I 
 
 fVATERLAND'S 
 
 History 
 
 ' OF THE 
 
 ■THANASIAN 
 
 REED. 
 
 Ki
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 
 
 \
 
 A 
 
 CRITICAL HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ATHANASIAN CREED. 
 
 BY 
 
 DANIEL WATERLAND, D.D. 
 
 FORMERLY MASTER OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; CANON 
 OF WINDSOR ; AND ARCHDEACON OF MIDDLESEX. 
 
 & Jiefo (Edition, 
 
 REVISED AND CORRECTED BY THE 
 
 EEV. J. R. KING, M.A. 
 
 LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD. 
 
 ©ifarti anto 3Lontion: 
 JAMES PARKER AND CO. 
 
 1870.
 
 w.: 
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 T1HE "Critical History of the Athanasian Creed" 
 -*- had its origin in Dr. Waterland's controversy -with 
 Dr. Clarke, and other Anti-Trinitarians, on the subject 
 of the blessed Trinity. First published in 1723, in 
 the interval between his " Second Vindication of Christ's 
 Divinity," and his " Farther Vindication," both of 
 them directly controversial works, it yet is singularly 
 free from polemics ; and it is only in the last chapter 
 that he thinks it well to answer the objections of 
 Dr. Clarke, who " out of his abundant zeal to promote 
 Arianism had taken upon him to disparage this ex- 
 cellent Form of Faith." 
 
 After an Introduction, in which the Author explains 
 the scope and method of the work, disclaiming any 
 pretence at originality, and declaring that it professes 
 to be nothing more than a careful digest, in a form 
 convenient for the English reader, of all that he had 
 been able to discover written on the subject, the 
 treatise is divided into eleven chapters, of which eight 
 are concerned with the history of the Creed, and the 
 remaining three with its substance, and its use in the 
 Church of England. 
 
 The first chapter sets forth the opinions of the chief 
 modern authorities as to the date and authorship of 
 
 1174699
 
 EDITOR S PREFACE. 
 
 the Creed, beginning with Gerard Voss, who published 
 his treatise, Be tribus Symlolis, in 1642, and ending 
 with Gasimir Oudin, whose Commentary on the Eccle- 
 siastical Writers appeared in its final form in 1722. 
 The great majority of the thirty-two authors whom 
 he cites are agreed that the Creed is not the work of 
 Athanasius; and most of them would assign to it an 
 origin in the "Western Church, not earlier than the 
 fifth century. Eight of them ascribe it to Vigilius 
 Tapsensis, whilst no two are agreed in upholding the 
 claims of any other Latin writer to its authorship. 
 Dr. Clarke is alone in bringing it down to so late a 
 period as the eighth or ninth century, though Voss 
 and Dr. Cave agree with him in supposing it not to 
 have been generally received till about the year 1000. 
 
 In the second chapter, Dr. Waterland considers the 
 testimony of more ancient writers to the existence and 
 authority of the Creed. Rejecting the evidence ad- 
 duced from writers earlier than the seventh century 
 as spurious or irrelevant, he attaches some importance 
 to that afforded by a Canon which is attributed to the 
 Synod of Autun, in 670. The first unquestionable 
 testimony, however, is supplied in certain articles of 
 enquiry, preserved by Khegino, Abbot of Prom in 
 Germany, and referable to the middle of the eighth 
 century. Thenceforward quotations from the Creed 
 are not uncommon, though the title Symbolum is not 
 applied to it by any author before Hincmar, Arch- 
 bishop of Eheims in the middle of the ninth century,
 
 editor's preface. 
 
 and the appellation was not generally in use for some 
 three centuries more. Dr. Waterland quotes in all 
 thirty -six authorities in this chapter, ending with 
 Johannes Plusiadenus, in 1439. Most of them ascribe 
 the Creed to Athanasius, and none to any other author, 
 though Beleth mentions as a common view the theory 
 that it was written by Anastasius. 
 
 The third chapter is taken up with the consideration 
 of the ancient commentators on the Athanasian Creed, 
 beginning with Yenantius Fortunatus in the sixth, 
 and ending with Peter d'Osma of Salamanca, in the 
 fifteenth century. The first of these is the most im- 
 portant, proving the existence of the Creed at an 
 earlier period than any other evidence which we 
 possess : insomuch that Muratori erroneously supposed 
 Fortunatus to have been himself the author. 
 
 The fourth chapter contains an account of the va- 
 rious manuscripts of the Athanasian Creed which Dr. 
 Waterland could trace. The earliest of these is quoted 
 by Bishop Usher as belonging to the end of the sixth 
 century ; but this, as well as the Manuscript of Treves, 
 referred to the middle of the seventh century, was 
 already lost in the time of Dr. Waterland ; so that the 
 earliest manuscript then known to exist was that in 
 the Ambrosian Library at Milan, belonging to the end 
 of the seventh century. Between that time and the 
 end of the eleventh century, twenty-two manuscripts 
 are described, most of them being attached to Psalters, 
 mainly of the Gallican version. This chapter closes
 
 VI EDITOR S rfcEFACE. 
 
 with an account of the principal Latin versions of the 
 Psalter, severally known as the Italic, Gallican, Ro- 
 man, and Hebraic. 
 
 The fifth chapter is occupied with a discussion of 
 the ancient versions of the Creed, among which, adopt- 
 ing the view that Latin was its original language, 
 Dr. Waterland includes the Greek manuscripts. The 
 correctness of this opinion is confirmed by the fact 
 that these do not rank early even among the ver- 
 sions ; no copy being known of a date previous to 
 the middle of the fourteenth century. The earliest 
 version of which any trace is to be found was in the 
 Lingua Romana, prevalent in France in the middle of 
 the ninth century : but the earliest extant is in German, 
 in the Imperial Library at Vienna, and is referred by 
 Dr. "Waterland to the year 870. Of the following 
 century there are Anglo-Saxon versions, but none of 
 those in French, properly so called, reach higher than 
 the eleventh century. Of the date of the versions in 
 other languages, Dr. Waterland had no information on 
 which it was possible to form an estimate. 
 
 From the foregoing evidence, Dr. "Waterland argues, 
 in the sixth chapter, that the Creed was received into 
 the Gallican Church as early as the middle of the sixth 
 century. That it was known in Spain within a cen- 
 tury after this is clear, from its being quoted in the 
 Canons of the Fourth Council of Toledo, held in 633 ; 
 and the general affinity between the French and Spa- 
 nish Liturgies would lead us to suppose that it pro-
 
 EDITOR S PREFACE. 
 
 bably then formed a recognised clement in the Spanish 
 services. In Germany it was certainly received in 787, 
 perhaps some years before : while in England we can 
 trace it as early as 799, when considerable portions of 
 it were quoted in a profession of faith made by Dene- 
 bert, Bishop of Worcester. The date of its reception 
 in Italy is very doubtful, and though inclined to trace 
 it to the conquest of Lombardy by Charlemagne, yet 
 Dr. "VVaterland does not venture to insist on an earlier 
 date than 880 for its regular introduction into the 
 Italian Liturgies. The lionian Church was the last to 
 adopt it among the "Western Christians ; and we can- 
 not prove that it was admitted into any Roman Liturgy 
 earlier than the Psalter of King Athelstan in 930. The 
 fact of its admission into the Greek and Oriental 
 Churches has been questioned altogether, but it ap- 
 pears probable, that, though unknown to the Greek 
 Churches in Africa and Asia, yet that it had, for some 
 little time, been accepted by the main body of the 
 Greeks in Europe, with alterations in the Article con- 
 cerning the Procession of the Holy Ghost. 
 
 From a consideration of all this evidence Dr. Water- 
 land concludes, in the seventh chapter, that the Athana- 
 sian Creed was probably composed in Gaul : and as it 
 was in sufficient repute for a Comment to be written on 
 it about the year 570, it may fairly be presumed to be 
 from a century to a century and a-half more ancient 
 than that date. But, from internal evidence, he con- 
 ceives that we can fix the time of its composition with
 
 EDITOR S PREFACE. 
 
 much greater nicety. It is obviously later than the 
 rise of the heresy of Apollinarius, from the precision 
 with which his tenets are refuted on the subject of the 
 Incarnation ; and it is most probably subsequent to the 
 publication of St. Augustine's work, De Trinitate, from 
 the use of expressions first worked out in that treatise. 
 This would bring it down to the year 420, nearly fifty 
 years after Athanasius's death. On the other hand, 
 the absence of any direct refutation of Eutyches, and 
 even the admission of equivocal expressions which 
 might be interpreted as favouring his views, would 
 mark the Creed as earlier than his condemnation at 
 Chalcedon in 451. Similarly, its language seems to 
 place it even before the condemnation of Nestorius at 
 Ephesus in 431 ; so that its composition is brought 
 within the compass of the ten years between 420 and 
 430 ; and as we know that St. Augustine, whose writ- 
 ings had manifestly an important influence upon it, 
 was in close communication with the Church in Gaul 
 during the latter half of this decade, we may ulti- 
 mately fix its date, with great probability, to that 
 time. 
 
 After determining the time and place of the com- 
 position of the Creed, Dr. "Waterland proceeds, in the 
 eighth chapter, to determine the question of its author- 
 ship. This he decides in favour of Hilary of Aries, as 
 best fulfilling the requisite conditions of time, place, 
 capacity, and authority in the Church. He is also 
 known to have been an admirer of St. Augustine ; and
 
 EDITOR S r-REFACE. 
 
 is said to have written an " admirable exposition of the 
 Creed," of which we have no trace, unless we hold it 
 to be the work in question. The style, moreover, and 
 tenor of his other writings, favour the hypothesis, 
 which is not overthrown by the only objections which 
 have been advanced against it. 
 
 The ninth chapter consists simply of the Creed itself, 
 in the original Latin text, supported by passages from 
 authorities of the fourth and fifth centuries, mainly 
 from the works of St. Augustine. To this has been 
 added, in the present edition, an Appendix, comprising 
 passages from the earlier Fathers, setting forth the 
 same doctrines that are stated in the Creed. 
 
 The tenth chapter contains Dr. "Waterland's own 
 commentary on the Creed, in which he briefly shews 
 the origiu, scope, and meaning of each several Article. 
 He explains the damnatory clauses in the moderate 
 sense in which they were accepted even by the leading 
 Nonconformist Divines of his own day ; and is par- 
 ticularly felicitous in his exposition of that portion of 
 the Creed which declares each Person of the blessed 
 Trinity to be incomprehensible, eternal, fyc., and yet the 
 whole to be not Three, but One. 
 
 So far the treatise has been purely didactic, but in 
 the eleventh chapter it assumes a controversial form, 
 being occupied with the refutation of the objections 
 brought by Dr. Clarke to its use in our services. In 
 the course of his reply, Dr. "Waterland takes occasion 
 to set forth the necessity of Creeds in general, and
 
 EDITORS TREFACE. 
 
 especially the need of gradually expanding the confes- 
 sions of our faith, to meet the errors gradually intro- 
 duced into the world. 
 
 At the end of the whole treatise he reprints the 
 work of Yenantius Fortunatus, already referred to as 
 the earliest commentary on the Athanasian Creed. 
 
 The present edition is based upon the second, pub- 
 lished by the author in 1727. The treatise has been 
 previously reprinted in the several editions of the col- 
 lected works of Dr. "Waterland ; and in a separate form 
 in 1850 by the Society for Promoting Christian Know- 
 ledge. The references have now, so far as possible, 
 been verified and rendered more complete ; and besides 
 the Appendix to the ninth chapter, a list of the editions 
 used for reference is added by the present editor. Ob- 
 solete and antiquated modes of spelling have been 
 modernized, but in other respects the work is repro- 
 duced as it issued finally from its Author's hands. 
 
 St. Peter's-in-the-East, Oxford, 
 June 2Uh, 1870.
 
 A 
 
 CRITICAL HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Ath an asian Creed. 
 
 Representing the OPINIONS of 
 
 ANTIENTS and MODERNS 
 CONCERNING IT : 
 
 With an Account of the MANUSCRIPTS, Versions, 
 and Comments, and such other particulars as are of 
 moment for the determining the Age, and Author, and 
 Value of it, and the Time of its Reception in the Chris 
 Han Churches. 
 
 By DANIEL WATERLAND, D.D. 
 
 Chancellor of the Church of YORK, and Chaplain 
 in Ordinary to Bis MAJESTY. 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION 
 Corrected and Improved. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: 
 
 Printed at the University-Press, for Corn. Crownfield, 
 Printer to the University : And are to be Sold by J. Knap- 
 ton, and R. Knaplock, Booksellers in LONDON. 172S.
 
 TO HIS GRACE 
 
 WILLIAM, 
 
 LORD ARCHBISHOP OF YORK, 
 PRIMATE OF ENGLAND AND METROPOLITAN. 
 
 Mr Lord, 
 
 I am desirous of sending these papers abroad under 
 //our Grace's name, in confidence you will be a Patron to 
 them, as you have been to the Author. I would make their 
 way short and easy to the publich esteem, by introducing 
 them first into your Grace's acquaintance and good opi- 
 nion ; which, if they have once the honour to obtain, I 
 may then be assured that they will be both useful to the 
 world and acceptable ivith all good men ; the height of my 
 ambition. 
 
 The subject, my Lord, is the Athanasian Creed, the 
 most accurate system of the Athanasian, that is, the Chris- 
 tian Faith, of which your Grace is, by your station and 
 character, by duty and office, and, tvhat is more, by in- 
 clination and principle, and real services, the watchful 
 guardian and preserver. 
 
 The happy fruits of it are visible in the sloio and in- 
 considerable progress that the new heresy has been able to 
 make within your province, where it died, in a manner, 
 as it first arose, and no sooner began to lift up its head
 
 THE DEDICATION. 
 
 but sunk down again in shame and confusion : as if the 
 plenty of good seed sown had left no room for tares, 
 or they could take no root in a soil so well, cultivated. 
 
 While your Grace is promoting the honour and inter- 
 ests of our Holy Faith, in the eminent way, by the wisdom 
 of your counsels, the authority of your precepts, and the 
 brightness of your high example ; I am endeavouring, in 
 such a way as I can, to contribute something to the same 
 common cause, tho'' it be but slight and small, tho 
 it be only reviewing the fences and surveying the out- 
 works ; tvhich is the most I pretend to in the history here 
 presented. 
 
 What advantage others may reap from the publication 
 will remain in suspence ; but I am sure of one to myself 
 [and I lay hold of it with a great deal of pleasure) the 
 opportunity I thereby have of returning my publick thanks 
 to your Grace for your publick favors. Tho' this, my 
 Lord, is but a scanty expression for them, and far short, 
 where the engaging manner and circumstances, known but 
 to few, and not to be understood by many, make so con- 
 siderable an addition in the whole, and almost double the 
 obligation upon 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most obliged, most dutiful, 
 
 and most obedient humble Servant, 
 
 DANIEL WATERLAND. 
 
 Cambridge, Magd. Coll., 
 Oct. 25, 1723.
 
 THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE, 
 
 1I7HAT I here present the reader with, will not re- 
 ' * quire much Preface. The Introduction intimates 
 the design and use and partition of the AVork. The 
 Appendix, which is an additional enlargement beyond 
 my first design, gives account of itself. I subjoin two 
 Indexes for the ease and convenience of such persons 
 as may be disposed, not only to read these sheets, but 
 to study the subject. I should scarce have thought of 
 making Indexes to so small a treatise, had I not found 
 the like in Tentzclius, upon the same subject, and to 
 a smaller tract than this is. His were of considerable 
 use to me, as often as I wanted to review any par- 
 ticular author, or passage, or to compare distant parts 
 relating to the same things, one with another. The 
 benefit, therefore, which I reaped from his labours, 
 I am willing to pay back to the public by mine. 
 
 As to the subject of the following sheets, I make no 
 opiestion of its well deserving the thoughts and con- 
 sideration of every studious reader; having before 
 passed through the hands of many the most learned and 
 most judicious men, and such as would not misemploy 
 their time and pains upon a trifle. As to the present 
 management of it, it must be left to the reader to judge 
 of, as he sees cause. 
 
 For the chronology of the several parts, I have con- 
 sulted the best authors ; endeavouring to fix it with as 
 much accuracy as I could. Wherever I could certainly
 
 XVI THE AUTHOR S PREFACE. 
 
 determine the age of any tract, printed or manuscript, to 
 a year, I set down that year : where I could not do it 
 (as in manuscripts one seldom can) I take any probable 
 year within the compass of time when an author is 
 known to have flourished ; or for a manuscript, any 
 probable year within such a century or such a king's 
 reign wherein the manuscript is reasonably judged to 
 have been written ; and I generally choose a round 
 number, rather than otherwise, in such indefinite cases 
 and instances. 
 
 Thus, for example, first in respect of authors : there 
 is a Comment of Yenantius Fortunatus, upon the 
 Athanasian Creed, which I reprint in my Appendix. 
 I cannot fix the age of it to a year, no, nor to twenty 
 years. All that is certain is, that it was made be- 
 tween 556, when Fortunatus first went into the Gal- 
 ilean parts, and 599 when he was advanced to the 
 bishopric of Poictiers. Within this wide compass, I 
 choose the year 570. If any one shall rather choose 
 580, or 590, I shall not dispute it with him, nor doth 
 anything very material depend upon it : but if any 
 good reason can be given for taking some other year 
 rather than 570, I shall immediately acquiesce in it. 
 
 As to manuscripts, it is well known there is no 
 fixing them precisely to a year, merely from the hand 
 or character : and there are but few, in comparison, 
 that carry their own certain dates with them. The 
 best judges, therefore, in these matters, will think it 
 sufficient to point out the king's reign, or sometimes 
 the century, wherein a manuscript was written : and 
 in the very ancient ones, above a thousand years old, 
 they will hardly be positive so much as to the century,
 
 T11K AUTnOR S PEEFA( I . Xvii 
 
 for want of certain discriminating marks between manu- 
 scripts of the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries. 
 
 It may be asked, then, why I pretend to fix the 
 several manuscripts, hereafter to be mentioned, to 
 certain years in the margin ; those that carry no cer- 
 tain dates, as well as the others that do ? I do it for 
 order and regularity, and for the more distinct per- 
 ception of things, which is much promoted and as- 
 sisted by this orderly ranging them according to years. 
 At the same time, the intelligent reader will easily 
 understand where to take a thing as certain, and where 
 to make allowances. It is something like the placing 
 of cities, towns, rivers, &c, in a map or a globe: they 
 have all their certain places there, in such or such 
 precise degrees of longitude and latitude ; which per- 
 haps seldom answer to the strict truth of things or to 
 a mathematical exactness. But still it serves the pur- 
 pose very near as well as if everything had been 
 adjusted with the utmost nicety ; and the imagination 
 and memory are mightily relieved by it. Thus much 
 I thought proper to hint in vindication of my method, 
 and to prevent any deception on one hand, or mis- 
 construction on the other. I have, I think, upon the 
 whole, generally gone upon the fairest and most pro- 
 bable presumption, and according to the most correct 
 accounts of knowing and accurate men : but if I have 
 anywhere, through inadvertency, or for want of better 
 information, happened to mistake in any material part, 
 the best way of apologizing for it, will be to correct 
 it the first opportunity after notice of it. 
 
 As to mere omissions, they will appear more, or 
 fewer, according to men's different judgments, or opi- 
 b
 
 XV111 THE AUTHOR S PREFACE. 
 
 nions what to call an omission. I might have en- 
 larged considerably the first chapter, which treats of 
 the learned moderns, though some, perhaps, will think 
 it too large already, and that it might better have been 
 contacted. I have omitted several moderns mentioned 
 by Tentzelius, whose professed design was to take in 
 all ; mine is only to take the principal or as many 
 as may suffice to give the reader a full and distinct 
 idea how this matter has stood with the learned 
 moderns for eighty-five years last past. 
 
 In this second edition I have considerably shortened 
 my Appendix, by throwing the several parts of it into 
 the book itself, referring them to their proper places. 
 Some few additional observations will be found here 
 and there interspersed, and some corrections, of slight 
 moment as to the main thing (in which I make no 
 alteration) but contributing in some measure to the 
 perfection and accuracy of the Work. 
 
 I conclude with professing, as before, that I shall 
 be very glad if what hath been here done may but prove 
 an useful introduction to more and larger discoveries. 
 If anything considerable still remains, either in private 
 hands or public repositories ; anything that may be 
 serviceable to clear up some dark part, or to correct any 
 mistake, or to confirm and illustrate any important 
 truth relating to the subject, I shall be very thankful 
 to the person that shall oblige either me with private 
 notice, or the public with new improvements. 
 
 Cambridge, Magkd. Coll., 
 Nov. 1, 1727.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 THE INTRODUCTION, Shewing the De- 
 sign and Use of this Treatise ; with the 
 Method and Partition of it . . 1 
 I. The Opinions or the Learned Moderns con- 
 cerning the Athanasian Creed . . 5 
 II. Ancient Testimonies 20 
 
 III. Ancient Commentators and Paraphrasts 
 
 upon the Athanasian Creed ... 43 
 
 IV. Latin Manuscripts of the Athanasian 
 
 Creed Gf> 
 
 V. Ancient Versions, Printed or Manuscript . 91 
 VI. Of the Reception of the Athanasian Creed 
 
 in the Christian Churches . . . 109 
 VII. Of the Time when, and Place where, the 
 
 Creed was Composed . . . . 1 3S 
 
 VIII. Of the Author of the Creed . . . 162 
 IX. The Creed itself in the Original Lan- 
 guage, with Parallel Passages from the 
 
 Fathers 173 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX.— Passages 
 
 FROM THE ANTE-NlCENE FATHERS, CONFIRM- 
 ING the Statements of the Athanasian 
 
 Creed 192 
 
 X. A Commentary on the Athanasian Creed . 20S
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. PAGE 
 
 XI. The Church of England Vindicated, both 
 as to the Receiving and Retaining the 
 
 Athanasian Creed 231 
 
 Appendix 248 
 
 Index op Authors and Editions . . . 267 
 
 Index of Manuscripts 278 
 
 Index of Authorities 280
 
 A CRITICAL HISTORY OF 
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 
 
 THE INTRODUCTION, 
 
 Shewing the Design and Use of this Treatise; 
 with the Method and Partition of it. 
 
 MY design is, to enquire into the age, author, and 
 value of that celebrated confession, which goes 
 under the name of The Athanasian Creed. The general 
 approbation it hath long met with in the Christian 
 Churches, and the particular regard which hath been, 
 early and late, paid to it in our own, (while it makes 
 a part of our Liturgy, and stands recommended to 
 us in our Articles,) will, I doubt not, be considera- 
 tions sufficient to justify an undertaking of this kind : 
 provided only, that the performance be answerable, 
 and that it fall not short of its principal aim, or of 
 the just expectations of the ingenuous and candid 
 readers. No one will expect more of me than my 
 present materials, such as I could procure, will furnish 
 me with ; nor any greater certainty in an essay of this 
 nature, than things of this kind will admit of. If 
 a reasonable diligence has been used in collecting, and 
 due pains in digesting, and a religious care in building 
 thereupon, (more than which I pretend not to), it may, 
 I hope, be sufficient with all equitable judges. 
 
 Many learned and valuable men have been before 
 
 B
 
 THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 employed in the same design ; but their treatises are 
 mostly in Latin, and some of them very scarce, and 
 hard to come at. I know not that any one hitherto 
 has attempted a just treatise upon the subject in our 
 own language, however useful it might be to the Eng- 
 lish readers ; and the more so at this time when the 
 controversy about the Trinity is now spread abroad 
 among all ranks and degrees of men with us, and the 
 Athanasian Creed become the subject of common and 
 ordinary conversation. For these reasons, I presumed, 
 an English treatise might be most proper and season- 
 able : though otherwise, to avoid the unseemly mix- 
 ture of English and Latin (which will here be neces- 
 sary), and because of some parts which none but the 
 learned can tolerably judge of, it might be thought 
 more proper rather to have written a Latin treatise, 
 and for the use only of scholars. However, there will 
 be nothing very material but what an English reader 
 may competently understand : and I shall endeavour 
 to lay before him all that has been hitherto usefully 
 observed upon the subject, that he may want nothing 
 which may be conceived of any moment for the enabling 
 him to form a true judgment. What I borrow from 
 others shall be fairly acknowledged as I go along, and 
 referred to its proper author, or authors; it being as 
 much my design to give an historical account of what 
 others have done, as it is to supply what they have 
 left undone, so far as my present materials, leisure, 
 and opportunities may enable me to do it. Now, to 
 present the reader with a sketch of my design, and 
 to shew him how one part is to hang upon another, 
 my method will be as follows : —
 
 THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. First, in order to give the clearer idea of what 
 has been already done, and of what may be still want- 
 ing, I begin with recounting the several conjectures 
 or discoveries of the learned moderns. 
 
 II. Next, to cuter upon the matter itself, and the 
 evidence proper to it, I proceed to lay down the direct 
 testimonies of the ancients concerning the age, author, 
 and value of this Creed. 
 
 III. To these I subjoin an account of the ancient 
 comments upon the same Creed, being but another 
 kind of ancient testimonies. 
 
 IV. After these follows a brief recital of the most 
 ancient, or otherwise most considerable, manuscripts 
 of this Creed, which I have cither seen myself, or have 
 had notice of from others. 
 
 Y. After the manuscripts of the Creed itself, I en- 
 quire also into the ancient versions of it, printed, or 
 manuscript; which will be also very serviceable to 
 our main design. 
 
 VI. I come in the next place to treat of the ancient 
 reception of this Creed in the Christian Churches ; as 
 being a point of great moment, and which may be more 
 certainly determined than the time of its composition, 
 and may give great light into it. 
 
 VII. These preliminaries settled, to introduce to 
 what follows, I then fall directly to the darkest part 
 of all, namely, to the enquiiy after the age, and 
 author of the Creed; which I despatch in two dis- 
 tinct chapters. 
 
 VIII. Next, I lay before the learned reader the 
 Creed itself in its original language, with the most 
 considerable various lections ; together with select pas-
 
 THE IXTRODTTCTIOX. 
 
 sages from ancient writers, either parallel to those of 
 the Creed, or explanatory of it. And lest the English 
 reader should appear to he neglected, I subjoin the 
 Creed in English with a running English Commentary, 
 serving much the same purpose -with -what is intended 
 hy the Latin quotations going before. 
 
 IX. I conclude all with a brief vindication of our 
 own Church in receiving, and still retaining this ex- 
 cellent formulary of the Christian faith ; answering 
 the most material objections which have been made 
 against us on that account; and shewing the expe- 
 diency, and even necessity of retaining this form, or 
 something equivalent, for the preservation of the 
 Christian faith against heresies. The reader, I hope, 
 will excuse it, if in compliance 'with custom, and to 
 save myself the trouble of circumlocution, I commonly 
 speak of it under the name of the Athanasian Creed; 
 not designing thereby to intimate, either that it is 
 a creed strictly and properly so called, or that it is of 
 Athanasius's composing : both which points will be 
 discussed in the sequel.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Opinions of the Learned Moderns concerning 
 the Athanasian Creed. 
 
 a.d. 1642. In reciting the opinions of the learned 
 moderns, I need go no higher than Gerard Vossius, 
 who in his treatise de Tribm Symbolis, published in 
 the year 1642, led the way to a more strict and critical 
 enquiry concerning this Creed than had been before 
 attempted. The writers before him, most of them, 
 took it for granted that the Creed was Athanasius's, 
 without troubling themselves with any very particular 
 enquiry into it : and those few who doubted of it, or 
 ascribed it to another, yet entered not closely into the 
 merits of the cause, but went upon loose conjectures 
 rather than upon any just rules of true and solid 
 criticism. It will be sufficient therefore to begin our 
 accounts from Vossius, who, since the time of his 
 writing, has been ever principally mentioned by writers 
 upon the subject, as being the first and most con- 
 siderable man that has entered deep into it, and treated 
 of it like a critic. He endeavoured to sift the matter 
 thoroughly, as far as he was well able to do from 
 printed books; as to manuscripts he either wanted 
 leisure or opportunity to search for them. The result 
 of his enquiries concluded in the following particulars, 
 some of them dubiously, all of them modestly proposed 
 by him. 1. That the Athanasian Creed is not Athana- 
 sius's. 2. That it was originally a Latin composure,
 
 6 THE OPINIONS OF THE LEARNED MODERNS 
 
 and of a Latin author or authors. 3. That it was 
 made in the eighth or ninth century, in the time of 
 Pepin or of Charles the Great, and probably by some 
 French divine. 4. That the first time it was pro- 
 duced under the name of Athanasius, at least, with 
 any assurance and confidence of it being his, was in 
 the year 1233, when Pope Gregory the Ninth's legates 
 pleaded it at Constantinople in favour of the proces- 
 sion against the Greeks. 5. That it scarce ever ob- 
 tained in any of the Christian Churches before the 
 year 1000. These were his sentiments when he wrote 
 his treatise de Tribus Symbolis. But in a posthumous 
 piece of his, having then seen what some other learned 
 men had written upon the subject, he was content to 
 say that the Creed could not be set higher than the 
 year 600 \ How far Yossius was mistaken in his 
 accounts will appear in the sequel. Thus far must 
 be allowed him, that he managed the argument with 
 great learning and judgment, made a good use of such 
 materials as he was possessed of, and though he was 
 not very happy in determining the age of the Creed, 
 or the time of its reception, yet he produced so many 
 and such cogent arguments against the Creed's being 
 originally Greek, or being made by Athanasius, that 
 they could never be answered. 
 
 1644. The learned Petavius, who in the year 1622 
 (when he published Epiphanius) had fallen in with 
 the common opinion of this Creed's being Athanasius' s, 
 did yet afterward in his treatise of the Trinity, pub- 
 
 1 " Neque ante annum fuisse sexcentesimum, fuse ostenriimus 
 in libro de tribus Symbolis." — Voss., Harmonia Evangelica, bk. ii. 
 c. 13, in vol. vi. p. 215.
 
 CONCERNING THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 7 
 
 Hshed in the year 1644, speak more doubtfully of it; 
 in the meanwhile positive that it was written in 
 Latin h . 
 
 1647. The next considerable man, and who may be 
 justly called a first writer in this argument as well 
 as Vossius, was our learned Usher. He had a good 
 acquaintance with libraries and manuscripts, and was 
 able from those stores to produce new evidences which 
 Vossius knew not of. In the year 1647 he printed 
 his Latin tract de Symbol is, with a prefatory epistle 
 to Vossius. He there appeals to the testimonies of 
 Eatram of Corbey, and iEneas, Bishop of Paris, neither 
 of them at that time made public, as also to Hincmar's 
 of Rheims, (which had been published but had escaped 
 Vossius's observation), to prove that this Creed had 
 been confidently cited under the name of Athanasius 
 almost 400 years before the time of Pope Gregory's 
 legates, the time set by Vossius. And further, by two 
 manuscripts found in the Cotton Library, he thought 
 he might carry up the antiquity of the Creed to the 
 year 703, or even to 600. In short, he scrupled not 
 to set the date of it above the year 447 : for he sup- 
 poses a Council of Spain, held in that year, to have 
 been acquainted with it, and to have borrowed the 
 Filioque from it c . Thus far he, without any more 
 particular determination about either the age or the 
 author. 
 
 b Petavius de Trinitale, bk. vii. c. 8, § 7, in vol. ii. p. 392. 
 
 « Usser de Symbolis, p. 29 (24). N.B. Usher went upon the sup- 
 position that the words, a patre, filioque procedens, were genuine, 
 and not foisted into the Confession of that Council ; as they now 
 appear to have been, after a more careful view of the MSS. of best 
 note and greatest antiquity.
 
 8 THE OPINIONS OF THE LEARNED MODERNS 
 
 1647. About the same time Dr. Jeremy Taylor 
 (afterwards Bishop of Down and Connor) published his 
 "Liberty of Prophesying," wherein he expresses his 
 doubts whether the Creed be justly ascribed to Atha- 
 nasius d . But as he had never seen Usher's Treatise, 
 nor indeed Vossius's, nor was at that time furnished 
 with any proper assistances to enable him to make any 
 accurate enquiries into this matter; it may suffice just 
 to have mentioned him, in regard to the deserved 
 name he has since borne in the learned world. 
 
 1653. George Ashwell, B.D., published an English 
 treatise, which was printed at Oxford, entitled Fides 
 Apostolica, asserting the received authors and autho- 
 rity of the Apostles' Creed. At the end of which 
 treatise he has a pretty long Appendix concerning the 
 Athanasian Creed, which is well written, and contains 
 a good summary of what learned men before him had 
 advanced upon the subject. His judgment of it is, 
 that it was written in Latin, and by Athanasius him- 
 self, about the year 340. 
 
 1659. Hanion L'Estrange e , in his "Alliance of Di- 
 vine Offices," gives his judgment of the Athanasian 
 Creed, that it is not rightly ascribed to Athanasius, but 
 yet ancient and extant about the year 600 after Christ. 
 
 1659. Leo Allatius about this year printed his 
 Syntagma de Symbolo 8. Athanmii, which no doubt 
 must be a very useful piece, especially in relation to 
 the sentiments of the Greek Churches, and the recep- 
 tion of this Creed amongst them ; but I have never 
 seen it ; only I learn from Tentzelius (who yet could 
 
 d Taylor, Liberty of Proph., § 2, 36, in vol. v. p. 407. 
 e L'Estrange, Alliance of Divine Offices, c. 4, p. 99.
 
 CONCERNING THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 
 
 never get a sight of it) and Fabricius, that such a piece 
 was written by Allatius in modern Greek, in 12mo., 
 published at Rome 1658 or 1659. It appears to be 
 very scarce, since none of the learned who have since 
 written upon this Creed, have either referred to it, or 
 given extracts out of it, so far as I have observed ; 
 excepting only something of that kind at Rome, a.d. 
 1667, by the College de propaga?ida Fide f . 
 
 1663. Cardinal Bona, some years after, in his book 
 de Divina Psalmodia, makes frequent mention of this 
 Creed ; touches slightly upon the question about its 
 age and author ; takes some cursory notice of what 
 Vossius had said, but nevertheless ascribes it to Atha- 
 nasius, as being composed by him while in the western 
 parts, Teste Baronio ; resting his faith upon Baronius 
 as his voucher s. 
 
 1669. Our very learned Bishop Pearson, in his Ex- 
 position of the Creed, occasionally delivers his opinion 
 that the Athanasian Creed was written in Latin, and 
 by some member of the Latin Church h , and extant 
 about the year 600; though the last particular he 
 builds only upon an epistle attributed to Isidore of 
 Seville, and since judged to be spurious. 
 
 1675. Joh. Lud. Ruelius, in his second volume or 
 tome, Concilioriim illustratorum, has a particular dis- 
 sertation, about thirty pages in quarto, upon this Creed. 
 He follows Vossius' s opinion for the most part, re- 
 peating the same arguments '. 
 
 1 Vid. Tentzel, Judic. &c, p. 147; Fabricius, Bihlloth. Grceca, 
 vol. v. p. 410. 
 
 e Bona, de Divina Psahnod., c. 16, § 18, p. 864. 
 
 h Pearson on the Creed, Art. 8, p. 569, n. (p. 324, ed. 3) ; Art. 
 5, p. 400, n. (p. 226.) 
 
 ' Ruelius, Condi. Illustrat. , vol. ii. pp. 639—670.
 
 10 THE OPINIONS OP THE LEARNED MODERNS 
 
 1675. Our next man of eminent character is Pas- 
 chasius Quesnel, a celebrated French divine. In the 
 year 1675, he published his famous edition of Pope 
 Leo's works, with several very valuable dissertations 
 of his own. His fourteenth contains, among other 
 matters, a particular enquiry about the author of this 
 Creed. He ascribes it to Vigilius Tapsensis, the 
 African k ; and so well defends his position, that he 
 has almost drawn the learned world after him. He 
 is looked upon as the father of that opinion, because 
 he has so learnedly and handsomely supported it; but 
 he is not the first that espoused it, for Labbe, about 
 fifteen years before, had taken notice of some that had 
 ascribed this Creed to Vigilius, at the same time signi- 
 fying his dissent from them '. 
 
 1676. The year after Quesnel, Sandius, the famous 
 Arian, printed a second edition of his Nucleus, &c., 
 with an Appendix; wherein he corrects his former 
 judgment 111 of this Creed, taken implicitly from Vos- 
 sius; and allows, nay, contends and insists upon it, 
 that this Creed was not only known, but known under 
 the name of Athanasius, as high at least as the year 
 770 n . He ascribes it, upon conjecture, to one Atha- 
 nasius, Bishop of Spire in Germany, who died in the 
 year 642. 
 
 1678. I ought not to pass over our very learned 
 Cudworth, though he has entered very little into the 
 point before us. He gives his judgment, in passing, 
 
 k Quesnel, Dissert, xiv. p. 729, &a. 
 
 1 Labbe, Dissert, de Script. Ecdes., vol. ii. p. 477. 
 
 m Sandius, Nucl. llistor. Ecdes., p. 256. 
 
 n Sandius, Appendix, p. 35.
 
 CONCERNING THE ATHANASIAN CRKID. 11 
 
 of the Creed commonly called Athanasian, that it was 
 written a long time after Athanasius, by some other 
 hand °. 
 
 1680. Henricus Heideggerus, in his second volume 
 of select dissertations (published at Zurich), has one 
 whole dissertation, which is the eighteenth, containing 
 near forty pages in quarto. This author takes his 
 account of the Creed mostly from Vossius ; does not 
 allow it to be Athanasius's, only called by his name as 
 containing the Athanasian faith : and he defends the 
 doctrine of the Creed at large against the objections 
 of Dudithius and other Antitrinitarians ; and concludes 
 with a running comment upon the whole. 
 
 1681. Wolfgang Gundling, a German writer, the year 
 after, published a small tract, containing notes upon 
 a little piece relating to the religion of the Greek 
 Churches, written by Eustratius Johannides Zialowski. 
 "What is chiefly valuable in Gundling, is his account 
 of the Greek copies of this Creed, (printed ones I mean,) 
 giving us six of them together. He occasionally ex- 
 presses his doubts whether the Creed be Athanasius's, 
 or of some later writer p . 
 
 1683. I may next mention our celebrated eccle- 
 siastical historian, Dr. Cave, who about this time 
 published his Lives of the Fathers, and particularly 
 of Athanasius. His account of this Creed is, that it 
 was never heard of in the world till above 600 years 
 after Athanasius was dead ; but barely mentioned then, 
 and not urged with any confidence till above 200 years 
 after, when the legates of Pope Gregory IX. produced 
 
 o Cudworth, Intellect. Syst., bk. i. c. 4. p. 620. 
 P GundliDg, Notes on Zialowski, p. 68, &c.
 
 12 THE OPINIONS OF THE LEAENED MODERNS 
 
 and pleaded it at Constantinople q . The learned doctor, 
 it is plain, took this account from Vossius, and had 
 never seen Usher's treatise, which one may justly 
 wonder at. Five years after, in his Historia Litcraria, 
 he allows that this Creed had heen spoken of hy 
 Theodulphus, which was within 436 years of Atha- 
 nasius ; hut not a word yet of any elder testimony or 
 manuscript, though both had heen discovered and 
 publicly taken notice of before this time. He still con- 
 tends that the Creed obtained not in the Christian 
 Churches before 1000, nor became famous everywhere 
 before 1233; but inclines nevertheless to ascribe it 
 to Vigilius Tapsensis, who flourished about the year 
 484 r . 
 
 1684. Dr. Comber, in his book entitled " A Compa- 
 nion to the Temple," closes in with the old tradition 
 of the Creed being Athanasius's, repeating the most 
 considerable arguments usually pleaded for that per- 
 suasion \ 
 
 1684. To him I may subjoin Bishop Beveridge, who 
 perhaps about this time might write his thoughts on 
 the Creed, in his Exposition of our Articles, published 
 after his death. He was so diligent and knowing a 
 man, that had he been to consider this matter in his 
 later years, he would certainly have given a more 
 particular and accurate account than that which now 
 appears. He ascribes the Creed to Athanasius, hut 
 with some diffidence, and thinks it might have been 
 originally a Greek composition, but that the old Greek 
 
 'i Cave, Life of Athanasius, § 6, Art. 10, in vol. ii. p. 106. 
 r Cave, Histor. Literar., vol. i. pp. 146, 371. 
 8 Comber, Companion to the Temple, p. Hi.
 
 CONCERNING THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 13 
 
 copies have been lost, and that the only remaining 
 ones are Versions from the Latin 4 . 
 
 1685. Cabassutius, in his Kotitia Ecclesiastica, hath 
 a short dissertation about the author of this Creed 1 '. 
 He contents himself with repeating Quesnel's Argu- 
 ments, to prove that Athanasius was not the author of 
 it, determining nothing farther, save only that it was 
 originally a Latin composure, known and cited by the 
 Council of Autun, about the year 670. 
 
 1687. The celebrated Dupin, in his Ecclesiastical 
 History, sums up the reasons usually urged to prove 
 the Creed is none of Athanasius's, and assents to them. 
 He determines with confidence that it was originally 
 a Latin composition, and not known till the fifth cen- 
 tury; repeats Father Quesnel's reasons for ascribing 
 it to Yigilius Tapsensis, and acquiesces in them as 
 having nothing more certain in this matter v . 
 
 1687- About the same time, Tentzelius, a learned 
 Lutheran, published a little treatise upon the subject, 
 setting forth the several opinions of learned men con- 
 cerning this Creed. He is very full and accurate in 
 his collection, omitting nothing of moment that had 
 been said before him by any of the learned moderns, 
 but bringing in some further materials from his own 
 searches to add new light to the subject. He deter- 
 mines nothing, but leaves it to the reader to make a 
 judgment as he sees cause from a full view of the 
 pleadings. 
 
 1688. I may place here the learned Pagi, who in 
 
 * Beveridge, on Art. 8, (p. 162), in vol. ix. p. 277. 
 u Cabassutius, Notit. Eccles., Dissert, xix. p. 54. 
 T Dupin, Eccles. Histor., vol. ii. p. 35.
 
 14 THE OPINIONS OF THE LEARNED MODERNS 
 
 his critic upon Baronius passes his judgment of this 
 Creed*: which heing the same with Quesnel's, and 
 little more than repetition from him, I need not be 
 more particular about him. 
 
 1693. Joseph Antelmi, a learned Paris divine, first 
 began directly to attack Quesnel's opinion, and to sap 
 the reasons on which it was founded. He published 
 a particular dissertation to that purpose, consisting of 
 eighty-five pages in octavo. He ascribes the Creed to 
 Vincentius Lirinensis, who flourished in the year 434. 
 
 1695. The famous Tillemout wrote after Antelmius, 
 for he makes mention of his treatise, and examines his 
 hypothesis, and yet it conld not be long after, for he 
 died in the year 1697. He commends Mr. Antelmi' s 
 performance as a considerable work, but inclines still 
 rather to Quesnel's opinion. All that he pronounces 
 certain is, that the Creed is none of Athanasius's, but 
 yet as old as the sixth century or older y. 
 
 1698. In the year 1698 Montfaucon published his 
 new and accurate edition of Athanasius's works. In 
 the second tome he has an excellent dissertation upon 
 this Creed, the best that is extant, either for order 
 and method, or for plenty of useful matter. The sum 
 of his judgment is, that the Creed is certainly none of 
 Athanasius's, nor yet Vigilius Tapsensis's, nor suffi- 
 ciently proved to belong to Vincentius Lirinensis ; but 
 probably enough composed about the time of Yincentius, 
 and by a Gallican writer or writers *. 
 
