and visit Madame de Na- 
 daillac. As she urges me to prolong my visit, and as it 
 is late, I send to the guinguette for a matelote, and dine in 
 her chamber. She makes many fa$ons, but we get along. 
 We shall see how things go, by and by. . . . M. Vicq 
 d Azyr shows me the letter written by the department 
 to the King. It is dictatorial in the extreme. Madame 
 de Flahaut had already informed me of it, but I am obliged 
 to disapprove of it." 
 
406 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Shows M. de Montmorin draught of a letter devised as an answer from the 
 king to the department. The entotirs of the king resign. Resignation 
 of Lafayette. Sketch of European politics in a letter to Mr. Inglis, of 
 London. A republic becoming fashionable. Lady Sutherland s gra- 
 ciousness. Lafayette accepts the position of head of the National 
 Guards. Montesquiou asks Morris how to amend the constitution. 
 Celebration of the suppression of the octroi. Conversation with 
 Montmorin. Madame de Nadaillac s coquettish character. Morris 
 suggests to several ladies positions near the queen. Madame de Fla- 
 haut expects one soon. Montmorin weary of the situation. Visit to 
 Madame de Nadaillac. 
 
 morning [April 2oth] M. Bremond and M. 
 Jaubert call. Set them to work to bring the 
 Jacobins to the King s relief in the attack of the depart 
 ment. I dress and visit the Comte de Montmorin, to whom 
 I show the form of a letter I had devised as an answer from 
 the King to the department. He tells me that these last 
 were frightened into the step they have taken. This is, I 
 know, partly true, but it is also true that the step is bold 
 and, if successful, decisive. After conversing upon the 
 present state of affairs, we have one word on business. He 
 has not been able to attend to it, from the circumstances of 
 the moment. Visit Madame de Montmorin, and sit some 
 time ; she is much distressed by the fear of pillage and in 
 sult, the Baron de Menou having denounced her hus 
 band last night. I laugh at this denunciation as ridicu 
 lous, and endeavor to quiet her apprehensions. Go from 
 thence to the Gros Caillou and visit Madame de Nadaillac, 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 who disserts a great deal upon politics with much heat 
 and absurdity. It fatigues me. Dine with Mr. Short. 
 Ternant, who is here, tells me that he urged Lafayette to 
 resign, and that he agreed, but found afterwards various 
 reasons for not doing it. This is like him. M. de Chate- 
 let has brought hither Lord Dare, who is the son of Lord 
 Selkirk, and who meets here by accident Paul Jones. He 
 acknowledges the polite attention of Jones in the attack 
 on his father s house in the last war. Go from hence to 
 the Louvre, but Mademoiselle Duplessis is here. Madame 
 tells me that the entours of the King have resigned, that 
 those of the Queen will resign, and that she has hopes of 
 being placed near Her Majesty. I wish this may happen. 
 She tells me that she has written to d Angeviliers to 
 travel, having obtained the assurance that in such case it 
 shall be no question of him. De Curt comes in, and after 
 staying a little while I come home, and read till Messieurs 
 Bremond and Jaubert call. The Jacobins are in treaty 
 with the Quatre-vingt-neufs* for an alliance. The object 
 is to prevent a decree rendering the present members in 
 eligible for the succeeding Assembly. After they leave me 
 I go very sleepy to bed." 
 
 " M. Bremond comes [April 2ist] to tell me what had 
 passed at the Jacobins , etc. Dress, ride with Mr. Short, 
 
 * The Club of 89, which Morris here alludes to as the Quatre-vingt- 
 neuf, was a dismemberment of that of the Jacobins. Malouet and some 
 of his friends, becoming alarmed at the extreme tendencies of the Club des 
 Jacobins, conceived the plan of forming a rival society, which they accordingly 
 did in April, 1790. The schismatics installed themselves in superb apartments 
 in the Palais Royal, under the name of the Club of 89. It would seem that the 
 new club was by no means uncorrupt, when Sieyes could exclaim, in an ac 
 cess of virtuous brutality, " that with the exception of two or three Jacobins 
 of whom I have a horror, I like all the members of that club, and with the ex 
 ception oi a dozen members among you I distrust all of you." While the 
 Club of 89 enjoyed their beautiful surroundings, the old Jacobin Club of the 
 Rue St. Honore manufactured, by the light of their flambeaux, the means to 
 push the Revolution to its completion. 
 
408 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 and then call on Madame de Flahaut, with whom I have 
 some conversation on political affairs. Dine with the 
 British ambassadress. We are en famille. She is a very 
 pleasing woman. Visit Madame de Nadaillac. Every 
 thing here is filthy. The weather is rainy. Lafayette s 
 resignation makes much noise. It is probable that he 
 will reaccept, in which case he will be worse than ever. 
 At the Louvre, Madame de Flahaut has with her a con 
 fidant of De La Porte, who comes to communicate the in 
 tention of the King to employ monsieur ; but she will write 
 a note to decline it, containing very good advice for His 
 Majesty. I tell her she must give me a copy of it. The 
 King s intention arose from the request of d Angiviliers. 
 Go to M. de Montmorin s, and sit some time with Madame 
 de Beaumont and Madame de Montmorin. A rising 
 thunder-storm induces Madame de Montmorin to express 
 some wishes not favorable to the disturbers of the public 
 repose. As it is a question whether Lafayette will reac 
 cept, she expresses very just opinions on his subject : that 
 his weakness has done much mischief and prevented much 
 good, but that it is better to be swayed by weakness than 
 by wickedness, and that his successor would probably be 
 one of those who mean most illy. After dinner I speak to 
 Montmorin, who has done nothing in the business. I com 
 municate to him the cause of the intended coalition be 
 tween the Quatre-vingt-neufs and Jacobins. He tells me 
 that he could have got the exclusive decree passed long 
 ago if he would, but he was afraid of the four-years de 
 cree, which has been nevertheless adopted. I tell him 
 that if he can get the former now passed it will be the 
 means of splitting the Jacobins and Quatre-vingt-neufs, 
 after which they will both be more tractable. I give him, 
 further, my opinion that the King must endeavor to join 
 the populace. He agrees in this." 
 
I79I.J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 409 
 
 A slight sketch of European politics from Morris s 
 point of view given in a letter to Mr. John Inglis, of Lon 
 don, just at this time, is not without interest. He says : 
 
 " You ask my opinion of politics. It is difficult to form 
 an opinion, because much depends on the opinion of oth 
 ers, which is fluctuating. Your Court are in honor bound 
 to support the Turk, because you egged him on to the war 
 in which he has been so abominably mauled. The Em 
 press can hardly, I think, wish to possess herself of Con 
 stantinople, because she would hardly dream of holding 
 such extensive dominion, not to mention the blood and 
 treasure she must expend for the acquisition. I think, 
 however, that she must be more or less than human if she 
 does not wish to make you repent of your various aggres 
 sions. I think she can do this with infinite ease. A dec 
 laration of war will necessarily put you to great expense. 
 She has no trade. Many thousand beggars and vagabonds 
 will joyfully accept her permission to pillage. The idea 
 of going to Petersburg seems to me ridiculous. The risk 
 is great and the object small. To acquire Thun and Dant- 
 zic for Prussia by tricking the Pole will do you no good, 
 and, as far as I can look forward to futurity, it would tend 
 first to invigorate the government of Poland, and then to 
 dispossess Prussia of all that tract of country which lies 
 between Russia, Poland, and the Baltic, for it would be 
 the interest of Russia and Austria to give these to Poland. 
 A war with Russia will deprive you entirely of what is 
 called the carrying trade, and will lay from eight to ten 
 guineas per cent, tax upon your other trade. The first 
 mischance that happens will change your ministry, and 
 you will easily get peace, because just now nobody can 
 get anything by the war. I think further that the mani 
 fold blunders here open for you a fair chance to be inti 
 mately connected with America, if your rulers could make 
 
410 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 use of the opportunity. But prejudice and profit some 
 times stand in the way of each other." 
 
 " In going [April 23d] to the Louvre, one of my wheels 
 comes off, and by that means my carriage gets much in 
 jured. When I reach the Louvre M. de Flahaut meets 
 me, and complains that madame is going to the Assembly 
 with M. Ricy. She tells me that she is in a great hurry ; 
 M. de Montmorin is to read his instruction to the foreign 
 ministers, informing them that the King has put himself 
 at the head of the Revolution. I do not see that this can 
 be a matter of much moment to her. Go home and write 
 till three, and then dine with Madame de Trudaine. After 
 dinner monsieur expresses himself in favor of a republi 
 can government, which is growing now to be very fashion 
 able. Endeavor to show him the folly of such an attempt, 
 but I had better have let it alone. Go from hence to Ma 
 dame de Guibert s, where, of course, I meet the esprit jacobin. 
 Thence to Madame Laborde s. She complains much of 
 the republican party, and asks me why I do not express 
 my sentiments to the Bishop of Autun. I tell her that they 
 would have no weight, which is true. Call on Madame de 
 Stael, who is denied to me ; but, her servant being in gala, 
 I am sure she is to have company, and Montmorency is ad 
 mitted at the same moment. Go to visit the British am 
 bassadress. They have had many English to dine, and 
 among them General Dalrymple. After a while they go 
 to the play, and I take an opportunity to ask her ladyship 
 when she is most visible. She says that Wednesday was 
 her day, but she has none now in particular ; I may rely, 
 however, that I shall always find her at home when she 
 really is at home. In this I am sure, by her voice and 
 manner, she is sincere, and I reply in according accents. 
 She is a charming woman. Go from hence to the Comte 
 de Montmorin s, and have a long and interesting conver- 
 
I79I-J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 411 
 
 sation with his wife on public affairs. Urge, among other 
 things, the advantage to be derived from changing the 
 entours of the Queen." 
 
 " This morning [April 25th] Paine calls and tells me 
 that the Marquis de Lafayette has accepted the position 
 of head of the National Guards." 
 
 The dramatic side of this apparent devotion to Lafa 
 yette was intense and thoroughly French. Through the 
 rain and on foot the Corps Municipal went to him and on 
 their knees took oath to meet him again at the head of 
 the National Guards. But the blow had been struck, this 
 oath of blind obedience was soon turned into ridicule, 
 and the battalion w r hich first took it was called in derision 
 " Le bataillon des aveugles." Lafayette s power, under the 
 aspersions of Marat, the cries of some to beware of "Crom 
 well," and the warnings of Camille Desmoulins, mingled 
 with his despairing wail that " Paris, a bien meilleur droit 
 que la ville des Etats-Unis, pourrait s appeler Fayette- 
 ville," was on the downward road. Lafayette, said I? ami 
 du Peuple, was to be seen, in the hat of a simple grenadier, 
 going through the cabarets and cafes trying to reanimate 
 the soldiers and his dying popularity. 
 
 "Madame de Flahaut, I find [April 26th], has not de 
 clined the plan proposed for her husband. Her Bishop 
 advises otherwise, because the King may make such a 
 choice as that M. de Flahaut will not be unsuitable to the 
 rest, and because the refusal may offend a weak mind 
 though founded on reasons which should attach. I add a 
 reason which had arisen in my mind, viz., that when once 
 taken up the Court cannot again let them fall, so that it 
 will be a kind of provision for her in all events. Go and 
 sit with Madame de Segur some time. She shows me the 
 letter from the Duke of Orleans to Madame de Chastellux, 
 with the answer of the latter. I find Lady Sutherland at 
 
412 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Madame de StaeTs. She tells me that the Duke of Leeds 
 has resigned. I express a hope, should I stay some time 
 in Europe, to see her at the head of the Foreign Affairs. 
 She says she should like it very much, but Lord Gower is 
 yet too young. I tell her that two or three years hence 
 
 he will have acquired the tact, and then -. He comes 
 
 in just before I leave this place, and mentions also the 
 resignation of the Duke. I ask if Hawkesbury is to suc 
 ceed. He does not know. He seems so anxious to prove 
 that the Duke s health is the cause of the resignation that 
 I cannot help assigning it in my mind to some difference 
 in the administration. Visit Madame de Nadaillac, from 
 whom I had received a note complaining of neglect. We 
 laugh and chatter and toy, and she complains of my 
 want of respect, but I think I must be less respectful to 
 be more agreeable ; in the course of a little amorous 
 conversation she tells me that I must not expect she 
 would capitulate, for she feels too much her religious and 
 moral duties ; that if she should, however, be frail, she 
 should poison herself next morning. I laugh at this. 
 Go hence to M. de Montmorin s to dinner. After dinner 
 I have a long conversation with him, partly on political 
 affairs. He promises to speak to the King on the busi 
 ness in the course of the week. He has mentioned it to 
 the Comte de la Marck, who approves. Among various 
 other things I suggest an act of oblivion by the Assem 
 bly and thereon another revolution letter. He approves 
 much of this, telling me that he is now preparing a letter 
 from the King to the Prince of Conde. I come home, to 
 meet M. Bremond and set him to work among the Jaco 
 bins to get the decree or act of oblivion moved by them. 
 
 " Conversing with Madame de Flahaut on affairs to-day, 
 from w r hat she says, but more from what she does not 
 say, I find there is a plan on foot to force all power from 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 413 
 
 * 
 the King into the hands of the present leaders of the 
 
 Opposition. While I am at the Louvre, Montesquiou 
 comes in, and I remind him of what I said respecting 
 their constitution. He begins to fear that I was in the 
 right. He asks how the evil is to be remedied. I tell 
 him that there seems to be little chance for avoiding the 
 extremes of despotism or anarchy ; that the only ground 
 of hope must be the morals of the people, but that these 
 are, I fear, too corrupt. He is sure they are. Madame 
 told me this morning that M. de Curt is to be Minister 
 of the Marine, if the decree of quatre ans is revoked. 
 M. Monciel* comes to see me, and gives me an account 
 of what he has done with the chiefs of the Jacobins. 
 He is to have a further conference. They think it 
 will be best to act in concert with the Court, without ap 
 pearing to do so, lest thereby they should lose their popu 
 larity. I agree in the propriety of this, and urge conform 
 ably to what I suppose their views to be, a repeal of the 
 decree des quatre ans and the decree of re-eligibility. He 
 is to propose this to them and to obtain, if he can, a list of 
 the articles they desire ; also, if possible, of the places they 
 aspire to." 
 
 "We are en famille at the British ambassador s to-day 
 [April 3oth] at dinner. Cubieres comes with Robert, and 
 they have a collection of the portraits of Petite in enamel, 
 which are very fine. Go from hence to the Louvre. 
 Madame de Flahaut is dressing. She tells me that she 
 
 * M. Terrier de Monciel belonged to a distinguished family of Franche 
 Comte. He was Roland s successor as minister in June, 1792, just before 
 the catastrophe of the 2oth of June, which he had not foreseen and which it 
 would have been impossible to prevent, though he did all in his power, how 
 ever, to re-establish order. He said in the National Assembly, the day after, 
 that " the action against the king should put all France into eternal mourn 
 ing." Forced, finally, to leave the ministry, he however remained in Paris 
 during the revolution of August loth, and afterward had the good fortune to 
 escape the proscription of 1793. He died in September, 1831. 
 
4H DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 has good hopes of succeeding to the place she aims at. 
 Sit a long time with Madame de Foucault and Madame de 
 Ricy ; afterwards sup. When we get into the salon we 
 have a deal of metaphysical conversation ; a gentleman 
 who has read Locke on The Human Understanding 
 shows off." 
 
 Firing of cannon and processions of shouting people, 
 giving expression to their feelings, were of such common 
 occurrence in Paris that Morris does not even allude to 
 the " Kermesse de la Revolution," which took place on 
 the 3oth of April, to celebrate the suppression of the 
 octroi, when boats and troops of wagons, laden with mer 
 chandise and wine, which had been waiting outside of 
 Paris, came in decorated ; their drivers and men in charge, 
 crowned with branches, having liberally partaken of the 
 wine and beer that they were bringing free into the town. 
 It was calculated that each tax-payer gained about one 
 hundred livres by the suppression of the octroi, and the 
 people were more content \vith life on a cheaper basis. 
 Commerce, however, "the commerce of luxury, of use 
 less things, of nothing," was dead. The carnival was for 
 bidden, and with it went the support of a vast army of 
 workers on costumes, notably in the house of the famous 
 costumers, Lambert et Renaudin. There was no longer 
 a nobility able and longing to gratify every whim in art, 
 dress, and the nameless things that money could be wasted 
 on. The Abbe Maury and a host like him could no 
 longer indulge in the possession of eight hundred farms, 
 and delicious breakfasts which he partook of reclining in 
 the most beautiful and luxurious of fauteuils. The rich 
 bourgeois were reduced to living on the proceeds of what 
 they could sell. The Place Vendome was full of people 
 demanding work, and caricatures were not wanting to en 
 force the destitution of artisans upon those in power. 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 41 5 
 
 The patriots tried in vain to revive commerce, the papers 
 talked in vain ; commerce had passed into other countries. 
 Vice grew like a rank weed, the uncertainty of everything 
 fostered a general demoralization, and the police, deeply 
 engaged in political affairs, allowed the streets to swarm 
 with immorality and misery in the most revolting forms. 
 
 It might seem that Paris had reached the lowest depths 
 when the Council of the Commune in 1793 cleaned the 
 streets and forbade the selling of indecent books, pic 
 tures, and bas-reliefs ; but there were lower depths to 
 reach. Good manners and morality might be decreed, 
 but vicious manners and immorality were more attrac 
 tive, and steadily increased. Some excitement was neces 
 sary, and the caricaturist was kept busy turning the aris 
 tocracy into ridicule in the most indecent pictures 
 which were exposed in the windows to a delighted public. 
 The Veto was represented as a giant, light coming out of 
 his mouth. The priest, not more exempt than the noble, 
 could be seen in the barber-shop, with the legend : " Ici 
 on secularise proprement ; on me rase ce matin, je me 
 marie ce soir." The Assemblee des Aristocrats of course 
 came in for their share of the public scorn. But to enu 
 merate the squibs and caricatures would be an endless 
 task which it evidently did not occur to Morris even 
 to enter upon, and he rarely mentions this phase of the 
 Revolution, and was doubtless too preoccupied with its 
 political to notice much its picturesque side. 
 
 " I have a long conversation after dinner," says the 
 diary for May ist, with M. de Montmorin, in the course 
 of which I show him a note I have made on their situa 
 tion. He begs me to let him have it, and I give it, but 
 with thl injunction that none but their majesties shall 
 know from whom it comes. He has not yet had an op 
 portunity to resume again the affairs of the rations. I 
 
416 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 inform him of what has been done with the chiefs of the 
 Jacobins. He tells me how the ministry stand in that re 
 spect. He assures me that they can do nothing with the 
 King but through him. He mentions a wish to have com 
 missaries appointed by the Crown to keep the peace in 
 the different Departments, etc. I reply that all officers 
 concerned in keeping the peace should be appointed by 
 the Crown, but that it is too early to propose anything 
 of the sort. Experience must first demonstrate the ne 
 cessity. He tells me that he has indisputable evidence 
 of the intrigues of Britain and Prussia ; that they give 
 money to the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Orleans. 
 He says that he will resign the place of Foreign Affairs, 
 because he can no longer act in it with dignity. I ad 
 vise against this, assuring him that his letter will be 
 viewed by foreign nations in its true light. He says that 
 he would, if in office, bring on a war next year. I tell 
 him that he should provoke it as soon as possible, but 
 that it should be a land war. He says that a sea war with 
 Britain is alone practicable, and in that case they would 
 be alone, for Spain will not act with them. I ask him how 
 the Emperor is disposed. He tells me that he is feeble 
 and pacific ; that he will take no great part for or against 
 anybody, and if he interferes at all, it must be to get his 
 share of the spoil. I tell him that I have a different view 
 of things from him ; that the war should be by land and 
 general ; that Poland should be tempted by the country 
 which lies between her and the Baltic ; Austria to have 
 Silesia and, in exchange for the Low Countries, Bavaria ; 
 France to have the Low Countries, and to make an in 
 cursion into Holland ; Constantinople to be given to the 
 Order of Malta for the joint use of all Christendom. He 
 starts at this, which is too great for his mind, but I think 
 it may be brought about. It would cost France her isl- 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 417 
 
 ands, in all probability, but I have a different plan for 
 them, which I do not communicate. We agree on the 
 language to be held with the chefs des Jacobins. 
 
 " M. Bremond visits me. He shows a new proposition 
 from Lamerville respecting the German rations. He gives 
 me, also, the list of articles desired by the chiefs of the 
 Jacobins. Dine with Montmorin. Bouinville is here. He 
 is just returned from England. He tells me that Paine s 
 book works mightily in England, and he says that Pitt dares 
 not hazard a war with Russia, it is so unpopular ; that he 
 has again begun new negotiations, which will probably last 
 until the season is spent. M. Bremond and M. Jaubert call 
 again on me. They communicate some information of 
 little value, and ask my opinion as to the propriety of 
 bringing the latter forward to the chiefs of the Jacobins. 
 I tell them I think there is danger of alarming those gen 
 tlemen. Show how alone it can be done without great 
 hazard. These people are too precipitate. Bremond tells 
 me he has taken measures to be employed in digesting the 
 decrees of the Assembly and selecting those which are to 
 form the Constitution from the mass. I approve of this. 
 
 "Visit Madame de Nadaillac, who does not admit me 
 for some time. I perceive afterwards that she was in too 
 sluttish a trim, and has to go into bed to conceal it. We 
 chat in such manner as I think most fitting for a little co 
 quette, and such as leaves it always doubtful with her 
 whether she has or has not possession of my heart. If 
 she does not take care she will, in trying to catch me, find 
 herself caught. Madame de Flahaut tells me that d An- 
 giviliers, her brother-in-law, has resigned, and is set off 
 for Italy by way of avoiding the accusations against him. 
 This is a cruel stroke to her, who has no means of exist 
 ence but through him. I take her home and stay a 
 little while ; then call, at her instigation, to inquire if 
 27 
 
41 8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 a place about the Queen will be acceptable to Madame le 
 Coulteux. My friend, Laurent le Coulteux, answers in 
 the negative." 
 
 " Call on the Baron de Besenval, and sit with him a 
 while [May 3d]. Then go to the dairy of the Enfant 
 Jesus, where cream, butter, and eggs are to be had in great 
 profusion. Take some of each, and go to the Louvre, 
 where there is a confidant of M. du Porte, the Minister of 
 the Civil List, with whom madame has a long conversation 
 apart. During that period monsieur confides to me his 
 griefs, his hopes, and fears. M. de Leinou tells me 
 that he is well informed the secretary of the Prince of 
 Conde has taken a large bribe and come over with his 
 master s papers. He says, also, that news just arrived 
 from England show that a war between that country and 
 this is unavoidable. His first news may be true, but his 
 last must, I think, be false. I tell him so, and add that in 
 n war between France and England, single-handed, I 
 would stake my fortune in favor of France, if tolerably 
 governed. Dress and go to dine with Duportail, where I 
 see, after dinner, Jouvion, and converse with him respect 
 ing the future commandant of the Garde Nationale. I 
 think he must be the man. Go from hence to the Comte 
 de Montmorin s. He has not yet mentioned the affair of 
 the rations to the King. He promises to speak about the 
 affair to-morrow ; is afraid of the thing being known. I 
 mention to him some political points, particularly the ne 
 cessity of changing the household of their majesties ; ask 
 him who is to succeed Lafayette, and observe that he 
 should look round for a proper character. He mentions 
 Jouvion. I leave him, and walk with Madame de Beau 
 mont. I find that her father has communicated something 
 of the object, if not of the substance, of my conversations 
 with him. At the request of Madame de Flahaut, I speak 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 419 
 
 to Madame le Coulteux, to know if she will accept of a 
 place near the Queen. She would like it much, but is 
 afraid that it will not be agreeable to her husband and his 
 family. She is to write to me to-morrow after consulting 
 him. She wishes the place for her sister, in case she does 
 not take it." 
 
 " Walk [May pth] with Madame de Beaumont, who says 
 she would not like to be one of the Queen s women, but 
 will do whatever her father desires. After dinner con 
 verse with him. The King agrees to the affair of the ra 
 tions, provided he can be sure above all things of the 
 secret. In a few days he will reform his household. 
 Montmorin quits the Foreign Affairs. He is to be suc 
 ceeded by Choiseul-Gouffier, who is now at Constanti 
 nople. He says he will continue in the Council, but will 
 not have a department. Everyone who may now get into 
 place he considers un etre e phe m &re, and justly. At Ma 
 dame de Foucault s M. de Fauchet reads an excellent com 
 edy which he has written. Bouinville is here. I take him 
 home, and en route he complains of Duportail s ingratitude 
 to Lafayette. He says that Montmorin was very low- 
 spirited this morning. I tell him what I had told Mont 
 morin that things must grow worse before they can 
 mend. The weather is grown milder, but during my walk 
 this morning I observe that the vines have suffered by the 
 frost, At table they say that no mischief was done in the 
 open country, owing to the wind. M. Bremond calls, 
 and I tell him that I am in hopes of getting the money 
 which may be needful for the rations. He tells me that 
 he is to be employed by the Jacobin chieftains to form a 
 selection of constitutional articles, and also to consult on 
 the means of restoring order. Visit Madame de Segur, 
 and she gives me the talk of the society, and that is very 
 near the truth. So much for the secrecy of this Court." 
 
420 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 "Madame de Flahaut tells me to-day [May i5th] that 
 she expects soon to be placed as the first woman of the 
 Queen, who will reserve the education of her daughter. 
 The Dauphin is to go into the hands of a man. This 
 place is, I think, Montmorin s object, for he told me he 
 would accept an office in the household. Dine at M. de 
 Montmorin s and communicate what I had learnt at Ma 
 dame de Guibert s from M. Toulangeon ; viz., that the 
 Colonists are defeated in their view of excluding the mu- 
 lattoes from a share in the government. This \vill occa 
 sion much heat among them. I find that it is very dis 
 agreeable here. After, dinner converse with him apart. 
 He fixes next Tuesday for a meeting with Duport about 
 the rations, but expresses his fear that the Assembly will 
 not agree. I tell him that as he retires from foreign 
 affairs he should secure the civil list, which is the only 
 real source of authority. He says he is not fit to manage 
 money matters ; that he is weary of the state he is in ; 
 that if he could realize his fortune he would go to Amer 
 ica. He says that nothing would keep him near the 
 Court except his desire to serve, or rather save, the King 
 and Queen ; that he has already occasioned to them a vast 
 expense for an object which has not succeeded. I tell 
 him that the attempt to buy the members of the Assembly 
 was a bad measure. He says it was not in that he occa 
 sioned the expense. He is called away before we can go 
 further. I go to the British ambassador s, and on enter 
 ing Lady Sutherland apologizes to me for being denied 
 the other afternoon I called. She says there are so many 
 Frenchmen who break in upon her that she is obliged to 
 give orders for shutting her door, but I may depend that it 
 will not happen again. I make a very long visit, and then 
 wait at the Louvre till the return of Madame de Flahaut 
 from Versailles. M. Duport is here and is disposed to 
 
i 79 i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 421 
 
 talk with me. De Curt comes in, and is outrageous about 
 the decree of this morning. He says that the deputies 
 from the Colonies will all retire to-morrow. They ought 
 never to have gone into the Assembly, and if they quit 
 will become ridiculous. I come away early, leaving the 
 two sisters at piquet with the Bishop and St. Foi." 
 
 "This morning [May i6th], immediately after breakfast, 
 I dress and go to Versailles. Dine with M. de Cubieres, who 
 gives us an excellent repast. He has a pretty large soci 
 ety. He has a very pretty little cabinet of natural history 
 and many little productions of the fine arts. I tell him 
 that, with his knowledge of chemistry and mineralogy, he 
 would make his fortune in America. I come away at five, 
 instead of walking in his garden, and visit Madame de 
 Nadaillac, who persists in her design to leave Paris to 
 morrow morning. M. de Leinou is with her, who tells 
 me that he thinks the separation of the Duke and Duchess 
 of Orleans will be amicably adjusted. Leave her with the 
 Abbe Maury and Bishop de Caudon. "I learn that the 
 West Indies have retired from the Assembly, and that a 
 decree has been passed to prevent the re-eligibility of the 
 present delegates. I am well pleased with both of these 
 events, for the West Indians have hitherto run into every 
 extreme to obtain popularity, that thereby they might 
 carry their favorite measures, and, being indifferent about 
 France, have contributed much to the mischiefs which 
 have been occasioned. Sup with Madame Foucault, 
 where there is a large party. Bouinville, who is here, 
 looks like a lover, and as I take him home he owns that 
 he ivas one, but he was not happy. I tell her that I will 
 endeavor to see her at Spa. This delights her, less from 
 any interest in what concerns me than from the sacrifice 
 which that step would imply to her charms." 
 
 "According to my appointment go [May iyth] at one 
 
422 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 to M. de Montmorin s, and meet there M. Duport. I find 
 that M. de Montmorin is, or seems, much disinclined to 
 engage in the affair of the rations. He doubts much, he 
 says, of the success, and says the King has great repug 
 nance to it. He had told me before that he was well 
 inclined ; this seems mysterious. He says that the princi 
 pal fear is the fear of discovery. I show him that there 
 is no danger of that sort. He desires to meet on Saturday. 
 I tell him I will, but that I cannot promise for the pa 
 tience of the parties interested. He says they may do as 
 they please. I tell him that the thing will be done in 
 spite of any opposition he can make. It is in itself a just 
 claim. This is a strange, undecided creature. Duport 
 seems to be better disposed toward the operation. See 
 M. Bremond, and tell him that the affair of the rations is 
 postponed till Saturday. He is not at all pleased. Visit 
 Madame de Segur, where, the conversation turning on the 
 means of saving property from the confusions now appre 
 hended, I mention the purchase of lands in America. 
 The Count and his brother-in-law incline much to adopt 
 this measure. Bremond calls again, and tells me he has 
 information from Muller, the confidant of the Elector of 
 Mayence, that the French agents act as if they did not 
 want to adjust matters with the German Princes. He 
 says that if the Court do not mean to settle that affair 
 amicably, he supposes they will not adopt the affair of the 
 rations. He is right in this conjecture, but I reply only 
 by repeating what I had already said that the affair is 
 extremely delicate. Madame de Chastellux s servant 
 comes and tells me that she goes to-morrow to accompany 
 her son to the Ville d Eu. I send for the child, and write 
 to its mother. Sit a while with the Baron de Besenval, 
 who, in the fervor of his zeal in the cause of despotism, 
 tells me that all the princes of Europe are allied to restore 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 423 
 
 the ancient system of French government. This idea is 
 ridiculous enough, but yet there are thousands who be 
 lieve it and who are not fools either ; but it is the lot of 
 man to be forever the dupe of vain hope or idle appre 
 hension. We are too apt to forget the past, neglect the 
 present, and misconceive the future. From hence go 
 to dine with Madame de Trudaine, and after dinner mon 
 sieur enters into a dispute with St. Andre about the rights 
 of those princes who owned fiefs in Alsace. Monsieur is 
 a very honest man, but he holds a very dishonest opinion, 
 which is very common with weak men in regard to public 
 affairs. This controversy reduces itself to one point of 
 right and another of fact. By various treaties the princes 
 have stipulated that the fiefs in question shall be held as 
 heretofore by the German Empire. The point of right, 
 therefore, is whether this tenure does not exempt them 
 from the general decisions of the French nation respecting 
 that species of property. The point of fact is whether 
 the chief of the French or German Empire be, by those 
 treaties quoad hoc the liege lord. This, being matter of 
 interpretation, must be decided by publicists, but the whole 
 question being between sovereign nations, it is probable 
 that the decision will depend on everything except the 
 real merits. 
 
 "Madame de Flahaut is denied when I call, but I find it 
 is to sleep. She tells me that her husband is gone abroad. 
 She invented that to be alone, in order to receive the 
 Bishop and another person at dinner, and was denied in 
 consequence of her general orders to that effect. I give 
 her a hint respecting the Bishop at which she is, or pre 
 tends to be, offended. See M. de Montmorin, who tells 
 me, as I expected he would, that the King will not agree 
 to the affair of the rations. I am persuaded that there is 
 some underwork in the business. Nous verrons. Montmorin 
 
424 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XIX. 
 
 tells me that he considers the Assembly as finished, and 
 this gives me a very mean opinion of his sagacity. A few 
 days ago he was in trepidation and now in a kind of secu 
 rity, both unfounded. He fears, however, yet for the per 
 son of the King. He says that different people are urging 
 him to do different things, but that he sees nothing to be 
 done. I tell him to remain quiet, for the Assembly are 
 now doing everything they can for the King, with the in 
 tention to do everything they can against him. I ask him 
 whereabouts he is with the claims of the German princes. 
 He says that he thinks the Emperor will become the in 
 termediary. He savs that he fears the Cornte d Artois and 
 the Prince of Conde. I treat this lightly, as supposing 
 they will only act in favor of the royal authority, but he 
 says they will form a party for themselves, by which I un 
 derstand only that they will oblige the King to drive away 
 all his former advisers. Visit Madame de Guibert, who 
 says that I must court her for years before I could make an 
 impression. I laugh, and tell her that a few days, or even 
 six weeks, might be reasonable enough, but the price she 
 sets is really too high. This remark furnishes a deal of 
 ridiculous conversation. M. Bremond calls on me. I tell 
 him that the affair of the rations is abandoned, at which 
 he is of course both mortified and disappointed." 
 
I79I-J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 425 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 A visit to St. Cloud. Departure for England. Visit to the Duchess of 
 Orleans at Eu. London. The escape from the Tuileries and capt 
 ure at Metz. Morris returns to France. The Assembly intend to 
 cover the king s flight. Madame de Lafayette greatly excited. Con 
 versation with M. de Montmorin. Dinner with the Americans in 
 Paris on the Fourth of July. The fete of Voltaire. The king s 
 nature discussed. Decree passed declaring the inviolability of the 
 king. Lady Sutherland s drawing-room. What passed in the Champ 
 de Mars. The mob fired on. Society frightened and within doors. 
 Letter to Robert Morris. The king s aunts harangue the people of 
 Rome on the king s escape. Morris meets Lord Palmerston. Pro 
 nounces the .French Constitution ridiculous. Consultation between 
 M. de Montmorin and Morris. Morris draws up a memoir e for the 
 king. Madame de Stae l and the Constitution. Her opinion of the 
 memoire Morris had prepared for the king. The Constitution pre 
 sented to the king. 
 
 [May 22d] on M. Grand, and walk a while 
 in his garden with him conversing on the state 
 of public affairs. The Kingdom of Poland has formed 
 a new constitution which will, I think, change the po 
 litical face of Europe, by drawing that kingdom out of 
 anarchy into power. The leading features of the change 
 are : An hereditary monarch, the enfranchisement of the 
 peasants, and a share of the government given to the 
 towns. These are the great means of destroying perni 
 cious aristocracy. After dinner go with Chaumont, his 
 wife, his mother, and sister to see St. Cloud. The situa 
 tion is fine, and the garden would be delightful if laid out 
 in the style of nature, but it is a perfectly French garden. 
 The view from hence is very fine. We return along the 
 
426 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 Seine to the Bridge of Neuilly, and thence to Paris. Visit 
 Madame de la Luzerne. M. de Meripoix speaks very 
 harshly of Necker, and I defend that ex-minister. Go to 
 M. de Montmorin s, and announce my departure for Eng 
 land. Make same announcement to the British ambassa 
 dor and ambassadress." 
 
 "Write all this [May 26th] morning. Mr. Swan calls, and 
 I tell him my surprise at hearing that I am considered in 
 America as speculating in the debt to France. He assures 
 me that he has never said or done anything to raise such 
 an idea, and that he will exert himself to remove it. Dine 
 with the British ambassador, and after dinner we go to 
 gether to visit M. de Montmorin. I tell him that the 
 enrages are in despair. He says he could give them the 
 coup de grace if he pleased, for that he has reason to believe 
 they are in pursuit of the affair of the rations. I tell him 
 that I do not know, but that I shall know. He asks me 
 if I shall be back from London during the month of June. 
 I tell him that I shall. We have an interrupted conversa 
 tion, and I promise to dine with him to-morrow." 
 
 On Sunday (May 29th), Morris left Paris and jour 
 neyed toward London, stopping en route at Eu, to visit the 
 Duchess of Orleans. " I wait upon the Duchess this morn 
 ing," he says, " and breakfast in her chamber, with Ma 
 dame de Chastellux. She sends to her father to announce 
 my arrival, and desire of visiting him. The old gentleman 
 returns a very polite answer, and we agree that I shall dine 
 with them. I find there is much restraint and etiquette 
 here. After breakfast she reads me her letters to and from 
 the Duke, and then we walk till near dinner-time. She 
 tells me the history of their breach from a long time back, 
 and the manoeuvres used by him and those about him. 
 He is a mighty strange fellow. She tells me that what 
 the world attributed to fondness in her was merely discre- 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 427 
 
 tion. She hoped to bring him to a more decent and 
 orderly behavior, but finds at length that he is to be gov 
 erned by fear only. She tells me of her difficulties in 
 bringing her father to act. He is nervous and trembles at 
 everything like exertion. We have an excellent dinner, 
 and in the conversation at and after it I gain a little upon 
 the old gentleman s good opinion. They embark after 
 dinner in a large carriage to take an airing, and I go to 
 my hotel. Having nothing to do, I order horses and get 
 off at a quarter past six and at half-past nine I reach 
 Dieppe." 
 
 A dirty vessel, a calm sea, a scarcity of provisions, and 
 an odd assortment of fellow-passengers, rendered a chan 
 nel passage of several days and nights anything but agree 
 able ; but this uncomfortable episode finally ended, and 
 Morris soon reached London. 
 
 " The Russian dispute is, I find, very unpopular," says 
 the diary of June 3d, " but I do not see how the Minister 
 is to get out of the scrape. The French ambassador tells 
 me that the ministry of this country will go on arming 
 and threatening till the season for action is past, and then 
 disarm in part. I think this very likely. He tells me 
 that the Assembly have determined to form a new treaty 
 of commerce with the United States, and that Ternant 
 has departed." 
 
 " We hear [June 25th] that the King and Queen of 
 France have effected their escape from the Tuileries and 
 have got six or seven hours the start of their keepers. 
 This will produce some considerable consequences. If 
 they get off safe a war is inevitable, and if retaken, it will 
 probably suspend for some time all monarchical govern 
 ment in France. I dine with Dr. Bancroft where is Dr. 
 Ingenhoup. He mentions a late discovery he has made 
 respecting the inflammability of metals, and offers to show 
 
428 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 me a rod of iron burning like a candle. It is only neces 
 sary to place it in vital air." 
 
 In a letter of this date to a friend, Morris mentioned 
 that " the King and Queen of France have made their es 
 cape, but we do not yet know whether they are out of the 
 kingdom. This event makes me very anxious to get back 
 to Paris, for I think the confusion will work favorably 
 to the sale of American lands. Eleven at night : Intelli 
 gence is received that the royal fugitives are intercepted 
 near Metz." 
 
 On receipt of this news, Morris set off at once for 
 Paris. Crossing the channel, he says : " I find Lord 
 Sheffield with his family are my fellow-passengers, with 
 whom I make acquaintance ; his lordship, who supposes 
 me to be an Englishman, gives free scope to his sentiment 
 respecting America, as all other countries. Am attentive 
 to his family, being a wife and two daughters, and the at 
 tentions are well received. His lordship asked my house 
 or place of abode in London, and she reminds me of it 
 when I go to pay my respects to her ladyship after land 
 ing. I promise to see them at Paris. Arrived at Paris 
 [July 2(1], I employ myself reading the various details 
 which relate to the King s flight and arrest. Go to see 
 M. de Lafayette, who is not come in, but I converse with 
 his wife, who seems to be half wild. I visited this morn 
 ing the Count de Segur also, and saw the whole family ex 
 cept the marechal. The intention of the Assembly is, I 
 find, to cover up the King s flight and cause it to be for 
 gotten. This proves to me great feebleness in every 
 respect, and will perhaps destroy the monarchy. M. Bre- 
 mond calls and communicates what has been done re 
 specting the debt to France. He tells me also that he 
 has had an interview with the Comte de Montmorin re 
 specting public affairs, and desires me to ask his interfer- 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 429 
 
 ence with M. Tarbet, the Minister of the Impositions, to 
 give .him some material respecting the finances. He gives 
 me the secret history of many things that have taken 
 place during my absence. Dine with Lafayette ; then 
 go to M. de Montmorin s. Apply to him for what Bremond 
 wanted, and he promises his aid. I converse with him on 
 the state of affairs, observing that it appears to me almost 
 impossible to preserve both the monarchy and the mon 
 arch. He says there is no other measure can be at 
 tempted, and this leads us to discuss the different charac 
 ters who may be appointed either Regent or to a Council 
 of Regency ; and here I find insurmountable difficulties. 
 Of course they must go on with the miserable creature 
 which God has given. His wisdom will doubtless produce 
 good by ways to us inscrutable, and on that we must repose." 
 " Madame de Flahaut [July 4th] cannot keep an ap 
 pointment made with me because of a previous engage 
 ment to hear the Bishop read his plan of education. This 
 suits me very well. I dine at Mr. Short s with the Ameri 
 cans in town, and the Marquis de Lafayette. Paine is 
 here, inflated to the eyes and big with a letter of Revolu 
 tions. I learn this day that about sixty of the aristocratic 
 party have resigned, and this under a declaration w T hich 
 stipulates, as a condition of their future agency, those 
 things which have been communicated to them by the 
 Committee of the Constitution as previously determined 
 on. This is a poor trick, and the measure is a dangerous 
 one. The weather has been fine this day. Vicq d Azyr 
 says that the Queen s hair is turned gray by her late ad 
 ventures. Paul Jones called on me this morning. He is 
 much vexed at the democracy of this country. The eva 
 sion of the King and Queen has, among other things, pro 
 duced a decree against emigration which damps the sale 
 of lands." 
 
430 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 "Take Madame de Flahaut and Mademoiselle Duplessis 
 to ride to-day [July 6th]. We go to the upper end of the 
 Isle St. Louis, from whence there is a beautiful view of 
 the Seine. Then we go on the south side of the river and 
 turn up till we get to the boulevards above the King s 
 garden. We then pursue the boulevards round to the 
 Invalides. I set them down at the Louvre and return 
 home to write. The weather is very fine. I saw this 
 evening a part of Paris which I had never seen before. 
 It is not much inhabited, but there are many fine gardens. 
 Spend the evening with Madame de Laborde, where I 
 see, for the first time, the declaration signed by a number 
 of members of the Assembly, declaring their adhesion to 
 the cause of Royalty. It is diffuse and weak ; they might 
 easily be caught in their own trap. Bremond tells me that 
 Bergasse has prepared his work on the French Constitu 
 tion, which will be shown to me, and he proposes some 
 measures in relation to it which I decline a concurrence 
 in till I shall have seen the object they mean to pursue. 
 As usual, there is a political conversation at Madame de 
 Segur s to-night, and I find that the opinions are getting 
 round." 
 