 * Pagi, Critic, in Baron. Ann.SiO, §§ 6—8, pp. 120, 121 (p. 440). 
 
 y Tillemont, Memoires, note xxxiv. vol. viii. p. 28'2 (p. 667). 
 
 z " Symbolum 'Quicunque' Athanasio incunctanter abjudican- 
 dum arbitramur. — Afro itaque Vigilio nihil est quod symbolum 'Qui- 
 cunque ' tribuatur. — non aegre quidem concesserim Vincentii aetate
 
 CONCERNING THE ATHAN ASIAN CREED. 15 
 
 1698. In the same year, Ludovicus Antonius Hura- 
 torius, an Italian writer, published a second tome of 
 Anecdota out of the Ambrosian library at Milan. 
 Among other manuscripts there, he had met with an 
 ancient comment upon this Creed, ascribed to Yenan- 
 tius Fortunatus, who was Bishop of Poictiers in France 
 in the sixth century. He publishes the comment, 
 together with a dissertation of his own concerning 
 the author of the Creed, concluding, at length, that 
 Yenanlius Fortunatus, the certain author of the Com- 
 ment, might possibly be the author of the Creed too. 
 He entirely rejects the opinion of those that would 
 ascribe it to Athanasius, and disapproves of Quesnel's 
 persuasion about Vigilius Tapsensis, but speaks fa- 
 vourably of Antelmi's, as coming nearest to the truth a . 
 
 1712. Fabricius, in his Billiotheca Grceca b (highly 
 valued by all men of letters), gives a summary account 
 of the sentiments of the learned relating to this Creed. 
 His conclusion from all is, that thus far may be de- 
 pended on as certain : that the Creed was not com- 
 posed by Athanasius, but long after in the fifth cen- 
 tury, written originally in Latin, and afterwards trans- 
 lated irjto Greek. 
 
 1712. In the same year, the learned Le Quien pub- 
 lished a new edition of Damascen, with previous dis- 
 sertations to it. In the first of these he has several 
 
 editam fuisse illam fidei professionem. — Haud abs re conjectant 
 Viri eruditi in Galliis illud (symholum) fuisse elucubratum."— 
 Montf., Diatrib. in Symb., pp. 723, 724, 726. 
 
 a " Haec et similia pluribus pertractavit eruditissimus Antelmius, 
 cujus opinioni quorumnam eruditorum suffragia accesserint me 
 penitus fugit : fateor tamen ad veritatera omnium maxime illam 
 accedere." — Muratori, A need., vol. ii. p. 222. 
 
 b Fabricius, Biblioth. Grceca, bk. v. c. 2, § 88, in vol. v. p. 315.
 
 16 THE OPINIONS OF THE LEARNED MODERNS 
 
 very considerable remarks concerning the age and au- 
 thor of the Athanasian Creed. He appears inclinable 
 to ascribe it to Pope Anastasius I. (who entered upon 
 the pontificate in the year 398) because of some an- 
 cient testimonies, as well as manuscripts, carrying the 
 name of Anastasius in the title of the Creed ; but he 
 is positive that the Creed must be set as high as the 
 age of St. Austin, Yincentius, and Yigilius c . And, as 
 Antelmius before had made light of the supposition 
 that the internal characters of the. Creed shew it to be 
 later than Eutyches, he makes as light of the other 
 supposition of the internal characters setting it later 
 than jSestorius. 
 
 1714. Natalis Alexander's new edition of his Eccle- 
 siastical History bears date a.d. 1714. He had ex- 
 amined into our present question some years before 
 (about 1676, when his first edition came abroad), sub- 
 scribing to the opinion of Quesnel, and he does not 
 appear to have altered his mind since. He takes 
 notice of Antelmi's opinion, and speaks respectfully of 
 it, as also of the author, but prefers the other hypo- 
 thesis d . 
 
 1715. I ought not here to omit the late learned 
 Mr. Bingham, to whom the public has been highly 
 indebted for his Origines Ecclesiastics, collected with 
 great judgment, and digested into a clear method. 
 He had a proper occasion to say something of the 
 Athanasian Creed in passing, and very briefly. He 
 observes that it was not composed by Athanasius, but 
 
 e " Omnino fateri cogor Augustini, Vincentii, et Yigilii rotate 
 extitisse expositionem Latinam Fidei, qua; postmodutn Athanasio 
 magno attribui meruerit." — Le Quien, Dissert. Damasc, i. p. 9. 
 
 d Natal. Alexund., Eccl. Hist., vol. iv. p. 111.
 
 CONCERNING THE ATHAN ASIAN CREED. 17 
 
 by a later and a Latin writer, and particularly Vigilius 
 Tapsensis ; referring to such learned moderns as I 
 have above mentioned, for the proof of it, and giving 
 no more than short hints of their reasons e . 
 
 1719. Dr. Clarke of St. James's, in his second edition 
 of his Scripture Doctrine f , gives us his last thoughts 
 in relation to this Creed. Referring to Dr. Cave he 
 informs us, that this Creed was never seen till about 
 the year 800, near 400 years after the death of Atha- 
 nasius (they are his own words), nor was received in 
 the Church till so very late as about the year 1000. 
 Yet Cave does not say, " was never seen" (for he him- 
 self ascribes it to Yigilius Tapsensis of the fifth century), 
 but only that it was not quoted before the year 800, 
 or nearlj T , which yet is a very great mistake. What 
 the learned Doctor intended by saying " about the year 
 800," and yet only " near 400 years after the death of 
 Athanasius," or, as he elsewhere e expresses it, " above 
 300 years after the death of Athanasius," I do not 
 understand, but must leave to those that can compute 
 the distance between 373 (the latest year that Athana- 
 sius is ever supposed to have lived) and the year 800. 
 I am persuaded the Doctor was thinking, that if Atha- 
 nasius had lived to the year 400, then the distance had 
 been just 400 years; but as he died twenty-seven 
 years before, the distance must be so much the less, 
 when it is quite the contrary. 
 
 1722. The last man that lias given his sentiments in 
 
 e Bingham, Oriy. Eccles., bk. x. c. 4, § 18, in vol. iii. p. 92, &c. 
 (vol. iv. p. 112, &c.) 
 
 1 Clarke's Script. Doctr., pt. iii. c. 2, in vol. iii. p. 205, (p. 379, 
 2nd edit.) 
 
 e Ibid., p. 447, 1st ed. 
 
 C
 
 18 THE OPINIONS OF THE LEARNED MODERNS, &C. 
 
 relation to this Creed is Casimirus Oudinus, in his new 
 edition of his Supplement (now called a Commentary) 
 to the Ecclesiastical Writers. I need say no more than 
 that he does not seem to have spent much pains in re- 
 examining this subject, but rests content with his first 
 thoughts, ascribing the Creed, with Quesnel, to Vi- 
 gilius Tapsensis h . 
 
 These are the principal moderns that have fallen 
 within my notice, and of these the most considerable 
 are Vossius, Usher, Quesnel, Tentzelius, Antelmius, 
 Tillemont, Montfaucon, Muratorius, and Le Quien; as 
 having particularly studied the subject, and struck 
 new light into it, either furnishing fresh materials, or 
 improving the old by new observations. Some, perhaps, 
 may wish to have the several opinions of the moderns 
 thrown into a narrower compass : for which reason 
 I have thought it not improper to subjoin the follow- 
 ing table, which will represent all in one view, for the 
 ease and conveniency of every common reader. 
 
 h Oudin., Comment, de Scriptor. Eccles., vol. i. pp. 345, 1248, 1322.
 
 THE OPINIONS OF THE LEARNED 
 MODERNS. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 Writers. 
 
 1642 
 
 Vossius. 
 
 1644 
 
 Petavius. 
 
 1647 
 
 Bishop Usher. 
 
 1647 
 
 Bishop Taylor. 
 
 1653 
 
 G. Ashwell. 
 
 1659 
 
 L' Estrange. 
 
 1659 
 
 Leo Allatius. 
 
 1663 
 
 Card. Bona. 
 
 1669 
 
 Bishop Pearson. 
 
 1675 
 
 Ruelius. 
 
 1675 
 
 Paschas. Quesnel. 
 
 1676 
 
 Sandius. 
 
 1678 
 
 Dr. Cudworth. 
 
 1680 Heideggerus. 
 
 1681 Wolf. Gundling. 
 
 1683 Dr. Cave. 
 
 1684 Dr. Comber. 
 
 1684 Bp. Beveridge. 
 
 1685 Cabassutius. 
 
 1687 
 
 Dupin. 
 
 1687 
 
 Tentzelius. 
 
 16S8 
 
 Pagi. 
 
 1693 
 
 Antelmius. 
 
 1695 
 
 Tillemont. 
 
 1698 
 
 Montfaucon. 
 
 1698 
 
 Ant. Muratorius. 
 
 1712 
 
 Fabricius. 
 
 1712 
 
 Le Quien. 
 
 1714 
 
 Natal. Alexander. 
 
 1715 
 
 Mr. Bingham. 
 
 1719 
 
 Dr. Clarke. 
 
 1722 
 
 Oudin. 
 
 Author of the 
 Creed. 
 
 A Latin author. 
 Doubtful. 
 
 Not Athanasius. 
 
 Athanasius. 
 
 Not Athanasius. 
 
 Athanasius. 
 
 Athanasius Alex. 
 
 A Latin author. 
 
 Not Athanasius. 
 
 Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 
 Athanasius of Spire 
 
 Not Athanasius. 
 : Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 J Doubtful. 
 
 Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 Athanasius Alex. 
 | Athanasius Alex. 
 ' A Latin author. 
 Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 Doubtful. 
 Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 Vincentius Lirinens. 
 Not Athanasius. 
 A Gallican writer. 
 Venant. Fortunatus. 
 A Latin author. 
 Anastasius I. 
 Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 Doubtful. 
 Vigilius Tapsensis. 
 
 What Century What Tear When 
 in. composed, received 
 
 Fifth. 
 Fourth. 
 
 Fourth. 
 Fourth. 
 
 Fifth. 
 
 Seventh. 
 
 After the Fourth. 
 
 Fifth. 
 
 Fifth. 
 Fourth. 
 Fourth. 
 
 Fifth. 
 
 Fifth. 
 Fifth. 
 Sixth, or sooner. 
 Fifth. 
 Sixth. 
 Fifth. 
 Fourth or Fifth. 
 Fifth. 
 Fifth. 
 Seventh or Eighth. 
 Fifth. 
 
 Not bef. 600 
 Before 447 
 
 340 
 Before 600 
 
 340 
 
 340 
 About GOO 
 
 484 
 Before 642 
 
 484 
 
 484 
 33J 
 
 484 
 Before 450 
 
 Before 401 
 484 
 
 A.D. 1000 
 Before 852 
 
 Before 670 
 Before 770 
 
 1000 
 
 Before 850 
 Before 670 
 
 Before 670 
 
 663 
 500 
 
 670 
 
 1000
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Ancient Testimonies. 
 
 Having taken a view of the moderns in relation to 
 the Creed, we may now enter upon a detail of the an- 
 cients and their testimonies, by which the moderns 
 must be tried. My design is to lay before the reader 
 all the original evidence I can meet with, to give any 
 light either into the age or author of the Creed, or its 
 reception in the Christian Churches, that so the reader 
 may be able to judge for himself concerning the three 
 particulars now mentioned, which are what I con- 
 stantly bear in my eye, producing nothing but with 
 a view to one or more of them. 
 
 Ancient testimonies have been pretended from Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen, Gaudentius Brixiensis, St. Austin, and 
 Isidorus Hispalensis, of the fourth, fifth, and sixth cen- 
 turies*; but they have been since generally and justly 
 exploded by the learned as being either spurious or 
 foreign to the point ; and therefore I conceive it very 
 needless to take any further notice of them. As to 
 quotations from our Creed, or comments upon it, falling 
 within the compass of the centuries now mentioned, 
 if there be any such, they shall be considered under 
 other heads, distinct from that of ancient testimonies, 
 properly so called, to be treated of in this chapter. 
 
 • These testimonies are collected and discussed by Montfaucon, 
 (Uiatrib. in Symb., pp. 719, 7-0); from whom Dr. Waterland ap- 
 pears to have obtained most ot the passages quoted in this chapter.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 21 
 
 670. The oldest of this kind hitherto discovered or 
 observed, is that of the Council of Autun in France, 
 under Leodegarius, or St. Leger, the Bishop of the 
 place in the seventh century. There is some dispute 
 about the year when the Council was held, whether 
 in 663, or 666, or 670. The last is most probable, and 
 most generally embraced by learned men. The words 
 of this Council in English, run thus: — "If any pres- 
 byter, deacon, sub-deacon, or clerk, doth not unre- 
 provably recite the Creed which the Apostles delivered 
 by inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and also the faith 
 of the holy prelate Athanasius, let him be censured by 
 the Bishop b ." By the faith of Athanasius is here 
 meant what we now call the Athanasian Creed, as may 
 be reasonably pleaded from the titles which this Creed 
 bore in the earlier times before it came to have the 
 name of a Creed ; which titles shall be exhibited 
 both from manuscripts and written evidences in the 
 sequel. Yet it must not be dissembled that Papebro- 
 chius, a learned man, and whom I find cited with 
 approbation by Muratorius c , is of opinion that the 
 faith of Athanasius here mentioned, means the Nicene 
 
 b " Si quis presbyter, diaconus, sub-diaconus, vel clericus, sym- 
 bolum quod Sancto iusphante tipiritu Apostoli tradiderunt et 
 fidem Sancti Athanasii prsesulis irreprehensibiliter non recensue- 
 rit; ab episcopo conderunetur." — Augustodun. Synod., in Harduin, 
 vol. iii. p. 1016. 
 
 « " Atqui, ut eruditissime adnotavit clarissinius P. Papebrochius, 
 in Respons. ad exhibitionem Errorum par. ii. Art. 13. u. 36, verbis 
 illis fidem S. Athanasii, minime symbolum Athanasiauum desig- 
 natur, sed quidem Nicaenura, in quo elaborando plurimum insudasse 
 Athanasium verisirnile est. Etenim cur Apostolico symbolo com- 
 mendato Nicaenum praetermisissent Augustoduneuses Patres ! Cur 
 Athanasiani symboli, cujus tunc nullus erat usus in sacris, cogni- 
 tionem exegissent, Nicaenumque ne uno quidem verbo commemo- 
 rassent?" — Murator., Anecdot., vol. ii. p. 223.
 
 22 HISTORY OF THE ATHA.NASIAN CREED. 
 
 Creed, which Athanasius had some hand in, and where- 
 of he was the great defender. I can by no means 
 come into his opinion, or allow any force to his reason- 
 ings. He asks, "Why should the Nieene Creed be 
 omitted and not mentioned with the Apostles' ? and, 
 why shox;ld the Athanasian not then used in the sacred 
 offices, be recommended so carefully without a word 
 of the Nicene ? I answer, because it does not appear 
 that the Nicene Creed was so much taken notice of at 
 that time in the Gallican Churches, while the Apo- 
 stolical or Eoman Creed made use of in baptism in 
 the Western Churches instead of the Nicene, (which 
 prevailed in the East,) in a manner superseded it; 
 which no one can wonder at who considers how pre- 
 vailing and universal the tradition had been in the 
 Latin Church, down from the fifth century at least, 
 that the Apostolical Creed was composed by the twelve 
 Apostles, and therefore as sacred and of as great autho- 
 rity as the inspired writings themselves. Besides that, 
 it appears from Hincmar, who will be cited in his 
 place, that it was no strange thing even so low as his 
 time, about 850, to recommend the Athanasian Creed 
 along with the Apostles', without a word of the Nicene. 
 And why should it be thought any objection against 
 the Athanasian Creed that it was not at that time re- 
 ceived into the sacred offices, (supposing it really was 
 not, which may be questioned,) when it is certain that 
 the Nicene was not yet received into the sacred offices 
 in France, nor till many years after, about the time of 
 Pepin or of Charles the Great? There is therefore 
 no force at all in the argument of Papebrochius ; but 
 there is this strong prejudice against it, that the title
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 23 
 
 there given is a very common title for the Athanasian 
 Creed and not for the Nicene. Nor would the Fathers 
 of that Council have been so extravagantly fond of the 
 name of Athanasius, as to think it a greater commen- 
 dation of the Creed of Nice to call it after him than 
 to call it the Nicene. There is, then, no reasonable 
 doubt to be made but that the Council of Autun in the 
 Canon intended the Athanasian Creed, as the best 
 critics and the generality of the learned have hitherto 
 believed. 
 
 But there are other objections of real weight against 
 the evidence built upon this canon. 1. Oudin makes 
 it a question whether there was ever any Council held 
 under Leodegarius, a suffragan bishop under the Arch- 
 bishop of Lyons, having no metropolitical authority d . 
 But it may suffice if the Council was held at Autun, 
 while he was bishop of the place, a good reason why 
 he should be particularly mentioned; especially con- 
 sidering the worth and fame of the man, to say nothing 
 of the dignity of his see, which from the time of Gre- 
 gory the Great, had been the second or next in dignity 
 to the metropolitical see of Lyons. Nor do I perceive 
 any force in Oudin's objection against St. Leger's hold- 
 ing a diocesan synod (for a provincial synod is not 
 pretended), though he was no metropolitan. 2. A 
 stronger objection is that the canon we are concerned 
 with, cannot be proved to belong to the council held 
 under Leodegarius. It is not found among the canons 
 of that council published by Sirmondus, from the manu- 
 scripts of the Library of the Church of Angers, but it 
 is from another collection out of the library of the 
 d Oudin, Comment, de Scrijrtor. Eccles., vol. i. p. 348.
 
 24 HISTORY OF THE ATHANASIA^ CREED. 
 
 monastery of St. Benignus, of Dijon, with this title 
 only, Canones Augustodunenses ; so that one cannot 
 be certain -whether it belongs to the synod under St. 
 Leger, or to some other synod of Autun much later. 
 It must be owned that the evidence can amount to no 
 more than probable presumption or conjecture ; where- 
 fore Dupin e , Tentzelius f , Muratorius s , and Oudin h , 
 do not scruple to throw it aside as of too suspected 
 credit to build anything certain upon : and even Ques- 
 nel ' expresses some dissatisfaction about it ; only in 
 respect to some great names, such as Sirmondus, Peter 
 le Lande, Godfr. Hermantius, &c, he is willing to 
 acquiesce in it. To whom we may add, Labbe J, Le 
 Coint \ Cabassutius \ Pagi m , Tillemont n , Montfau- 
 con °, Pabricius p, Harduin q , and our learned antiquary 
 Mr. Binghim r , who all accept it as genuine, but upon 
 probable persuasion rather than certain conviction. 
 Neither do I pretend to propose it as clear and un- 
 doubted evidence, but probable only, and such as will 
 be much confirmed by other evidences to be mentioned 
 hereafter. 
 
 760. Pvegino, Abbot of Prom in Germany, an author 
 
 c Dupin, Eecl. Hist., vol. ii. p. 35. 
 f Tentzel., Judic. Erud., p. 61, &c. 
 s Murator., Anecdot., vol. ii. p. 223. 
 *> Oudin, Comment, de Scriptor. Eccles., vol. i. p. 348. 
 i Quesnel, Dissert, xiv. p. 731. 
 
 j Labbe, Dissert, de Scriptor. Eccles., vol. ii. p. 478. 
 ^ Le Cointe, Annul. Franc, ad Ann. 663, n. 22. 
 l Cabassut., iVotit. Eccl. Dissert, xix. p. 54. 
 '» Pagi, Or it. in Baron. Ann. 340, § 6. p. 120. 
 n Tillemont, Memoires, vol. viii. p. 283, (vol. viii. p. 66S.) 
 ° Montfauc, Diatrib. in Syrrib., p. 720. 
 v Fabric., Bill. Grtsc, lib.' v. c. 2, § 88, in vol. v. p. 316. 
 i Hanluin, Condi., vol. iii. p. 1016. 
 
 r Bingham, Orig. Kecks., bk. x. c. 4, § 18, in vol. iii. p. 94, (vol. 
 iv. p. 120.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 25 
 
 of the ninth and tenth centuries, has among other 
 collections, sonic Articles of Inquiry, supposed by Ba- 
 luzius the editor to he as old, or very nearly, as the 
 age of Boniface, Bishop of Mentz, who died in the 
 year 754. In those articles, there is one to this pur- 
 pose : "Whether the clergy have by heart Athana- 
 sius's tract upon the faith of the Trinity, beginning 
 with Whosoever will be saved s ," &c. This testimony 
 I may venture to place about 760, a little after the 
 death of Boniface. 
 
 794. The Council of Frankfort, in Germany, in 
 their 33rd Canon, give orders that " The Catholic 
 faith of the holy Trinity, and Lord's Prayer, and Creed, 
 be set forth and delivered to all V 
 
 Vossius u understands the canon of the two Creeds 
 Nicene and Apostolical; but I know not why the 
 Apostolical or Roman Creed should be emphatically 
 called Symbolum Fidei, the Creed, in opposition to the 
 Nicene, nor why the Nicene should not be called 
 a Creed as well as the other, after the usual way. 
 Besides that Fides Catholica, &c, has been more pe- 
 culiarly the title of the Athanasian Creed; and it was 
 no uncommon thing, either before or after this time, to 
 recommend it in this manner together with the Lord's 
 Prayer, and Apostles' Creed, just as we find here. And 
 nothing could be at that time of greater service against 
 the heresy of Felix and Elipandus, (which occasioned the 
 
 * "Si sermonem Athauasii episcopi de Fide Sanctse Trinitatis, 
 cujus initium e-t, ' Quicunque vult Salvus esse,' meaioriler teneat." 
 — Regin. de Discipl. Eccles., lib. i. c. 1, § 85. 
 
 ' " Ut fides Catholica sanctae Trinitatis, et Oratio Dominica, at- 
 que Symbolum Fidei omnibus prsedicetur, et tradatui-. " — Concil. 
 Francf., Can. 33, in Harduin, vol. iv. p. 908. 
 
 u Vossius de tribus Symb. Dissert, iii. c. 26, p. 528.
 
 26 HISTOBY OP THE ATHAITASTAN CREED. 
 
 calling of the Council,) than the Athanasian Creed; 
 for which reasons, till I see hetter reasons to the con- 
 trary, I must bo of opinion that the Council of Frank- 
 fort in their 33rd Canon intended the Athanasian 
 Creed, which Charles the Great had a particular respect 
 for, and had presented in form to Pope Adrian I., 
 above twenty years before, as we shall see in another 
 chapter. 
 
 809. Theodulphus, Bishop of Orleans in France, 
 has a Treatise of the Holy Ghost, with a preface to 
 Charles the Great, written at a time when the dispute 
 about the procession began to make disturbance. He 
 brings several testimonies in favour of the procession 
 from the Son out of Athanasius ; and, among others, 
 a 'pretty large part of the Athanasian Creed, from the 
 words, "The Father is made of none," &c. to, "He 
 therefore that will be saved must thus think of the 
 Trinity v ," inclusive. 
 
 809. An anonymous writer of the same time, and 
 in the same cause, and directing himself to the same 
 prince, makes the like use of the Athanasian Creed, 
 in the following words: "St. Athanasius, in the Ex- 
 position of the Catholic faith, which that great master 
 wrote himself, and which the Universal Church pro- 
 fesses, declares the procession of the Holy Ghost from 
 the Father and Son, thus saying, ' The Father is made 
 of none w ,' " &c. This I cite upon the credit of Sirmon- 
 dus in his Notes to Theodulphus. 
 
 T "Item idem .... 'Pater a nullo est factus,'&c., usque ad 'Qui 
 vult ergo Salvus esse,' " &c. — Theodulph. de Spiritu Sancto, in 
 Sirmond. Oper., vol. ii. p. 5178. 
 
 ™ " Incertus Autor quem diximus, hoc ipso uteris testimonio, 
 Beatus, inquit, Athauasius, in expositione Catholicae fidei, quam
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 27 
 
 809. It was in the same year that the Latin Monks 
 of Mount Olivet wrote their apologetical letter to 
 Pope Leo III., justifying their doctrine of the pro- 
 cession from the Son, against one John of Jerusalem, 
 a monk too, of another monastery, and of an opposite 
 persuasion. Among other authorities they appeal to 
 the faith of Athanasius, that is, to the Creed, as we 
 now call it. This I have from Le Quien, the learned 
 editor of Damascen, who had the copy of that letter 
 from Baluzius, as he there signifies \ 
 
 820. Not long after, Hatto, otherwise called Hetto 
 and Ahyto, Bishop of Basil in France, composed his 
 Capitular, or Book of Constitutions, for the regulation 
 of the clergy of his diocese. Amongst other good rules, 
 this makes the fourth : " That they should have the 
 Faith of Athanasius by heart, and recite it at the 
 Prime (that is, at seven o'clock in the morning) every 
 Lord's Day J» 
 
 820. Agobardus of the same time, Archbishop of 
 Lyons, wrote against Felix Orgelitanus, where he occa- 
 sionally cites part of the Athanasian Creed. His words 
 are: " St. Athanasius says, that except a man doth 
 
 ipse egregius doctor conscripsit, et quam universalis confitetur 
 ecclesia, processionem Spiritus Sancti a Patre et Filio declarat, 
 ita dicens : ' Pater a nullo est f actus,' " &c. — Sirmond. Oper., vol. ii. 
 p. 978 ; cf. p. 967. 
 
 x " in Regula Sancti Benedicti quam nobis dedit Filius vester 
 Domnus Karolus, qu* liabet lidem scriptam de Sancta et iusepa- 
 rabili Trinitate ; 'Credo Spiritum Sanctum Deum verum ex patre 
 procedentem et tilio :' et in Dialogo quern nobis vestra Sanctitas 
 dare dignata est similiter dicit. £t in Fide S. Athauasii eodem 
 modo dicit." — Monachi de Monte Ollv., in Le Quien, Dissert. 
 Damasc, p. 7. 
 
 r " Quarto, ut fides Sancti Athanasii a sacerdotibus discatur, et 
 ex corde Die Dominico ad Primam recitetur." — Basil., CapituL, in 
 Harduin., vol. iv. p. 1241.
 
 28 HISTOET OF THE ATHAXASIAN CREED. 
 
 keep the Catholic faith whole and undefiled, without 
 doubt he shall perish everlastingly 1 ." 
 
 852. In the same age flourished the famous Hincmar, 
 Archbishop of Rheims, who so often cites or refers to 
 the Creed we are speaking of, as a standing rule of 
 faith, that it may be needless to produce the particular 
 passages. I shall content myself with one only, more 
 considerable than the rest for the use that is to be 
 made of it hereafter. He directs his Presbyters " to 
 learn Athanasius's Treatise of Faith (beginning with 
 'Whosoever will be saved'), to commit it to memory, 
 to understand its meaning, and to be able to give it 
 in common words a ;" that is, I suppose, in the vulgar 
 tongue. He at the same time recommends the Lord's 
 Prayer and (Apostles') Creed b , as I take it, without 
 mentioning the Nicene ; which I particularly remark 
 for a reason to be seen above. It is farther observable 
 that though Hincmar here gives the Athanasian for- 
 mulary the name of a Treatise of Faith, yet he else- 
 where scruples not to call it (Symbolum) a Creed; 
 and he is, probably, as Sirmondus observes d , the first 
 
 x "Beatus Athanasius ait ; Fidem Catholicam nisi quis integram, 
 inviolatamque servaverit, absque dubio in sternum peribit." — 
 Agobard., adc. dogma Felicis, c. 3, in vol. i. p. 5. 
 
 8 " Unusqubque pre'sbyterorum expositionem symboli atque Ora- 
 tionis dommicae juxta Traditionem Orthodoxorum Patrum plenius 
 discat . . . Psalmorum etiam verba, et distinctiones regutariter, et 
 ex corde, cum Canticis eonsuetudinariis pronuntiare seiat. Necnon 
 et sermonem Athanasii de fide, cujus initiuni est, 'Quicunque vult 
 Salvus esse,' memoriae quisque commendet, sensum illius intelligat, 
 et verbis eommunibus enuntiare queat." — Hincm., Capitula ad 
 jyresbyteros, i. 1, in vol. i. p. 710. 
 
 b Vid. Hincm., Opusc. ad Hincmar. LavAunensem, c. 24, in v<>1. 
 ii. p. 474. 
 
 e "Athanasius in Symbolo dicens," &c; id., de Pradestin. , vol. i. 
 p. 309. 
 
 d Sirmond. Not. in Theodulph., vol. ii. p. 97S.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 29 
 
 writer who gave it the name it bears at this day. 
 Which I suppose may have led Oudin into his mistake, 
 that no writer before Hincmar ever made mention of 
 this Creed e ; a mistake, which, though taken notice 
 of by Tentzelius f in the year 1687, he has nevertheless 
 again and again repeated in his last edition. 
 
 865. In the same age lived Anscharius, monk also of 
 Corbey, and afterwards Archbishop of Hamburg and 
 Bremen in Germany. Among his dying instructions 
 to his clergy, he left this for one; that they should 
 be careful to recite the Catholic faith composed by 
 Athanasius s . This is reported by Eembertus, the 
 writer of his life, and successor to him in the same 
 see, who had been likewise monk of Corbey : so that 
 we have here two considerable testimonies in one. 
 
 868. Contemporary with these was iEneas Bishop of 
 Paris, who, in his Treatise against the Greeks, quotes 
 the Athanasian Creed under the name of Fides Ca- 
 thoh'ea h , Catholic faith, producing the same paragraph 
 of it which Theodulphus had done sixty years before. 
 
 868. About the same time, and in the same cause, 
 Ratram or Bertram, monk of Corbey in France, made 
 the like use of this Creed, calling it, A Treatise of 
 the Faith '. 
 
 e Oudin, Comment, de Scriptor. Eccl., vol. i. pp. 345, 1322. 
 
 f Tentzel., Judic. Erud., p. 144. 
 
 tl "Fratres .... admonuit ipse. . . . utcanerent Fidem Catholi- 
 cam a Beato Athanasio corupositarn." — Rembert., Vit. Anschar., 
 p. 237^ 
 
 h " Sanctus Atlianasius, Alexandrine sedis Episcopus, &c. ...Item 
 idem in Fide Catholica : quod Spiritus Sanctus a Patre procedat, et 
 Filio. Patera nullo est factus," &c. — /Eneas Paris., adv. Urate, c. 19. 
 
 1 " Beatus Athanasius, Alexandrinus episcopus, in Libello de tide 
 quern edidit, et omnibus Catholicis tenendum proposuit inter 
 Cietera sic ait ; Pater a nullo est factus, nee creatus, nee geni- 
 tus," &c. — Ratr. , contra Grcccor. oppos., lib. ii. c. 3.
 
 30 HISTORY OF THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 
 
 871. Adalbertus of this time, upon his nomination 
 to a Bishopric in the province of Eheims, was obliged 
 to give in a profession of his Faith to Archbishop 
 Hincmar. Among other things, he professes his great 
 regard to the Athanasian Creed (Sermo Athanemi), as 
 a Creed received with great veneration by the Catholic 
 Church, or being of customary and venerable use in 
 it k . This testimony is considerable in regard to the 
 reception of this Creed ; and not before taken notice 
 of, so far as I know, by those that have treated of this 
 argument. 
 
 889. This Creed is again mentioned in the same 
 age by Riculphus, Bishop of Soissons in France, in his 
 pastoral Charge to the Clergy of his diocese. He calls 
 it a Treatise (or Discourse) of Catholic Faith 1 . This 
 I take from Father Harduin's Councils, as also the 
 former, with the dates of both. 
 
 960. Ratherius, Bishop of Verona in Italy in the 
 year 928, and afterwards of Liege in Germany in the 
 year 953, and restored to his See of Yerona in the year 
 955, did after this time write instructions to his clergy 
 of Verona ; in which he makes mention of all the 
 three Creeds, Apostolical, Mcene, and Athanasian ; 
 obliging his clergy to have them all by heart ; which 
 
 k " In Sermone Beati Athanasii, quern Ecclesia Catholiea vene- 
 rando usu frequentare consuevit, qui ita incipit ; ' Quicunque vult 
 Salvus esse, ante omnia opus est utteneat Catholicam Fidem.' Pro- 
 fessio Adalberts episcopi Moiinensis futuri." — Harduin., Concil., 
 vol. v. p. 1445. 
 
 1 " Item monemus, ut unusquisque vestrum Psalmos, et sermo- 
 nem fidei Catholics, cujus initium, 'Quicunque vult Salvus esse,' et 
 canonem missEe, et cantum, vel compotum, memoriter, et veraciter 
 et correcte tenere studeat. " — Riculf., Constitution 5, in Harduin, 
 vol. vi. p. 415.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 31 
 
 shews that they were all of standing use in his time, 
 iu his diocese at least m . 
 
 997. Near the close of this century lived Abho, or 
 Albo, Abbot of Fleury, or St. Benedict upon the Loire 
 in France. Upon some difference he had with Arnul- 
 phus, Bishop of Orleans, he wrote an apology which 
 he addressed to the two kings of France, Hugh and 
 Robert. In that apology he has a passage relating to 
 our purpose running thus: "I thought proper, in the 
 first place, to speak concerning the Faith, which I 
 have heard variously sung in alternate choirs, both in 
 France and in the Church of England. For some, 
 I think, say in the Athanasian form, ' The Holy Ghost 
 is of the Father and of the Son, neither made, nor 
 created, but proceeding:' who while they leave out 
 'nor begotten,' are persuaded that they are the more 
 conformable to Gregory's Synodical Epistle, wherein it 
 is written that the ' Holy Ghost is neither unbegotten, 
 nor begotten, but proceeding 11 .'" I have taken the 
 liberty of throwing in a word or two to make the sen- 
 tence run the clearer. What the author intends is, 
 that some scrupulous persons both in France and Eng- 
 
 m " Ipsam fidem, id est credulitatem Dei, trifarie parare memo- 
 riter festinetis : Hoc est, secundum Symbolum id est collationem 
 Apostolorum, sicut in Hsalteriis correctis invenitur ; et illam quae 
 ad missam canitur ; et illam Sancti Athanasii qus ita incipit ; ' Qui- 
 cunque vult Salvus esse'. . . Sermonem, ut superius dixi, Athanasii 
 Episcopi de fide Trinitatis, cujus initium est, 'Quicunque vult, me- 
 moriter teneat." — Ratherii, St/nod. Epist., in Harduin, vol. vi. p. 791. 
 
 u " Primitus de Fide dicendum credidi ; quam altetnantibus 
 ehoris et in Francia, et apud Anglorum Ecclesiam variari audivi. 
 Alii enim dicunt, ut arbitror, secundum Athanasium, ' Spiritus 
 Sanctus a Patre et Filio non f actus, non creatus, sed procedens:' 
 qui dum id quod est nee genitus subtrahunt, Synodicam Domni 
 Gregorii se sequi credunt, ubi ita est scriptum ; ' Spiritus Sanctus 
 nee ingenitus est, nee genitus, sed procedens.' " — Abbo Floriacens., 
 Aj)oL ad Francor. Reges, c. 15.
 
 32 HISTORY OP THE ATHAXASIAN CREED. 
 
 land, recited the Athanasian Creed with some altera- 
 tion, leaving out two words to make it agree the 
 better, as they imagined, with Gregory's synodical 
 instructions. As to their scruple herein, and the ground 
 of it, I shall say more of it in a proper place. All 
 I am to observe at present is, that this testimony is 
 full for the custom of alternate singing the Athana- 
 sian Creed at this time in the French and English 
 Churches. And indeed we shall meet with other as 
 full, and withal earlier evidence of the same custom, 
 when we come to treat of manuscripts in the following 
 chapters. To proceed with our ancient testimonies. 
 
 1047. In the next century we meet with Gualdo, 
 a monk of Corbey, who likewise wrote the Life of 
 Anscharius, but in verse, as Rembertus had before 
 done in prose. He also takes some notice of our Creed, 
 ascribing it to Athanasius . 
 
 1130. In the century following, Ilonorius, a scholas- 
 tic divine of the Church of Autun, in his book en- 
 titled " The Pearl of the Soul" (which treats of the 
 sacred or Liturgic offices), reckons up the several 
 Creeds of the Church, making in all four: namely, 
 the Apostolical, the Nicene, the Constantinopolitan, 
 and the Athanasian. Of the last he observes, that 
 it was daily repeated at the Prime p . He ascribes it 
 to Athanasius of Alexandria, in the time of Theodo- 
 sius, where he is undoubtedly mistaken in his chro- 
 nology. For if he means the first Athanasius of Alex- 
 
 " Catolicamque Fidem quam composuisse beatus 
 
 Fertur Athanasius." — Gualdo, Vit. Ansch., c 107, p. 322. 
 
 p " Quarto, fidem ' Quicunque vult,' quotidie ad Primam iterat, 
 quam Athanasius Alexandrinus Episcopus, rogatu Theodosii Impe- 
 ratoris edidit." — Honor., Gemm. Animoc, lib. ii. c. 69, p. 1086.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 33 
 
 andria, he is too early for either of the Thcodosinses : 
 and if he means it of the second, he is as much too 
 late. But a slip in chronology might he pardonahle 
 in that age, nor does it at all affect the truth of what 
 he attests of his own times. 
 
 1146. Otho, Bishop of Frisinghen in Bavaria, may 
 here be taken notice of, as being the first we have 
 met with who pretends to name the place where Atha- 
 nasius is supposed to have made this Creed, Triers, or 
 Treves, in Germany q . It is no improbable conjecture 
 of M. Antelmi r , that the copy of the Creed found at 
 Treves being very ancient, or the most ancient of any, 
 and from which many others were taken, might first 
 occasion the story of the Creed's being made at Treves, 
 and by Athanasius himself, who by his exile thither 
 might render that place famous for his name to all 
 after ages. 
 
 1171. Arnoldus, in his Chronicle, informs us of an 
 Abbot of Brunswick, who attending the Duke of Bruns- 
 wick at this time in his journey into the East, had 
 s >me disputes with the Greeks at Constantinople upon 
 the Article of Procession, and pleaded the usual pas- 
 sage out of this Creed, whose words are to be seen in 
 the margin 8 . "What is most to be noted is the title 
 of Symbolum Fide/, which now began to be common 
 to this form, as to the other Creeds. 
 
 <i "Ibidem manens in Ecclesia Treverorum sub Maximino ejus- 
 dem Ecclesiae Episcopo, ' Quicunque vult,' &c, a quibusdam dicitur 
 edidisse." — Otto Frising., Chronic, lib. iv. cap. 7. p 44 (al. p. 75). 
 
 r Antelm. de Symb. Athan., p. 27. 
 
 * " Unde Athanasius in Symbolo Fidei : Spiritus Sanctus a Patre 
 et Filio non factus, nee oreatus, nee genitus, sed procedens. Ecce 
 Spiritum Sanctum a Patre dicit procedere et a Filio." — Henric. 
 Abb. apul Arnold., Chron. Slavor., lib. iii. c. 5, p. 248.
 
 d4 HTSTOEY OF THE ATHAXASIAX CEEED. 
 
 1178. Kobertus Paululus, Presbyter of Amiens, in 
 the diocese of Rheims, speaking of the offices recited 
 at the Prime, observes that the piety of good Chris- 
 tians had thereunto added the Quicunque vult, that the 
 articles necessary to salvation might never be forgotten 
 any hour of the day t . 
 
 1190. Beleth, a celebrated Paris divine, is the oldest 
 "writer that takes notice of this Creed being commonly 
 ascribed to Anastasius, though he himself ascribes it 
 to Athanasius u . Tentzelius v marks some differences 
 between the prints and the manuscripts of this author, 
 and betwixt one manuscript and another. But as the 
 difference, though in words considerable, is yet very 
 little in the sense, it is not material to our present 
 purpose to be more particular about it. 
 
 1200. I must not omit Nicolaus Hydruntinus, a na- 
 tive of Otranto in Italy, "who sided with the Greeks, 
 and wrote in Greek against the Latins. He understood 
 both languages, and was often interpreter between the 
 Greeks and Latins in their disputes at Constantinople, 
 Athens, and Thessalonica x . He wrote several tracts, 
 out of which Leo Allatius has published some frag- 
 ments. There is one relating to the Athanasian Creed, 
 
 * " His addidit fideliura devotio, ' Quicunque vult Salvus esse,' ut 
 Articulorum Fidei qui sunt necessarii ad salutem, nulla diei bora 
 obliviscamur." — Rob. Paul ill., in Hugo de S. Victor, de Offic. Eccl., 
 lib. ii. c. 1, vol. iii. p. 223 (p. 265). 
 
 " " Notandum est quatuor esse Symbola ; minimum quod a cunc- 
 tis communiter in quotidiana oratione dicitur, quod Apostoli simul 
 composuerunt. Secundum est quod in Prima recitatur, ' Quicunque 
 vult Salvus esse :' quod ab Athanasio Patriarchs Alexandrino contra 
 Arrianos hasreticos compositum est, licet plerique eum Ana«tasium 
 fuisse falso arbitrentur. " — Beletb de Divin. Offic, c. 40, (p. 334, ed. 
 Venet. ). 
 
 T Tentzel., Judic. End., p. 91. 
 
 * Fabric, Bill. Grcec, lib. v. c. 42, § 12, in vol. x. p. 293.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 35 
 
 which must here be taken notice of; being of use for 
 the certifying us that this Creed was extant in Greek 
 at and before his time. It is this : " They (the Greeks) 
 do not know who made the addition to the Faith of 
 Athanasius, styled Catholic ; since the words, ' and of 
 the Son,' are not in the Greek (Form) nor in the Creed 
 (of Constantinople y). " 
 
 From this passage we may learn that there was a 
 Greek copy of the Athanasian Creed at this time ; that 
 it wanted the words " of the Son," that it was looked 
 upon as Athanasius's, and that the title was, "The 
 Catholic Faith of St. Athanasius," which is its most 
 usual title iu the Latin copies. I may just hint to the 
 reader, that though both Tj-tWiy in the Greek and fides 
 in the Latin might justly be rendered Creed in Eng- 
 lish, rather than faith, whenever it stands for a formu- 
 lary or confession of faith as it does here; yet be- 
 cause I should otherwise want another English word 
 for o-v/x/3oXoi/ in the Greek, and Symbolum in the Latin, 
 I therefore reserve the word Creed in this case for 
 distinction sake, to be the rendering of Symbolum, or 
 o-vfiJoXuv, and nothing else. But to proceed. 
 
 1230. Alexander of Hales, in Gloucestershire, may 
 here deserve to be mentioned as shewing what Creeds 
 were then received in England. He reckons up three 
 only, not four, (as those that make the Kicene and 
 Constantinupolitan to be two,) namely, The Apostles', 
 the Nicene or Constantinopolitan, and the Athana- 
 
 7 "On teal avTol hyvoovai, ris b Trpaffdrjffas iv rfj izlarei tov aylov 
 'Adava<r(ov, rfj KadohiKrj \eyofi4fri, u>s tv red tWrjvtKqi ov\l tovto, 
 &TTep iffrl Kal e'/c tov v'lov, Trepitx* Tai i ovre iv rc2 <rv/j.^6\(f>. — Leo 
 Allat. de Consent. Keel. Occidtut., dbc., lib. iii. c. 1, § 5, p. fe87.
 
 36 HISTORY OF THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 
 
 sian z , where we may observe that the Athanasian has 
 the name of a Creed, which yet was not its most visual 
 or common title in those times, only the schoolmen for 
 order and method sake chose to throw it under the 
 head of Creeds. 
 
 1233. I am next to take notice of the famed legates 
 of Pope Gregory IX., (Haymo, Padolphus, Petrus, and 
 Hugo,) who produced this Creed in their conferences 
 with the Greeks at Constantinople. They asserted it 
 to be Athanasius's, and made by him while an exile 
 in the "Western parts, and penned in the Latin tongue*. 
 They had not assurance enough to pretend that it was 
 a Greek composition ; there were too many and too 
 plain reasons to the contrary. 
 
 1240. In this age, "Walter de Cautilupe, Bishop of 
 "Worcester, in his Synodical Constitutions, exhorts his 
 clergy to make themselves competent masters of the 
 Psalm called Quicunque rult, and of the greater and 
 smaller Creed, (that is, Nicene and Apostolical,) that 
 they might be able to instruct their people b ; from 
 whence we may observe that at this time the Athana- 
 sian formulary was distinguished here amongst us from 
 the Creeds properly so called, being named a Psalm, 
 
 1 "Notandum quod cum sint tria Symbola : primum Apostolo- 
 rum, secundum patrum quod canitur in Missa, tertium Athanasii, 
 quod canitur in Prima." — Alex. Ales., Pars iii. q. 82, § 5, in 
 vol. i. fol. 280. 
 
 a 'O ayios 'Adavdfftos orav fv to?s ju/peri ro?s Svtiko7s f^opiaros 
 rjv, iv t?7 tudeffet tt;s iriaTfcos. fyvroTs AaTiviKo'is prifj.acrt Steaacp-qrrti'. 
 ovtois e<pT). 'O Trcn-^p aw ovSev6s eVn, &c. — Definilio Apocri- 
 sariorum Greg. IX., in Harduin, vol. vii. p. 157. 
 
 b "Habeat etiam saltern quilibet eorum simplicem intellectum, 
 secundum quod continetur in Psalmo qui dicitur, Quicunque vult, 
 et tam in majori quam in minori Symbolo, ut in his plebem sibi 
 commissam noverint informare." — Spelm., Cone, vol. ii. p. 246.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 37 
 
 and sometimes a hymn, (as we shall see from other 
 evidences to be produced hereafter,) suitably to the 
 place it held in the Psalters among the other Hymns, 
 Psalms, and Canticles of the Church, being also sung 
 alternately in churches like the other. 
 
 1250. We may here also take notice of a just re- 
 mark made by Thomas Aquinas of this century : that 
 Athanasius whom he su; poses the author of this formu- 
 lary, did not draw it up in the way of a Creed, but 
 in a doctrinal form, which however was admitted by 
 the authority of the Bornan see as containing a com- 
 plete system of Christian faith c . 
 
 1255. Walter de Kirkham, Bishop of Durham, in 
 his Constitutions, about this time, makes much the 1 
 same order that Walter Cantilupe had before done, 
 styling the Creed a Psalm also as usual d . 
 
 1286. Johannes Januensis, sometimes styled Johannes 
 Balbus, makes mention of this Creed in his Dictionary 
 or Catholicon, under the word Symbolum. He reckons, 
 up three Creeds, and in this order, Apostles', ]S T icene, 
 and Athanasian. The name he gives to the last is 
 Symbolum Athanasii, thrice repeated 6 . 
 
 c " Athanasius non composuit manifestationem Fitlei per modum 
 Symboli, sed magis per modum cujusdam aoctriaue : sect quia iti- 
 tegram Fidei veritatem ejus doctriua breviter continebat, au- 
 thoritate summi Pontiticis est recepia, ut quasi regula Fidei habe- 
 atur." — Aquinas, Secunda iSecimdte, q. 1. Art. 10, § 3, in vol. xi. 
 part 2, p. 8. 
 
 d "Habeat quoque unusquisque eorum simplicem intellectum 
 Fidei. sieut in Symbolo tam majori quam nimori ; quod e»t in 
 Psalmo, ' Quicunque vult,' et etiam ' Credo in JJeum,' expressius 
 continentur." — Spelm., Cone, vol. ii. p. 294. 
 
 e " Tria sunt Symbola ; scilicet Apostolorum, quod dioitur in Ma- 
 tutinis, in Prima, et in Oompletorio : item .Nicenum, quod dicitur 
 in diebus domiuicis post Evangelium : item Athanasii, quod dici- 
 tur in Prima in domiuicis diebus alta voce. . . . Symbolum autem 
 Athanasii quod contra Hereticos editum est, in .Prima dicitur, 
 quasi jam pulsis Hereticorum tenebris. . . . Ad id editum est Sym-
 
 38 HISTORY OF THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 
 
 1287. In a synod of Exeter, in this century also, we 
 have mention again made of the Athanasian Creed 
 under the name of a Psalm, and as such distinguished 
 from the two Creeds f properly so called ; though the 
 name of Psalm was also sometimes given to the Creeds, 
 and to the Lord's Prayer s likewise, since those also 
 were sung in the church. 
 
 1286. William Durants, or Durandus, the elder, 
 Bishop of Mend a, in France, recounting the Creeds, 
 makes their number three, mentioning the Athanasian 
 in the second place between the Apostles' and Nicene. 
 He follows the same tradition which Otho Prisingensis 
 did before, that this Creed was made at Triers or 
 Treves 11 . It is scarce worth noting that some copies 
 here read Anastasius, since the circumstances plainly 
 shew that Athanasius is the man intended, and that 
 Anastasius can be nothing else but a corrupt reading. 
 
 1330. Ludolphus Saxo, the Carthusian, numbers 
 three Creeds, with very brief but good hints of their 
 uses respectively : the Apostles' useful for a short com- 
 pendious instruction in the faith ; the Mcene, for 
 
 bolum Athanasii qui specialiter contra Hereticos se opposuit." — 
 Johan. Januens., in voce Symbolum. 
 
 ! " Articulnrum Fidei (Jhristianorum saltern simpliceni habeant 
 intellectum, prout in Psalmo, Quicunque vult, et in utroque Sym- 
 bolo continentur." — Spelm., Cone, vol. ii. p. 370. 
 
 e In a MS. of Trinity College, (called Kythmus Anglicus), written 
 about 11S0, is a copy of the Apostles' Creed, and another of the 
 Lord's Prayer, with these titles : 'The Salm the Me Clepeth Crede ; 
 The Salm that is cleped pr. nr.' This manner of speaking seems 
 to have been borrowed from the Germans ; for Otfridus, as is 
 observed by Lambecius, gives the name of a Psalm to the Apostles' 
 Creed. — Lambec, CataL, vol. ii. p. 760. 
 
 h ' ' Nota, quod triplex est Symbolum. Primum est Symbolum 
 Apostolorum, quod vocatur Symbolum minus. . . . Secundum Sym- 
 bolum est, ' Quicunque vult Salvus esse,' &c., ab Athanasio, patri- 
 archa Alexandrino, in civitate Treviri compositum .... Tcrtium est 
 Nicsenum quod .... vocatur Symbolum majus." — Gul. Durant., 
 Rational. Divin. Offic, lib. iv. c. 25, §§ 6 — 9, p. 133.
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 39 
 
 fuller explication ; and the Athanasian, for guard or 
 defence ' against heresies. 
 
 1337. William of Baldensal or Boldesale, a German 
 Knight, ought here to be mentioned as being the first 
 writer extant that ascribes the Creed to Eusebius, (of 
 Verceil, in Piedmont,) along with Athanasius. The 
 reason, I presume, was the better to account for the 
 Creed's being originally Latin. Baldensal's treatise, 
 being the History of Piedmont, wherein he makes the 
 remark, is not yet published I suppose ; but Cardinal 
 Bona informs us that the manuscript was in his time 
 in the library of the Duke of Savoy, at Turin k . 
 
 1360. Manuel Caleca, a latinizing Greek, wrote a 
 treatise upon the Principles of the Catholic Faith, 
 published by Combefls, in his new Auctarium to the 
 Bibliotheca Patriim, tome the 2nd, where we find some 
 passages to our present purpose ; particularly this, that 
 Caleca ascribes the Creed to Athanasius, and supposes 
 it to have been presented by him to Pope Julius '. 
 I know not whether he be not the first writer that 
 mentions that circumstance, nor whether he reports it 
 from others, or from his own invention. 
 
 1360. About the same time Johannes Cyparissiota, 
 
 1 " Tria sunt Symbola: primum Apostolorum ; secundum, Ni- 
 ceni Concilii : tertium, Athanasii. Primum factum est ad Fidei 
 Instructionem. Secundum, ad .Fidei explanationem. Teriium, ad 
 Fidei defensionem." — Ludolph. Sax. de \'it. Christi, c. 83, p. 732. 
 
 k "In hue autem Symboio, sive componendo, sive e Gra;co in 
 Latinum traducendo Adjutorem luisse Athanasio Fusebium, Ver- 
 cellensem episcopum, rutert Gulielmus Baldesauus in Histuria Pe- 
 demontana, qua} manuscripta Taurini asservatur in Bibliotheca 
 Ducis Sabaudue, ex Tabulario Vercellensis Fcclesise." — Bona de Di- 
 vin. Psalm,., c. 16, § 18, p. 864. 
 
 1 Tain-qv yap ecie /urj tis Triffrws irimevaT}, (TtnQrivai ov fivvarai, 
 us 6 /xeyas WttavdaLus h> rrj irpus '\ov\iov iratraf ; 'Pu>fxr)s rrjs iri- 
 anus 6/j.o\oyia npoae&i]Kiv. — Manuel Galea, c/e Fid., c. 10, p. 2S4. 
 Cf. Calec, Co/ttr. Gnec, lib. ii. c. 20, p. 416.
 
 -10 HISTORY OF THE ATHANASIAN CKEED. 
 
 surnamed "the Wise," wrote his Decads, which are pub- 
 lished in Latin in the Bibliotheques of Turrianus's ver- 
 sion. "What we are to observe from him is, that he 
 cites this Creed in the name of Athanasius, and as if 
 it were made at the Council of Nice m . It seems, after 
 it once passed current that Athanasius was the author, 
 there was great variety of conjectures about the place 
 where, and the time when, he composed or presented 
 this Creed. 
 
 1439. I shall mention but one more, as late as the 
 Council of Florence, or a little later, and that is 
 Johannes (afterwards Josephus) Plusiadenus, a latin- 
 izing Greek, who wrote a dialogue in defence of the 
 Latins. What is observable in him is, that he makes 
 the Creed to have been presented by Athanasius to 
 Pope Liberius, instead of Julius n . 
 
 I have now come low enough with the Ancient 
 Testimonies, if I may be allowed so to call those of the 
 later times. A few of the first and earliest might have 
 sufficed, had I no other point in view but the mere 
 antiquity of the Creed : but as my design is to treat of 
 its reception also in various places and at various 
 times, and to lay together several kind of evidences 
 which will require others, both early and late, to clear 
 up and explain them, it was, in a manner, necessary 
 for me to bring my accounts as low as I have here 
 done. Besides that several inferior incidental ques- 
 
 m " Magnus Athanasius in expositione Fidei, in prima Synodo, 
 ait," &c. — Joan. Cypariss., Decad. ix. c. 3. 
 
 " 'O Oelos t<£ uvi i Kal hpbs 'Adavdaios, iv -rrj b^o\oyia ttjs 
 eavTov 7ri(jT6a!S, i]v e|e'0eTo -npbs \ifitpiov Wairav, 7js 7} a.pxV> dffTis 
 ttv liov\7)Tai actidrjvai, to irvevf.ia to ayidv (pr/aa; airb tov warphs Kal 
 rod viuv, ov Troi-qTui/, uv ktujtov, ovSe yefvr]rbi'. aXA' itciropevroy. — 
 Plusiad., p. 628 (in Combef. not. in Cake, p. 297).
 
 ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 41 
 
 tions will fall in our way, for the resolving of which 
 most of the testimonies I have here cited will be ser- 
 viceable in their turn, as will appear more fully in the 
 sequel. I have omitted several testimonies of the later 
 centuries, such as I thought might conveniently be 
 spared, either as containing nothing but what we had 
 before from others more ancient, or as being of no use 
 for the clearing up any that we have, or for the 
 settling any point which will come to be discussed in 
 the following sheets. The rule I have set myself 
 in making the collection, and which I have been most 
 careful to observe, was to take in all those, and none 
 but those, which are either valuable for their antiquity, 
 or have something new and particular upon the sub- 
 ject, or may strike some light into any doubtful ques- 
 tion thereunto relating. 
 
 I shall shut up this chapter, as I did the former, 
 with a Table, representing in one view the sum and 
 substance of what has been done in it. The several 
 columns will contain the year of our Lord, the authors 
 here recited, the country where they lived, and the 
 title or titles by them given to the Creed. The titles 
 ought to appear in their original language wherein 
 they were written, which my English reader may the 
 more easily excuse, since they have most of them been 
 given in English above, where it was more proper to 
 do it. The use of such a Table will be seen as often 
 as a reader has a mind to look back to this chapter, 
 or to compare several evidences of different kinds, 
 proving the same thing one with another.
 
 A TABLE OF THE ANCIENT TESTIMONIES. 
 
 A.D, Authors, Country. Title of the Creed. 
 
 Council of Autun. 
 
 France. 
 
 Articles Inqu. Regino. 
 
 Germany. 
 
 Counc. Franckfort. 
 
 Germany. 
 
 Th.eodulpb.us. 
 
 France. 
 
 Anonymous. 
 
 France. 
 
 Monks of M. Olivet. 
 
 Judaea. 
 
 Hatto, or Ilctto. 
 
 France. 
 
 Agobardus. 
 
 France. 
 
 Hincmar. 
 
 France. 
 
 Anscharius. 
 
 Germany. 
 
 Bertram. 
 
 France. 
 
 jEneas Paris. 
 
 France. 
 
 Adalbertus. 
 
 France. 
 
 Riculphus. 
 
 France. 
 
 Ratherius. 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Abbo, or Albo. 
 
 France. 
 
 Gualdo. 
 
 France. 
 
 Honorius. 
 
 France. 
 
 Otho. 
 
 Bavaria. 
 
 Duke of Brans-wick. 
 
 Germany. 
 
 Robertus Paululus. 
 
 France. 
 
 Beleth. 
 
 France. 
 
 Nic. Hydruntinus. 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Alexander Alens. 
 
 England. 
 
 P. Gregory's Legates. 
 
 
 Walter Cantilupe. 
 
 England. 
 
 Thorn. Aquinas. 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Walter Kirkham. 
 
 England. 
 
 John Jauucnsis. 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Durandus. 
 
 France. 
 
 Exon. Synod. 
 
 England. 
 
 Ludolpbus. 
 
 Saxony. 
 
 Baldensal. 
 
 Germany 
 
 Man. Caleca. 
 
 Greece. 
 
 Joan. Cyparissiota. 
 
 Greece. 
 
 Joan. Plusiadenus. 
 
 Greece. 
 
 Fides Sancti Atbanasii Proesulis. 
 Sernio Athanasii Episcopi de Fide. 
 Fides Catholica Sanctis Trinitatis. 
 
 Expositio Catholicae Fidei, Athanasii. 
 Fides Sancti Atbanasii. 
 Fides Sancti Athanasii. 
 
 Sermo Athanasii de Fide. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 Athanasii Fides Catholica. 
 
 Libellus Athanasii de Fide. 
 
 Athanasii Fides Catholica. 
 
 Sermo Beati Athanasii. 
 
 Sermo Fidei Catholicre. 
 
 SermoAthanasii Episc.de Fide Trinitatis. 
 
 Fides secundum Athanasium. 
 
 Fides Catholica Athanasio adseripta. 
 
 Fides Quicunque vult. 
 
 Quicunque vult, &e. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum Fidei. 
 
 Quicunque vult, &c. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 ToO ayiov 'A6a.va.aiov 7ri'o"Tis r) KaOoAi/crj. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 "EK0C(TtS T*)s 7TlVTe<OS. 
 
 Psalmus Quicunque, &c. 
 
 Athanasii Manil'estatio Fidei. 
 
 Psalmus Quicunque, &c. 
 
 Symbolum Athanasii. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 Psalmus Quicunque. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 'H Ti}s TrurTews bfj.o\oyia tou 'ABavaaiov. 
 
 Athanasii Expositio Fidei. 
 
 'H r>js 7ricrT6ws o/aoAo-y Co. toO 'AOavacriov.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Ancient Commentators and Paraphrasts upon the 
 Athanasian Creed. 
 
 Ancient Comments, or Paraphrases, may be properly 
 mentioned after Ancient Testimonies, being near akin 
 to them, and almost the same thing with them. I call 
 none ancient but such as were made before the year 
 1500, and therefore shall carry my accounts no lower, 
 nor quite so low as that time. 
 
 a.d. 570. The first comment to be met with on this 
 Creed is one of the sixth century, composed by Yenan- 
 tius Fortunatus, an Italian by birth, but one that 
 travelled into Prance and Germany, became acquainted 
 with the most eminent scholars and prelates all over 
 the "West, and was at length made Bishop of Poictiers 
 in Prance. His comment on this Creed has been pub- 
 lished from a manuscript about 600 years old a , out of 
 the Ambrosian Library at Milan, by Muratorius, in his 
 second tome of Anecdota, in the year 1698. There 
 can be no reasonable doubt but that the comment 
 really belongs to the man whose name it bears. 1. P>e- 
 
 a " Est porro nobis in Ambrosiana Bibliotheca Membranaceus 
 Codex annus abhinc ferme sexcentos manu descriptus ; ut ex cha- 
 racterum forma, aliisque conjecturis affirmari posse mihi videtur. 
 Heic, prreter alia opuscula multa, Tres Symboli expositiones ha- 
 bentur, quorum unam tantum nunc publici juris facio. 
 
 " Prima ita inscribitur, Expositio Fidei Catholicte. Alteri nullus 
 titulus prtetixus est. Postrema vero hunc pras se fert ; Expositio 
 Fidei Catholicae Fortunati. . . . Fortunatus autem, heic memoratus, 
 alius a Venantio Fortunato non est, quem Insula? Pictaviensis Ec- 
 clesise, quem Christianas poetiees ornamenta reternitate donarunt." 
 — Murator., Anecdot, vol. ii. p, 228.
 
 44 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON 
 
 cause in the same book there is also a comment upon 
 the Apostles' Creed b ascribed to Fortunatus, and which 
 is known to belong to Venantius Fortunatus, and has 
 been before printed among his other works. 2. Because 
 it appears highly probable, from what Venantius For- 
 tunatus has occasionally dropped in his other un- 
 doubted works , that he was really accpuainted with 
 the Athanasian Creed, and borrowed expressions from 
 it. 3. Because in the expositions of the Apostles' and 
 Athanasian Creeds, there is great similitude of style, 
 thoughts, and expressions, which shews that both are 
 of the same hand, and indeed, the other circumstances 
 considered, abundantly proves it. It would burden 
 my margin too much, otherwise it were easy to give 
 at least half-a-dozen plain specimens, where either the 
 expressions, or turn of thought, or both, are exactly 
 
 b " Expositionem quoque continet (Codex Ambrosianus) Aposto- 
 lici Symboli, cum hac inscriptione : Incipit expositio a Fortunato 
 Presbytero conscripta. Eadem vero est ac edita inter Fortunati 
 Opera. Turn sequuntur geminse ejusdem Symboli explicationes, 
 tres Orationis Dominica?, et dure Athanasiani Symboli expositiones 
 incertis auctoribus seriptae, tandem, ut diximus, Expositio Fidei 
 Catholics; Fortunati legitur. Quocirco quin ad Venantium quoque 
 Fortunatum opusculum hoc sit referendum, nullus dubito." — 
 Murator., AnecdoU, vol. ii. p. 331. 
 
 c "Praclarum in primordio pocitur cselestis testimonii funda- 
 mentum, quia Salvus esse non poterit, qui recte de Salute non cre- 
 diderit." — Fortunat., Expos. Symb. Apost. in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. x. 
 p. 592. 
 
 " Non Deus in carnem est versus, Deus accipit artus : 
 Non se permutans, sed sibi membra levans. 
 
 Unus in ambabus naturis, verus in ipsis 
 
 ^Equalis matri hinc, par Deitate Patri. 
 Non sua coniundens, sibi nostra sed omnia nectens. 
 
 De patre natus habens divina, humanaque matris, 
 De patre sublimis, de genetrice humilis." 
 Fortunat., lib. viii. Carm. v., vv. 33, &c. ; in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. x. 
 p. 574.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 45 
 
 parallel. Such as think it of moment to examine, 
 may easily be satisfied by comparing the comment on 
 the Apostles' Creed, in the tenth tome of the last 
 Bibliotheque, with the comment on the Athanasian in 
 Muratorius. 4. I may add, that the tenour of the 
 whole comment, and the simplicity of the style and 
 thoughts, are very suitable to that age, and more so 
 than to the centuries following. These reasons con- 
 vince me that this comment belongs to Venantius 
 Fortunatus, composed by him after his going into 
 France, and before he was Bishop of Poictiers, and so 
 we may probably fix the date of it about the year 570, 
 or perhaps higher. There is an older manuscript copy 
 of this comment (as I find by comparing) in the 
 Museum at Oxford, among Junius's manuscripts, num. 
 ber 25 d . I am obliged to the very worthy and learned 
 Dr. Haywood, for sending me a transcript of it, with 
 a specimen of the character. It is reasonably judged 
 to be about 800 years old. It wants in the beginning 
 about ten or a dozen lines : in the other parts it agrees 
 with Muratorius's copy, saving only some slight in- 
 sertions and such various lections as are to be expected 
 in different manuscripts not copied one from the other. 
 From the two copies compared may be drawn out 
 a much more correct comment than that which Mura- 
 torius has given us from one, as will be shewn at the 
 end of this work. 
 
 I intimated above, that Muratorius supposes this 
 
 Venantius Fortunatus to be the author not of the 
 
 comment only, but Creed also. But his reasons which 
 
 plead strongly for the former are of no force at all in 
 
 d The title, Expositio in Fide Calholica.
 
 46 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON" 
 
 respect of the latter, which he is so sensible of him- 
 self, that while he speaks with great assurance of the 
 one, he is very diffident of the other e . And indeed, 
 not to mention several other considerations standing 
 in the way of his conjecture, who can imagine Venan- 
 tius Fortunatus to have been so vain as, after com- 
 menting on the Lord's Prayer and Apostles' Creed, to 
 fall to commenting upon a composition of his own ? 
 
 This comment of Fortunatus is a great confirmation 
 of what hath been above cited from the Council of 
 Autun; fur if the Creed was noted enough to deserve 
 a comment upon it so early as the year 570, no wonder 
 if we find it strongly recommended by that Council in 
 the year 670, a hundred years after. And it is ob- 
 s-ervable that as that Council recommends the Apo- 
 stolical and Athanasian Creeds, without saying a word 
 of the Nicene ; so Fortunatus, before them, comments 
 upon those two only, taking no notice of the third. 
 
 I cannot take leave of this comment without ob- 
 serving to the reader, that in Pareus's Notes on this 
 Creed, I have met with a passage which I am not well 
 able to account for. He cites a comment upon this 
 Creed under the name of Euphronius Presbyter f ; does 
 not say whether from a print or a manuscript; but 
 
 e "Hujus Syraboli auctor esse potuit Venantius Fortunatus: 
 saltern fuit is hujus Expositions auctor." — Murator., Anecdot., vol. 
 ii. p. 217. 
 
 "Nod ita meis eonjecturis plaudo, ut facilius non arbitrer Expo- 
 si tionem potius quam Symbolum huic auctori tribuendam. " — 
 Id., p. 231. 
 
 f " Euphronius presbyter in expositione hujus Symboli Atbanasii, 
 Fides, inquit, Catholica, seu universalis, dicitur : hoc est, recta, 
 quam Ecclesia universa tenere debet." — David. Parei not. ad 
 iSymb. A than. , p. 118. Edit. An. 16.J5. The words are not in the 
 edition of 1627.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 47 
 
 the words he produces are in this very comment of 
 Fortunatus. "Who this Euphronius is I can nowhere 
 find ; nor whether an ancient or modern writer. There 
 was an Euphronius Presbyter (mentioned by Gregory 
 of Tours), who lived in the fifth century, and was at 
 length Bishop of Autun ; but I never heard of any 
 writings of his more than an epistle ascribed to him 
 and Lupus of Troves. There was another Euphronius, 
 who was Bishop of Tours, with whom Fortunatus had 
 some intimacy : whether his name appearing in any 
 MS. copy of Fortunatus's tracts, might occasion the 
 mistake, I know not. Bruno's comment has the very 
 same passage which Pareus cites, only in a different 
 order of the words ; but neither will this help us to ac- 
 count for its being quoted under the name of Euphro- 
 nius Presbyter, which has no similitude with the name 
 of Bruno, Bishop of Wurtzburgh. I would not, how- 
 ever, omit the mentioning this note of Pareus, be- 
 cause a hint may sometimes lead to useful discoveries, 
 and others may be able to resolve the doubt though 
 I am no t. 
 
 852. Our next commentator, or rather paraphrast, 
 is Hincmar of Bheims : not upon the whole Creed, 
 but upon such parts only as he had occasion to cite ; 
 for his way is to throw in several words of his own, 
 as explanatory notes, so far as he quotes the Creed s . 
 And he sometimes does it more than he ought to have 
 done to serve a cause against Grothescalcus, which I 
 may hint in passing ; to say more of it would be fo- 
 reign to our present purpose. 
 
 g Hincm. tie non Trin. Deit., cc. 2, 4, 18, in vol. i. pp. 452, 161, 
 169, 552, 553.
 
 48 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON 
 
 1033. S. Bruno, Bishop of Wurtzburgh in Germany, 
 has a formal comment, and much larger than Fortu- 
 natus's, upon the Athanasian Creed. It is at the end 
 of his Psalter, and has been several times printed with 
 it. Father Le Long reckons up six editions h in this 
 order : — 1. At Nuremberg, in folio, a.d. 1494. 2. By 
 Antonius Koburger, in quarto, a.d. 1497. 3. By 
 Cochleus, at Wurtzburgh, in quarto, a.d. 1531. 4. At 
 Leipsic, in quarto, 1533. 5. In the Cologne Bi- 
 Miothequc, a.d. 1618, torn, xi. 1 6. In the Lyons 
 Bill. PP., a.d. 1677, torn, xviii. The old editions are 
 scarce and not easy to be met with. I have seen two 
 of them in our Public Library at Cambridge, those of 
 1494 and 1533. There is an elegant one of the former 
 (as I conceive by the description sent me by a learned 
 gentleman), in the Bodleian, at Oxford : it is in vel- 
 lum, in a black and red letter, reserved among the 
 manuscripts, and marked Laud E. 81. The title at 
 the beginning, Fides Anastasiii; at the end, Fides 
 Athanasii. The two editions of 1497 and 1531 I 
 never saw. I have seen one by Antonius Koberger, in 
 quarto, bearing date a.d. 1494 k , in the Bodleian, marked 
 
 h " Commontarii in totum Psalterium et in Cantica Vet. et N. 
 Testamenti, in fol. Noretuberga?, 1494. In quarto, per Antoniura 
 Koburger, 1497. Idem a Joan. Cochleo restitutura in quarto, 
 Herbipoli, 1631. Lipsise, 1533, Bibl. PP. Coloniensis et Lugdunen- 
 sis." — Le Long, Bibl. Sacr., vol. ii. p. 674. 
 
 » Bibliotheca Magna Veterum Patrum, 15 vols. fol. Col. 1618. 
 
 i ' Anastasii' is evidently a mere misprint, as in the body of the 
 comment the name of Athanasius occurs throughout. The only 
 copy of this edition now in the Bodleian, so exactly corresponds 
 with the details given by Dr. Waterland of the two which he de- 
 scribes as distinct, that it seems probable that he is mistaken on 
 this point. It is now marked Auct. Q. 1, 5. 19. The edition of 
 1497 is also in the Bodleian. 
 
 k "Per Antonium Koberger impressum Anno incarnationis Deita- 
 tis millesimo quadringeutesimo, nonagesimo quarto, finit feliciter."
 
 TIIE ATIIANASIAN CKEED. 49 
 
 F. 40. Bishop Usher makes mention of an edition in 
 1531 ', and seems to have known of none older. I 
 should have suspected 1531 to be a false print fur 1533, 
 had not Le Long confirmed it that there is such an 
 edition as 1531, and named the place where it was 
 printed ; though I cannot but observe that he makes 
 a folio of it in his first tome m , and a quarto in the 
 second, which is to me an argument that he had never 
 seen it, but perhaps took the hiut from Usher. But 
 leaving the printed editions of this comment of Bruno's, 
 let us next say something of the manuscripts of it, and 
 their differences from the prints, or from each other. 
 There are many manuscript copies which I shall men- 
 tion in order. 
 
 1. The first and most valuable manuscript is in the 
 l.brary of Wurtzburgh, as old as the author, left by him 
 as a legacy to that Church. The first printed edition 
 (if I mistake not), was taken from that very original 
 manuscript", which at the lowtst computation must 
 
 1 " Psalterii editio vulgata Latina, obelis et asteriscis distincta, 
 cum Brunonis Herbipolensis Episcopi ccnmentariis, Anno 1531, 
 a Johanne Cochlax) in lucem est emista." — Us-er de Editione LXX. 
 lul' i/ir., p. 104. 
 
 ni " Psalterium vetus obelis et asteriscis distinctum, cum Com- 
 mentariis S. Brunonis, studio Johannis Cochhvi editutn, in fob Iler- 
 bipoli, 1531, in quarto Lipsias 1533." — Le Long, BibL. Sacr., 
 vol. i. p. 274. 
 
 ■ " Posteris Filiis suis (S. Bruno) memorabilem et sanctum Psal- 
 morum Librum, ex quo ille impressus est, sumptuose scriptum, quasi 
 hsereditatis spiritualis non minimam portionem reliquit." — Prolog, 
 a'i E litioneni Anni 1494. 
 
 " Preciosum istum jnetatis Thesaurum posteritati post se reli- 
 quit, et quidem insigni scriptura sumptuose de-criptum . . . extat Do- 
 num ilkul memorabile et conspicuuni in locuplete antiquorum volu- 
 minum Bibliotheca Ecclesize Herbijiolentis : quod sane religiosa 
 pietate, velut Hsereditas quredam lmjus Sancti Patris Custoditur." 
 — Joan. Cochl., Prolog, ad Edit. Ann. 1533, in Bibl. Max. PP., 
 vol. xviii. p. 65. 
 
 E
 
 50 ANCIENT COMMENTS EPON 
 
 be 680 years old. The title of the Creed, Fides Catho- 
 lica S. Athanasii Episeopi. 
 
 2. There is a second which I have seen in Trinity 
 College, in Cambridge, annexed to a Psalter described 
 at large by the learned Mr. AVanley in his catalogue , 
 and judged by him to have been written about the 
 time of King Stephen; so that this is about a hundred 
 years later than the former, or about 580 years old. 
 No title to the Creed. 
 
 3. There is a third of much the same age with 
 the former, or some years older, in the Bodleian, at 
 Oxford, marked Laud, H. 61. Catal. No. 1324. The 
 title of the Creed, Fides Catholica Sancti Athanasii 
 Episeopi p . 
 
 4. In the Bodleian also is another, (Laud. E. 71. 
 Catal. No. 994 q .) Athanasii Symbolum cum Glossis. 
 This, as I am certified by a learned gentleman, is 
 Bruno's comment. The title of the Creed, Fides Sancti 
 Athanasii Episeopi. 
 
 5. In Merton College is another, an ancient copy 
 of Bruno's comment, Catal. No. 675—208, (P. 1, 5 r .) 
 
 6. In St. John Baptist's College, Oxon. (Catal. No. 
 1874, G. 42 s .) Commentarius in Symbolum Athanasii. 
 By the beginning and concluding words (a transcript 
 of which has been sent me by a worthy member of 
 
 ° Wanley, Catalog. MSS. Scptentr., p. 168. 
 
 p No. 06 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the end 
 of the eleventh century. It formerly belonged to the Church of 
 St. Kykian, in Wurtzburgh. 
 
 i No. 17 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
 twelfth century. 
 
 1 No. 208 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
 thirteenth century. 
 
 • No. 31 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
 thirteenth century.
 
 THE ATn.VXASIAN CEEED. 51 
 
 that society) I am well assured that it is Bruno's 
 comment. 
 
 7. There is another in Balliol College (Catal. No. 210. 
 marked B. 9 '.) Atlianasii Symbolum cum Commentario. 
 
 8. Another I have seen in the Cathedral library at 
 York, which may be 500 years old. No title. 
 
 9. There is another in the library of St. German 
 de Prez, about 500 years old. Montfaucon, having 
 met with it, published it u as an Anecdoton ; not know- 
 ing that it was Bruno's comment. It is not indeed quite 
 'so full, nor anything near so correct as the printed 
 copy : but still it is plainly Bruno's comment, the 
 title, Tractatus de Fide Oatholica. 
 
 10. There is also in my Lord Oxford's library v , 
 a modern manuscript of this comment, written at 
 Augsburg, in the year 1547 : copied from Bruno's 
 original MS. (by order of Charles Peutenger, son to 
 the famous Conrad), where the title is, Fides Catholica 
 Saticti Anastasii Fpiscopi. The mistake of Anastasii 
 for Atlianasii, we find, had crept into the German 
 copies some centuries before : wherefore this is not 
 to be wondered at. All the older copies, as well as 
 the original manuscript, have Atlianasii in the title, 
 where there is a title, and Atlianasius in the beginning 
 of the comment. 
 
 The manuscripts which I have here recited, all but 
 the first, seem now to be of no great use ; if it be true, 
 as I suppose, that the first prints were taken from the 
 
 1 No. 32 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
 en>l of the twelfth century. He describes it as Symbolum Athana- 
 s'"' nn m cum commerdo Brunonis Herbipoltnsis. 
 
 m Montfaucon, Athanas. Oper.,vo\. ii. p. 735. 
 
 T Now the Harleian Collection in the British Museum.
 
 52 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON 
 
 very original at Wurtzburgh. It is certain that they 
 are very imperfect, and uncorrect (I have collated 
 three of them) in comparison of the printed copies: 
 I could not observe above two or three places, and 
 those not very material, where the printed conies seem 
 to have followed a false reading, or may be corrected 
 by those manuscripts. One thing I a little wondered 
 at, that the three manuscripts of St. Germans, Trinity 
 College, and York, should all leave out some para- 
 graphs which appear in the printed copies, and the 
 same paragraphs : but I have since found that those 
 verj* paragraphs were taken out of Fortunatus's com- 
 ment, and belong not properly to Bruno's. This, I 
 presume, the first copiers understood, and therefore 
 omitted them. Probably Bruno's own copy might at 
 first want them, (though they must have been added 
 soon after, - ) or, if Bruno himself inserted them, yet he 
 had left some mark of distinction which was understood 
 at that time, though not by the editors of this comment 
 so many years after. But to proceed. 
 
 1120. In the next age, the famous Peter Abelard 
 wrote comments upon this Creed, which are printed 
 amongst his other works. The title in the prints is, 
 Petri Ahaelardi JEjcpositio Fidei, in Si/mholum Athanasii. 
 I i-uspect that the editor has added the latter part, in 
 Syrnbolum Athanasii, as a hint to the reader. The 
 comment is a very short one, scarce three pages in 
 quarto, and, for the age it was wrote in, a pretty 
 good one ; though, as I conceive from some flaws in it, 
 printed from a copy not very correct. 
 
 1170. Of the same century is Hildegarde, the cele- 
 brated Abbess of St. Rupert's Mount, near Binghen on
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 53 
 
 the Pdiiue. She wrote "Explications of St. Benedict's 
 Rule, and of the Athanasian Creed," which may be 
 seen, Eibl. Max. PP., vol. xxiii. p. 596. 
 
 1210. Simon Tornacensis, priest of Tournay, in the 
 beginning of the thirteenth century taught divinity at 
 Paris with great reputation. His manuscript works 
 are in many libraries, and among his other writings 
 there is "An Exposition of the Athanasian Creed x ." 
 Oudin reckons up four manuscript copies of it, in as 
 many distinct libraries, and acquaints us where they 
 are to be found, and of what age they probably are. 
 
 1215. Contemporary with the former is Alexander 
 Neckham, an Englishman, Abbot of Cirencester, or 
 Circeter, in Gloucestershire. He wrote a comment on 
 the Athanasian Creed, which is extant in manusoipt, 
 in the Eodleian, at Oxford, (marked E. 7, 8. Catal. No. 
 2339.) co-eval, probably, with the author y . 
 
 There is another copy of the same comment in the 
 Bodleian also, E. 6. 11. No. 2330. The title, Expositio 
 Fidei Catholicce a Magistro Alexandro Edicta. This 
 copy is about fifty years later than the former. It may 
 be of use to note down the first words of the comment z . 
 It is drawn up in the scholastic way, and is pretty 
 large, making ten folio leaves with double columns, in 
 E. 7, 8. and four folio leaves with three columns, and 
 a very small hand in E. 6. 11. 
 
 x " Expositio Symboli, l^er Simonem Tornacensis Ecclesise Cano- 
 nicum, et farisiensem Doctoiem, qua incipit ; Apud Aristotelem 
 argum^ntum esc ratio faciens lidem, sed apud Christum argumeu- 
 tuin est tides faciens ra ioneni." — Ouuin, De Scriptor. Eccles., vol. 
 iii. p. 5. 
 
 i Ti.e title of this copy is, Expositio super- Sijmholum AthanasiL 
 j '• Haec est eniru v,ctoria qua; viiicit mumiuiii, tides nostra, big- 
 Banter die-it ' vult,' et non dicit, ' Quicunque Salvus erit.' "
 
 54 AWCTEITT COMMENTS TJTOJT 
 
 1230. Kot long after, Alexander Hales, before men- 
 tioned, wrote comments upon the same Creed, which 
 are published in his Summa, part the third, under 
 Qiuest. 82. His method of commenting is, to raise 
 doubts and scruples all the way he goes, and to answer 
 them in the scholastic form ; referring sometimes to the 
 Fathers of the Church, and particularly to St. Austin, 
 to whom he ascribes Gennadius's treatise de JEeclesias- 
 ticis Dogmatibus, according to the common error of that 
 time. But I proceed. 
 
 1340. There is another commentary upon this Creed, 
 written, as is said, by Richardus Hampolus, Richard 
 Rolle, of Hampole, a native of Yorkshire, and a monk 
 of the order of St. Austin. It contains, in a manner, 
 Bruno's comment entire, with several additions and in- 
 sertions, either of the author's own, or such as he had 
 borrowed elsewhere. It has been twice printed, first 
 at Cologne, in the year 1536, and afterwards in the 
 Bibl. Max. PP., vol. xxvi. p. 624. 
 
 I am in doubt concerning the author of that com- 
 ment, having reason to believe that the three copies 
 mentioned by Tentzelius a , preserved in the Gotha, 
 Basil, and Leipsic libraries, are so many copies of this 
 very comment which passes under the name of Ham- 
 pole, and yet one of them is judged to be above 500 
 years older b than 1686, which is 150 years before 
 
 a Tentzel. , Jud. Erud. , Prrefat. et p. 224. 
 
 b Tentzelius writes thus : — " Opportune ad manus meas pervenit 
 responsio Ampl. Felleri, qua rationem Codicis Latini Lipsiensis in 
 prEefatione a me citati prolixius exposuit. Ait enim, membrana- 
 ceum istum codicem ante CUCCC. annos et ultra, eleganter scrip- 
 turn videri ; additas etiam esse non interlineares tantum not*s, sed 
 et marginales utrinque ; in dextro videlicet et sinistro paginarum 
 latere : rubricam autem Svmboli nostri ita se habere ; Fides Anas-
 
 THE ATH AX ASIAN CREED. 55 
 
 Hampole's days. It is possible that Joachim Fellerus, 
 the compiler of the catalogue of the Leipsic library, 
 might mistake in judging of the age of the manuscript, 
 but it appears much more probable that the editors of 
 that comment were mistaken in ascribing it to Ham- 
 pole. However that be, I would here observe, that 
 there is in Magdalen College, in Oxford, a comment 
 intituled Expositio in Symbolum Athanasianum per Ja- 
 nuensem (Catal. Xo. 2256, 115 c ) which is no other 
 than tliis very c mment that passes in the prints under 
 the name of Rich. Hampole. The catalogue's ascribing 
 it to Januensis, was owing, I suppose, to an occasional 
 passage in that manuscript relating to the Athanasian 
 Creed, cited from Johannes Januensis's Catholicon, or 
 dictionary, under the word Symbolum. The comment, 
 however, I say, is the same with that which passes for 
 Hampole's, as may plainly appear from the beginning 
 of it, which I have transcribed into the margin d ; only 
 filling up an omission in it, occasioned, as is very com- 
 mon, by the repetition of the same word. There may 
 be a good use made of that manuscript in Magdalen 
 
 tasii Papae. In dextro primae paginae haec legi verba: Haec ratio 
 Fidei Catholicae traditur in veteribus Codicibus, et reliqua, quae 
 antea ex MS. Biblioihecae Ducalis attuli. Unde patet, ea^dem plane 
 Glossas in utroque Codice reperiri ; prsesertim quum in sinistro 
 alteiius margine, haec etiaui verba legi referat Fellerus : Hie beaU.s 
 Anastasius liberum arbitrium posuit," &c. — lb., p. 225. 
 
 c No. 115 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
 beginning of the fifteenth century. 
 
 d "Haec ratio Fidei Catholicae traditur etiam in veteribus Codic - 
 bus a beato Athanasio Alexandrino couscrijjta. Et puto, quod. 
 idciroo tarn piano et brevi sermone tradita sit, ut omnibus Catuolicis, 
 et minus eruditis, tutamen defensionis praestaret ail versus illam tem- 
 pestatem [quam contrarius ventus, hoc est, diabolus, excitavit per 
 Arrium ; quam tempestatem] qui fugere desiderat, banc Fidei uni- 
 latem (al. veritatem) integram et inviolabilem teneat. Ita enim 
 incipit lpsum opusculum, dicens, 'Quicunque vult Salvus,' &c. Hie 
 beaius Athanasius liberum arbitrium posuit," &c.
 
 56 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON 
 
 College, for correcting the printed copy, which is very- 
 faulty both in words and order. The comment ought 
 to begin as it begins in that manuscript, and not with 
 the words, Hie leaf us Athanasius, as in the prints. 
 The editors did not understand, or did not consider, 
 the nature and composition of that comment. The 
 author, whoever he was, had made two columns, one 
 on each hand, with trie Athanasian Creed in the 
 middle. On the left-hand, which is the first place, 
 he set Bruno's comment, and on the right-hand, in 
 the other column, he carried down another comment 
 either of his own or borrowed. The first note on the 
 right-hand was plainly designed for an introduction 
 to the rest, and therefore ought to be set first, though 
 the editors, considering only the position of the notes, 
 began from the left-hand, with the first words of 
 Bruno's comment. The Oxford copy observes the true 
 natural order, and may very probably be of good use 
 all the way through for the better digesting and metho- 
 dizing that comment or comments, being in reality two 
 comments mixed and blended together. 
 
 I should observe of the Oxford copy, that after the 
 comment there is in the same hand this note, Ilac con- 
 scripta sunt a quodam antiquo libro. Possibl} - this may 
 be of some use for the determining whether that com- 
 ment be really Ilampole's or no. For if the manu- 
 script be not much later than 1415 (it must be so late, 
 since it fixes that very date to Dr. Ullerston's Exposi- 
 tion of the Six Psalms) it may be probably argued 
 that anything of Hampole's, who flourished but about 
 eighty years before, would not have been called anti- 
 quus liber, an ' ancient book.' But this I leave to
 
 THE ATIIANASIAN CKEED. 
 
 farther enquiries, not insisting upon it, since the argu- 
 ment is but probable at the best ; and I do not know 
 but the manuscript may be several years later than 
 1415, though hardly later than the middle of that 
 century. Ullerston is undoubtedly the latest author 
 in that collection. Petrus Florissieneis, or Floieffiensis 
 (otherwise called Petrus de Harentals), wrote in 1374 e : 
 Januensis, Gorrham, Lyra, and Hampole are all older 
 than he : the last, therefore, is Ullerston, who was pro- 
 bably still living when that manuscript was written. 
 But enough of this. 
 