 " Bremond calls this morning [July nth], and desires 
 me to go to see Bergasse. The treatise of Bergasse will 
 be short, clear, and elegant. I think it will have great 
 merit, but I fear the public mind will not be well prepared 
 for it. Call on Le Coulteux. He is gone to see the pro 
 cession of Voltaire. I go to M. Simolin s for the same 
 purpose. It is so late that we return to the Louvre and 
 eat a hasty dinner, after which we go again to Simolin s 
 and see the fete. It is very poor, and not at all bettered 
 by the rain. Go to M. de Montmorin s. He is shut up 
 with company. I stay a good while with the ladies. Short 
 comes in, and we get into a dispute. He insists that re- 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 431 
 
 ligion is both absurd and useless, and that it is unfriendly 
 to morals. I hold a very different opinion. Call on Ma 
 dame de la Suze, and condole with her on the death of her 
 friend the Baron de Besenval. His death forms, of course, 
 a subject of conversation, and her connection with him 
 enters as a thing of course also. She is much afflicted. It 
 is, according to Parisian manners, equivalent to the loss of 
 a husband in America." 
 
 Always on hospitable thoughts intent, Mr. Morris wrote 
 to apprise Mr. Constable of the arrival in America of 
 Lord Wycombe, the son of the Marquis of Lansdowne. 
 " Had I been in London," he writes, " when he took up 
 his resolution, I should have given him letters. Let this 
 serve in lieu of it. Show him all kind of attention 
 which he is deserving of. He may perhaps wish to see 
 Morrisania, in which case you will, I trust, procure him 
 the means of eating a mutton chop there. Tell him that 
 I am vexed to find that he did not communicate to me his 
 determination. . . . My friend M. Grand being de 
 sirous of propagating in his garden the white Indian corn, 
 I have promised him some for seed. Pray direct Gibson, 
 my overseer, to put up a barrel of it, in the husk, and with 
 holes in the barrel, winter it, and ship it to Havre." 
 
 "To-day [July i4th] there is a great multitude assem 
 bled in the Champ de Mars when I go there, to celebrate 
 by a mass, the anniversary of the capture of the Bastille. 
 In the Assembly the republican party have treated the 
 King very harshly, but the report which insists on his in 
 violability will pass. M. de Trudaine mentioned as having 
 heard from young Montmorin that the King is by nature 
 cruel and base. An instance of his cruelty, among others, 
 was that he used to spit and roast live cats. In riding with 
 Madame de Flahaut, I tell her that I could not believe such 
 things. She tells me that when you ng he was guilty of such 
 
432 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 things ; that he is very brutal and nasty, which she attributes 
 chiefly to a bad education. His brutality once led him so 
 far, while Dauphin, as to beat his wife, for which he was ex 
 iled four days by his grandfather Louis XV. Until very 
 lately he used always to spit in his hand, as being more 
 convenient. It is no wonder that such a beast should be 
 dethroned." 
 
 " To-day [July i5th] I dine at M. de Montmorin s. 
 Montesquiou is there, who asks me if I am not to be ap 
 pointed minister here. Tell him, no ; that Mr. Jefferson 
 wishes much that Mr. Short should be appointed, etc. He 
 says he is persuaded that he could bring the Treasury 
 Board into any reasonable measures respecting the debt 
 from the United States to France. I tell him that dif- 
 culties would now arise on the part of the United States. 
 
 " Paris is in uproar this evening on account of the de 
 cree passed almost unanimously by the Assembly declar 
 ing the inviolability of the King. The weather has been 
 clear and very warm. There is a great disposition for riot 
 among the people, but the Garde Nationale are drawn 
 out and so posted as to prevent mischief. 
 
 " As I lodge near the Tuileries, at the Hotel du Roi," 
 wrote Morris to a friend at this time, "it is far from 
 impossible that I shall have a battle under my windows. 
 The vanguard of the populace is to be formed by two or 
 three thousand women. A good smart action would, I 
 think, be useful rather than pernicious, but the great evil 
 rises from a cause not easily removed. It will, I think, be 
 scarcely possible to confer authority on, or, in other words 
 to obtain obedience for, a man who has entirely forfeited 
 the public opinion ; and if they lay him aside, I do not see 
 how they can manage a regency. His brothers are abroad, 
 and so is the Prince of Conde. The Duke of Orleans is 
 loaded with universal contempt, and if they should name 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 433 
 
 a council of regency, they would be obliged to take either 
 feeble or suspected characters. Add to this the strug 
 gles which must arise in a State where there is a king de 
 throned, and that for trivial causes. At the same time, 
 the state of their finances is detestable and growing worse 
 every day." 
 
 To-day [July i3th], at eleven, I go to breakfast with 
 Lady Sutherland, and afterwards attend her to M. Hou- 
 don s to see the statue of General Washington. She is a 
 charming woman. Call on Madame de Segur. The 
 count is in bed, ill with a fluxion on his jaw. Puisignieu 
 and Berchini are here. The former has resigned, but 
 the latter holds his regiment because he cannot afford to 
 relinquish it. He has just left Count d Affri, who has 
 received orders from the Swiss Cantons to insist on spe 
 cie payment to the troops of that nation. These gentle 
 men declare that the discipline of the army is gone, and 
 that is, I believe, very true. 
 
 " Madame de Flahaut and I ride to-day, and take up, first, 
 Vicq d Azyr, who tells us that M. Petion, one of the three 
 commissioners despatched by the Assembly to accompany 
 the King, behaved in the most beastly as well as most un 
 kind manner. Sitting in the carriage with the royal family 
 he permitted himself to behave in the most unseemly way, 
 and amused himself by explaining to Madame Elizabeth 
 the means of composing a council of regency. I received 
 a note from Madame de Montmorin recommending an 
 unfortunate Irish gentleman. I gave him a guinea, and 
 spoke to the British ambassador to send his children to 
 Dublin. It is a little extraordinary that an American 
 rebel should be instrumental in procuring the return, at 
 His Majesty s expense, of those who descend from Irish 
 rebels. But such are the vicissitudes of human life." 
 
 " To-day [July ryth] I visit the British ambassadress, who 
 29 
 
434 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 receives me with a charming cordiality. Colonel Tarle- 
 ton and Lord Selkirk are here, and the conversation acci 
 dentally falls on American affairs, which is diverting, as 
 they do not know me. Tarleton says that once on the out 
 posts he obtained a list of General Washington s spies, 
 and that Clinton, after putting them in the provost, after 
 a few days let them all out, from weakness or compassion. 
 I blame this weakness, etc. Go from hence to the Louvre 
 and in my way meet the municipality, with the drapeau 
 rouge displayed. At the Louvre we get into the carriage 
 of Madame de Flahaut, and, stopping to take my telescope, 
 go to Chaillot, but the time lost there in taking up Ma 
 dame de Courcelles brings us too late on the heights of 
 Passy to see what passed in the Champ de Mars. On 
 our return, however, we learn that the militia have at 
 length fired on the mob, and killed a few of them. They 
 scampered aw^ay as fast as they could. This morning, 
 however, they massacred two men, and this evening they 
 have, it is said, assassinated two of the militia in the 
 street. This affair will, I think, lay the foundation of 
 tranquillity, although perhaps a more serious affair is nec 
 essary to restrain this abominable populace. Go to Ma 
 dame de Segur s to pass the evening. Her company are 
 still frightened, and stay away, except the Chevalier de 
 Boufflers. Segur tells us what passed between the Queen 
 and him, and how he has been deceived by her. He de 
 sires me to dine with him on Thursday, to meet the Comte 
 de la Marck at the request of the latter. I think I guess 
 the reason, mats nous verrons. I think one of the finest 
 views I ever saw was that which presented itself this even 
 ing from the Pont Royal. A fine moonshine, a dead si 
 lence, and the river descending gently through the various 
 bridges, between lofty houses, all illuminated (for the sake 
 of the police), and on the other side the woods and distant 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 435 
 
 hills. Not a breath of air stirring. The weather has this 
 day been very hot." 
 
 There had been a general summons to the friends of 
 liberty, requesting them to meet in the Champ de Mars, 
 Morris wrote to Robert Morris of the affair of Sunday 
 the iyth, " and the object of this meeting was to persuade 
 the Assembly, by the gentle influence of the cord, to undo 
 what they had done respecting the imprisoned monarch. 
 As the different ministers and municipal officers had re 
 ceived it in charge from the Assembly to maintain peace, 
 and see to the execution of the laws, they made proclam 
 ation and displayed the red flag. In coming from the 
 Dutch ambassador s, about seven in the evening, I met 
 a detachment of the militia with the red flag flying, and 
 some of the civil officers. I went shortly after to a 
 height to see the battle, but it w r as over before I got to 
 the ground, for the militia would not, as usual, ground 
 their arms on receiving the word of command from the 
 mob. This last began, according to custom, to pelt them 
 with stones. It was hot weather and it was a Sunday 
 afternoon, for which time, according to usage immemor 
 ial, the inhabitants of this capital have generally some 
 pleasurable engagement. To be disappointed in their 
 amusement, to be paraded through the streets through 
 a scorching sun, and then stand, like holiday turkeys, to 
 be knocked down by brickbats was a little more than 
 they had patience to bear ; so that, without waiting for 
 orders, they fired and killed a dozen or two of the ragged 
 regiment. The rest ran off like lusty fellows. If the 
 militia had waited for orders they might, I fancy, have 
 been all knocked down before they received any. As it 
 is, the business went off pretty easily. Some of them have 
 since been assassinated, but two men were lanterned and 
 mangled in the Parisian taste. This occasioned some little 
 
436 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 stir. Lafayette was very near being killed in the morn 
 ing, but the pistol snapped at his breast. The assassin 
 was immediately secured, but he ordered him to be dis 
 charged. These are things on which no comment is nec 
 essary. I think we shall be quiet here a little while, but 
 it is possible enough that, seizing some plausible occa 
 sion, a violent effort will be made, and then, if the militia 
 succeed, order will be established. You will have heard, 
 through the various channels, of the King s escape from 
 the Tuileries. By the bye, he was said to be in perfect 
 liberty there, but yet our friend Lafayette was very near 
 being hanged because he got away, and his justification 
 tends to show that His Majesty, besides his parole given, 
 was so closely watched that he had but little chance of 
 getting off unobserved. This step was a very foolish one. 
 Public affairs were in such a situation that if he had been 
 quiet he would have soon been master, because the an 
 archy which prevails would have shown the necessity of 
 conferring with authority, and because it is not possible 
 so to balance a single assembly against a prince but that 
 he must prove too heavy for the other or too light for the 
 business. The Assembly also, very strongly suspected of 
 corrupt practices, was falling fast in the public estimation. 
 His departure changed everything, and now the general 
 wish seems to be for a republic, which is quite in the nat 
 ural order of things. Yesterday the Assembly decreed 
 that the King being inviolable, he could not be involved 
 in the accusations to be made against those concerned in 
 his evasion. This has excited much heat against them. 
 The people are now assembling on the occasion, and the 
 militia (many of them opposed to the king) are out. 
 They have passed a law against emigrations, although by 
 their bill of rights every man has a right to go where he 
 pleases ; but this, you know, is the usual fate of bills of 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 437 
 
 rights. How long the restriction may continue is uncer 
 tain, but while it lasts no lands can be sold in detail." 
 
 " Dine to-day [July 2ist] with the Comte de Segur, where 
 I meet M. de la Marck and M. Pellin. This last has, I find, 
 nearly the same ideas of a government that I have. Walk 
 with Madame de Segur after dinner in the gardens of the 
 Palais Bourbon. She asked me this afternoon (I presume 
 with a view to judge for her husband) whether, if the 
 place of minister was proposed to me, I would accept it. 
 I told her, * Yes, if they would give me authority. She 
 asked then whether I would take the chance of acquiring 
 it if the King and Queen would promise to act according 
 to my advice ? I told her that in such case I would con 
 sider. Bremond says that it is necessary to have Camus* 
 for sundry affairs, and desires me to contrive it. He and 
 Pellin are to dine with me to-morrow. Dine with Madame 
 de Flahaut. We go to the opera together : CEdipe, 
 followed by the ballet Psyche. The music of the op 
 era is excellent by far the best I ever heard and upon 
 pressing this idea, they tell me it is the best on the French 
 theatre. The ballet is prodigiously fine. Madame de Fla 
 haut tells me that she wants small assignats for M. Ber- 
 trand, and that she will gain by it. I of course promise 
 my assistance. M. de Segur told me to-day that he wished 
 me to fix a day for dining with the Comte de Montmorin, 
 in order to converse with him on the state of public affairs. 
 I promise to do so, but avoid naming the day. I told 
 Madame de Flahaut that I had always known how to ap 
 preciate the conduct of her friend the Bishop respecting 
 
 * Camus, one of the deputies, and council of the clergy, represented Jansen 
 ism under all its aspects. The violence and strength of his asceticism were 
 somewhat softened by a love of literature. He was a stoic, and owing to him 
 more than to anyone else was passed the legislative measures through which, 
 under the name of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, came the bouleverse- 
 ment of the clergy. 
 
438 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 me ; that his manner, which she made me observe, is not 
 therefore surprising, but I mention it to her now because 
 hereafter it may become necessary to remind her of it. 
 She tells me that M. de Montmorin is given up now en 
 tirely to Barnave * and Lameth.f This I am not at all 
 surprised at. Montesquieu and he have had a scene une 
 peu vive on the occasion." 
 
 "This morning [July 28th | M. Bremond calls, and tells 
 me that I may make what terms I please in order to have 
 Camus. Go to the Louvre before M. de Montesquieu comes, 
 on an invitation from Madame de Flahaut, to whom I have 
 promised ioo,ooof. if the business, which she is ignorant 
 of, succeeds. I communicate to Montesquieu the necessity 
 of having Camus, and he promises to try him. I tell him 
 that madame is ignorant of the business. He asks me if 
 I have mentioned it to the Bishop. I tell him that he has 
 been long acquainted with it, but not from me ; that I 
 have never conversed with him, neither do I mean to do 
 it, on that subject. I speak to M. Bremond respecting M. 
 Camus, and the promise I have made. Madame de Segur 
 tells me that Madame Adelaide has been haranguing the 
 people of Rome on the subject of the King s escape, about 
 which she was under a little mistake, having been in 
 formed that he was at Luxembourg. Visit Madame du 
 Bourg s, where there is a table of rouge-et-noir. Chat with 
 the British ambassadress, and play for trifles, so as neither 
 
 * Antoine Charles Barnave, member of the States-General in 1789, and one 
 of the founders of the club called " The Friends of the Constitution." He, 
 with one other, was appointed to attend the king in his compulsory return 
 from Varennes. He afterward became a defender of the throne and Consti 
 tution, and was executed in 1793. 
 
 t Alexandre Lameth was one of the deputies of the Noblesse who united 
 with the Third Estate. After Mirabeau s death the two, Lameth and Bar- 
 nave, were for a short time the master-spirits of the Assembly, and co-oper 
 ated with Lafayette in the effort to defend the Constitution after the king s 
 arrest at Varennes. 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 439 
 
 to gain nor lose. Tell Madame de Beaumont that Segur 
 and I shall dine with them to-morrow, and that I want to 
 see her father beforehand. Tell Madame de Segur that I 
 will not meet her husband there, but that he must intro 
 duce the conversation." 
 
 " Dine [July 3oth] with M. de Montmorin. Converse 
 with him a few minutes before dinner, to prepare him for a 
 conversation with the Comte de Segur, who is to meet me 
 here, but he does not come. M. de Montmorin says that 
 he has recommended Swan s memorial to the Minister of 
 the Marine, and indorsed thereon that recommendation ; 
 but I would bet that he never has read the memorial. I 
 call on the British ambassadress, and I find that with 
 attentions I should gain the confidence of her lord, who 
 has more abilities than people in general suppose." 
 
 "This morning [July 3ist], send to M. de Montesquieu, 
 who calls a little before twelve. Propose to him opera 
 tions with Camus, and offer him interest therein. He 
 startles at the idea of selling his vote, but I observe to him 
 that it is only disposing of that of M. Camus. He tells 
 me, which I knew before, that he is very much in want of 
 money, and he promises to operate disinterestedly with 
 Camus for the good of the affair. I tell him that I intend 
 to secure for him a share in the ration business. Dine 
 with M. Grand, and as we all find the weather to be very 
 hot, he places a thermometer in the shade, which amounts 
 to 28 of Reaumur, or 89 of Fahrenheit. This is pretty 
 well. At Madame de Segur s the Comte de la Marck, who 
 is here, seems desirous of being well with me, and yet of 
 concealing that desire a sort of male coquetry. He com 
 municated, I find, to M. de Montmorin our dinner at M. de 
 Segur s. Thus there seems to be a thread of design run 
 ning through the whole web. Bre"mond comes and tells 
 me that Camus has been softened by the golden tincture 
 
440 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 in the affair of Malta ; so that there can be no doubt of 
 him in other things, if the application be properly made." 
 " To-day [August 4th] I dine with the British ambassa 
 dor. As I arrive too early and- find pen, ink, and paper on 
 the table, I write for her [the ambassadress] : 
 
 Tis said that kings, with wild ambition fired, 
 To pow rs despotic always have aspired, 
 Like untam d coursers, whose indignant soul 
 Spurns at restraint and scorns all weak control. 
 Hence British Senators, with patriot skill, 
 Have strove to check and curb the monarch s will ; 
 But Gallic statesmen take a wiser course, 
 And make the bridle stronger than the horse. 
 
 Lord Palmerston dines here, who is a very pleasant com 
 panion. Go to Madame de Montmorin s, and find there 
 the Comte de la Marck, whose countenance shows still, I 
 think, the desire of further acquaintance. I observe that 
 he and M. de Montmorin take different routes to meet in 
 the cabinet of the latter. I see the Comte de Berchini. He 
 receives a complaint from the militia camp in the plain of 
 Grenelle, who find the ground too hard and rough to sleep 
 upon. This is quite in character. He gives a description 
 of this corps, which resembles, I find, any other corps of 
 militia, with the single difference that the individuals here 
 differ essentially from each other in point of fortune, and 
 have in general the most profligate manners." 
 
 "Yesterday [August 6th] Bremond brought me the 
 French Constitution to read. Short asks my opinion of it. 
 I tell him it is a ridiculous one. Dine with M. de Mont 
 morin, and converse with him on affairs. He has a pretty 
 just opinion both of himself and others. He repeats what 
 has passed this morning with the King ; the recital of the 
 tale brings tears both in his eyes and mine. Poor man, he 
 considers himself as gone, and whatever is now done must 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 441 
 
 be for his son. Go out to Auteuil to see Madame Helve- 
 tius. A raving mad democracy forms the society. The 
 Constitution forms now the general subject of conversa 
 tion, in which I take the least possible part." 
 
 "Call on the Marquis de Montesquieu [August yth] 
 and converse with him on business. He tells me that a 
 bribe has been offered to Amelot,* who has communi 
 cated the matter to the committee; that it was for the 
 affair of the rations ; that Camus opened on the subject, 
 and it was decided to call a meeting with the Diplomatic 
 Committee for Tuesday. This morning Bremond brings 
 with him Pellin, and, as he is to be one of our council, I 
 show him the observations I am making as far as I have 
 gone. He seems desirous that they should be speedily 
 completed, in order that such as circumstances will permit 
 may be adopted. Sup with the British ambassadress, 
 where I meet Lord Fitzgerald. Fie is just returned from 
 America, having made a long tour through the interior 
 part of it. He is a pleasant, sensible young man. Our 
 party, which has only the addition of his brother and Lord 
 Gower, is one of the most pleasant I ever remember. M. 
 Jaubert calls with the small part which he has translated 
 of my work, f and it employs a long time to correct it and 
 bring it up to the force of the original. I call on M. de 
 Montmorin and, in consequence of what Bremond told 
 me this morning, mention the rations. He says that affair 
 
 * Sebastien Michel Amelot, Bishop of Vannes, came of an ancient family 
 who had given a great many magistrates to the Parlement of Paris. He was 
 Ministre de la Maison du Roi under Louis XVI., refused to take the civil 
 oath, and many of the clergy in his diocese followed his example. The domi 
 nant party, near the end of 1790, foreseeing that, if Amelot were allowed tore- 
 side exclusively in his diocese, it would be difficult to introduce the new order 
 of things, raised suspicions against him which exposed his life to the greatest 
 peril, and ordered him before the Constituent Assembly. When that Assem 
 bly terminated its session, he went to Switzerland. He died in 1829 at Paris. 
 
 t A plan of a discourse for the king, which Morris drew up, hoping to in 
 fluence him in the acceptance of the Constitution. 
 
442 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 is ruined in the committee, which is directly the contrary 
 of what Bremond told me. I find that Montmorin begins 
 to be much mounted against the Constitution. Madame 
 de Flahaut is extremely distressed at the Bishop s coldness 
 on the score of her interests. I tell her that I am not at 
 all surprised at it, and our conversation leads me to give 
 her his true character. 
 
 " It is diverting to hear some people complain that the 
 republican party are getting the upper hand in the Assem 
 bly. It would seem as if their opponents, the makers of 
 the Constitution, were a monarchic party." 
 
 " Dine [August i6th] with the Comte de la Marck, who 
 tells me that our meeting at M. de Montmorin s, intended 
 for to-morrow, is postponed till Friday, at which time 
 Pellin will have prepared a plan also. The Constitution 
 they tell me has been this day adopted. The Prince de 
 Poix, whom I meet, talks aristocratically in the most 
 pointed manner, and though a weak man, yet, as Dr. 
 Franklin says, Straws and feathers show which way the 
 wind blows. " 
 
 "As usual [August i8th] M. Bremond calls, and I make 
 further corrections in tables of finance, the effect of 
 which will be considerable, I think. When I call on M. 
 de Montmorin, he imprudently quits a circle of ambas 
 sadors to come to me and mention to-morrow as the day of 
 meeting. He says he has desired Pellin to collect all the 
 popular traits of the King s conduct since he came to the 
 throne, and put them into his speech. This is very wrong, 
 and I hint as much to him, but a foolish vanity will 
 doubtless prevail on the subject. After dinner we consider 
 the report of M. de Beaumetz on the manner of presenting 
 the Constitution to the King. I wish them to take up the 
 great question of His Majesty s conduct, but in vain. I 
 find that feeble measures will most probably be adopted." 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 443 
 
 " M. Bremond and I to-day [August 20th] go into the dis 
 cussion of the question, What kind of connection with 
 her colonies is suited to France, and what intercourse can 
 she allow them with foreigners, particularly the United 
 States? As we agree in opinion on this subject, we next 
 proceed to the ways and means of effecting our object, 
 and fix on a plan of operation in this respect which will 
 probably succeed. He is to prepare a memoire, which he 
 is to show me, and in the meantime to procure a reso 
 lution referring generally to the colonial, agricultural, 
 commercial, and fiscal committees to report on the powers 
 and authorities to be given to the commissioners who go 
 out to Santo Domingo. These are to be induced to report 
 generally on authority to consult with the colonial assem 
 blies and adjust a plan of union, connection, and commer 
 cial regulation with them, to serve as a basis for future 
 determination. And then these commissioners are to do 
 the rest. After fixing this plan I converse with him on 
 matters of private interest, and as he relishes them, he will 
 of course work hard to accomplish the object. He has 
 some notes of reflections on the state of the finances which 
 he says will frighten M. de Montmorin into the adoption 
 of my measures. I show him that these reflections would 
 indeed frighten him, if just, but it would be to a purpose 
 directly contrary to what I wish. The British ambassador 
 and Prussian minister tell me that a convention was 
 signed between the Empress of Russia and the Grand 
 Turk on the 26th of last month, upon the exact terms 
 which she had always insisted on. Bergasse corrects 
 what I had written this morning. He says he will write to 
 the King to-morrow on the state of affairs, and tell him that, 
 having obtained the communication of my plan in order 
 to correct the language, he communicates it to His Majesty, 
 but under the strictest injunction of secrecy. Go with M. 
 
444 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 Bremond to M. de Montmorin s, and meet there M. de la 
 Marck. We examine Breinond s tables and afterwards I 
 give M. de Montmorin my ideas on some part of this busi 
 ness, and at the same time reproach him for not having 
 made me previously acquainted with the opinions of M. 
 de Beaumetz.* M. Bremond requests me to take part in 
 a speculation in the funds, which I decline, on the princi 
 ple that this gambling, ruinous to some and dangerous to 
 all, becomes unfair when a knowledge of facts enables an 
 individual to bet with a certainty of gain. Dress and go 
 to the Louvre. Madame de Flahaut tells me she is con 
 vinced the King will soon commit another folly, and gives 
 me the reasons. Visit Madame de Stae l, who receives me 
 well. She is getting over the illusion she was under 
 about the Constitution. Go from hence to Madame de 
 Guibert s, where I spend the evening. The amusement is 
 Colin Maillard, or blind Buck and Davy, or blind man s 
 buff." 
 
 " The Comte de Segur tells me [August 25th] that one 
 reason why he went into the country is that he expected 
 to be called on to advise the King, and then he tells me 
 the advice he would have given. I think he is mistaken 
 in his motive, for he has at different times shown a strong 
 disposition to be councillor. Make an early dinner with 
 Madame de Flahaut, and go to the Academy. Nothing 
 very extraordinary, but I observe that among the audi 
 tors there is more of religion than I expected. This is 
 a good sign. Return to the apartments of Madame de 
 Flahaut, who brings with her the Abbe Delille, who recites 
 to us some charming verses. Go to M. de Montmorin s, 
 
 * Chevalier de Beaumetz, a French jurist and member of the Constitu 
 ent Assembly. He wrote a valuable work on the " Penal Code of the Jury 
 men of the Chief National Court, 1792." To escape the Reign of Terror 
 he emigrated in 1792. 
 
Of THE 
 
 VEBSITY 
 
 1791.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 44;{4\A. 
 
 and tell him that I have some reason to apprehend that 
 the King means to make another coup de theatre. He 
 says he thinks not. We then discuss pretty fully what he 
 is to do, and find that he is getting a little up towards the 
 right point. He expresses much anxiety about a minister 
 of the finances. I tell him that whenever there is suffi 
 cient authority I will give him a plan for the finances. 
 Return home early, having paid a visit on my way to La- 
 borde. He is very melancholy about the King s situation. 
 I tell him that there is no danger, and point out in general 
 the conduct which His Majesty ought to pursue. He begs 
 me to give it to him in writing. This I decline, for the 
 present. He says that the King understands English well, 
 and that he will be perfectly secret, of which I may be 
 certain, as he has been so many years a valet de chambre 
 to Louis the Fifteenth." 
 
 " I am bidden to dinner [August 26th] by Madame de 
 Stael. She requests me to show her the memoire I have 
 prepared for the King. I am surprised at this, and insist 
 on knowing how she became acquainted with it. She 
 tells me pretty nearly. I read it for her and the Abbe 
 Louis, through whom she gained her intelligence, and 
 they are, as I expected, very averse to so bold a tone. I 
 am well persuaded that a poor conduct will be adopted. 
 The British ambassadress comes in during our lecture, 
 which interrupted it to me very agreeably. Arrive late at 
 M. de Montmorin s, and we retire into his closet and I read 
 to him the plan I have prepared of a discourse for the 
 King. He is startled at it ; says it is too forcible ; that the 
 temper of the people will not bear it. We have much 
 discourse on this subject. I leave the thing with him. We 
 are to confer further on it, and he is to show it to the King 
 on Monday. I give him leave (which otherwise he would 
 have taken) to show it to his daughter. I know that she 
 
446 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 will encourage such a step, having previously mounted 
 her imagination to that point. I go to the Louvre, having 
 so promised. Madame de Flahaut tells me that the 
 Bishop has spoken to her of my work, Madame de Stael 
 having told him that I had showed it to her. She finds it 
 very weak. Madame de Flahaut told the Bishop that this 
 is false, for that, on the contrary, Madame de Stael feared 
 only from its being too strong. A good deal of this sort 
 of chit-chat. I expected that conduct from Madame de 
 Stael, and am not therefore surprised. Go to sup with 
 the British ambassadress. She and her husband are sitting 
 together. We have some agreeable conversation before 
 the arrival of Madame de Coigny. We have some little 
 compliments together, Madame de Coigny and I, and I 
 think it possible we may be friends, but this depends on 
 the chapter of accidents, for she must be at the trouble of 
 bringing it about." 
 
 " Madame de Beaumont [August 2pth] tells me that 
 Madame de Stael has told her father that she has seen 
 my work. She is a devilish woman, but I tell Madame de 
 Beaumont the whole story. It is clear that M. de Mont- 
 morin cannot and will not make use of my draft. Go to 
 Madame de StaeTs. She is at her toilette yet. I am dis 
 appointed here in the expectation of meeting Lady Suth 
 erland. The conversation is dull. I have not an oppor 
 tunity of saying to Madame de Stael what I intended, for 
 she seems a little conscience-struck and avoids me, but I 
 tell the Abbe Louis that I renounce all interference in the 
 business and shall desire that my plan may not be fol 
 lowed. Bremond wishes me to get him appointed one of 
 the commissioners of the treasury. Give M. de Mont- 
 morin a mtmoire of the present state of things. He tells 
 me that Madame de Stael once took him in as she did me, 
 and that her father told him it was a common trick with 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 447 
 
 her to pretend to know in order to learn. I tell him that 
 I have caused her to believe that I have given up the idea 
 entirely, and desire him to speak of it lightly, as of a 
 thing I had abandoned. He says that it is now in the 
 King s possession, who found the discourse prepared for 
 him difficult to swallow, because it acknowledges the loss 
 of the crown ; but he replied to this that it was only de 
 fective because he had not the command of 150,000 men." 
 "The Comte de Montmorin telJs me [September 2d] that 
 the peace between Russia and the Porte is concluded, and 
 that he is well informed that different bodies of troops are 
 now on their march, so that, the Emperor and King of 
 Prussia being in a good understanding together, it seems 
 probable that something will be attempted against this 
 country. I tell him that, if this be so, it appears to me the 
 more necessary to make the King declare at least the out 
 lines of the Constitution he desires. He says the Emi 
 grants will hear of nothing but the ancient system. If 
 this be insisted on we shall, I think, have warm work. 
 Visit at the British ambassador s. Converse a little here 
 with the Comte de la Marck, who either is, or pretends to 
 be, of my opinion respecting the Constitution and the 
 conduct to be pursued by the King in that regard. Ma 
 dame de Stael, who is here, is in violent disputation with 
 the Abbe de Montesquiou,* and the Bishop d Autun is in 
 part the subject, to the great edification of M. de Nar- 
 bonne, who is just arrived from Italy. Montesquiou at 
 supper gives a picture of the finances of this country 
 which is very like the original and which, of course, is not 
 handsome. The Constitution has been presented this 
 
 * Fezensac de Montesquiou, a French ecclesiastic deputy from the clergy 
 to the States-General in 1789, was twice elected President of the National 
 Assembly. He fled to England during the Terror, but after the second res 
 toration returned to France, and received the title of duke. 
 
448 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 evening to the King, who has promised to return an 
 answer speedily. Go to the British ambassador s, and 
 stay a while at the hazard table, in the joys and sorrows 
 of which I do not participate. Go to Madame de StaeTs. 
 Ask the Abbe Louis what news there is. He says (I think 
 with a view to pumping) that the King s discourse will 
 consist partly of mine and partly of other material. I 
 tell him there will be nothing of mine in it, and I really 
 believe so. I tell him further that I give up all idea of 
 directing his conduct on the present occasion, and so I 
 do. I follow Lady Sutherland and Madame de Coigny 
 out, and Mr. Short follows me. Lady Sutherland, in get 
 ting into the carriage, urges me to come more frequently 
 to see them, and expects me to dine on Sunday, and send 
 in the morning to ask for dinner. She takes no notice of 
 Mr. Short, who stands next to me, and, in turning round 
 to speak to him after she is gone, I find his counte 
 nance discomposed and his voice broken. Thus he will 
 go home with ill-will rankling in his heart against me, 
 because he is not taken notice of. This is hard, but this 
 is human nature. He is charge d affaires, and I am only a 
 private gentleman. He therefore expects from all, and 
 especially from the corps diplomatique, a marked prefer 
 ence and respect. I wish him to receive it, but that is 
 impossible in this quarter for the present." 
 
 "To-day [September yth] I dine with M. de Montmorin, 
 where Madame de Stae l and her cortege also dine. I find 
 that she and the Bishop d Autun press him very hard on 
 some subject or another. See Mr. Short, whose counte 
 nance is not yet cleared up. Sup with the Comte de la 
 Marck, who tells me that the object of Madame de Stael 
 and her Bishop was to obtain a revocation of the decree 
 which excludes him and others from the ministry, and 
 thereby reduces him to the rank of a tres petit intrigant. 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 449 
 
 We have here the Archbishops of Aix and Lyons, that is, 
 ci-devant Archbishops, and we have Madame d Ossun, one 
 of the Queen s dames d atonrs. The Archbishop of Aix tells 
 me that he is engaged in drawing up a protest against the 
 Constitution on the part of the nobles and clergy, the 
 former of which desire to object against the natural 
 equality of mankind because Kings are of divine appoint 
 ment, but the latter object to it. I suggest to him that it 
 might be proper to render this protest subordinate to the 
 King s speech, but he thinks differently. Madame d Os 
 sun is so attentive that I think a good impression is made 
 in my favor. I went to the Salon to-day to see the ex 
 hibition of painting and statuary not yet opened to the 
 public, but which the Bishop d Autun, charged with this 
 business by the municipality, admits strangers to see. 
 There are some very good pieces. 
 
 "The Comte de la Marck, whom I saw at the British 
 ambassador s, tells me that the King s observations will 
 be made to-morrow or next day. He seems a little cool 
 and shy on this subject. This morning Bremond calls, 
 and tells me that the King objected to the speech pre 
 pared for him by Pellin in consequence of a m^moire he 
 had received in English. Mr. Short tells me that on Friday 
 last in council, M. de Montmorin produced observations 
 written by Pellin, but the King preferred mine, and on 
 this he felicitated me. I lead him off the scent, but he 
 tells me that he is informed of this in such a manner as 
 admits of no doubt, and also that M. de Montmorin is 
 vexed at the preference. He said that he was asked by 
 what channel I could get at the King, and that he said if 
 I had done anything of the sort it must be through M. 
 de Montmorin." 
 
 " To-day [September 8th] the King goes to the Assem 
 bly and accepts in form the Constitution. I call at the 
 29 
 
4SO DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XX. 
 
 Louvre. Dine with the Comte de la Marck, where we dis 
 cuss the declaration (about to be made public) of the Em 
 peror and King of Prussia. Learn at the Louvre the pur 
 port of the King s letter, which is meagre enough. It 
 would seem that intrigue has at length succeeded, and 
 caused the poor monarch to adopt a middle party, which 
 is good for nothing. Go to the opera, which is execra 
 ble, but the ballet of Telemaque compensates for that 
 ennui." 
 
I79 i.j GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 45 1 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Convinced that Montmorin withheld the m emoire until the king had ac 
 cepted the Constitution. Lady Hamilton. Festival of the adoption 
 of the Constitution. The opera. The king and queen received with 
 applause. Paris illuminated. Letter to Washington on the king and 
 the Constitution. A coalition dinner with Madame de Stae l. The 
 current of opinion against dropping the king s titles, Sire and Ma- 
 jeste. A reaction in favor of the king. Supper at Madame de 
 Guibert s. Long conversation with Montmorin, who says he can trust 
 no one but Morris. M. de Moustier attests Morris s favor with their 
 majesties. What passed between the King of Prussia and the Em 
 peror at Pilnitz. The Duke of Orleans declares his bankruptcy. 
 Much struggling for offices in Paris. Moustier thinks Morris mis 
 taken about the Constitution. M. de Montmorin declares war 
 against the newspapers. 
 
 U OEE M. de Montmorin to-day [September i6th] and 
 *-^ ask him for the different papers I have given him. 
 Fie tells me that the last is in the King s hands, being in 
 tended to regulate his future conduct. On inquiry I find 
 that he did not deliver it till after His Majesty had ac 
 cepted the Constitution. This is wrong, but it is too late 
 to do any good by saying so. The first paper, being a dis 
 course intended for the King, he says the King has re 
 turned ; but as I gave it to him he wishes to keep it. I 
 ask him what became of Pellin s work. He says that was 
 only a memoir e. I tell him what Short told me ; he says 
 that it is a fabricated story, but from what he afterwards 
 tells me I find that Short s account and Bremond s are dif 
 ferent editions of the same thing, and I am now pretty 
 well persuaded that the poor King has been prevented by 
 
452 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 an intrigue, in which M. de Montmorin is a party, from 
 acting as he ought. I ask him if it is true that they are 
 like to suffer for want of corn. He says there would be 
 enough if there were authority sufficient to cause an equal 
 distribution. I hint to him the advantage of providing a 
 quantity of flour to distribute gratis to the poor of this 
 city in a moment of distress, and point out both the means 
 and the consequences. Desire him to think of this, and be 
 secret." 
 
 " Bremond complains to me [September i;th] that he 
 cannot get Montesquiou s accounts, and suspects that the 
 publication of them is stopped. He tells me that the 
 King has had for some days the manifesto of the princes. 
 Qu. : de hoc. After dinner go to the British ambassador s, 
 where I see Lady Hamilton,* a very extraordinary woman 
 of the town who went to Italy in keeping, and here be 
 came so much the passion of Sir William Hamilton that 
 he has married her. She is a fine creature to appear 
 ance." 
 
 "This morning [September i8th] is introduced by peals 
 of artillery. It is a high festival on the adoption of the 
 Constitution. As no carriages can move, I walk out at 
 one and go to the Palais Royal ; thence to the Louvre. 
 Stay and dine with Madame de Flahaut. Return home 
 and, having deposited my watch, purse, and pocket-book, 
 walk through the Rue St. Honore to the Champs Elysees, 
 thence to the Tuileries. The illumination of the Chateau 
 and avenue is superb. Having had enough of the crowd 
 ing and squeezing and walking, I return home. The 
 
 * Sir William and Lady Hamilton were returning to Naples from London, 
 where he had, early in the summer of 1791, privately married the fair Emma. 
 Sir William, having found that even at the Court of Naples it was not suffi 
 cient to have made Emma his wife in a private manner, had in the spring of 
 this year hastened to London with her to rectify the mistake, and have her 
 acknowledged by the English sovereign. 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 453 
 
 weather is grown cool and threatens rain. While at the 
 Louvre a balloon, let off in the Champ de Mars, passed 
 over our heads." 
 
 " Madame de Montmorin and her daughter and Mrs. 
 Villars, together with Mr. Villars and Mr. Franklin, break 
 fast with me [September i9th]. M. de Montmorin comes 
 in and gives me the memoire I had written for the King. 
 He shows me at the same time a note in which he desires 
 a translation of it. I ask him if he has thought of the af 
 fair of the flour ; he says that he has not. As I proposed 
 that we should have some further conversation about it, 
 he wishes me to make a small note on the subject, to be 
 delivered together with the memoire. I promise to do so. 
 Go to the Louvre and read my memoire to Madame de Fla- 
 haut, telling her that she is to assist me in the translation 
 in order that, at a future day, I may let the King know 
 that she is in his secret. Promise to speak to M. de 
 Montmorin on her subject. Visit at the British ambassa 
 dor s. The Prussian minister asks me whether I was one 
 of the men who advised the King s letter. I tell him, no, 
 and tell him further what I would have written. The 
 British ambassador is present, and tells me he did not be 
 lieve the story. Gouvernay afterwards speaks to me on 
 the subject, and says that he defended me against that im 
 putation. I tell him in general terms what I would have 
 done and add that if, at last, it should become necessary, 
 from the despair of doing good through the means of the 
 King to apply to the princes, I have thought of him as 
 the proper person to be employed therein. Lady Hamil 
 ton sings, and acts in singing, with a degree of perfection 
 which I never yet beheld. She is truly a most charming 
 woman, but she has a little the air of her former profes 
 sion. Lady Anne Lindsay, who is here, reminds me that 
 we met at the Duchess of Gordon s. At five, go to the 
 
454 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 opera, Castor and Pollux. The King and Queen are 
 here ; they are received with vast applause, and the par 
 terre prohibit all applause except to them. See M. de 
 Montmorin, who tells me that it will be impossible to take 
 measures respecting subsistence for a sum greater than 
 what may be furnished by the civil list. We are to con 
 verse further about this. I go to the Louvre, and thence 
 to the Fontenelles ,* where there is much company and 
 play. I read here the letter to the King from his broth 
 ers, which is well written." 
 
 " Bremond tells me [September 2ist] that St. Foi, Ray- 
 neval, etc., have set on foot an intrigue to detach the 
 Emperor from the King of Prussia, by the means of M. 
 de Metternich, and that all the original pieces have been 
 communicated to him. He also tells me that Duport 
 begins to gain an ascendency over the King and Queen. 
 Call at the Louvre at five, and desire Madame de Flahaut 
 to assist me by correcting my translation to-morrow morn 
 ing. She is engaged ; and as this is a very paltry engage 
 ment, which nevertheless is to be kept, I testify in a short 
 manner my dissatisfaction. Speak to M. de Montmorin 
 about the flour business. He is grown cold on the scent. 
 His difficulties may be real, but I grow tired of a man who 
 has always difficulties. He tells me that the King is ur 
 gent for my translation, which he (Montmorin) supposes 
 is in order to communicate it to the Queen. Talk with 
 the Prince de Poix about lands. Sup with the Comte de 
 la Marck. Rien de manquant here." 
 