 1380. To the Latin comments here mentioned I may 
 add an English one, which I may suppose to be Wickliff's. 
 If it be not his, yet certainly it is of his time, and not 
 far from the middle of the fourteenth century. I will 
 first give some account of this English comment, and 
 then shew both why I ascribe it to Wickliff, and why 
 I do it not with full assurance, but with some degree 
 of diffidence. I first met with it in a manuscript 
 volume (in 12mo.) belonging to the library of St. John's 
 College in Cambridge. The volume contains an Eng- 
 lish version of the Psalms and Hymns of the Church, 
 with the Athanasian Creed, produced paragraph by 
 paragraph in Latin, interspersed with an Engli-h ver- 
 sion of each paragraph, and commented upon quite 
 through, part by part. After the comment follow 
 Proverbs, Ecch>iastes, Song of Songs, Wisdom, and 
 Ecclesiasticus, all in old English, without gloss or 
 comment. Now the reasons why I incline to ascribe 
 the comment to Wickliff are these : — 
 
 1. Dr. Langbaine, of Queen's College in Oxford, in 
 e See Oudin, de Scriptor. Ecrfcs., vol. iii. p. 1218.
 
 ANCIENT COMMENTS ETON 
 
 a letter to Bishop Usher hearing date a.d. 1647, testi- 
 fies that he had seen such a comment, and that he 
 found it to be Wickliff 's by comparing the beginning 
 of it with Bale f . This, very probably, is the same 
 comment, though there is no such manuscript now 
 in Magdalen College, Oxon., as was in Dr. Langbaine's 
 time. 
 
 2. All those parts of Scripture which go before and 
 after this comment in the same volume, are of the 
 same version with that of Wickliff 's Bible in the library 
 of Emmanuel College, without any difference (except 
 that St. John's copy, being older, retains the more 
 ancient spelling,) as I am well assured by comparing 
 them together, so that if those parts be Wickliff 's, it 
 may appear v< ry probable that the comment is his too. 
 Indeed, our very learned Wharton was of opinion that 
 the version commonly ascribed to Wickliff g was really 
 John Trevisa's, who flourished in the time of Richard 
 the Second, was a Cornish man by birth, and Vicar of 
 Berkely in Gloucestershire about the year 1387 h ; in 
 which year he finished his translation of the Poly- 
 chronicon. But Mr. Wharton's reasonings in this matter 
 have appeared to others not satisfactory 1 , and have in 
 
 f " While I was there (in Magdalen College Library), tumbling 
 amongst their boots, I light upon an old English comment upon 
 the Psalms, the Hymns of the Church, and Athanasius's Creed ; 
 which I presently conjectured (though there be no name to it) to 
 be Wickliff s. And comparing the beginning with Bale, found, 
 that I had not erred in the conjecture." — Laugbaine, among Usher's 
 Letters, p. 513. 
 
 e Wharton, Auctar. Histor. Dogmat., p. 425—427. 
 
 h In that year he finished his version of Higden's Pol ychron icon, 
 as the MSS. testify : and as is plain from its being finished in the 
 thirty-fifth year of Thomas Lord Berkely, the fourth of that name, 
 which agrees exactly with that year, and with no other. 
 
 • Oudin, tie Scriptor. Eccles., vol. iii. p. 1044.
 
 THE ATHAUASIAN CKEED. 59 
 
 part been confuted k . I shall not enter far into that 
 dispute, being almost foreign to my purpose, and it 
 is not very material whether Wickliff or Trevisa (if 
 either) be judged tbe author of the comment. This 
 only I may observe by the way, that Mr. "Wharton's 
 argument, drawn from the Norfolk manuscript of the 
 Gospels (Cud. 254), which he is positive belongs to 
 "Wickliff, appears to be of some weight, so far as con- 
 cerns the New Testament, and the inference may reach 
 to several parts of the Old Testament also. Either 
 Mr. "Wharton must have been mistaken in ascribing 
 the Norfolk copy to Wickliff, or else, for anything 
 I see, his argument will stand good. The charac- 
 teristic which he lays down whereby to distinguish 
 Wickliff's version (namely, the frequent insertion of 
 synonymous words) will by no means agree with the 
 common version : and then the specimen he gives of 
 the two different renderings of Luke ii. 7, is directly 
 contrary l . Hut a fuller discussion of that point may 
 be left with those who have more leisure, and have 
 more particularly studied it. I am content to suppose 
 that the common version ascribed to "Wickliff is really 
 his : perhaps he might give two editions of it m ; or 
 
 k Le Long, Bill. Sacr., vol. i. p. 426. 
 
 1 Wicklelus sic reddit: "And puitide Him in a G'ratehe ; for 
 place was not to Him in the corny u Stable." 
 
 Alter interpres sic : " And leide Him in a Cratche ; for there was 
 no place to Him in no Chaumbre." — Wharton, jj. 426. 
 
 I have a manuscript of the New Testament, belonging to our 
 College library, which reads Luke ii. 7 according to the first 
 reading, and which has many instances of synonymous insertions 
 everywhere: it is a different version from that which is commonly 
 ascribed to Wickliff. 
 
 m " Patet, aut, antiquiorem fuisse quandam S. Scriptura transla- 
 tionem Anglicam, aut duplicem luisse translations Wicievianae 
 Editionem." — Wharton, p. 4^6.
 
 60 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON 
 
 else Trevisa's may be little more than "VVickliff's ver- 
 sion, corrected and polished with great liberty, both 
 as to sense and expression, where it appeared needful. 
 That Trevisa really did translate the whole Bible into 
 English, is positively asserted by Caxton, in his pre- 
 face to Trevisa's translation of Higden's Pohjchro- 
 nicon n , and by Bale , who gives us the first words of 
 the pi'eface to it. To proceed. 
 
 3. A third reason I have for the ascribing the com- 
 ment to Wickliff is, that some parts of it seem to suit 
 exactly with bis humour, and manner, and way of 
 thinking, particularly the gird upon Popes and Car- 
 dinals in the close p . 
 
 Nevertheless, I am far from being positive in this 
 
 n "Ranulph Monke of Chestre first Auctour of this Book, and 
 afterward Englished by one Tievi^a Vicarye of Barkley ; which 
 atte request of ote Sr. Thomas Lord Barkley translated this sayd 
 Book, the Byble, and Bartylmew de proprietatibus reruin out of 
 Latyn into Englysh." — Caxton, Pnhemye to his Edit. 1482. 
 
 ° " In Anglicum idioma, ad petitionem prsedicti sui domini de 
 Barkeley, transtulit totum Bibliorurn opus : Utrumque Dei Testa- 
 meutum lib. ii. (His preface beginning) Ego Johannes Trevisa Sacer- 
 dos."— Bal., Cent. vii. c. 18, p. 518. 
 
 N.B. Bale seems to be mistaken in saying that Trevisa con- 
 tinued the Pohjchr. to 1397. For Trevisa ended with 1357. And 
 Caxton declares that himself continued the history for 103 years 
 farther, to 1460. (In this Dr.Waterland appears to have been misled 
 by a mistake of Caxton's, since the true date of the end of John 
 Trevisa's translation is 1387. as Dr.Waterland himself states above. 
 The last date mentioned in Trevisa's text is 1357 ; which is perhaps 
 the cause of Caxton's mistake. See Babing ton's Preface to Hig- 
 den, vol. i. p. lxii. n.) 
 
 p " And algif this Crede accorde unto Prestis, netheles the higher 
 Prelatis, as Popis and Cardynals, and Bisshops shulden more spe- 
 cially Kunne this Crede, and teuhe it to Men uudir hem." — Comm. 
 on the Atban. Creed. 
 
 Compare some words of Wickliff's Bileve. 
 
 " I suppose, over this, that the Pope be most oblisliid to the 
 kepiug of the Gospel among all Men that liven here ; for the 
 Pope is highest Vicar that Christ has here in Erth." — Collier, Eccl, 
 BiH., vol. i. p. 728.
 
 THE ATHANASIAX CREED. fil 
 
 matter : much may be offered to take off the force of 
 these reasons, or to counterbalance them. 1. This very 
 comment is annexed to a manuscript commentary upon 
 the Psalms and Hymns of the Church, now in Trinity 
 College Library in Cambridge ; which commentary ap- 
 pears not to be Wickliff's, though supposed to be his 
 by Mr. Wharton q . The English version of the Psalms, 
 going along with that commentary, is not the same 
 with that of Wickliff's Bible : I have compared them. 
 The commentary and version, too, are reasonably judged 
 to be Hanrpole's. I find by a note left in a blank page 
 at the beginning (signed J. Russel) that there is a copy 
 of this commentary in the Royal Library (E. 15, 12), 
 but imperfect; the prologue the very same, and ex- 
 pressly ascribed to Kichard of Hampole, from whence 
 it may be justly suspected that the comment upon the 
 Athanasian Creed at the end, appearing in part (for 
 two leaves are cut out), is Hampole's as well as the 
 rest. There is in Bennet Library, in Cambridge, an- 
 other manuscript copy of the same commentary (marked 
 1 — 1. Catal., p. 69) with the comment upon the Creed 
 entire. The prologue I found to be the same as in the 
 other, as also the comment on the first Psalm ; by 
 which I judge of the rest 1 . The comment on the Can- 
 ticles at the end is likewise the same, only the Canti- 
 cles are not all placed in the same order. At the 
 
 1 " Commentarius in Psalmos, aliosque Sacrso Scripturae ac Li- 
 turgiae Ecclesiastical Hymnos, MS. in Collegio S. Trinitatis Cantab. 
 F. Commentarius in priores 89 Psalmos habetur MS. in Bibliotheca 
 Lambethana." — Wharton, sec. Wicklef., Append, ad Cav. H. L., 
 p. 54. 
 
 r Qv- whether there be not one or two more copies of the same 
 in the Bodleian. See the Bodleian Manuscripts in the General 
 Catalogue, No. 2438, 3085.
 
 02 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON 
 
 bottom of the second leaf of the commentary there is 
 left this note by an unknown hand, Author hu/us 
 Lilri, Rickardus, Heremita de Ham f oh. Now if this 
 commentary really he Hampole's, of which I can 
 scarce make any question, it Avill appear highly pro- 
 bable that the comment on the Creed is his too. 
 2. "What favours the suspicion is, that here the com- 
 ment is annexed to other comments in like form with 
 itself, and not to mere versions, as in the manuscript 
 of St. John's library. Nay, further, this comment on 
 the Creed, as it appears in St. John's copy, has the 
 several parts of the Creed in Latin, and in red letter, 
 prefixed to the respective version and comment; just 
 as we find in Hampole the several parts of each Psalm 
 exhibited first in Latin and in red letter, which cir- 
 cumstance is of some weight. 3. Add to this, that 
 there are some expressions in the comment on the 
 Creed very like to those which are familiar with 
 the author of that commentary on the Psalms, such 
 as these, "it is seid comunly, that thcr ben, &c. 
 Clerkis sein," thus and thus ; so that from similitude 
 of style an argument may be drawn in favour of Ham- 
 pole as well as for Wickliff. These considerations 
 suffer me not to be positive on the other side. The 
 comment may be Hampole's, or it may be "Wickliff's ; 
 which latter opinion I the rather incline to for the 
 reasons before given, appearing to me something more 
 forcible than the other. And I may farther observe 
 that there is in Sidney College, in Cambridge, a very 
 old copy of Hampole's commentary, which runs through 
 the Psalms, and all the ordinary Hymns and Canticles, 
 but has no comment upon the Athanasian Creed an-
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 63 
 
 nexed, though the MS. appears very whole and entire. 
 This makes me less inclinable to suspect the comment 
 upon the Creed being Hampole's ; it is more probably 
 "WicklifFs, as I before said. However it be, the com- 
 ment may be useful, and if it should prove Hampole's, 
 it must be set forty years higher than I have here 
 placed it. The distance of thirty or forty years makes 
 no great alteration in any language, so that merely 
 from the language, especially in so small a tract, we 
 can draw no consequence to the author, excepting 
 such peculiarities as may have been rather proper to 
 this or that m:<n, than to this or that time. 
 
 1478. To the comments before mentioned I may add 
 one more, a Latin one, printed as I suppose, about the 
 year 1478, though it carries not its date with it. The 
 author is Peter d'Osma, called in Latin, Petrus de 
 Osoma s , or Petrus Oxomensis, or Uxomensis. The 
 comment makes about seventy pages in quarto, and is 
 drawn up in the scholastic way, with good judgment 
 and accuracy, considering the age it was written in. 
 The book was lent me by Mr. Pownall of Lincoln, 
 a gentleman of known abilities, and particularly curious 
 in searching out and preserving any rare and un- 
 common pieces, printed or manuscript. I do not find 
 that this comment has been at all taken notice of in 
 any of our JJibliotJ/eques, or in any of the catalogues 
 of the books printed before 1500. Even those that 
 give account of the author, yet seem to have known 
 nothing of the printing of this piece : probably there 
 were but veiy few copies, and most of them soon de- 
 
 s " Commentaria magistri Petri de Osoma in Symbolum 'Qui- 
 cunque vult,' &c, finiunt feliciter. Impressaque Parisiis per ma- 
 gistral!} Uuulricum, coguomento Gering. "
 
 64 ANCIENT COMMENTS UPON 
 
 stroycd upon the author's falliug under censure in the 
 year 1479. The author, if I judge right, was the same 
 Peter Osma who was Professor of Divinity in Sala- 
 manca, and adorned the chair with great reputation 
 for many years. He began to be famous about the 
 year 1444, and at length fell under the censure of 
 a provincial synod, held under Alphonsus Carrillus, 
 Archbishop of Toledo, in the year 1479'. He was 
 condemned for some positions advanced in a book which 
 he had written upon the subject of Confession. The 
 positions, nine in number, are such as e^ery Protestant 
 professes at this day u ; being levelled only at the cor- 
 ruptions of popery in doctrine and discipline ; but the 
 good man was forced to submit and abjure, and to 
 profess an implicit belief in whatsoever was held for 
 faith by the then Pope Sixtus IV. Such, in short, is 
 the account of our author, one of the most learned and 
 valuable men of his time, by confession even of his 
 enemies. At what particular time he composed his 
 comment on the Athanasian Creed, I cannot say; only 
 that it was between 1444 and 1479. I have placed 
 it according to the time it was printed as nearly as 
 I am able to judge of it. 
 
 These are all the ancient comments upon the Atha- 
 nasian Creed that I have hitherto met with, or heard 
 of, excepting only such as have no certain author, or 
 none mentioned. 
 
 Muratorius informs us of two comments without 
 names, which are in manuscript, in the Ambrosian 
 
 1 Nicol. Antonius, Bibliotheca llispana vetus, lib. x. c. 16, § 900, 
 &c, (vol. ii. p. 203.) 
 
 u See tbe Positions and Censure in Carranza. — Summ. Concil., 
 p. 468, &c, (880, &c.)
 
 TIIE ATIIANASIAX CRKKI). 
 
 65 
 
 Library, near 600 years old. One of them bears for 
 its title, Expositio Fidei Catholica ; the other has no 
 title. By the age of the manuscripts, (if Muratorius 
 judges rightly thereof,) one maybe assured that they 
 are distinct and different from any of the comments 
 below Abelard : and that they are neither of them 
 the same with Bruno's or Fortunatus's, may reasonably 
 be concluded, because Muratorius was well acquaint- 
 ed with both, and would easily have discovered it. 
 Whether either of them may prove to be Abelard's, 
 which has for its title, Expositio Fidei, and may suit 
 well with the age of the manuscripts, I know not. 
 Muratorius, while he makes mention of Bruno and 
 Hildegardis, whose comments lie had seen, says no- 
 thing of Abelard's; so that possibly one of his manu- 
 script comments may prove the same with that. But 
 if neither of them be the same with Abelard's, nor 
 with each other, they must be allowed to pass for two 
 distinct comments, whose authors are not yet known. 
 
 Nothing now remains but to close this chapter with 
 a Table, as I have the former, representing in one 
 view a summary of what is contained in it. 
 
 A TABLE OF THE ANCIENT COMMENTS. 
 
 A.D. Commentators, 
 
 57(1 
 852 
 1033 
 1110 
 
 1110 
 112(t 
 1170 
 1210 
 1215 
 1230 
 1340 
 1380 
 1178 
 
 Venant. Fortunatus. 
 Ilincmar. 
 Bruno. 
 
 MS. Ambrosian. 
 .MS. alter Ambros. 
 Pet. Abaelardus. 
 S. Hildegardis. 
 Simon Tornacensis. 
 Alex. Neckham. 
 Alexander Hales. 
 Rich. Ilampolus. 
 .lohn Wiekliff. 
 Petr. de Osoma. 
 
 Country, 
 Poictiers. 
 
 Title of the Creed. 
 
 Fides Catholica. 
 
 Rheims. 
 
 Synibolum Athanasii. 
 
 Wurtzburgh. 
 
 Fidei Catholica Sancti Athanasii 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Italy. 
 France. 
 
 Fides Catholica. [Episcopi. 
 
 Synibolum Athanasii. 
 
 France. 
 
 
 France. 
 
 Symbolum Athanasii. 
 
 England. 
 
 Fides Catholica. 
 
 England, 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 England. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum. 
 
 England. 
 
 Crede, or Salm, of Attanasie. 
 
 Spain. 
 
 Athanasii Symbolum.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Latin Manuscripts of the Athanasian Creed. 
 
 I confine myself in this chapter to the Latin manu- 
 scripts, since the Creed was undoubtedly "written origi- 
 nally in Latin, and therefore the manuscripts in any 
 other languages will be more properly treated of in 
 another chapter among the versions. None of the 
 learned at this day make any question but that the 
 Creed was originally a Latin composure. This they 
 pretend to be certain of, and unanimously agree in, 
 however doubtfully they may speak of other things, or 
 however they may differ in their opinions about the age 
 or author. Even those, many of them, who have as- 
 cribed the Creed to Athanasius, have yet been obliged 
 by plain and irresistible evidence to acknowledge, with 
 the legates of Pope Gregory IX., that it was originally 
 Latin. The style and phraseology of the Creed ; its 
 early reception among the Latins, while unknown to 
 the Greeks; the antiquity and number of the Latin 
 manuscripts, and their agreement (for the most part) 
 with each other, compared with the lateness, scarce- 
 ness, and disagreement of the Greek copies, all concur 
 to demonstrate that this Creed was originally a Latin 
 composure rather than a Greek one : and as to any 
 other language besides these two, none is pretended. 
 
 I proceed, then, to recount the Latin manuscripts as 
 high as we can find any extant, or as have been known
 
 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS, &C. 67 
 
 to have been extant ; and as low as may be necessary, 
 or useful to our main design. 
 
 a.d. 600. The oldest we have heard of is one mentioned 
 by Bishop Usher, which he had seen in the Cotton 
 Library, and which he judged to come up to the age of 
 Gregory the Great*. This manuscript has often been 
 appealed to since Usher's time, and upon the credit of 
 Usher, by the learned on this subject : as particularly 
 by Comber, L'Estrange, Tentzelius, Tillemont, Le 
 Quien, Muratorius, Natalis Alexander, and perhaps 
 several more. Montfaucon takes notice of Usher's 
 manuscript ; but observes that Usher himself allowed 
 the character to be much later than the time of Gre- 
 gory b : which would have been a strange inconsistency 
 in Usher, who forms his argument for the antiquity of 
 the manuscript from the character itself, and from the 
 ancient kind of picture. But Montfaucon is plainly 
 mistaken, confounding what Usher had srid of another 
 manuscript, in Bennet Library at Cambridge c , with 
 
 a " Latino-gallicum illud Psalterium in Bibliotheca Cottoniana 
 vidimus : sicut et alia Latina duo, longe majoris antiquitatis ; in 
 quibus, prseter Hymnum hunc (sc. Te Deum) sine ullo authoris no- 
 mine, Hymni ad Matutinas, titulo inscriptum, et Athanasianum 
 habebatur Symbolum, et Apostolicum totidem omnino quot ho- 
 diernum nostrum continens capitula. In priore, quod Gregorii I. 
 tempore non fuisse reeentius, turn ex antiquo picturse genere col- 
 ligitur, turn ex literarum forma grandiuscula, Athanasianum qui- 
 dem, Fidei Catholicaj, .... alterum vero Symboli Apostolorum 
 praefert titulum. In posteriore, quod Regis vEthelstani aliquando 
 fuit, Apostolicum, vice versa, Symbolum simpliciter, alterurn au- 
 tem Fides Sancti Athanasii Alexandrini nuncupatur." — Usher, de 
 Symb. Free/., p. 4 (2, 3). 
 
 b " Codicum omuiutn qui hactenus visi memoratique sunt, anti- 
 quissimus ille est qui ab Usserio laudatur, jevo Gregorii Magni 
 C'inscriptus ; si tamen ea vere sit ejus MS. tetas : nam addit 
 Usserius, scripturam kvo Gregorii longe esse posteriorem." — 
 MoDtf., Diatr., p. 721. 
 
 c "In Psalterio Grseco Papa; Gregorii, ut praefert titulus (scrip- 
 tura enim aevo Gregorii longe est posterior) Psalterio videlicet
 
 G8 ANCIENT LATIN KANT SCRIPTS OF 
 
 what he had said of the Cotton manuscript at West- 
 minster. The two manuscripts are very distinct, and 
 different as possible ; nor has the Bennet manuscript 
 any Athanasian Creed in it : only its being called 
 Gregory's Psalter occasioned, I suppose, the mistake 
 of making it the same with the other. Tentzelius d 
 seems first to have confounded them together ; and pro- 
 bably Montfaucon followed him implicitly, not having 
 Usher at hand to consult, which would immediately 
 have discovered the fallacy. Were there no other ob- 
 jection against Usher's manuscript beside what hath 
 been mentioned, all would be well ; but it is of greater 
 weight to observe, that there is not at this day in the 
 Cotton Library any such manuscript copy of the Atha- 
 nasian Creed, nor indeed any Latin Psalter that can 
 come up to the age of Gregory, or near it. There is 
 an ancient Psalter (marked Vespasian A.) written in 
 capitals and illuminated, and which might perhaps, by 
 the character, be as old as the time of Gregory the 
 Great, were it not reasonable to think, from a charter 
 of King Ethelbald, written in the same hand and at 
 the same time, and formerly belonging to it e , that it 
 
 Graeeo et Romano, Latinis utroque Uteris descripto, quod in Bene- 
 dictini, apud Cantabrigienses, Collegii Bibliotheca est reconditum." 
 — Usher, de Syrnb., p. 9. This MS. is marked N. 15 in the Cata- 
 logue of'MSS. of C. C. C, Cambridge, p. 44. 
 
 d Tentzel., Judic. Erudil., p. 49 ; Exercit. Select., vol. i. p. 29. 
 
 e " Constat vero ex Historia et Synopsi Bibl. Cottonianse, quam 
 in ingens Reip. literarise beneficium edidit amplificandis bonis 
 literis l.atus doctissimus Thomas Smitbus noster, et indiculo Psal- 
 terii Latini in majusculis scripti cum versione Saxonica inter- 
 lineari, quod notatur Vespasian. A. I. Chartam banc (iEthelbaldi 
 R. Australium Saxonum) ex isto MS. exscissam esse. Quod etiaru 
 illius quum mensura qua; cum foliis illius MS. quadrat, turn etiam 
 inanus in utroque prorsus eadem, turn deuique Locus MSS., unde 
 scissa est, inter folia x. et xi., codicem vertentibus ostendit." — 
 Hickes, Dissert. Epist., p. 67, (at the end of vol. ii. of his Thesaurus.)
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 69 
 
 cannot be set higher than the date of that charter, 
 a.d. 73G. But I should here observe, that that charter 
 is not in the larger capitals, as the Psalter itself is, but 
 in the smaller capitals, the same hand that the several 
 pieces in that manuscript, previous to the Psalter, are 
 written in ; and how far this may affect our present 
 argument I cannot say. Possibly the Psalter itself, 
 being in a different hand, may be older than those 
 previous pieces, as it is certainly much older than 
 the additional pieces at the end, which are not in 
 capitals, great or small. 
 
 This Psalter has the Te Beam annexed to it, with 
 the title of Hymnus ad Mati/tinum, as Usher's had ; and 
 also the Athanasian Creed, with the title of Fides 
 Catholica ; but both in a very different and much later 
 hand than that of the Psalter itself, later by several 
 centuries, as the very learned Mr. Wanley f judges, 
 who sets the age of the Psalter about 1000 years, but 
 of the Athanasian Creed, &c, at the time of the Nor- 
 man Conquest. A suspicion, however, may from hence 
 arise, that this very Psalter, with what belongs to it, 
 might be the Psalter, &c, which Usher spake of, espe- 
 cially since there is none other in the Cotton Library 
 at all like it. But, on the contrary, it is to be con- 
 sidered, that this manuscript has no Apostolical Creed 
 at all in ;t, which Usher affirms his to have had ; nor 
 has it the Hymnus Matutinus, beginning with Gloria in 
 excehis Deo, which Usher's also had s ; nor is the Creed 
 
 f Wanley, Catul. MSS. Septentr., p. 222. 
 
 s "Adfiuem veterum Psalteriorum Latinorum, cum Apostolico 
 et Athanasiano Symbolo, etiam Hymnus iste (sc. Gloria, &c.)ha- 
 betur acijectus. In antiijuissimo Cottouiano ai>e-n(-ypa<pos est: in
 
 70 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 in capitals, as one would imagine Usher's to have been 
 by what he says of it ; neither is it at all probable, 
 that if Usher had intended the Psalter now extant in 
 the Cotton, he should give no hint of the Saxon version 
 going along with it, especially considering that it might 
 be made an objection to its antiquity ; nor do I think 
 that so inquisitive a man as Usher could either have 
 been ignorant of the age of Ethelbald, or of his charter 
 having been once a part of that manuscript. In his 
 Hidoria Dogmatical, he takes notice of this very 
 Psalter (now marked Yespasian A.), and of the Saxon 
 version in it, and likewise of its being in the same 
 hand with Ethelbald's charter; and there he sets the 
 age of it no higher than the year 736 (that is, above 
 130 years later than Gregory I.), without the least hint 
 that he had ever mistaken the age of it before, or had 
 thought otherwise of it than he did at the time of his 
 writing this later treatise. These considerations per- 
 suade me that Bishop Usher had seen some other ma- 
 nuscript, which has since that time, like many more ', 
 been lost or stolen from the Cotton Library. He that 
 was so accurate in every tittle of what he says of 
 King Athelstan's Psalter (mentioned at the same time), 
 could never have been so negligent, or rather plainly 
 careless, in respect of the other. I conclude, therefore, 
 that there really was such a Psalter as Usher describes, 
 with the Athanasian Creed in it, such as he judged to 
 
 ^thelstaniano proximo, Hymnus in die Dorninico ad Matutinas, 
 insoribitur." — Usher, de Symbol., p. 42 (33). 
 
 h " In Bibliotheca D. Roberti Cotton extat Psalterium Romanum 
 vetustissimum, cum versione interlineari Saxouica : character i tern 
 cum charta ^Ethilbaldi Anglorum Regis, anno 736 data." — Usher, 
 Hist. Dogmat., p. 104. 
 
 ' T. Smita, Praf. ad Catalog. MSS. BILL Cotton.
 
 THE ATnAXASIAN CREED. 71 
 
 be of the age of Gregory I., from more marks than one ; 
 and how good a judge he was in those matters is well 
 known to as many as know anything of that great man. 
 But how far his judgmeut ought to sway, now the 
 manuscript itself is lost, I must leave with the reader. 
 660. Next to this of Bishop Usher we may place the 
 famous manuscript of Treves, from which the Colbert 
 manuscript (to be mentioned hereafter in its place) was 
 copied. Mr. Antelmi k sets it as high as the year 450, 
 upon a presumption that the Colbert manuscript is as 
 old as the year 600, and that 150 years may reasonably 
 be allowed between the Colbertine copy and that from 
 which it was copied. Tillemont, supposing or admit- 
 ting the Colbertine to be near the age that Antelmi 
 mentions, yet thinks fifty years difference might be suf- 
 ficient, and that therefore the age of the Treves manu- 
 script might be fixed at 550, or thereabout 1 . Bur, 
 since the Colbert manuscript cannot reasonably be set 
 much higher than 760, as we shall see in its proper 
 place, I shall not pretend to set the Treves manuscript 
 above 660, and that only under the favourable allow- 
 ance of a probable conjecture. The authority of this 
 manuscript of Treves stands upon the credit of a pas- 
 sage prefixed to the Colbertine copy m , which declares 
 that the latter was copied from a manuscript found at 
 Treves. It was not a copy of the entire Creed, but 
 began at the Second Part, which relates to the Incar- 
 nation ; for, after the words "believe rightly the In- 
 
 k Antelm., de Synth. At /tan., p. 26. 
 
 1 Tillemont, Memoires, vol. viii. p. 283 (670). 
 
 m " H;ec inveni Treviris in uno libro scriptum, sic incipiente, 
 Domini nostri Jesu Christi et reliqua. Domini nostri Jesu Christi 
 tideliter credat." — Apud Montf., Diatrib., p. 728.
 
 72 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 carnation of our Lord Jesus Christ" (being only part of 
 the foregoing sentence) follows ; " for the right faith is, 
 that we believe," and so on to the end of the Creed. 
 This remaining part of the Creed is very different from 
 the common copies, and seems to have been so con- 
 trived with design, as I shall have occasion to observe 
 mere at large in the sequel. And it is to me an argument 
 that the manuscript was written while the Eutychian 
 controversy was at the height, about the end of the fifth 
 century, or beginning of the sixth, though I here set 
 it a great deal lower, because this is not the place to 
 explain that matter fully, nor would I too far indulge 
 a bare conjecture. It is sufficient to suppose it written 
 in the seventh century, as it was undoubtedly copied 
 from as early if not earlier than the eighth. 
 
 700. After the manuscript of Treves may justly fol- 
 low the Ambrosian manuscript, which is in the Am- 
 brosian Library at Milan, a copy of which has been 
 published by Muratorius, in his second tome of Anec- 
 dota. It was brought thither from the famous monas- 
 tery of Bobbio, (of High-Lornbardy, in the Milanese,) 
 founded by Columbanus, a.d. 613. The character of 
 the manuscript is Langobardick, and it is judged by 
 Muratorius (who has more particularly examined it) to 
 be above 1000 years old n . By his account then, who 
 
 " "In alio etiam Vetustissimo Ambrosianoe Bibliothecae Codice 
 mite mille et plures annos scripto, Symbolum idem sum nactus." — 
 Murator., vol. i. p. 16. 
 
 " Creterum opusculum Hoc (Bacbiarii Fides) mihi depromptum 
 est ex antiquissimo Ambrosianaj Bibliotbecse Codice, quem ante 
 annos minimum mille conscriptum, characterum forma non tiubi- 
 tanter testatur. Fuit autem olim Celebris Monasterii Bobiensis, 
 et ex illo in Ambrosianam translatus a magno Card. Federico 
 Borromseo," &c — Murator., vol. ii. pp. 8, 224.
 
 THE ATIIAXASIAN CREED. 73 
 
 wrote in the year 1098, wo ought to set the age of this 
 manuscript higher than 698. Yet, hecause Mont fan- 
 con, who in his travels through Italy had also seen it, 
 puts it no higher than the eighth century", we si ml I 
 be content to place it between the seventh and eighth, 
 or in the year 700, to make it a round number. There 
 are in this manuscript some readings different from the 
 common copies, which shall be carefully noted here- 
 after. It is without any title. 
 
 703. We may next set down King Athelstan's 
 Psalter, of which Bishop Usher had taken notice, 
 making it next in age to the other most ancient one of 
 the age of Gregory I. He and Dr. Grabe both fix the 
 date of it to the year 703, from the Rule of the Calen- 
 dar found in it p. Dr. Smith, in his Catalogue of the 
 Cotton Manuscripts, inclines to think that the manu- 
 script is later than that time, but taken from one that 
 was really as early as the year 703, the later copyist 
 transcribing (as sometimes has been) the book and the 
 Rule word for word, as he found them q . Allowing 
 
 » " Codex VIII. Sajculi, cbaractere Langobnrdico, in quo Gen- 
 Dadii de Ecclesiasticis Dogmatibus, Bachiarii fides, Symbnlum 
 Athanasii, omnia eadem maim." — Montfauc, Diar. Ital., p. 18. 
 
 p " Psalterium illud anno perse nostra} Christianas 703, lcnye ante 
 ,].i helstani regnantis tempora, ex retrulis Kalendario in libri initio 
 subjunctis seriptum misse deprehendi." — Usher, de. Symb., p. 8 (6). 
 
 "Quod. Regis iEtbelstani fuisse dicitur, atque anno 703 scrip- 
 turn est." — Grabe, Protegom. in Vetus Test., vol. iv. e. 3, § 7. 
 
 i " Hie vero veneranose antiquitatis liber fere ante mille annos 
 descriptus ; ut quibusdam ex Calendario, quod annum C'iristi 7<>3, 
 certo desiguat, illic pnefixo videtur. Sed cum lihranos eaDdem 
 temporis adnotationem, quae ad vetustissimos codices proprie et 
 pfculiariter spectat, su>s exemplaribus apposuisse saepisdme obser- 
 vaverim .... an sir, ille ipse cc'ex autograpbus qui tantam prae 
 se ferat retatem, vel annon potius saeculo, aut circiter, ante tem- 
 pora .-Ethelstani descriptus, vix pro certo praestarem ; ad poste- 
 riorem sententiam faventiori animo inulinaturus." — Smith, Bibl.
 
 74 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 this to have been the case here (though it be only con- 
 jecture), it may still be true that there was a manuscript 
 of the age of 703 with this Creed in it, from whence 
 the later one, now extant, was copied, which serves our 
 purpose as well, and the rest is not material. But it 
 should not be concealed that the Psalter (in this manu- 
 script) is in small Italian, and the above-mentioned Rule 
 in a small Saxon hand, which may, in some measure, 
 weaken the argument drawn from the age of one to the 
 age of the other ; so that at length our evidence from 
 this manuscript will be short of certainty, and will rise 
 no higher than a fair probable presumption. I have 
 nothing farther to observe, but that the Psalter wherein 
 this Creed is, is the Gallican Psalter, not the Roman, 
 and the title is, Fides Sancti Athanasii Alexandrini, 
 " The Faith of St. Athanasius of Alexandria." 
 
 760. We may now take in the Colbertine copy, of 
 which I have before spoken, referring the date of it to 
 the year 760, or thereabout. Montfaucon sets it above 
 the age of Charles the Great r , allowing it to have been 
 written about the time of Pepin, who began to reign 
 in the year 752 ; so that I cannot be much out of time 
 in placing it as I have done. It is written in Saxon 
 
 Cotton. Histor., p. 44. (This passage could not be found in Dr. 
 Smith's Prtlace.) 
 
 r " Nongeutos superat annos Colbertinus codex 784. Saxonicis 
 descriptus liitris, eo mea quidem senteDtia, ante tetateni Caroli 
 Magni enitus .... Sunt qui codicem ilium 1100 annorum esse 
 adtirmarunt : verum periti quique revo circiter Pipini exaratum 
 arbitrantur." — JViontf., Diatr., p. 721. 
 
 "Nee tamen Codicis Colbertini auctoritate cititur hrec opinio, 
 quem arbitratur Anthelmius 1100 annurum. Eienim (quod pace 
 viri eruditissimi, et amicissimi dicatur) multo minoris setatis co lex 
 esse coni|irobatur ; nemo enim peritus cui librum cxhibuerim, 
 octavo cum stcculo antiquiorem aesiimavit." — lb., p. 7-4.
 
 THE ATHAXASIAX CREED. 75 
 
 character, and is imperfect, wanting the first part, 
 ahove one-half of the Creed, just as the manuscript of 
 Treves, from which it was copied. 
 
 760. The manuscript of St. Germans at Paris is entire, 
 and of the same age with the former". It is marked 
 No. 257, and written in a Saxon letter as well as the 
 other. A specimen of the hand, with the three first 
 paragraphs of the Creed, may be seen in Mabillon 1 . 
 The title, Fides Sancti Athanasii Episcopi Alexandria. 
 It differs in some places from the common copies (as 
 shall be noted hereafter), though not near so much as 
 the Colbert manuscript before mentioned. 
 
 772. Next to these is the famous manuscript of Charles 
 the Great, at the end of a Gallican Psalter, written in 
 letters of gold, and presented by Charlemagne, while 
 only king of Prance, to Pope Adrian I., at his first 
 entrance upon the Pontificate, in the year 772. Lani- 
 becius, in his catalogue of the Emperor's Library at 
 Vienna, where this manuscript is, gives a large account 
 of it u . The title is, Fides Sancti Athanasii Episcopi 
 Alexandrini. 
 
 800. There is another manuscript in the Koyal 
 Library at Paris, marked 4908, which Mi.ntfaucon 
 judges to be near 900 years old v . He wrote in the 
 
 » " Paris saltern antiquitatis est Sangermanensis noster, num. 257. 
 Saxonicis pariter Uteris exaratus, qui titulum habet, ' Fides teaucci 
 Athanasii Episcopi Alexandria?.' " — lb., p. 721. 
 
 1 Mabill., de re Diplom., lib. v. p. 351. 
 
 u Lambecius, fatal. Biblioth. V i ndobonens. , lib. ii. c.5, pp. 261, 296, 
 &c. " Carolus Magnus proprio carmine suo testator se ilium codi. 
 cem summo Pontifici Hadriano I. dono misisse ; et quidem, ut ego 
 arbitror, illo ipso anno 772, cujus die decimo Februarii jam me- 
 moratus Hadrianus in sunamum Pontificem electus est." 
 
 v "Regius Codex, num. 4908, annorum pene nongentorum, nul-
 
 76 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 year 1698. So if we place it in the year 800, we 
 shall want a little of 900 years from that time. He 
 supposes it of very near the same age with the Vienna 
 manuscript. It bears no title, nor any name or note 
 of the author. It contains no more than the first part 
 of the Creed, as far as the words et tamen non tres 
 
 mterni, sed unus ; the rest is torn off and lost. 
 
 850. I may here place a manuscript of Bennet Col- 
 lege Library in Cambridge, whose age I cannot cer- 
 tainly fix to a year, but by all circumstances it cannot 
 well be supposed later than this time. It is at the end 
 of a Psalter, which, by comparing, I find to be a Gal- 
 lican Psalter. Bishop Parker left a remark in it about 
 its being in the possession first of one of the Arch- 
 bishops of Canterbury, and at length conveyed down 
 to the hands of Becket x , who was Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury in the year 1162. The great antiquity of 
 the manuscript appears from the martyrs, confessors, 
 and virgins addressed to in it, all of the early times y . 
 There are some few variations in this copy, such as 
 are also found in the most ancient manuscripts of this 
 Creed, particularly the word et, frequently inserted 
 before Spiritus Sanctus, which has been since erased 
 
 lum habet titulum, nullumque auctoris nomen. yEqualis ipsi est, 
 qui meinoratur a Lambecio," &e. — Montf., Dia.tr., p. 721. 
 
 1 "Hoc Psalterium [N\ X.] laminis argenteis deauratum, et 
 gemmis ornatum, quondam fuit N. Cantuar. Archiep. tandem 
 venit in manus Thorns Becket quondam Cant. Archiep. Quod tes- 
 tatum est inveteri scripto." — Matth. Cant., Catal.MSS. C.C.C., C. 
 p. 43. 
 
 f " In Litaniis, Orate pro nobis, Sancte C<mtestor, Sancte He- 
 rasme, Sancte Oswolde, &c. Martyres. Sancte Cuthberte, Sancte 
 Germane, Sancte Placide, Sancte Columbane, Sancte Caurentine, 
 &o. Confessores. Sancta Brigida, Saucta Eugenia, Sancta Eulalia, 
 Sancta Petronella, &c, Virgine?. Et non sunt hisce recentiores." 
 — Catal. MSS. C. C. C, C, p. 43.
 
 THE ATITANAST.YN CREED. 
 
 by some officious hand. The title is observable, Fides 
 Sancti Anastha&ii JEpiscopi ; Anasthasii for Athanasii, 
 by a transposition of syllables. 
 
 860. Montfaucon informs us of a manuscript in the 
 Colbert Library, No. 1339, which once belonged to 
 Charles the Bald 2 , who died in the year 877; began 
 to reign 840. It cannot therefore be much amiss to 
 fix upon 860 for the date of it. The title it bears 
 is, Fides Athanasii. 
 
 883. There is a second manuscript copy of the 
 Athanasian Creed in the library of Bonnet (or Corpus 
 Christi) College, marked N. 0. V. It is at the end of 
 a Gallican Psalter, in the same hand, and carrying its 
 certain date with it. It was written in France, by 
 order of Count Amadeus, or Achadeus 8 , and in the 
 year 883, as appears from the Litany b . The title is, 
 Fides Catholica. 
 
 930. Mr. Wanley gives us an account of a Homan 
 Psalter in the lloyal Library (formerly of St. James's), 
 with an interlinear Saxon version to it, written about 
 the time of King Athelstan . Among the Canticles at 
 the end there is also this Creed, under the title of 
 Hijmnus Athanasii de Fide Trinitatis, quem tu concele- 
 brans discutienter intellige. This is in red ink. The 
 
 7 - " Colbertinus No. 1339, qui fuit Karoli Calvi imperatoris, in- 
 scribitur ; Fides Athanasii."— Montfauc. , Diatrib., p. 721. 
 
 ■ " Ad fiuem Psalterii, Achadeus, misericordia Dei comes hunc 
 Psalteriutn scribere jussit."— -Cat-il. MSS., C. C. C, C, p. 4(J. 
 
 b " Oratur, ut Marinum Apostolicum in Sancta religioue conser- 
 vare digneris, ut Karlomannum Regem perpetua prosperitate con- 
 servare digneris : ut tieginam conservare digneris : ut Fulconem 
 Episcopum cum omni grege sibi commi&so in tuo apto servitio con- 
 servare digneris." — Catal. MSS. C. C. C, C, p. 47. 
 
 c Wanley, fatal. MSS. Septentr., p. 182. Wanley, however, 
 only gives the title llymaus Athanasii.
 
 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 title seems to have been then customary in England, as 
 may be probably argued from a Saxon version (to be 
 hereafter mentioned) of the same age, or very near, and 
 bearing the same title d . 
 
 957. In the Archbishop's Library at Lambeth there 
 is a G-allican Psalter, written, according to Mr. "Wanley 6 , 
 in the time of King Edgar, or a little before. At the 
 end there is the Athanasian Creed in the same ancient 
 hand, with an interlinear Saxon version. The title, 
 Fides Catholica Sancti Athanasii Fpiscopi. 
 
 970. There is another manuscript copy of this Creed, 
 much of the same age with the former, in my Lord 
 Oxford's elegant library, richly furnished with all 
 kinds of curious and valuable manuscripts. This Creed 
 is at the end of a Gallican Psalter, and has an inter- 
 linear Saxon version to it. Mr. "Wanley, who was 
 so kind as to acquaint me with it, and to favour me 
 with a sight of it, refers it to the time of King Ed- 
 gar, who began his reign in 959, and died in 975. 
 The title is, Fides Catholica Athanasii Alexandrini 
 Fpiscopi. 
 