 * Fontenelle, the friend of Madame Necker and Madame de Geoffrin, early 
 gave promise of a fine intellect, and wrote with a rare purity of expression 
 and with delicate analysis. Madame de Geoffrin says of him that he was 
 never angry, he never interrupted anyone, and always listened in preference 
 to speaking. Said Madame Geoffrin to him one day: " M. de Fontenelle, 
 vous n avez jamais ri. " Non, repondit-il, je ne 1 ai jamais fait." Fontenelle 
 was the nephew of Corneille, and was born at Rouen. 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 455 
 
 "Send this morning [September 22d] for Bergasse to 
 come and correct my translation. Tell him what to write 
 in consequence, and at three, having finished the copy of 
 my work, I go to the Louvre and submit it to the perusal 
 of Madame de Flahaut, consequent on which I make one 
 or two corrections ; refuse, however, to soften one part 
 which is very strong. Dine at M. de Montmorin s, and 
 after dinner give him the translation as he goes out to the 
 Council, having first mentioned to him that the strong 
 traits are, I fear, dangerous just now, as His Majesty has 
 accepted the Constitution in a different manner from what 
 I expected. He tells me that there is no such danger. 
 He promises to return me my discourse. Go hence to 
 Madame de Laborde s, and spend the evening. Speak to 
 Laborde and set him to work to give me the facts respect 
 ing the King s acceptance, and promise to give him a 
 letter for the King. Speak also to Duport respecting a 
 purchase of flour for Paris." 
 
 "Go [September 24th] to see M. de Montmorin. Give 
 him a letter on the flour plan, and ask for my discourse, 
 which he will not yet give. I think he means to copy it, 
 but is so lazy that it will not be completed in a long time. 
 Return to the Louvre, where I pass the evening. The 
 Bishop d Autun, who is here, me fait sacour, from whence I 
 conjecture that he has learned, from some quarter or other, 
 que je me suis un peu vantJ. We shall see. I receive his ad 
 vances ni mat ni bien. He tells me that the consideration of 
 his report is postponed till the next legislature. He is sore 
 under this. Madame de Flahaut tells me, some time after, 
 that she is much hurt at this circumstance. Call on La 
 borde and give him a letter for the King, which he prom 
 ises to deliver immediately." 
 
 "To-day [September 25th] I dine at the Louvre. In the 
 evening we walk out to see the illuminations, which are 
 
DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 splendid ; that is, the Chateau and Gardens of the Tuile- 
 ries, Place Louis Quinze, and Champs Elysees. M. Wind- 
 ham, who is with us, seems attentive to Mademoiselle 
 Duplessis, but I think he is too young and too old to be 
 taken in." 
 
 " At the Louvre [September 28th] we have a deal of 
 English company : Lord Holland, Lady Anne Lindsay, 
 etc. The Bishop d Autun tells .me that Moustier is ap 
 pointed, and asks if I am /// with him. I answer, toler 
 ably well, which leads to a discussion in order to know 
 the ground. I see that he is forming designs on him. 
 Probably it is Moustier s appointment which brought 
 the Bishop d Autun forward towards me. He tells me 
 that Montmorin communicated it on Thursday last. 
 Going home I take the Chevalier de Luxembourg with 
 me, and en route he tells me how far he was in the af 
 fairs of Favras. It seems that, when it began to take wind 
 a little, Mirabeau and others endeavored to make him the 
 catspaw, that, in case of need, he might be converted into 
 the scape-goat. I sup with the Comte de la Marck, who is 
 shortly to leave town. I ask him whether he intends for 
 Germany and as far as Vienna. He says that he does. He 
 says that he means to go to his terres, and spend some time 
 in hunting and in meditating on what he has seen for the 
 last three years. He does not incline to buy American 
 lands. The British ambassadress is here and complains a 
 little of neglect, which I assure her arises from business. 
 This is true, but, besides, I think she is a little pre occupee 
 just now." 
 
 "The King goes this day, in about an hour hence, to close, 
 or rather to bid farewell to the session of the National As 
 sembly," Morris wrote to Washington on Thursday, Sep 
 tember 3oth. " You will have seen that he has accepted 
 the new Constitution, and been in consequence liberated 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 457 
 
 from his arrest. It is a general and almost universal con 
 viction that this Constitution is inexecutable ; the makers 
 to a man condemn it. Judge what must be the opinion of 
 others. The King s present business is to make himself 
 popular, and, indeed, his life and crown depend upon it ; for 
 the Constitution is such that he must soon be more or less 
 than he is at present, and, fortunately, he begins to think 
 so, but, unfortunately, his advisers have neither the sense 
 nor spirit which the occasion calls for. The new Assem 
 bly, as far as can at present be determined, is deeply im 
 bued with republican, or rather democratical principles. 
 The southern part of the kingdom is in the same disposi 
 tion ; the northern is ecclesiastical in its temper ; the east 
 ern is attached to Germany, and would gladly be reunited 
 to the empire ; Normandy is aristocratical, and so is part of 
 Brittany ; the interior part of the kingdom is monarchical. 
 This map is (you may rely on it) just, for it is the result 
 of great and expensive investigation made by Govern 
 ment, and I think you will be able, by the help of it and 
 of the few observations which precede it, fully to under 
 stand many things which would not otherwise perhaps be 
 so easily unriddled. You doubtless recollect that the now 
 expiring Assembly was convened to arrange the finances, 
 and you will perhaps be surprised to learn that, after con 
 suming church property to the amount of one hundred 
 millions sterling, they leave this department much worse 
 than they found it, and the chance now is (in my opinion) 
 rather for than against a bankruptcy. The aristocrats, who 
 are gone and going in great numbers to join the refugee 
 princes, believe sincerely in a coalition of the powers of 
 Europe to reinstate their sovereign in his ancient author 
 ities, but I believe that they are very much mistaken. 
 Nothing of consequence can be attempted this year, and 
 many things may happen before the month of June next, 
 
458 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 were the several potentates in earnest. I am led to im 
 agine that their views are very different from those which 
 are now assigned to them, and it is very far from impossi 
 ble that the attempt (if any) will, so far as France is con 
 cerned, be confined to a dismemberment. The weak side 
 of the kingdom, as matters now stand, is Flanders, but 
 were the Provinces of Alsace-Lorraine, French Flanders, 
 and Artois rent away, the capital would be constantly ex 
 posed to the visits of an enemy. These provinces were, as 
 you know, acquired by an immense expense of blood and 
 treasure, and if Louis XIV. could have succeeded in mak 
 ing the Rhine his boundary from Switzerland to the ocean, 
 he would have obtained the advantages almost of an insular 
 position. Indeed, it is difficult to abstain from the wish 
 that the countries included within that boundary were 
 united under a free and efficient government, since it 
 would, in all human probability, be the means of dispens 
 ing the blessings of freedom in no distant period to all 
 Europe. But on this subject it is now permitted to a 
 rational being to form rather wishes than hopes, much 
 less expectations. I will enclose herein a note, just re 
 ceived, of the latest intelligence from Coblentz ; it is 
 written by the Prince de Conde to his confidential friend 
 here, and is accompanied by the request that all French 
 gentlemen capable of actual service will immediately re 
 pair to the standard of royalty beyond the Rhine or, 
 rather, on the banks of that river. To the troops men 
 tioned in this note are added, by the counter-revolution 
 ists here, 15,000 Hessians and 16,000 French refugees ; 
 so that, exclusively of what the Emperor may bring for 
 ward, they muster an army, on paper, of 100,000 men. The 
 Emperor has about 50,000 in the Low Countries. But all 
 these appearances, and the proposed Congress of Ambas 
 sadors at Aix-la-Chapelle, do not in the least change my 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 459 
 
 opinion that nothing serious will be attempted this year 
 of our Lord. 
 
 " M. de Montmorin has resigned, and the Comte de 
 Moustier is named as his successor, but whether he will 
 accept seems to be very doubtful. He is now at Berlin, 
 and as he is an intimate of M. de Calonne, who is one 
 main-spring of the counter-revolution, he is, I presume, in 
 the secret of what may be really in agitation. This on 
 one side, and on the other an office the power and author 
 ity of which is just nothing at all ; for you will observe 
 that by the new Constitution every treaty and convention 
 whatsoever must be submitted to the investigation of the 
 Assembly, to be by them accepted or rejected. You will 
 have seen what has been done here respecting the colo 
 nies. Their commerce, which involves their existence, is 
 left to the mercy of the Assembly, which will not be over- 
 attentive to their interests when they fall into competi 
 tion with those of the mother country. I send out to Mr. 
 Morris a bundle of pamphlets written by M. de Comere, 
 according to hints and observations which I furnished to 
 him. Mr. Morris will give you one, and you will see that 
 it was calculated to produce a liberal system of colonial 
 government, beneficial to them and to us. In order to 
 bring it about, it was proposed that commissioners should 
 be sent out with full powers to treat with the colonial as 
 semblies ; and, could that have been carried, this pamph 
 let would have been the groundwork of the instruc 
 tions to the commissioners. The proposition was re 
 jected. I do expect that at length this government must 
 come into some such measure and a useful treaty be 
 established between France and the United States, and a 
 road laid open for solid connection with Great Britain. In 
 all cases we have the consolation that, if the powers of Eu 
 rope, by their excluding principles, deprive us of the need- 
 
460 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 ful vent for our produce, which becomes daily more and 
 more abundant, we shall, from the cheapness of living and 
 of raw materials which result from that circumstance, make 
 great and rapid progress in useful manufactures. This alone 
 is wanting to complete our independence ; we shall then 
 be a world by ourselves, and far from the jars and wars of 
 Europe. Their various revolutions will serve merely to 
 instruct and amuse, like the roaring of a tempestuous sea, 
 which at a certain distance becomes a pleasing sound." 
 
 Speaking of Lafayette s position, in a letter to Robert 
 Morris at this time, Morris says: "You will see in this 
 appointment of Moustier, that our friend Lafayette has 
 no kind oi influence. He is about to retire into Au- 
 vergne, to spend the winter on his estates. The King and 
 Queen detest him, and the nobles hold him in contempt 
 and abhorrence, so that his sun seems to be set, unless he 
 should put himself at the head of the republican party, 
 who at present are much opposed to him. All this results 
 from feebleness of character and the spirit of intrigue 
 which bring forward the courtier, but ruin the statesman. 
 I am very sorry for him, because I believe he meant well." 
 
 "I dine to-day [October ist] with M. de Montmorin. 
 After dinner ask him again for my discourse ; he promises, 
 on his honor, to give it to me. I desire him to give the 
 King my letter about subsistence ; that I care nothing for 
 the event, but it is his duty to lay the matter before His 
 Majesty. I ask him who made the King s speech,* which 
 was excellent. He assures me that the groundwork is by 
 the King himself. I desire him to make the King observe 
 the difference of effect between this and those long stories 
 which they made him tell heretofore. He says that he 
 has already done so. At the Louvre I meet Short. The 
 Bishop d Autun, who comes in, takes him aside and holds 
 * On accepting the Constitution. 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 461 
 
 a long conference, which I conjecture relates to the debt 
 from America to France, which the pious bishop wishes 
 to make something out of. Visit Madame de Stae l, who 
 has a motley company, which, she says, have partaken of a 
 coalition dinner. There is Beaumetz, the Bishop d Autun, 
 Alexandre Lameth, the Prince de Broglie, etc. Malouet 
 comes in, and al-so the Comte de la Marck, who converses 
 with madame. I observe in particular, as to the others 
 who dine with her, their coalition seems natural enough. 
 Segur is here, who tells me he has asked for the ambassade 
 de Londres, and is told that it will meet with no difficulty, 
 but must be left to the successor of M. de Montmorin. 
 Visit Lafayette, who receives me very coldly. I am not 
 surprised at this." 
 
 "Sup at the Comte de la Marck s [October 5th]. He 
 assures me that he is concerned in no party or coalition 
 of parties ; that he despises every man almost, in the coun 
 try, and means to enter the service of some foreign prince. 
 The Bishop d Autun sups here and I cannot help thinking 
 there is some mystery in all this, but what I think I can 
 perceive clearly is that he is much disappointed in his 
 expectations. The members of the late Assembly are all 
 high-toned in their reprehension of this day s work of 
 their successors, which is too little respectful towards the 
 King. Are they indignant that any others should exceed 
 them in marks of indignity ?" 
 
 "The National Assembly, which had yesterday deter 
 mined not to address the King by the title sire or votre 
 majesty and to place Him on a level with their president, 
 etc., have this day [October 6th] rescinded all those reso 
 lutions, as they find the current of opinion in Paris to be 
 against such measures. I find that the Comte de Mont 
 morin has not yet presented to the King my letter on sub 
 sistence. This is ill done, and I think he will live to re- 
 
462 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 pent it. At Madame de StaeTs there is rien de marquant, 
 except that, from the manner in which she mentions the 
 King s speech, I am led to believe that it is not written 
 by his particular friends. Madame de Laborde asks me 
 what the Queen is to do to become more popular. I tell 
 her, after considering a little, that she must write a letter 
 to the Emperor, and contrive to have it intercepted, etc. 
 This is an excellent little stroke if well executed, but 
 otherwise it is wretched." 
 
 In his letters to friends in America Morris generally en 
 tered more fully into the details of events than he did in his 
 diary, though the latter seems to bring the reader more en 
 rapport with the incessant movement and agitation of Paris. 
 A few days after (October 10) the National Assembly had 
 revoked their determination to abolish the title of Sire, 
 by which the king had heretofore been addressed, Morris 
 wrote to Robert Morris commenting on the sudden acces 
 sion of affection for the king among the masses : " The 
 people of this city are become wonderfully fond of the 
 King and have a thorough contempt for the Assembly, 
 who are in general what used to be called at Philadelphia 
 the blue-stockings. There is, however, this difference be 
 tween the two capitals, that with you virtuous poverty 
 is respected but here splendor is indispensable. Judge 
 the consequence. And, to enlighten that judgment, 
 know that at this moment they stand on the brink of 
 bankruptcy, which can only be avoided by increasing the 
 vigor of the executive magistrate. This becomes daily more 
 and more apparent, and Paris exists", as it were, on the in 
 terest of the national debt. These facts will enable you to 
 understand why the other evening, at the Italian Comedy, 
 as it is called, the parterre or people cried out continually : 
 Vivele Roi, Vive la Reine, Vive la famille royale, Sire, 
 Vive votre Majeste. These words sire and majest/were, 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 4^3 
 
 you know, proscribed by the Assembly, which was obliged, 
 by a stong expression of the popular sentiment, to retract 
 that decree the very next day. A patriot in the midst of 
 this acclamation took it into his head to cry Vive la Na 
 tion, but the rest silenced him immediately. Now, my 
 dear friend, this is the very same people which, when the 
 King was brought back from his excursion, whipped a 
 democratical duchess of my acquaintance because they 
 heard only the last part of what she said, which was : II 
 ne faut pas dire, " Vive le Roi." She had the good sense 
 to desire the gentleman who was with her to leave her. 
 Whipping* is, you know, an operation which a lady would 
 rather undergo among strangers than before her acquain 
 tance. The provinces are not as yet in the same disposi 
 tion with the capital. I must speak of M. de Favras, who 
 was hanged very unjustly. I believe it to be true and, in 
 deed, almost certain, that he was concerned in a plan with 
 the 88, 604, 211, 490, to sustain the Revolution, yet there 
 was no existent law to render this criminal, jinuch less 
 capital and the crime was never duly proved (supposing 
 it to be a crime). M. de Lafayette, who followed the busi 
 ness from the beginning, and was eventually the prime 
 cause of the catastrophe, invariably meant well in it, but 
 
 * The whipping of women in Paris was not always according to law, and 
 flagellation never occupied a conspicuous place in the penal code of France ; 
 but the rod had always flourished with vigor in domestic life and in schools. 
 When, however, Paris was in the hands of the tricoteuses, and savage outlaws 
 ruled in the streets ; and, again, when thejeunesse doree had the upper hand, 
 flagellation was not forgotten. Nuns were waylaid in the streets and shame 
 fully beaten by the tricoteuses, and young girls were publicly whipped by 
 the delicate libertines of the jeunesse doree. An old book, called "The 
 Chateau at Tours," graphically describes a kind of romantic whipping club 
 which existed in Paris shortly before the " Terror," composed exclusively of 
 ladies of rank and fashion. After a trial, the lady who was found guilty of 
 some misdemeanor was disrobed and birched by her companions. Ladies of 
 rank had long used the birch as a means of settling their personal quarrels, 
 and a slight, or &jeu d esprit at the expense of the ladies and gentlemen of 
 the court, was not infrequently revenged by whipping. 
 
464 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 at last was rather overthrown by the popular torrent of the 
 moment. His enemies now number it among what they 
 call his crimes. Apropos of M. de Lafayette : He went to 
 Auvergne, I am told, the day before yesterday, and this 
 morning I am told that it is in contemplation to choose 
 him for Mayor of Paris." 
 
 " I tell M. de Montmorin after dinner to-day [October 
 i4th] that the republicans mean to begin their attack by 
 the civil list, and suggest to him the means of preventing 
 it. He says nothing can be done for supplying provi 
 sions to Paris. I tell him that I am very glad not to 
 be charged with that business ; that mischiefs will arise 
 of which neither he nor I will have anything to accuse our 
 selves, as we have done all in our power. I think he has not. 
 I send in a blank cover 5oof. to Mademoiselle Duplessis, 
 with precautions of every kind to prevent discovery ; her 
 pension is stopped, and she knows not what to do. Poor 
 girl, she spends her days and nights in tears. Spend the 
 evening at Madame de Guibert s. After supper I am un 
 peu aimable, and as I come away have a curious conver 
 sation with Lady Anne Lindsay, who is desperately in 
 love with Mr. Windham and tortured by jealousy. I 
 tell her that if she wishes to bring back a lover she must 
 alarm his fears, and if she chooses to make use of me, I 
 am at her orders. Tell her how she ought to act, and she 
 says that if it becomes necessary she will apply to me." 
 
 " This morning [October i8th], immediately after break 
 fast, I dress and go to the Comte de Moustier s. He ap 
 pears very glad to see me, and we converse about the 
 state of affairs. He seems inclined to accept the office of 
 Foreign Affairs. We go together in my carriage as far as 
 the Comte de Segur s, where he takes his own, and in the 
 way I communicate to him the means of changing the 
 French Constitution, and making at the same time a con- 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 465 
 
 siderable acquisition of territory. He shows an attach 
 ment to the interests of Prussia. Pay a long visit to the 
 Comte de Segur. He is intriguing to the very eyes, while 
 he declares his determination to be quiet. It is very pos 
 sible, however, that he tells the truth, for man deceives 
 himself much oftener than he deceives others. After din 
 ner I pay a visit to M. de Montmorin, and find him much 
 agitated. After staying some time in the salon we re 
 tire together, and he gives me at last the speech I had 
 prepared for the King. He then tells me that his heart 
 is full and he must disburden it ; that, La Marck being 
 gone, he has nobody but me whom he can trust. He 
 then proceeds to tell me that the King, after appointing 
 Moustier, and after Moustier s acceptance, wishes to be 
 off, because he fears his reputation as an aristocrat, and 
 especially the inconsequent conduct of Madame de Bre- 
 han, both of which he, Montmorin, had apprised him of 
 before. He tells me that Moustier is, at the hour we 
 are talking, in conversation with the King and Queen, and 
 he feels much wounded that he is not of the party. He 
 says that he has proposed two things : one, to have a coun 
 cil formed of persons devoted to the royal interest who 
 would pursue the Constitution strictly, but with the view 
 to destroy it ; and the other, to leave the ministry as it is, 
 but with the change only of his own place and to have a 
 private council, to consist of himself, M. de Moustier, Ma- 
 louet, and the Abbe de Montesquiou, or if he, from respect 
 to his patron Monsieur, should decline, then the Arch 
 bishop of Aix ; that they will do nothing ; that he finds 
 his measures are disconcerted, and he knows not what 
 to count upon ; that he supposes this to come from the 
 Comte Mercy d Argenteau, who gives the Queen counsels 
 well calculated to serve the interests of Austria. I tell 
 him that perhaps some persons have done him ill offices 
 30 
 
466 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 at Court. He says no, that he is well received, perfectly 
 well, but he declares that he will quit, let what will hap 
 pen. I see, however, that he will not quit entirely, if 
 he can help it. He tells me that he has not force enough 
 of character to pursue the measures which he knows to 
 be right. This I well know. He gives me a history of 
 what passed respecting the Cour planter e, in regard to 
 which, having first opposed the plan as dangerous and 
 afterwards insisted on vigorous measures to carry it 
 through, as the slightest symptom of retreat must prove 
 fatal, he found a different plan adopted, and then, when 
 the King was about to take M. Necker, he told His Maj 
 esty that he would give himself a master whom he must 
 obey ; that, subsequent to this appointment, he took a 
 course different from that which he had formerly pur 
 sued, and adopted M. Necker s lenient modes of proceed 
 ing. I remind him that I had frequently pointed out the 
 fatal consequences of those half-way measures. He ac 
 knowledges this and says that he also saw them, but he 
 had not sufficient vigor of mind to pursue the course 
 which appeared to himself to be right. I ask him what 
 situation the King and Queen are in with respect to the 
 princes. He says that there is no understanding between 
 them. I tell him that I am informed that the King re 
 ceives letters from his brothers which he does not com 
 municate. He says that this is true, but he reads to him 
 such parts as relate to public affairs. I tell him that the 
 Queen, I understand, receives letters from the Emperor 
 respecting affairs here. On this subject he seems to be 
 not quite clear, and says again that he apprehends the 
 late change to arise from Austrian counsels. He recom 
 mends to me the greatest secrecy, in a style which seems 
 to beg my pity for so much of human weakness." 
 
 "This morning [October i9th] the Comte de Moustier 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 467 
 
 breakfasts with me. He tells me what passed yesterday with 
 the King and Queen. He tells me that I stand high in 
 their opinion, as well as in that of M. de Montmorin. He 
 says the King has offered him the embassy to England, 
 and that he is to stay there until a proper opportunity 
 shall offer of placing him in the ministry, which would at 
 present be dangerous. He wishes me to persuade Mont 
 morin to stay longer, which I promise to attempt. He 
 says he will urge the sending to America for a supply of 
 provisions, or rather of flour, according to my proposal to 
 M. de Montmorin. He has some scheme of finance in his 
 head which I must discover, if I can." 
 
 "The Comte de Moustier calls [October 2tst], and tells 
 me he asked an audience of the Queen on the subject of 
 flour. Her Majesty told him that she has never yet seen 
 my letter to M. de Montmorin, and she thinks it is of a nat 
 ure not to have escaped her attention. He desires me to 
 give him a copy. He then tells me that the King of Prus 
 sia will furnish money to assist in putting the finances of 
 this country to rights. He tells me what passed with his 
 Prussian Majesty on that subject, and that he intended to 
 head his armies for re-establishing the French monarchy. 
 He communicates a number of queries which he put to 
 M. d Ecrue respecting finance, and he tells me that D E- 
 crue assures him there is not a man in this country 
 capable of managing the finances, there being no one 
 who joins a knowledge of money matters to that of state 
 affairs. He tells me what passed between the King of 
 Prussia and the Emperor at Pilnitz, as related to him by 
 the King. Leopold began to higgle, but the King told 
 him at once that, however different their dominions, he 
 would send an equal force with the Emperor, which as 
 tonished the latter. I give him many hints and outlines 
 of a plan for the finances of this country, and he desires 
 
468 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 me to write on the subject. I tell him that a good consti 
 tution is a previous requisite ; that this is the moment 
 for forming one, so as to obtain the royal consent, and I 
 give him some ideas on this subject. I tell him that my 
 plan is, at present, to persuade M. de Montmorin to con 
 tinue in place until he, Moustier, can be properly ad 
 mitted, and then to be made President of the Council ; 
 that the King must press M. de Montmorin to continue, 
 and he must make the removal of Duportail a condition, 
 by which means, if Delessart can be brought about, there 
 will be a majority in the council. I am to press this plan 
 on M. de Montmorin, and Moustier is, on his side, to 
 urge the Court. I dine at Madame de StaeTs, and say 
 too much against the Constitution, to which she provoked 
 me by fishing for the praise of her father. I did not swal 
 low the bait." 
 
 " Dine to-day [October 22d] with M. de Montmorin. 
 Before dinner I go into his closet, and there urge him to 
 continue for some time longer in office, then to retire as 
 President of the Council. He will not agree, first, be 
 cause it is impossible to manage the department well ; and, 
 secondly, because he has so pointedly declared his deter 
 mination to retire that he cannot retract. I think this last 
 is the strongest reason. I mention to him St. Croix as 
 being recommended by the Garde des Sceaux, in the name 
 of all the ministers. He says that if there were not par 
 ticular reasons against admitting him (and I find that 
 these bottom on pecuniary foundations), he would be the 
 fittest person in the world, in order to render the Ministry 
 contemptible. He says that if Segtir will not accept, 
 Barthelemi would answer. M. de Molleville, the Minis 
 ter of the Marine, gives us at dinner the account of a 
 dreadful insurrection of the blacks at Santo Domingo. I 
 trust that the account (which is not official) is exagger- 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 469 
 
 ated. After dinner he tells me that he had a long con 
 versation with Moustier about me this morning, and 
 wishes to know my success with Montmorin. This leads 
 to a conversation on the subject with Madame de Beau 
 mont, in which I communicate the plans of the King s 
 enemies as they have been communicated to me. They 
 urge me to renew the attack on M. de Montmorin. I do 
 so, and he tells me that his difficulties are insurmountable, 
 that the affair of the princes having possessions in Alsace 
 is ready to be reported, and he is persuaded that the As 
 sembly will not do what is right ; that the affair of 
 Avignon also involves a very disagreeable dispute with 
 the Pope, which he is certain will be improperly treated 
 by the Assembly. I tell him that these objections are 
 trivial. He is only to communicate the whole truth to the 
 Assembly, and let them decide as they please ; that as to 
 the treatment of French subjects in foreign countries, 
 which forms a second head of complaint, he must remon 
 strate firmly on the part of the nation and communicate 
 the result, which will, I acknowledge, be unsatisfactory, but 
 for that reason desirable. I then tell him that he has done 
 so much to injure himself with his order as a nobleman 
 that he must continue in office till he can recover his rep 
 utation with them, to which effect the sending of the Abbe 
 de Montesquiou to the princes, to know what constitution 
 they wish for, will greatly operate. I had opened this 
 chapter to him in the morning, as well as the negotiation 
 to be made with the Emperor. I find that this last idea of 
 his order works ; I add, therefore, that he must stay and 
 thereby defeat the designs of his enemies. He recurs 
 then to his declarations so publicly made that he would 
 retire. I tell him that these may be easily obviated, be 
 cause the King can desire him to continue until he can 
 find a suitable successor. As I am about to leave M. de 
 
470 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Montmorin, madame takes me aside to know the success 
 of my application to her husband. I tell her that he does 
 not absolutely agree, but I think he will. I think, how 
 ever, that he has at bottom some reason which he will not 
 communicate as yet. 
 
 " Call on Madame de la Suze. Here I am told that the 
 Duke of Orleans has declared his bankruptcy, and put his 
 affairs into the hands of trustees, who allow him a pension. 
 I did expect to have met the Comte de Moustier here, but 
 am disappointed. Return home and read. M. de Mont 
 morin repeated to me this morning what he had once 
 mentioned before, viz., that he considers it indispensably 
 necessary that the Queen should be present at the discus 
 sion of affairs of the Cabinet, and that for this purpose 
 there should be a Privy Council, to which Malouet * should 
 be admitted. I do not see the use of this, neither do I 
 conceive his reason. If he expects, through Malouet, to 
 govern that little council, he mistakes his man ; at least, I 
 think so. I told M. de Molleville that it appeared to me 
 most fitting to remove Duportail at present and place there 
 some brave, honest soldier, without much regard to his 
 abilities, and then, when Moustier comes forward, to place 
 him (Molleville) as Garde des Sceaux, and Bougainville as 
 Minister of the Marine. He approves of this, but wishes 
 to stay where he is until he shall have gained some repu 
 tation by putting the affairs of that department in order." 
 
 " I find Messieurs de Malouet [October 25th] and 
 Moustier at Madame de StaeTs to-night. The former tells 
 me that he has advised M. de Montmorin to quit his post. 
 He says that the Garde des Sceaux keeps the King in con 
 stant alarm, and governs him by his fears, so that M. de 
 Montmorin has very little influence left. He says that I 
 
 * Pierre Victor Malouet was a member of the States-General in 1789, and 
 became prominent as a Liberal Royalist. 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 4/1 
 
 am mistaken in my idea that this Constitution will crumble 
 to pieces of itself ; that the resources from the assignats 
 will hold out a considerable time ; that, by delaying the 
 liquidations, they can procrastinate the moment of dis 
 tress ; that the taxes are tolerably well paid, etc. I persist 
 in my opinion, notwithstanding, that it is now evident that 
 foreign powers will do nothing. Indeed, I am persuaded 
 that their efforts would have tended rather to support than 
 to destroy the new system, because mankind generally 
 resist against violence. Moustier shows me a note he 
 has made and transmitted to the Queen, relative to sub 
 sistence. He says he has reason to believe not only in a 
 coalition of the different parties which divided the last 
 Assembly, but that they are interested in the great specu 
 lations of grain made in the neighborhood of Paris." 
 
 " M. Bremond calls [October 26th] and tells me that the 
 republican party count with certainty on an attempt of the 
 King to escape ; that they mean to facilitate it, and then, 
 laying the blame of all events upon the monarch and his 
 nobles, they will stop payment and be ready to meet any 
 attack whatever. At twelve I go by appointment to the 
 Comte de Moustier s, where I meet M. Tolozan. This meet 
 ing is at his request, and to confer on the subject of sub 
 sistence, but from what passes I do not see what can have 
 been his object. I find that Segur is ready to accept the 
 place of M. de Montrnorin, although he does not avow 
 it." 
 
 "Spend the evening [October 28th] with the Baron de 
 Grand Cour; a very large company, and, of course, no so 
 ciety. Lord Gower tells me that he has quitted play, on 
 which circumstance I very sincerely congratulate him. M. 
 Bremond tells me that he has been to solicit the interest of 
 Alexandre Lameth, to get placed. This was by the rec 
 ommendation of Pellin. Lameth has promised him, and 
 
4/2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 while there he saw Duportail s man come in with a list of 
 officers for his inspection and approbation, and as he was 
 busied with the examination, Bremond asked to have a 
 friend appointed sub-lieutenant, which was immediately 
 promised. 
 
 "Wait on M. de Molleville, and open Mr. Swan s busi 
 ness. I tell him that the making contracts with the 
 lowest bidder will not answer in this country as in Eng 
 land, because there the articles always exist within the 
 power of the government ; and consequently, if the con 
 tractors fail in their performance, pecuniary damages set 
 everything right ; but here a failure may be of the most 
 dangerous consequence, and it would frequently be the 
 interest of an enemy to occasion that failure, and to pay 
 the stipulated penalty. Hence I infer that there should 
 be a moral security in addition to the pecuniary, and con 
 clude that any contract he may make should be condi 
 tional on the approbation of the parties concerned in 
 America, by the Minister Plenipotentiary there. I next 
 suggest to him that it would be advantageous to fix a 
 price for provisions, deliverable either in Europe, America, 
 the Isle of France, or the West Indies, so that only an 
 order need be given for the quantities and places. Show 
 him the advantages that would result therefrom. I then 
 suggest that it would be proper to have always on hand 
 sufficient for six months provisions to fifty ships of the 
 line, and to have every month a month s fresh supply, so 
 that, after deducting what was consumed, the balance of 
 the provisions in store beyond six months supply should 
 be sold. I tell him that if his contract be on good terms 
 it will be but a trifling loss, if any, to the marine, and that 
 the commerce will gain what the marine loses ; but that 
 by this means they will always be prepared for war. I 
 conclude by telling him that I am, before all things, an 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 473 
 
 American, and therefore he must consider what I say 
 accordingly, but that it may not be amiss to consult 
 Moustier. He is very well pleased with all this, and I think 
 desirous of forming some such plan. He desires to have 
 a sample of the provisions sent to him, which I promise 
 shall be done if any of them be left. Communicate to 
 him the tricks of his enemies, who are sold to the r<?gisseurs. 
 He tells me what passed this morning with the King rela 
 tive to M. de Montmorin. His Majesty is a little vexed 
 with him, and says that he has been pestering him for 
 six months to name a successor, etc. M. de Molleville s 
 brother, who is just returned from Coblentz, tells him that 
 M. de Montmorin is detested there, but that his appoint 
 ment is approved of. 
 
 " Dine with M. de Montmorin. He shows me the re 
 port he intends making to the Assembly. It is wonder 
 fully little, considering the time he has consumed in mak 
 ing it. Propose to him some amendments, which I think 
 he will not adopt, and he will repent it if he does not. 
 He declares war against the newspaper writers, and these 
 are sometimes troublesome and sometimes dangerous ene 
 mies. He says that Segur has been with him this morn 
 ing, and accepted. He tells me that the King has not 
 asked him to stay. To this I reply that it is his own fault, 
 because he had declared so pointedly his determination 
 that the King was exposed thereby to the mortification of 
 a denial, but if he would have consented to stay on such 
 application being made, it would have been made. He 
 says that he does not know whether he shall continue in 
 council. He has told the King that he will stay if he de 
 sires it, but wishes His Majesty to consider the matter w r ell 
 beforehand, because if hereafter lie should find it con 
 venient to send him away it would be injurious to both 
 of them. Malouet comes during the dinner, and we con- 
 
474 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXI. 
 
 verse afterwards. He confirms to me that M. de Mont- 
 morin is without influence.". 
 
 Bertrand de Molleville gives Montmorin credit for great 
 fidelity to the king, and says of him, "that he has been 
 judged with great severity, and perhaps he is the least 
 known of all the men who took part in the Revolution. 
 He was a true loyalist, and no personal fear kept him 
 from trying to aid the king, and this he did by concealed 
 though dangerous correspondence, which was paid for 
 out of the funds of his department. Much of his weak 
 ness, which he frankly acknowledged, had its source in 
 a delicate constitution." 
 
 The diary continues : " I have a long conversation with 
 Madame de Beaumont at Madame de StaeTs [October 29th]. 
 She suffers exceedingly from her father s removal from 
 office. The British ambassadress tells me that both she 
 and Lord Gower have quitted playing, and that she thinks 
 I like them well enough to be pleased at it. I assure her 
 of my attachment more in tone and manner than by words, 
 and I think the seed is not sown on barren ground. Bre- 
 mond calls me out to tell me that the emigrants expect to 
 enter in January next, and that the Queen is at length 
 agreed to act in concert with the princes. This, he says, 
 is arrived direct from the Prince of Conde this day. I am 
 afraid that the Court have some underhand scheme, and 
 if so, they bet a certainty against an uncertainty. 
 
 " The news from Hispaniola are very bad, and I think 
 exaggerated, but the negroes are in revolt, and employed 
 in burning the plantations and murdering their masters. 
 Moustier says he imagines M. de Montmorin has a mind 
 to secure to himself the British embassy, and have him 
 sent to Switzerland. He is therefore determined to push 
 the Queen on that subject. I advise him to let that alone, 
 and tell him the news brought to me this morning." 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 475 
 
 "Visit Madame de Segur [October 3oth], who tells me 
 that her husband has this morning resigned the office of 
 Foreign Affairs, which he had accepted yesterday. I 
 congratulate her on this event. He has grounded his re 
 fusal on the treatment the ministers met with yesterday 
 from the Assembly. M. de la Sonde told me that he has 
 further intelligence from M. Metternich, and he tells me 
 that M. de La Porte is this evening to submit to the King 
 a plan, sent at His Majesty s request by M. de Muries, 
 who, he says, is a little fellow of sense, information, and 
 unconquerable spirit. I am to know whether His Majesty 
 adopts it." 
 
476 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Desired to converse about subsistence at a royalist dinner. M. de Molle- 
 ville tells him he has proposed him as Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 Distress of the Montmorin family. Narbonne, Madame de Stael, 
 and the ministry. Supper at Lady Sutherland s. Morris gives a 
 dinner. M. de Narbonne finally appointed Minister of War. Vicq 
 d Azyr says the queen wishes Morris s ideas in writing on the de 
 cree against the princes. Dinner at the British ambassador s. Pre- 
 ville at the Comedie Fran9aise. Sketching a form of government 
 for France. Writes a philippic against the chefs des republicains. 
 Letter to Robert Morris on the failure to effect a commercial treaty 
 with Great Britain. Washington nominates Morris for the mis 
 sion to France. Confirmed by a very small majority in the Senate. 
 The king in high spirits. Letter to Washington on the paper circu 
 lation of France and the general anarchy. The Bishop of Autun to 
 go to England. The Jacobins discover a plan for violent change of 
 the Constitution. Morris prepares for a journey to England. Mes 
 sage from the queen. 
 
 \ T 7E have a staunch royalist dinner to-day [Novem- 
 
 VV ber ist] at M. de Tolozan s, consisting of the 
 
 Count de Moustier, M. de Malouet, De Verieux, Mallet-Du- 
 
 pin and M. Gilet. At coming away M. follows me, to 
 
 desire I will stay and converse about the subsistence. I 
 tell him that it is unnecessary ; that I should ask for six 
 months, which I am sure they cannot furnish. Go to see 
 M. de Molleville. He has not yet tried the provisions sent. 
 He says that many objections are being made against be 
 ing supplied from America, such as the distance, the uncer 
 tainty, etc. He has desired that they should be detailed 
 in writing, and will place his observations on the margin. 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 477 
 
 He tells me that he is determined not to wait for the 
 attack of the Assembly, but will always find them in work. 
 For this purpose he has already proposed to them a great 
 number of decrees, and of such nature that they will be 
 in the wrong if they do not adopt them. He is to send 
 me a copy. He tells me that he proposed me the other 
 day at M. de Montmorin s as Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 I laugh at this. Discuss with him the manner of treating 
 their colonies, if they mean to secure their fidelity." 
 
 "Madame de Beaumont tells me [November 3d] that 
 her father has nothing, and seems to be very uncertain 
 about his future destiny. There is over this family an air 
 lugubre et tres sombre. M. de Montmorin says that no suc 
 cessor is yet appointed to him, nor has the King at all 
 made up his mind. I ask him what is to become of him 
 self, and tell him that if he has any doubt of the King s 
 intentions I will write to His Majesty on the subject. He 
 says he should be ashamed both of the King and himself, 
 if he thought him capable of neglecting him. Dine with 
 the British ambassadress. The Princesse de Tarente * is 
 here, who tells me that the Queen often talks to her of me 
 when they are riding together. I reply only by a bow. 
 She repeats it, and dwells on the subject, but I make 
 only the same reply. I give Lady Sutherland some verses, 
 which I think she will be pleased with. M. de tells 
 
 * It was this Princesse de Tarente (nee Chatellon, the wife of Prince de 
 Tarente, of a Neapolitan family) who proved herself such a heroine in the 
 cause of Marie Antoinette during the September massacres of 1792. After 
 two days of unwearying attention to the dying people among whom she staid, 
 she was taken before the tribunal, and there, surrounded by bleeding bodies, 
 they tried to force from her a confirmation of the calumnies against the 
 queen. Failing to shake her courage by threats or promises, they ordered 
 her to prison ; whereupon she demanded, in a firm, clear, commanding voice, 
 instant death or liberty. Her courage so electrified the spectators that they 
 carried her in triumph to her house and left her unmolested. As soon as 
 possible she left France, and subsequently went to St. Petersburg, where she 
 died in 1814. 
 
478 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 me that they have a year s supply of grain for the troops. 
 I ask him how much bread they give, and of what quality. 
 He tells me that the ration is a pound and a half, of which 
 three quarters are wheat, one quarter rye. The bran is 
 not separated. He says this makes an excellent bread, 
 which many of the officers prefer to the bread of fine 
 flour. It soaks well in soup, which, considering the mixt 
 ure of rye, is a little extraordinary." 
 
 " Sit awhile [November 8th] with M. de Montmorin. 
 He tells me that his objection to appointing Narbonne 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs is his connection with Madame 
 de Stael. I ask him if the King is fully apprised of the 
 double dealing of his present minister. He tells me that 
 he is. I give him some hints respecting a constitution 
 for this country, and the means of restoring its finances. 
 Visit Madame de Beaumont, and talk poetry and literature 
 instead of politics. Just before dinner I announce myself 
 and it to Madame de Montmorin. After dinner M. de 
 Rayneval comes in, who is in much choler against the 
 Assembly. He says the Diplomatic Committee have it in 
 contemplation to address His Majesty for the removal of 
 the whole Department of Foreign Affairs, clerks and all. 
 He is determined, he says, to defend himself; that he 
 cares nothing for his place, but will struggle for his repu 
 tation. Visit for a moment Madame de Segur, and prom 
 ise to return and give her the news I shall collect. She 
 is in great anxiety about the colonies, and with her is a 
 person who declares himself to be totally ruined. His 
 spirits are quite broken. At Madame de Laborde s the 
 same thing presents itself in the Due de Xeres. I return 
 to Madame de Segur s and give her the news, which are 
 yet tolerable as to Port-au-Prince, where her husband s 
 property lies. Go to the British ambassadress s. Her 
 countenance shows me that the verses are not thrown 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 479 
 
 away. Afterwards she tells me that she was ashamed, 
 flattered, and delighted. Tant mieux. Tell the Abbe de 
 Montesquieu a part of what I told M. de Montmorin this 
 morning of the means of establishing a constitution for 
 this country. His mind opens to these ideas. We have 
 all the world and his wife here. Madame de Tarente tells 
 me that she loves me because I love the Queen, and her 
 reception proves that my conversation is not disagreeable. 
 I make it short. During supper I observe to the am 
 bassadress that she does not eat, but is merely a dish at 
 her own table, and that not the worst, but that she has 
 not the politeness to ask one to partake of it. Madame de 
 Montmorin wants to know the subject of our conversation, 
 which is in English. Lady Sutherland tells her, * II me 
 dit des mechancetes. Ah, il en est bien capable! Ma 
 dame de Stael comes in late, and Madame de Tarente 
 makes mouths at her." 
 
 "I urge M. de Montmorin [November zoth] to prepare 
 a reply from the King to the decree against the emigrants, 
 and leave him engaged in it. Dine with Madame de Stael 
 where I meet the Abbe Raynal.* He makes many ad 
 vances towards me. I receive them but coolly, because I 
 have no great respect for him. After dinner Madame de 
 Stael asks my opinion as to the acceptance of the office 
 of foreign affairs by her friend Narbonne. I give her my 
 opinion so as not to encourage the idea, but yet not to 
 offend." 
 