 1031. In the Cotton Library there is a Gallican 
 Psalter, with Saxon interlined (marked Vitellius, E. 18), 
 which Mr. Wanley refers to the year 1031 f . The 
 Athanasian Creed, at the end as usual among the other 
 Canticles, bears the title of Fides Catholica Athanasii 
 Fpiscopi Alexandrini. 
 
 d Hymnus A thanasii de Fide Trinitatis. Wotton, Conspectus 
 Brevis operis Hickesiani, p. 77. 
 
 e Wanley, Catal, p. 269. " Eadgari Regis Anglosaxonum tem- 
 poribus, aut paulo ante, ut videtur, exaratus." 
 
 Wbarton, Auctar. Hist. Dogm.,j>. 374, "Alfredo parum recentior 
 videtur." 
 
 f Wanley, Catal., p. 222, 224. Smith, Catal. Cotton., p. 101.
 
 THE ATnAXASIAN CREED. 79 
 
 1050. In the Norfolk Library, now belonging to the 
 lloyal Society at London, there is also a Gallican 
 Psalter, whose age is fixed by Mr. Wanley « to the 
 time of Edward the Confessor. The Creed is in it, and 
 has an interlinear Saxon version running along with it. 
 The title, Fides Catholica Athanasii Alex. 
 
 10G4. In Bennet College Library is a manuscript 
 copy of this Creed without any title. The Psalter, 
 wherein it is, is called Portiforium Osioaldi, and is 
 marked K. 10. An account of the book may be seen 
 in Mr. Wanley h , and in the Catalogue, p. 30. 
 
 1066. I may here place the Cotton Manuscript before 
 mentioned, bound up with the ancient Roman Psalter, 
 marked Yespasian A., though of a very different and 
 much later hand. The Creed has an interlinear Saxon 
 version, as usual, and its title is Fides Catholica. Mr. 
 "Wanley judges it to be as old as the coming in of the 
 Normans 1 . 
 
 1066. Of the same age k is the Roman Psalter in our 
 Public Library at Cambridge, with the Latin text in 
 black letter, a Saxon version in red, and the titles 
 in green. The Creed is interlined with Saxon, as 
 well as the Psalter, but has no title ; for from this 
 time, I conceive, the title began to be left out in some 
 copies for brevity sake, or because it was thought 
 superfluous. 
 
 It will be needless to take notice of any manuscripts 
 below this time, excepting only such as contain some- 
 thing particular. 
 
 e Wanley, Catal., p. 291. >» Ibid., p. 110. 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 222. Smith, Bill. Cotton. Histor., p. 35. 
 k Wanley, Catal., p. 152.
 
 80 ANCIENT LATIN MANTSCBirTS OF 
 
 1087. (Juesnel 1 , and after him Pagi m , speaks of 
 a manuscript copy of this Creed in a Breviary and 
 Psalter for the use of the monks of Mount Cassin, 
 judged to be about GOO years old. This is the same 
 Breviary that Quesnel has made observations upon in 
 another work n ; and there he fixes the age a little 
 below 1086 — paulo post annum 1086. The title of the 
 Creed is, Fides Catholica edita ab Athanasio Alexan- 
 drine sedis Episcopo. There is the like title to the 
 Creed in the triple Psalter of St. John's College, Cam- 
 bridge, about the same age, or older, (marked B. 18,) 
 Incipit Fides Catholica edita ab Athanasio Archiepiscopo 
 Alexandrine civitatis. And there is such another title 
 in a Psalter of the Norfolk Library, (No. 155,) Fides 
 Catholica edita a Sancto Athanasio Epo.; but the hand 
 is modern. 
 
 1120. In my Lord Oxford's Library I had a sight of 
 a manuscript written in Germany about 600 years ago, 
 for the use of the Church of Augsburg, which bears for 
 its title, Fides Anastasii Episcopi. 
 
 1150. In the Norfolk Library is a Psalter (marked 
 No. 230) with an interlinear version Normanno-Gal- 
 lican ; the Psalter is Gallican, and the title of the 
 Creed at the end, Fides Catholica. 
 
 1240. Usher takes notice of a copy of this Ci'eed 
 then in the Eoyal Library at St. James's, (formerly be- 
 longing to Louis IX.) ; the title, Fides Catholica. 
 
 1300. Montfaucon informs us of a Latin and a French 
 copy of this Creed found in a manuscript about 400 
 
 1 Quesnel, Dissert, xiv. ad Leon. Oper., p. 732. 
 
 m .Pagi, Critic, in Baron. Ann. 340, § 8, d. 121, (vol. i. p. 441.) 
 
 u Quesnel, Observat. ad Brevia/rium, p. 327.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CItEED. 81 
 
 years old, placed in opposite columns. "What is re- 
 markable is, that the Latin has for its title Ccmtieum 
 Bonifacii, and the French over against the other, Ce 
 chant fust St.Anaistaise qui Apostoilles cle Rome . 
 
 1400. In the Bodleian at Oxford there is a manu- 
 script copy of this Creed (No. 1205), which has for its 
 title, Anastasii Expositio Symbol i Apostolorum. It is 
 about 300 years old, and belonged once to the Carthu- 
 sian monks at Mentz. The Carthusians are particu- 
 larly noted for their more than common veneration for 
 this Creed, reciting it every day at the Prime, as 
 Cardinal Bona testifies both of them and the Ambro- 
 sians p , which I remark by the way. I observe that 
 the German copies of this Creed, for five or six hun- 
 dred years upwards, have most commonly Anastasius 
 instead of Athanasius. I make no question but tbat 
 this first arose from a mistake of the copyists, and not 
 out of any design. One may perceive that Anastasius 
 is sometimes written where Athanasius of Alexandria 
 must have been intended. I suppose, at first, some 
 copies had accidentally Anasthasius for Athanasius (as 
 one in Bennet College Library mentioned above), by 
 a transposition of letters or syllables, as easily happens 
 in writing or speaking : thus Phrunutus for Phurnutus, 
 Marivadus for Varimadus, and the like. Now when 
 the copyists had thus introduced Anasthasius (Anas-tha 
 for Atha-nas), those that came after left out the h to 
 make it Anastasius, that being a common name, which 
 the other was not. This I thought proper to hint, 
 that it may appear how little reason there is for ascrib- 
 
 o Montfaucon, Dialrib., pp. 722, 727 
 
 p Bona, de Divin. Psalmod., c. 18, §§ 5, 10, pp. 897, 900.
 
 82 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 ing this Creed to Anastasius, whether of Borne, or of 
 Antioch, or any other. 
 
 I have now run through the manuscripts of greatest 
 note or use, either for antiquity or for anything particu- 
 lar, to give light to our further enquiries. Two only 
 I have omitted, which have been thought considerable ; 
 not so much in themselves, as upon account of the other 
 tracts they were found to be joined with. The one is 
 the manuscript found in the library of Thuanus ( Codex 
 Thuaneus), annexed to some tracts which were once 
 supposed to belong to Vigilius Tapsensis, though now 
 certainly known to be none of his. Quesnel was much 
 pleased with the discovery of this manuscript, as fa- 
 vouring his hypothesis about Vigilius Tapsensis i. And 
 Antelmius has taken some pains in confuting him, 
 shewing that the supposed works of Vigilius are none 
 of his r , and that if they were, yet no certain argument 
 could be drawn from thence to make Vigilius author of 
 the Creed, since it is a common thing for tracts of 
 several authors, especially if they relate to the same 
 subject, to be tacked to each other. 
 
 The second manuscript is one that was found an- 
 nexed to the "Fragments of Hilary of Poictiers 3 ;" 
 
 i " Absoluta Dissertationum nostrarum editione, inveni Codicem 
 Tnuaneuin, in quo Dialogus Vigilii Tapsensis adversus Arianos, 
 Sabellianos, et Photinianos legitur, sub hoc titulo : ' Incipit Alter- 
 catio Atbanasii cum Hseresibus.' Post hunc Tract atum habetur 
 Symbolum Nicsenum, et Formula Fidei Ariminensis Concilii, quam 
 proxime sequitur Symbolum Athanasianum cum hac Epigraphe : 
 ' Fides dicta a Sancto Athanasio Episcopo.' Porro, conjecturse nostras 
 de auto re hujus Symboli, Vigilio, non parum suffragatur, quod in 
 antiquissimo codice illigatum reperiatur Opusculo cui nomen Atha- 
 nasii pariter pnetixum legitur, sed quod Vigilii Tapsensis esse in- 
 dubitatum habetur," &c Quesnel, in Addend., p. 913. 
 
 r Montfauc, Athan. Op., vol. ii. pp. 603, 724. 
 
 s " Inveni tur id similiter in Fragmentis llilarii historicis in Cod.
 
 TIIK ATHANASIAN CREED. 83 
 
 which circumstance was thought a reason for ascribing 
 this Creed to Hilary. Vossius first, and after him 
 many others, throw it off as a very slight argument, 
 since the manuscript pretended is very modern ; nor is 
 the Creed ascribed to Hilary in that manuscript, but 
 only bound up with his " Fragments," as any other 
 work might be, however little akin to them. Mont- 
 faucon takes notice of this matter in few words l ; 
 Tentzelius more at large". It is sufficient for me just 
 to have hinted it. 
 
 Having now given as particular account as was need- 
 ful of the more ancient Latin manuscripts of this Creed, 
 I may just observe, that as to modern ones they are in- 
 numerable, there being scarce any manuscript Latin 
 Psalter of modern date but what has the Creed in it, 
 and generally without a title. I may next subjoin 
 a table of the manuscripts here recited, representing in 
 one view the age, the title, the country where written, 
 and the kind of Psalter wherein found : all which cir- 
 cumstances will be of use to us in our following en- 
 quiries. Particularly, as to the Psalters, it will be of 
 moment to observe whether they be Roman or Gal- 
 lican, because from thence we may be able to discover 
 in what places or countries this Creed was first re- 
 
 veteri Part. 2, sub finem." — Felckman, Var. Led. Oper. Athan., 
 p. 83. 
 
 * " Hilario nonnulli adscriptum voluerunt, quia nimirum in 
 codice quodam exstat post Hilarii Fragmenta. Quasi vero id non 
 vulgo et in plerisque codicibus observetur, ut multa diversorura 
 opera consequenter in manuscriptis describentur. Cum autem in 
 ejusmodi codice post Hilariana opera, nullo prsemisso auctoris 
 nomine compareat ; bine, uti jam supra diximus, inferendum, 
 turn exaratum fuisse cum pro Athanasiano nondum vulgo babe- 
 retur." — Montfauc, Diatrib., p. 723. 
 
 u Tentzel., Judic. Enid., pp. 2, 3, &c.
 
 84 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 eeived, according to their use of this or that Psalter. 
 But because, perhaps, some readers may be at a loss to 
 know what we mean by those different names of Roman 
 and Gallican Psalters, it may not be improper here to 
 throw in a few previous instructions relating to the 
 different kinds of Latin Psalters, and the names they 
 have gone under. 
 
 There are four kinds or sorts of Latin Psalters, 
 which have passed under the names of Italic, Ptoman, 
 Gallican, and Hebraic. One of them was before Jerome's 
 time ; the three last are all Jerome's, as he had a hand, 
 more or less, in every one of them. I shall treat of 
 them distinctly in their order as follows : — 
 
 I. The Italic Latin Psalter is of the old translation, 
 or version, such as it was before Jerome's time. I shall 
 not enter into the dispute whether it were one version, 
 or many. The common opinion is, that there were 
 several Latin versions before Jerome v , but one more 
 eminent than the rest, called Italic x , as being received 
 into common use in Italy y . However that be, it is 
 become customary with such as treat of this subject to 
 speak of all that was extant before Jerome as of one 
 version, under the name of Vetus Vulgata, or Versio 
 
 » " Qui enim Scripturas ex Hebraea Lingua in Linguam Graecam 
 verterunt numerari possunt, Latini autem interpretes nullo modo: 
 ut enim cuique primis Fidei temporibus in manus venit Codex 
 Grrecus et aliquantulum facultatis sibi utriusque lingua habere 
 videbatur, ausus est interpretari." — August., de Doclr. Christian., 
 lib. ii. c. 11, vol. iii. p. 25. 
 
 x "In ipsis autem interpretationibus Itala caeteris praeferatur : 
 nam est verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate sententiae." — August., 
 ib., c. 15, p. 27. 
 
 T " Ecclesia Latina a principio, vel ferme a principio, usa est ver- 
 sione Latina Testament! Vet. ex Giaeca rwv 6 translatione facta, 
 qua? Itala vulgo dicebatur, quoniam in Italia prins usitata in alias 
 inde Latinorum Ecclesias recipiehatur.'' — Hodius, de Biblior. Ttxt. 
 Oriyin., lib. iii. pars 2, c. 1, p. 312.
 
 THE ATUAXASIAN CREED. 85 
 
 Italica. There are entire Psalters of this old version, 
 printed and manuscript 1 , though now nowhere in use 
 in Divine offices, except such parcels of it as, having 
 hcen anciently taken into the Roman missals, or other 
 old Liturgies, remain there still, the people being ac- 
 customed to them, and there being no great necessity 
 for changing them ; but all the entire Psalters in use 
 are of another kind. Martianay, in his edition of 
 Jerome's works, once intended to give us an entire and 
 correct Psalter (with some other of the sacred books) of 
 the old Italic version ; but the various lections were so 
 many and so different, that the work appeared too 
 laborious and difficult, for which reason he then laid it 
 aside a . This version, or versions, is what all the 
 Latins used before Jerome, and many also after him, the 
 Africans especially, down to the sixth century at least, 
 or beginning of the seventh. 
 
 2. The Roman Psalter is not very different from the 
 old Italic. It is nothing ehe but that old version, 
 cursorily and in part corrected by Jerome in the time 
 of Pope Damasus, a.d. 383. It has had the name of 
 Roman, because the use of it began the soonest and 
 continued the longest in the Roman offices. It ob- 
 tained in Gaul near as soon as at Rome, but was 
 laid aside in the sixth century, when Gregory of 
 
 z Le Long, Bibl. Sacr., vol. i. p. 243. 
 
 a " Appendiceal S.icrorum aliquot voluminum, juxta Yeterem 
 Vulgatam usu receptam ante Iiieronymum, hoc loco edendam sta- 
 tueramus : sed quum operi manus jamjam accederet, tantam inter 
 MSS. Codices hujus versionis Latinse cleprehendimus dissonantiam, 
 ut impossibile esset vtl solas variantes horum codicum lectiones 
 adnotasse nisi maximo temporis intervallo. Quare ne in sequentem 
 annum differretur editio hujus Divina; Bibliothecie, Appendiceal 
 pradictam latiori operi, ac majori otio reservavimus." — Martian., 
 A'ot. ad Hieronym., vol. i. p. 1419.
 
 86 ANCIENT LATIN MANTTSCKIPTS OF 
 
 Tours b introduced the other Psalter, since called Gal- 
 lican. The Roman Psalter, however, still ohtained at 
 Borne till the time of Pope Pins V. c , and it is still 
 used in the Vatican church, and some few churches 
 hesides. 
 
 3. The Gallican Psalter is Jerome's more coirect 
 Latin translation made from Origen's Hexaplar A , or 
 most correct edition of the Greek Septuagint, filled up, 
 where the Greek was supposed faulty, from the He- 
 brew, distinguished with obelisks and asterisks, denot- 
 ing the common Greek version in those places to be 
 either redundant or deficient. Many of the old manu- 
 scripts e still retain those marks ; but more have left 
 them out, I suppose, to save trouble. This more 
 correct Psalter was drawn up by Jerome in the year 
 389, and obtained first in Gaul about the year 580, or, 
 however, not later than 595 ; from which circumstance 
 it came to have the name of Gallican, in conti'adi sanc- 
 tion to the Roman. From Gaul, or Prance, it passed 
 over into England before the year 597, and into Ger- 
 
 b " Psalmos autem cum secundum LXX. interpretes Romani ad- 
 huc haheant ; Galli et Germanorum aliqui secundum emendotio- 
 nem quam Hierouymus Pater de LXX. Editione composuit, Psal- 
 terium cantant : Quam Gregorius, Turonensis Episcopus, a patribus 
 Romania mutuatam, in Galliarum dicitur Ecclesias transtulisse. " — 
 Walafrid. Strab. de Reb. Eccles., c. 25, p. 196 (p. 690). 
 
 c Bona, de Rebus Liturg., lib. ii. c. 3, p. 506. Hodius, lib. iii. 
 pars 1, c. 4, p. 383. Mabill., de Curs. Gallic, p. 398. 
 
 d Hieron., Epist. ad Sunn, et Frelet., in vol. ii. p. 627. 
 
 e The Cotton Manuscript of 703, and the Bennet of 883, Lam- 
 beth of 957, Lord Oxford's of 970, and Bruno's own manuscript of 
 1033, besides many more in France, England, and other coun- 
 tries. " Quanta porro fuerit diligentia nostratium in describendo 
 hocce Psalterio, cum asteriscis et obelis, non aliunde testatum 
 volumus quam ex infinita copia Codieum MSS. qui cum talibus dis- 
 tinctionibus supersunt usque hodie in Gallicanis Bibliothecis." — 
 Martian., Hieronym. Op., vol. i. Prolegom. ii. c. 5.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 87 
 
 many, and Spain, and other countries. The popes of 
 Rome, though they themselves used the other Psalter, 
 yet patiently connived at the use of this in the Western 
 Churches and even in Italy, and sometimes privately 
 authorized the use of it in churches and monasteries^ 
 till at length it was publicly authorized in the Council 
 of Trent, and introduced a while after into Rome itself 
 by Pius Y. It was admitted in Britain and Ireland 
 before the coining of Augustine the Monk, and pre- 
 vailed after, except in the church of Canterbury s, 
 which was more immediately under the Archbishop's 
 eye, and more conformable to the Roman offices than 
 other parts of the kingdom. It has been said h that 
 this very Gallican Psalter is what we still retain in our 
 liturgy, called the reading Psalms, in contradistinction 
 to the other Psalms in our Bibles of the new transla- 
 tion. But this is not strictly true : for the old trans- 
 lation, though it be taken in a great measure from the 
 Gallican, has yet many corrections from the Hebrew, 
 (where they were thought wanting,) first by Coverdale 
 in 1535, and by Coverdale again, 1539, and, last of all, 
 by Tonstall and Heath in 1541 ; according to which 
 
 { " Anno 1369, Urbani V. autoritate Sancitum, ut Cassinenses 
 Psalterio Gallicano uterentur." — Montfauc, Diar. ItaL, p. 331. 
 P. Adrian, long before, had recommended the Gallican Psalter to 
 the Church of Bremen. See below in c. vi., and Bona, de Rebus 
 Liturg., p. 506. 
 
 B ' ' Ante adventum Augustini Monachi, primi Archiepiscopi 
 Cantuariensis, in Angliam, i.e. ante annum 597, Ecclesise Britan- 
 nicas et Hibernicse Psalterium Gallicauum receperant. Augustinus 
 hue a Gregorio M. missus Romanum secum advexit, et Kcclesise 
 suae Cantuariensi tradidit. Sed loco illius invaluit tandem, per 
 omnes Ecclesias Anglicas, usus Gallicani." — Hodius, lib. iii. pars 
 2, c. 4, p, 384. 
 
 h "Hodienum in Liturgia Ecclesise Anglicana? retinetur editio 
 Gallicana : at versio ilia quae habetur in Bibliorum volumiuibus, 
 quseque pro authentica agnoscitur, ex Hebrteo est." — Ibid.
 
 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS OF 
 
 edition is the Psalter now used in our liturgy, as I 
 have learned by comparing : and it had been before 
 taken notice of by Durell *. But this in passing. 
 
 4. The Hebraic Latin Psalter means Jerome's own 
 translation, immediately from the Hebrew, made in the 
 year 391. This, though otherwise of great esteem, 
 was never used in the public Church offices k . There 
 are but few copies of it in comparison, because this 
 Psalter, as before hinted, having never been in com- 
 mon use like the Eoman and Gallican, has been con- 
 fined to a few hands. We are not to expect an 
 Athanasian Creed in this Psalter, as not being intended 
 for the use of the choir, neither are we to expect to 
 meet with it in the Italic Psalters, which are few, and 
 which were grown, or growing out of use before the 
 Athanasian Creed was brought into the public offices. 
 But in the Roman and Gallican Psalters we may find 
 it ; and it will be of moment to observe in which of 
 them it is found. Indeed, some manuscript Psalters 
 there are which have the Roman and Gallican together 
 in opposite columns, the Gallican always set first ! . 
 Others have the Hebraic and Gallican set column- wise, 
 as the former, and some have all the three versions of 
 Jerome placed in the like order. Dr. Hody informs 
 us of two such manuscripts, to which may be added 
 
 1 Durell, Eccles. Anglican. Vhulic, c. 27, p. 306. 
 
 k "Tertium est de Hebrseo in Latinum quod Ieronymus trans- 
 tulit de Hebrseo in Latinum. Sed non est in usu Ecclesiae, sed viri 
 studii literati et sapientes eo utuntur." — Roger Bacon, apud Ho- 
 aium, 1. c. 
 
 " Hsec autem (versio ex Hebrseo) ideo recepta non fuit, quia duse 
 priores, quotidiano usu in Ecclesiis frequentatse, sine magna divini 
 officii perturbatione non poterant abrogari." — Bona, de Rebus Li- 
 lurg., lib. ii. c. 3, p. 506; cf. Hodium, p. 385. 
 
 1 Hodius, 1. c.
 
 TIIE ATIIANASIAN CKEED. 89 
 
 a third, now in Trinity College in Cambridge, which has 
 the Athanasian Creed with Bruno's comment in it, as 
 intimated above. Another such triple Psalter there is 
 in St. John's College of the same University, as before 
 hinted; and in my Lord Oxford's library is a fine old 
 Latin Bible, where the Psalms appear under all the three 
 versions. Nay, some manuscripts have the Greek also 
 with the other, making a fourth column : an account 
 of this last sort may be seen both in Dr. Hody and Le 
 Long" 1 . These double, triple, or quadruple Psalters 
 came not in, I presume, before the end of the tenth 
 century or beginning of the eleventh ; for Berno Augi- 
 ensis of that time acquaints us with the occasion and 
 use of them, and how they came to be so contrived n . 
 When the Roman way of singing, first adapted to the 
 Roman Psalter, had been introduced into France and 
 Germany (which was first done in the eighth century), 
 in process of time it bred some confusion in the two 
 Psalters, mixing and blending them one with the other, 
 that it was difficult to distinguish which words be- 
 longed to this, and which to that. To remedy this 
 
 m Le Long, Bill. Soar., vol. i. p. 244. 
 
 " "Inter castera, ex emendata LXX. interpretum translatione 
 Psalterium ex Grseco in Latinuui vertit (Hieronymus) illuiique can- 
 tandum omnibus Gallise, ac quibusdam Germauke Ecclesiis tradidit. 
 Et ob hoc Gallicanum Psalterium appellavit, Roinanis adhuc ex 
 corrupta vulgata editione Psalterium canentibus : ex qua Rornani 
 cantum composuerunt, nobisque usum cantandi contradiderunt. 
 Unde accidit quod verba, quae in diurnis vel nocturnis officiis ca- 
 nendi more modulantur, intermisceantur, et confuse nostns Psalmis 
 inserantur ; ut a minus peritis haud facile possit discerm quid nos- 
 trae, vel Romanae conveniat editioni. Quod pius pater ac peritus 
 magister intuens, tres editiones in uno volumine composuit : et 
 Gallicanum Psalterium, quod nos canimus, ordinavit in una columna; 
 in altera Romanum, in tertia Hebraeum." — Berno Augiens. Epist. 
 inedit., apud Mabill., de Curs. Gallic, § 21, p. 396. Hodius, de 
 Blblior. Text. Origin., p. 382.
 
 90 
 
 ANCIENT LATIN MANUSCRIPTS, &C. 
 
 inconvenience, a way was found out to have both the 
 Psalters distinctly represented to the eye together, in 
 two several columns, and thus came in the kind of 
 Psalters before mentioned. We easily see why the 
 Gallican used to be set in the first column, namely, be- 
 cause those Psalters were contrived by the French and 
 Germans, who made use of the Gallican, and so gave 
 the preference to their own. If I have detained my 
 reader a little too long in this digression about the 
 Psalters I hope the usefulness of the subject may make 
 him some amends and be a just apology for it. I now 
 return to our Creed, and what more immediately be- 
 longs to it ; closing this chapter, as I promised, with 
 a table, representing a summary or short sketch of what 
 hath been done in it. 
 
 A TABLE OF MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 Manuscripts. 
 
 600 
 
 Bp. Usher's. 
 
 (560 
 
 Treves. 
 
 700 
 
 Ambrosian. 
 
 703 
 
 Cotton 1. 
 
 760 
 
 Colbert 1. 
 
 760 
 
 St. Germans. 
 
 772 
 
 Vienna. 
 
 800 
 
 Regius, Paris. 
 
 850 
 
 Benet Coll. Cant. I. 
 
 860 
 
 Colbert 2. 
 
 883 
 
 Benet C. 2. 
 
 930 
 
 St. James's 1. 
 
 957 
 
 Lambeth. 
 
 970 
 
 Harleian 1. 
 
 1031 
 
 Cotton 2. 
 
 1050 
 
 Norfolk 1. 
 
 1064 
 
 Benet C 3. 
 
 1066 
 
 Cotton 3. 
 
 1066 
 
 Cambridge. 
 
 1087 
 
 Cassinensis. 
 
 1120 
 
 Harleian 2. 
 
 1150 
 
 Norfolk 2. 
 
 1240 
 
 St. James's 2. 
 
 1300 
 
 Friars Minors. 
 
 1400 
 
 Bodleian. 
 
 Psalters. 
 
 Gallican. 
 
 Gallican. 
 
 Gallican. 
 
 Roman. 
 
 Gallican. 
 
 Gallican. 
 
 Gallican. 
 
 Gallican. 
 
 Roman. 
 
 Gallican. 
 Gallican. 
 
 Titles of the Creed. 
 
 Fides Catholiea. 
 
 Fides Sancti Athanasii Alexandrini. 
 
 Fides Sancti Athanasii Episcopi. 
 
 Fides Sancti Athanasii Episcopi Alexandrini. 
 
 Fides Sancti Anasthasii Episcopi. 
 
 Fides Athanasii, 
 
 Fides Catholiea. 
 
 Hymnus Athanasii. 
 
 Fides Catholiea S. Athanasii Episcopi. 
 
 Fides Catholiea Athanasii Alexandrini Episcopi. 
 
 Fides Catholiea Athanasii Episcopi Alexandrini. 
 
 Fides Catholiea Athanasii Alexandrini. 
 
 Fides Catholiea. 
 
 Fides Catholiea edita ab Athanasio, &c. 
 
 Fides Anastasii Episcopi. 
 
 Fides Catholiea. 
 
 Fides Catholiea. 
 
 Canticum Bonefacii. [Rome. 
 
 Ce Chant fust St. Anaistaise qui Apostoilles de 
 
 Anastasii Expositio Symboli Apostolorum.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Ancient Versions, Printed or Manuscript. 
 
 Some account of the ancient versions of the Athana- 
 sian Creed may be of use to shew when and where it 
 has been received, and what value hath been set upon 
 it, at several times and in several countries. I shall 
 note the time in the margin when the first version into 
 any language appears to have been made ; and I shall 
 rank the versions of the several countries according 
 to the chronological order of those first versions re- 
 spectively. 
 
 French Versions. 
 a.d. 850. Under the name of French versions I com- 
 prehend all versions made at any time into the vulgar 
 language then current in France, whatever other name 
 some may please to give them. I beg leave also to 
 comprehend under the same name all oral versions de- 
 livered by word of mouth, as well as written ones; 
 otherwise I am sensible that I ought not to have begun 
 with French versions. I do not know that the Gauls, 
 or French, had any written standing version of this 
 Creed so early as 850, or for several centuries after. 
 Their oldest versions of the Psalter are scarce earlier 
 than the eleventh century % and of the entire Scripture 
 
 * See Le Long, Bibl. Saer., vol. i. p. 313, &c.
 
 92 ANCIENT VERSIONS OF 
 
 scarce so early as the twelfth ; and we are not to expect 
 a written version of the Athanasian Creed more ancient 
 than of their Psalter. But what I mean by setting the 
 French versions so high as I here do, is, that the 
 Athanasian Creed was, as early as is here said, inter- 
 preted out of Latin into the vulgar tongue for the use 
 of the people by the clergy of France in their verbal 
 instructions. This is the same thing, in effect, with 
 a written standing version, as supplying the place of it, 
 and is as full a proof of the general reception of the 
 Creed at that time as the other would be. Now that 
 the Athanasian Creed was thus interpreted into the 
 vulgar tongue in France as early as the year 850, or 
 earlier, I prove from the words of Hiucmar, above 
 cited b , giving orders to the clergy of his province to be 
 able to express this Creed commimibus verbis, that is, in 
 their vulgar or mother tongue. What that mixed kind 
 of language which they then used should be called is of 
 no great moment to our present purpose to enquire. 
 Some perhaps, with Vitus Amerbachius and Bishop 
 Usher c , will call it Teutonic, or German, because 
 Franks and Germans, being originally the same, spake 
 the same language. But I see no consequence that 
 because Franks and Germans used the same language, 
 therefore Franks and Gauls, mixed together, must still 
 keep the same, any more than that a mixed nation of 
 Normans and Saxons must all agree either in Norman 
 or Saxon. One would rather expect in such a mixed 
 people a mixed language too, as usually happens in 
 such cases. As to France in particular at that time, 
 Mr. Wharton has plainly shewn that the language there 
 b See above, p. 28. e Usher, Hislor. Dogmat., p. 111.
 
 THE ATHANASIA1* CREED. 93 
 
 spoken was very widely different from the Teutonic or 
 German. 
 
 The Concordats between the two brothers, Lewis and 
 Charles, at Strasburgh, puts tbe matter out of dispute, 
 where one expressed himself in the Teutonic, the other 
 in the language then current in France, called Roman- 
 ensis, or Rustica Romana, corrupt Roman, or Latin d , 
 nearer to the Latin than to the German, but a confused 
 mixture of both. Such was the language then vulgarly 
 spoken in France, as appears from the specimen of it 
 given by "Wharton from Nithardus. And this, I pre- 
 sume, is the language into which our Creed was inter- 
 preted in Hincmar's time ; for which reason I have set 
 the French versions first. If any one shall contend 
 that the Teutonic prevailed then in the diocese of 
 Rheims, though not in the other parts of Gaul more 
 remote from Germany, I shall not think it of moment 
 to dispute the point, since it is not material to our 
 present purpose. 
 
 As to the French versions, properly so called, writ- 
 ten standing versions, I have said that none of them 
 reach higher than the eleventh century. Montfaucon 
 gives us one, though imperfect, 600 years old 6 ; that is, 
 of the eleventh century, and very near the end of it, 
 about 1098, 600 years before the time of his writing; 
 and this is the oldest that I have anywhere found men- 
 tioned. Next to which, perhaps, we may reckon that in 
 Trinity College, in Cambridge ; I mean the interlinear 
 version, which Mr. "Wanley f calls Normanno-GalHcan, 
 
 d Wharton, Auctar. Histor. Dognuit., p. 344. 
 e Montfaucon, Diatrib., pp. 721, 727, and 733, where it is quoted 
 at length. 
 1 Wanley, Calal. MSS. Septentr., p. 168.
 
 94 ANCIENT VERSIONS OF 
 
 about 580 years old. And next to that the Norfolk 
 manuscript (No. 230), before mentioned, about the 
 same age "with the other ; and Mr. "Wanley informed 
 me of two more in my Lord Oxford's library. There 
 is one in the Cotton Library (Nero, C. 4) above 500 
 years old, according to Mr. "Wharton s . Montfaucon 
 gives us another above 400 years old h . But it is need- 
 less, and foreign to my purpose, to number up all the 
 versions : the first in its kind is what will be chiefly 
 serviceable to our following enquiries. 
 
 German Versions. 
 
 870. As to written and standing versions, the Ger- 
 man, so far as we find any records, ought to have the 
 first place. There is in the Emperor's library at 
 Vienna ' a German, or Teutonic, version of this Creed, 
 made by Otfridus, monk of Weissenberg, in the ninth 
 century : the manuscript, as Lambecius assures us, is 
 coeval with the author. There have been several later 
 German versions, a brief account of which may be seen 
 in Lambecius k , Tentzelius 1 , and Le Long m , but more 
 particularly in Tentzelius. It is sufficient to my pur- 
 pose to have taken notice of the first and most con- 
 siderable in its kind. 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Versions. 
 
 930. There have been Anglo-Saxon versions of this 
 Creed as early as the time of King Athelstan, as ap- 
 pears from the manuscript of the Royal Library, with 
 
 s Wharton, Auctar. Histor. Dogmat., p. 390. 
 
 h Montfaucon, Diatrib., p. 722. 
 
 • Lambec., Catal. Biblioth. Vindoboiu, lib. ii. c. 5, pp. 460, 768. 
 
 >> Ibid.,c. 8, p. 763. 
 
 1 Tentzel, Judic. Erud., Praef. and p. 226. 
 
 m Le Long, Bill. Sacr., vol. i. p. 376.
 
 THE ATHAXASTAN CREED. 95 
 
 an interlinear version, noted above, and which I place 
 in 930. The Lambeth manuscript of 957 has also an 
 interlinear Saxon version, both which manuscripts con- 
 firm the account given of an Anglo-Saxon copy of this 
 Creed, printed from a Latin manuscript, interlined with 
 Saxon, out of the church of Salisbury. The version 
 itself seems to have been made about the middle of the 
 tenth century, or about 950, which suits very well with 
 the age of the manuscripts before mentioned. Only 
 this we may expect, that the Saxon copies of those 
 manuscripts will be found much more correct than the 
 Sarum copy (and so I find that of Lambeth is, having 
 a copy of it by me, which I owe to the civility of the 
 very learned Dr. "Wilkins), being written at a time 
 when the Saxon language was less corrupted, and re- 
 tained more of its primitive purity ; whereas the Sarum 
 copy was written 11 , as is conjectured, after both Danes 
 and Normans had much altered the language. I before 
 observed that the title in Dr. "Wotton' s copy is Hymnus 
 Athanasii, as in St. James's copy ; and there is some- 
 thing farther worth the noting, which is the Rubric 
 following the title, directing the Creed to be sung 
 alternately °, which confirms the account given by 
 
 n " Versionem istam circiter medium decimi sa:culi esse factam 
 ipsius sermonis cum puritate (ubi non hallucinatur interpres) con- 
 juncta proprietas ostendit. Recentius vero descriptam fuisse, sub 
 Nortmanuorum in Angliam Adventum, non tautum librarii lin- 
 guae Saxonica? haud gnari recentior manus in qua exaratur, sed 
 pravum illud Anglo-Danicum, vel forsan Anglo-Nortmannicurn, 
 scribendi genus demonstrat." — Wotton, Not. ad Brevem Conspect. 
 peris Hickesiani, p. 75. 
 
 Hymnus Athanasii, de Fide Trinitatis. 
 
 * "Quem tu coneelebrans, discutienter intellege. Incipit de fide." 
 On which Dr. Wotton makes this note : — ■ 
 
 * " Ita MS. Hoc est, Quem tu antiphonatim, vel alternating psal- 
 lens, animo percipe." — p. 77.
 
 96 ANCIENT VERSION'S OF 
 
 Abbo Floriacensis P of the custom of the Gallican and 
 English Churches iu that age. But to proceed. From 
 the time we have had any version of this Creed into 
 our country language, we may reasonably conclude that 
 such versions have varied by little and little in every 
 age, in proportion to the gradual alteration in our lan- 
 guage, till at length the version became such as it 
 stands at this day. Such as are desirous of having 
 a specimen of the Creed in very old English verse may 
 find one in Dr. Hickes's Thesaurus q ; and they may see 
 a good part of a prose version in old English (though 
 considerably later than the other) in Wickliff's Com- 
 ment, before mentioned ; or an entire version into the 
 English of that time in a manuscript of Pepys's Library, 
 now belonging to our college, No. 2498, p. 368. I may 
 here note, that all our Saxon and English versions down 
 to the time of the Reformation, or to the year 1548, 
 were from the Latin only, and not from any Greek 
 copy ; and after that time, upon the return of Popery, 
 the old version from the Latin came again into use for 
 a while, as appears by the Primer set forth by Cardinal 
 Pole in Queen Mary's days, a.d. 1555. But these and 
 the like observations are out of the compass of my de- 
 sign, and so I pass on. 
 
 Greek Versions. 
 I have before intimated that this Creed was origi- 
 nally Latin, and therefore the Greek copies can be no 
 more than versions ; and they appear to be very late 
 also, in comparison to the former. However, since the 
 
 p See above, p. 31. 
 
 i Hickes, Thesxur. Linguar. Septcntr., vol. i. p. 223.
 
 THE ATUAXASIAN CREED. 
 
 97 
 
 Greek is one of the learned languages, since the Creed 
 has heen ascribed to a Greek author, and has been also 
 supposed by many to have been written in Greek, it 
 will therefore be proper to give as particular and as 
 distinct account as is possible of the Greek version or 
 versions. Our enquiries here will lie within a little 
 compass, for the Greek copies are neither many nor 
 ancient. Montfaucon, a very diligent searcher into 
 these matters, frankly professes that he had never seen 
 any Greek copy of this Creed so old as 300 years, nor 
 ever heard of any that was ancient r . He scruples not 
 to say farther, that there had not been yet seen any 
 Greek record, of certain and undoubted credit, whereby 
 to prove that this Creed had been known to the Greek 
 Church for more than 500 years upwards 8 . He speaks 
 only of Greek records ; as to Latin ones, they afford 
 sufficient proof that this Creed was pleaded against the 
 Greeks in the dispute about the Procession, in the 
 eighth or ninth century at latest, and therefore must 
 have been in some measure known to them. The 
 Greeks and Latins had some dispute on that head in the 
 Synod of Gentilly, not far from Paris, in the year 767, 
 under King Pepin. But perhaps this Creed was not 
 
 r " Sane nullum vidimus Grsecum hujus Symboli Codicem qui 
 trecentorum sit annorum ; nee antiquum alium a quopiam visum 
 fuisse novimus." — .Montfaucon, Diatrib., p. 727. 
 
 s " Adjicere non pigeat non visum hactenus fnisse Gnecorum 
 qiiodpiam monumentum (certum scilicet ac indubitatum) quo ab 
 aunis plus quingentis notum Ecclesise Graces fuisse Symbolum, Qui- 
 cunque, possit comprobari." — lb., p. 721. 
 
 To the same purpose speaks Combefis of this Creed : — 
 
 " Vix enim extat prseterquam in recentiorum collectaneis, libris- 
 que eorum polemicis, quibus ipsum vel impugnant, vel etiam de- 
 fendunt ; idque volunt illi qui aiunt non haberi in Gr»corum libris ; 
 non enim sic stupidi videntur ut negent Grace haberi. " — Combef. , 
 Not. ad Man. Calec, p. 297.
 
 98 ANCIENT VERSIONS OF 
 
 pleaded at that time ; at least it does not appear that 
 it was. 
 
 It cannot be doubted but that the Greeks had heard 
 something of this Creed from the Latins as early as the 
 days of Ratram and JEneas Parisiensis, that is, above 
 850 years ago, when the dispute about the procession 
 between the Greeks and Latins was on foot ; this the 
 testimonies above cited plainly shew. But this is not 
 enough to prove that the Greek Church had yet any 
 value for this Creed, or that there was then extant any 
 Greek copy of it. 
 
 1200. Nicolaus Hydruntinus, cited above, who flou- 
 rished under Alexius IV., Emperor of the East, and 
 Pope Innocent III., that is, in round numbers about 
 1200, gives us the first notice of this Creed being ex- 
 tant in Greek in his time. He observes, that the 
 Article of the Procession from the Son was not in the 
 Greek copy of this Creed, as neither in the Nicene, 
 blaming the Latins, as I apprehend, for interpolating 
 both. The censure was just with respect to the Nicene 
 Creed, but not with respect to the Athanasian, which 
 certainly never wanted that Article, as is plain from 
 the agreement of the Latin copies, and the earliest of 
 them, those of a thousand years date, which I remark by 
 the way. As to our present purpose, this is certain, that 
 some time before Nicolaus of Otrauto wrote, the Creed 
 had been translated into Greek by a Greek, or at least 
 by one that took part with the Greeks in the question 
 about the Procession. It can hardly be imagined that 
 Nicolaus had translated it himself, and that he appealed 
 to his own version. There must have been a version 
 before, undoubtedly ; and one can scarce suppose less
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 99 
 
 than fifty or one hundred years before, since both 
 the time and author of it were forgotten, and this 
 Greek version passed with Nicolaus for Athanasius's 
 original. Manuel Caleca 4 , who wrote about the year 
 1360, intimates that there had been Greek copies long 
 before his time, and that the most ancient of all had 
 the Article of the Procession from the Son, and that the 
 older Greeks who wrote against the Latins did not pre- 
 tend to strike out that Article, as those did that came 
 after. Could we depend upon this report we might 
 then be certain that the Greek copies of the time of 
 Nicolaus Hydruntinus, were late in comparison, and 
 that there had been other Greek copies much more 
 ancient. But this I leave to the consideration of the 
 learned. However this fact be, one thing is certain, 
 that the oldest Greek copy could be only a version, 
 whether sooner or later. 
 
 As to Greek copies now extant in manuscript, they 
 are but few and modern. I may here give a short 
 account of them, of as many as I have hitherto found 
 mentioned in books or catalogues of manuscripts. 
 
 1. There is one in the Emperor's Library at Vienna, 
 said to be in paper, ancient, and of good value". These 
 
 * "Testantur autem hanc ipsam fidei confessionem sancti viri 
 (Athanasii) esse, atque id dictum ita se habere, qui contra Latinos 
 multo ante scripserunt ; quam sibi ut advers im frustra labefactare 
 nituntur. Atque, ut intelligi datur, tunc quidem adhuc servaba- 
 tur ; postmodum vero pertinaciores ad contradicendutn facti, om- 
 nino illam auferre voluerunt : etsi modo nihilominus curiose inqui- 
 rentibus raro, licet in vetustissimis codicibus, ita habere invenitur." 
 — Man. Calec, contr. Grcec, lib. ii. ; in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. xxvi. 
 p. 414. 
 
 ■ " CCXL V. Codex MS. Theologicus Grtecus est Chartaceus, ariti- 
 quus, et b >ua notee in 4to., constatque foliis 341. 
 
 " Continentur eo Haec. 
 
 " Primo, &c.
 
 100 ANCIENT VERSIONS OF 
 
 words are too general to fix any certain date upon. 
 One may guess from the paper, that the manuscript is 
 not very ancient, since paper came not into frequent or 
 common use before the thirteenth century. But not to 
 insist upon a disputable argument (since cotton paper, 
 though not common, was however sometimes used as 
 early as the tenth century), one m;iy judge more cer- 
 tainly from what is written in the same volume, and, 
 I suppose, in the same hand (for Nesselius makes no 
 distinction), that the copy of the Creed is not earlier 
 than the middle of the fourteenth century. Maximus 
 Planudes makes a part of the manuscript : he flourished 
 about the year 1340. 
 