 M. de Narbonne, with so able a supporter as Madame de 
 Stael, was quite capable of presenting himself before the 
 
 *The Abbe Guillaume Raynal, French philosopher and historian, renounc 
 ed his profession when he went to Paris. In consequence of a philosophical 
 and political history which he wrote, and in which he declaimed against the 
 political and religious institutions of France, he was arrested and exiled for 
 some years and the book was burned. He eventually returned to Paris, and 
 died there in 1796. 
 
480 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 queen, and with becoming modesty, suggesting himself as 
 the man in whose hands the king might, with entire con 
 fidence, place the government. What wonder that Her 
 Majesty burst out laughing, and only said these words : 
 " fites-vous fou, M. de Narbonne?" But there seemed 
 to be no other man for the place, and the king, much 
 against his will, placed him in the ministry as Minister of 
 War, 
 
 "To-day [November i2th], at three, M. and Madame de 
 Flahaut come to dinner, the Minister of the Marine 
 shortly after, M. and Madame de Montmorin towards 
 four, and Madame de Beaumont, who was at the Assembly, 
 at half after four, when we dine. A pleasant party, and 
 Madame de Flahaut exerts herself to please ; of course, she 
 succeeds. The Minister of the Marine mentions to me 
 again an affair which one of the colonists mentioned at 
 his request the other day, and which I gave the go by. 
 It is to combine the payment of the American debt with 
 the assistance to be given to the Colony of St. Domingo. 
 Promise to attend to it. M. de Montmorin tells me that 
 he wrote to the King his opinion as to the decree against 
 the princes, and offered to prepare a work for him on that 
 subject ; that he went afterwards to his council, but he 
 never opened his lips. I find that my poor friend is 
 dropped, but he must not be abandoned." 
 
 "Sit down to cards [November i5th] with Madame de 
 Flahaut while the hair-dresser renews her coiffure. 
 From here I go to see Madame de Stael. She is angry 
 with me. I told M. de Molleville that she had consulted 
 me relative to Narbonne s acceptance, and he has used it 
 as a pretext against his appointment. I tell her that I see 
 nothing in this to make a handle of ; that everybody 
 knows M. de Narbonne has been in contemplation for that 
 office, and therefore it is natural enough to ask the opin- 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 481 
 
 ion of different people whether, in case the post is offered, 
 he should accept. I then add that he had better not think 
 of it ; that the object is merely to fill a gap for a few 
 months and then to drop the person who may have been 
 appointed. She tells me that the ministry is stronger 
 than is imagined, and is about to give me her reasons, 
 which she delivers in part, when M. de St. Leon arrives, 
 and puts an end to the conversation. After him comes 
 M. de Montmorin, and then M. de Chapelier. M. Petion is, 
 it seems, appointed Mayor of Paris, and this alarms a 
 good deal la bonne sociti^, but I think it is not amiss, provided 
 other people are wise. Moustier has pressed me hard to 
 write on the finances, which I evade for the present, tell 
 ing him that things change too rapidly and too much. 
 Delessart, it is said, is to become Minister of the Marine. 
 Bremond tells me that, under the auspices of the triumvi 
 rate, Duport, Barnave, and Lameth, he and others are 
 about to publish a journal. I tell him not to connect him 
 self too much with them. 
 
 " Dine at the Louvre. M. Vicq d Azyr tells me that he 
 repeated to the Queen the conversation he had with me 
 respecting the decree against the princes, and that she 
 desired to have it in writing, telling him that she knew 
 how to value everything from that quarter. He thinks 
 that this contributed in some degree to the rejection. I 
 don t believe a word of the matter. He desires me to 
 give my advice as to the conduct they should pursue re 
 specting the decree against the priests. I desire to have 
 the decree and the constitutional acts relating to those un 
 fortunate men before I give my opinion. 5 
 
 "I see M. de Montmorin [November 2oth], and tell him 
 the purport of my letter to the King on his subject. 
 Speaking again of his continuance in office, he says that 
 it was impossible ; that he will tell me the reason, one of 
 
482 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 these days ; that the King ought to be obliged to him for 
 concealing it. I tell him that I always supposed he had 
 some reason which he did not mention, because those 
 which he gave were insufficient. Call on the British 
 ambassador. He compliments me on the verses given to 
 his wife. There is here one of the Queen s women, who 
 desires to be acquainted with me. She turns the conver 
 sation upon politics, and I make my visit short." 
 
 " I have a small dinner party to-day [November 25th]. 
 It is whimsical that my little dinner, consisting of three 
 things, is drawn from an immense distance ; oysters from 
 Colchester, trout from the Rhine, and partridges from 
 quaere." 
 
 " Mr. Tolozan calls [November 26th], and talks about the 
 situation of public affairs ; the union of able, honest men 
 necessary to save the kingdom. I agree to this, but tell 
 him that unless the King and Queen will give their full 
 confidence to such men it will answer no purpose. See 
 Montmorin, who says the King never answers his let 
 ters, and asks if he answers mine. I tell him no, and that 
 I do not expect it, because I wish nor want nothing from 
 him. He says he lately communicated the assurances 
 that one of the provinces, with all the troops in it, would be 
 depended on as adhering to the royal cause. He does not 
 tell me which it is. He tells me that the real cause why 
 he quitted the ministry was that he had not the full con 
 fidence of their majesties ; that they were governed some 
 times by counsels from Brussels, and sometimes from 
 Coblentz ; that he urged them to adopt a privy council 
 to decide in all cases, and endeavored to convince them 
 that unless they fixed a plan of conduct they would 
 be greatly injured, but in vain. Bremond comes to see 
 me, and I work with him at a pamphlet on the finances. 
 I dictate, and he writes. At four go to dine with the Brit- 
 
I79I-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 483 
 
 ish ambassadress. After dinner, as there are none but the 
 family, we chat together very freely. He puts Mr. Short 
 on the carpet, and she opens against him. I assure her 
 that he is a very sensible, judicious young man, and very 
 attentive to his business. She asks me where he is ; that 
 he has not appeared lately at Court. I tell her that he 
 was in the country with the Due and Duchesse de la 
 Rochefoucault, and is now gone on business of the United 
 States to Holland. She asked if he is Ambassador to all 
 the nations of Europe, and laughs heartily at the idea. I 
 tell her that the business he is employed in there does not 
 require an ambassador. She says he has not the look 
 and manner which such a character requires. I reply that 
 he might not do well in Russia, but at any other court I 
 do not conceive figure to be very important. She puts an 
 end to the conversation by telling me that if I wish to 
 give foreigners a favorable impression of my country, 
 I must get myself appointed. A bow of acknowledg 
 ment for the compliment is the only reply which it ad 
 mits of. She appeals to the Ambassador, and of course 
 he answers, as usual upon such appeals, in the affirma 
 tive." 
 
 "Take Madame de Laborde [December ist] to the 
 Comedie Francaise, where I have the pleasure to see Pr- 
 ville * perform in the Bourreau bienfaisant. He is 
 truly an actor ; nothing below and nothing above the part, 
 
 * Pierre Louis Dabus, called Preville, was acknowledged, by all the critics 
 who saw him play, as near perfection as possible. " Le Bourreau bienfai 
 sant " was one of his greatest successes. Preville appeared first at the Co 
 medie Francaise in 1753, and became a great favorite with Louis XV. With a 
 pension he retired in 1786, but the French stage being in a bad way in 1791, 
 he consented, although seventy years of age, to appear. His advent was 
 greeted with enthusiasm, for he had seemingly lost none of his physical 
 forces. Again he retired from the stage, in 1792, but appeared again in 
 1795, when, in the midst of his performance of the " Mercure galant," whilst 
 he was being vehemently applauded, he suddenly gave signs of mental aber 
 ration. He was born in September, 1721, and died in 1799. 
 
484 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 no false ornament, but the * naked nature and the living 
 grace. The Queen is here, and is perfectly well received. 
 I sit directly over her head, and somebody, I suppose, tells 
 her so, for she looks up at me very steadily so as to recog 
 nize me again ; this, at least, is my interpretation. My air, 
 if I can know it myself, was that of calm benevolence with 
 a little sensibility. A letter from the Empress of Russia 
 to the Prince de Conde is shown to me, which is very en 
 couraging to the emigrants. Bremond tells me that the 
 secret council of the King consists of M. de Molleville, 
 M. de Fleurieu, and M. de la Porte. He brings several 
 materials on which to ground an attack of the republican 
 party." 
 
 " Go to see Madame de Stael [December 3d]. While 
 she is dressing, we have some conversation which is 
 not unpleasing to her. We have here a large company. 
 Delessart has been denounced this day by the Abbe 
 Fauchet, and the Bishop d Autun. who dined with him, 
 tells me that he was so sick he was obliged to leave the 
 table." 
 
 " I send Bremond to Lameth [December 4th] to advise 
 that Delessart retire because he has not firmness enough 
 for the situation in which he is placed. Go to Madame 
 Tronchin s to a thJ, and to M. de Montmorin s, and 
 while there prepare a little paragraph for him contradict 
 ing the report that he has absconded. Madame de Fla- 
 haut has been correcting a work of the Bishop d Autun s 
 which is an address to the King from the department 
 against the decree inflicting penalties on the non-juring 
 clergymen. She thinks the step improper, and so do I. 
 She says it is well written." 
 
 " This morning [December 6th] I dictate to Bremond a 
 philippic against the chefs des republic aim ; employ myself 
 in preparing a form of government for this country. At 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 48$ 
 
 half-past four go to dine with M. de Montmorin. Find 
 him employed in reading the address to the King by the 
 members of the Department of Paris. It is well written 
 in many respects, but the style is rather that of a popular 
 manager than of an address to a monarch. In order, also, 
 to excuse their interference, they inveigh much against 
 the emigrants, and prove that while they talk big they 
 tremble. M. de Montmorin tells me that the Bishop 
 d Autun pressed Petion, the mayor, to sign it, who re 
 fused, saying that he approved of the thing but would not 
 fall out with the fous and enrages, because it is they and 
 not the reasonable people who support revolutions, and, 
 for his own part, he does not choose to be hanged for the 
 sake of giving triumph to reason. I think he acts wisely, 
 and the other, who constantly places himself between two 
 stools, will never have a secure seat. Call on the Minister 
 of the Marine.* He shows me a sketch of a speech to be 
 made by the King to the Assembly. We converse on 
 public affairs and the means of establishing a constitution 
 in this country which may secure the just rights of the 
 nation under the government of a real king. He prom 
 ises to sound the King and Queen, and I promise to sketch 
 out some hints." 
 
 " To-day [December ;th], in conversing with M. de La- 
 borde, we go from one thing to another, till at last he 
 communicates to me a journal he is writing and which is 
 distributed at the King s expense to the lodges of free 
 masons in the kingdom. He says that the King and 
 Queen, M. de la Porte, and he are the only persons in the 
 secret. I tell him that by the same means he may feel 
 the pulse of the nation and determine from thence what 
 can be attempted with a prospect of success. He prays 
 me to give him a list of the questions which I propose, 
 
 * M. de Fleurieu. 
 
DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 and I promise to do so. I leave him, to repent of this con 
 fidence, for that is the nature of man. M. de Narbonne 
 has been to the Assembly this morning to announce his 
 appointment. I shall be surprised if he succeeds, for, 
 though he is by no means deficient in point of under 
 standing, I think he has not the needful instruction, that 
 he has not acquired the habits of business, and that he is 
 totally void of method in affairs. Nous verrons." 
 
 " Continue [December 8th] preparing the form of a 
 constitution for this country, when a person comes in who 
 tells me that he sent, in July last, the form of a constitu 
 tion for America to General Washington. He says that 
 he has made such objects his study for above fifty years ; 
 that he knows America perfectly well, though he has 
 never seen it, and is convinced that the American Consti 
 tution is good for nothing. I get rid of him as soon as I 
 can, but yet I cannot help being struck with the simili 
 tude of a Frenchman who makes constitutions for Amer 
 ica and an American who performs the same good offices 
 for France. Self-love tells me that there is a great differ 
 ence of persons and circumstances, but self-love is a dan 
 gerous counsellor. After dinner go to the French comedy 
 to see Preville. He is seventy-five years of age and his 
 action is perfect. The best of the others may be said to 
 act well their parts, but he represents his. I find that I 
 had formed just ideas on this subject, for he is free pre 
 cisely from those faults which had struck me in the 
 others." 
 
 "Yesterday I finished the copy and correction of a plan 
 of government and of general principles to accompany it. 
 To-day [December i4th] we have a good dinner and as 
 much company as the table will hold, at the house of the 
 Minister of the Marine, De Fleurieu. I tell him that I 
 have prepared some notes on a constitution to show him. 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 487 
 
 He says he has sounded the King on the subject, who has 
 recommended him to attend to it. He has recommended 
 to His Majesty the most profound secrecy, and taken occa 
 sion to inculcate the necessity, from seeing in a gazette 
 what had passed in council. After dinner go to the 
 French comedy ; Preville, in the part of Soste, in Moliere s 
 Amphitryon. It is wonderful. He would be considered 
 an excellent actor, his age out of the question, but, all 
 things considered, he is a prodigy." 
 
 It will be proper here to mention the fact that severe 
 criticisms were made in America on Morris s failure to 
 effect a commercial treaty with Great Britain, the affairs 
 of which had occasioned several visits to London, many 
 detentions waiting upon the pleasure of the Duke of 
 Leeds, and the consequent loss of much valuable time. 
 He wrote on December i4th to Robert Morris very fully 
 of his feelings on the subject, he says : 
 
 " I am by no means surprised that my conduct 
 should be severely criticised, because those who wish 
 to promote their friends generally find fault with every 
 person and thing which may stand in the way of their 
 wishes. It would seem also that they have set down to the 
 account of vanity the act of which they disapprove, for this 
 is the inference to be drawn from what you say although 
 your delicacy spares me the mention. Believe me, I am 
 not wounded by this imputation. If my errand had become 
 public, if even my brother had known it, I should have been 
 hurt by their charge. You say the French ambassador 
 posted immediately to communicate my business to the 
 Duke of Leeds. There was no harm at all in any communi 
 cation he could make, for he only knew that I was ordered 
 to call for performance of the treaty, and you will recollect 
 that, if ever we quarrel on that subject, it may be proper to 
 ask the interference of France. You say that the British 
 
488 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Ministry have complained, and drawn the conclusion that 
 they can expect little good from negotiations connected 
 previously with France. This is really pleasant. Certainly 
 nothing but their confidence in that English party which 
 Lord Hawkesbury mentions as existing in our councils, 
 and which I flatter myself does not exist, could ever have 
 permitted a complaint so idle. The French ambassador 
 could mention nothing about a treaty of commerce, for he 
 knew nothing about it, and, of course, the only possible in 
 ference from what he did say was that he and his court 
 were strangers to that part of the negotiation which was 
 truly interesting to Great Britain of course, that I did not 
 consult him. And so the fact is ; for we never exchanged 
 one word on the subject after the first interview. The 
 reason is plain. He was afraid of being called on to sup 
 port the demand made, and I chose only to let him know 
 as much as would account for my interviews with the 
 Duke of Leeds, which his spies in the public offices could 
 not but make him acquainted with. But there is another 
 trait in this affair which is still more diverting, and which 
 makes me desirous of having (if possible) this same com 
 plaint of theirs authenticated. I will suppose it to be a 
 very good reason to be given to America for not conferring 
 a favor on her, that the man sent to ask it was disagree 
 able, no matter from what cause but I trust that they 
 will never avow to the British nation a disposition to make 
 sacrifice of their interests to please a pleasant fellow. It 
 will remain, therefore, for them to justify the refusal of 
 an advantageous connection because not presented in an 
 agreeable manner. Is it not a very sensible sort of speech, 
 * I am very hungry, and the victuals are good, but I can 
 not eat off earthenware ? If anyone should say so to me, 
 I should conclude either that he wanted appetite or did 
 not like his dinner. 
 
I79L] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 489 
 
 " Seriously, my friend, the obstacle to a treaty was in 
 the British Cabinet. The opposers have since found out 
 that they committed a fatal error, and wish to get clear of 
 the blame. They would have been very glad of any ex 
 cuse to tread the ground back again, but, unfortunately, 
 none was given, and they have therefore, in fear of French 
 influence, sent you a minister and they will make a treaty 
 with us as soon as the people are ripe for it and the mer 
 cantile interests feel the necessity. All the rest is mere 
 palaver. If you mean to make a good treaty with Britain, 
 support your pretensions with spirit, and they will respect 
 you for it. You must give them visible reasons, because 
 they will have to justify their conduct, and it will not do 
 to say to a House of Commons, The American Minister 
 was such a charming fellow that we could not resist him. 
 I rather think it would be at least as good ground to say : 
 * The American Legislature would have greatly injured 
 our navigation and commerce if we had not, by this treaty, 
 induced them to repeal their laws ; and there was reason, 
 also, to apprehend that the United States would connect 
 themselves still more intimately with France, who, for 
 the sake of such connection, would doubtless support 
 them in their claims as soon as the state of her domestic 
 affairs would permit her to look abroad. Place yourself 
 in the position of a British Minister, and ask yourself 
 whether these latter motives would not be most likely to 
 prevail. At the next session of Parliament the adminis 
 tration will be hunted hard, and they will be very glad to 
 shelter themselves from blame on the American business, 
 ere it be long." 
 
 It was to be expected that political enemies in America 
 would be on the alert to magnify the ill-success of the ne 
 gotiations in England. The abrupt manner with which 
 Morris was reported to have treated the British Minis- 
 
DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 try, the knowledge of his opposition to the Revolution, 
 and his well-known position in aristocratical circles, were 
 all exaggerated into some grave offence. When, therefore, 
 during the session of 1792, Washington nominated him 
 for the position of Minister, and his name came before the 
 Senate for approval, there was considerable opposition to 
 his being appointed to the Court of France, and he was 
 chosen by only a small majority to be one of the first 
 representatives under the new Government. 
 
 While these arrangements were making in America, and 
 Morris was exerting every effort in behalf of order and 
 stability in France, he found plenty of time, without com 
 promising the seriousness or the sincerity of his services, 
 to enjoy what there was of amusement. This centred 
 principally in the theatres, of which there was no lack in 
 variety or number. The demand for that sort of recre 
 ation was enormous, to judge from the fact which Gon- 
 court mentions, that nearly each day of 1791 saw a new 
 theatre opened. The life of a large number of them was 
 very brief. "Ouverts vendredi, tombes samedi," was 
 not inappropriately said of some of the last that were 
 opened. At the Theatre Francais Preville was delighting 
 his audiences, and Morris speaks of the difficulty of getting 
 a ticket. " I wait half an hour at the Theatre Frangais," says 
 the diary for December i9th, " before my servant can get 
 a ticket, and afterwards I get a very bad place, but still I 
 think myself recompensed by Preville, who is truly formed 
 to hold the mirror up to nature and to show to the very 
 shape and body of the time his form and pressure. I 
 meet M. de Bougainville, who has served in Canada in 
 the war of 59. We converse on the public affairs of this 
 country. He tells me that I am mistaken in my idea 
 that he is in amity with St. Foi, the Bishop d Autun, etc. ; 
 that he considers them as a pack of rascals, and the King 
 
I79I-J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 491 
 
 views them in the same light and detests them. He as 
 sured Bougainville that he accepted the Constitution 
 merely to avoid a civil war. I tell him that the King is 
 betrayed by the weakness, if not the wickedness, of his 
 counsellors. He says that he is of the same opinion. I 
 ask him what he thinks of Fleurieu. He tells me that he 
 is a poor creature. The Bishop of Autun observes to me 
 at the Louvre to-day that the Jacobins have not been able 
 to raise a riot about their address. I tell him that since 
 the frolic at the Champ de Mars there is little danger of 
 riots, because the people are not very fond of them when 
 they find that death is a game which two can play at. 
 He says that the King is in wondrous high spirits since 
 his vetoes have gone off easily, and says that he will apply 
 them every now and then. Poor King ! " 
 
 "Dine [December 2ist] with Madame Tronchin, and 
 meet here Madame de Tarente. Ask her to procure for 
 me a lock of the Queen s hair. She promises to try. I 
 think Her Majesty will be pleased with the request even 
 if she does not comply with it, for such is woman. Call 
 at Madame de StaeTs. She is in bed and is glad to see 
 me, and tells me all the news she knows. The Abbe 
 Louis comes in, who is flagorneur au possible (Hibernice, 
 blarney). Delessart, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, is at 
 Madame de Montmorin s this afternoon, and as we turn a 
 good many things over in conversation after dinner, I 
 conclude in going away by telling him that the King is 
 the only piece of wood which will remain afloat in the 
 general shipwreck. He says that he begins to think so. 
 I recommend to the Minister of the Marine the bringing 
 of Swiss troops to Paris, under the pretext that they are 
 too aristocratic to be trusted on the frontiers. They will 
 preserve order here in the general confusion which may 
 be expected. Recommend that under similar pretexts 
 
492 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 the cavalry be brought to an interior circle. He approves 
 of this." 
 
 "As to the state of things here," Morris wrote to 
 Washington on December 2yth, " I would convey it to 
 you as fully as propriety will admit, but I know not yet 
 by what opportunity this letter will go and the Post 
 Office was never more abused under the most despotic 
 minister than it is at present, notwithstanding the decrees 
 to the contrary. Every letter I receive bears evident 
 marks of patriotic curiosity. This anxious spirit of petti 
 fogging villainy proves the fear of those who make use 
 of it, and truly they have reason to fear, for every day 
 proves more clearly that their new Constitution is good 
 for nothing. Those whom I had warned in season of the 
 mischief they were preparing, endeavor, now that it is too 
 late, to lay the blame on others by way of excusing them 
 selves. But the truth is that, instead of seeking the pub 
 lic good by doing what was right, each sought his own 
 advantage by flattering the public opinion. They dare 
 not now propose the amendments which they perceive 
 and acknowledge to be indispensable. They have, be 
 sides, no confidence in each other, for everyone feels a 
 reason against it, and meets, moreover, with daily proofs 
 that his compatriots are no better than himself. The 
 Assembly (as you who know such bodies will naturally 
 suppose) commits every day new follies, and if this un 
 happy country be not plunged anew into the horrors of 
 despotism it is not their fault. They have lately made a 
 master-stroke to that effect ; they have resolved to attack 
 their neighbors unless they dissipate the assemblies of 
 French emigrants who have taken refuge in their domin 
 ions. These neighbors are members of the German Em 
 pire, and France threatens to carry into their country, not 
 fire and sword but la libertJ. Now, as this last word does 
 
i79i.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 493 
 
 not, in the acceptation of German courts, mean so much 
 liberty as insurrection, you will see that the pretext is given 
 for hostilities without violating the law of nations. Add 
 to this that three French armies of 50,000 men each are 
 ordered to assemble on the frontiers one under your old 
 acquaintance Rochambeau in Flanders, one under our 
 friend Lafayette in Lorraine so as to penetrate by the 
 Moselle River into the Electorate of Treves, and one under 
 a M. Luckner in Alsace. This last has, I am told, but 
 slender abilities, and the other two you are acquainted 
 with. Putting all other things out of the question, it is 
 self-evident that the Empire must bring force to oppose 
 force thus ordered, and in consequence it is not to be 
 doubted that 50,000 Prussians and 50,000 Austrian troops 
 will make their appearance as speedily as circumstances 
 will permit. You have no idea, my dear sir, of a society 
 so loosely organized. America at the worst of times was 
 much better, because at least the criminal law was exe 
 cuted, not to mention the mildness of our manners. My 
 letter predicting their present situation may perhaps 
 have appeared like the wanderings of exaggerated fancy, 
 but, believe me, they are within the coldest limits of the 
 truth. Their army is undisciplined to a degree you can 
 hardly conceive. Already great numbers desert to what 
 they expect will become the enemy. Their Garde Nation- 
 ale who have turned out as volunteers are in many instances 
 that corrupted scum of overgrown populations of which 
 large cities purge themselves, and which, without consti 
 tution to support the fatigues, or courage to encounter 
 the perils of war, have every vice and every disease which 
 can render them the scourge of their friends and the 
 scoff of their foes. 
 
 " The finances are deplorably bad. The discontent is 
 general, but it does not break out, partly because the 
 
494 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIL 
 
 antipathy to the aristocrats and the fear of their tyranny 
 still operates, and partly because no safe opportunity 
 offers. Everyone is bewildered in his meditations as to 
 the event, and, like a fleet at anchor in a fog, no one will 
 set sail for fear of running foul. If they come to blows 
 on the border a curious scene will, I think, present itself. 
 The first success on either side will decide the opinions of 
 a vast number who have, in fact, no opinion, but only the 
 virtuous determination to adhere to the strongest party ; 
 and you may rely on it that if the enemy be tolerably suc 
 cessful, a person who shall visit this country two years 
 hence will inquire with astonishment by what means a 
 nation which, in the year 1788, was devoted to its kings, 
 became in 1790 unanimous in throwing off their author 
 ity, and in 1792 as unanimous in submitting to it. The 
 reasons given to you in my letter of the 29th April, 1789, 
 and my fears expressed in that letter seem now to be on 
 the eve of reality. The King means w T ell, and may per 
 haps, by his moderation, finally succeed in saving his 
 country. I hope much from this circumstance, but, alas! 
 the moderation of one who has been so wounded and in 
 sulted seems to be but a slender dependence, and yet I 
 verily believe it to be the best, and, I had almost said, the 
 only dependence. 
 
 " A courier arrived last night with despatches, which are 
 to be communicated to the Assembly this morning. The 
 Emperor informs the King that he has given orders to 
 General Bender (who commands in the Low Countries) to 
 protect the Electorate of Treves with all his forces. I did 
 not mention, as I ought to have done, that the Courts of 
 Berlin and Vienna have concluded a treaty for the protec 
 tion of the German Empire and maintenance of its rights. 
 You will have seen that the Emperor, having adopted the 
 determinations of the Diet respecting the claims of those 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 495 
 
 princes who have certain feudal rights, preserved to them 
 by the Treaty of Westphalia, in Alsace and Lorraine, re 
 minded the King that the dominion of France over those 
 provinces is conceded by that treaty. The Dutch Govern 
 ment has proposed a treaty with the Emperor, as sovereign 
 of the Low Countries, for mutual aid and protection in case 
 of insurrections, which offer is accepted. All this is ex 
 plained by the intrigues of France to excite revolt in Hol 
 land and Flanders, and the completion of such a treaty 
 will place the Emperor at ease, should he operate against 
 this country next spring." 
 
 "This morning [December 3ist] Bremond comes, and 
 presents M. de Monciel, the newly appointed Minister to 
 Mayence, who wishes me to point out to him his line of 
 march. I tell him that it will be necessary to have a 
 confidential person at that spot. Show him how he may 
 acquire useful intelligence, and point out the insuffi 
 ciency of the present administration. Close by telling 
 him that he will do well to have a correspondence by 
 which he will convey useful intelligence to the King. He 
 is very desirous of this, and at his instance I promise to 
 sound His Majesty on that subject. Dine with M. de Mont- 
 morin, and desire M. de Molleville to mention the matter 
 to the King, and let me know the result. Delessart com 
 municated this day to the Assembly a message from the 
 Emperor which is decisive of his sentiments. He has or 
 dered his general, Bender, to defend the Electorate of 
 Treves." 
 
 "The society to-day [January 3d] at Madame le Coul- 
 teux s, receives me with an air of strangeness not pleasant. 
 Stay late at the British Ambassador s, and have a little 
 sparring match with Madame de Stael, who is vexed at it. 
 Bremond tells me that the King is well pleased with the 
 idea of receiving intelligence direct from M. de Monciel. 
 
496 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 I inform M. de Monciel that the King accepts of his pro 
 posal. He is to show me a memoire upon Switzerland be 
 fore it is presented. I tell Madame de Flahaut that I shall 
 go out to America in the spring. This news distresses 
 her, and she exclaims, Then I shall lose all my friends at 
 the same time ; that the Bishop leaves her in a few days, 
 but as yet she cannot tell me whither he goes. Dine here. 
 The Bishop of Autun comes in, and eats a cold dinner. 
 We play and the women sleep. He observes that the as- 
 signats have reduced France to a deplorable condition, 
 which is true enough. I have lived through one paper 
 system and one revolution, and I find myself here in the 
 midst of another revolution and another paper system. I 
 have had occasion to consider the subject for nearly twen 
 ty years (for it excited my attention in the year 1772), and 
 therefore, with a moderate share of understanding, must 
 by this time have made some progress. My situation and 
 connections here give me a pretty near view of what 
 passes, and in combining what I see with what I have seen, 
 I have no shadow of a doubt but that the paper money 
 will continue to depreciate. I hear that the Bishop goes 
 to England soon." 
 
 "This morning [January xoth] M. Bremond and M. Mon 
 ciel call on me, and breakfast. After they are gone I read and 
 write till my carriage is ready, then go to the Minister of 
 the Marine, with whom I have a conference on the Bishop 
 d Autun s mission, and on other public affairs. He tells 
 me he has communicated to the Queen his sentiments on 
 the very impolitic step now taken, and that she is sensible 
 to this confidence. He says the King spoke of me in very 
 favorable terms the other day, when he communicated 
 to him the plan of a correspondence with M. de Monciel. 
 I tell him it is time to arrange matters with the Emperor, 
 etc. He says (and justly) that unless he were sure that 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 497 
 
 the King and Queen make no imprudent confidences, he 
 dare not risk himself. The risk is indeed great. Dine 
 with the British ambassadress. She asks me whether in 
 London I favor the ministerial or opposition party. I tell 
 her that when a measure is proposed my sentiment de 
 pends on the thing, and not on the proposer. Conse 
 quently I am for or against, according to my judgment ; 
 but if they will make Lord Gower Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs I shall then wish success to his measures for her 
 sake. 
 
 "Tell Madame de Tarente to inform the Queen from 
 me that M. de Molleville is the only minister in whom 
 she ought to have confidence. Go to the Porcelaine 
 with her. We exchange little presents of amitie ; she 
 shows me a great deal, and I find it more convenient 
 to give china than time. M. Monciel tells me that he has 
 conversed with M. Barthelemi upon the Bishop d Autun s 
 errand to London. He informs me that the object is to 
 make an alliance with England in order to counterbal 
 ance Austria, and the offer to England is the Isle of France 
 and Tobago. This is a most wretched policy. Bremond 
 tells me that the Jacobin party have got hold of a plan of 
 their enemies to work a violent change in the Constitu 
 tion, and brings me a newspaper which contains it. There 
 is reason to believe that some such thing was in agitation. 
 It is very absurd." 
 
 " Madame de Flahaut asks me in a very serious tone if 
 I have advised M. de Molleville to oppose the Bishop 
 d Autun s embassy. I tell her that I have. She is very 
 angry at this, and we have a tartish conversation. After 
 this I am very easy and unembarrassed in a conversation 
 both with madame and the Bishop. Marbois told me 
 that he was in hopes the Bishop s embassy would be 
 stopped. The Ambassador of Venice wished to know my 
 32 
 
49$ DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 opinion of the state of affairs. I tell him that I know 
 very little about them, and that I choose to know but lit 
 tle. He seems much surprised at this. He tells me that 
 De Stael has leave of absence, and that he thinks the em 
 bassy to Britain will be stopped." 
 
 "This morning [December i3th] M. Bremond and M. 
 Monciel call on me. The former sent me last night a 
 piece written by Duport against Mr. Pitt. It is a very 
 poor piece of stuff. They (the triumvirate*) have given it 
 to Bremond to get it printed, and he wishes to correct 
 some of its badnesses, but I tell him not to change a let 
 ter ; to have it printed immediately and to keep the orig 
 inal, by which means he will have the author in his hands, 
 for it is written by Duport and corrected by Lameth. 
 Bremond and Monciel had a conference with these gentle 
 men yesterday on the subject of the Bishop d Autun s 
 embassy and, on mentioning the terms to be proposed, 
 Bremond asked how such a treaty could be presented to 
 the Assembly. The others answered that the author 
 would be hanged, and really I think so too. Moustier 
 comes in, and Monciel tries to make acquaintance, but in 
 vain, till I tell Moustier in English that he must be ac 
 quainted. M. de Laborde consults me on a proposition 
 made by Beaumarchais to give his only daughter (a most 
 charming girl) to Laborde s son. He mentions to me 
 Beaumarchais fortune, which is very great, and he, La 
 borde, is ruined. I tell him that Beaumarchais has a very 
 bad reputation, but that is nothing to the girl, seeing that 
 she cannot help it ; that in my country such a marriage 
 would be detestable because we do not marry for money, 
 but in this country, where money is everything, if his son 
 behaves well afterwards the world will not complain. 
 
 * Duport, Lameth, and Bafhave had been known as the triumvirate since 
 the autumn of 1789. 
 
i 79 2.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 499 
 
 " Madame de Flahaut I find ill in bed to-day [January 
 i4th], so I stay here the afternoon and evening. The 
 Bishop, who is here part of the time, goes off to-morrow. 
 The Assembly have this day, upon a report of their Dip 
 lomatic Committee, determined to attack the Emperor 
 unless he begs pardon by the loth of February. The 
 Bishop says that the nation is une parvenue and, of course, 
 insolvent. He says that their situation is such that noth 
 ing but violent remedies can operate, and these must 
 either kill or cure. St. Foi says the Emperor will be angry, 
 but, having more fear than anger, must submit. I ask 
 them what is to become of their finances. The Bishop 
 says that at a certain day, to be fixed, the assignats will be 
 no longer a forced currency and the holders will be left to 
 lay them out in lands as they may. I think that I never 
 heard more absurdity from men of sense in all my life." 
 
 " Call on M. de Montmorin [January i6th], and con 
 verse on the strange state of affairs. Advise him to write 
 a memoire, the heads of which I mention. He promises to 
 do it. He tells me that while the Duke of Orleans was in 
 England he tried hard to obtain an authority to offer a 
 treaty to England, which was, of course, not granted. He 
 tells me the conversation which he had on that subject 
 with the Bishop d Autun, who hopes, he says, to turn out 
 Pitt, and thinks his success certain if he could have the 
 aid of the Duke of Biron. This is curious enough. Dine 
 with the British ambassador and his wife. We are quite 
 snug, being but four at table, his private secretary being 
 the fourth.* We converse very freely. She again brings 
 up Mr. Short (I know not why she dislikes him so much), 
 
 * The private secretary of Lord Gower at this time was William Huskisson, 
 of Birch Moreton Court, Worcestershire, who met his dearh at the opening 
 of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway at Parkside, near Newton, on 
 September 15, 1830. 
 
500 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXII. 
 
 and asks if he will ever be a great man among us. I tell 
 her that I think not, as he is not a public speaker, but he 
 may, notwithstanding, be a very useful man here. I say 
 this in a tone which ends that part of the conversation. 
 I find that in this house there is a profound contempt, 
 mixed with abhorrence, for my friend the Bishop d Autun, 
 and I think the letters written from it will not facilitate 
 the object of his mission." 
 
 " Mr. Short tells me to-day [January i8th] that by his 
 letters he finds that the foreign appointments are un 
 doubtedly made at this moment in America. He declares 
 himself to be totally ignorant of the persons to be named, 
 but at the same time he talks of buying plate and employ 
 ing a maitre d hotel, whence I conclude that he is pretty 
 certain of being fixed here. I tell him that I would bet 
 two to one against my being appointed anywhere, and I 
 think it most probable that, if both he and I are named, it 
 will be to the courts opposite to those we had conject 
 ured, and that because the unlucky events are generally 
 those which happen. He says he thinks it possible that 
 he may be appointed to Holland, which would disappoint 
 him cruelly, and he knows not whether he would accept it. 
 Bravo ! M. Brernond comes, and tells me that Delessart 
 has sent an express yesterday to assure the Emperor that 
 the embassy of the Bishop d Autun and the violent 
 speeches in the Assembly mean nothing at all. Molle- 
 ville confirms this, because they have now no hope from 
 England." 
 
 "This morning [January 22d] I settle my accounts 
 with my coachman and prepare for my departure for Eng 
 land. Vicq d Azyr comes in while I am at the Louvre and 
 tells me that he has been to my lodgings, at the request of 
 Her Majesty, to desire that, if I learn anything in England 
 interesting to them, I would communicate it." 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 5OI 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Morris goes to England. Suspicions aroused by the suddenness of his 
 departure. A political significance given to it. Letter to Washing 
 ton from London. Morris hears in London of his appointment as 
 Minister to France and receives his credentials. Letter to Robert 
 Morris on the difficulties attending the mission to France. Dines 
 with the Count de Woronzow. Paine s new publication. An even 
 ing with the Duchess of Gordon. Conversation with Woronzow. 
 Bishop of Autun s mission to England. Letter to Washington on 
 this subject. Mrs. Darner s studio. She is at work on a statue of 
 the king. Morris writes a verse on her art. 
 
 AFFAIRS of a strictly private character demanded 
 Morris s attention in London during the early 
 part of 1792, and forced him rather suddenly to leave 
 Paris. Suspicions were at once aroused that his journey 
 had some political significance, and it was asserted in 
 a French gazette, and copied into an English paper, that 
 he had gone over as " agent for the aristocrats." News of 
 his nomination as Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court 
 of France reached him shortly after his arrival at Lon 
 don. It was rumored, however, that the Senate had not 
 confirmed it. 
 
 But it is best to return to his own narration of events, 
 both in England and France, for he was kept apprised of 
 the latter, and his advice in regard to them was sought 
 throughout his stay in London by those men with whom 
 he had worked in Paris. The comparative safety of let- 
 
502 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 ters in England made it possible for him to send to Amer 
 ica much fuller accounts of the affairs of the European 
 world than he could from Paris, and he availed himself of 
 the opportunity. 
 
 To Washington he wrote on the 4th of February the 
 following letter : 
 
 "DEAR SIR: I wrote to you on the 2yth of December, 
 but there were many things which I did not write, and 
 some of them I will now communicate. At the close of 
 the session of the National Assembly a coalition was 
 brought about between the Jacobins and the Quatre- 
 vingt-neufs. It is proper to explain these terms. The 
 Jacobins, so called from their meeting at a convent or 
 church of that name, were then the violent party ; the 
 others, who took their name from a club instituted in the 
 year 1789, were those who termed themselves moderate 
 men. The death of Mirabeau (who was beyond all contro 
 versy one of the most unprincipled scoundrels that ever 
 lived) left a great chasm in the latter party. He was then 
 sold to the Court, and meant to bring back absolute au 
 thority. 
 
 "The chiefs of the Jacobins were violent for two rea 
 sons : First, that the Quatre-vingt-neufs would not join 
 with them seriously and heartily wherefore, not being 
 able to make head alone, they were obliged to use the 
 populace and therefore to sacrifice to the populace ; 
 secondly, that the objects of their desire were much 
 greater, though more remote, than those of the first party 
 for these last had never sought in the Revolution any 
 thing else than to place themselves comfortably, whereas 
 the Jacobins did really at first desire to establish a free 
 constitution, in the expectation that sooner or later they 
 should be at the head of it. 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 503 
 
 " The aristocrats, you will observe, were reduced to in 
 significancy before the others divided. You will remem 
 ber that the first Assembly had decreed that their mem 
 bers could neither hold any office under the Crown, nor 
 yet be chosen to represent the people. The first decree 
 was of Jacobin parentage, to disappoint their enemies, 
 who were on the point of succeeding to office ; the sec 
 ond decree was carried against the secret inclinations of 
 both. But the consequence was that each was seriously 
 disappointed, and, as the Constitution was clearly unable 
 to support itself, they began to perceive that its ruin 
 might involve their own, and therefore they formed a 
 coalition in which each determined to make use of the 
 other for its own purposes. 
 
 " But you will say, perhaps, that both together would 
 be of little use, and this is true, in a degree ; for, if the 
 Constitution had been a practicable thing, those alone who 
 were in power under it could have any real authority. 
 But that was not the case, and therefore the plan of the 
 allies was to induce a belief in the Court that they alone 
 had sufficient popularity in the nation to preserve the 
 monarchical authority against the republican party, and, 
 on the other hand, to convince the Assembly that (having 
 in their hands the royal authority) all favors, offices, and 
 grants must come through them. Thus they constituted 
 themselves, if I may be allowed the expression, the gov 
 ernment brokers of the nation. 
 
 " I have mentioned the republican party. This naturally 
 grew up out of the old Jacobin sect, for when the chiefs* 
 finding that all was nearly ruined by the want of author 
 ity, had set themselves seriously to work to correct their 
 own errors, many of their disciples, who believed what 
 their apostles had preached, and many who saw in the es 
 tablishment of order the loss of their consequence, deter- 
 
504 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 mined to throw off all submission to crowned heads as 
 being unworthy of a free people, etc. Add to this the 
 number of * moody beggars starving for a time of pell- 
 mell, havoc, and confusion. It was this coalition which 
 prevented the King from accepting the Constitution in a 
 manly manner, pointing out its capital faults, marking 
 the probable consequences., calling on them to reconsider 
 it, and declaring that his submission to their decisions 
 arose from his belief that it was the only means to avoid 
 the horrors of civil war. They saw that this conduct 
 would render them responsible, and although it w r as the 
 most likely means of obtaining a good constitution at a 
 future day, and would have bound the King down to the 
 principles he should then advance, yet they opposed, be 
 cause such good constitution would be established, not 
 only without but even against them, and would, of course, 
 deprive them of those objects which they were in pursuit 
 of. The King contended strongly for that kind of accept 
 ance which I have just mentioned, but he was b^rne 
 down, being threatened with popular commotions fatal to 
 himself and his family, and with that civil war which he 
 most wished to avoid, as the necessary result of such fatal 
 commotions. 
 
 "Shortly after his acceptance it became necessary to 
 appoint another Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. de Mont- 
 morin having insisted so strongly on retiring that the 
 King could no longer with propriety ask him to stay. The 
 state of the ministry was then as follows: M. Duport, the 
 Keeper of the Seals, a creature of and sworn adherent 
 to the triumvirate ; which triumvirate is another Duport, 
 Barnave, and Alexandre Lameth being the chief of the 
 old Jacobins. I say the old Jacobins, for the present 
 Jacobins are the republican party. This Keeper of the 
 Seals constantly communicated everything that passed in 
 
1792] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 505 
 
 council to his coadjutors. The Minister of the Interior, M. 
 Delessart, was a wavering creature, one of those of whom 
 Shakespeare says that they renege, affirm, and turn their 
 halcyon beaks with every gale and vary of their masters." 
 He had been one of M. Necker s underlings, was brought 
 forward by him, and had connected himself with the trium 
 virate, M. Necker s enemies, as being the strongest party, 
 but still kept up a good understanding with the others. 
 Duportail, the Minister at War, of whom I formerly spoke 
 to you when he was appointed and foretold the conduct 
 he would pursue toward his creator, M. de Lafayette, was 
 also completely subservient to the triumvirate. But at 
 that time he was so much embroiled with the Assembly 
 that his speedy resignation seemed unavoidable. M. Ber- 
 trand de Molleville had just been appointed to the Marine, 
 an office which M. de Bougainville had refused to accept. 
 He was pushed to it by the Quatre-vingt-neufs, whom he 
 despises, and told the King that he would not be a mem 
 ber of a ministry many of whom he knew to be unfaithful 
 to him. M. Bertrand was brought forward by the same 
 influence, but he is really attached to the Crown, wishes 
 ardently to obtain a good constitution for his country, is an 
 intelligent, sensible, and laborious man formerly of the 
 robe and the particular friend of M. de Montmorin. I 
 mentioned to you formerly that M. de Choiseul * had re 
 fused the office of Foreign Affairs. While it was in ques 
 tion who should be appointed to succeed M. de Montmorin, 
 the King, of his own head, named the Comte de Moustier, 
 
 * Marie-Gabriel-Florens-Auguste, Comte de Choiseul, was born at Paris, 
 September 27, 1752. After a brilliant success in society he travelled much 
 in Greece and Asia Minor, and gave to the world an account of all of 
 his adventures in his Voyage pittoresque. " Louis XVI. in 1784 sent him to 
 Constantinople as ambassador. In 1792 M. de Choiseul was proscribed, and 
 fled to Russia. He returned to France in 1802, and died there in 1817, aged 
 seventy-four years. 
 
506 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 and wrote him a letter on the subject which Moustier 
 has since shown to me. He had the prudence to write 
 from Berlin to decline accepting until after he should be 
 in Paris. When he arrived in that city the King told him 
 that he could not give him the office, because he was con 
 sidered as an aristocrat. You will observe that the coalition 
 had been at work to get rid of him, and here I must make 
 a digression. The plan was that, as soon as circumstances 
 would permit, a Minister at War should be appointed, 
 faithful to the King, and then Bougainville take the Ma 
 rine, Bertrand be appointed Keeper of the Seals, and De- 
 lessart either kept in or turned out as he should behave. 
 This plan was not known to the coalition at all, but they 
 well knew that if Moustier got into place it would be a 
 step towards the destruction of their influence and author 
 ity ; they therefore assured the King that they could not 
 answer for consequences, threatened him with popular 
 commotions, with opposition in the Assembly, and the like, 
 so that at last he gave up his nomination and explained 
 the matter to Moustier. A long interregnum ensued in 
 that office, and as M. de Montmorin absolutely refused to 
 continue any longer, the portefeuille was given to M. De- 
 lessart, and after some time the Comte de Segur was ap 
 pointed. He accepted in the belief of two things, in both 
 of which he was mistaken : one that he had the confi 
 dence of the King and Queen, but he had never taken the 
 right way to obtain either their confidence or that of 
 others ; the second article of his creed was that the trium 
 virate (his patrons) commanded a majority in the Assem 
 bly. He was undeceived as to the latter point immediately, 
 and therefore threw up the office and went out of town. 
 
 "Under these circumstances M. de Narbonne tried hard 
 to obtain that place, and as I have mentioned his name and 
 that of M. de Choiseul, I will in this place mention that of 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 5O/ 
 
 the Abbe de Perigord, afterwards Bishop of Autun. These 
 three are young men of high family, men of wit, and men 
 of pleasure. The two former were men of fortune, but had 
 spent it. They were intimates all three, and had run the 
 career of ambition together to retrieve their affairs. On 
 the score of morals neither of them is exemplary. The 
 bishop is particularly blamed on that head ; not so much 
 for adultery, because that was common enough among the 
 clergy of high rank, but for the variety and publicity of 
 his amours, for gambling, and, above all, for stock-jobbing 
 during the ministry of M. de Calonne, with whom he was 
 on the best terms and therefore had opportunities which 
 his enemies say he made no small use of. However, I do 
 not believe in this, and I think that, except his gallantries 
 and a mode of thinking rather too liberal for a churchman, 
 the charges are unduly aggravated. It was by the bishop s 
 intrigues principally that M. de Choiseul was formerly 
 nominated to the office of Foreign Affairs, but he preferred 
 staying at Constantinople till he could see which way 
 things would settle, and to that effect he prevailed on the 
 Vizier, or, rather, the Reis Effendi, to write that he thought 
 it much for the interest of France that he should stay for 
 three years longer in that city. M. de Narbonne is said 
 by some to be the son of Louis the Fifteenth by Madame 
 Adelaide his own daughter, and one of the present King s 
 aunts. Certain it is that the old lady, now at Rome, has 
 always protected and befriended him in the warmest 
 manner. 
 
 " In the beginning of the Revolution he, a great anti- 
 Neckerist though the lover en titre of Madame de Stael, 
 M. Necker s daughter, was not a little opposed to the 
 Revolution, and there was afterwards some coldness be 
 tween him and the Bishop, partly on political accounts, 
 and partly because he (in common with the rest of the 
 
508 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 world) believed the Bishop to be too well with his mistress. 
 By the by, she tells me that it is not true, and of course 
 I, who am a charitable man, believe her. This coldness 
 was however at length removed by the interference of 
 their common friends, and the Bishop labored hard to get 
 his friend Narbonne appointed to the office of Foreign 
 Affairs. But the King would not agree to this, because of 
 the great indiscretion of Madame de Stael. M. Delessart 
 was therefore appointed, he being very glad to get rid of 
 the Department of the Interior, where he had everything to 
 apprehend from want of power, want of order, and want 
 of bread. The next step was to bring M. de Narbonne 
 forward to fill the place of M. Duportail, and to this M. 
 Delessart gave his hearty assistance by way of compen 
 sating for the disappointment in the other department. 
 Finally the Interior or Home Department was filled by a 
 M. Cahier de Gerville of whom I know very little, nor 
 is it necessary that I should. 
 
 "This ministry, extremely disjointed in itself, and strong 
 ly opposed by the Assembly, possesses, on the whole, but a 
 moderate share of talents ; for though the Comte de Nar 
 bonne is a man of wit and a very pleasant, lively fellow, he 
 is by no means a man of business ; and though M. Ber- 
 trand de Molleville has talents, yet, according to the old 
 proverb, * One swallow never makes a summer. Such as 
 it is, everyone of them is convinced that the Constitution 
 is good for nothing ; and unfortunately there are many of 
 them so indiscreet as to disclose that opinion, when at the 
 same time they declare their determination to support and 
 execute it, which is, in fact, the only rational mode (which 
 now remains) of pointing out its defects. It is unnecessary 
 to tell you that some members of the National Assembly are 
 in the pay of England, for that you will easily suppose. 
 Brissot de Warville is said to be one of them, and, -indeed 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 509 
 
 (whether from corrupt or other motives I know not), his 
 conduct tends to injure his own country and benefit that 
 of their ancient foes in a very eminent degree. The situ 
 ation of their finances is such that every considerate per 
 son sees the impossibility of going on in the present way, 
 and as a change of system after so many pompous decla 
 mations is not a little dangerous among a people so wild 
 and ungoverned, it has appeared to them that a war would 
 furnish some plausible pretext for measures of a very de 
 cisive nature, in which state necessity will be urged in the 
 teeth of policy, humanity, and justice. Others consider a 
 war as the means of obtaining for the government the 
 eventual command of a disciplined military force, which 
 may be used to restore order ; in other words, to bring 
 back despotism, and then they expect that the King will 
 give the nation a constitution which they have neither the 
 wisdom to form nor the virtue to adopt for themselves. 
 
 " Others, again, suppose that in case of a war there will 
 be such a leaning from the King towards his brother, from 
 the Queen towards the Emperor, from the nobility (the 
 very few) who remain, towards the mass of their brethren 
 who have left the kingdom, that the bad success naturally 
 to arise from the opposition of undisciplined mobs to 
 regular armies may be easily imputed to treasonable coun 
 sels, and the people be prevailed on to banish them alto 
 gether and set up a Federal Republic. Lastly, the aristo 
 crats, burning with the lust of vengeance, most of them 
 poor and all of them proud, hope that, supported by for 
 eign armies, they shall be able to return victorious, and 
 re-establish that species of despotism most suited to their 
 own cupidity. It happens, therefore, that the whole na 
 tion, though with different views, are desirous of war ; for 
 it is proper, in such general statements, to take in the 
 spirit of the country, which has ever been warlike. 
 
510 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIIL 
 
 " I have told you long ago that the Emperor is by no 
 means an enterprising or warlike prince. I must now, in 
 confirmation of that, inform you that in the famous con 
 ference at Pilnitz * he was taken in by the King of Prus 
 sia, for he came prepared to higgle about the nature and 
 extent of the succor to be given and forces to be em 
 ployed ; but the King cut the matter short by telling him 
 that the difference in the extent of their respective do 
 minions, and a variety of other circumstances, would jus 
 tify him in demanding greater efforts on the part of the 
 Emperor, but that he would meet him on the ground of 
 perfect equality. In consequence of this the Emperor 
 was obliged to accede, but he did so in the view and the 
 wish to do nothing. When, therefore, the King accepted 
 the Constitution, he chose to consider that as a reason why 
 foreign princes should not interfere. The King of Prussia, 
 however, gave to the King personal assurances of his good 
 will and brotherly attachment, and of this offered substantial 
 proofs. The King s true interest (and he thinks so) seems 
 to consist in preserving the peace, and leaving the Assem 
 bly to act as they may think proper, which will demon 
 strate the necessity of restoring in a great degree the royal 
 authority. The faction opposed to him are very sensible 
 of this, which forms an additional reason for driving 
 everything to extremity, and therefore, with a view to de 
 stroy every root and fibre of ancient systems, they have 
 imagined to court the alliance of Great Britain and of Prus 
 sia. In consequence the Bishop of Autun has been sent 
 to this country, and, if my information be good, is author 
 ized to propose the cession of Islands of France and Bour 
 bon, and the Island of Tobago, as the price of an alliance 
 against the Emperor. This has a direct tendency to break 
 the family compact with Spain, who has long been courted 
 * Conference at Pilnitz, August, 1791. 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 511 
 
 by Britain ; for it is evident that this country will not em 
 bark in a contest which is to do France any good, and 
 therefore the game of Mr. Pitt is as clear as the sun, and 
 suits exactly his temper and disposition. He has only to 
 receive the offers made, and send copies to Vienna and 
 Madrid by way of supporting his negotiations, particularly 
 with the latter. He can offer them also the guarantee of 
 their dominions and rights against us, and by this means 
 we should find ourselves all at once surrounded by hostile 
 nations. 
 
 " The Minister of the Marine opposed violently in coun 
 cil this mission, stated the consequences, and obtained 
 some useful restrictions. M. de Warville proposed in the 
 Diplomatic Committee the cession of Dunkirk and Calais 
 to England as pledges of the fidelity of France to the en 
 gagements which she might take. You will judge from 
 this specimen of the wisdom and virtue of the faction to 
 which he belongs, and I am sure the integrity of your 
 heart will frown with indignant contempt when I tell you 
 that among the chiefs of that faction are men who owe all 
 to the personal bounty of the King. 
 
 "This mission of the Bishop d Autun has produced 
 something like a schism in the coalition. The party of 
 Lameth and Barnave are strongly opposed to it. M. De- 
 lessart, who had adopted the scheme on the representa 
 tion of the Bishop (with whom it originated) and his 
 friends, abandoned it on the representation of the others, 
 and, two days before I left Paris, express was sent to 
 assure the Emperor that, notwithstanding appearances, 
 they meant him no harm. In effect, they were again going 
 to endeavor at an alliance of the nation with him upon a 
 plan which was set on foot about three months ago by 
 those who afterwards fell into the plan of an alliance with 
 Britain. You may judge from hence how much depend- 
 
512 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 ence is to be placed on these new-fangled statesmen. The 
 King and Queen are wounded to the soul by these rash 
 measures. They have, I believe, given all needful assur 
 ance to the Emperor and the King of Spain. A confiden 
 tial person has desired me to assure you, on their behalf, 
 that they are very far from wishing to change the system 
 of French politics and abandon their old allies, and there 
 fore, if any advantage is taken of the present advances to 
 Britain, that you will consider them as originating merely 
 in the madness of the moment, and not as proceeding 
 from them, or as meeting with their approbation, but the 
 contrary. 
 
 " I shall send this letter in such way as promises the 
 greatest safety, and I must entreat you, my dear sir, to 
 destroy it for fear of accidents. You will feel how impor 
 tant it is to them that this communication be not disclosed. 
 It is merely personal from them to you, and expressive of 
 sentiments which can have no action until they have some 
 authority." 
 
 On the 6th of February Morris says in the diary : "Mr. 
 Constable calls on me this morning, and tells me I am ap 
 pointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France. 
 Mr. Penn, where I dine, congratulates me on my appoint 
 ment, but expresses his regret that it is not to this coun 
 try." How he regarded his appointment himself appears 
 in the following letter to Robert Morris, dated February 
 15, 1792 : 
 
 " I feel, as I ought, the honor conferred by the President 
 in making the nomination, and, whatever may be its fate 
 in the Senate, I shall always count the suffrage among the 
 most flattering events of my life as a mark of confi 
 dence from the person in the world whose good opinion I 
 consider as most estimable. I find that no decision was 
 made down to the morning of the 23d of December, being, 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 513 
 
 in the whole, eighteen days that it had hung by the eye 
 lids. A mischievous consequence of the delay is that for 
 eign powers will suppose there is a great division of sen 
 timent, and, of course, the minister will have less weight, 
 at least for some time, and if a bare majority should event 
 ually approve, that circumstance also will operate in the 
 same way. To obviate this evil so far as the other gentle 
 men may be concerned, I have declared here to those who 
 have wondered at the delay that I believe the exceptions, 
 if any, are against me. It has been reported that the ex 
 ception was to making any appointment whatever. But I 
 have declared my belief that this was not the case, for you 
 will observe that such opinion presupposes that the Presi 
 dent was precipitate, whereas the law passed on that sub 
 ject is of long standing. On the whole, I have thought it 
 best to make myself the scape-goat of the flock, because 
 if disapproved of it will then appear all natural enough, 
 and if appointed I must work through the difficulties as 
 well as I can. They will be less important to my country 
 the other side of the channel, and my great object is her 
 interest. 
 
 " The mission to France must be a stormy one, let it fall 
 on whom it may. You will have seen that every charac 
 ter both in and out of their country is very rudely han 
 dled by their journalists. You will observe that it was not 
 in the nature of things to make an appointment from 
 America which would have been unexceptionable, and to 
 have made none would have been offensive, for the con 
 clusion would have been that America looked with con 
 tempt at their present situation. That kingdom is split 
 up into parties whose inveteracy of hatred is hardly con 
 ceivable, and the royalists and aristocrats consider Amer 
 ica and the Americans as having occasioned their mis 
 fortunes. The former charge it upon us as ingratitude, 
 33 
 
514 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 seeing that it was the King who stepped forward to our 
 relief. Should this party get the better in the struggle 
 there are very few Americans who would (for the present) 
 be well received. On the other hand, the republicans 
 consider everything short of downright democracy as an 
 abandonment of political principle in America. To stand 
 well with all parties is impossible, but it is possible, and 
 merely so, to stand well with the best people in all parties 
 without greatly offending the others, and in order to do 
 this a man must make up his mind to hear the virtuous 
 traduced by the wicked, and to listen unruffled to calumny, 
 folly, and even to insanity. I am in hopes, however, that 
 things will ere long come to some more steady bearing, 
 though the present prospect is by no means flattering or 
 fair." 
 
 As soon as Jefferson s despatches and his credentials as 
 minister reached him at London, Morris set about mak 
 ing purchases and arrangements for the furnishing of 
 his official residence in the style and completeness which 
 he deemed it necessary that a minister from the young 
 republic to the old monarchy should assume. A coach 
 and four horses, and all the trappings thereunto apper 
 taining, were among his purchases, together with large 
 supplies of silver and pipes of Malmsey and Madeira wine. 
 
 " I dine with the Russian minister, Count Woronzow,* 
 to-day," resumes the diary for February i9th. "After 
 dinner the count tells me that he is persuaded that Great 
 Britain will court the United States, in order to deprive 
 
 * Count Alexandra de Woronzow was President of the Department of Com 
 merce under Catherine II. of Russia, and in this capacity signed several 
 treaties with England and the different Northern powers. Subsequently he 
 became ambassador at London. Under Alexander he was made Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, and Chancellor of the Empire. Highly educated, and with 
 great ability, he was, nevertheless, exceedingly irascible, and not always 
 cautious in guarding diplomatic secrets. He died in 1805. 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 515 
 
 France of the West India Islands. He says that Mr. Pitt s 
 force consists in finesse ; that the Spanish ambassador 
 managed wretchedly in the course of the armament against 
 his country, and that the Comte de Florida Blanca, though 
 an able courtier, is a wretched minister, all which he prom 
 ises to explain to me at another time. He is a sensible, 
 well-informed man. He tells me that it is impossible that 
 the Emperor and King of Prussia should agree ; that the 
 Cabinet of the latter power is deeply intriguing, and will, 
 in concert with Mr. Pitt, do everything that is possible to 
 prevent the French affairs from being settled. He speaks 
 well of the Emperor, and, as he says, from personal ac 
 quaintance, and from observance of his administration in 
 Milan and his conduct since the death of his brother." 
 
 " I read Paine s new publication to-day [February 22d], 
 and tell him that I am really afraid he will be punished. 
 He seems to laugh at this, and relies on the force he has 
 in the nation. He seems to become every hour more 
 drunk with self-conceit. It seems, however, that his work 
 excites but little emotion, and rather raises indignation. 
 I tell him that the disordered state of things in France 
 works against all schemes of reformation both here and 
 elsewhere. He declares that the riots and outrages in 
 France are nothing at all. It is not worth while to con 
 test such declarations. I tell him, therefore, that as I am 
 sure he does not mean what he says, I shall not dispute it. 
 Visit the Duchess of Gordon, who tells me that she sup 
 poses I give Paine his information about America, and 
 speaks very slightly of our situation, as being engaged in a 
 civil war with the Indians. I smile, and tell her that Brit 
 ain is also at war with Indians, though in another hemi 
 sphere. General Murray observes that the prosperity of a 
 nation can best be determined by the state of the funds, 
 and that ours are very high. I confirm this observation, 
 
516 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 which silences her grace. She asks me afterwards what 
 the Americans think of Mr. Pitt. I tell her that there can 
 be but one opinion on that subject everywhere, viz., that 
 he is a very able man. She says she understands that he 
 is very high in France, which even wishes an alliance, but 
 that cannot be, and then asks my opinion of Bishop d Au- 
 tun, who is, she is told, a very profligate fellow. I tell her 
 he is a sensible, pleasant man, his morals not exemplary, 
 but that matter much exaggerated." 
 
 " Dine with the Count WorouzowenfamiHe [March 6th]. 
 He tells me that it is impossible the King of Prussia should 
 join heartily with the Emperor. He had informed me last 
 Sunday that the King was offered by the emigrant princes 
 a considerable arrondissement on the Lower Rhine, from 
 the Elector Palatine s dominions, and to make that Elec 
 torate whole by the cession of Alsace. He sent immedi 
 ately to the Emperor, and his messenger, Bischoffswerder, 
 offered to join in procuring the addition of French Flan 
 ders to the Imperial Low Countries, but the Emperor re 
 plied that if he did interfere in the affairs of France it 
 should be as a friend and not for the spoil. He tells me 
 that the Bishop d Autun has offered a cession of the Island 
 of Tobago, the demolition of Cherbourg, and an extension 
 of the treaty of commerce, if England will, in case of a 
 war with the Emperor, preserve a strict neutrality. He 
 received for answer that England could not take any en 
 gagement whatever respecting the affairs of France. He 
 adds that the Bishop is not now received, because he 
 boasted of a credit for ^40,000, which was to do wonders, 
 and because he has frequented constantly the Dissenters. 
 He tells me that young Laborde has written a letter, which 
 he saw, mentioning that they would try the Cabinets of 
 London and Berlin. He says that the British Cabinet 
 mean to establish the independence of Santo Domingo 
 
i 79 2.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 and the other French islands, wherefore the offer of To 
 bago does not weigh ; that they expect the demolition of 
 Cherbourg by the sea in its present unfinished state, and, 
 at any rate, are indifferent about it while the marine of 
 France remains in its present condition ; and as to a treaty 
 of commerce, the want of one is now supplied by contra 
 band, which is vastly easy. But the possession by France 
 of the Low Countries is of the greatest moment, and not 
 to be permitted. The Comte de Woronzow inveighed 
 against M. de Lafayette in the strongest terms I ever 
 heard. He said that though bred a military man, and 
 obliged sometimes to order punishments, he never could 
 behold an execution, his nature recoiling from the view 
 of human misery ; but yet if Lafayette and the Duke of 
 Orleans were to be broken on the wheel at Falmouth, 
 and he had no means of seeing it done but by going 
 thither on foot, he would set out immediately. This is 
 strong language." 
 
 "This morning [March isth] M. Jaubert breakfasted 
 with me. He came from Paris to consult me on the part 
 of M. de Monciel, whether he should accept a place in the 
 ministry and which I opine is for the Foreign Affairs 
 comme la seule faisable. He tells me that Narbonne has 
 been guilty of notorious peculations, and, after having 
 sold contracts for the army, has allowed to the contractors 
 the depreciation of their money. He is to be turned out, 
 and M. de Graave is among the persons talked of to replace 
 him. Delessart will go out as the price of his duplicity, 
 and Cahier de Gerville for impotence. Monciel has re 
 fused any place until, through M. Bertrand, he was sure 
 that the King approved personally, and then he preferred 
 rather the Department of the Interior, but waits for my 
 opinion and advice. We have a good deal of conversa 
 tion respecting the state of parties, etc. He tells me that 
 
518 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 the Assembly is very low, and would have been quite 
 down but that Narbonne s intrigues have contributed to 
 give them a little lift, at the expense of order and good 
 government, in order to feather his nest. He is well with 
 Brissot and the rest of that wretched and pernicious 
 faction. They desire to know of me what conduct is 
 to be -pursued in order to arrive at a good government. I 
 do not choose to enter deeply into this subject for the 
 present, because so much depends on circumstances, but 
 say, in general, that the first step is to produce a general 
 conviction that the present Constitution is good for noth 
 ing. He says that this is already done, and that peo 
 ple in general seem to think that the kingdom is ruined 
 past redemption. I do not, however, think that opinion is 
 even near to the needful point. I tell him that they must 
 have for Minister of War a very determined fellow ; that 
 such a man will, like any other, work his own ruin, but he 
 will effect the beginning of good. The Chevalier de 
 Graave will do no good in that place ; at least, I think not." 
 "Visit Lord Lansdowne [March i6th]. He speaks of 
 peculations in ministers as a thing of minor importance, 
 although he himself detests it, and observes that even 
 in my virtuous country it prevailed to a great extent. I 
 assure him very seriously and very truly that he is misin 
 formed. He says that Mr. Pitt and the King are not well 
 together, and have not been so for a long time past. The 
 cause is the Prince s debts. He gives me two versions of 
 that story, one of which is that Mr. Pitt, having been 
 pressed by the sovereign on this subject, had declined 
 with some offensive expressions. This wounded the fa 
 ther and the mother, who declares it to be the great and 
 only object of her life to conciliate the family differences. 
 Mr. Pitt s friends, on the contrary, declare the whole story 
 to be an abominable falsehood, and add that if there be 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 519 
 
 any one subject more particularly offensive than another 
 to His Majesty, it is the mention of the Prince ; that it 
 never was a question with the King to pay those debts ; 
 that the Chancellor did indeed once say something of the 
 kind, but he is a strange sort of man and nobody minds 
 him." 
 
 The Bishop of Autun s mission to England formed the 
 subject of a letter from Morris to Washington, dated 
 March iyth. Referring to a former letter in which he had 
 spoken of the measures pursued by different parties, in 
 cluding the mission of the Bishop of Autun, Morris con 
 tinues : "As the Bishop d Autun has now got back to 
 Paris, it may be well to communicate the result. His re 
 ception was bad, for three reasons : First, that the Court 
 look with horror and apprehension at the scenes acting in 
 France, of which they consider him as a prime mover ; 
 secondly, that his reputation is offensive to persons who 
 pique themselves on decency of manners and deportment ; 
 and, lastly, because he was so imprudent when he first 
 arrived as to propagate the idea that he should corrupt 
 the members of administration, and afterwards by keep 
 ing company with leading characters among the Dissenters, 
 and other similar circumstances. He renewed the im 
 pression made before his departure from Paris, that he 
 meant to intrigue with the discontented. His public re 
 ception, however, furnishes no clue to decide on the suc 
 cess of his mission, because the former might have been 
 very bad and the latter very good. The fact, however, is 
 that he could offer- nothing worthy of their acceptance, and 
 that what he asked was of a nature not to be granted. His 
 offer was confined to a cession of Tobago, a demolition of 
 the works of Cherbourg, and an extension of the commer 
 cial treaty. He asked a strict neutrality in case of a war 
 with the Emperor. Now you will observe that no Court 
 
20 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 could prudently treat with France in her present situation, 
 seeing that nobody can promise in her name otherwise 
 than as godfathers and godmothers do at a christening, 
 and how such promises are kept everybody knows. Con 
 vinced of this, the Bishop never told his errand to Lord 
 Gower, the British ambassador at Paris, who mentioned 
 that circumstance to me as extraordinary, but yet as so far 
 agreeable in that he was glad not to have been called on 
 for letters of introduction. 
 
 " Respecting Tobago, I must make a digression. It is 
 now a long time since it was mentioned to me, in Paris, 
 that some of the colonists of Santo Domingo had come 
 hither to make overtures to Mr. Pitt. Since that period 
 I learnt that the French ministry were in possession of 
 documents to prove not only that he fomented the dis 
 turbances in France, but that he was in deep intrigues 
 with regard to that colony. The particular proofs are not 
 known to me, so that I cannot speak positively. Neither 
 can I vouch for what I have learnt further on that subject 
 within this month, but I am assured that it is Mr. Pitt s in 
 tention to bring about, if he can, the independence of Santo 
 Domingo. Mr. Clarkson, the great negro advocate, is 
 mentioned to me as his agent for this business at Paris, 
 and the conduct of a part of the Assembly in opposing 
 succor to that island seems corroborative of such idea. 
 This then being the case, or supposing it to be so, the 
 offer of Tobago was too trifling to attract Mr. Pitt s notice, 
 even if unconnected with other circumstances. By the 
 bye, my informant tells me also that Mr. Pitt means to 
 coax us into the adoption of his plan respecting Santo 
 Domingo ; and I learn from another quarter that he 
 means to offer us his mediation for a peace with the Ind 
 ians. If all this be true, his game is evident. The medi 
 ation is to be with us a price for adopting his plans, and 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 521 
 
 with the Indian tribes a means of constituting himself 
 their patron and protector. It may be proper to combine 
 all this with the late division of Canada and the present 
 measures for military colonization of the upper coun 
 try, and, above all, with what may come from Mr. Ham 
 mond. 
 
 " I return to Santo Domingo. If such be Mr. Pitt s 
 scheme, although we shall not, I presume, engage in or 
 countenance it, yet the success will be entirely for our ad 
 vantage, and a mere preliminary to something of the sort 
 which must happen to Jamaica on the first change of 
 wind in the political world. The destruction of the port 
 of Cherbourg is no present object with the British minis 
 try, because they suppose it will be ruined by the elements 
 before it can be completed, and because the French 
 marine is, from want of discipline, an object more of con 
 tempt than apprehension. The proffered extension of the 
 commercial treaty amounts to nothing, because at present 
 any part of France is open to contraband commerce, and 
 because there is little reason to believe that the stipula 
 tions in a treaty now made would be of any long duration. 
 Thus it happens that neither of the objects offered was 
 worthy of notice. But the neutrality required was of 
 a most important nature. By leaving the Austrian Low 
 Countries exposed to French invasion, it would have been 
 a violation both of ancient and recent treaties. Nor is 
 this all, for (as I have already had occasion to remark) the 
 annexation of those provinces to the French monarchy 
 would prove almost, if not altogether, fatal to Great Brit 
 ain. And when we consider that they are almost in re 
 volt already, and that it is, in fact, their interest to become 
 one with France, there is reason to suppose that a 
 union might have been effected in case of a war with the 
 Emperor. So much, then, on the ground of good faith and 
 
522 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 good policy. But there is still a further cause which, as the 
 world goes, may be equal in its operation to all others. It 
 seems to be a moot point whether it is the British or Rus 
 sian Cabinet which directs the other. Perhaps there may 
 be a little of both, but, be all that as it may, this much 
 is certain : that neither feels disposed to counteract the 
 views of its ally in any open manner. Now, putting aside 
 the personal feelings which naturally agitate the sover 
 eign of this as well as of other kingdoms in regard to 
 the French Revolution, it is notorious that, from the very 
 dawn of it, agents were employed to foment a spirit of re 
 volt in other States, particularly in Prussia. The King of 
 Prussia therefore feels for the French Revolutionists all the 
 enmity of a proud, passionate, and offended German prince. 
 Add to this that the Elector of Hanover, as such, cannot 
 wish for a change in the government of Germany. If, 
 therefore, it had been the interest of Great Britain to 
 establish a free constitution in France (which it certainly 
 is not), I am perfectly convinced that this Court would 
 never have made a single effort for the purpose. 
 
 " I stated to you, in my last, the French ministry as be 
 ing extremely disjointed. It was too much so for any 
 durable existence ; besides which, the members took 
 effectual means to precipitate each other s ruin. M. de 
 Narbonne wished to get into the office of Foreign Affairs. 
 This was desirable to him, it is said, on many accounts, 
 but particularly so because it gives command of large 
 sums without account. Whatever may have been his 
 motives, the following seems to have been his conduct. 
 He stood forth the advocate of all violent measures. This 
 would naturally have excited suspicions with thinking 
 men, but not so with the Assembly. He associated him 
 self to the partisans of democracy, and while, by this 
 means, he secured himself against their clamors, he took 
 
I792.J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 523 
 
 great care of his pecuniary affairs. This, at least, is 
 affirmed to me, but with the addition that he had the in 
 dependence to pay off his debts, although it is notorious 
 that his estate (which is in Santo Domingo) is among the 
 many which are laid waste. It is further asserted that, in 
 order to quiet the clamors of contractors who had given 
 him money and found themselves in the road to ruin, he 
 agreed to compensate the depreciation of the assignats. 
 In order to remove a great obstacle to his proceedings he 
 joined in the intrigues against M. Bertrand de Molleville, 
 and at the same time fostered the other intrigues against M. 
 Delessart with a view of getting his place. The proofs of 
 all these things are said to be in the King s hands. M. 
 Delessart s conduct I have already in part communicated. 
 I must add that afterwards, imagining that Brissot de War- 
 ville and Condorcet were omnipotent in the Assembly, he 
 violated his engagements made with the triumvirate, and 
 wrote some despatches conformably to the views of those 
 two gentlemen. In consequence of this it was resolved 
 to displace him, and they were looking out for a suc 
 cessor. The person applied to was actually deliberating 
 whether he should or should not accept at the moment 
 when Brissot brought about his impeachment and arrest. 
 In this same moment M. de Narbonne was dismissed, and 
 with him was to go M. de Gerville. The Chevalier de 
 Graave succeeds M. de Narbonne. When I left Paris he 
 was attached to the triumvirate. He does not want for 
 understanding, but I think it almost impossible that he 
 should succeed. M. Bertrand, against whom an address 
 from the Assembly was at length carried, has, I find, re 
 signed. There is something at the bottom which I cannot 
 discover without being on the spot, but you may rely 
 upon it he goes out with the full confidence of the King 
 and Queen. My informations from Paris were previous 
 
524 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 to the news of the Emperor s death, which has probably 
 occasioned the violent proceedings against poor Delessart, 
 by removing the fears of those who (in the midst of all 
 their big words) were confoundedly frightened. What 
 may be the consequences of this event it is impossible to 
 determine, or even to conjecture. Much, very much, de 
 pends on the personal character of his successor, which I 
 am not yet acquainted with. 
 
 " It is supposed by some here that Mr. Pitt is not strong 
 in the Cabinet, although the majority in Parliament was 
 never more decisive, and this is said to arise from his 
 refusing to ask money for payment of the Prince of 
 Wales s debts, which the King (it is said) was desirous of, 
 and which his minister declined with some offensive ex 
 pressions. Mr. Pitt s friends insist, on the other hand, 
 that the whole story is false from beginning to end. For 
 my own part, I do not think he will be turned out, 
 because I believe him to be a very cunning fellow, and 
 although he has conducted foreign affairs but poorly, he 
 manages all the little Court and Parliamentary intrigues 
 with consummate address." 
 
 The diary for March 25th resumes : " Take a ride in 
 the park and dine with the Corps Diplomatique at the 
 Count de Roederen s. The French Assembly have par 
 doned the assassins of Avignon. This is dreadful. Go 
 from hence to Madame de la Luzerne s and sit there some 
 time. The society here, who are all aristocrats, say that 
 not one in a hundred of the French nation is attached to 
 the present government. Qiiczre : It is certain that many 
 priests who had taken the oath retract, so that religion 
 seems to be embarked in the quarrel, and if at the same 
 moment the artillery of an enemy and the thunders of the 
 Vatican shall be directed against them, many will be 
 staggered ; if, in addition, a good constitution be pro- 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 525 
 
 posed, it may work a wonderful and happy change, which 
 God grant." 
 
 "An express arrived last night," Morris wrote to Wash 
 ington on April 6th, " bringing an account of the assas 
 sination of the King of Sweden the 26th of last month at 
 a masquerade, and thus another crown falls on the head 
 of a young sovereign. Those who conceive the French 
 Jacobins to be at the bottom of a great king-killing pro 
 ject, approach the deaths of the Emperor, the King of 
 Sweden, and the movements making against France, from 
 whence they infer that the King of Prussia should take 
 care of himself, and be cautious of his looks and compan 
 ions. Such sudden deaths in so critical a moment are 
 extraordinary, but I do not usually believe in enormities, 
 and cannot see how a club can pursue a path of horrors 
 where secrecy is essential to success. The young King of 
 Hungary has made such reply to the peremptory demands 
 of France as to cool a little the extravagance of joy mani 
 fested on his father s death. I am told that he is a dis 
 ciple rather of his Uncle Joseph than of his father, and if 
 this be so he will not long remain idle. The death of his 
 Swedish Majesty will, however, make some derangement 
 in the plan of operations. How all these things will end 
 God only knows." 
 
 "Dine [April 8th] with Count Woronzow. We are 
 comme tete-a-tete. We have much conversation after din 
 ner. He says that Mr. Pitt was well enough inclined to 
 a connection with America, but Lord Sheffield s book 
 banished that idea. He says that for a long time he 
 believed him to be an honest, candid man, but that he 
 had at last detected him in seriously asserting on his own 
 honor things absolutely false ; that the British Govern 
 ment have spread all over Europe the most unfavorable 
 impressions respecting America. Desires to have Ham- 
 
526 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 ikon s Reports to Congress. He says the object of Lord 
 Macartney s * mission to China is to get some exclusive 
 right to the trade, and that money well employed at 
 Pekin will insure success, the Chinese being the most 
 corrupt, as w T ell as the most cowardly wretches in exist 
 ence. He says that a leading character in the adminis 
 tration of India affairs was heard to say, in the time when 
 they expected to learn every hour of the fall of Seringa- 
 patam, that now was the time to turn their arms against 
 China. He mentions the insolence of Mr. Pitt s menaces 
 to him (in the late armament, finding that he would not 
 basely betray his sovereign, he had the insolence to 
 threaten him with the loss of his place) and the meanness 
 of his subsequent indirect apologies. He says, also, that 
 the Marquis del Campo was so much a tool of this ad 
 ministration that he kept entirely secret from the French 
 ambassador all his proceedings, and that when the Span 
 ish Minister at the Hague published, in the Gazette of 
 Leyden, some observations which had, in the course of 
 that negotiation, been made by Del Campo, they gave 
 him a severe rap over the knuckles and drove him to 
 entreat of the Minister at the Hague that all further pub 
 lications should be suppressed. He tells me that the 
 removal of Florida Blanca and advancement of d Aranda 
 has given them very great concern. He says that Lord 
 Elgin is certainly sent over to France for the purposes of 
 intrigue. The conduct they have observed on the taking 
 of the Resolute is, he says, the most impertinent imagin 
 able ; that Lord Grenville told Mr. Hertsinger he must 
 
 * George Macartney, Earl of Macartney, was appointed in 1764 envoy to 
 Russia, and succeeded in negotiating an alliance between that country and 
 England. Subsequently he was made Governor of Granada, and later of 
 Madras. The same position was offered to him in Bengal, but he declined 
 it. After the fulfilment of a confidential mission to Italy he was, in 1792, 
 appointed the first envoy of Britain to China. Born in 1737, died, 1806. 
 
 \ 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. $2? 
 
 be sensible that they had a right to act as they had done 
 by the commercial treaty, to which the latter replied only 
 by expressing his astonishment. Mrs. Church and I go 
 to visit Mrs. Darner. She is at work on her statue of the 
 King, and it is a curious spectacle to see a delicate and 
 fine woman with the chisel and mallet chipping a huge 
 block of marble. She shows me two heads Which are 
 very fine. Lady Lyttleton had formerly condemned in 
 strong terms her pursuit, and dwelt on the indecency of 
 those nudities which form a necessary appendage to every 
 statuary s study. I thought then of a few lines on the 
 subject, and with a very bad pen now write them. 
 
 Why so sternly condemn my pursuits, noble dame, 
 
 And say that my cheeks should be crimsoned with shame? 
 
 Can the learned or lovely object to a plan 
 
 Whose motive is taste, and whose subject is man? 
 
 A numerous offspring, all sages declare, 
 
 Are the gems the most precious a matron can wear ; 
 
 And you, once so blest by connubial love, 
 
 The truth of that maxim will surely approve. 
 
 Since, then, tis your praise the live subject to bear, 
 
 Need / blush who in stone the cold copy prepare ? " 
 
 " I dine with Mr. and Mrs. Church en famille to-day 
 [April 24th], and sit with him after dinner. The King of 
 Sweden is dead of his wounds, and Church tells me that 
 on Lord Elgin s return despatches were sent off to inform 
 the King of Hungary that, let the declaration of war come 
 from whichever side it may, he is the aggressor, and that 
 this Court, notwithstanding their treaty of guarantee of 
 that country to the House of Austria, are determined, if 
 possible, to stand neuter. Church tells me, which, indeed, 
 I suspected before, that he was concerned with the late 
 French ambassador in stock speculations during the Span 
 ish armament. He says that Del Campo made regular 
 
528 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 communication of all his despatches to La Luzerne. But 
 yet they made little or nothing by the speculation, and 
 should have made a plum apiece if the thing had ended 
 in the time and manner which was expected. He says 
 that Mr. Pitt is a very great rascal, as great as his father, 
 though not by any means so great a man ; that, far from 
 being a daring Minister, he is timid, and therefore false ; 
 that he is an unblushing promise-breaker, and will de 
 scend to any meanness in order to carry a favorite point." 
 
I79 2.J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 529 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Morris returns to Paris. Hears rumors that he will not be received in his 
 diplomatic capacity. Makes arrangements to fulfil the requirements 
 of his position. News from the armies. Madame de Tarente asks of 
 Morris advice for the queen. Interview with the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs. Conversation with Moustier. Disorder in the armies. The 
 king disarms his guard. Morris is presented to the king. Letter 
 to Jefferson. Dines with Dumouriez. Sudden change in the min 
 istry. Jeu de la Reine. Much movement in Paris. Guard march 
 ing under Morris s windows. Monciel asks his advice in this crisis. 
 The deputation from the faubourgs fill the Chateau and insult the 
 queen. Morris goes to Court. The king receives a part of the mili 
 tia. Lafayette arrives at Paris. Addresses the Assembly. The 
 queen polite to Morris. 
 
 MORRIS had not been many days in Paris, where 
 he arrived on the 6th of May, before he heard 
 rumors that there were doubts as to his being received in 
 his diplomatic capacity. 
 
 "Madame de Flahaut," he says [May nth], " tells me 
 that M. Dumouriez will not receive me as Minister from 
 America ; so, at least, she is told by a member of the As 
 sembly. We shall see. I tell M. Bremond and M. Jau- 
 bert what M. Crevecceur has said, and they determine to 
 pump La Sonde on the subject. Mr. Swan comes to see 
 me, and insists that the idea of not receiving me was 
 started by Short, but I do not believe it. He tells me 
 that La Foret has written to the ministry to be on their 
 guard lest I should outwit them." 
 
 "Dine at Madame Foucault s [May i2th], where there is 
 a large company of aristocrats. They have letters from 
 34 
 
530 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 the different armies, which all concur in stating the disci 
 pline to be complete. As I come away Tronchan, who is 
 a great revolutionist, expresses to me his apprehensions 
 and asks my opinion. I tell him that it seems probable 
 that despotism will be re-established as the necessary con 
 sequence of anarchy. I have hired a house in the Rue de 
 la Planche at 3,500! per annum. Go to the manufacture 
 of Angouleme and order some porcelain. My servant 
 Martin says he cannot serve me as maitre d hotel unless 
 I will take a frotteur under him, and wishes his account, 
 which I make out. The Baron de Grandcour stops me as 
 I go out to tell me the news. He says that two and a half 
 regiments of cavalry are gone over to the enemy ; that 
 the troops are everywhere in mutiny, and Lafayette s 
 army without necessaries of every kind, the horses dead, 
 the soldiers sick and weary, and the officers apprehensive 
 and discontented. Go later to the British ambassador s. 
 They consider the affairs of France here as brought to a 
 close almost, and that a few weeks must terminate the 
 business. Madame de Montmorin expresses the wish that 
 Lafayette s army may be thoroughly beaten, which she 
 considers as necessary to destroy the hopes of the revolu 
 tionists. Madame d Albani tells me, among other things, 
 that her relation, Madame de Tarente, is glad I am got 
 back. It is the gladness in that quarter which indisposes 
 the others to receive me ; at least, such is my interpreta 
 tion." 
 