 2. There is another Greek manuscript of this Creed 
 in the same library, a paper one too, and said to be 
 pretty ancient, by JNesselius, who gives account of it T . 
 From the mention therein made of the Creed's being 
 presented to Pope Julius, I should be apt to conclude 
 that the manuscript is not earlier, nor copied from any 
 earlier, than Manuel Caleca's time, or the fourteenth 
 century ; but there are other marks, particularly some 
 pieces of Julianus Cardinalis, which demonstrate that 
 
 " lido et quidem a fol. 77, ad fol. 79 : S. Atbanasii Arcbi- 
 episcopi Alexandrini Symbolum Fidei, cujus titulus et principium, 
 Tov ayiov 'ABavaaiov rod /xeyaAov. "Oittls 5' &i/ ^ovArjTai trwOijvai, 
 irpb irdvTwv xpv KpaTilv -k'hjtiv," &c. — Nessel., CataL, vol. i. p. 344. 
 
 T " CXCmus Codex MS. . . . , est Chartaeeus, mediocriter anti- 
 ques, et bonae note©, in 4to. Constatque nunc foliis 332, et ad 
 Jobannem Sambucum — olim pertinuit. Continentur eo Usee. 
 I. primo," &c. 
 
 " XVIII. Et quidem a fol. 303, ad fol. 304. S. Atbanasii magni, 
 Arcbiepiscopi Alexandrini, Confessio Catliolica Fidei, ad S. Julium 
 Pontificem Romanum ; cujus et titulus et principium Tov iv ayiois 
 Trarpbs rjfxSiv ' AOavaalou tov /j.tytl\ov 'O)j.o\oy(a ttjs KadoAtKris 
 ■kI<S! eocs fy ihuiKf Trphs 'louA'.ov Xlairav 'Pw/u.r]S. Ta3 dtAovTi o-wOyvat, 
 &c. — Nessel., CataL, vol. i. p. 2S1.
 
 THE ATII AN ASIAN CREED. 101 
 
 the manuscript cannot be much older than the middle 
 of the fifteenth century. 
 
 3. Felckman had a manuscript copy of this Creed in 
 Greek, without any title to it, or any author named 1 . 
 I can say nothing to the age of it, for want of further 
 particulars. 
 
 4. Felckman had another manuscript out of the 
 Palatine Library (which library is since transferred 
 partly to the Yatican, the rest to Munich, &c), with 
 a title to it, (rvfxfioXov tov dyiov ' Adavacrlov, St. Athana- 
 sius's Creed y. The title alone is a sufficient argument 
 of its being modern to any that consider what were the 
 more usual and ancient titles represented above. It is 
 to be noted, that those two manuscript copies are so 
 nearly the same, that they make but one copy in print, 
 which has been inserted in all the editions of Athana- 
 sius's works after Felckman' s, as well as in his, and 
 makes the fifth in Gundlingius z , who gives us six 
 Greek copies of this Creed. It is observable that this 
 copy owns not the Procession from the Son ; from 
 whence we may infer that it was not made by the 
 Latins, or, however, not by any who were not friends 
 to the Greeks. 
 
 x " Extat hoc Symbolum in nostro Codice II. anonymo, sed 
 absque titulo et nomine authoris ; unde et sic editum." — Felckman, 
 Var. Led. in Athan., p. 83. 
 
 " Incipit ; i% tjs dekei acoOT^vai, irpb irdviuiv XPV «" T( ? T V KadoAi- 
 KrjV Kparijacu itiaTiv," &c. 
 
 y " Invenimus id ipsum etiam post in codice quodam Palatinae 
 Bibliothecas, expresse Athanasio inscriptum (licet id recentiores 
 Graeci nolint, ut videre est ex epistola Meletii Constantiuopolitani 
 Patriarchse ad Douzam) ex quo etiam discrepantias quasdam no- 
 tabimus. 
 
 " Incipit ; e" tls 0eAei ao>Qr)vcu, Trph Trdvroov xP e ' a *gt\v '^ va T V 
 KadoXiKV'' Kparrjar] ■KiaTiv," &c. — Felckman, w. 
 
 1 Gundling., not. ad Zialowsk., p. 76".
 
 102 ANCIENT VERSIONS OF 
 
 5. Lazarus Baifius's copy a , which he had from 
 Venice in the time of Francis I., in the year 1533, was 
 published by Genebrard, in the year 1569. This copy 
 probably was contrived by a Latin (having the Proces- 
 sion from the Son in it), or, at least, by some honest 
 Greek who would not vary from the original. I con- 
 clude this Greek copy to be modern, from the title, for 
 a reason before hinted. 
 
 6. There was another manuscript copy b of this 
 Creed, which Mcolaus Bryling first printed at Basil, 
 and afterwards H. Stevens in France, in the year 1565. 
 This also must, in all probability, be very modern, 
 because of avixftokov in the title. It acknowledges the 
 Procession from the Son, conformable to the original. 
 
 7. In the Royal Library at Paris (No. 2502) there 
 is another manuscript Greek copy of this Creed c , writ- 
 ten in the year 1562, published by Genebrard, 1569, 
 and said by him to belong to the Church of Constan- 
 tinople. This was taken from an older manuscript, 
 
 a "Titulus: 'Eicdeffis duoAoylas rf/s Ka9o\iK?is ■nla'Tfois tov fj.eya- 
 \ou'Adav~'oiov ira.Tpia.pxov 'AAe^avh'ptla.s npbs 'lovAiov Tlairuv. 
 
 " Incipit. "Octtis a." [Sov\T)Ta.i ocaQrjvai, npb ■ko.vtuiv XPV KpareTv 
 tt)v KadoAiKyv iriffriv." — Genebrard, p. 3. 
 
 t> "Titulus : 'Zv/j.^oAov rod ayiov 'A6ai'arr{ov. 
 
 " Incipit : "Octtis /3ovAeTcu aood^vai," &c. — Genebrard, 1. c. 
 
 c " De Graecis autem oodicibus pauca suppetunt dicenda, cum 
 unum tantum nobis inspicere licuerit, scil. Keg. 2502. In quo 
 extat Symbolum superiore saeculo exaratum." — Montf., Diutrib., 
 p. 7^2. 
 
 " Secunda, quam edimus formula, jam olim publici juris facta 
 per Genebrardum anno 1569, quam ait ille esse Ecclesise Con- 
 stant] nopolitanae, extat in Regio Codice Num. 2502, olim ex Bib- 
 liotheca Johannis Huralti Boistallerii a Carolo IX. Venetias legati : 
 in quo Codice haec leguntur, ante Dialogum S. Athanasii cum Ario. 
 .... Transcriptus et recognitus liber hie est, ex vetustissimo ex- 
 emplari Cretico ; Venetiis an. 15*32, impensa facta aureorum X. 
 Zacharias Sacerdos transcripsit et habuit."- — Montf., Diatrib.. 
 p. 727.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CKEED. 103 
 
 but how much older cannot certainly be known d . 
 One may imagine from the title % and beginning of 
 it, that the form is the same with one of those in 
 the Emperor's Library, and that they were copied one 
 from the other, or both from a third copy. This ma- 
 nuscript acknowledges the Procession from the Son. 
 I had understood, from Mountfaucon's general way of 
 expression, that Genebrard had published his copy 
 from this very manuscript of the Royal Library (No. 
 2502). But observing that Genebrard's wants some 
 words (dtStoy 6 naTTjp, dtdios 6 vlos, dtdiou to Trvevfia to 
 dyiov) which Mountfaucon's copy has, I conclude that 
 he meant only the same form, as to matter and words, 
 for the most part, not the same manuscript. 
 
 8. There is another manuscript Greek version, or 
 rather paraphrase of this Creed, having several inter- 
 polations, published by Bishop Usher, in 1647, from 
 a copy sent him by Patrick Young. It has been often 
 since printed : in the Councils, in Gundling, and in 
 Montfaucon. 
 
 It leaves out the Article of Procession from the Son ; 
 from whence we may judge that it was composed by 
 a Greek, or Grecizing Latin. The title insinuates that 
 the Creed was drawn up in the Nicene Council', an 
 
 d " Incertum autem utrum ex illo quod memorat vetustissimo 
 exemplari, Symbolum etiam sit mutuatus ; Codex quippe amplae 
 molis multa et varia cornplectitur, quae dubitare licet ex unone 
 Codiee exscripta fuerint, an ex compluribus." — Montf. , ib. 
 
 e "Titulus: Tov iv ayiois TlaTpbs rjjjLwv 'Adavj-ffiov rov fi€-yd\ov 
 'OfJ.o\oyia ttjs Ka0oAiK7)s -niarews V eSaiKe wpbs 'luvKtov ndirav 
 
 'PwfJ.7)S. 
 
 "Incipit: T<£ BeKovri awdfji>at," &c. — Montf., p. 729. 
 
 f 'Ek ttjs 0710s /col olKov/j.eviKr)S TTjs iv NiKoia, Ttepl ■mareus 
 Kara ffvvrojxlav, kcu tos 5ej iriffTeveii' tuv a.Xtjdrj xP itJTiav ^' / ' — 
 Usher, de Symb., p. 33 (26).
 
 104 ANCIENT VERSION'S OF 
 
 opinion entertained by Johan. Cyparissiota, about the 
 year 1360, as observed above. When this story or 
 fiction first came in I cannot pretend to determine. 
 Bishop Usher speaks of a very ancient manuscript, 
 partly in Irish and partly in Latin, which hints at the 
 same thing : but he fixes no date to the manuscript ; 
 the words, "very ancient," are too general to give sa- 
 tisfaction in it. The Creed is there said to have been 
 composed in the Mcene Council by Eusebius and Diony- 
 sius, and a third left nameless 5 , as not being known. 
 The author of that book of hymns must have been 
 very ignorant not to know Athanasius, who was un- 
 doubtedly the third man, and for whose sake (to ac- 
 count for the Creed's being written in Latin) the whole 
 story seems to have been contrived. By Eusebius must 
 have been intended Eusebius of Verceil, in Piedmont, 
 a Latin, and a great friend and intimate of Athanasius : 
 by Dionysius undoubtedly is meant Dionysius, Bishop of 
 Milan, of the same time and of the same principles, and 
 well acquainted with Eusebius h . Had the contrivers 
 of the fable laid their scene at Alexandria, where 
 Athanasius and this Eusebius, with several other 
 Latins, met together in the year 362, they had made 
 
 g " In Hymnorum, partim Latino partim Hiberaico Sermone scrip- 
 torum, Codice vetustissimo . . . notatum reperi, trium Episcoporum 
 opera in eadem Nicrena Synodo illud fuisse compositum, Eusebii, 
 et Dionysii, et nomen tertii (sic enim ibi legitur) nescimus." — 
 Usher, de Symb., prsef. p. 2. 
 
 h It seems highly probable, that the whole fable about Euse- 
 bius and Dionysius was first raised out of a passage of St. Am- 
 brose, which might be thought to hint some such thing. The 
 words are : — 
 
 " Itaque ut Eusebius Sancfus prior levavit vexillum confessionis, 
 ita Beatus Dionysius in exilii locis, priori martyribus titulo vitam 
 exhalavit." — Ambros., ad Vercettens., Ep. 63, vol. ii. p. 1039.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 105 
 
 it the more plausible. Bat let us return to our Greet 
 copies, from which we have a little digressed. 
 
 This is observable of the Greek copies in general, 
 that they differ very widely from each other, and 
 therefore cannot be copies of one and the same version. 
 Possibly three or four of them may be thrown into one, 
 admitting, however, many various lections ; but still 
 there will be as many remaining which cannot be so 
 dealt with, but must be looked upon as distinct and 
 different versions. Such as desire to see all the copies 
 together may find them in Gundling and Montfaucon ; 
 four at large, the rest exhibited only by various lec- 
 tions. I do not know whether the manuscripts of the 
 Vienna Library have been collated for any of the 
 printed editions : perhaps not ; I do not remember 
 that I have met with any mention of them in any of 
 the editors of the printed copies. 
 
 It may be of use to set the printed editions, after 
 our account of the manuscripts, in chronological order, 
 as distinctly as may be, since we cannot fix the dates 
 of the manuscript copies. 
 
 1540. 1. The first printed edition was by Mcolaus 
 Bryling', a printer of Basil. My authors have been 
 deficient in not setting down the date of it. I have 
 endeavoured to fix the year, but have not yet been so 
 happy as to come to a certainty in it. Wherefore, 
 I hope, my reader will excuse it, if, rather than set no 
 
 » "Quod olim evulgavit Basileee Nicolaus Bryling; deiude in 
 Gallia an. 1565, Henricus Stephanus." — Genebrard, in Symb. 
 Atkanas., p. 8. 
 
 "Quara post Nic. Brylingium et Mich. Ne.mdrum, H. Stephanus 
 in lucem erlidit anno 1565." — Fabric, Bill. Grcec, lib. v. c. 2, 
 § 88, in vol. v. p. 315.
 
 106 ANCIENT VEKSIONS OF 
 
 year at all, I choose one which I know cannot he very 
 much over or under, because of other pieces printed by 
 the same Bryling about that time. Fabricius mentions 
 Michael Neander as editor of the same copy after Bry- 
 ling, and before Stephens, but what year is not said. 
 Sebastian Lepusculus's k edition of the same was in 
 1559 ', and Stephens's in 1565. 
 
 1569. 2. The second printed copy was taken from 
 the manuscript of Lazarus Baiffius, which he received 
 from Dionysius m , a Greek, in the year 1533, as before 
 hinted. This was first printed by Genebrard in the 
 year 1569, again in 1585, and oftentimes since. This 
 copy is sometimes called the Dionysian copy ; and it is 
 observed by Gundling to differ from the first copy 
 but in seven places, and therefore these two have been 
 commonly thrown into one by the editors of both. 
 
 1569. 3. The third copy was also first printed by 
 Genebrard, at the same time with the other. It has 
 gone under the name of the Constantinopolitan copy, 
 because Genebrard supposed it to have been in use at 
 Constantinople n . It differs considerably from both the 
 
 k Lepusculus, Compend. Josephi Gorionidis, p. 49. 
 
 1 Nic. Serarius, who wrote in the year 1590, speaking of that 
 first copy printed by Bryling and Stephens, says as follows: — 
 
 " Quarum prima vulgata dici potest, eo quod hactenus ea sola hie 
 apud nos, Germania et Gallia, typis evulgata fuerit." — Nicol. 
 Serar., de Symbol Athanas. : in Opusc. Theolog., vol. ii. p. 9. 
 
 m "Hoc Symbol um reperi in libro Graeco MS. de Processione 
 Spiritus Sancti, quern Lazaro Baiffio Oratori Begis Francisci I. apud 
 Venetos, obtulit Dionysius Graecus, Episcopus Zienensis et Fir- 
 miensis an. 1533." — Genebrard, p. 8. 
 
 " In manus meas pervenit liber quidam Graecus, de Processione 
 Spiritus Sancti, oblatus Lazaro Bayffio claro Regis nostri Francisci I. 
 apud Venetos Oratori, anno Christi 1533. Quern manu sua elegan- 
 tissime pinxerat Nicolaus Sophianus patrum nostrorum sevo vir 
 valde doctus." — Genebrard, p. 2 ; cf. Gundling, p. 69. 
 
 n " Superius Symbolum Athanasii verbis aliquantuluin imniu-
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 107 
 
 other, and is never thrown into one with them, hut 
 kept distinct by itself. 
 
 1000. 4. The fourth is the Commeline, or Felck- 
 man's copy, from the Palatine manuscripts, often re- 
 printed with Athanasius's works. This also stands by 
 itself, as a distinct version. 
 
 1647. 5. The fifth was first published by Usher, in 
 the year 1647. This differs extremely from all the 
 rest, having, besides many variations, and slight inser- 
 tions, one very large interpolati ju. it hath been often 
 reprinted since Usher's time . 
 
 1671. 6. The sixth and last was first published by 
 Labbe and Cossart n the second tome of Councils. 
 This copy comes the nearest to the two first, and there- 
 fore is sometimes thrown into one with them ; but it 
 differs from both in about forty places, according to 
 Gundling's computation. 
 
 These are all the printed copies, which are some- 
 times called four and sometimes six: four, because the 
 first, second, and sixth may be tolerably thrown into 
 one ; six, because they may also be kept distinct, and 
 may be reckoned as so many copies at least, if not so 
 many several versions. So much for the Greek ver- 
 sions of our Creed. 
 
 To the versions already mentioned may be added the 
 Sclavonian, of several dialects, and, as I conceive, pretty 
 ancient. But we have little or no account of them, 
 only, as I shall shew in the sequel, we may be certain 
 that there have been such. There are Italian, Spanish, 
 
 tatis Constantinopolitani sic Graece legunt, et recitant." — Gene- 
 brard, p. 14. 
 
 ° Usher, de Symbolis, p. 33.
 
 108 ANCIENT VERSIONS, &C. 
 
 Irish, and "Welsh versions ; but whether any that can 
 justly be called ancient I know not. Future searches 
 into libraries may perhaps produce farther discoveries. 
 Pabricius makes mention of an Hebrew version of late 
 date, and of an Arabic one still later p : but these, or 
 the like modern versions, will be of no use to us in our 
 present enquiries. 
 
 p " Hebraice versura a Julio Marcello Romano MS. in Bibliotheca 
 Vaticana memorat Imbonatus in Bibl. Latino-Hebraica, p. 149. 
 Sed omitto recentiores versiones, ut Arabicam a Nisselio editam 
 Lugd. Bat. 1656, 4to., una cum Cantico Canticorum." — Fabric, Bibl. 
 Gr«?c„ lib. v. c. 2, § 88, in vol. v. p. 315. 
 
 " Georgius Nisselius Symbolum Atbanasii Arabico idiomate cum 
 Cantico Canticorum J^tbiopice et Arabice edito Ludg. Bat. an. 
 1656, conjunxit ... id tamen non hausit ex Codice MS. sed ipse in 
 Arabicum Sermonem transtulit." — Tentzel., p. 125.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the Reception of the Athanasian Creed in the 
 Christian Churches. 
 
 From the materials here laid down we may now be 
 able to determine something about the reception of the 
 Creed, especially in the Western Churches ; among 
 which the Churches of France, or Gaul, ought un- 
 doubtedly to be nam d first. 
 
 France, or Gaul, 
 a.d. 550. This Creed obtained in France in the time 
 of Hincmar, or about 850, without all dispute. "We 
 may advance higher up to 772; for it was then in 
 Charles the Great's Psalter, among the Hymns of the 
 Church. The Cotton manuscript Psalter, with this 
 Creed in it, will carry us up to 703 ; and the Canon of 
 the Council of Autun to 670 ; at which time the Gallican 
 clergy, at least of the Diocese of Autun, in the Province 
 of Lyons, were obliged to recite this Creed, together 
 with the Apostles', under pain of episcopal censure, 
 which shews of how great value and esteem the Creed 
 was at that time, and affords a strong presumption (as 
 Quesnel and Pagi a well argue in the case) that it had 
 
 * " Dubium non est quin multis ante synodum illam Augustodu- 
 neusem annis compositum esset, et jam olim per totam Ecclesiam 
 celebre evasisset : nunquam eniru sapientissirni antistites id com- 
 misissent, ut istam fidei formulam omnium ordinum clericis am. 
 plectendam, et irreprekenribil iter, ut aiunt, recensendam, synodali 
 edicto sub condemnationis poena praeciperent ; imo et illam e re-
 
 110 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 been in use there long before. There will be some 
 doubt, as I intimated above, about the supposed Canon 
 of tbe Council of Autun, which will in some measure 
 abate the force of our evidence, and of tbe argument 
 built upon it. But as it is certain, from other evi- 
 dence, that this Creed was received in the Gallican 
 Churches as high as 772 or 703, so it must be owned < 
 that this very much confirms the supposition of the 
 Council of Autun ; and the concurring circumstances 
 give very great light and strength to each other. But 
 what most of all confirms the foregoing evidence, and 
 the reasoning upon it, is, that Yenantius Fortunatus, 
 a full hundred years before tbe Council of Autun, had 
 met with this Creed in the Gallican parts, and found it 
 then to be in such esteem as to deserve to be comment- 
 ed upon, like the Lord's Prayer and Apostles' Creed : 
 accordingly he wrote comments upon it, as well as 
 upon the other. This wonderfully confirms the reason- 
 ing of Quesnel and Pagi, that this Creed must have 
 been in use there near a hundred years before the 
 Council of Autun, that is, as high as 570, about which 
 time Fortunatus flourished and wrote. And consider- 
 ing that this Creed must have been for sometime grow- 
 ing into repute before it could be thought worthy to 
 have such honour paid it along with the Lord's Prayer 
 and Apostles' Creed, I may perhaps be allowed to set 
 the time of its reception in the Gallican Churches some 
 
 gione cum Symbolo Apostolico ponerent, nisi jam longo usu recepta, 
 approbata, et inter Germanas Magni Athanasii lueubrationes nu- 
 merata fuisset ; quod nisi post plurium annorum seriem fieri vix 
 potuit." — Quesnel, Dissert, xiv. p. 731. 
 
 " Quare jam ante centum fere annis opus illud Athanasio attri 
 butum fuerat." — Pagi, Critic, in Baron., Ann. 340, § 6, p. 120. 
 (vol. i. p. 441).
 
 THE ATHANASIAN" CREED. Ill 
 
 years higher : reception of it, I mean, as an excellent 
 formulary, or an acknowledged rule of faith, though not 
 perhaps admitted into their sacred offices. Upon the 
 whole, and upon the strength of the foregoing evidences, 
 we may reasonably conclude that the reception of this 
 Creed in the Gallican Churches was at least as early as 
 670, understanding it of its reception into the public 
 offices : but understanding it of its reception as a rule 
 of faith, or an orthodox and excellent formulary and 
 system of belief, it may be justly set as high as 550, 
 which is but twenty years, or thereabout, before For- 
 tunatus commented upon it. Le Quien scruples not to 
 set it as high as 500 b . 
 
 Spain. 
 
 630. Xext to France we may mention her near 
 neighbour Spain, which seems to have received this 
 Creed very early, and within less than a hundred years 
 after the time before fixed for its reception in France. 
 As to the truth of the fact, it may be argued two seve- 
 ral ways. 1. From the near affinity and relation be- 
 tween the Spanish and Gallican offices before either 
 France or Spain had received the Roman. 2. From 
 the fourth Council of Toledo, their quoting passages 
 from this very Creed. 
 
 1. As to the first argument, though a general one, it 
 must appear of great weight. If the sacred offices in 
 France and Spain were in those times the same, or very 
 nearly so, then ihe reception of this Creed in France 
 
 b " Non nisi ex eodem Symbolo, quod jam ante receptum esset, 
 Avitus Viennensis . . . alicubi scribebat/' &c. — Le Quien, Dissert. 
 Damascen., p. 98.
 
 112 AJfCliEfT RECEPTION OF 
 
 will afford a very considerable argument of its recep- 
 tion in Spain also. 
 
 Cardinal Bona is very large and diffuse in setting 
 forth the agreement and harmony of the old Gallican 
 offices with the Spanish in sundry particulars ; and 
 he supposes this uniformity of the two Churches to 
 have been as early, at least, as the days of Gregory, 
 Bishop of Tours, who died in the year 595. Mabillon, 
 after him, frequently asserts the same thing d , and with 
 greater assurance than Bona had done, having met with 
 new and fuller evidences to prove it, only he dates the 
 agreement of the Spanish Mosarabick offices with the 
 Gallican from the third and fourth Councils of Toledo e , 
 the latter of which was in the year 633. Mr. Dodwell, 
 speaking of the same matter, says, "Nor does Mabillon 
 himself judge it probable that the innovations attempted 
 by Pope Vigilius in Spain held long, of what kind 
 soever they were. All Spain was soon after united in 
 one form, and that different from the Bomans, and 
 agreeing with the Gallican f ." It is, therefore, a plain 
 case that the Gallican and Spanish offices were very 
 much the same in the beginning of the seventh cen- 
 tury, and so continued for some time. If, therefore, 
 the Gallican Churches received the Athanasian Creed 
 into their public offices before the year 670, it will ap- 
 pear extremely probable that the Spanish received it 
 also, and about the same time. I here make a distinc- 
 tion, as I did before, between receiving the Creed as 
 
 e Bona, de Rebns Ltiurg., lib. i. c. 12, p. 372. 
 A Mabillon, de Liturg. Gallican., Preef., §§2, 3; lib. i. c. 3, 
 §§ 9, 14, pp. 20, 23. 
 « Ibid., lib. i. c. 4, §§ 8, 9, p. 30. 
 ' Dodwell, of Incense, p. 190.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 113 
 
 a rule of faith, and receiving it into the solemn offices, 
 to he recited or sung in churches. The reception of it, 
 in the first sense, I conceive to have been somewhat 
 earlier, in Spain as well as in France, than its recep- 
 tion in the Litter sense. But as different Churches in 
 France had anciently different customs, so also was it 
 in Spain; and therefore it is probable that the recep- 
 tion of this Creed into the public offices was in some 
 Churches sooner, and in others later, according to the 
 various rites, customs, and circumstances of the several 
 Churches. 
 
 But I proceed to the Second Article, whereby we are 
 to prove the reception of this Creed in Spain. 
 
 2. The fourth Council of Toledo cites a considerable 
 part of this Creed, adopting it into their own Confes- 
 sion e . We may be confident that the Creed did not 
 borrow the expressions from them, but they from the 
 Creed, since we are certain that this Creed was made 
 long before the year 633. The reference to this very 
 Creed appears so plain in the words of that Council, 
 that most of the learned have concluded from thence 
 that the Spanish fathers had both seen and approved 
 this Creed. Baronius is positive that the Council took 
 their expressions from it' 1 . Calvisius dates the publi- 
 
 B "Nee personas confundimus, nee substantiam separamus. Pa- 
 trem a millo factum, vel genitum dicimus : Filium a Patre non 
 factum, sed genitum, asserimus : Spiritum vero Sanctum nee crea- 
 tum, nee genitum, sed procedentem a Patre et Filio profitemur, 
 ipsum autem Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum ... ex substantia 
 Patris ante szecula Kenitum . . . sequalis Patri secundum divinita- 
 tem, minor Patre secundum humanitatem. . . . H sec est Catbolicie 
 Ecclesise Fides : banc Confessionem conservamus, atque tenemus. 
 Quam quisquis firmissime custodierifc, perpetuam salutem babebit.'' 
 — Concil. Tolet. IV. Capitul I., in Labbe, Condi., vol. v. p. 1704. 
 
 h " Ex eodem Athanasii Symbolo ea verba primi capituli To- 
 letani quarti Concilii deducta noscuntur, quibus dicitur, Patrem
 
 114 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 cation of the Creed from that Council J ; so also Alste- 
 dius k . Gavantus, in his Comments upon the Roman 
 Breviary, concludes from thence that this Creed had 
 heen read in the Church as high as that time K Helvi- 
 cus m falls in with the opinion of Calvisius and Alstedius, 
 grounded upon the expressions of this Council being 
 parallel to those of the Creed. These authors have 
 perhaps carried the point too far in supposing this 
 a sufficient proof of any public reception of the Creed 
 in Spain at that time, or of its being read in their 
 churches ; but it is clear enough that the Spanish fathers 
 had both seen and approved it, otherwise they could not, 
 or would not, have borrowed so plainly from it. Thus 
 much is allowed by most of the learned moderns, as (Jues- 
 nel n , Katalis Alexander °, Montfaucon p, Tillemont % 
 
 a nullo factum," &c. — Baron., Annal., aun. 340, § 12, vol. iii. p. 529 
 (p. 436). 
 
 1 " Repositum ftrit in archivis, nee puolicatum, nisi, quantum ex 
 historiis conjicere licet, post trecentos fere annos, ubi in Concilio 
 Toletano quarto quredam ex eo translata verba recensentur." — 
 Seth Calvis., Op. (Jhronolog., ann. 340, p. 544 (396). 
 
 k " Symbolum Athanasii ab illo sjriptum est Romae itidem con- 
 tra Arium. Publicatum est post 300 fere annos in Concilio Tole- 
 tano, et inde usque ad nostra tempora in Ecclesia usurpatum." — 
 Alsted., Thesaur., p. 178. 
 
 1 " Athanasius dum esset Romae, scripsit Latine Symbolum .... 
 et recitavit coram Pontince et ei assidentibus, ann. 340, ut scribit 
 Baronius ; et est illud idem, immutatum, legique solitum in Eccle- 
 sia, ante annos nongentos sexaginta. Vide Annales ad annum 
 prsedictum." — Gavant., Comment, in Breoiar. Rom., vol. ii. p. 69 
 (p. 106). 
 
 m "Athanasius Symbolum scribit Romae, et Concilio offert ; non 
 tamen publicatur, nisi post 300 ferme annos in Concilio Toletano." 
 — Helvic, Theatr. Histor., ad ann. 339. 
 
 n " Imo et jam ab anno 633 aliqua ex isto Symbolo descripta 
 mihi videntur in ea coufessione fidei, quae edita est a Concilio Tole- 
 tano iv. habeturque capit. i. ejusdem." — Quesnel, Dissert, xiv. 
 p. 731. 
 
 Natal. Alexand., vol. iv. p. 109. 
 p Montfauc, Diatrib., p. 720. 
 
 1 Tillemont, Memoires, vol. viii. p. 283 (p. 670).
 
 TITE ATHANASIAN CREED. 115 
 
 Muratorius, Oudin r , and others, that the expres- 
 sions of that Council and this Creed are parallel, and 
 one borrowed from the other, and the words of the 
 Council from the words of the Creed, only Muratorius 
 hints as if a doubt might be made whether the Council 
 took from the Creed, or the Creed from the Council s , 
 which may seem strange in him, who supposes the 
 Creed to have been made by Fortunatus many years 
 before that Council was held. But, I suppose, he is 
 there speaking of the argument drawn from the words 
 of that Council alone, abstracting from the other cir- 
 cumstance, and previous to the consideration of Fortu- 
 natus's comment, otherwise he is guilty of a very great 
 oversight. It appears, then, that this Creed was known 
 and approved in Spain as early as 633 ; and it is ob- 
 servable how exactly this falls in with the time when 
 the Spanish Churches are supposed to have received 
 the Gallican offices, according to Mabillon's account. 
 Wherefore it is extremely probable, that about this 
 time they received this Creed from the Gallican 
 Churches; received it as an orthodox formulary, and 
 an approved rule of faith. As to their taking it into 
 their public service and Psalmody, I pretend not to set 
 it so high, having no proof that they did receive it in 
 that sense so early ; but as soon as the Gallican 
 Churches made it a part of their Psalmody, we may 
 
 r Oudin, Comment, de Sa-iptor. EccL, vol. i. p. 348. 
 
 • '"' Verum ne majoris quid em mumenti sunt verba ilia, quae in 
 Concilii Toletani quarti prot'essione Ficiei leguntur : qtiamvis eniui 
 phrases nonnullse ibidem inveniantur Symboli phrasibus oppido 
 similes, attamen ejusmodi non sunt ut iis patribus Syrnbuluni jam 
 innotuisse demonstrent. Quin ex eodem Concilio has formulas 
 quis delibasse videri potest, ut inde Symbolum istud conflaret." — 
 Murator., Anecdot., vul. ii. p. 223.
 
 116 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 reasonably think that the Spanish did so too, or within 
 a very short time after. 
 
 Germany. 
 787. Next to France and Spain we may mention 
 Germany ; not only because of their nearness of situa- 
 tion to France, but also because of their mutual inter- 
 course and affinity with each other. This Creed, very 
 probably, was received in some parts of Germany soon 
 after it obtained in the Gallican Church. The mutual 
 intercourse of the German and Gallican Churches makes 
 it probable ; and the ancient' manuscript of the Creed 
 found at Treves, or Triers, in Germany, may persuade 
 the same thing. Our positive evidence is, however, 
 clear and certain for the reception of the Creed as 
 early as 870, being then translated by Otfridus into the 
 German or Teutonic language. Anscharius's instruc- 
 tions to his clergy (above mentioned) will afford an 
 argument for the reception of this Creed in Germany 
 from the time of his holding the See of Hamburg, or 
 from 830 : and it was received at Basil, as we learn 
 from Hatto, bishop of the place, before 820. Indeed, 
 I have above referred Basil to France, considering how 
 it stood in Hatto' s time, and that it was part of ancient 
 Gaul ; but then it was upon the confines of Germany, 
 and has in later times been reckoned to it, and we have 
 good reason to think that the customs of the German 
 Churches in the ninth century were nearly the same 
 with those of the Church of Basil in 820. What 
 passed in the Council of Frankfort (if I mistake not in 
 my construction of it) may warrant the carrying it up 
 as high as 794 ; and it was seven years before that,
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 117 
 
 namely, in the year 787 *, that Pope Adrian sent to 
 St. Willehad, Bishop of Breme, the famous Psalter of 
 Charles the Great", with this Creed in it, the same 
 that I have spoken of above. No wonder, therefore, 
 that Anscharius and Rembertus, afterwards Archbishops 
 of Hamburg and Breme, so very highly valued this 
 Creed. The particular regard paid to this Creed by 
 Charles the Great, in the year 772, may plead perhaps 
 in favour of a more early date ; at least, no doubt can 
 be made but as soon as he came to be Emperor, if not 
 a great deal sooner, the German Churches (as well as 
 the Gallican before) admitted this Creed even into their 
 public offices. It is of this time that an anonymous 
 author, cited above, in a tract directed to Charlemagne, 
 then Emperor, says that this Creed was professed by 
 the Universal Church. We cannot, however, be mis- 
 taken in setting the reception of it in Germany as high 
 as the year 787. So high may pass for certain fact ; 
 and there is great probability for the running it up 
 many years higher. 
 
 England. 
 800. As to our own country, we have clear and posi- 
 tive proof of the Creed's being sung alternately in our 
 churches in the tenth century, when Abbo of Eleury, 
 
 « Mabill., Act. Sanct., ssec. 3, part 2, vol. iv. p. 409. 
 
 u "Codex iste .... in Bibliotheca cubiculari sarami Pontificis 
 Hadriani I. permansit usque ad annum Dcclxxxviii. quo S. Wil- 
 lehadus ab eodem cum consensu Caroli M. primus Episcopus Bre- 
 inensis declaratus est. Tunc videlicet P. P. Hadriauus euudem 
 ilium Codicem Psalterii, quem ipse in principio Poutificatus sui 
 tanquam munus gratulatorium a C'arolo Magno acceperat, eadem 
 ratione donavit fc>. Willehado, ut et ille, in novo Episcopatu suo, 
 frueretur usu sacri istius muneris." — Lambec. Catal. Bill. Vlndob., 
 lib. ii. c. 5, p. 297.
 
 118 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 an ear-witness of it, was here, and when the Saxon 
 versions, still extant, were of standing use for the in- 
 struction and benefit both of clergy and people. These 
 evidences alone will prove the reception of this Creed 
 in England to have been as early as 950 or 930, or 
 the time of Athelstan, whose Latin Psalter, with the 
 Creed in it, remains to this day. The age of the manu- 
 script versions will warrant us thus far ; but, possibly, 
 if those versions were thoroughly examined by a critic 
 in the Saxon, it might appear that the version, or ver- 
 sions, were some years older than the manuscripts. But 
 it may be worth the observing farther, that among seve- 
 ral other ancient Professions of Faith drawn up by our 
 Bishops of the Saxon times, there is one of Denebert, 
 Bishop of Worcester, presented to Archbishop Athelard 
 in the year 799, which contains in it a considerable 
 part of the Athanasian Creed T . From whence may be 
 concluded that this formulary was well known here 
 and well approved, among the learned at least, in those 
 times. "Wherefore, upon the whole, and all circum- 
 stances considered, I may presume to name the year 
 800, or thereabout, for the reception of this Creed in 
 England. Further enquiries may perhaps carry it up 
 higher ; but it cannot reasonably be brought lower, 
 and so there I leave it. 
 
 Italy. 
 880. We learn from Ratherius, above cited, that this 
 Creed was in common use in some parts of Italy, par- 
 ticularly in the diocese of Verona, in Low Lombardy, 
 
 T "Orthodoxam, Catholicam Apostolicam FiHem, sicut didici, 
 paucis exponam verbis, quia scriptum est, ' Quicunque vult Salvus 
 esse/" &c. — Profess. Deneberti Episc. Wigorn. , in Text. Jioff., p. 252.
 
 THE ATUANASIAN CREED. 119 
 
 in his time ; that is, about 960. He then speaks of it 
 as a man would do of a formulary that had been cus- 
 tomary amongst them, and of long standing. He ex- 
 horts his clergy to make themselves masters of the three 
 Creeds, Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian, without the 
 least intimation of the last of them being newly intro- 
 duced. I incline to think, that from the time that 
 Lombardy became a province of the French under 
 Charles the Great (about the year 774), this Creed 
 obtained there, by means of that prince, who had so 
 great a value for it, and whose custom it was to dis- 
 perse it abroad wherever he had any power or influ- 
 ence. He presented it to the Pope himself in 772 ; he 
 delivered it, about the same time, or before, to the 
 monks of Mount Olivet, in Jerusalem, of his founda- 
 tion ; and it appears to have been with his consent, or 
 perhaps at his request, that Pope Adrian conveyed it to 
 Willehad, the first Bishop of Breme, in 787. These 
 circumstances make it highly probable that the same 
 Charles the Great introduced this Creed into Lombardy 
 soon after his conquest of it ; and, indeed, nothing could 
 be more serviceable at that time in a country which 
 had so long before been corrupted with Arianism. Add 
 to this, that it appears highly probable that the Gal- 
 lican Psalter was introduced into the Churches of Italy 
 soon after Lombardy became a province under the kings 
 of France ; and if their Psalter came in, no doubt but 
 their Creed, then a part of their Psalter, came in with 
 it. Cardinal Bona observes, and seems to wonder at it, 
 that the Gallican Psalter obtained in most parts of Italy 
 in the eleventh century \ He might, very probably, 
 x Bona, de Rebus Liturg., lib. ii. c. 3, p. 50C.
 
 120 ANCIENT RECEPTION OE 
 
 have set the date higher, as high perhaps, or very near, 
 as the conquest of Lombardy by Charlemagne. Thus 
 far, at le:ist, we may reasonably judge, that those parts 
 which were more immediately subject to the kings of 
 France, Verona especially, one of the first cities taken, 
 received the Gidlican Psalter sooner than the rest. 
 However, since I here go only upon probabilities, and 
 have no positive proof of the precise time when either 
 the Creed or the Psalter came in, and it might take up 
 some years to introduce them and settle them there 
 (new customs generally meeting with difficulties and 
 opposition at the first), these things considered, I am 
 content to suppose the year 880 for the reception of 
 this Creed in Italy, which is but eighty years higher 
 than Ratherius, and is above one hundred years from 
 the entire conquest of Lombardy by Charles the Great. 
 There may be some reason to suspect that this Creed 
 had been known in Italy, and received, at least in 
 some of the monasteries there, near two hundred years 
 before. The manuscript of Bobbio, in Langobardic 
 character, and written about the year 700, or sooner, 
 will afford a very strong presumption of it ; and if we 
 consider how from the year 637, in the time of Kotharis, 
 one of the Lombard kings of Italy, there had been 
 a constant struggle between the Catholics and Arians, 
 and a succession of bishops on both sides kept up, in 
 almost every city of his dominions, for many years 
 together, I say, from these considerations, one might 
 reasonably presume that the Catholics had about that 
 time procured this Creed, together with Bachiarii Fides 
 and Gennadius's Tract, out of the Gallican parts, to 
 arm themselves the better against the spreading heresy.
 
 THE ATIIWASIAX CREED. 121 
 
 But as this does not amount to a public reception of it, 
 nor is the fact so clear as not to be liable to dispute, 
 I pretend not to insist upon it. 
 
 Rome. 
 
 930. Rome is of distinct consideration from the other 
 parts of Italy, and was always more desirous of im- 
 posing her own offices upon other Churches, than of 
 receiving any from them. The Filioque in the Con- 
 stantinopolitan Creed had been long admitted into all 
 the other Western Churches before Home would accept 
 it, which was not (at least it does not appear that it 
 was) till the middle of the eleventh century, or about 
 1050. The custom of reciting the Mcene or Constan- 
 tinopolitan Creed in the Communion Service had pre- 
 pared in Spain, France, and Germany for several 
 centuries, and was at length but hardly admitted at 
 Rome in the year 1014. It was thought civil enough 
 of the popes of Rome to allow the other Western 
 Churches to vary from the Roman customs in any 
 thing; and those other Churches could not enjoy that 
 liberty and privilege in quiet, without complying with 
 the Roman Offices in most things besides. The use of 
 the Athanasian Creed was one of those things wherein 
 they were beforehand with the Church of Rome, and 
 in which they were indulged, as was also the use of 
 the Gallican Psalter, which the Western Churches in 
 general were allowed y to have, while the Romans were 
 
 J " Alexander IV. in sua Constitutione quae est Sexta in Bullario 
 Ordinis Eremitarum iSancti August'ni, maudat Priuri Geneiali et 
 reliquis Fratribus in Tuscia, uc leciteuc offiuiuni juxta morem 
 Romanse Ecclesiae, excepto Psalteriu." — Buna, de Rebus Liturg., 
 lib. ii. c. 3, p. 506. 
 
 " biu quoLRie S. Franciscus, ut testatur Frassenius (Disqu. Bib.,
 
 122 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 tenacious of their own. But though the Romans re- 
 tained their own Psalter all the way down to the 
 middle of the sixteenth century, yet they had long 
 hefore borrowed this Creed from the Gallican, and re- 
 ceived it into their Offices. This is certain fact ; but as 
 to the precise time when it was first done it may not 
 be easy to determine : it was, without all question, 
 before Thomas Aquinas' s days, who tells us (as above 
 cited) that this Creed was received by the authority of 
 the pope : I wish he had told us what pope. That it 
 was not received into the Roman Offices so soon as the 
 year 809 may be probably argued from a case that then 
 happened, which has been hinted above. The Latin 
 monks of Mount Olivet (founded by Charles the Great) 
 in their Apologetical Letter to Pope Leo III. made the 
 best defence they were able of their own practice in 
 their public professing that the Holy Ghost proceeds 
 from the Son. They pleaded the open acknowledgment 
 of the same doctrine in Charles the Great's own chapel, 
 and that the same doctrine had been taught them in 
 St. Gregory's Homilies, and in the Rule of St. Benedict, 
 and in the Athanasian Creed, and in a Dialogue given 
 them by Pope Leo himself 2 . Now, had the Athanasian 
 
 c. 6, § 1) illius Ordinis Frater, in Regula suorum praecipit: Clerici 
 faciant Divinurn Officium secundum Ordinem sanctse Komanae Ec- 
 clesiae, excepto Psnlterio."— Hodius, de Text. BibL, lib. iii. c. 2, 
 § 4, p. 383. See also above, p. 44. 
 
 z "Benignissime Pater, dum essem Ego Leo, servus vester, ad 
 Sancta vestigia vestra, et ad pia vestigia Domid Karoli, piissimi 
 Imperatoris, Filiique vestri, audivimus in Capella ejus dici in 
 Symbolo Fidei, Qui ex Pa'tre Filioque procedit. Et in Homilia S. 
 Gregorii, quam nobis Films vester Domnus Karolus Imperator 
 dedit, in parabola Octavarum Pascbaa, ubi dixit: Sed ejus missio 
 ipsa processio est, qui de Patre proce lit et Filio. Et in Regula 
 S. Beuedicti, quam nobis dedit Filius vester Domnus Karolus, . . . 
 et in Dialogo quern nobis vestra Sanctitas dare dignata est, simi-
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 123 
 
 Creed been at that time recited in the public Offices at 
 Rome, those monks who were so particular in every 
 little circumstance pleadable in their favour, could not 
 have failed (especially upon their mentioning the Atha- 
 nasian Creed) to have pleaded a thing so notorious, and 
 which would have given the greatest countenance and 
 authority possible to them and their doctrine, and must 
 have been of the greatest weight and force with Pope 
 Leo, to whom they were writing, and whose protection 
 they were then seeking and humbly imploring. From 
 hence then one may reasonably infer that this Creed 
 was not received into the Roman Offices so early as the 
 year 809. Let us now enquire whether we can fix 
 upon any later time for its coming in. 
 