 " M. de Favernay breakfasts with me [May i4th]. He 
 asks my advice as to his future conduct, which I decline 
 giving. He says there are a great number of stanch 
 friends to the King in Paris, who wait the favorable mo 
 ment to act. I tell him they had better be quiet, for the 
 people will certainly oppose the measures which they 
 espouse. Go to Madame de Tarente s, who has foolishly 
 
i 79 2.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 531 
 
 been playing the aristocrat at her section. She wishes 
 very much to have my sentiments, and I tell her that I 
 have formed none. She wishes some kind of advice for 
 the Queen ; I tell her that in my present situation I can 
 give none, but, further, I think their Majesties should not 
 only march in the line of the Constitution, but should not 
 permit any person in their presence to jest on that sub 
 ject, much less seriously to blame the ministers or their 
 measures. Dine at the Louvre. Madame de Flahaut 
 takes me aside to tell me, as a happy thing just heard from 
 M. de Rice, that the old Jacobins are willing to adopt a 
 second chamber. I tell her that it is too late, they are now 
 of no sort of consequence ; arms must decide the contro 
 versy. She is convinced at last, and thereby much dis 
 tressed. 
 
 " It is true that the two and one-half regiments of cav 
 alry have deserted, and M. de Favernay tells me that the 
 regiment of cavalry which he belongs to have signified to 
 him at Coblentz that they are ready to join them at the 
 first word. He mentions another, which was in the affair 
 of Biron and which ran away on purpose. It is whispered 
 that the corps under Gouvion has had a dressing, and M. 
 de Flahaut tells me that a commissary is come from the 
 Departement du Bas Rhin, to tell the Minister that there 
 is such a scene of plunder and disorder there that he can 
 not answer for the supply of the army." 
 
 "My interview with the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 [May i5th] is very short. I tell him that I have a small 
 favor to ask of the King, which is that he will receive me 
 without a sword, because of my wooden leg. He says 
 there will be no difficulty as to that matter, and adds that 
 I am already acquainted with the King. I reply that I 
 never saw His Majesty but in public, nor ever exchanged 
 a word with him in my life, although some of their gazettes 
 
532 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 have made of me one of his ministers, and that I am per 
 suaded that he would not know me if he should see me. 
 Upon this he says that, since I have mentioned it, he will 
 acknowledge that such is the general idea. I tell him 
 that I am naturally frank and open, and therefore do not 
 hesitate to say that in the time of the Constituent Assem 
 bly I endeavored, being then a private individual and 
 prompted by my regard for this nation, to effect certain 
 changes in the Constitution which appeared to me essen 
 tial to its existence ; that I was not successful, and being 
 at present a public man, I consider it as my duty not to 
 meddle with their affairs. I ask him then when I shall 
 wait on him to be presented, and he says he will let me 
 know, but he thinks the sooner it is done the better." 
 
 It was not with any feeling of pleasure or satisfaction 
 that Morris made preparation to fulfil the duties im 
 posed upon him by his government, as may be gathered 
 from a letter written at this time to his friend Carmichael 
 at Madrid, in which he mentions his appointment as 
 "Minister Plenipotentiary being unexpected, and it must 
 for some time to come be unpleasant." 
 
 A crisis in the history of France was at hand. The 
 plans for a European coalition against the Revolution, 
 and the invitation to foreign powers to co-operate in 
 restoring a sound government to France, wjiich had 
 been formulated at Pilnitz in August, 1791, irritated the 
 Constitutional Royalists, who availed themselves of the 
 opportunity to raise a war cry, with the hope of increasing 
 the strength of the throne. The Jacobins hoped for the 
 destruction of the monarchy in a great national struggle, 
 while both parties united in demanding the dispersion of 
 the army formed on the Rhine by the emigrant princes. 
 Other points at issue also tended to precipitate the im 
 pending crisis, and in April, 1792, the Assembly declared 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 533 
 
 war against Austria, and thus commenced the tremendous 
 struggle in which sooner or later nearly every country in 
 Europe was to take part, and which was destined to last 
 for twenty-three years. 
 
 Morris very forcibly expressed his opinion of this crisis 
 in national affairs when, writing to Carmichael on May 
 i4th, he said, " France is on the high-road to despot 
 ism. They have made the common mistake that to enjoy 
 liberty it is necessary only to demolish authority, and 
 the common consequence results, viz., that the most ardent 
 advocates for the Revolution begin now to wish and pray, 
 and even cry out, for the establishment of despotic power 
 as the only means of securing the lives and properties of 
 the people. This is terrible. The war in which they are 
 engaged furnishes a dreary prospect ; there seems to be 
 but one ground to hope for success, which is, that improb 
 able things are those which usually happen." 
 
 "Visit M. de Moustier [May lyth]. His sister, Ma 
 dame de Brehan, tells me that by taking away his appoint 
 ments they have reduced him to 2,ooof. per annum, in con 
 sequence of which he has turned off his household. It is 
 said that the Prussian troops move very slowly, and will 
 not be at Coblentz before the ist of July. M. de Moustier 
 calculates on a secure co-operation of Prussia, and states at 
 160,000 men the combined army. He says, further, that the 
 Prince of Conde has a corps of 7,000 cavalry which is ex 
 cellent. This evening I have a long conversation with 
 M. de St. Croix, who says he does not believe the foreign 
 powers will attempt Paris, but confine their efforts to 
 Alsace and Lorraine. According to him, the army will be 
 very great. He calculates the Austrian troops now in the 
 Low Countries at 60,000, and the Prussians in that neigh 
 borhood at 20,000. He states the Prussian army in March 
 at 36,000, and the troops of Hesse and Brunswick at 
 
534 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 14,000. He supposes in the Brisgau, with those now 
 near that destination, 20,000, and states the contingent of 
 the Empire, which ought to be 50,000, at 30,000. Thus he 
 says there is an army of 200,000 men, without counting the 
 second line of Austrian troops or the French emigrants, 
 which last may amount to 20,000 men." 
 
 " I hear nothing [May 20th] from M. Dumouriez,* al 
 though yesterday I wrote him a note enclosing a copy of 
 my credence and asking when I am to be presented. 
 Look at my horses, which have just arrived from England, 
 and then go to M. de Montmorin s, where I dine. The 
 Comte de Goltz comes in, who is to leave this city in a 
 few days with M. Bloomendorf, the Imperial Charge d Af- 
 faires, and others of the Corps Diplomatique. He says the 
 Prussian troops will be all arrived by the middle of June. 
 Go from thence to the British ambassador s, where we 
 learn that the good news from India was fabricated in the 
 Alley. We learn, also, that the Assembly has accused the 
 Juge de Paix, who has in the course of his duty brought 
 forward some of the members. To-day Roubit the tailor 
 brings me livery lace to look at, and, as he is an officer in 
 the Garde Nationale, he talks politics. He says the garde 
 is tres montee. He speaks of the present administration 
 as a set of scoundrels arid the Jacobin Club as being the 
 most abominable tyranny. The ancien regime, so much 
 complained of, never, he says, affected him or others in 
 his line of life, but the present system renders the whole 
 community miserable either by real injury or by the con 
 stant apprehension of evil." 
 
 " The Assembly have decreed a permanent session," 
 
 * Claude Francois Dumouriez, probably more than any other French gen 
 eral, influenced the first period of the French wars at this time. He was 
 born at Cambrai, January 25, 1739, and died in England, March 14, 1823, 
 after a long and varied career. 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 535 
 
 says the diary for May 28th, " and, it is thought, will dis 
 miss the King s life guard and overturn the Constitution. 
 I think they are actuated more by fear than by any regu 
 lar plan or principle. The officers of the Northern Army 
 have, it is said, all resigned and everything seems to be 
 fallen into confusion. M. de Favernay tells me that 
 Luckner has written to the Minister of War that the dis 
 order is so great in his army that, joined to the absolute 
 want of necessaries, he thinks it impossible to do any 
 thing." 
 
 "M. Bremond and M. Monciel call on me this morning 
 [June ist] and tell me that M. Dumouriez, in order to 
 show his sincerity, read in the Council a plan for over 
 turning the Jacobins, but was outvoted. He has since 
 promised to turn out Claviere and Servan. This latter is 
 to be replaced by M. - , a Jacobin. They are on the 
 lookout for a Minister of Contributions, and they think 
 M. Semonville is to be the successor of Dumouriez. I 
 urge Monciel to put himself in that place. They are to 
 let me know to-morrow which train they are in. They 
 are to forward the advice not to reinstate the King s 
 guard, according to the plan which I gave them. The 
 Justices of the Peace are to pursue the plaint of MM. de 
 Montmorin and Bertrand. I hear this evening that the 
 King s guard were disarmed this day by His Majesty s 
 own orders." 
 
 " M. Spardow breakfasts with me [June 3d], and we go 
 together to the Chateau of the Tuileries. I am presented 
 to the King, who, on receiving my letter of credence, says, 
 C est de la part des Etats-Unis, and his tone of voice and 
 his embarrassment mark well the feebleness of his dispo 
 sition. I reply, Oui, Sire, et ils m ont charge de temoi- 
 gner a Votre Majeste leur attachement pour elle, et pour 
 la nation frangaise. I am afterwards presented to the 
 
536 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Queen, who shows me her son, and says, II n est pas en 
 core grand. I reply, J espere, madame, qu il sera Men 
 grand, et veritablement grand. Nous y travaillons, mon 
 sieur. I then go to mass. There has been a fete civiquc 
 this day, in honor of the Mayor d Estamps, massacred by 
 a mob in doing his duty. Visit M. Dumouriez, where I 
 dine. The society is noisy and in bad style, the dinner is 
 still worse. I converse with M. Boncarere, and give him 
 reasons why they should repeal the decrees respecting our 
 commerce. He says he is fully in opinion with -me, but 
 nothing can be done till they have brought the Assembly 
 into greater consistence. I observe that Dumouriez is 
 anxious to converse. Give him the opportunity, and begin 
 by delivering the letter from the President of the United 
 States to the King on his acceptance of the Constitution. 
 He says that he cannot attend to the affairs of the United 
 States until after his return from the frontier. He says 
 that if the negotiators in England have made any con 
 siderable offers since he came into the administration it 
 is without authority. He is against all treaties other than 
 those of commerce. He thinks there is no danger to the 
 Constitution at present, that it will triumph over every 
 obstacle, and must amend itself. I think he cannot be 
 lieve one-half of what he says." 
 
 "This morning [June loth] I pay my visits to the Corps 
 Diplomatique, and go to Court. The King seems less af 
 flicted. Dine and pass the evening at the Louvre. Tell 
 Vicq d Azyr that the King and Queen must persuade 
 themselves that they are out of danger. He asks me if 
 that is my opinion. I assure him that it is, and that the 
 present troubles are but coruscations which succeed a 
 storm." 
 
 On June loth Morris commenced a series of letters to 
 Jefferson, then Secretary of State of the United States, in 
 
i 79 2.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 537 
 
 which he kept him informed of all events as they oc 
 curred. These letters were forwarded as opportunities pre 
 sented themselves ; but for obvious reasons he refrained 
 from speaking of persons in Paris. That of June loth is 
 as follows : 
 
 " THOMAS JEFFERSON, ESQ., SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 " SIR : In my interview with M. Dumouriez on the i5th 
 of May, he told me that he thought it was best I should 
 be presented to the King immediately, but yet my first 
 audience did not take place until the 3d of this month. 
 He apologized for this delay as proceeding from the state 
 of public affairs, which kept him continually occupied and 
 agitated. I will not trouble you with repeating what 
 passed at my reception by the King and Queen. On the 
 next day I dined with M. Dumouriez, and delivered the 
 letter from the President to the King on his acceptance 
 of the Constitution, of which letter I had previously made 
 a translation, to avoid mistakes of their agents, which are 
 not uncommon. By the bye, several members of the Corps 
 Diplomatique have spoken to me on the subject of this let 
 ter, which has given them a high idea of the President s 
 wisdom. I took occasion, according to your instructions, 
 to mention the obnoxious act of the late Assembly both to 
 M. Dumouriez and to M. Boncarere, his confidential secre 
 tary. The latter told me that he coincided with me in 
 opinion fully on that subject, but that nothing could be 
 done till they brought the Assembly into more consistency ; 
 that they could, indeed, command a majority, but that 
 they could not bring that majority into a support of other 
 measures than those of the moment ; that (however) we 
 might digest the business and put it in train. M. Dumou 
 riez told me that his system of politics was extremely sim 
 ple ; that a power so great as France stood in no need of 
 
538 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 alliances, and therefore he was against all treaties other 
 than those of commerce. You are already informed, I 
 suppose, of the reasons which led to a declaration of war 
 against the King of Hungary, and you know that the hope 
 of an insurrection in the Austrian Flanders was among 
 those reasons. Indeed, the intention to excite it, and the 
 efforts made to that effect, have (for the first time, I be 
 lieve, in modern days) been publicly avowed. This hope 
 has hitherto proven fallacious, and, indeed, as far as can be 
 judged from the temper and character of the Flemish peo 
 ple, and from the information I have been able to collect, 
 it seems to be the better opinion that, however they may 
 feel an aversion to the Austrian Government, they are still 
 less disposed to that of France. There is therefore no 
 probability of any capital diversion in that quarter, and 
 the chance of it is daily decreasing from two natural 
 causes : first, that the French troops are extremely undis 
 ciplined, and, secondly, that the force of their enemies will 
 soon receive very considerable additions. Having com 
 bined all the intelligence that can be relied on, it results 
 that about the middle of next month the allied armies will 
 be one hundred and eighty thousand strong, exclusive of 
 the French emigrants. It is doubtful whether these last 
 will be permitted to act, and for the following reasons : 
 First, it is not to be supposed that twenty thousand gen 
 tlemen volunteers, serving at their own expense, can be 
 well disciplined ; consequently, it is to be apprehended 
 that they will be more injurious to their friends than to 
 their enemies. Secondly, it is next to impossible that 
 in such a number, all irritated by injuries, either real 
 or supposed, there will not be some who will act more from 
 motives of private vengeance than regard to public good, 
 and it is certain that acts of cruelty and injustice will rather 
 tend to prolong than terminate the contest ; at least, to give 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 539 
 
 it that termination which they wish for. Thirdly, it is 
 notorious that the great mass of the French nation is less 
 solicitous to preserve the present order of things than to 
 prevent the return of the ancient oppressions, and, of 
 course, would more readily submit to a pure despotism 
 than to that kind of monarchy whose only limits were 
 found in those noble, legal, and clerical corps by which 
 the people were alternately oppressed and insulted ; and 
 this observation leads naturally to the object of the com 
 bined powers, which I conceive to be the establishment of 
 a military government on the ruins of that anarchic sys 
 tem which now prevails, and in the continuance of which 
 no power but England has any interest. The others, see 
 ing that without a counterpoise in the marine scale, Brit 
 ain must possess the empire of the ocean (which, in the 
 present commercial state of the world, is a kind of uni 
 versal empire), cannot but wish to re-establish this king 
 dom. 
 
 " But a great question occurs. What kind of govern 
 ment shall be established ? The emigrants hope for their 
 darling aristocracy ; but it can hardly be supposed that 
 kings will exert themselves to raise abroad what they 
 labor incessantly to destroy at home, and more especially 
 as the French Revolution having been begun by the nobles, 
 the example will be so much the more striking if they 
 become the victims of it. But if the allied monarchs have 
 an interest in destroying the aristocracy, they have a much 
 stronger and more evident interest in preventing a free 
 and well-poised system from being adopted. Such system 
 must inevitably extend itself, and force the neighboring 
 powers to relax from their tyranny. If the Court of Ber 
 lin could have been insensible to this truth, in which it is 
 so deeply interested, the zealous reformers here would not 
 have permitted the Prussian ministers to slumber over their 
 
540 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 danger. The desire to propagate and make converts to 
 their opinions has led them so far that the quarrel, which 
 might have been only political, has become personal, and 
 I have good reason to believe, notwithstanding the pro 
 found secrecy which is preserved respecting the designs 
 of the grand alliance, that it is in contemplation to put all 
 power into the hands of the King. Things have been 
 prepared for that event by the inconsiderate partisans of 
 liberty. In their eagerness to abolish ancient institu 
 tions, they forgot that a monarchy without intermediate 
 ranks is but another name for anarchy or despotism. 
 The first, unhappily, exists to a degree scarcely to be 
 paralleled ; and such is the horror and apprehension 
 which licentious societies have universally inspired, that 
 there is some reason to believe the great mass of French 
 population would consider even despotism as a blessing, if 
 accompanied with security to person and property such 
 as is experienced under the worst governments in Europe. 
 Another great means of establishing despotism here is to 
 be found in that national bankruptcy which seems to be 
 inevitable. The expense of the last month exceeded the 
 income by about ten millions of dollars. This expense 
 continues to increase, and the revenue to diminish. The 
 estate of the clergy is consumed, and the debt is as great 
 as at the opening of the States-General. The current ex 
 pense has, by taking away the property of the church, 
 been increased about a sixth. The dilapidation in every 
 department is unexampled, and they have, to crown all, 
 an increasing paper money, which already amounts to 
 above three hundred millions of dollars. From such facts 
 it is impossible not to draw the most sinister presages. 
 The country-people have hitherto been actuated, in a great 
 measure, by the hope of gain. The abolition of tithes, of 
 feudal rights, and burdensome taxes was so pleasant that, 
 
i 79 2] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 541 
 
 a cold examination of consequences would not be ad 
 mitted, still less an inquiry into the strict measure of jus 
 tice. Next to the abolition came on those philosophical 
 and mathematical arrangements of the fisc, which are very 
 beautiful and satisfactory, and to which there lies but one 
 objection of any consequence, which is that they are in- 
 executable. Now I have frequently observed that, when 
 men are brought to abandon the paths of justice, it is not 
 easy to arrest their progress at any particular point, and 
 therefore, as the whole kingdom (Paris excepted) is inter 
 ested in the non-payment of taxes, the question will be 
 decided without much difficulty if once the legislature 
 gets out of this city. ^They are already preparing for a 
 march, and it is intended to take the King with them, to 
 which effect a decree has already passed to disband his life 
 guard, and another to collect twenty thousand men to the 
 northward of this city. An opposition will be made by 
 the Parisian militia to the latter decree, because they begin 
 to perceive the object ; and as it seems to be a pretty gen 
 eral opinion among them that no capital opposition will be 
 made to the Austrian and Prussian troops, they consider 
 the person of Louis XVI. as forming the most solid al 
 liance they have, to protect them from plunder and out 
 rage. This decree may therefore occasion either a schism 
 between the militia and the Assembly, or among the in 
 habitants of Paris, or both. Already there exists a serious 
 breach between the members of the present administra 
 tion, and part of them must go out. I have the best rea 
 son to believe that the whole will be changed before many 
 weeks, and some of them within a few days. There exists, 
 also, a mortal enmity between different parties in the As 
 sembly. At the head of the Jacobin faction is the deputa 
 tion from Bordeaux, and that city is (as you know) par 
 ticularly indisposed to our commercial interests. It is this 
 
542 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 case of universal hostility, or rather confusion, to which 
 Dumouriez alluded when he apologized for delaying my 
 audience. And it was this, also, which his confidant had 
 in view when he mentioned the necessity of waiting for a 
 greater consistency in the legislature before anything 
 could be done. M. Dumouriez told me that he was per 
 fectly easy in respect to Prussia, whose only object was 
 to get the House of Austria fairly engaged, and then to 
 take advantage of its embarrassments. I told him that he 
 must, of course, be well informed on that subject, but 
 that since the departure of the Prussian minister without 
 taking leave, I could not but suppose the intentions of 
 that court were more serious than he imagined. He gave 
 me many reasons for his opinion, which I should have sup 
 posed to be only an ostensible one if his intimates had 
 not on another occasion quoted it to me, and if I did not 
 know the principal channel through which he derives his 
 intelligence. 
 
 "A late circumstance will tend rather to establish than 
 remove this opinion I mean the attack on Poland by 
 the Empress of Russia, to overturn the new constitution. 
 Whether this movement be in concert with the Austrian 
 and Prussian Cabinets, or not, is doubtful. I cannot as 
 yet make up any tolerable judgment on the subject, but I 
 believe that in either case those cabinets will pursue their 
 object in regard to this country. The details I have en 
 tered into, and the information which you will collect from 
 the public prints, will show that in the present moment it 
 will be very difficult to excite attention to other objects than 
 those by which they are so strongly agitated. The best 
 picture I can give of the French nation is that of cattle be 
 fore a thunder-storm. And as to the government, every 
 member of it is engaged in the defence of himself or the 
 attack of his neighbor. I shall, notwithstanding, pursue 
 
i 792 .] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 543 
 
 the objects which you recommend. The obstacles to suc 
 cess form but incitements to the attempt. It must, how 
 ever, be made with caution, because any sudden change of 
 affairs may bring forward persons who would oppose a 
 measure merely because their predecessors had approved 
 of it. You desired me, among other things, to send you 
 the Moniteur, but the editor of that paper does not give 
 so faithful a report of what passes in the Assembly as 
 you will find in the Logographe. If there be any one of the 
 gazetteers who is impartial, it is the author, or, rather, 
 transcriber of this. 
 
 " I send you, of course, the Gazette of France, which 
 says, you know, whatever the ministry order it to say. 
 The Patriote Fran$ais, written by M. Brissot, will give you 
 the republican side of the question, as the Gazette Univer- 
 selle does that of the kind of monarchy proposed by the 
 Constitution. The paper called the Indicateur is written by 
 a party w r ho wish a more vigorous executive, although 
 (strange to tell) this party consists of the persons who in 
 the beginning of the late Assembly did everything to bring 
 the kingdom into the situation now experienced. The 
 journal of the Jacobins will give you what passes in that 
 society. The Gazette of Leyden, which I transmit accord 
 ing to your request, will convey a kind of digest of all 
 these different sentiments and opinions. Thus, sir, if you 
 have the patience to look over these several papers, you 
 will have a clear view not only of what is done, but of 
 what is intended." 
 
 "I dine to-day [June i4th to resume the diary] with 
 Dumouriez. He is more at his ease than usual, having 
 opened himself to the King and Queen and given them 
 assurances of his attachment ; this Madame de Flahaut has 
 learned through St. Foi. I say many things to him avec 
 
544 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 connaissance de cause, which the other members of the Corps 
 Diplomatique cannot comprehend, and which they are 
 therefore surprised at. At Court I observe that the King 
 and Queen were more at ease than usual. The change of 
 ministry has gone off very quietly, notwithstanding the 
 noise of the moment. M. de Montmorin tells me that Du- 
 mouriez and Brissot had a conversation and were about to 
 unite together. In consequence, the decrees for twenty 
 thousand men and for transportation of the priests were to 
 be sanctioned, and M. de Claviere was to be brought back 
 into the administration. The King refused to sanction 
 these obnoxious, unconstitutional decrees, and thereupon 
 Dumouriez resigned." 
 
 "This morning [June lyth] M. Monciel calls, and tells 
 me that the Lameth party have pressed him hard to accept 
 the place of Minister of the Interior. I advise him to take 
 nothing but the office of Foreign Affairs, and he quits me 
 with that intention, but says they have offered him the In 
 terior as a step towards the other office. Dress and go to 
 Court ; we have here a list of ministers in which Monciel 
 stands for the Interior. The Assembly have received and 
 referred a petition of the Jacobin Society for suspending 
 the King." 
 
 The sudden change in the ministry was a surprise to 
 Morris, at least as to the totality. Dumouriez, who had 
 dismissed Servan, Roland, and Claviere, had filled the 
 places with his particular friends but failed to prepare him 
 self beforehand for all consequences. In the second of the 
 series of letters to Jefferson, dated June lyth, Morris says : 
 "The King, much to Dumouriez s surprise, accepted his 
 resignation, and, in consequence, all his newly appointed 
 friends go out with him. The Jacobins were busy all last 
 night to excite a tumult in the city, but the precautions 
 taken to prevent it have as yet proved successful, and I 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 545 
 
 am told that M. Luckner and M. de Lafayette still persist 
 in their determination not to risk an action. If so, the 
 present state of uncertainty may continue some time. If 
 they fight and gain a victory, it is not improbable that we 
 may witness some outrages of the most flagitious kind. If, 
 on the contrary, there is any capital defeat, the Jacobin fac 
 tion will be a little moderated. On the whole, sir, we stand 
 on a vast volcano. We feel it tremble, we hear it roar, but 
 how and when and where it will burst, and who may be de 
 stroyed by its eruptions, it is beyond the ken of mortal fore 
 sight to discover. This new ministry will be purged (at 
 any rate) of some of its members, but one great doubt ex 
 ists whether it will not be driven off by the Jacobin fac 
 tion. It is in contemplation to make a serious effort 
 against that faction in favor of*the Constitution, and M. de 
 Lafayette will begin the attack. I own to you that I am 
 not sanguine as to the success. Very much is to be done, 
 and there is very little time to do it, for the foreign enemy 
 will soon be greatly superior in number, and it seems now 
 to be ascertained that Alsace and Lorraine are disposed to 
 join the invaders. Thus while a great part of the nation 
 is desirous of overturning the present government in order 
 to restore the ancient form, and while another part, still 
 more dangerous from position and numbers, are desirous 
 of introducing the form of a federal republic, the moder 
 ate men, attacked on all sides, have to contend alone 
 against an immense force. I cannot go on with the pict 
 ure, for my heart bleeds when I reflect that the finest op 
 portunity which ever presented itself for establishing the 
 rights of mankind throughout the civilized world is per 
 haps lost, and forever." 
 
 "Go with Lord Gower to the feu de la Reine" says the 
 diary for June igth, "which is a mighty stupid kind of 
 amusement to all parties. Madame de Stael had invited. 
 35 
 
546 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 me to supper, and is not at home. This is some mistake, 
 but it is fortunate, because it gives me room to be off an 
 other time. Bremond tells me that Monciel has accepted. 
 M. de Lafayette s letter to the Assembly has been read, 
 and has produced some little effect. Bremond says that 
 Monciel will call on me early to-morrow. He has had a 
 long conversation with the King and is well pleased with 
 him. There is to be a sort of riot to-morrow about fixing 
 a May-pole before the Chateau." 
 
 " There is a great movement in Paris, and the guard is 
 paraded [June 2oth]. While I am writing, the mob and 
 the National Guards are marching and countermarching 
 under my windows. I don t think they will come to blows. 
 Dine with the Baron de Blome ; after dinner we learn that 
 the deputation of the Faubourgs has forced the unresist 
 ing guard, filled the Chateau, and grossly insulted the 
 King and Queen. His Majesty has put on the bonnet rouge, 
 but he persists in refusing to sanction the decrees. This 
 is neither the form in which it ought to be demanded of 
 me, nor the moment to obtain it, he calmly told the surg 
 ing crowd of angry people who pressed upon him, almost 
 to the point of suffocation. Spend this evening at the 
 Louvre. The Constitution has this day, I think, given its 
 last groan." 
 
 "Early this morning [June 2ist] M. Monciel and M. Bre 
 mond call on me. The former asks my advice in this crit 
 ical state of affairs. I recommend the suspension of M. 
 Petion and the prosecution of the ringleaders of yester 
 day s tumult. He leaves me. After breakfast Bremond 
 calls again, and shows me a letter from the Victualling 
 Department, by which it seems that the resources of Paris 
 for butcher s meat will be soon curtailed very much. Go 
 to Court. Mr. Swan came in just as I went out, and told 
 me that the National Guards are outrageous about yester- 
 
X792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 547 
 
 day s business. The King behaved perfectly well yester 
 day. This morning a M. Sergans, one of the municipal 
 ity, is kicked and cuffed by the Garde Nationale in the 
 court of the Chateau for his vile conduct of yesterday. 
 M. Pe"tion also is received with very contumelious lan 
 guage. Thus the riot turns out differently from what its 
 authors expected. Visit, after dinner, at M. de Montmo- 
 rin s. He takes the merit of what is done and doing, * for/ 
 says he, Dupont called on me and went from my house 
 to see Monciel/ etc. Now Bremond told me that he found 
 Dupont fast asleep, and made him get up and go to Mon- 
 ciel s after they left me this morning. After dinner we 
 walk in the garden, he, Malouet, and Bertrand meditating 
 on the state of things. In order to see what stuff they are 
 made of, I tell them what measures would put an end to 
 all troubles, but those measures are deep and dangerous, 
 and when we go into M. de Montmorin s closet he sickens." 
 
 " Bremond calls this morning [June 24th], and tells me 
 his conversation with Servan, the late Minister of War, who 
 is about to take command in the South of France. He ex 
 pects that a great republic will be established there, and 
 invites Bremond to manage its finances. Bremond ex 
 pects by degrees to become master of their secrets. Di 
 gest an answer to the Assembly for Monciel. Their order 
 is captious, and if they do not blush at the inconsistency 
 of their conduct they will push the ministers hard. Go to 
 Court. The King receives this day a part of the militia. 
 The Dauphin is in the uniform of the Garde Nationale. 
 The King has received an offer of assistance from Picardy. 
 Give Bremond some hints, and he writes under my dicta 
 tion a plan to be given by the King to the Assembly, and 
 does not finish till after midnight." 
 
 " This morning [June 26th] Bremond calls, and tells me 
 that Monciel will give the note prepared last night to the 
 
548 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 King this morning. My tailor, who is a captain in the 
 militia, tells me that things go very badly ; that the militia 
 is much divided in opinion. I go to the Minister of For 
 eign Affairs, and mention to him several things which I 
 had to communicate. I am to make notes thereof. While 
 I am here Monciel comes in, but we do not know each 
 other." 
 
 " M. de Lafayette is arrived [June 28th], Monciel comes 
 to tell me, and is to go this morning to the Assembly. The 
 King, on receiving the project prepared for him, said it 
 would be very good if they could count on the Garde Na- 
 tionale.* I tell him that Lafayette s visit can produce 
 nothing, and therefore he must exert himself to bring for 
 ward the Picards. He thinks Lafayette may be rendered 
 instrumental to the sortie of the King from Paris, and he 
 counts on the Swiss. This latter part of the plan is most 
 reasonable. Dress and go to Court, but find that the 
 reception of the Corps Diplomatique is postponed till to 
 morrow. Dine at the British ambassador s, where I meet 
 Madame de Stael. She gives us an account of M. de La 
 fayette s reception and address to the Assembly. She is 
 not satisfied, but says that this may be owing to her fond 
 ness for eloquence." 
 
 " At Court to-day [June 29th] Madame Elizabeth and 
 the Queen refer to the mistake I made yesterday in com 
 ing to Court, when the Corps Diplomatique were not re 
 ceived. I tell the latter that it was the fault of the post, 
 for so Sequeville told me, and the remark seems directed 
 against him and Lalive. Lafayette speaks to me at Court 
 on the ton of ancient familiarity. I tell him I should be 
 glad to see him for a few minutes. He says he is going 
 
 * Lafayette s request, in his own name and that of the army, was the pun 
 ishment of those who figured in the attempted insurrection of the 2Oth and 
 the destruction of the sect of the Jacobins. 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 549 
 
 out of town this evening, but gives me rendezvous at M. 
 de Montmorin s. I tell him that he must return soon to 
 his army or go to Orleans, and that he must determine to 
 fight for a good constitution or for that wretched piece of 
 paper which bears the name ; that in six weeks it will be 
 too late. He asks what I mean by a good constitution ; 
 whether it is an aristocratic one. I tell him yes, and that 
 I presume he has lived long enough in the present style 
 to see that a popular government is good for nothing in 
 France. He says he wishes the American Constitution, 
 but an hereditary executive. I tell him that in such case 
 the monarch will be too strong, and must be checked by 
 an hereditary senate. He says it goes hard with him to 
 give up that point. Here ends our colloquy. Return 
 home. Dictate to Bremond a further counsel to be given 
 by Monciel to the King. The principal object is to get 
 a decision." 
 
 " The King has neither plans, money, nor means, Bre 
 mond and Monciel tell me [July 2d], and the Lameth fac 
 tion are all as naked as he. Monciel says he is afraid 
 of falling into the hands of the constitutionalists. The 
 French, says Monciel, are, I am afraid, too rotten for a 
 free government. I tell him that the experiment may 
 nevertheless be tried, and despotism still remains as a last 
 shift. Bremond stays till after twelve o clock, and my 
 time is consumed for nothing." 
 
 " Bremond gives me an account of what is doing [July 
 6th]. I suggest to him a decree to be adopted respecting 
 the foreign ministers. Sup at the Louvre. Danton has 
 said to-day publicly, a propos of the intrigues of the Court, 
 that they would get rid of the whole the i4th. The differ 
 ent parts of the Assembly are united, and all is love and 
 kindness [July yth]. This arises from fear among the 
 Republicans. Dine with M. de Montmorin, and visit after 
 
55O DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 dinner Lady Sutherland at the Louvre. I see Vicq d Azyr, 
 and tell him I had prepared a letter for his mistress, but 
 I will not send it. He urges me, but I refuse. The King 
 has been to the Assembly, which I disapprove of." 
 
 " Bremond tells me this morning [July 8th] that Monciel 
 intends to resign. He opposed in council what was done 
 yesterday, and spoke privately both to the King and 
 Queen, but without effect. Go to Court. Her Majesty 
 is in good spirits, and very affable. I am not pleased, 
 however, with her conduct." 
 
 " Spend the evening [July pth] at Madame d Albani s. 
 The Venetian ambassador, who had expressed great hopes 
 and expectations yesterday from the reconciliation scene, 
 is quite done over to-day. Brissot has pronounced a fiery 
 discourse against the King. Tronchin is heartily sick of 
 the Revolution." 
 
1792. J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 551 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Condition of Europe in July, 1792. Letter to Jefferson. Morris opens 
 his house. Tells Montmorin that the king should leave Paris. Mor 
 ris prepares mtmoires for the king. Paris terrified by riots. The 
 king and queen distressed and in great apprehension. They expect 
 to be murdered at the Chateau. Morris goes to Court. Very hot 
 weather. Great agitation in Paris. Musketry ushers in August roth. 
 The Chateau undefended is carried and the Swiss guards murdered. 
 The king and queen are in the National Assembly. Morris s house 
 filled with frightened people. The ambassadors leave Paris. Mor 
 ris stays at his post. He tells Claviere that he has no powers to 
 treat with the new government. Morris s house searched. Murders 
 continue. Letter to Jefferson describing the Revolution. 
 
 EARLY in July the Ministers reported to the Assem 
 bly the disposition of the powers. Russia had ac 
 ceded to the Treaty of Pilnitz and was at the moment 
 treating with Esterhazy and Nassau ; the Pope was pre 
 paring his thunderbolts ; England, Denmark, and Venice 
 were neutral ; Spain seemed willing to adhere to the fam 
 ily compact ; France was at war with the Court of Turin. 
 The Assembly solemnly pronounced the country In dan 
 ger. Cannon were fired. The National Guards put 
 themselves in motion, and the enrolment of volunteers, to 
 the number of fifteen thousand in one day, was rapidly 
 pushed forward. On the 7th of July the members of the 
 Assembly swore an oath of everlasting fraternity ; the 
 most inveterate enemies, clasped in each other s arms, an 
 nihilated all distinctions. By the evening, however, of 
 this auspicious day, all reconciliations were forgotten in 
 the proceedings taken against Petion for his action on the 
 2oth of June, and party feeling ran high. 
 
552 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Morris, in his fourth letter to Jefferson, written on 
 the loth of July, speaks as follows of the action of the 
 Assembly on the yth : " On Saturday, the yth, a farce was 
 acted in the Assembly, in which the principal performers 
 played well their parts, the King was duped according to 
 custom, and things are verging fast to the catastrophe of 
 the play. For some weeks the adverse party, I mean the 
 Court and Jacobins, have been laboring each to cast on the 
 other the odium of violating entirely the Constitution and 
 commencing the civil war. The party which calls itself 
 independent and which, in fact, is the fearful party, begs 
 hard for peace and seizes eagerly whatever bears the ap 
 pearance or the name. It was to catch these gudgeons 
 that the scene of Saturday was exhibited. The King and 
 Queen, believing that the actors were in earnest, and 
 knowing that their lives had been at stake, were over 
 joyed, and their timid counsellors, trembling under the 
 tyrannous powers of the Assembly, seized with eagerness 
 the bait of reconciliation which had been thrown out 
 without any hope that they would swallow it. One of 
 them, whom I have already mentioned to you as a very 
 worthy man, saw through the thin veil of deception, and 
 opposed the opinion of the others, but in vain. Events, 
 in justifying him, have fixed his predominance. This day 
 the King will commence a new career, and if he goes 
 through I think he will succeed. I have every reason to 
 believe that this letter will go safely, but yet I cannot jus 
 tify saying more on the subject, because otherwise the 
 confidence reposed in me might, in the course of events, 
 prove fatal to my informant." 
 
 " The Ministers have all resigned," the diary records, 
 July nth. " Bremond tells me that their Majesties 
 flashed in the pan, which was the occasion of the resigna 
 tion of the ministry. This I expected. He says they 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 553 
 
 have reproached Monciel, who retorted smartly. On the 
 ground of these reproaches we prepare heads of a dis 
 course for Monciel, in the view, if their Majesties come 
 round, to strike a still more important stroke. I think 
 there is a want of mettle which will ever prevent them 
 from being truly royal. 
 
 " The present intention of the King is to secure the 
 liberty of France. I doubt whether he will be sufficiently 
 master of his own party to execute such purpose ; 
 whether he will live through the storm is uncertain. It 
 will blow hard. The exterior enemy hovers over his prey 
 and only seems to wait the moment which he has fixed to 
 himself for his own stroke. New parties to the Grand Al 
 liance daily show themselves. The Palatinate has de 
 clared. Holland seems on the point of adhering, and 
 doubts in regard to England begin to appear. The force 
 which France can oppose to her numerous assailants does 
 not exceed one hundred and eighty thousand undisci 
 plined men, some of whom wait but the opportunity to 
 desert. Against her are collected two hundred and fifty 
 thousand of the best troops in Europe, under the com 
 mand of the ablest general in this hemisphere. The in 
 tention was not to enter before the harvest, in order that 
 subsistence might be easily procured. Whether this plan 
 will be changed in consequence of what is like to happen 
 here, I cannot say. I rather think it will. I understand 
 that the manifesto* which precedes attack will disavow the 
 Constitution, and claim for the King (what it calls) his 
 
 * The manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick, which was dated the 25th of 
 July, at Coblentz, and printed in all the royalist newspapers in Paris on the 
 a8th, actually contained all the startling details which Morris notes ; and 
 the knowledge that Paris was to be invaded by enemies by Austrians and 
 Prussians led by a general whose language was so haughty and whose 
 threats were so violent, produced from all quarters promises of active resist- 
 
554 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 rights, for the clergy \\.s possessions ; that this city will be 
 rendered responsible for the royal family ; that the 
 Garde Nationale will be considered as armed peasants, 
 meddling with business not their own, and therefore not 
 under the protection of the laws of war. The allied 
 monarchs are to declare themselves in arms, not against 
 France but against the rfooltes. It will be easily seen that 
 these broad terms will mean whatever power may choose 
 to explain them to." 
 
 " I go to Court to-day [July i2th] ; the countenances of 
 their Majesties are a little down. Bremond tells me that 
 Pellin blames Monciel for precipitation, and says that 
 things may yet be arranged. Monciel is to have an inter 
 view with the King and Queen this morning. Go to Lady 
 Sutherland s, and find her alone. We talk of love and 
 love s despot, till an old man comes in to give the history 
 of his gout. I leave her in this society, so as to make a 
 relief of his ennui." 
 
 By the i2th of July Morris s house, No. 488 Rue de 
 la Planche, Faubourg St. Germain, was ready for occupa 
 tion, and, to judge from the allusions he makes to furni 
 ture, porcelain, and hangings, to his garden, and the 
 general arrangement of the house, it must have been 
 eminently fitted for the entertaining and lavish hospi 
 tality which characterized it. Nothing had been forgot 
 ten certainly not the wine-cellar, which seemed, in its 
 completeness, not to disgrace the rest of the establish 
 ment, with a " tun " of sauterne, and " a tun of the best 
 claret, not the wine prepared for English consumption," 
 to say nothing of pipes of Madeira and port. A series 
 of dinner parties began on the lyth, when, he says : 
 
 " M. and Madame de Montmorin and Madame de 
 Beaumont, Lord Gower and Lady Sutherland, and Hus- 
 kisson, secretary to Lord Gower, the Venetian Ambassador, 
 
I 79 2.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 555 
 
 and Spanish Charge d Affaires dine with me. In the 
 evening M. de Montmorin takes me into the garden to 
 communicate the situation of things and ask my opinion. 
 I tell him that I think the King should quit Paris. He 
 thinks otherwise, and fosters a thousand empty hopes and 
 vain expectations." 
 
 " This morning [July i8th] M. Bremond does not come, 
 and his friend Monciel is fairly out of the administration. 
 A message from Paul Jones that he is dying. I go 
 thither, and make his will, which the Frenchmen will not 
 witness. Send for a notary, and leave him struggling 
 with his enemy between four and five. Dine en famille 
 with Lord Gower and Lady Sutherland. Go to the 
 Louvre, and take Madame de Flahaut and Vicq d Azyr to 
 Jones s lodgings but he is dead, not yet cold. The peo 
 ple of the house ask me if they must put a scellt on his 
 papers. I answer in the affirmative." 
 
 "This morning [July 2oth] Bremond calls, and tells me 
 that in consequence of the mc moire which he made up 
 from my hints, and which Monciel presented to the King, 
 a conversation has taken place between him, M. de Mont 
 morin, and M. de Bertrand. He gives me the heads of the 
 manifesto which is to appear, and desires to know what 
 step the King is to take in consequence of it. He tells 
 me that Mallet du Pin is sent by Bertrand to be the sec 
 retary of the Duke of Brunswick. I have a large com 
 pany to dinner." 
 
 "The Fedfots begin to insult the Assembly [July 22d]. 
 Monciel will be with me to-morrow, Bremond tells me. 
 Dress and go to Court. There are fresh accounts of mur 
 ders and assassinations from the South of France." 
 
 " Monciel brings me the King s money [July 24th] at 
 His Majesty s request, who tells him at the same time 
 that I have always given him good advice and he has 
 
556 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 the greatest confidence in me. We consider what is to 
 be done in case of a suspension. Monciel is to dine with 
 me." 
 
 For obvious reasons, Morris never does more than in 
 timate that he was assisting to form a plan for the king s 
 escape. Events moved rapidly towards the climax after 
 which no scheme for the king s safety could be of any use. 
 But that a plan was matured there is every reason for be- 
 lieving, from the following letter found amongst Morris s 
 papers, in his own handwriting, but undated, unsigned, 
 and only addressed to " Son Altesse Royale." There 
 is also every reason to believe that this letter was written 
 at Vienna in December, 1796, for on Tuesday, the 2oth, 
 Morris says in his diary : " This morning I go to Court 
 for the purpose of paying my respects to the Princess 
 of France, and in the hope that an opportunity would 
 offer of saying a word of business which concerns her, 
 but find that she has a large circle. I am therefore 
 led to mention the subject concisely to the Bishop of 
 Nancy, who undertakes to open the affair to the grande 
 maitresse, through whom it may pass to her Royal High 
 ness." A week later, when about to leave Vienna, Mor 
 ris again saw the Bishop of Nancy. " He tells me," he 
 says, "that the Princess has given no private audience 
 to anyone since her arrival, and found it proper to refuse 
 it even to Count Fersen, who had been so long and so in 
 timately associated with the Queen. Her Royal Highness 
 prays therefore that I will send her a note in writing, and, 
 if afterwards a few words should be necessary, I can take 
 leave of her, and then, without breaking in on the estab 
 lished rule, such short conversation can take place. I 
 tell him I shall write as much as my time will admit, but 
 as for an audience of leave, I consider that as improper, 
 because I shall not take leave of the Imperial family ; 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 557 
 
 but that her Royal Highness may decide as she thinks 
 proper." 
 
 There is no mention that the leave-taking ever took 
 place, but the following letter undoubtedly contains that 
 which Mr. Morris wished to communicate to the Princess : 
 
 " Son Altesse Royale recevra ci-jointe la copie du seul 
 compte que les circonstances aient permis de tenir. 11 
 
 lui en faut une explication. M. M , qui s etait permis 
 
 quelquefois de faire passer ses idees sur les affaires pu- 
 bliques a Leurs Majestes, confia aux soins de M. le Comte 
 de Montmorin, lorsqu il s agissait d accepter 1 acte fatal 
 qu on nommait la Constitution franeaise, un memoire en 
 anglais accompagne d un projet de discours en francais. 
 Le premier, qui etait le plus essentiel, en ce qu il devait 
 servir de base a 1 autre, ne fut presente au roi qu apres son 
 acceptation. Sa Majeste desirait en avoir une traduction, 
 et M. de Montmorin pria 1 auteur de s en charger. II le 
 fit en effet, mais il 1 envoya directement au roi, en s excu- 
 saut des expressions qui devraient paraitre trop fortes. 
 Sa Majeste avait concu des idees semblables a celles 
 enoncees dans le projet de discours, detaillees et appuye"es 
 par le memoire, et elle ne les abandonna qu a regret ; ainsi 
 elle vit, dans la conduite de M. de Montmorin, une finesse 
 qui altera beaucoup sa confiance. Sa position affreuse 
 1 avait pourtant mise dans la necessite de se servir de per- 
 sonnes qui lui etaient a peine connues. Parmi ceux que 
 les circonstances avaient portes au ministere, se trouvait 
 
 M. Terrier de Monciel, tin homme que M. M avait 
 
 connu pour etre fidele au roi, quoiqu il cut des liaisons 
 a juste titre suspectes. II crut done devoir dire a Sa 
 Majeste" qu elle pouvait s y fier. II en resulta qu il fut 
 charge par elle de 1 affaire la plus importante, c est a dire, 
 d aviser aux moyens de tirer le roi de sa perilleuse situ 
 ation. II cut a cet effet des consultations frequentes avec 
 
558 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 M. M , et parmi les differents moyents qui se pre- 
 
 senterent, celui qui leur parut le plus essentiel fut de faire 
 sortir la famille royale de Paris. Les mesures etaient si 
 bien prises a cet effet que le succes en etait presque im- 
 manquable, mais le roi (pour des raisons qu il est inutile 
 de detailler ici) renonca au projet le matin meme fixe 
 pour son depart, alors que les gardes suisses etaient deja 
 partis de Courbevoie pour couvrir sa retraite. Ses mi- 
 nistres, qui se trouvaient gravement compromis, donnerent 
 tous leur demission. Le moment etait d autant plus 
 critique que Sa Majeste tenait deja les preuves de la 
 conspiration tramee centre sa personne. II ne lui restait 
 alors qu un seul moyen. II fallait remporter la victoire 
 dans le combat qu on allait lui livrer aussitot que les 
 conspirateurs se trouveraient en force. M. de Monciel, 
 apres avoir eu une explication avec Leurs Majestes, con- 
 sentit a les servir encore, quoiqu il ne fut plus au minis- 
 tere. On s occupa de lever a la hate une espece d armee 
 royale, chose extremement delicate, et qui ne pouvait que 
 compromettre ceux qui s en etaient meles, si les ennemis 
 du roi avaient le dessus. M. de Monciel associa a ses 
 travaux M. Bremond, un homme courageux, zele, fidele, 
 mais emporte, bavard et imprudent. Cette derniere 
 qualite etait presque essentielle, puisque la situation de 
 la famille royale eloignait ceux dont le zele pouvait etre 
 refroidi par les dangers. Vers la fin du mois de juillet, 
 
 Sa Majeste fit remercier M. M des conseils qu il lui 
 
 avait donnes, et lui temoigna son regret de ne les avoir 
 pas suivis enfin le pria de surveiller ce qu on faisait 
 pour son service et de devenir depositaire de ses papiers 
 et de son argent. II repondit que Sa Majeste pouvait 
 toujours compter sur tous ses efforts, que sa maison ne 
 lui paraissait pas plus sure que le palais des Tuileries, 
 puisqu il etait en but depuis longtemps a la haine des 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 559 
 
 conspirateurs, qu ainsi ni les papiers ni 1 argent du roi 
 ne seraient en surete chez lui. Mais comme cet argent 
 ne portait aucune marque de propriete il consentirait, si 
 Sa Majeste ne pouvait pas trouver une autre personne, a 
 en devenir le depositaire et a. en faire 1 emploi qu elle 
 voudrait bien lui indiquer. En consequence du consente- 
 ment ainsi donne, M. de Monciel lui apporta, le 22 juillet, 
 547,000 livres, dont 539,005 livres etaient deja la, le deux 
 aout, en train d etre employees conformement aux ordres 
 du roi. La somme de 449,750 livres, payee le deux aout, 
 devait etre convertie par Bremond en louis d or. II en 
 acheta effectivement 5,000, et les mit en bourses de 20 
 louis, car il s agissait d en faire la distribution a des per- 
 sonnes qui devaient se transporter avec des affides aux 
 endroits qui leur seraient indiques et s y battre sous 
 leurs chefs. Et pour rendre ces contre-conspirateurs 
 encore plus utiles, il s agissait de prendre par preference 
 des Marseillais et autres agents des conspirateurs. Au-ssi, 
 afin que le roi ne fut pas trompe, il etait convenu que le 
 paiement ne se ferait que lorsque les services auraient 
 ete rendus. En attendant, les 5,000 louis resterent chez 
 
 M. M . Les evenements du dix aout sont trop connus 
 
 pour qu on puisse se permettre d en faire le penible recit 
 Ce jour-la, M. de Monciel apporta 200,000 livres, en se 
 
 refugiant avec sa famille chez M. M , ainsi que plu- 
 
 sieurs autres personnes. Apres quelques jours, il se trouva 
 dans la necessite de se cacher. Bremond 1 avait deja fait 
 quelque part ailleurs, et Madame de Monciel fut chargee 
 de faire les demarches necessaires pour sauver les per 
 sonnes qui etaient compromises, et qui pouvaient d autant 
 plus compromettre le roi qu elles e"taient connues et que 
 leurs operations etaient fortement soupconnees. 
 
 " D Angr^mont fut pris et sacrifie, mais il eut le courage 
 de se taire. A force d argent, on trouva moyen de faire 
 
560 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 evader les uns et cacher les autres. Sur ces entrefaites 
 Bremond envoya une personne, qu il avail initiee au se 
 cret, chercher les 5,000 louis, qui lui furent payes, d abord 
 parce qu il ne fallait pas donner occasion a un homme 
 du caractere de Bremond de dire ou de faire des folies, 
 mais principalement parce qu on croyait que de concert 
 avec M. de Monciel, il allait employer cette somme a 
 quelque service essentiel, mais il n y avait aucun projet 
 de cette espece. Au contraire, Bremond, avec une legerete 
 inconcevable, avait trahi un secret important, afin de met- 
 tre une assez forte somme entre des mains d ou, jusqu a 
 present, on n a pas pu en tirer un sou. Lorsque le due de 
 
 Brunswick fut entre en France, M. M , persuade que 
 
 s il arrivait jusqu a Paris les assignats ne seraient que 
 d une mince valeur, et sachant d ailleurs les projets extra- 
 vagants de ceux qui regentaient la France, fit la remise, en 
 Angleterre, de 104,800 livres, valant alors ^2,518, afin de 
 mettre cette somme a 1 abri des evenements. II en fit 
 payer a peu pres le quart (600 livres sterling) a M. de Mon 
 ciel, qui se trouvait alors a Londres, et negotia des traites 
 pour le reste, afin de faire face a une demande que lui fai- 
 sait Madame de Monciel. Enfin il resta la somme de 
 6,715 livres, qu il conserva toujours a sa disposition jus 
 qu a ce qu il cut enfin la satisfaction d apprendre que tous 
 ceux dont les aveux auraient pu etre employes par les 
 ennemis du roi pour motiver leur inculpation, etaient 
 en lieu de surete. II est vrai que ces accusations 
 etaient fausses et calomnieuses, puisque le roi n avait eu 
 d autre objet que celui de se defendre. Mais le succes 
 etait pour eux, et les conspirateurs n auraient pas man 
 que de faire valoir les faits ci-dessus enonces. L appoint 
 de 6,715 livres a subi le sort des assignats et a perdu de 
 
 sa valeur, mais on peut estimer le change a raison de ; 
 
 et c est cette somme que M. M aura 1 honneur de payer 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 561 
 
 a la personne que Son Altesse Royale voudra bien avoir 
 la bonte de lui designer. Au moment de la remise, le 
 change etait 17^. II etait parti de Londres pour aller en 
 Suisse y travailler a la rentree des 5,000 louis, pour venir 
 les verser entre les mains de Son Altesse Royale. Mais 
 les circonstances lui boucherent le chemin de la Suisse. 
 II est done venu a Vienne, n y ayant d autre objet que de 
 communiquer les faits ci-dessus mentionnes. II vit avec 
 regret, non seulement que les demarches faites pour la res 
 titution ont etejusqu a present infructueuses, mais aussi 
 qu on commence a manifester, a ce sujet, des pretentions 
 extraordinaires. Le recit minutieux en serait trop volu- 
 mineux, d ailleurs, le resume d une partie de ce que M. 
 
 M desirait dire a la princesse, se trouve ecrit ci-dessus, 
 
 et son bon esprit en devinera le reste. Elle apprendra 
 facilement combien il est essentiel de tenir secret, autant 
 que possible, des faits qui regardent de si pre"s le meilleur 
 et le plus malheureux des rois. II supplie Son Altesse 
 Royale d agreer rhommage de son inviolable attache- 
 ment." * 
 
 * TRANSLATION OF ABOVE LETTER. Her Royal Highness will find en 
 closed the only account which could be kept, under the circumstances. An 
 
 explanation is here necessary. Mr. M , who sometimes allowed himself 
 
 to submit to their Majesties his ideas concerning public affairs, placed in the 
 hands of Count Montmorin (before the acceptance of the fatal law called 
 the French Constitution) a memorandum in English with the draft of a pro 
 posed French speech. The memorandum the more important of the two 
 documents, as it explained the other was submitted to the king, but only 
 after his acceptance. His Majesty asked for a translation, and M. de Mont 
 morin requested the author to undertake the work. He did so, but sent the 
 whole to His Majesty direct, begging to be pardoned some of his expres 
 sions, perhaps too energetic. His Majesty had conceived opinions similar 
 to those expressed in the proposed speech, and sustained by the arguments 
 of the memorandum ; the king regretted to have to give up these ideas. 
 The conduct of M. de Montmorin thus appeared too sharp, and the confi 
 dence His Majesty entertained until then in this nobleman became clouded. 
 But the king s fearful situation forced His Majesty to make use of persons 
 but imperfectly known. Among those brought, through circumstances, to 
 enter the ministry, was a M. Terier de Monciel, a man known by Mr. 
 36 
 
562 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 But to return, after this long digression, to events in 
 Paris, and to the diary. 
 
 "To-day [July 25th] I have several visitors, among the 
 rest Mr. Francis, who is just arrived by the way of Valen 
 ciennes. He says that things are in the most deplorable 
 
 M to be faithful to the king, in spite of his more than suspicious connec 
 tions. Mr. M made, therefore, bold to state to His Majesty that the 
 
 king could confide in M. de Monciel. The result was that this gentleman 
 was intrusted with the most important of all undertakings, that of extricat 
 ing His Majesty from his perilous situation. M. de Monciel had frequent 
 
 consultations with Mr. M , and, among the many means suggested, the 
 
 most essential was found to be the departure of the royal family. All 
 measures to that end were so well taken that success seemed infallible ; but 
 the king (for reasons it is useless to mention here) gave the plan up, the 
 very morning fixed for the departure, even after the Swiss Guard had left 
 Courbevoie to help to cover His Majesty s retreat. The ministers, all grave 
 ly compromised, handed in their resignations. The moment was critical in- 
 deed, as His Majesty already possessed proofs of the plot concocted against 
 his safety. One issue only was left to the king ; to come out victorious from 
 the imminent struggle, to take place as soon as the conspirators should think 
 themselves sufficiently strong. M. de Monciel, having conversed with their 
 Majesties, consented to serve them again in this matter, although out of the 
 ministry. He busied himself, with others, to raise a sort of Royal Army, a 
 very delicate task, that could but endanger the fate of all those who would 
 take part in it if the enemies of the king should triumph. M. de Monciel 
 took as his coadjutor a M. Bremond, a man full of courage, zeal, and fidel 
 ity, but hot-headed, talkative, and imprudent. The latter defect was prob 
 ably an essential quality, since the situation in which the royal family 
 found itself kept away all those whose zeal cooled off in presence of such 
 
 dangers. Toward the end of July His Majesty caused Mr. M to be 
 
 thanked, in the king s name, for the advice given, stating at the same time 
 His Majesty s regret not to have followed it. The king requested also Mr. 
 M to have an eye on what was done for His Majesty s service, and to ac 
 cept the deposit of the king s moneys and papers. The answer stated that 
 
 His Majesty could always depend on Mr. M s best efforts, but that his 
 
 house did not appear to him any more secure than the Tuileries, as Mr. 
 
 M had been for so long the object of the conspirators hatred that 
 
 neither the papers nor the money of the king would be safe in Mr. M s 
 
 house. For the money, as it bore no distinctive mark of proprietorship, he 
 would consent to take charge of it and to make such use of it as might be or 
 dered, in case His Majesty could find no one else for the trust. As the result 
 
 of his consent, M. de Monciel brought to Mr. M , on the 22d of July, 547,000 
 
 livres, 539,000 of which were still there on August 2d, being used according 
 to the king s orders. The sum of 449,750 livres, paid out on August 2d, were 
 to be converted by Bremond into louis d or. He bought actually 5,000 louis 
 
1792] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. $63 
 
 situation ; that the Austrians speak of spending the win 
 ter at Paris with the utmost confidence ; that the French 
 seem totally discouraged. I go to the Louvre for a mo 
 ment. Find there M. de Schomberg, and the Bishop 
 d Autun comes in soon afterwards. I meet him on the 
 
 d or and divided them in twenty-louis purses. These were to be distributed 
 to various persons who chose to follow the initiated ones to such places where 
 they would have to fight under appointed chiefs. To render these counter- 
 conspirators even more useful, they were to be chosen, by preference, among 
 Marseillais and other agents of the conspirators. Therefore, so as to avoid 
 deceit, it was agreed that the moneys were to be paid only after the services 
 should have been rendered. In the meantime the 5,000 louis remained in 
 
 Mr. M s house. The events of the loth of August are too well known to 
 
 necessitate a rehearsal of such a painful story. On that day M. de Mon- 
 ciel, as he took refuge with his family and several other persons at Mr. 
 
 M s, brought with him 200,000 livres. A few days later he was forced to 
 
 go into hiding. Bremond was already hidden somewhere else, and Madame 
 de Monciel had to do her best to save the most compromised ones, those 
 who could endanger the king all the more because they were well known 
 and their acts strongly suspected. 
 
 D Angremont was captured and sacrificed ; he had the courage to keep 
 silent. By means of money, they managed to have some of the others es 
 cape, and some kept in hiding. At that time, Bremond sent a person he had 
 confided the secret to, for the 5,000 louis d or, and they were paid him, not 
 only because it was important not to give to a man of Bremond s temper any 
 occasion for some insane outburst, in deed or speech, but more especially 
 because it was believed that he had agreed with M. de Monciel to use that 
 money to help some essential undertaking. But there was no project of the 
 kind. Much to the contrary, Bremond had, with an inconceivable imprudence, 
 betrayed an important secret so as to place a pretty large sum in hands out 
 of which it has since been found impossible to withdraw one sou. When the 
 
 Duke of Brunswick entered France, Mr. M , persuaded that if his Royal 
 
 Highness reached Paris the assignats (paper-money) would have but an in 
 significant value, and knowing, besides, how extravagant were the plans of 
 the rulers of France, sent to England 104,800 livres, a value, at the time, of 
 2,518, placing thus this sum out of the fluctuations of events. About one- 
 fourth G6oo) of it he caused to be paid to M. de Monciel, then in London, 
 and also negotiated drafts for the remainder, to satisfy Madame de Monciel s 
 
 demands. Finally, there remained the sum of 6,715 livres, which Mr. M 
 
 kept until satisfied that all those whose statements could have been made 
 use of by the enemies of the king to legitimatize their accusations were fully 
 out of reach. Of course, such accusations were false and slanderous, as the 
 king had simply been acting in self-defence. But the conspirators had suc 
 cess in their favor, and would not have failed to make use of the facts above 
 stated. The remaining 6,715 livres have had the fate of the assignats, and 
 
564 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 stairs, and he expresses politely his misfortune to come 
 always as I go away. He will have frequently that mis 
 fortune. At a little after two M. Monciel, and then M. 
 Bertrand de Molleville, come. I read the mdmoires written 
 for the King at the time of his acceptance of the Constitu 
 tion. We dine, and after dinner read the plan of a con 
 stitution ; then discuss the steps which the King is to take. 
 M. Bertrand is a stickler for the ancien regime, but we 
 drive him a little out of his opinion, which he will, I think, 
 come back to again. He is to prepare to-morrow the 
 form of a letter to accompany the manifest. Monciel is 
 to be with him, which is right." 
 
 " Dine at the Louvre [July 26th]. Madame de Flahaut 
 mentions a conspiracy against the life of the King, but 
 will not name her informant. I talk to her very seriously 
 and near to scolding. Come home at six, and meet Mon 
 ciel, who tells me that Bertrand de Molleville has begun 
 his work by mention of the cahiers, which is idle enough. 
 He is to see the King at eleven and give him the result of 
 the measures which I have proposed, and which we have 
 discussed." 
 
 " Bremond, Monciel, and I work all the morning [July 
 2yth] to prepare some me moires for the King." 
 
 lost much of their value. One can fix the exchange rate at . That sum 
 
 Mr. M will have the honor of paying to any person her Royal High 
 ness may kindly designate. He had started for Switzerland, in an attempt 
 to bring about the repayment of the 5,000 louis, but circumstances have 
 closed the road to Switzerland. He has therefore come to Vienna, solely to 
 
 communicate the above facts. Mr. M sees, with regret, that not only have 
 
 all attempts toward a restitution of the sum been fruitless, but that the most 
 extraordinary excuses are put forward in the matter. A detailed narrative 
 
 would occupy too much space ; a resume of what Mr. M desired to be 
 
 submitted to her Royal Highness is to be found herein. Her good sense 
 will complete it. Thus will her Royal Highness be shown now necessary 
 it is to keep secret all that concerns so closely the best and most unfortunate 
 of kings. Mr. M earnestly begs her Royal Highness to accept the hom 
 age of his inviolable attachment. 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 565 
 
 " We finished the form of a letter from the King to the 
 Assembly yesterday, and to-day [July 2pth] we make an 
 addition to the letter. Bremond tells me that he is to ac 
 cept the place of Minister of Foreign Affairs." 
 
 " To-day [July 3oth] M. Monciel called to tell me that 
 he has delivered to the King the letter, and one from M. 
 Bertrand de Molleville, on which he has communicated his 
 observations. I go in the evening to Madame d Albani s. 
 When I arrive there I find them all terrified at a riot in 
 which the Marseillais* have killed one or two of the Garde 
 Nationale. There is a great stir in Paris, but I think the 
 business is over for the evening." 
 
 The riots of July 30th were not the least of the many 
 events of the eventful year 1792, which terrified Paris. 
 Under pretence of guarding Petion s life against a sup 
 posed attack, he being at the moment the popular hero, 
 having been dismissed from his position of mayor after 
 the affair of July 20th, the Jacobins proposed to get to 
 gether three hundred men whose instructions would be 
 to murder the royal family. The Jacobin placard calling 
 for three hundred men was printed in blue and numbered 
 41. Bertrand de Molleville unearthed the plot to murder 
 the king, and hastily caused papers to be printed announc 
 ing the discovery of " A horrible plot to destroy Petion ; a 
 conspiracy against the national representative. The false 
 sans culottes unmasked." These he had numbered 42, and 
 pasted over those numbered 41. The imitation of the vio 
 lently patriotic style of the Sentinelled^, successful, imme 
 diately attracted attention, and, before the Jacobins and 
 the owner of the Sentinelle had time to pull down the plac- 
 
 * The famous band of Provencal volunteers brought to Paris from Mar 
 seilles, together with all the vagabonds the Jacobins could engage to come, 
 after the king refused to sign the decree to establish a camp of 20,000 men 
 outside the city. 
 
566 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 ard, all Paris had read the notice, and the result was a free 
 fight between the men with the fraudulent placard and 
 the others. 
 
 "This morning M. Monciel and M. Bremohd call to tell 
 me what passed yesterday, and what is doing to-day [July 
 3ist]. Bremond is furious, but after he is gone we agree 
 not to permit any of those horrible things which his in 
 dignation would lead him to. In the evening I meet 
 Monciel again, and he gives me the bulletins of last even 
 ing. Agree on what is to be done, and on the message to 
 be sent by M. Burceau de Pazy to M. de Lafayette." 
 
 In his letter to Jefferson, under date of August ist, 
 Morris says : 
 
 " In my letter No. 2 I mentioned that M. de Lafayette 
 was about to commence an attack upon the Jacobin fac 
 tion, and my apprehension that it would not be successful. 
 I verily believe that if M. de Lafayette were to appear just 
 now in Paris unattended by his army he would be torn to 
 pieces. In the present state of things, it seems evident 
 that if the King be not destroyed he must soon become 
 absolute. I think the prime movers of the Revolution see 
 no other mode of establishing the affairs of their country 
 on any tolerable footing, and will therefore declare their 
 adherence to His Majesty, grounded on the abolition of 
 the Constitution by the Assembly, and their masters, the 
 Jacobin Club. Should my letter miscarry, it would occa 
 sion much of that noise and nonsense in which it is un 
 pleasant to find one s name, and the wrongheaded people 
 cannot distinguish between a person who has obtained 
 exact information of what is doing and those who are 
 actors in the business. For this reason I must decline 
 mentioning the plans in agitation, at present, to establish 
 a good constitution. I dare not say that I hope this will 
 take place. I ardently wish it, but I have doubts and fears, 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 567 
 
 because I have no confidence in the morals of the people. 
 The King is anxious to secure their permanent happiness, 
 but, alas ! they are not in a state of mind to receive good 
 from his hands. Suspicion, that constant companion of 
 vice and weakness, has loosened every band of social 
 union, and blasts every honest hope in the moment of its 
 budding. 
 
 "Some persons have spoken to me of the disposition of 
 the United States in a tone of irony, but I assured them 
 very sincerely that our grateful sentiments for the con 
 duct of this nation would be demonstrated by our con 
 duct whenever occasion should require ; that the changes 
 they might make in their own administration would by no 
 means affect our regard for them, nor diminish our attach 
 ment. As this language was not ministerial, but held in 
 the sincerity of social life, it surprised those who, unfor 
 tunately for them, can find for the conduct of nations no 
 motive but interest, and are so short-sighted as not to per 
 ceive that a virtuous and honorable conduct is the truest 
 interest which a nation can pursue. In respect to other 
 objects which are committed to me, it is hardly necessary 
 to say that nothing can be done in the present moment. 
 Such time as the Assembly can spare from the discussion 
 of party disputes is necessarily engrossed by the Depart 
 ments of War and Finance. The determination to sus 
 pend the King has been a little palled by the information 
 that their armies would immediately revolt, and particu 
 larly the Southern Army, on which they made their great 
 est reliance. This circumstance has greatly deranged the 
 plan of operations, and the more so as many instruments 
 specially convened and collected for that grand stroke are 
 at present no small incumbrance to the contrivers of it. 
 Among these are the Bretons and Marseillais, now in this 
 city. Some of the chiefs of the Jacobins have, I am told, 
 
68 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 prepared the means of their escape to America, and among 
 them your old acquaintance, M. de Condorcet. They are 
 to embark at Dunkirk and St. Valery." 
 
 " This morning [August 2d] M. de Monciel calls on me 
 and tells me that they are trying to send him to Orleans. 
 We agree on the conversion of the King s paper into spe 
 cie. I go to Court ; afterwards call on the Minister of the 
 Marine, who is gone abroad, although he promised to be 
 at home. St. Croix is appointed Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs." 
 
 " Monciel dines with me [August 3d], and we prepare 
 an address to the Marseillais. I complain of the appoint 
 ment of Boncarere to Philadelphia, and promise to speak 
 to the King on the subject. Go after dinner to the 
 Louvre, and Madame de Flahaut tells me that the King 
 proposed this embassy by way of getting rid of M. Bon 
 carere ; that St. Croix objected he would not be received, 
 but His Majesty said, * So much the better. Let us but 
 get rid of him. " 
 
 " M. Bremond brings me this morning 5,000 louis d or, 
 which he has purchased. He is to have the correspond 
 ence of the Jacobins for 1,000. M. de Monciel calls, and 
 we complete a letter to be written by the King to the 
 President of the Section of the Faubourg St. Marceau, 
 about the River Bievre, which will, it is supposed, give His 
 Majesty that faubourg. Monciel tells me that the King and 
 Queen are much distressed, and in great apprehension. I 
 dine at the British ambassador s. We walk after dinner 
 to the Champ de Mars, where we see a few ragamuffins 
 who are signing the petition for the dJchtance. I call at 
 M. de Montmorin s, where I find a family in deep distress. 
 At my return I find Lady Sutherland at my door. She 
 comes to obtain an interview between me and the Cheva 
 lier de Coigny. I tell her that I will be at home if he 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 569 
 
 will call on me to-morrow. He wishes to give my ideas 
 direct to the Queen, without passing through the med 
 ium of M. de Montmorin. They expect all to be mur 
 dered this evening at the Chateau. The weather is very 
 warm." 
 
 "Go to Court this morning [August 5th]. Nothing re 
 markable, only that they were up all night, expecting to be 
 murdered. Come home to meet M. St. Croix. He comes 
 late. Tells me what he is about. Mr. Constable dines 
 with me, and Mr. Livingston, whom I have taken as my 
 private secretary. After dinner I go to visit Lady Suth 
 erland, and stay some time conversing with Lord Gower. 
 The weather is still hot." 
 
 " M. de Monciel comes [August 6th], and tells me how 
 things are. M. and Madame de Flahaut dine with me. 
 The Bishop d Autun and M. de Beaumetz are of the 
 party. The weather continues very hot. I have a long 
 conversation with the Chevalier de Coigny on the state 
 of affairs. Monciel also comes, and tells me that the King 
 would not listen to the intrusting his secret to St. Croix. 
 The public mind is much better than it was, and will 
 mend. We digest a petition for the Marseillais, calculated 
 to make the King declare himself. M. de Coigny is to 
 push the same point with the Queen." 
 
 "This Wednesday morning [August 8th] Monciel tells 
 me that things are going well. The King seems to hold 
 the proper opinions also, which is a desirable thing. I 
 dine with Madame de Stae l, and after dinner, the gentle 
 men desiring to drink, I send for wine, and let them get 
 preciously drunk. Go to the Louvre and take Madame 
 de Flahaut to ride. After I set her down I go to Lady 
 Sutherland s and pay her a pretty long visit. She will be 
 at Court to-morrow. The weather is very warm still." 
 
 " Paris is in great agitation this morning [August pth]. 
 
DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 M. de Monciel calls, and brings me some money. I dress 
 and go to Court." 
 
 "This morning [August loth] Monciel calls, and his 
 report is tranquillizing ; but shortly after he leaves me 
 the cannon begin, and musketry mingled with them an 
 nounce a warm day. The Chateau, undefended but by the 
 Swiss, is carried, and the Swiss, wherever found, are mur 
 dered. The King and Queen are in the National Assem 
 bly, who have decreed the suspension of his authority. 
 Madame de Flahaut sends her son, and comes afterwards 
 to take refuge. I have company to dine, but many of 
 those who were invited do not come. Mr. Huskisson, 
 the secretary to the British ambassador, comes in the 
 evening. He gives a sad account of things. The weather 
 continues very warm, or, rather, extremely hot." 
 
 " A sleepless night renders me heavy during this day 
 [August nth]. The King and Queen remain at the As 
 sembly, which goes on rapidly under the dicte e of the 
 Tribunes. We are quiet here. Things are taking on their 
 new order. The weather continues to be very hot. M. de 
 St. Pardou calls in the evening, and seems torn to pieces 
 by affliction. I desire him, if he sees the royal family, to 
 tell them that relief must soon arrive." 
 
 "This morning [August i2th] M. de Monciel and his 
 wife come before I am up. I have my time full all day, 
 and am heartily fatigued this evening. I called in the 
 morning on Lady Sutherland, who is un peu abattue. 
 The Venetian Ambassador was abroad, and so was Ma 
 dame d Albani. She and the Comte Alfieri come about 
 three o clock. She is violently affected and afflicted. The 
 weather is very warm still and oppressive. The state of 
 the air is evidenced by some perch alive in the morning at 
 six o clock, and spoiled at dinner. So rapid a state of pu 
 trefaction I never saw." 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 5/1 
 
 " Four men, among them a naturalized Frenchman, 
 come for passports [August i3th]. Mr. Amory calls for 
 the same purpose, and M. Montfiorence to get a passport 
 for Mrs. Blagden. Madame d Albani dines with me, and 
 requests me to ask a passport for her from the British 
 ambassador. I go, after dinner, and he, as I expected, 
 refuses to grant it. The weather is somewhat cooler this 
 evening, having had rain." 
 
 "Write all the morning [August i4th], but I have many 
 interruptions. Among others who call on me, Mr. Francis 
 gives a dreadful account of what he saw on the loth, and 
 says that he shall not dare to tell it in America. General 
 Duportail calls on me. He wishes to get away from hence, 
 should things grow more serious." 
 
 In a letter, dated August i6th, to young Robert Mor 
 ris, Morris says : " Mr. Constable is well, and was a wit 
 ness to the fight, being lodged near the Tuileries. Tell 
 your friend Jones that if he were here just now his Ha ! 
 ha ! would be changed into Ho ! ho ! " 
 
 To Thomas Pinckney, then United States Minister at 
 London, Morris wrote, a few days after the affair of the 
 loth of August : " We have had here within the last few days 
 some serious scenes, at which I am not surprised, because 
 I foresaw not only a struggle between the two corps which 
 the Constitution had organized, viz., the executive, so 
 called, and the legislative, but I was convinced the latter 
 would get the better. It is nevertheless a painful reflec-j 
 tion that one of the finest countries in the world should 
 be so cruelly torn to pieces. The storm which lately 
 raged is a little subdued, but the winds must soon rise 
 again, perhaps from the same quarter, perhaps from an 
 other ; but that is of little consequence. A man attached 
 to his fellow-man must see with distress the woes they 
 suffer, but an American has a stronger sympathy with this 
 
572 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 country than any other observer, and, nourished as he is 
 in the bosom of liberty, he cannot but be deeply affected 
 to see that in almost any event this struggle must termi 
 nate in despotism." 
 
 " To-day [August lyth] I take my distressed friend 
 Madame de Flahaut to ride to the Bois de Boulogne, 
 where we walk till she is tired. Americans dine with me. 
 After dinner visit Lady Sutherland, and after her monde is 
 gone we take tea. It rains this evening and is somewhat 
 cooler. M. de St. Foi, who was here this evening, says 
 that the treatment of the King, Queen, and royal family 
 is extremely ignominious. He gives details which are 
 painful. Lord Gower is abundantly cautious. Several of 
 the Corps Diplomatique are going off. The weather is 
 grown cooler." 
 
 Writing to Mr. Jefferson, on the i8th of August, Mor 
 ris says : " Since my last letter of the ist, another revolution 
 has been effected in this city. It was bloody. A very con 
 siderable party is deeply interested to overturn the present 
 order, and the men who compose the party are the moder 
 ate, or middle men. I have long been convinced that this 
 middle party, who, by the by, were the prime movers of 
 the Revolution, must fall to the ground, and that those 
 who compose it must join one of the great factions. The 
 aristocratic faction is still split into two or more. Some 
 are for absolute monarchy, some for the ancient regime, 
 some few desire a mixed government. The framers of the 
 late Constitution had got up to this last ground, but the 
 idea of an hereditary senate stuck in their throats. The 
 King, who has an uncommon firmness in suffering and 
 who has not the talents for action, and who is besides a 
 very religious man, found himself fettered by his oaths to 
 the Constitution, which he in his conscience believed to be 
 a bad one, and about which, indeed, there is now but one 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 573 
 
 opinion in this country, because experience, that great 
 parent of wisdom, has brought it already to trial and con 
 demnation the King, from the causes just mentioned, 
 would not step forward, and of course there was no stand 
 ard to which the adherents of the two Chambers could 
 repair. The republicans had the good sense to march 
 boldly and openly to their object, and, as they took care 
 not to mince matters nor embarrass themselves by legal 
 or constitutional niceties, they had the advantage of union, 
 concert, and design against the disjointed members of a 
 body without a head. If, under these circumstances, the 
 foreign force were out of question, I should have no 
 doubt that the republican form would take place qui 
 etly enough and continue as long as the morals of the 
 country would permit. You know the state of morals 
 here and can, of course (if it be necessary), form the calcu 
 lation for yourself. The circumstance of foreign force is, 
 however, on the present occasion, a preponderant object, 
 and I think its effects will depend on its activity. Should 
 the Duke of Brunswick advance rapidly he will be joined 
 by great numbers, even of the armies opposed to him, be 
 cause the late change will furnish to some a reason and to 
 others a pretext for abandoning the cause they had es 
 poused. If, on the contrary, his progress be cautious and 
 slow, it is probable that those who are now silent from 
 fear will habituate themselves by degrees to speak favora 
 bly of the present government, in order to lull suspicion, 
 and that thus a public opinion will appear which, once pro 
 nounced, governs the generality of mankind. If by this 
 means the new republic takes a better root, foreign pow 
 ers will, I believe, find it a difficult matter to shake it to 
 the ground ; for the French nation is an immense mass, 
 which it is not easy either to move or to oppose. You will 
 observe, sir, that matters are now brought to a simple 
 
574 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 question between an absolute monarchy and a republic, 
 for all middle terms are done away. This question also 
 must be decided by force, because on one side it is in the 
 hands of the people, who cannot treat for themselves and 
 who will not permit others to treat for them, in respect to 
 the important interests which are now at stake. If, as in 
 former times, some factious nobles are at the head of a 
 party, they would, as formerly, take the first opportunity 
 to stipulate for themselves at the expense of their party ; 
 but without entering here into a question of relative integ 
 rity, I do not think that the people are so attached to any 
 particular men as to have what may be called leaders, and 
 those who appear as such are in my opinion rather instru 
 ments than agents. I do not go into the history of things, 
 nor trouble you with a recapitulation of events. I enclose 
 and shall send by the present opportunity the gazettes since 
 my last, which will communicate all particulars which you 
 may desire to know. Since the operations of the loth 
 the Logographe, Gazette Universelle, and Indicateur are sup 
 pressed, as, indeed, are all those who were guilty of feuill- 
 antisme, that is, adherence to the clubs des feuillants 
 soi-disant constitutionels. You must therefore make al 
 lowances for what you find in the other gazettes, writ 
 ten not only in the spirit of a party but under the eye 
 of a party. The first must influence the most honest 
 printer in the coloring of some facts, and the second 
 will restrain the boldest printer in the publishing of other 
 facts. 
 
 "You will find that M. Boncarere had been appointed 
 to the United States as Minister. This man s character is 
 as bad as need be, and stained by infamous vices. By 
 what influence he was introduced into the office of For 
 eign Affairs I know not, for I was then in England ; but I 
 have reason to believe that it was the poor experiment of 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 575 
 
 the feuillants to watch and check, and perhaps to betray, the 
 Jacobin Ministry. While the King was pressing M. St. 
 Croix, an eight-day minister, to accept the Department of 
 Foreign Affairs, this last declared that he would not serve 
 if Boncarere was retained, and to get rid of him they in 
 vented the expedient of sending him to America. I con 
 sidered this step as a kind of insult, and transmitted my 
 sentiments on the subject to the King, who thereupon 
 told M. de St. Croix that I was angry at that appointment, 
 and he must arrange the matter with me ; that he wished 
 I would prevent his being received. The minister apolo 
 gized for the thing as well as he could, admitting always 
 that it was wrong, and added that his embarcation should 
 be delayed, and I was at liberty to prevent his being re 
 ceived. To this I replied that he must not be allowed to 
 embark at all. The minister refused to sign the bon for 
 his appointment. Then the new revolution took place, 
 and the history of M. Boncarere s ministry is at an end. 
 Notwithstanding my utmost efforts, I have not been able 
 to bring the Minister of Foreign Affairs to consider the 
 question relating to our debt. Indeed, the executive of 
 the late Constitution has been at the last agony for this 
 three months, and has thought more of saving itself than 
 of doing its business. The present executive is just born, 
 and may perhaps be stifled in its cradle." 
 
 Mr. Morris very earnestly requested the President s or 
 ders respecting his line of conduct in the circumstances 
 about to arise. He felt, he said, in a " state of contingent 
 responsibility of the most delicate kind," and, not wishing 
 to avoid any fair and reasonable risk, he wished to have 
 his line of conduct marked as exactly as possible. But to 
 resume the diary. 
 
 " This morning [August ipth] I take Madame de Fla- 
 haut to see her sister-in-law at Versailles. I have some 
 
576 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 difficulty as to a passport. Go to the municipality of Ver 
 sailles, which is very polite." 
 
 "Visit Lady Sutherland in the afternoon [August 20th]. 
 They have received orders to come home, and at the end 
 of the despatch is a threat if they injure the King or his 
 family, * because that would excite the indignation of all 
 Europe. This despatch, turned into plain English, is 
 shortly that the British Court resent what is already done, 
 and will make war immediately if the treatment of the 
 King be such as to call for or to justify measures of ex 
 tremity." 
 
 " Some English are brought back [August 2ist] who 
 were on their way. Visit Lady Sutherland to take leave. 
 They can t get as yet their passports. The Venetian am 
 bassador has been brought back and very ignominiously 
 treated ; even his papers examined, as it is said by him. 
 This is strong, and raises in my mind a question whether 
 I ought not to show resentment by leaving the country. 
 I have company at dinner, and in the evening I go to sup 
 with Lady Sutherland. They can t get passports. He is 
 in a tearing passion. He has burned his papers, which I 
 will not do. They give me broad hints that honor requires 
 of me to quit this country. The weather is pleasant and I 
 am very gay, which he can hardly bear." 
 
 " Visit Lady Sutherland again to-day [August 22d]. 
 They have received a polite letter from M. Lebrun, and 
 expect to get their passports speedily. He is so cautious 
 that if it be not the timidity of which he is accused it is 
 something very like it." 
 
 "The different ambassadors are all taking flight, and if 
 I stay I shall be alone," Morris wrote to Mr. Jefferson on 
 this same 22d of August. " I mean, however, to stay, un 
 less circumstances should summon me away ; because, 
 in the admitted case that my letters of credence are to 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 577 
 
 the monarchy, and not to the Republic of France, it be 
 comes a matter of indifference whether I remain in this 
 country or go to England during the time which may be 
 needful to obtain your orders or to produce a settlement 
 of affairs here. Going hence, however, would look like 
 taking part against the late Revolution, and I am not only 
 unauthorized in this respect, but I am bound to suppose 
 that, if the great majority of the nation adhere to the new 
 form, the United States will approve thereof ; because, in 
 the first place, we have no right to prescribe to this coun 
 try the government they shall adopt, and next, because 
 the basis of our own Constitution is the indefeasible right 
 of the people to establish it. It is true that the position 
 is not without danger, but I presume that when the Presi 
 dent did me the honor of naming me to this embassy it 
 was not for my personal pleasure or safety, but to pro 
 mote the interests of my country. These, therefore, I 
 shall continue to pursue to the best of my judgment, and 
 as to consequences, they are in the hand of God." 
 
 "Mr. Henchman, of Boston, calls on me," says the diary 
 for August 23d. " He says the accounts transmitted to Eng 
 land of what is doing here have created such alarm that he 
 did not dare bring me the despatches with which Mr. 
 Pinckney wished to charge him. He has received, how 
 ever, along the road all kind of civil treatment. He says 
 that the judgment I have formed as to the conduct which 
 I ought to pursue is just, and that if I should quit France 
 without just cause it would excite much ill-will in America. 
 I dine with the British ambassador, and after dinner the 
 Venetian ambassador comes in with M. Tronchin. This 
 last says the Assembly have permitted the Corps Diplo 
 matique to depart, but not other strangers. I laugh a little 
 too much at the distresses of the Baron Grandcour, and 
 Lord Gower gets a little too much in a passion with Lord 
 37 
 
578 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Stair. I am very sorry that Lady Sutherland is going, and 
 she is convinced that I am. I have a large company at 
 dinner. Mr. Richard calls, and tells me that M. de la 
 Porte is on his way to the place of execution." 
 