 Genebrard testifies that in the oldest Roman Bre- 
 viaries he could meet with, or hear of, this Creed 
 always made a part of the service 3 . But this is too 
 general, nor can we be certain how ancient those 
 oldest Breviaries were, nor whether they belonged to 
 the Roman Church strictly so called, or to other 
 "Western Churches; and, indeed, I know not how we 
 can come to any certainty in this matter, unless it be 
 by examining into the Roman Psalters which have this 
 Creed in them. Whenever the Creed came into the 
 Roman Psalters we may justly conclude that at the 
 same time it came into the Roman Offices. We have in 
 our public library at Cambridge a Roman Psalter, 
 written for the use of the Church of Canterbury (as 
 
 liter dicit. Et in Fide S. Athanasii eodem modo dicit." — Epist. 
 Monach. Montis Oliveti ; in L<3 Quien, Damasc. Dissert., p. 7. 
 
 a " In vetustissimis Romans Ecclesise wpoAoyiois (hsec nunc vo- 
 camus vulgo Breviaria) sub Athanasii nomine ejus ad Primam reci- 
 tatio usu recepta est." — Genebrard, p. 3.
 
 124 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 our judicious Mr. Wanley reasonably conjectures b ), 
 and about the time of the Conquest, or a little before, 
 suppose 1060. The Church of Canterbury more espe- 
 cially used the Roman Psalter, as hath been observed 
 above, and was in all things conformable, of old time, 
 to the Roman Offices. Now, if this Creed, which had 
 long before been introduced into the Gallican Psalters, 
 did at this time obtain in the Roman also, it is obvious 
 to conclude, that it at the same time made a part of the 
 Roman Offices, even at Rome itself, as well as Canter- 
 bury, since one was conformable to the other. This 
 argument may carry us up some years higher; for 
 there is another, an older Roman Psalter, taken notice 
 of above, which has this Creed in it, written about the 
 year 930, in the time of King Athelstan. It is said to 
 have belonged formerly to Archbishop Cranmer. Per- 
 haps this also might have been written for the use 
 of the Church of Canterbury : I know of no Church 
 amongst us which at that time used the Roman Psalter 
 but the Church of Canterbury. However, it is highly 
 improbable that any Church which complied so far 
 with Rome as to use the Roman Psalter should take 
 this Creed into that Psalter before such time as Rome 
 itself had done the same thing. Upon the strength of 
 this argument, though it be not demonstrative, but 
 probable only (such as the case will admit of, and such 
 as may very well pass till we can fix upon something 
 more certain), I say, upon the strength of this, I in- 
 
 b " Notandum vero in Litania extare hsec verba : Ut Archiepis- 
 coputn nostrum, et oimiem congregationem illi coiumissam, in 
 sancta religione conservare digneris, te roganius : quibus pene in- 
 ducor ut credam bunc Cod. olim perthiuisse ad Ecclesiam Christi 
 Sanatoria Cantuarije." — Wanley, C'ataL, p. 152.
 
 THE ATIIANASIAN CREED. 125 
 
 cline to date the reception of this Creed at Rome from 
 the tenth century, and the beginning of it, about the 
 year 930. Prom this time forwards, I presume, the 
 Athanasian Creed has been honoured with a public 
 recital among the other sacred hymns and Church 
 Offices all over the West. The way has been to recite 
 it at the Prime, or first hour (one o'clock in the Latin 
 account, with us seven in the morning), every Lord's 
 day c , and in some places every day d . But as the 
 custom of making it only a part of the Sunday Service 
 is the most ancient, so has it likewise been the most 
 general and prevailing, and is at this day the common 
 and constant usage of the Churches within the Roman 
 Communion. And let this suffice so far as concerns 
 the Western Churches. 
 
 Of the Greek and Oriental Churches. 
 
 As to the Greek, or Oriental Churches, I reserved 
 
 this place for them, that I might not entirely omit 
 
 them. It has been questioned whether any of them 
 
 ever received this Creed at all. Vossius e seems to 
 
 c "Die Dominico ad Primam rocitetur." — Hatt. Basil, a.d. 820. 
 See abore, p. 27. 
 
 " Per omnes Occidentis Ecclesias Dominicis semper diebus psal- 
 litur .... in cunctis Ecclesiis publico cani praecepta." — Manuel 
 Calec. cant. Grcec, lib. ii. c. 20 ; in Bibl. Max. PP. vol. xxvi. p. 414. 
 
 d '■ Fidem, ' Quicunque vult,' quotidie ad Primam iterat. Honor. 
 August. Ad Primam dicunt quotidie Symbolum Athanasii." — 
 Boua, de Carthusianis ; Divin. Psalm., c. 18, § 5, p. 897. 
 
 " Ad Primam .... quotidie subditur Symbolum Athanasii." — 
 Bona, de Amhrosianis, ib., § 10, p. 900. 
 
 e "Nee qui nostra setate Patriarcha Alexandrinus, et Prases 
 Constantinopoleos fuit, pro germano illud Symbolum habuit. Sic 
 enim Meletius litteris suis Constantinopoli, anno 1597, ad Johannem 
 Douzam Nordovicem datis, et a filio Cieorgio Douza editis: ' Atha- 
 nRsio falso adscriptum Symbolum, cum appendice ilia Romanorum 
 Pontifieum adulteratum, luce lucidius contestamur.'" — Voss. , de 
 Trib. Symb., Dissert, ii. c. 20, p. 521.
 
 126 ANCIENT KECEPTION OF 
 
 have thought that they never have ; and so also Com- 
 befisius f ; and Dr. Smith, in his Account of the Greek 
 Church, is positive, that, as to the Creed of Athanasius, 
 the Greeks are wholly strangers to it g . 
 
 Nevertheless, I find some very considerable men of 
 a contrary persuasion, and not Romanists only, as Ba- 
 ronius, Spondanus 1 ', Muratorius', Renaudot k , and others, 
 but Protestants also, as particularly Gundling, whose 
 words I have put into the margin '. We may observe, 
 however, that thus far is agreed on all hands, that this 
 Creed is not received in all the Greek Churches ; and 
 if it is in any, yet it is there differently read in the 
 Article of Procession. It is not pretended that any of 
 the African Churches, Alexandrian, Nubian, or Ethio- 
 pian (which are most of them of the Jacobite or Euty- 
 chian sect) have received it. So far from it, that they 
 have not (at least the Ethiopian or Abassine Churches 
 
 i Combef., not. ad Calec, p. 297, et nolatione 48 in vitam 
 Basilii P.seudo-Amphilock. . . . " Symbolum Athanasii Graeci ut 
 ejus non reeipiunt." 
 
 e Smith, Account of the Greek Church, p. 196. 
 
 h Spondanus epitomizing the words of Barouius, ann. 340, § 4 : 
 " Cum autem e Romanas Ecclesiaj antiquis monumentis, veluti eru- 
 deratum emersit in lucem, a Latinis omnibus, a Gnecisque suscep- 
 tum est : necnon ab Ecclesia Serviana, Bulgarica, Russica, Mosco- 
 vitica, et aliis ; quamvis ab eis dempta inde pars ilia fuerit, qua 
 Spiritum Sanctum a Patre Filioque procedere expressum habetur." 
 
 1 " Re vera, non Ecclesia tan turn Constantinopolitana, sed Ser- 
 viana, Bulgarica, Russica, Moscovitica, absque Ritui Grseco ad- 
 dicts, etsi Athanasiano Symbolo in Sacris Liturgiis utantur, hanc 
 tamen particulam, et Filio, inde exclusere." — Murator., vol. ii. 
 p. 227. 
 
 k "Quod dicitur Dei Filius assumpsi-se Hominem, &3., rectum 
 est, Symbolo quod Athanasii dicitur, et a Grajcis Latinisque recipi- 
 tur, conforme." — Renaud., Orient. Liturg., ad Nestorii Litur- 
 giam, n. 2, in vol. ii. p. 6'43. 
 
 1 " Mirari quis posset cur Grseci Processionem Spiritus Sancti 
 a Filio negent, additionem ad Symbolum Nicsenum tarn sgre 
 ferant, cuui tamen Symbolum Athanasii recipiant." — Gundling, 
 p. 68.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 127 
 
 have not) so much as the Apostles' Creed amongst 
 them, if we may believe Luclolphus m ; so little are they 
 acquainted with the Latin forms or Confessions. Nor 
 is it pretended that the more Eastern Christians, be- 
 longing to the Patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem, 
 have any acquaintance with the Athanasian Creed ; 
 no, not the Maronites, though they formerly submitted 
 to the see of Rome, and are still supposed to hold com- 
 munion therewith, and to acknowledge the Pope for 
 their head. All that is pretended with respect to this 
 Creed is, that the Churches of Constantinople, Servia, 
 Bulgaria, Russia, and Muscovy, acknowledge it as 
 Athanasius's, or make use of it in their common and 
 sacred Offices. And for proof of this it has been usual 
 to appeal to a passage of Cazanovius, a Polish knight, 
 in a letter of his to Calvin, which letter I have not 
 seen, but find quoted both by Genebrard 11 and Vossius , 
 men of opposite principles, and therefore the more 
 safely to be relied on where they agree. But what 
 does Cazanovius confess? That the Greek, Servian, 
 Russian, and Muscovite Churches acknowledge the 
 Athanasian Creed as Athanasius's, only curtailed (or, 
 as they would say, corrected) as to the point of the 
 
 m Ludolph. , Histor. JEthiop., lib. iii. c. 5, § 19: " Symbolo 
 Fidei Catbolicac Nicseno communiter utuntur. . . . Illo quo nos uti- 
 mur, uti caeteri Orientales, carent : haud levi indicio Apostolos 
 illius autores non esse." 
 
 n " Si Athanasii est, cnjusnam illud erifc quod nunc Graecorum, 
 Serviorum, Russorum, et Moseorum Ecclesiae sub ejusdem Athanasii 
 titulo retinent, ac pro genuino agnoscunt ? " — Cazanov. ad Calvin. 
 Kpist. ; in Genebrard, p. 7. 
 
 ° " Cazanovius Sarniata .... etsi muitum ei hoc Symbolum 
 displiceat, agnoscit tamen Athanasia' um vocari, non in Latina so- 
 lum Ecclesia, sed etiam iu Constantinopolitana, Serviana, Bulga- 
 rica, Moscovitica." — Voss., de Symb., Diss. ii. c. i. p. 516.
 
 128 ANCIENT RECEI>TIOX OF 
 
 Procession. A confession from a Socinian adversary in 
 this case is of some weight, and especially if it can be 
 enforced by any corroborating evidence. Let us see, 
 then, what may be further learned concerning the seve- 
 ral Churches here named, and the reception of this 
 Creed in them. I may take them one by one. 
 
 1. To begin with Muscovy, where the matter of fact 
 seems to be most fully attested of any. In the ac- 
 count given of the Lord Carlisle's embassy from King 
 Charles II. to the great Duke of Muscovy, in the year 
 1663 p , I meet with this passage relating to the Musco- 
 vites and their divine service: — "The whole service 
 is performed by reading of certain Psalms, or chapters 
 in the Bible; sometimes the priest adds Athanasius's 
 Creed, or sings certain hymns and St. Chiwsostom's 
 Homily." In another treatise, intituled, " Of the 
 Ancient and Modern Keligion of the Muscovites," writ- 
 ten in French, and printed at Cologne, 1698, and since 
 translated into English, there is this account of the 
 Muscovites: that "they receive the Creed of the 
 Apostles, and that of Nice and Athanasius q ." These 
 two testimonies are undoubtedly sufficient, so far as 
 concerns Muscovy. Now, the Muscovites received their 
 religion and their orders from the Patriarch of Constan- 
 tinople about the tenth century, or beginning of the 
 eleventh ; and their receiving of this Creed will be 
 a presumptive argument in favour of its reception at 
 Constantinople also, if there be no evident reason 
 against it. That the Muscovites did not receive the 
 
 p Harris's Collection of Travels, vol. ii. p. 181. See also the 
 Duke of Holstein's Travels, ib., p. 36. 
 
 i Harris's Collection o>' Travels, vol. ii. p. 238. See also pp. 
 240, 241.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 129 
 
 Creed from the Latins, but from the Greeks, is very 
 plain, because their copies of the Creed are without 
 the Article of the Procession from the Son r . For they 
 pretend that the Latins have interpolated the Creed, 
 appealing to their own uncorrupted copies ; and they 
 blame the Latins, farther, for inserting the Filioque 
 into the Nicene s . From what hath been said, it ap- 
 pears to be certain fact, that the Muscovites receive the 
 Athanasian Creed : how long they have had it, or how 
 far short of 700 years (reckoning from the time that 
 Christianity was received or restored amongst them), 
 I cannot say. I should observe, that the Muscovites 
 always perform their service in their own vulgar 
 tongue, as is allowed on all hands 1 . Since, then, the 
 Athanasian Creed is a part of their Service, they must 
 have had a version of it in the Muscovite language, 
 which is a dialect of the Sclavonian. "Wherefore this 
 also, after our proof of the thing, may now be added to 
 the other versions above mentioned. 
 
 2. Russia, as distinguished from Muscovy, must 
 mean Russia Minor, or the Black Russia, a province of 
 Poland. As many as there follow the Greek rites are 
 
 1 Teatzel., Judic. Ervdit., p. 151. 
 
 5 rfee Harris, 1. c. p. 240. 
 
 1 " In caeteris autem regionibus, videlicet in Servia, Mysia, Bos- 
 nia, Bulgaria, Russia Minori Regi Poloniae subdita, in Vothinia, Fo- 
 dolia, et parte quadam Lituaniae, aliisque nuitimis provinciis. ritu 
 Graeco divinum peragitur offieium, translates Graecorum typicis in 
 Selavonieam Linguam. Eosdem Graecos ritus, eadem lingua, ser- 
 vant Moscovitse, quorum Regio Russia major, seu Roxolania nuncu- 
 patur," &c. — Bona, de Divin. Psahnod., c. 18, § 17, p. 911 ; cf. 
 Usher, Histor. Dogmat., p. 246. 
 
 " Armeui suo quoque nativo sermone dudum sacra celebrant, turn 
 qui Orthodoxam Fidem retinuerunt, turn Jacobitae, ut Muscovite 
 seu Kutheui, Constantinopolitanae sedi subjecti, Russico ; et alii 
 quidam de quibus pauca scimus." — Renaudot., Liturg. Oritiit., 
 vol. i. Disseua . 6, p. xliii.
 
 130 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 of the same account with the Muscovites before spoken 
 of; and therefore what has been said of the former, 
 with respect to the use of the Athanasian Creed, will 
 be applicable to these also, and so I need not be more 
 particular about them. The Patriarch of Muscovy or- 
 d tins their Archbishop, who is therefore subject to him, 
 and follows the same rites and customs ; and their 
 language is also a dialect of the Slavonian, like the 
 other. 
 
 3. Servia, now a large province of the Turkish em- 
 pire, part of Northern Turkey in Europe, first received 
 Christianity about the year 860, by the means of Cyril 
 and Methodius, who are said to have invented the Scla- 
 vonian letters, and to have translated the Scriptures 
 into the Sclavonian tongue. Cyril was a Greek, and 
 came from Constantinople ; and Methodius was a Greek 
 too, both sent by the Greek Emperor to convert the 
 country, which therefore became instructed in the 
 Greek rites and religion. It is not improbable that 
 they should have the Athanasian Creed, as well as the 
 Muscovites and Russians, or perhaps before them, being 
 converted sooner; and they also must have received it 
 from the Greeks, and not from the Latins, because of 
 their varying in the Article of the Procession from the 
 Western Churches. 
 
 4. Bulgaria is likewise part of Turkey in Europe, 
 and has been so from the year 1396. Christianity was 
 planted there in the year 845. There were of old 
 great disputes between the two Bishops of Rome and 
 Constantinople upon the question to whose Patriarchate 
 the Bulgarians did of right belong. In conclusion, 
 about the year 870, the Greek Patriarch prevailed over
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 131 
 
 the Roman, by the interest of the then Emperor of 
 Constantinople. The Bulgarians of consequence fell to 
 the share of the Greek Church, and so have been edu- 
 cated in their rites and customs. Their language is 
 a dialect of the Sclavonian, in which they perform 
 their sacred offices ; and, therefore, if they make use of 
 the Athanasian Creed, they must be supposed to have 
 it in their own vulgar tongue. I have no particular 
 evidence of their using it beyond what has been men- 
 tioned from Cazanovius and the Romish writers, which 
 yet seems to be sufficient, since it has been fully proved 
 that it is used in Muscovy and in Russia, to whom the 
 Bulgarians are neighbours, and with whom they con- 
 form in their other religious rites derived from the 
 same fountain, namely, the Constantinopolitan Greeks. 
 5. It remains, then, that we consider the fact in 
 respect of Constantinople itself, and the Greek Church 
 there ; for this also, as we have seen, has been named 
 with others as receiving the Athanasian Creed. Gene- 
 brard is positive in it, and gives us the very Creed 
 itself, which the Constantinopolitans, as he says, use 
 and recite u . He wrote in the year 1569. The truth 
 of his report is very much doubted, because the form, 
 which he exhibits acknowledges the Procession from 
 the Son, which the Constantinopolitans admit not ; and 
 even those who, as before seen, assert or allow that 
 they receive this Creed, yet, at the same time, intimate 
 that it is not the entire Creed, but curtailed in that 
 Article. However, Genebrard might be in the right 
 
 n " Superius Symbolum Athanasii verbis aliquantulum im- 
 mutatis Constantinopolitani sic Gnece legunt, et recitant." — 
 Genebrard, p. 14.
 
 132 ANCIENT KECEPTION OF 
 
 as to the main thing, that the Constantinopolitans do 
 receive the Creed, though mistaken in the particular 
 form ; or, possibly, some Latinizing Greeks at Constan- 
 tinople might have one form, and the rest another, and 
 thus all will be well. But let us enquire what further 
 evidence there is of this Creed's having been ever re- 
 ceived at Constantinople, and by the Greeks properly 
 so called. An argument thereof may be drawn from 
 the Greek copies that vary from the Latin in the 
 Article of Procession. For who should draw up and 
 curtail the Greek copies but the Greeks ? and why 
 should they be at the trouble of correcting (as they will 
 call it) the Creed if they did not receive it ? A second 
 argument may be drawn from the Creed's being found 
 in the Horologia belonging to the Greeks ; that is, in 
 their Breviaries (as we should call them), their Books 
 of Service for the Canonical Hours. How should the 
 Creed come in there, unless the Greeks received it into 
 their sacred Offices ? As to the fact, Bishop Usher's 
 copy found in such a Breviary, is a sufficient evidence ; 
 and it is plain from the copy itself that it was no 
 Latinizing Greek that made it or used it, since the 
 Procession from the Son is struck out. Further, this 
 Horologion belonged to a monk of Constantinople v , 
 which argues the reception of the Creed in that very 
 city ; and as a token of their esteem of it, and value 
 for it, it is ascribed to the Mcene Council itself, which 
 all the Greeks receive and respect with the greatest 
 
 T "In Thecarse, Constantinopolitani Monachi, Graecorum Hymno- 
 ruin Horologio (a Ravio nostro ex Orieute hue advecto) Symbolum 
 hoc, eo quo post finem hujus Diatribse cernitur interpolatum 
 modo, Nicaense Synodo adscriptum .... reperi," &c. — Usher, de 
 Sj/mb., praef., p. 2 (p. 1).
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CKEED. 133 
 
 veneration. From hence, then, it is plain that the 
 Constantinopolitan Greeks (some of them at least) re- 
 ceive, or have received, this Creed, but with some alter- 
 ations proper to their peculiar tenets, in opposition to 
 the Latins. This fact, of the Constantinopolitans their 
 receiving this Creed, might be farther proved from the 
 Confession of Metrophanes Critopulus (in the year 1620, 
 published in 1G67 X ), who admits the Creed, and looks 
 upon it as owing to a very particular Providence, that 
 the Greek copies (as he supposes) have been preserved 
 pure and entire, while the Latin ones have been cor- 
 rupted or interpolated. We find by Nicolaus Hydrun- 
 tinus, above cited, that such had been the general 
 persuasion of the Greeks, 500 years upwards, in rela- 
 tion to this Creed; not rejecting the Creed, but the 
 Latin interpolation only, as they take it to be. 
 
 Which when I consider, reflecting withal how the 
 Muscovites, Russians, &c. (who derived their religion 
 from the Greeks since the ninth century), have all come 
 into this Creed, and that no good account has been 
 given of such agreement, except it be that they all 
 received the same form when they first received their 
 religion ; I say, when I consider, and compare these 
 things together, it cannot but give me a suspicion that 
 this Creed had been received by the Greeks soon after 
 their first disputes with the Latins about the Proces- 
 sion, only they took care to strike out a part of it, 
 hoping to solve all by charging the Latins with inter- 
 polation ; or, possibly, the Latin Patriarchs of Constan- 
 
 x " Metrophanis Critopuli, Protosyngeli Constantinopolitani 
 'O/J-oAoyla ttjs auaroKiKris eKK\r]irias" — Edit. Helmstad., ill 4tu. 
 a Joaan. Horueio ; vid. cap. 1, p. IS, in Teatzel., p. 150.
 
 134 ANCIENT RECEPTION OF 
 
 tinople, between the years 1205 and 1260, might first 
 introduce the Creed there. They made use of it, as it 
 seems, then and there, in their Offices for the instruc- 
 tion of the Catechumens, as I learn from a Pontifical of 
 the Church of Constantinople about 500 years old, pub- 
 lished in part by Martene, who gives an account of it y , 
 and also an extract of the office relating to Catechu- 
 mens, which I have transcribed 2 into the bottom of the 
 page. It is not improbable that the use of the Creed 
 at Constantinople might first come in such a way ; and 
 when it had prevailed there for forty or fifty years, the 
 returning Greeks might think it not improper to con- 
 tinue its use, only taking out the Article which con- 
 cerns the Procession. 
 
 However this be, one thing is certain, and, I think, 
 hath been proved abundantly, that the professed Greeks, 
 even under the Patriarch of Constantinople, have in 
 former times received, and still do receive, this Creed, 
 with such alterations or corrections as are proper 
 to their principles ; and so I understand Dr. Covel a , 
 
 y " Coustantinopolitanae EcclesiaB Pontificate vetus, ad Latinos 
 ritus accommodatum, cuius caracter ad annos 500 accedit ; scrip- 
 turn proinde eo tempore quo urbe a Gallis occupata, Latinis 
 ritibus serviebat. Ex Biblioiheca R. it. P. P. Prsedicatorum ma- 
 joris Conveutus Parisiensis." — Martene, Syllab. Ritual., prefixed 
 to vol. i. 
 
 z " luterrogatio. Fides quid tibi preestat ? R. Vitam ajternam. 
 Ait ei Sacerdos .... Fides autem est, ut unum Deum in Trinitate, 
 et Trinitatem in Uuitate venereris, neque confundendo Personas, 
 peque Substantiam separando. Alia est enim Persona Patris, alia 
 Filii, alia Spiritus Sancti : sed horum triuin una est, et non nisi 
 una Divinitas. Exeat ergo de te spiritus malignus," &c. — Mar- 
 tene, de Antiq. Mai. Ritibus, c. 1, art. 7, vol. i. pp. 44, 4."i. 
 
 a Covel, Account of the Greek Church, pref. , p. 9. To which 
 I may add a remark of the harne t Dr. Ilickes, that "this Creed, 
 though of an uncertain author, was, for its excellent composure, 
 received into the Greek and Latin Churches." — Hickes, Serm., 
 vol. ii. p. 235.
 
 THE ATUANASIAN CEEED. 135 
 
 where he says, speaking of what is done amongst the 
 Greeks, that Athanasius's Creed is owned as corrupted, 
 that is, with such corruptions as the Greeks have made 
 to it. Upon the whole, therefore, I cannot but close 
 in with, those many learned Itomanists who have af- 
 firmed, and still do affirm, that this Creed is received 
 both by Greeks and Latins. If the expression be 
 thought too general, since it is certain that the Creed 
 is rejected by innumerable Greeks, or, more properly, 
 Orientalists, in Asia and Africa, as the Cophtes, and 
 Nubians, and Abassincs, and Maronitcs, Armenians, 
 Nestorians, &c. ; I say, if this be objected, it is to be 
 considered that the llomanists, under the name of 
 Greeks, mean generally the orthodox Greeks only, the 
 Melchite Greeks, or as many as hold communion with 
 the Patriarch of Constantinople, making no account 
 of the rest, as being by their heresies cut off from 
 the Church, and therefore of little or no considera- 
 tion b . Now, in this sense, it is excusable enough 
 to say, that the Creed is received both by Greeks and 
 Latins. 
 
 To sum up what hath been said of the reception of 
 this Creed. From the foregoing account it appears 
 that its reception has been both general and ancient ; 
 it hath been received by Greeks and Latins all over 
 Europe; and if it hath been little known among the 
 
 b " Attamen hoc aevi sub Orientalis Ecclesiee nomine diversarutn 
 Nationum Orieutalium Ecelesiae veniuut ; quse licet a Graca suam 
 coguoscant originem, propter tamen variarum hteresium colluvieni 
 et alia prater mores Christianos pessiuie introducta a Graeca lon- 
 giS inie absunt. Grasci enim illius religionis homines, tanquam 
 a te disjunctos, atque improbissimos, arcent, et detestantur."— 
 Leo Aliat., de perpet. Consens. Eccl. Occid. et Orient., lib. i. c. 1, 
 § 5, p. 7.
 
 136 ANCIENT .RECEPTION OF 
 
 African and Asian Churches, the like may be said of 
 the Apostles' Creed, which hath not been admitted, 
 scarce known, in Africa, and but little in Asia , ex- 
 cept among the Armenians, who are said to receive 
 it d ; so that, for generality of reception, the Athana- 
 sian Creed may vie with any, except the Nicene, or 
 Constantinopolitan, the only general Creed common to 
 all the Churches. As to the antiquity of its reception 
 into the sacred Offices, this Creed has been received in 
 several countries, France, Germany, England, Italy, 
 and Rome itself, as soon, or sionei', than the Nicene, 
 which is a high commendation of it, as gaining ground 
 by its own intrinsic worth, and without the authority 
 of any general Council to enforce it. And there is this 
 thing further to be said for it, that while the Nicene 
 and Apostles' Creeds have been growing up to their 
 present perfection in a course of years, or centuries of 
 years, and not completed till about the year 600, this 
 Creed was made and perfected at once, and is more 
 ancient, if considered as an entire form, than either 
 of the others, having received its full perfection while 
 the others wanted theirs. No considerable additions 
 
 c " Mo quo tios utimur, uti creteri Orientales, carent (Habessini) 
 hand levi indicio, Apostolos illius autores non esse, quamvis 
 doctrinae ratione Apostolicum reete vocetur." — Ludolph., Hist. 
 jEthiop., lib. iii. c. 5, n. 19. 'H^eis ovre exontv ovrt dSo/xef <rv/,i- 
 fio\ov tS>v 'Airo<n6\o>i>. Marc. Ephesius in Coned. Florent. ann. 
 1439, in Sylvest. Sgurop. Hi>t , sect. vi. c. 6, p. 150. Compare the 
 statement of Marcus Ephesius in the discussions at the Council of 
 Florence : "Non habemus {Symbolum Apostolorum) ;" in Harduin., 
 vol. ix. p. 842. 
 
 " Symbolum nee ab Apostolis, nee a Synodo ulla penerali factum 
 est: Ad bsec, nee in Graec. nee in Orient, ullis Ecclesiis obtinuit, 
 sed in Ecclesia Romana." — Suicer., Tkesaur., vol. ii. p. 1093 ; sub 
 voce Symbolum. 
 
 d Ricaut, Present State of the Greek Church, p. 409.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 137 
 
 or defalcations have been made to it (it has needed 
 none) since its first compiling till of late years, and in 
 the Greek Church only, which yet are so far from cor- 
 recting or amending the form, that they have rendered 
 it bo much the less perfect, and the only way of restor- 
 ing it to its perfection is to restore it to what it was at 
 the first. But I pass on.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the Time when, and Place where, the Creed 
 was composed. 
 
 Having observed when and where this Creed hath 
 been received, we may now ascend higher, and con- 
 sider when and where it was made. Our enquiries 
 here will he in isome measure dark and conjectural ; 
 strong probabilities will perhaps be as much as we can 
 reach to, which made it the more necessary for me to 
 begin, as I have, at the lower end, where things are 
 more plain and clear, in hopes to borrow some light to 
 conduct our searches into what remains still dark and 
 obscure. "Whatever we have to advance in this chap- 
 ter must rest upon two things: — 1. Upon external 
 testimony from ancient citations, manuscripts, com- 
 ments, versions, and the like, such as have been pre- 
 viously laid down. 2. Upon the internal characters of 
 the Creed. 
 
 1. To begin with the external evidence: — Our an- 
 cient testimonies, above recited, carry up the antiquity 
 of the Creed as high as the year 670, if the first of 
 them be admitted for genuine, as it reasonably may, 
 notwithstanding some objections. Our manuscripts, 
 now extant, will bring us no higher than 700 ; but 
 such as have been known to be extant may reach up to 
 660, or even 600. This must be thought very consi- 
 derable to as many as know how great a rarity a manu- 
 script of eleven hundred or of a thousand years date
 
 THE ATHA.NASIAN CKEED, &C. 139 
 
 is, and how few books or tracts there are that can boast 
 of manuscripts of such antiquity. The injuries of time, 
 of dust, and of moths, and, above all, the ravages of 
 war and destructions of fire, have robbed us of the 
 ancient monuments, and left us but very thin remains ; 
 that a manuscript of the fourth century is a very great 
 rarity, of the fifth there are very few, and even of the 
 sixth not many. So that our want of manuscripts 
 beyond the sixth or seventh century is no argument 
 against the antiquity of the Creed, however certain an 
 argument may be drawn from those we have, so far 
 as they reach. But, beyond all this, we have a com- 
 ment of the sixth century, of the year 570, or there- 
 about, and this certain and unquestionable, which may 
 supersede all our disputes about the ancient testimo- 
 nies or manuscripts of more doubtful authority. Here, 
 then, we stand upon the foot of external evidence. 
 The Creed was, about the year 570, considerable 
 enough to be commented upon, like the Lord's Prayer 
 and Apostles' Creed, and together with them. Here is 
 certain evidence for the time specified, and presump- 
 tive for much greater antiquity ; for who can imagine 
 that this Creed, or indeed any Creed, should grow into 
 such repute of a sudden, and not rather in a course of 
 years, and a long tract of time ? Should we allow 100 
 or 150 years for it, though it would be conjecture only, 
 yet it would not be unreasonable or improbable conjec- 
 ture. But we will let this matter rest here, and pro- 
 ceed to our other marks of direction. 
 
 2. The internal characters of the Creed. The Creed 
 contains two principal doctrines ; one of the Trinity, 
 and the other of the Incarnation. Possibly, from the
 
 140 THE ATHANASIAN CREED, 
 
 manner wherein these doctrines are there laid down, or 
 from the words whereby they are expressed, we may 
 be able to fix the true date of the Creed, or very nearly 
 at least ; certain, however, thus far, that it must be 
 somewhere above 570. 
 
 From the doctrine of the Incarnation, as expressed 
 in this Creed, we may be confident that it is not earlier 
 than the rise of the Apollinarian heresy, which ap- 
 peared first about the year 360, and grew to a head 
 about 370, or a little later. This Creed is so minute 
 and particular against those heretics (without naming 
 them, as it is not the way of the Creed to name any), 
 obviating every cavil, and precluding every evasion or 
 subterfuge, that one cannot suppose it to have been 
 written before the depths of that heresy were perfectly 
 seen into, and the whole secrets of the party disclosed, 
 which we have no reason to think could be before the 
 year 370, if so soon. This consideration alone is to me 
 a sufficient confutation of those who pretend that Atha- 
 nasius made this Creed either during his banishment at 
 Treves, which ended in the year 338, or during his 
 stay at Rome in the year 343, or that he presented it 
 to Pope Julius or Pope Liberius, who were both dead 
 before the year 367. 
 
 I must add, that Epiphanius a marks the very time 
 when the Creeds first began to be enlarged in opposi- 
 tion to the Apollinarian heresy ; namely, the tenth 
 year of Valentinian and Yalens, and the sixth of Gra- 
 tian (it should be seventh), which falls in with a.d. 373, 
 the very last year of Athanasius's life, according to 
 those that place his death the latest ; some say he died 
 » Epiphan., Ancoratus, c. 121, p. 123.
 
 "WHEN AND "WHERE MADE. 141 
 
 a year or two sooner. If, therefore, he made this 
 Creed at all, it must be about that time ; and, indeed, 
 were there no stronger objections against the antiquity 
 of the Creed, or against its being made by Athanasius, 
 than the common objection about the supposed con- 
 demnation of the Nestorian and Eutychian heresies, 
 I should scarce think it at all improbable that Athana- 
 sius should be the author, admitting that he lived 
 to the 3 ear 373; for Epiphanius's larger Creed, made 
 about that time, appears to me as full and express 
 against both those heresies as the Athanasian can be 
 supposed to be, and in some respects more so ; and yet 
 neither of those heresies were then in being, nor for 
 many years after. But there are many other reasons 
 which convince me that the Athanasian Creed must be 
 placed lower than this time. I take Epiphanius's 
 larger Creed to have been the first that enlarged the 
 Article of the Incarnation, in opposition chiefly to 
 the Apollinarians ; and that Creed being drawn up, as 
 Epiphanius expressly testifies, by the joint advice of 
 all the orthodox Bishops and the whole Catholic Church, 
 became a kind of rule or model for most of the Creeds 
 that came after, among which I reckon the Athanasian. 
 
 Eor, from the doctrine of the Trinity, as particularly 
 and minutely drawn out in that Creed, it is to me very 
 plain, that it must be some years later than the Creed 
 of Epiphanius, which will evidently appear to any man 
 who will be at the pains to compare the two Creeds 
 together. 
 
 One very observable particular is the manner of ex- 
 pressing the Unity by a singular adjective : Unus ceter- 
 nus, Uims imme?isus, Sfc. : " one eternal, one incompreher
 
 142 THE ATHANASIAN CREED, 
 
 sible," &c, and the condemning the expression of Tres 
 ceterni, Tres immensi, 8fc. The Greeks never laid down 
 any such rule of expression, never observed or followed 
 it, but have sometimes run counter to it b , meaning, 
 indeed, the very same thing, but not so expressing it. 
 As to the Latins, we shall find none of them (at least, 
 1 have not observed any) coming into that way of ex- 
 pression before Ambrose and Faustinus d (in the years 
 381 and 384), who are the first that use it, and that 
 but once, or very sparingly, not repeating and incul- 
 cating it, like the Athanasian Creed, nor leaving it 
 destitute of explication. But St. Austin, afterwards, 
 in his books of the Trinity, in the fifth especially, en- 
 larges in justification of this rule of expression, and is 
 full and copious upon it. His proofs, illustrations, ex- 
 ample, and authority gave new strength and credit to 
 this rule, which might then pass current, and become 
 fit to appear, without farther explication, in a Creed. 
 For this reason, principally, I incline to think that 
 this Creed was not made before St. Austin's books of 
 the Trinity were public (which was not till 416), or 
 not before 420, or thereabout, to allow some time for 
 
 b Tpiwv a-Ktlpwv aireipoi/ (Tvp.<pviai/. — Greg. Nazianz. in Bapt., 
 Orat. xl. c. 47, p. 668. 
 
 c " Ergo Sanctus Pater, Sanctus Filius, Sanctus et Spiritus: sed 
 non tres Sancti, quia urms est Deris Sanctus, unus est Dorainus. 
 Una est etenim vera Sancti tas, sicut una est vera Divinitas, una 
 ilia vera Sanctitas naturalis." — Ambros., de Sp. S., lib. iii. c. 16, 
 vol. ii. p. 688. 
 
 d '• Sed ne duos onmipotentes intellitjas, prwcavendum est : licet 
 enim et Pater sit omnipotens, et Filius, tauien unus est omni- 
 potens, sicut et unus est Deus : quia Patris et Filii eadem Omni- 
 potentia est, sicut et eadem Deitas," &c. ..." Ostenditur Unitas 
 Divinitatis in Patre et Filio, sicut et Omnipotentite, et quicquid 
 omniiio Divinie Substantia; est ; hoc solo diflerens a Patre Filius, 
 quod ille Pater est, et Hie Filius." — Faustin., de Trlttit., c. o 
 (pp. 123, 124) ; in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. v. p. 646.
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 143 
 
 his works to be read, considered, approved, and to gain 
 a general esteem. If it be said that St. Austin might 
 as well copy from this Creed as the Creed from him, 
 I say, No, for the reason is different. Creeds and other 
 the like formularies which are to be put into every 
 one's hands, and spread round about, ought not to con- 
 tain anything till it has been maturely weighed, long 
 considered, and fully explained, as well as proved, and 
 generally acknowledged by the Churches of Christ. It 
 is, therefore, much more reasonable to believe that 
 St. Austin's writings should go first, and a general ap- 
 probation of them in that particular ; and then the 
 Creed might conveniently follow, the way being now 
 opened for it e . 
 
 I may observe the like of another Article of the 
 Athanasian Creed, namely, the Procession from the Son 
 — a doctrine entertained, indeed, both by Greeks and 
 Latins (as may appear by the testimonies commonly 
 cited for that purpose), and expressed frequently in 
 sense, though rarely in terms, but such as came not to 
 be much inculcated or insisted upon till St. Austin un- 
 dertook to assert and clear it, and to render it less 
 liable to any dispute hereafter. Tor which reason the 
 modern Greeks have looked upon him, in a manner, as 
 the father of that doctrine, being at least the principal 
 
 e Cornbefi*, speaking to this point, seemed inclinable to suppose 
 that St. Austin bad borrowed from the Creed ; but correcting him- 
 self afterwards, he suppo:-es rather that the Creed borrowed trom 
 him. His words are these : — 
 
 " Ejus Symboli, seu Formula? Fidei, antiquitatem produnt illi 
 ejus vcrsiculi quos totidem verbis habet August, in Libris de Trini- 
 tato et alibi, quos non aliunde desumpsisse videatur quam ex eo 
 Symbolo . . . (juauquam nihil vetat dicere ipsum potius Symboli 
 Auctorem ex Augustino, aliisque P.P. sua consarcinasse." — Cooi- 
 befis, not. m Cake. ; Auctar., vol. ii. p. 29G.
 
 144 THE ATHANASIAN CREED, 
 
 man that brought it into vogue, however weakly they 
 may pretend that he invented it. Thus far is certain, 
 that his elaborate arguments and solid proofs from 
 Scripture of the truth and of the importance of the doc- 
 trine made it pass the more readily, and gave it credit 
 and authority enough to have a place in a standing 
 Creed or Confession, which is to me another argument 
 of the Creed's being made after St. Austin's writings 
 were well known in the world, in that place, at least, 
 where the Creed was made. From the premises, then, 
 I presume to infer, that the Athanasian Creed is not 
 earlier than the year 420. 
 
 I will next endeavour to shew, that it cannot rea- 
 sonably be set lower than the Eutychian times, not 
 later than the Council of Chalcedon, or than the year 
 451 ; and this also I shall attempt from the internal 
 characters of the Creed in like manner as above. 
 
 1. There is not a word in the Creed directly and 
 plainly expressing two natures in Christ, or excluding 
 one nature, which critical terms against the error of 
 Eutyches are very rarely or never omitted in the Creeds 
 drawn up in the Eutychian times, or the times imme- 
 diately following. 'Tis true, there is in the Athana- 
 sian Creed what may be sufficient to obviate or preclude 
 the Eutychian heresy, as there is also in the larger 
 Creed of Epiphanius, a.d. 373, and in the works of 
 JSazianzen and Ambrose, about the year 380, and in 
 Pelagius's Creed, a.d. 417, and in the writings of Aus- 
 tin and Vincentius of Lerins, both before the year 435, 
 many years before Eutyches. The strongest expres- 
 sion of the Creed against the Eutychians, and which 
 has been most frequently urged in this case, is, Unus
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 145 
 
 omnino, non confusione substantia, sed unitate persona : 
 "One altogether, not by confusion of substance, but by- 
 unity of person:" which yet is used by Vincentius f , 
 and by Austins, too, almost in terms. And if this be 
 no reason for making either of those authors, or the 
 Tracts ascribed to them, later than Eutyches, why shall 
 the like expression be of any force in respect to the 
 Athanasian Creed ? There is nothing in the Creed but 
 what was common and ordinary in Catholic writers 
 before the Eutychian times ; but there are wanting 
 those critical, distinguishing terms of two natures, or 
 one nature, necessary to be inserted in the Creeds after 
 these times, and never, or very rarely, omitted ; which 
 is one reason, and a very considerable one, for setting 
 the date of the Creed higher than 451. 
 
 2. Another argument of the same thing, near akin 
 to the former, is, that this Creed makes no mention of 
 Christ being consubstantial with us in one nature, as 
 He is consubstantial with the Father in another : 
 a tenet expressly held by some of the ecclesiastical 
 writers before Eutyches' time, but seldom or never 
 omitted in the Creeds or Confessions about that time, 
 or after. To be convinced of the truth both of this 
 and of the preceding Article, one need but look into 
 the Creeds and Formularies of those times ; namely, 
 into that of Turribius of Spain in 447, of Flavian of 
 Constantinople, as also of Pope Leo in 449, of the 
 Chalcedon Council in 451, of Pope Felix III. in 485, 
 
 1 " Unus autem, non . . . Divinitatis et Humanitatis confusione, 
 sed . . . unitate persona?." — "Vincent. Lerin., c. 19, p. 46 (p. 58). 
 
 s "Idem Deus qui Homo et qui Deus, idem Homo ; non confu- 
 sione naturae, sed unitate persona?." — August., Semi. 186, Nat. 
 Dom. iii., in vol. v. p. 885.
 
 146 THE ATHANASIAN CREED, 
 
 and Anastasius II. in 496, and of the Church of Alex- 
 andria in the same year; as also into those of Pope 
 Hormisdas, and the Churches of Syria, and Fulgentius, 
 and the Emperor Justinian, and Pope John II., and 
 Pope Pelagius I., within the sixth century. In all 
 which we shall find either express denial of one nature, 
 or express affirming of two natures, or the doctrine of 
 Christ's consubstantiality with us, or all three toge- 
 ther, though they are all omitted in the Athanasian 
 Creed. This is to me a second reason for setting our 
 Creed higher than the Eutychian times. 
 