 "Another man is beheaded this evening [August 25th] 
 for crime de lese-nation. He published a newspaper against 
 the Jacobins. This is severe, at least. Call on Lady Suth 
 erland. They are busy packing up. Small company at 
 dinner ; bid them adieu a long adieu, perhaps. It is said 
 here that the former Bishop of Chalons has received a let 
 ter, on the part of the Duke of Brunswick, desiring him to 
 mention whether he wishes the episcopal palace, etc., 
 to be respected. They expect soon to be there. If Ver 
 dun surrenders, as Longwy has done, the foreign troops 
 will soon be here. The weather is warm, with small rain. 
 I find company at home, which stays late. One of them, 
 St. Croix, comes after I am in bed, to ask an asylum. The 
 municipality are in pursuit of him." 
 
 "Write. Stay at home all day [August 28th]. It is 
 said that Verdun and Metz are both taken ; that the Prus 
 sian army is at St. Menchond, and that the couriers are all 
 confined which bring the news. I think there can be little 
 use in confining them, because the taking of towns can t 
 be kept secret. We shall know more by and by." 
 
 "Go this morning [August 2pth] to M. Lebrun s. The 
 Minister of Contributions, M. Claviere, and M. Monge, the 
 Minister of Marine, meet me here at the Hotel of Foreign 
 Affairs. They wish me to enter into a contract to furnish 
 $400,000 in America for the use of Santo Domingo. I 
 show them many reasons why I cannot, and, among others, 
 tell them that I am not authorized to treat with them ; 
 that I had been authorized to settle with the late govern 
 ment, and that if I should enter into the agreement they 
 wished I should probably be blamed for exceeding the 
 
i 792 .] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 5/9 
 
 line prescribed to me ; that there remained, moreover, an 
 other point worthy of their attention, which was that my 
 agreement would be in itself void, because I had no powers 
 to treat with the present government. M. Claviere said 
 the United States would certainly act in a different man 
 ner towards the present government than monarchs of 
 Europe did, and demanded peremptorily whether I would, 
 or no, sign the contract. His language and manner were 
 such as naturally to excite some little indignation, and 
 although I would pardon much to a man whose stock-job 
 bing life had not much qualified him for a station in 
 which delicacy of manner and expression are almost es 
 sential, yet I could not submit to an indignity in my per 
 son towards the country I represent. I told him, there 
 fore, that I did not understand what he meant to say. My 
 countenance, I believe, spoke the rest of my sentiment, 
 and led him to say, in explanation, that it was necessary 
 for them to have some positive engagement, because oth 
 erwise they must make provision for the service from an 
 other source ; and then he again expressed his conviction 
 that the United States would recognize them. I told him 
 it was not proper for me (a servant) to pretend to decide 
 on what would be the opinion of my masters ; that I should 
 wait their orders, and obey them when received; that the 
 present government could collect my sentiments from my 
 conduct ; that I could not possibly take on me to judge 
 questions of such magnitude. I add that I will write and 
 recommend the matter strongly to the Ministers of the 
 United States. But that is not what they want. Claviere 
 is much vexed. I have company to dinner ; the Dutch 
 ambassador tells me he has received his orders, and shall 
 ask for his passports to-morrow. In the evening a num 
 ber of persons enter, upon an order to examine my house 
 for arms said to be hidden in it. I tell them they shall not 
 
580 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 examine, that there are no arms, and that if there were 
 they should not touch them. I insist that they must 
 seize the informer, that I may bring him to punishment. 
 I am obliged to be very peremptory, and at length get rid 
 of them. The scene finished by apologies on their part. 
 Just after they are gone M. de St. Croix comes in. He is 
 a lucky man. He was hidden, but the order to search all 
 houses brings him hither. We are, it seems, to have an 
 other visit this night." 
 
 "The news [August 3oth] of the aristocrats is that the 
 troops of the Duke of Brunswick make excursions as far 
 as Chalons ; that Luckner s army is surrounded Verdun 
 taken. St. Foi, who comes in the evening, tells me that 
 the bombardment of Verdun has been heard in the neigh 
 borhood. St. Pardou says that six thousand men are 
 ordered for a secret expedition as on Saturday next, and 
 he fears that it is to carry off the royal family. The Com- 
 missaire de Section called on me this morning, and behaved 
 very well. The weather is pleasant. I learn that many 
 people have been taken up last night. There was a gen 
 eral search throughout the town for arms, and I presume 
 for people also. It still continues. The Commissary 
 who called upon me to-day, made many apologies and 
 took a note of my reply, so that we parted good friends." 
 
 " I have sufficient cause to take offence," Morris never 
 theless wrote to Mr. Jefferson on the 30th, "and depart, 
 if I were so inclined ; but I will stay, if possible, so as to 
 preserve to you the most perfect liberty of action. I do 
 not, indeed, feel offended at what is done by the people, 
 because they cannot be supposed to understand the law of 
 nations, and because they are in a state of fury which is 
 inconceivable, and which leaves them liable to all impres 
 sions and renders them capable of all excesses. I shall 
 endeavor, nevertheless, to preserve the proper firmness, 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 581 
 
 and, let what will happen, I hope that though my friends 
 should have occasion to lament my fate, they will never be 
 obliged to blush for my conduct." 
 
 "Just before dinner [August 3ist] I receive an insult 
 ing letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs. In the 
 evening the Bishop d Autun tells me it is written by Bris- 
 sot, and that their intention is to force me to recognize 
 the present government. He urges me to go away, be 
 cause all others of the Corps Diplomatique go, and because 
 I shall in staying be exposed to all the insidious malevo 
 lence of bad men. He relates a scene which passed in his 
 presence, and which is alike shocking and ridiculous. He 
 tells me that there is a division already among the rulers 
 here. He communicates the views of those who, in the 
 natural course of things, must become strongest. I give 
 him my reasons for thinking that they pursue an imprac 
 ticable object." 
 
 " I employ the greater part of this morning [September 
 ist] in making a reply to the letter of M. Lebrun, and 
 copying it. In the evening I read both, or rather show 
 them, to the Bishop d Autun, who approves much of my 
 answer, and observes that the letter is both absurd and 
 impertinent. I had sent for Swan and told him that his 
 friend Brissot, instead of promoting had spoilt his busi 
 ness, and would drive me out of the country. He says he 
 laments this last point much, as a few days must overset 
 the present establishment. I rather think he is mistaken 
 as to the time, at least, and there may be many overturns 
 before there is a settled government." 
 
 "This morning [September 2d] I go out on business. 
 Madame de Flahaut takes the same opportunity to visit 
 her friends. On our return we hear or, rather, see a 
 proclamation. She inquires into it, and learns that the 
 enemy are at the gates of Paris, which cannot be true. 
 
582 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 She is taken ill, being affected by the fate of her friends. 
 I observe that this proclamation produces terror and de 
 spair among the people. This afternoon they announce 
 the murder of priests who had been shut up in the Carmes. 
 They then go to the Abbaye, and murder the prisoners 
 there. This is horrible." 
 
 "The murdering continues all day [September 3d]. I 
 am told that there are about eight hundred men concerned 
 in it. The Minister of Parma and Ambassadress of Swe 
 den have been stopped as they were going away." 
 
 " And still [September 4th] the murders continue. The 
 prisoners in the Bicetre defend themselves, and the assail 
 ants try to stifle and drown them. A certain M. Ber- 
 trand, of the cavalry, comes to my house. Madame had 
 sent for him to give him a compensation for his kind 
 ness in saving her husband. I collect from him that 
 Paris waits but the moment to surrender. He does not 
 say so, but, if I may judge from strong indications, the 
 cavalry mean to join the invaders. Several strangers who 
 call on me complain that they cannot get passports. It is 
 said that as soon as the prisoners are demolished, the 
 party now employed in executing them mean to attack 
 the shopkeepers. The Assembly have official accounts 
 that Verdun is taken, and, it is said, Stenay also. The 
 weather is grown very cool, and this afternoon and even 
 ing it rains hard." 
 
 "Mr. P tells me [September 5th] that the ministry 
 
 and secret committees are in amaze. Verdun, Stenay, and 
 Clermont are taken. The country submits and joins the 
 enemy. The party of Robespierre has vowed the destruc 
 tion of Brissot. The Bishop d Autun tells me that he has 
 seen one of the Commission extraordinaire, i.e., secret com 
 mittee, who tells him that there is the most imminent 
 danger. I was told that one of the principal Jacobins 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 583 
 
 had expressed his fears, or rather despair, not so much 
 on account of the enemy s force as of their internal divi 
 sions." 
 
 "There is nothing new this day [September 6th]. The , 
 murders continue, and the magistrates swear to protect 
 persons and property. The weather is pleasant." 
 
 "The news from the armies [September ;th] are rather 
 encouraging to the new government. The Bishop d Au- 
 tun tells me that he hopes to get his passport, and urges 
 me to procure one for myself and quit Paris. He says he 
 is persuaded that those who rule now mean to quit Paris 
 and take off the King ; that their intention is to destroy 
 the city before they leave it. I learn that the Commune 
 have shut the barriers, because they suspect the Assembly 
 of an intention to retreat. The weather is very pleasant. 
 The Bishop d Autun has got his passport. He tells me 
 that he does not think the Duke of Brunswick will be 
 able to reach Paris, and he urges me strongly to leave it. 
 I have, however, received from the minister an indirect 
 apology for his impertinent letter, and therefore I shall 
 stay. The weather is very pleasant. M. Constable has got 
 his passport, but tells me that Mr. Phyn finds great diffi 
 culty. Lord Wycombe calls on me this morning, and 
 Chaumont comes in the afternoon to take leave." 
 
 "The prisoners were killed yesterday [September roth] 
 at Versailles. The number of troops to be opposed to the 
 combined armies seems now to be as inferior as the disci 
 pline and appointments. Lord Wycombe dines with me ; 
 he says that he hopes the end of the French affairs will 
 cure other nations of the rage for revolutions." 
 
 In his history of the daily events sent to Mr. Jefferson, 
 Morris says, at the end of this " eventful week," under date 
 of September loth : "We have had one week of unchecked 
 murders, in which some thousands have perished in this 
 
584 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXV. 
 
 city. It began with between two and three hundred of 
 the clergy, who would not take the oath prescribed by 
 law. Thence these executors of speedy justice went to the 
 Abbaye, where the prisoners were confined who were at 
 Court on the loth. Madame de Lamballe was, I believe, 
 the only woman killed, and she was beheaded and disem 
 bowelled ; the head and entrails paraded on pikes through 
 the street, and the body dragged after them. They con 
 tinued, I am told, in the neighborhood of the Temple 
 until the Queen looked out at this horrid spectacle. Yes 
 terday the prisoners from Orleans were put to death at 
 Versailles. The destruction began here about five in 
 the afternoon on Sunday, the 2d instant. A guard had 
 been sent a few days since to make the Due de la Roche- 
 foucault prisoner. He was on his way to Paris under 
 their escort, with his wife and mother, when he was taken 
 out of his carriage and killed. The ladies were taken 
 back to La Roche-Guyon, where they are now in a state 
 of arrestation. M. de Montmorin was among those slain 
 at the Abbaye. You will recollect that a petition was 
 signed by many thousands to displace the mayor on ac 
 count of his conduct on the 2oth of June. The signing 
 of this petition is considered as a sufficient proof of the 
 crime of Feuillantism, and it was in contemplation with 
 some to put all those who were guilty of signing that 
 petition to death. This measure seems, however, to be 
 suspended (for the present, at least) ; but, as there is no 
 real executive authority, the plan may be easily resumed 
 should it suit the views of those who enjoy the confidence 
 of that part of the people who are now active." 
 
 "There is nothing new this day," says the diary for 
 September nth, "except that the Camp of Maulde is 
 raised after sending a detachment to Dumouriez. The 
 troops are retired to Valenciennes. This opens the 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 585 
 
 northern frontier. Thionville is besieged, and so, perhaps, 
 is Metz. The non-juring priests are murdered at Rheims. 
 The weather is grown cool. The Duke of Brunswick 
 seems to be waiting awhile for the operations of others. 
 It is said that Champagne in general waits the oppor 
 tunity of joining the enemy, and it is said also that every 
 man is turning out against them. In this, as in other 
 cases, in media tutissimus ibis. A battle is said to be in agi 
 tation between Dumouriez and the Duke of Brunswick. 
 We shall know more of this hereafter. The inactivity of 
 the enemy is so extraordinary that it must have an un 
 known cause. Confessedly the forces opposed were infe 
 rior, and it would be extraordinary that great manoeuvre 
 should, under such circumstances, be needful." 
 
586 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Lafayette refuses to obey the Assembly. Leaves France and is captured. 
 King and queen are imprisoned in the Temple. Disorder reigns in 
 Paris. Murders continue. Morris hears that the Brissotine faction 
 desire to do him mischief. Letter to Washington. The dangers of 
 . living in Paris. Trials of Morris s position. Retreat of the Prus 
 sians. Apprehension of a famine. Taking of Nice. Anxious un 
 certainty of Morris s life. Letter to Jefferson on the state of affairs. 
 Letters to friends assuring them of his well-being. Difficulty of send 
 ing letters safely. Letter to Alexander Hamilton. Morris becomes 
 aware that the French Government desire his recall. 
 
 TO secure the allegiance of the army was the first 
 point to which the Legislative Assembly turned 
 their attention after the overthrow of the throne ; and 
 accordingly three commissioners, armed with the new de 
 crees, were sent to Lafayette at Sedan. Lafayette refused 
 to obey the Assembly, and, after a vain effort to influence 
 his troops, threw up his command and fled across the fron 
 tier, taking the road to the Netherlands. On reaching 
 the Austrian advance posts, he was arrested and treated 
 as a prisoner of war. 
 
 Commenting (September i2th) on the fate of Lafayette 
 to Mr. Short, Minister at the Hague, Morris wrote : " Truly 
 his circle is complete. He has spent all his fortune on a 
 revolution, and is now crushed by the wheel which he had 
 put in motion. He lasted longer than I expected. I have 
 long lamented his situation, and feel more than ever a de 
 sire to alleviate his distress. His imprisonment was among 
 the events which appeared to me not improbable. The 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 587 
 
 reasons you urge for his liberation are cogent, and I 
 hope they may be attended to. But supposing that M. 
 de Lafayette were a natural born subject of America, 
 and taken under the circumstances in which he was 
 placed, I do not exactly see how the United States could 
 claim him. If claimed and delivered up, would they not 
 be bound to put him to death for having attacked a neu 
 tral power ; or else, by the very act of acquitting him, de 
 clare war against those who had taken him ? But M. de 
 Lafayette is a Frenchman, and it is as a Frenchman that 
 he is taken and is to be treated. I do not feel myself 
 competent to decide on such a question in behalf of my 
 country, and therefore, if I were minister to His Imperial 
 Majesty, I should (I think) confine myself to prayer and 
 solicitation until I received express orders from the Presi 
 dent of the United States. But as I am not minister to 
 the Emperor, I rather think that my interference would 
 prove offensive and do more harm than good to M. de 
 Lafayette, and the government of this country might feel 
 itself offended. My opinion is, that the less we meddle 
 in the great quarrel which agitates Europe the better 
 will it be for us, and although the private feelings of 
 friendship or humanity might properly sway us as private 
 men, we have in our public character higher duties to 
 fulfil than those which may be dictated by sentiments of 
 affection towards an individual." 
 
 Sudden disappearances and rapid changes were the order 
 of the day in Paris now. People lost their heads ; streets 
 and places lost their names in the great whirl of excitement 
 and emotion and the overwhelming desire for change. 
 After the loth of August the word royal was effaced ; citi 
 zens named Leroi were requested to take some other that 
 could not suggest hateful royalty to the world. Soon 
 there was to be a protest against the ecclesiastical calen- 
 
588 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 dar. The names of the months were to suggest the sea 
 son they occurred in, so that the Republican years should 
 differ from all other years. Meantime, languishing in the 
 Temple, uncomplainingly enduring the change that had 
 come to them, were the royal family, helplessly submit 
 ting to every variety of contumely at the hands of those 
 who had so lately called the King the Defender of his 
 people. Disorder reigned. "The factions seem to be 
 daily more embittered against each other," Morris wrote, 
 September i4th, "and, notwithstanding the common dan 
 ger, they are far from a disposition to unite. It seems 
 probable that those who possess Paris will dictate to the 
 others. I take an airing in the boulevards to-day." 
 
 " I will not pretend to relate, much less to describe, 
 what has lately passed here," Morris wrote to a friend 
 in America during September. "It is too shocking, and 
 among the victims are some whose fate will much affect 
 you. I must not conceal from you that (as I am told) the 
 venerable Madame d Amville and M. de la Rochefoucault 
 are on their way to this city under guard ; the Duchesse 
 de la Rochefoucault remains, I am told, at Roche-Guyon. 
 Poor Charles Chabot is no more." And a few days later 
 he wrote to Mr. Short : "Among the many scenes of blood 
 shed which have of late been exhibited, you will lament 
 the fate of the Due de la Rochefoucault, killed in the 
 presence of his aged mother. You seem to shudder at 
 the excesses you had heard of in the beginning of the 
 war. What will be your feelings at the scenes which have 
 lately passed ? I will not pretend to describe what I wish 
 to forget, and I fear, also, that a just picture would be 
 attributed rather to the glow of imagination than to the 
 coloring of nature." 
 
 "To-day," says the diary for September i4th, "there is 
 nothing from the armies except a confirmation of the rais- 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 589 
 
 ing of the Camp de Maulde, with some circumstances to 
 show that the French have been roughly handled in that 
 quarter. Some people have amused themselves this day 
 in tearing the ear-rings out of people s ears and taking 
 their watches. It is said that some of the violators have 
 been put to death." 
 
 "This day [September iyth] accounts arrived from the 
 army to show that Dumouriez has been defeated, or some 
 thing very like it." 
 
 "By the official reports [September i8th] Paris is in a 
 state of imminent danger from the internal movement. 
 The factions grow more inveterate. Everything still wears 
 an appearance of confusion ; no authority anywhere. I 
 find, from various channels, that the Brissotine faction are 
 desirous of doing me mischief, if they can. 
 
 "Nothing new this day [September 2ist], except that 
 the Convention has met and declared they will have no 
 King in France. News are received of the march of the 
 Prussian army towards Rheims, after a long action with 
 the advance of Dtimouriez s army, under Kellermann, 
 which was, I presume, to amuse him." 
 
 In a letter to Washington, dated September 22d, Morris 
 mentioned that he had hinted at the " dangers attending 
 a residence in this city," in a letter to Mr. Jefferson. 
 "Some of the sanguinary events," he goes on to say, 
 "which have taken place and which were partial execu- 
 , tions of great plans, will point to a natural interpretation 
 thereof ; but these were not what I contemplated. Should 
 we ever meet, I will entertain you with the recital of many 
 things which it would be improper to commit to paper, at 
 least for the present. You will have seen that the King 
 is accused of high crimes and misdemeanors, but I verily 
 believe that he wished sincerely for this nation the enjoy 
 ment of the utmost degree of liberty which the situation 
 
590 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 of circumstances will permit. What may be his fate God 
 only knows, but history informs us that the passage of 
 dethroned monarchs is short from the prison to the grave. 
 I discover three capital errors in the conduct of the Duke 
 of Brunswick. First, his proclamation arrogated rights 
 which in no construction could belong to him or his em 
 ployers, and contained threats which no circumstances 
 could warrant, and which in no supposable success could 
 be executed. They tended, however, to unite the nation 
 in opposing him, seeing that no hope remained for those 
 who had taken any part in the Revolution ; and the con 
 duct observed towards M. de Lafayette and his compan 
 ions was a severe comment on the cruelty of the text. 
 Thus in the same moment he wounded the pride, insulted 
 the feelings, and alarmed the fears of all France ; and by 
 his thundering menaces to protect the royal family he 
 plunged them into the situation from which he meant to 
 extricate them. The second error was not to dash at Paris 
 the instant he received the news of the affair of the loth. 
 He should then have advanced at all hazards, and if in so 
 doing he had declared to the several generals and armies 
 that he expected their assistance to restore their dethroned 
 prince and violated constitution, I am persuaded that he 
 would have met with as much support as opposition. I 
 learn within these two days that the delegates of Lorraine 
 and Alsace had so little hope or, rather, were so thoroughly 
 persuaded that those provinces would join the enemy, that 
 they made unusual haste to come forward lest they should 
 be apprehended. Great activity in that moment would 
 have done wonders ; but then he was not ready. The third 
 great error was that, after waiting so long, he came forward 
 at all this season. By menacing the frontiers with great 
 and increasing force vast numbers of the militia would 
 have been drawn to the utmost verge of the French terri- 
 
I792.J GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 5QI 
 
 tory. The difficulty of subsisting them there would have 
 been extreme. By taking strong and good positions his 
 troops would have been preserved in full vigor, and the 
 French, wasted by disease, tired of inaction, and stimu 
 lated by their natural impatience and impetuosity of tem 
 per, would have forced their generals to attack, even if 
 they had the prudence to be quiet. The consequence of 
 such attack, excepting always the will of God, must have 
 been a complete victory on his part, and then it would 
 have been next to impossible for them to escape. Then 
 the towns would have surrendered, believing the business 
 to be over, and he might have come as far forward this 
 autumn as the needful transportation of stores would per 
 mit. Next spring France would have found it almost im 
 possible to subsist the armies needful for her defence in 
 that part of the country which is most defensible, and of 
 consequence her enemy would have reached the point 
 from which he lately retreated without the smallest diffi 
 culty. France has a strong ally in the feelings of those 
 nations who are subject to despotism, but for that very 
 reason she has a mortal enemy in every prince. If (as is 
 very possible) the league should hold firm till next spring 
 it will then have gained considerable auxiliaries, and I 
 am very much mistaken if this nation will make as great 
 efforts as those she is now making. The character of na 
 tions must be taken into consideration in all political 
 questions, and that of France has ever been an enthusias 
 tic inconstancy. They soon get tired of a thing. They 
 adopt without examination and reject without sufficient 
 cause. They are now agog of their Republic, and may 
 perhaps adopt some form of government with a huzza, 
 but that they will adopt a good form, or, having adopted, 
 adhere to it, that is what I do not believe. The future 
 prospect, therefore, is involved in mist and darkness. 
 
592 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 There is but one sovereign in Europe the Empress of 
 Russia who is not in the scale of talents considerably un 
 der par. 
 
 " I need not tell you, sir, how agreeable it would be to 
 me, and what a load it would take from u\y mind to have 
 positive instructions and orders from my government. At 
 the same time, I am fully sensible that it may be incon 
 venient to give me such orders. The United States may 
 wish to temporize and see how things are like to end, and 
 in such case, leaving me at large, the right reserved to 
 avow or disavow me, according to circumstances and 
 events, is for the government an eligible position. My 
 part in the play is not quite so eligible, but although I 
 wish the Senate to be sensible of this, I am far from wish 
 ing that any precipitate step be taken to relieve me from 
 it, for I know how contemptible is any private considera 
 tion when compared with the public interests. One step, 
 however, seems natural, viz., to say that before any new 
 letters of credence are given it will be proper to know to 
 whom they are to be directed, because the Convention, a 
 mere temporary body, is to be succeeded by some fixed 
 form, and it may be a long time before any such form is 
 adopted. 
 
 "Your letter for Lafayette must remain with me yet 
 some time. His enemies here are as virulent as ever, and 
 I can give you no better proof than this. Among the 
 King s papers was found nothing of what his enemies 
 wished and expected, except his correspondence with M. 
 de Lafayette, which breathes from beginning to end the 
 purest sentiments of freedom. It is, therefore, kept se 
 cret, while he stands accused of designs in conjunction 
 with the dethroned monarch to enslave his country. 
 The fact respecting this correspondence is communicated 
 to me by a person to whom it was related confidentially 
 
1792. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 593 
 
 by one of the parties who examined it. You will have 
 seen in my letter to Jefferson a proposition made by Mr. 
 Short respecting M. de Lafayette, with my reply. I had 
 very good reason to apprehend that our interference at 
 that time would have been injurious to him, but I hope 
 that a moment will soon offer in which something may be 
 done for his relief. In reading my correspondence with 
 Mr. Short you must consider that I wrote to the French 
 and Austrian governments, as each would take the liberty 
 to read my letters." 
 
 " I am told [September 26th] that the King of Prussia 
 has made overtures for accommodation with the Assem 
 bly. This is, I presume, a military trick. News have 
 arrived that Montesquiou * has broken into Savoy, and is 
 carrying all before him." 
 
 Events since the 2pth of August, when he met M. Le- 
 brun and M. Claviere at the Hotel of Foreign Affairs, 
 had convinced Morris that his suspicions concerning the 
 ministers were correct. " A private speculation was at 
 the bottom of the proposal made to me," he wrote to Mr. 
 Jefferson, " and this accounts for the wrath I excited by 
 the unwillingness on my part to jump over all bounds of 
 my powers and instructions." 
 
 " There is nothing extraordinary this day [September 
 3oth], except a confirmation of the account that the King 
 of Prussia wishes to treat, and which account I cannot be 
 lieve." 
 
 * Anne Pierre, Marquis de Montesquiou-Ferzensac was brought to the 
 special notice of Monsieur (Louis XVIII.) by his taste for letters. Appointed 
 in 1771 premier ecuyer, he became a marechal de camp in 1780. In the 
 American Revolution he served with distinction. A deputy to the States 
 General from the Nobles in 1789, he, after the king s arrest at Varennes, was 
 called to command the Army of the South. After achieving the conquest of 
 Savoy, in 1792, without bloodshed, he was accused of compromising the 
 dignity of the nation, and retired to Switzerland. Born in 1741, he died in 
 1798. 
 
 3* 
 
594 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 " We learn to-day [October 2d] that the Prussian army 
 is retreating. This appears very extraordinary. They 
 are said to be sickly." 
 
 "This morning [October 3d] I have details respecting 
 the retreat of the Prussians. Great sickness and the 
 crafty policy of Austria account for it. This retreat gives 
 room for a long war, should the Allies persist, unless the 
 natural levity of the French should induce them to aban 
 don their young republic in the cradle. There is every 
 reason to apprehend a famine. Accounts arrive of the 
 taking of Spires by General Custine and three thousand 
 prisoners of war. Dumouriez seems extravagantly rejoiced 
 at the retreat of the Prussian army. Re-enforcements are 
 thrown into Lille, so that in all probability that place is 
 saved. The rainy weather is very unfavorable to the 
 sickly troops under the Duke of Brunswick. Everything 
 looks favorably to the cause of the new republic. The 
 weather is mild and pleasant." 
 
 "Confirmations arrive [October 8th] of the taking of 
 Nice, and from every quarter success pours in. Oh mor 
 tal, impotent and blind to fate, too soon defeated and too 
 soon elate. The weather is very foul. Dumouriez is 
 seriously occupied by the plan of marching into Flanders. 
 He says he will take up his winter-quarters at Brussels. 
 I hear that Worms is taken, in which, by the by, there 
 was no garrison." 
 
 "Some despatches [October 22d], taken by the careless 
 ness of Monsieur, the King s brother, open up scenes of 
 French good faith, or rather aristocratic folly." 
 
 Of the wearisome uncertainty of his position Morris 
 speaks to Jefferson in a letter of October 23d. He says : 
 
 "The unexpected events which have taken place in 
 this country since your letter was written, and of which 
 you will have been informed before this reaches you, will 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 595 
 
 show you that I cannot, until I receive the President s 
 further orders, take up any of the objects to which it 
 alludes, not having, indeed, the proper powers. I appre 
 hend, also, the United States will wish to see a little 
 into the establishment of the new republic before they take 
 any decided steps in relation thereto. In this case I may 
 be yet a long time without such orders, which is to me 
 a distressing circumstance, because it involves a degree of 
 responsibility for events which no human being can fore 
 see. It may, indeed, be replied that in a position like 
 mine the proper conduct is to preserve a strict neu 
 trality, and, of course, to do nothing ; but cases often arise 
 in which to do nothing is taking a part. I had it in con 
 templation to leave Paris and visit Bordeaux and Mar 
 seilles, but I found it necessary to continue here for the 
 sake of such of my countrymen as were in this city, and 
 who might, in the madness of the moment, have been 
 exposed to danger, but certainly to inconvenience ; a 
 proof of which is, that the English who remained after 
 Lord Gower went away found it so difficult to obtain 
 passports, though possessed of those he had given, that 
 many, after waiting for weeks in fruitless attendance, went 
 off at all hazards without them. 
 
 " As to the domestic affairs here, they are by no means 
 quiet. The great majority of the Convention is united in 
 opposition to a few members who are joined to some 
 chiefs in this city and meditate further revolutions. They 
 aver that those whom they call the Brissotines had no wish 
 to overturn the monarchy, but only to get the loaves and 
 fishes for themselves and their friends ; that the affair of 
 the loth of August happened not only without their aid, 
 but contrary to their wish ; that, having happened, they 
 did indeed take advantage of it to obtain the executive 
 power for their particular friends, but that even then they 
 
596 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 would not consolidate the Revolution by destroying its 
 enemies a business, say they, which was effected on the 
 2d of September and the following days, and which 
 those who now safely enjoy the fruits of it pretend to 
 blame. The Brissotines, on the other hand, contend that 
 they alone are the true friends of republican government, 
 for which they have incessantly labored ever since the 
 second Assembly met ; that the attachment they professed 
 to the late Constitution was only simulated, and was 
 necessary to cover their attack upon it ; that, in their vari 
 ous decrees, they constantly kept in view the advantage 
 to be gained by obliging the King either to sanction what 
 (though agreeable to the popular wish) was contrary to 
 the Constitution in which case the Constitution would 
 have become a dead letter and have left the field of con 
 test open between the King and the legislature or else, if 
 the King withheld his sanction, it turned the voice of the 
 people against him, and left him in consequence exposed 
 to successful attack whenever the favorable moment 
 should present itself ; that it was they, in short, who 
 brought forward the plan of an army of twenty thousand 
 republicans under the walls of Paris, and who took private 
 and effectual measures to bring that army into the field if 
 (as was apprehended) the King should put a veto on the 
 decree ; that it was owing to these measures that the Bre 
 tons and Marseillais and other Federes were on the spot 
 to execute the plans of the loth of August. These are 
 the outlines of the arguments made use of on either side 
 to convince the public that each is exclusively the au 
 thor of a republic which the people find themselves pos 
 sessed of by a kind of magic, or, at least, a sleight of 
 hand, and which, nevertheless, they are as fond of as if it 
 were their own offspring. To these main arguments are 
 added a number of subordinate ones, with all the little ac- 
 
1792.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 597 
 
 cessories of time, place, and circumstance. The majority 
 of the Convention, however, uncertain of the people of this 
 city, and apprehensive that they may take it into their 
 heads to make another revolution when they grow tired of 
 the present state of things, have called (privately) for a 
 guard from the different departments. 
 
 "This now forms the bone of contention ; you will see 
 in the gazettes, the arguments pro and con. I own that I 
 think it a false stroke in politics, though, as a peaceable 
 citizen of Paris and interested in the preservation of order, 
 it is personally agreeable to me. On the ground of argu 
 ment it is clearly a feature not republican, and prima 
 fade implies that the Convention means to do things which 
 a majority of the capital would disapprove ; and hence it 
 follows, again, that either the interests of the provinces and 
 the capital are different, or else that the measures in con 
 templation are contrary to the inclinations of both. But 
 it is not on the ground of theoretic argument that such 
 things are to be tried, but from an examination of proba 
 ble consequences. A guard of this sort evidently draws a 
 strong, broad line of separation between the city and the 
 Convention. It gives, of course, many means for operat 
 ing on the people to those who are opposed to the Con 
 vention. It is among the things to be calculated on, that 
 the guard, after it has been here some time, should catch 
 the spirit of the city, be that what it may. In such case, 
 instead of protectors they will find enemies in their guard. 
 But admitting that this should not happen, if the guard be 
 feeble it will be overawed ; if strong, those who can influ 
 ence the guard will command the Convention, who in this 
 case will only have changed masters. If any little check 
 should happen on the frontiers, it will be too unpopular 
 to keep a considerable body of men for parade who 
 might be useful in camp, and as soon as they go the peo- 
 VOL. II. 7 
 
DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 pie rise at once to resent the insult offered to them. 
 It seems probable, therefore, that this guard will be among 
 the reasons why the Convention may leave the city, and 
 that would give a very serious shock, and in many ways. 
 It is to be noted, also, that when they take up the report on 
 a form of government, the opposition will find vast re 
 sources in the opinions of the majority, let those be what 
 they may. 
 
 "With respect to the present temper of the people of 
 this country, I am clearly of opinion the decided effective 
 majority is now for the republic. What may be the tem 
 per and opinion six months hence no present sensible 
 man would, I think, take upon him to declare, much less 
 depend on the form of government which shall be pre 
 sented by the Convention. If vigorous, it is very problem 
 atical whether the departments will adopt it, unless com 
 pelled by a sense of impending exterior dangers ; if 
 feeble, it is (humanly speaking) impossible that it can 
 control the effervescent temper of this people, and that 
 appears sufficiently by the fate of the late constitution. 
 Whether they will be able to strike out that happy mean 
 which secures all the liberty which circumstances will ad 
 mit of, combined with all the energy which the same cir 
 cumstances require ; whether they can establish an au 
 thority which does not exist, as a substitute (and always a 
 dangerous substitute) for that respect which cannot be re 
 stored after so much has been done to destroy it; whether, 
 in crying down and even ridiculing religion, they will be 
 able, on the tottering and uncertain base of metaphysic 
 philosophy, to establish a solid edifice of morals these are 
 questions which time may solve." 
 
 Toward the end of October Morris wrote to various 
 friends in America to assure them of his well-being. To 
 Mr. Samuel Ogden, he said : " The object of this letter is 
 
I792-] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 599 
 
 merely to tell you that I am still alive, after all the scenes 
 of horror which have passed in this country, and that I 
 am ever mindful of my friends." To Robert Morris, he 
 wrote : <; If you do not receive my letters, do not hence 
 conclude that I do not write ; and even if I do not write, 
 do not hence conclude that I am capable of forgetting my 
 friends. About the time of my arrival in this city I wrote 
 little, having, indeed, no time, because I was obliged to 
 look for a house, furniture, etc.; and to this must be added 
 having to receive and pay visits. But what from that time 
 to this consumes many precious moments is the applica 
 tion of all sorts of persons on all sorts of subjects ; and 
 this I must be exposed to, or risk the turning away of 
 some whose objects might be worthy of notice. Others, 
 again, come to tell what they know, and I sit for an hour 
 together hearing patiently what I knew two days before ; 
 but sometimes an additional circumstance, sometimes a 
 difference of circumstances, throws new light both upon 
 men and things ; besides, if I won t let them talk when 
 they wish it, they won t talk when I wish it. 
 
 " I think I see you smile and hear you say, What good 
 results from all this ? I answer, that a man must work at 
 his trade, and I will tell you that I was far the best in 
 formed of our corps. This could be of little use to the 
 United States from the distance which intervenes, but is 
 a great means of establishing one s self so as to bring 
 about the objects of our country, for then it becomes in 
 some sort the interest of the ministers to be well with us. 
 The loth of August overset all this town, but if I had 
 foreseen the events of that day I should have pursued the 
 same conduct. Seed sown liberally will produce some 
 thing, and I think I have pretty good intelligence now of 
 the designs of both those parties which are at daggers- 
 drawing in this country. But there is another reason 
 
600 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 which at times damps my correspondence, and that is the 
 uncertainty and insecurity of the conveyance." 
 
 In a letter to Rufus King, October 23d, he enters more 
 fully into the conditions of affairs and the difficulties of 
 his position. 
 
 " I cannot give you such desirable intelligence respect 
 ing the state of things here as I might have done if the 
 late revolution had not taken place, because I find my in 
 tercourse of necessity suspended, and until I have orders 
 respecting the new government I am bound to preserve a 
 neutrality of conduct, so that I cannot, as heretofore, peep 
 behind the scenes. Add to this that there is at present 
 no very certain march anywhere, each feeling himself 
 obliged to deviate, according to circumstances, from the 
 course which he might wish. The late revolution has for 
 its remote cause that excess in the human temper which 
 drives men always to extremes if not checked and con 
 trolled. For its proximate cause it has the views and de 
 fects of the late constitution, and particularly that an ex 
 ecutive without power was rendered responsible for events, 
 and that a legislature composed of a single chamber of 
 representatives was secured by every precaution and under 
 no control except some paper maxims and popular opin 
 ion ; that the people, or rather the populace, a thing which, 
 thank God, is unknown in America, flattered with the idea 
 that they are omnipotent, and disappointed from necessity 
 in the golden prospects originally held out to them, were 
 under no restraint except such as might be imposed by 
 magistrates of their own choice. It resulted inevitably 
 that the executive must be in the power of the legislative, 
 and this last at the mercy of such men as could influence 
 the mob. By reducing the royal authority below all rea 
 sonable measure the constitution-makers had created a 
 moral impossibility that the people should believe the 
 
i 79 2.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 6OI 
 
 King sincere in his acceptance, even if it had been possi 
 ble that he should, without regret, have beheld himself 
 reduced from the first place allotted to man to a state as 
 low as to be exposed to insult from the lowest. It was 
 evident, then, the Constitution could not last, and in the 
 overturn three things might happen ; viz., the establish 
 ment of despotism, the establishment of a good constitu 
 tion, or the institution of a democracy. The first, under 
 an able and ambitious prince, was inevitable ; the second 
 was extremely difficult, not in itself, but because the 
 chiefs of different parties all found themselves committed 
 to different points and opinions. The last was only a nat 
 ural continuation of the progress of men s minds in a 
 necessary succession of ideas from the " Bill of Rights." 
 The advocates for republican government therefore had 
 an easy task, although both to themselves and others it 
 appeared difficult. From the moment that the second 
 Assembly met, a plan was formed among several of the 
 members and others to overturn the Constitution they 
 had just sworn to observe, and establish a republic. This 
 arose in part from the desire of placing themselves better 
 than they could otherwise do, and in part from a convic 
 tion that the system could not last and that they would 
 have no share in the administration under a pure mon 
 archy. As they had a strong hold upon the lowest class 
 of people, as the aristocrats and constitutional parties 
 were at open war, as these last avowed openly their wish 
 to amend, in other words, to change the Constitution, 
 which at the same time they assumed to venerate, it was 
 not a difficult matter to assault a monarch who adhered 
 to that form which he could not be supposed to approve, 
 and whose faults became daily more and more apparent. 
 Add to this that the Court was involved in a spirit of 
 little, paltry intrigue, unworthy of anything above the 
 
6O2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 rank of footmen and chambermaids. Everyone had his 
 or her little project, and every little project had some 
 abettors. Strong, manly counsels frightened the weak, 
 alarmed the envious, and wounded the enervate mind of 
 the lazy and luxurious. Such counsels, therefore (if per 
 chance any such appeared), were approved but not adopt 
 ed, certainly not followed. The palace was always filled 
 with people whose language, whose conduct, and whose 
 manner were so diametrically opposite to everything like 
 liberty, that it was easy to persuade the people that the 
 Court meant to destroy the Constitution by observing 
 strictly the Constitution. Some persons avowed this tactic, 
 which from the moment of such avowal was no longer 
 worth a doit. 
 
 "The King, whose integrity would never listen to any 
 thing like the violation of his oath, had nevertheless the 
 weakness to permit those who openly avowed unconstitu 
 tional sentiments to approach his person and enjoy his in 
 timacy. The Queen was the more prudent. The repub 
 licans (who had also their plan to destroy the Constitution 
 by the Constitution) founded on the King s personal in 
 tegrity their operation to destroy his reputation for in 
 tegrity and hold him out to the world as a traitor to the 
 nation whom he was sworn to protect. They, in conse 
 quence, seized every occasion to pass popular decrees 
 which were unconstitutional. If the King used his veto, 
 he was accused of wishing a counter-revolution ; if he 
 sanctioned the decree, he was so far lost with those who 
 were injured by the decree, and, of course, became daily 
 more and more unprotected. The success of his enemies 
 was beyond their own expectation. His palace was as 
 saulted. He took refuge with the Assembly, and is now 
 a prisoner of State." 
 
 "You will have seen," Morris wrote, October 24th, 
 
i 79 2.] GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 603 
 
 to Alexander Hamilton, " that the late Constitution of 
 this country has overset a natural accident to a thing 
 which was all sail and no ballast. I desire much to know 
 the state of opinion with us on that subject. The flight of 
 M. de Lafayette, the murder of the Due de la Rochefou- 
 cault and others, with many similar circumstances, have, 
 I know, affected the ideas of some. But what will be 
 the republican sense as to the new Republic ? Will it be 
 taken for granted that Louis the Sixteenth was guilty of 
 all possible crimes, and particularly of the enormous one 
 of not suffering his throat to be cut, which was certainly 
 a nefarious plot against the people. Whatever may be 
 the opinions, we are done with kings in France, at least for 
 the present. There are two parties here, who drive hard 
 at each other. The one consists of about half a dozen, 
 and the other of fifteen or twenty, who are at daggers- 
 drawing. Each claims the merit of having begotten the 
 young republic upon the body of the Jacobin Club, and 
 notwithstanding the dispute is very loud and open, the 
 people is as fond of the child as if it were its own. But 
 this has a relation to ancient manners ; for there has been 
 a practice here from time to time, whereof there is no 
 memory of man to the contrary, viz., that one set of men 
 were employed in getting children for another set. It is 
 not worth while to detail the characters of those now on 
 the stage, because they must soon give place to others." 
 
 "It is confirmed to me to-day," says the diary for Novem 
 ber 2d, " that the Government have written to America urg 
 ing my recall. There seems to be much movement in 
 Paris. Robespierre has got through his affairs with Jclat" 
 
 It was just at this time that Louvet, one of the most res 
 olute men in the Girondist party, accused Robespierre of 
 calumniating the most virtuous patriots, of offering the 
 basest flatteries to a hundred citizens. He described 
 
6o 4 
 
 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 [CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 Robespierre s intrigues, his ambition, his great ascend 
 ency over the people, interspersing his vehement philippic 
 with the appalling sentence, "Robespierre, I accuse thee." 
 Morris alludes to the fact that Robespierre, after de 
 manding a delay of eight days to prepare his defence, ap 
 peared at the end of that time in the light of a triumphant 
 antagonist, rather than an accused person. 
 
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