 3. I may argue this point farther from a passage of 
 the Athanasian Creed, running thus: "One, not by 
 conversion of the Godhead into flesh, but by taking of 
 the manhood into God." This would not, I conceive, 
 have run in these words, or in this manner, in the Euty- 
 chian times. For though the Eutychians were sometimes 
 (as well as the Apollinarians often) charged with the 
 doctrine of a " conversion of the Godhead into flesh," yet 
 nothing is more certain than that the generality of them 
 absolutely disowned and detested any such tenet, teach- 
 ing rather "a conversion of the manhood into God," just 
 the reverse. And, by the way, I would here offer it 
 to the learned reader to consider, whether we may not 
 from hence give a probable account of a very noted 
 variation observable in many of the most ancient copies 
 of this Creed, which run thus : Uhus autem, non con- 
 versions Divinitatis in came, seel assumptione Humanita- 
 tis in Deo : where there is came for carnem, and Deo 
 for Deum. A slight alteration in the words, but a very 
 great one in the sense. A change of the Godhead in 
 the flesh the Eutychians admitted, by making the two
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 147 
 
 natures become one, though they allowed not a change 
 into flesh : so that by this little alteration of came for 
 carnem, the Creed would strike more directly at the 
 Eutychian principles. Then, again, as to Deum, if that 
 reading was to stand, the Creed, instead of confuting 
 the Eutychians, would seem rather to favour them ; for 
 they taught that the manhood was assumed into God, 
 and that in so literal and strict a sense as really to 
 become God, or to be absorbed and lost in the Divine 
 nature, both natures becoming one Divine nature. 
 Such' a construction might the words of the Creed be 
 liable to. But put Deo for Deum, and it is entirely de 
 feated ; for then the sense is not that the manhood is 
 assumed into God, but that God assumed the human 
 nature ; which is true, and not liable to any such mis- 
 construction as the other. However this be, as to the 
 variation of the copies, and the reason here assigned 
 for it (which I offer only as a probable conjecture to be 
 further enquired into), yet this is certain, that these 
 words of the Creed, according to the common copies, 
 are not so cautiously or accurately chosen as they 
 might, or would have been, had the Creed been drawn 
 up after the Eutychian times. 
 
 4. A fourth argument may be drawn from the simi- 
 litude in the Creed, running thus: "As the reasonable 
 soul and flesh is one man, so God and man is one 
 Christ." This familiar and easy comparison was much 
 made use of by the Catholics, down from the Apollina- 
 rian times to the time of Eutyches : by Nazianzen, 
 Austin, Vincentius, Claudianus Mamertus, and others. 
 But no sooner did the Eutychians wrest the comparison 
 to their own sense, pleading for one nature in Christ,
 
 148 THE ATHAXASIAX CREED, 
 
 like as soul and body make one nature in man, but tbe 
 Catholics grew strangely averse to tbe similitude, and 
 rarely made use of it ; or when tbey did, it was either 
 to dispute against it and condemn it, or else to guard 
 and qualify it with proper cautions and restrictions. 
 Wherefore it is by no means probable that this simili- 
 tude would have been inserted at such a time in 
 a Catholic Creed, and there left without guard or cau- 
 tion for the Eutychians to make an ill use of. This 
 fourth argument I take from the learned and acute Le 
 Quien, whose words may be seen in the margin h . And 
 may we not from hence give a probable guess at the 
 reason why the ancient manuscript of Treves, and the 
 Colbertine copied from it, have entirely omitted this 
 similitude, throwing in a few words, both before and 
 after, to salve the breach, in some measure, and to pre- 
 serve a connexion : which shews that it was no casual 
 omission, but made with design. But I pass on. 
 
 These reasons convince me that the Creed was not 
 made so late as the Council of Chalcedon, but before 
 the year 451. It cannot therefore be ascribed to Vigi- 
 lius Tapsensis in the year 484 ; not to mention that 
 the phraseology of it agrees not with that winter's 
 usual manner of expression, as Le Quien hath ob- 
 
 h " Quod quidem simile, quo Theologns etiam, aliique Patres 
 Apollinaristas confutarant, tanti posthac non feeerunt insequentis 
 seu quinti sasculi desinentis doctores, ut illud in Expositione Fidei 
 insererent ; cum Monophysitae, Severo prsesertim duce, eo vehe- 
 mentius contra Catholicos pugnarent, ut unam in Christo naturam 
 esse ex Deitate et Humanitate compositam evincerent. Quinimo 
 omnes ingenii vires explicare coacti sunt, ut varias discrepantias 
 reperirent inter unionem Deitatis cum Humanitate in Christo, et 
 unionem animre cum corpore in homine." — Le Quien, Dissert. 
 Damasc, p. 10; compare Petav., de Incarn., lib. iii. c. 9, &c., 
 in Dogm. Theol., vol. v. p. 135, &c.
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 149 
 
 served 1 . Besides that the principal reasons on which 
 Quesnel rested his opinion in regard to that author are 
 now found to have heen grounded on a false presump- 
 tion of certain works being Yigilius's which are none 
 of his k . And I may add, that to me there does not 
 appear in Yigilius's pieces anything of that strength, 
 closeness, and acuteness, which we find in the Athana- 
 sian Creed. 
 
 But I proceed to shew that this Creed is earlier than 
 even the times of Nestorius, or the Ephesine Council of 
 the year 431. It is certain that this Creed does not 
 condemn the Nestorian heresy in such full, direct, cri- 
 tical terms as the Catholics found to be necessary 
 against the wiles and subtleties of those men. There 
 is not a word of the Mother of God, or of one Son only, 
 in opposition to two sons, or of God's being born, suf- 
 fering, dying : which kind of expressions the Creed> 
 are full of after Nestorius's times, and after the Council 
 of Ephesus, to guard the more certainly against etpiivo- 
 cations, and to express the Catholic doctrine in strong 
 terms, such as could not be eluded. As to what the 
 Athanasian Creed really does express, and is conceived 
 to strike directly at the Kestorian heresy, it is demon- 
 stration that the words are not more full or expressive 
 
 * "Sunt qui suspicentur expositionem istam Fidei fuisse concin- 
 natam a Vigilio Tapsensi, qui scripsisse existimatur libros tres con- 
 tra Varimadum Arianum : sed ab illorum opiuione me deterruit 
 versus iste, Unus omnino, non confusione substantia?, sed imitate 
 personam Nam Vigilius in libris quinque contra Eutychem nus- 
 quam unitatem persona? dicit, sed passim, et frequentissime unio- 
 nem persona? . . . C'umque varia? supersint hodie Vigilii Tapsensis 
 Confessiones Fidei de Trinitate et Incarnatione, nulla earum simili- 
 tudo et convenientia cum Symbolo Athanasiano, quoad stylum 
 animadvertitur." — Le Quien, Dissert. Damasc, p. 9. 
 
 k Vid Montf., Diatrib., p. 724 ; Antelm., Disqitis., pp. 33, 34.
 
 150 THE ATTTATTASTA-W CEEED, 
 
 than may be found in elder Creeds, and in the Fathers 
 that wrote against the Apollinarians and others, before 
 ever Nestorius was heard of '. I know not how to 
 give my reader a clear and just idea of this whole mat- 
 ter, but by setting down in chronological order the 
 doctrine of the Incarnation, as expressed in Catholic- 
 writings from the Apollinarian times down to the 
 Nestorian, from the year 373 to the year 431. One 
 thing only I would remark beforehand, to make the 
 following account the clearer, that the Apollinarians 
 really held a doctrine very near akin to that which 
 afterwards was called Eutychian, and they maliciously 
 charged the Catholics with that very doctrine, which 
 was afterwards called Ncstorian ; so that the Catholics, 
 in their charge upon the Apollinarians, condemned the 
 Eutychian doctrine long before Eutyches ; and, in their 
 defence of themselves, they also condemned the Nesto- 
 rian tenets before Nestorius. I shall first justify the 
 truth of this remark in Loth its parts, and then shall 
 proceed farther to what I intend. 
 
 As to the first part, that the Apollinarians held 
 a doctrine very near akin to that which was after- 
 wards called Eutychian, it is a thing so well known, 
 that I need not cite many testimonies for it. It was 
 one of the commonest charges against the Eutychians, 
 that they had revived the heresy of the Apollina- 
 
 1 Le Quien is beforehand with me in the observation, whose 
 words I may here cite : — 
 
 " Nee cuiquam uegotium facessat, quod Nestorii et Eutychis 
 haereses ea (formula) prius pessundate essont, quam ipsarum auc- 
 tores emergerent. Alibi siquidem ostensum fuit SS. Patres, qui 
 contra Apollinarium calamum strinxerant, disertissimis etiam 
 verbis amborum impietates proscripsisse." — Le Quien, Dissert. 
 Parnate, p. 9.
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 151 
 
 rians m in some considerable branches of it: Petavius 
 briefly shews what those branches were n . 
 
 As to the other part of my remark, that the Apol- 
 linarians charged the Catholics with the opposite ex- 
 treme, afterward called Nestorian, that has not been 
 so much observed, but is no less true than the other ; 
 as may abundantly appear from the testimonies in the 
 margin °, besides others that will occur as we pass along. 
 This also is observed by Le Quien in his Notes to 
 Damascen p ; whereupon he rightly infers, that it will 
 be a false conclusion to argue that such or such writings 
 must belong to the Nestorian times, only because of 
 their treating of an unity of person in Christ. 
 
 m "Eutyches . . . per impios veterum hsereticorum volutatus 
 errores, tertium Apollinaris dogma delegit ; at negata humanae 
 carnis atque animse veritate, totum Dominum nostrum Jesum 
 Christum unius asserat esse naturse, tanquam verbi Deitas ipsa 
 se in carnem animamque converterit. " — Leon. Epist. 97, p. 633; 
 cf. Ep. 134, p. 699. 
 
 n "Stne cum et multiplex, et ab autore suo interpolata saepius 
 Apolliriaris bseresis merit, ut capite sexto docuimus ; ea parte cum 
 isto consensit Eutyches, qua carnem Christi non ex utero sumptam 
 B. Virginis sed e Caelo delapsam Apollinaris credidit : turn qua- 
 tenus uterque unicam naturam asseveravit, et utriusque permisiam 
 ac confusam substantiam." — Petav., de Lncarn., lib. i. c. 15; in 
 Dogmat. Theol., vol. v. p. 37. 
 
 ° " Neque vero alium Jesum Christum, alium verbum dicimus, 
 ut nova haeresis calumniatur, sed eundem, et ante saecula, et post 
 s«cula, et ante mundum et post Mariam ; imo. ex Maria magnum 
 Deum appellamus." — Hieronym., in Tit., c. 3, vol. iv. p. 431. 
 
 " Qui Apollinarii dogmata defendunt, per querimoniam quam 
 adversus nos faeiunt sua confirmare conantur, carnale verbum et 
 dominum sasculorum, hominis Filium immortalem Filii Deitatem 
 construentes. Proferunt enim quod aliqui quasi Ecclesiae Catholics 
 existentes, duos colunt Filios in dogmate ; unum quidem secundum 
 naturam, alteium autem secundum adoptionem postea acquisitam ; 
 nescio a quo talia audientes . . . nondum enim novi eum qui base 
 subloquitur." — Gregor. Xyssen., quoted in Harduin, vol. iii. p. 106, 
 Concil. v. Collat. 6. Cf. Ambros., de lncarn. ISacram., c. 7, p. 7^1 ; 
 Athanas., Epist. »</ Epictet, p. 454 (p. 497). 
 
 p "Ad Nestoriana tempora revocandi non sunt omnes libri qui- 
 bus de una Christi persona disputandum est." — Le Quien, Not. in 
 Damascen. de Har., vol. i. p. 95.
 
 152 THE ATHANASIAN CREED, 
 
 These things premised, I now proceed to lay down 
 the doctrine of the Incarnation as expressed in Catholic 
 writers from the year 373, down to the year 431, 
 inclusive. 
 
 I begin with the larger Creed of Epiphanius, which 
 sets forth the Incarnation in the following terms : — 
 
 373. " The Word was made flesh, not by under- 
 going any change, nor by converting his Godhead into 
 manhood, but by co-uniting it into his one holy per- 
 fection and Godhead. For there is one Lord Jesus 
 Christ, and not two ; the same He is God, the same 
 He Lord, the same He King q ." 
 
 Hei'e we may observe that the Creed guards, just as 
 the Athanasian does, against the two extremes : against 
 the Apollinarian notion of the Godhead being con- 
 verted into flesh, and against the Apollinarian calumny 
 that the Catholics made two Christs instead of one. 
 
 380. Gregory Nazianzen, not long after, expresses 
 himself in terms to the like effect: — "We divide not 
 the man from the Godhead, but we make them one and 
 the same (person) .... If any one imagines Mary not 
 to be the mother of God, he has no part with God. . . . 
 If any man introduces two Sons, one of God and the 
 Father, and a second of the Virgin Mother, and not 
 one and the same Him, let him forfeit the adoption 
 of sons promised to true believers : for God and man 
 
 ' 'O yap \6yos aapll eyevero, oh rpoirriv viroaras, ouSe fj.(Ta- 
 /3aAc*!e rr)v eavrov Qeorrjra els avSpooTrdrrjia' els fxlav avvevdaavra 
 eavruv ayiav TeAficiTTjTd T€ kcu OeorrjTa' eis yap eariv Kvpios 
 'It](tovs XpHTTos kcu oh 8vo, 6 ahrbs ®ebs, 6 ahrbs Kvpios, 6 ahrbs 
 BaviAevs. — Epiph., Ancoratus, c. 21, p. 124. This Creed is given 
 at length by Dr. Heurtley, in /'■ Fidi 1 1 Symbolo, pp. 13 — 15.
 
 WHEN ASTD WHERE MADE. 153 
 
 are indeed two natures, like as soul and body ; but 
 they are not two Sons, nor (two) Gods r ." 
 
 Here, again, we find the Nestorian tenets very fully 
 obviated, while Nazianzen is answering the Apollinarian 
 calumny against the Catholics : and at the same time, 
 the Eutychian heresy (afterwards so called) is as plainly 
 precluded, while Nazianzen is laying down the Church's 
 faith in two natures against the Apollinarians who 
 made but one. 
 
 382. Ambrose, in like manner, confutes the Apol- 
 linarians, without naming them: — "We ought also to 
 condemn those, who, in another extreme, teach not one 
 and the same Son of God, but that He who is begotten 
 of God the Father, is one, and he that is generated of 
 the Virgin, another : when the Evangelist saith that 
 the "Word was made flesh, to instruct us that there is 
 but one Lord Jesus, not two. . . . There are others risen 
 up who pretend that our Lord's flesh and Godhead 
 are both of one nature. . . . And when they say that the 
 Word was converted into flesh, hairs, blood, and bones, 
 and changed from its own nature, after such a pre- 
 tended change of the Divine nature, they may take the 
 handle to wrest anything to the weakness of the God- 
 head which belongs to the infirmity of the flesh 8 ." 
 
 r Ovbe yap rbv ai'Spocirov xupifanev ttjs 6eoTr)Tos, a\\' %va 
 Kal rbv abrbv boy^ariQoixev. . . . zl tls ov 6zot6kov Tr/v Mapiav 
 inroAa/j.[ldi'€t, X^P^ effrl ttjs 0e<Jr?jTOS. . . . (t tis eicraya Svo vlovs 
 'iva fxkv rbv £k ®eov Kal tlarpbs, devrepov 8e rbv £k ttjs /j.riTpbs, 
 aAK' ovxl * va Kai r bv abrbv, Kal ttjs vlodeaias eKirtcroi ttjs iTrrjy- 
 ye\fj.ii'7)s rdl% opd&s TritrTtvovoi. $vcreis n*v yap S<o Qebs Kal av- 
 Opwwos, Sirel Kal tyvxv Kal o~u>ua, viol be ov Svo, ovbe 6eol. — 
 Gregor. Nazianz., Oral. 51, Ep. i. ad Cledon., p. 738. 
 
 6 " Et illos condemnare debemus qui adversa erroris linea, non 
 unum eundemque Fiiium Dei dicunt, sed alium esse qui ex Deo
 
 154 THE ATHANASIA> T CREED, 
 
 Ambrose seems here to intimate as if there were 
 really some at that time who had run into that very 
 error which the Apollinarians charged upon the Ca- 
 tholics, and which was afterwards called Ncstorian. 
 However that be, he condemns it in the name of 
 the Catholics ; as he condemns also the Apollinarian 
 extreme, which afterwards became Eutychian. There 
 is another passage of Ambrose cited by Theodoret, 
 seemingly so full and express against the Nestorian 
 and Eutychian heresies, that one can hardly be per- 
 suaded to think it really Ambrose's. But, on the other 
 hand, it appears to be so well attested, that the late 
 learned editor of Ambrose could not but yield to place 
 it among his genuine Works, vol. ii. p. 729. 
 
 417. There is a Creed of Pelagius (as learned men 
 now agree) inserted among the works both of Jerome 11 
 and Austin u . It was made several years before the 
 Nestorian controversy. Our learned Dr. Wall has trans- 
 lated it into English v , subjoining some excellent notes 
 of his own to it. I shall transcribe as much as is to 
 our purpose: — "We do in such a manner hold that 
 there is in Christ one person of the Son, as that we say 
 there are in Him two perfect and entire substances 
 
 Patre natus sit, alium qui sit generatus ex virgine ; cum Evange- 
 lista dicat quia verbum caro factum est, ut unum Domiuum Jesum 
 non duos crederes . . . emergiint alii qui carnem Domini dicant et 
 divinitatem unius esse naturae . . . Deinde, cum isti dicant quia ver- 
 bum in carnem, capillos, sanguinem, et ossa conversum est, et a na- 
 tura propria mutatum est, datur illis locus ut infirmitatem car. 
 nis ad infirmitatem dignitatis, quadam facta divinte natura? mu- 
 tations, detorqueant." — Ambros., de Incur n. Sacram., c. 6, vol. ii. 
 pp. 714, 715. 
 
 1 Hieronym., vol. v. p. 123 : where it is called Symbolum Dama.si. 
 
 u Augustin., Serm. 236, vol. v. App., p. 388. 
 
 T Wall's History of Inf. Bapt., part i. c. 19 ; vol. i. p. 406 
 (p. 200).
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 155 
 
 (or natures), viz., of the Godhead, and of the manhood 
 which consists of soul and body. . . . We do abhor .... 
 the blasphemy of those who go about by a new inter- 
 pretation to maintain that since the time of His taking 
 flesh, all things pertaining to the Divine nature did pass 
 into the man [or manhood], and so also tbat all things 
 belonging to the human nature were transferred into 
 God [or the Divine nature] ; from whence would follow 
 (a thing no heresy ever offered to affirm) that both sub- 
 stances [or natures], viz., of the Divinity and huma- 
 nity, would by this confusion seem to be extinguished, 
 and to lose their proper state, and be changed into 
 another thing. So that they who own in the Son an 
 imperfect God and an imperfect man, are to be ac- 
 counted not to hold truly either God or man." 
 
 Dr. "Wall hereupon judiciously remarks, that there 
 wanted only the accuracy of speaking, which Pelagius 
 had here used, to clear and settle the dispute between 
 the ISYstorians and Eutychians. I would remark far- 
 ther, that if Pelagius's Creed, in the year 417, had 
 so plainly obviated both the Nestorian and Eutychian 
 heresy before Nestorius or Eutyches was known, it may 
 easily be conceived that the Athanasian Creed might do 
 the same thing at or about the same time. 
 
 422. I might next shew how St. Austin likewise has 
 expressed himself in as strong terms against both those 
 heresies, as the Athanasian Creed has done ; but, be- 
 cause I shall have another occasion to cite the passages, 
 where I draw out a select number of expressions pa- 
 rallel to those of the Creed, I may spare myself the 
 trouble of doing it here. 
 
 426. I might go on to observe what passed in the
 
 156 THE ATHANASIAX CREED, 
 
 case of Leporius, a man of the same principles, in the 
 main, with Nestorius, but some years before him. His 
 recantation treatise (LibcJhts Satisfactionis), supposed 
 to be drawn up by St. Austin in the year 426, would 
 furnish me with many full and strong expressions 
 against the Nestorian principles beyond any to be met 
 with in the Athanasian Creed ; so that there is no 
 just argument to be drawn from any expressions in 
 that Creed for setting it so low as the Nestorian times. 
 431. I shall conclude this account with the recital 
 of a Creed made about the same time, or in the same 
 year, that the Council of Ephesus was held against 
 Nestorius. It is the Creed of John, Patriarch of An- 
 tioch, approved by Cyril of Alexandria, and thought 
 sufficient to wipe off all suspicion of Nestorianism from 
 the author of it. It runs thus: "We confess, then, 
 that Jesus Christ our Lord, the only-begotten Son of 
 God, is perfect God and perfect man, of a reasonable 
 soul and body ; born of the Father before the worlds, 
 as touching his Godhead ; the same also in the end of 
 days, for us and for our salvation, (born) of the Virgin 
 Mary, as touching His manhood, consubstantial with 
 us according to His manhood. But there was an union 
 made of two natures, on which account we profess one 
 Christ, one Lord, one Son. Conformable to this sense 
 of an union without confusion, we acknowledge the 
 Holy Virgin as Mother of God, because that God the 
 Word was incarnate and made man, and from the very 
 conception united to Himself a temple which He had 
 taken of her x ." 
 
 1 'OfxoXoyov^ev roiyapovv rhv Kvpiov rnx£>v 'Irjffovv Xptrrrbf rbf 
 vibv rov Qeov rbu ftovoyevrj, ®ebv TfKsiov nal &vQpwnov reKeiov (K
 
 "WHEN AND "WHERE MADE. 157 
 
 Here we may observe several expressions nearly re- 
 sembling those of the Athansian Creed ; but withal 
 several others more particular and explicit against the 
 Nestorian principles than that Creed is : one Son, and 
 Him consubstantial with us, in respect of his man- 
 hood ; the Virgin, Mother of God, and the like. Such 
 is the constant strain and tenor of the Creeds, and 
 Confessions, and Catholic writings, treating of the In- 
 carnation, at this time and after : as might be shewn 
 at large from Cassian about 431, and Yincentius in 
 the year 434, and from Flavian, and Pope Leo I., and 
 others before the Council of Chalcedon. "We have 
 therefore very great reason to believe, that the Athana- 
 sian Creed "was drawn up either before the Nestorian 
 controversy, had made much noise in the world, or, at 
 least, before the compiler had notice of it. The sum, 
 then, of my argument is this : there is nothing in the 
 Athanasian Creed but what might have been said, and 
 had been said, by Catholic writers before the time of 
 Nestorius ; but the Creed wants many of those parti- 
 cular and critical expressions which came into use 
 after that time ; therefore, since the internal characters 
 of the Creed suit exactly with the Apollinarian times, 
 and not with the ISTestorian, it ought to be placed 
 
 iJ'i'X'is ^07<KT)S Kal ffw/xaros, irpb alwvuiv fxzv e'/c tov Tiarpbs yevvi)Q4v' 
 ra Kara t?;c deorrjTa, eV iax&fw 5e twv Ttjxepoov rbv avrbv Si' 7]fxus 
 Kal Sia. Ti]v iifierepav aony\p[av £/c Maplas ttjj irapQevov Kara tt)v 
 afdpooTr6rTjTa' 6p.oovo~iov rw na-rpi rbv avrbv Kara ri]v deorrjra, Kal 
 bfioovaiuv r),u7v Kara, ryv avdpooirorrjra, Svo yap tpvaewv evuiats 
 yeyove' Sib Kal hva Xpiarbv, kva vibv, hva YLvpiov bp.oXoyovj.Le v. 
 Kara. ravrt)v ttjs aavyxyrov evu>o~ew<: tvvoiav, d/j.o\oyovp.ev rrjv 
 ay'tav irapBevov deoroKOv, Sia rb Tbv ®ebv \6yov crapKub-qvai, Kal 
 evavdpwirriaat, Kal e| avrTJs rf)S ao\\i]\peoi>s kvwcrai kavra, rbv e| 
 avrrjs \rjcpdevra va6v. — Joban. Antioch., in Routh's Opusc, voL ii. 
 p. 206.
 
 158 THE ATHANASIAN CREED, 
 
 somewhere between Apollinarius and Nestorrus, not 
 lower than 430 or 431 at the utmost. And it is some 
 confirmation of what hath been said, that Yenantius 
 Fortunatus, who lived in the Eutychian times, and 
 commented upon this Creed about the year 570, as 
 before observed, yet in his comment takes not the least 
 notice of any part of this Creed being opposed to the 
 errors of Nestorius or Eutyches, but only to those elder 
 heresies of Sabellius, Arius, and Apollinarius, whom 
 he specially makes mention of. I persuade myself, 
 therefore, that this Creed ought not to be placed lower 
 than 430, or thereabout ; and I have before shewn 
 why it should not be set higher than 420 ; so that now 
 we have brought it within the compass of ten years, 
 where we may let it rest awhile till we consider farther 
 what place or country the Creed was most probably 
 composed in, which may help us to settle the time of 
 its date within somewhat stricter and narrower limits 
 than before. 
 
 There is great reason to believe that this Creed was 
 made in Gaid. The considerations wdiich persuade us 
 thereto are these following : — 1. Its early reception in 
 the Gallican Church, so far as appears, before all other 
 Churches. 2. The great esteem and regard anciently 
 paid to it by the Gallican Councils and Bishops y . 
 3. The Creed's being first admitted into the Gallican 
 Psalter, and first received in those countries where that 
 Psalter was received, as in Spain, Germany, and Eng- 
 
 7 "Tanti namque apud Gallos Symbolum hoc fuit ut una cum 
 Symbolo Apostoloruni memoriae commendari Preshyteris pneeipiat 
 Hincmarus idem in capitulis, Clericis omnibus Synodus Augusto- 
 dunensis." — Su-mond., on Theodulph. de Sp. S., vol. ii. p. 978 ; cf. 
 
 Antelm., p. 30.
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 159 
 
 land. As the Gallican Churches delivered their Psalter 
 to other Churches, so is it reasonable to believe that 
 the Creed was received from them likewise. 4. The 
 oldest version we hear of is Gallican, in the time of 
 Hincmar. 5. The oldest authors that make mention 
 of it are likewise Gallican ; for proof of which I refer 
 to the ancient testimonies above. 6. The first that 
 cite the words of it (as it seems) are likewise Gallican. 
 I will here mention two : Avitus of Vienne, in Gaul z , 
 and Caesarius of Aries \ I have set their words in the 
 margin. 7. The oldest commentator upon it, though 
 an Italian by birth and education, had yet travelled 
 into France, and was at length Bishop of Poictiers. 
 8. The number and antiquity of the manuscripts of 
 this Creed found in Prance confirm the same thing; 
 which" has made several very learned men subscribe to 
 
 z The words of Avitus Viennensis, who was Bishop in 490, died 
 in 523 :— 
 
 " De Divinitate Sjnritus Sancti, quem nee factum legimus, nee 
 creatum, nee genitum. " — In Sirmond. , vol. ii. p. 159. " Nos vero 
 Spiritum discimus ex Patre et Filio procedere. . . Sicut est proprium 
 Spiritui Sancto a Patre Filioque procedere, istud Fides Catholica 
 etiamsi renuentibus non persuaserit, in suae tamen Discipline Regula 
 non excedit." — Le Quien, Panopl. contr. Schism. Grcec, cent. xi. 
 c. 4, § 2, p. 241. 
 
 "hon nisi ex eodem Symbolo, quod jam ante receptum esset, 
 Avitus Viennensis alicubi scribebat De Divinitate Sp. S.," &c. — 
 Le Quien, Dissert. Damascen., p. 98. 
 
 a The words of Caesarius, who was Bishop in 503, died in 543 : — 
 " Rogo et admoneo vos, Fratres carissimi, ut Quicunque vult 
 Salvus esse, Fidem rectam et Catholicam discat, firrniter teneat, 
 inviolatamque conservet. . . . Deus Pater, Deus Filius, Deus et 
 Spiritus Sanctus : sed tamen non tres Dii, sed unus Deus. Qualis 
 Pater, talis Filius, talis et Spiritus Sanctus. Attamen credat unus- 
 quisque Fidelis quod Filius sequalis est Patri secundum Divinita- 
 tem, et minor est Patre secundum humanitatem carnis, quam 
 de nostro assumpsit." — Ca?sar. Arelat. ; in August., vol. v. App., 
 p. 399. 
 
 N.B. The editors of St. Austin adjudge this to Caesarius ; as does 
 also Oudinus, Comment, de Scriptor. Eccl., vol. i. p. 1348.
 
 160 THE ATHAXASIAX CREED, 
 
 this opinion b , that the Athanasian Creed came first 
 from Gaul. And it is certain that no other country or 
 Church in the world has so fair, I may now say so 
 clear, a pretence to it. Many circumstances concur to 
 make good their title, as we have already seen ; and 
 more will appear in my next chapter, when I come to 
 enquire who was the author. 
 
 Let it he allowed then, for the present, that our 
 Creed was originally Gallican, and made between 420 
 and 430. We may next consider, whether we cannot 
 come a little nearer towards fixing the time of its 
 composition. We must point out some season when 
 St. Austin's works were known, and studied, and well 
 esteemed of in Gaul; and when the circumstances of 
 the place might the most probably give occasion for 
 the compiling such a Creed. !Now it is observable that, 
 about the year 426, St. Austin held a very close and 
 intimate correspondence with the Gallican Churches. 
 Leporius had for some time spread false doctrine in 
 Gaul, chiefly relating to the Incarnation. His heresy 
 was much the same with what Nestorius's was after- 
 
 b " Caeterum cum ex allatis supra testimoniis videatur in Galliis 
 primum celebrari ccepisse hoc Symbolum, haud ahs re conjectant 
 eruditi viri, in Galliis illud fuisse elucubratum. Quod item forte 
 suadeat antiquissimus ille in Galliis et in Anglia mos Symboli 
 alternatim concinendi ; itemque MSS. Gallicanorum copia et an- 
 tiquitas." — Montfauc, Dialrib., p. 726. 
 
 " E. Gallis primum prodii*se Symbolum Athanasianum animad- 
 vertimus, turn quod a Gallis scriptoribus ante omnes celebratum, 
 a Synodis Episcopisque Galliarum receptum, et commendatum 
 antiquitus fuerit, turn etiam quod Treviris in Galliarum Metropoli 
 illud lucubratum fuisse opinio increbuerit. Quapropter Pithoeus, 
 ac Vossius, aliique eruditissimi viri Galium bominem Symboli pa- 
 rentem opinati sunt ; Antelmius vero, hac potissiraum ratioue duc- 
 tus, non Vigilium in Africa Episcopum, sed Vincentium Lirinensem 
 Opusculi hujus auctorem affirmavit." — Murator., Anecd., vol. ii. 
 p. 229.
 
 WHEN AND WHERE MADE. 161 
 
 wards. The Gallican bishops censured him ; and he 
 was forced to quit his country, having giving general 
 offence to all there. He took his leave of Gaul, and 
 passed over into Africa, with several others of the same 
 party and principles; where lighting upon Aurelius, 
 Bishop of Carthage, and St. Austin, he was by them 
 brought to a sense of his error, and induced to sign 
 a full recantation, called Libellus Satisfactionis ; where- 
 upon St. Austin, and Aurelius, and other African bi- 
 shops, became intercessors with the bishops of Gaul 
 in favour of Leporius, that he might be again received 
 and restored by them. One can scarce imagine any 
 more likely time, or more proper occasion, for the com- 
 piling such a Creed as the Athanasian is. All the line s 
 and characters of it suit extremely well with the place, 
 the time, the occasion, and other circumstances, which 
 concur to persuade us that the Creed was, in all pro- 
 bability, composed in Gaul, sometime between the year 
 426 and the year 430 : so that now we are confined to 
 the narrow compass of four or five years, upon the 
 most probable conjecture, and upon such evidences as 
 a case of this nature can admit of, where more cannot 
 be expected.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the Atjthoe of the Ceeed. 
 
 If we have hitherto gone upon sure grounds ahout 
 the time and place, we cannot long he at a loss for the 
 author of this Creed. Who were the most considerable 
 men, and best qualified for such a work, at that time 
 in Gaul? Antelmius will point out Yincentius Liri- 
 nensis. But I have several reasons to persuade me that 
 it was not, or could not be, Vincentius. No contem- 
 porary of his, nor any ancient writer, ever gives the 
 least hint of his composing such [a work. Antelmius 
 supposes it to be after his Commonitory, that is, after 
 434 ; which if it had been, we should undoubtedly 
 have found the Creed more particular and explicit 
 against the Nestorian heresy : we should have read in 
 it Mother of God, One Son only, and something of 
 God's being born, suffering, dying, or the like ; it can- 
 not, therefore, be justly ascribed to Vincentius. Not to 
 mention that such a work appears to have been much 
 fitter for a bishop of a church, than for a private pres- 
 byter; inasmuch as bishops generally were obliged to 
 give an account of their faith upon their first entrance 
 upon the episcopate : and they had the privilege like- 
 wise of making Creeds and Forms of Prayer for their 
 respective dioceses ; for which reasons, cceteris paribus, 
 this Creed ought rather to be ascribed to some bishop of 
 that time than to an inferior presbyter. And who more
 
 OF THE AUTHOR OF THE ATHANASIAN" CREED. 163 
 
 likely to compose such a Creed than Hilary, Bishop of 
 Aries, a celebrated man of that time, and of chief re- 
 pute in the Gallican Church ? His title to it will stand 
 upon the following circumstances. 
 
 1. He was made bishop in Gaul within the time 
 mentioned, about the year 429. 2. He is allowed to 
 have been a man of great parts and capacity, of a neat 
 wit and elegant style for the age he lived in; inso- 
 much that Livius, a poet, and a celebrated writer of 
 that time, did not scruple to say, that if Austin had 
 come after Hilary, he would have been judged his in- 
 ierior a . 3. Gennadius's character of Hilary"s writings, 
 that they were small Tracts b , but extremely fine, suits 
 well with our present supposition : but what most of 
 all confirms and strengthens it, is what Honoratus of 
 Marseilles, the writer of his life, tells us, that Hilary 
 composed an admirable exposition \_Symboli Expositio 
 amlienda] of the Creed c . He calls it an Exposition of 
 the Creed (not a Creed), which is the proper title for 
 
 » " Quid plura dicam ? Nisi dicendi pausa desuper eideru adve- 
 nisset, sermonem finire non potuerat, tanta gratia exundante, et 
 miraculo et stupore creseeute, ut peritissimis desperationem tunc 
 autoribus sseculi ejus inferret oratio : in tantum ut Livius temporis 
 illius poeta, et autor insignis, publice proclnmaret ; si Ausrustinus 
 post te fuisset, judicaretur inferior." — Honoratus, in Vita Sti, 
 Hilarii, c. 11, in Leo, vol. i. p. 740. 
 
 b " Ingenio vero immortali, aliqua et parva edidit, quae eruditse 
 a'iim£e, et fidelis lingua) indicia sunt ; in quibus prrecipua," &c. — 
 Gennart., Itlustr. Vir. C'alaL, c. 71, p. 42. 
 
 c " Gratia ejus ex his operibus, qua) eoriem dicendi impetu con- ■ 
 cepit, genuit, ornavit, protulit, possit absque hsesitatioi.e dignosci: 
 vita scilicet antistitis Honorati, bomilire in totius anni f esti vital ibus 
 expedite, Symboli Expositio ambienda, epistolarum vero tantus 
 numerus," &c. — Honorat., Vit. Hilar., c. 11, p. 740. 
 
 N. B. There is some doubt whether Ravennius of Aries, successor 
 to Hilary, or Honoratus of Marseilles, be the author of this Life ; 
 but there is good reason to ascribe it to the latter. See Quesnel 
 in Leo, vol. ii. p. 730 ; and Antelinius, de veris operibus Leon. 
 M., p. 367.
 
 164 OF THE ATTTHOE OP 
 
 it, and more proper than that of Symholum, or Creed, 
 which it now bears. And so we find that it was but 
 very rarely called Symholum by the ancients ; once, I 
 think, by Hincmar, and never after for several centuries. 
 And when it was, yet it was observed by Thomas 
 Aquinas, that that was not so proper a name for it, 
 not being composed per modum Symboli, in the way of 
 a Creed ; as indeed it is not. What the more ancient 
 and usual titles were, may appear in one view in 
 the tables above. Among others, we sometimes find 
 the title of Expositio Catholicce Fidei, or yet nearer, 
 Expositio Symboli Apostoloncm, An Exposition of the 
 Apostles' Creed, which is as proper a title as any, and 
 not unlike to this of Honoratus. 4. I may farther ob- 
 serve that this Hilary of Aries was a great admirer and 
 follower of St. Austin d , and had studied his writings ; 
 which may account for his often following St. Austin's 
 thoughts in the compiling of the Creed, and sometimes 
 his very expressions ; and, indeed, furming the whole 
 composition, in a manner, upon St. Austin's plan, both 
 with respect to the Trinity and Incarnation. He did 
 not indeed come heartily into St. Austin's doctrine 
 about grace, predestination, free-will, &c, any more 
 than the other Gallican bishops ; but for other points, 
 as Prosper observes, Hilary was entirely in Austin's 
 sentiments. 5. Hence, likewise, we may account for the 
 similitude of thoughts and expressions between Vin- 
 
 d " Unum eorum prsecipua: auctoritatis, et spiritualium stu- 
 diorum virum, sanctum Hilarium, Arelateiisem Episcopum, sciat 
 Beatitudo tua admiratorem, sectatorvinque in aliis omnibus tuae 
 esse doctriiue : et de hoc quod in querelam trahit, jam pridem 
 apud Sanctitatem tuam sensum suum per litteras velle conferee." 
 — Prosper, ad Auyuslln., Ep. 225, vol. ii. p. S25.
 
 THE ATHANASIA.N CREED. 1 G5 
 
 centius Lirinensis and the author of the Creed, which 
 Antelmius insists much upon to justify his ascribing 
 it to Yincentius. Hilary and Yincentius were contem- 
 poraries and countrymen, both of the same monastery 
 in the Isle of Lerin, much about the same time ; so 
 that it is natural to suppose that they should fall into 
 the like expressions while treating on the same things ; 
 or that Yincentius might affect to copy from so great 
 a man as Hilary (first, Abbot of Lerin, and then Arch- 
 bishop of Aries) when writing on the same subject. 
 6. As to the style of Hilary, though we have but 
 little of his left to compare the Creed with, yet what 
 there is answers very well to the idea one should have 
 of a man that might be able to draw up such a piece. 
 His Life of the elder Honoratus, who was his prede- 
 cessor in the see of Aries, is an excellent performance, 
 and comes nothing short of the character he had raised 
 for wit and eloquence. The style is clear and strong, 
 short and sententious, abounding with antitheses, ele- 
 gant turns, and manly strokes of wit. He does but 
 touch a little in that piece upon the subject of the 
 Trinity ; so that one cannot from thence discover how 
 he would have expressed himself upon that head. 
 Only, that little there is there, is very like to a para- 
 graph in the Athanasian Creed, both for turn and ex- 
 pression. Speaking of Honoratus, or rather to him, 
 in the way of a rhetorical apostrophe, he observes e how 
 clear and expressive he had been in his discourses con- 
 
 e " Quotidianus siquidem in sincerissimis tractatibns confessionis 
 Patris ac Filii ac Spiritus Sancti testis fuisti : nee facile tam exerte, 
 tarn lucid e quisquam de Divinitatis Trinitate disseruit, cum earn 
 personis distingueres, et gloriae (gloriam,) aeternitate, ac majestate 
 sociares." — Hilar., Vit. Honor at., c. 38, p. 770.
 
 166 ' OF THE AUTHOR OF 
 
 cerning the Trinity in the Godhead ; making the Per- 
 sons distinct, but co-uniting them in glory, eternity, 
 and majesty. "Which may remind us of the words of 
 the Athanasian Creed, "There is one Person of the 
 Father, &c, but the Godhead of the Father, and of the 
 Son, and of the Holy Ghost is all one, the glory equal, 
 the majesty co-eternal." However that be, this we 
 may learn from it, how great a commendation it was, 
 in Hilary's account, to be able to speak clearly and 
 accurately upon the subject of the Trinity, and how 
 ambitious he might be of so doing himself: and we 
 know, from his dying instructions f to his friends about 
 him, how much he had the subject at heart. These, 
 I confess, are but little circumstances ; yet they are of 
 some weight along with others more considerable, and 
 therefore ought not to be entirely omitted. What 
 weighs most with me is, that he was, in his time, 
 a man of the greatest authority in the Gallican Church s, 
 without whose advice, or privity at least, such a Creed 
 would hardly have passed ; and that he actually was 
 
 1 Among which this is one, and the first, — 
 
 " Fidem Trinitatis immobiliter retinete." — Vit. Hilar., c. 20, 
 p. 747. 
 
 g Quesnel quotes this eulogium of him, from C'onstantius Pres- 
 byter of the same time : — 
 
 " Illustrabatur hffic civitas Hilario sacerdote, multimoda virtute 
 pretioso : erat enim fidei igneus torrens, crelestis eloquii, et prse- 
 ceptionis diviuaj operarius indefessus." — Quesnel, Diss., vol. ii. 
 p. 543. 
 
 To which may be added one line of his epitaph : — 
 
 " Gemma saceraotum, plebisque, orbisque magister." — Honorat., 
 Vit. HiL, p. 751. 
 
 " Ubi instructos supervenisse vidisset, sermone ac vultu pariter 
 in quad am gratia insolita excitabatur, seipso clarior apparebat ut 
 Silvius Eusebius, Domnulus, auctores coajvi, admiratione succensi 
 in ha;c verba proruperiut : uon doctrinam, non eloquentiam, sed 
 nescio quid super homines consecutum." — Honorat., Vit. Hilar., 
 c. 11, p. 740.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 1G7 
 
 the author of such a work as this is, and which must 
 either be this, or else is lost. This Creed has been 
 sometimes ascribed to the elder Hilary of Poictiers, 
 though neither the diction, nor the matter, nor the 
 manner of it, look anything like his : only it seems this 
 Creed in one manuscript was found tacked to some 
 pieces of that Hilary. I pretend not to draw any 
 argument from hence in favour of our Hilary ; though, 
 had the manuscript been a very ancient one, or copied 
 from one that was (neither of which appears), I should 
 have thought it of some moment, since the similitude 
 of names might possibly have occasioned it. 
 
 Having considered such reasons as seem to favour 
 the conjecture about Hilary of Aries, it will next be 
 proper to consider also what may be objected against it. 
 
 1. It may be objected, that this Hilary lived to the 
 year 449 ; saw the rise, progress, and condemnation of 
 the Nestorian heresy, and the beginning, at least, of the 
 Eutychian. May it not therefore be reasonably pre- 
 sumed, that had he been to compile a Confession of 
 Faith, he would have made it more full and particular 
 against both those heresies than I have supposed the 
 Creed to be? To this I answer, that the objection 
 would be of weight if I supposed this Creed to have 
 been made by him in the last years of his life : but as 
 I take it to have been made a little after his entrance 
 upon his episcopate, (to be a rule to his clergy all his 
 time, as well as to satisfy his colleagues of his own 
 orthodoxy,) the objection affects not me. Admit the 
 Creed to have been drawn up by him about the year 
 429 or 430, and then it is just what it should be, 
 exactly suited to the circumstances of time, and place :
 
 168 OF THE AUTHOR OF 
 
 and as to his enlarging or altering it afterwards, upon 
 the rise of the two heresies, it might not be in his 
 power when once gone out of his hands ; nor would 
 it be necessary, since both these heresies are sufficiently 
 obviated in this Creed, though not so explicitly con- 
 demned as in many that came later. 
 
 2. It may be asked, how the author's name came 
 to be so studiously concealed even by those that re- 
 ceived and admired the Creed; and how it came to take 
 at length the name of Athanasius, rather than of 
 Hilary ? I answer : This objection will equally lie 
 against any other author assignable whatever, except 
 Athanasius himself, whom we cannot with any colour 
 of reason ascribe it to. It will be as easy to account 
 for the studious concealment of the author's name, 
 supposing it Hilary, as for any other, or perhaps easier. 
 This Hilary had stoutly defended the rights of his 
 see against Pope Leo's encroachments in the matter 
 of appeals, and other branches of jurisdiction. This 
 brought the good man under disfavour and disrepute ; 
 as must happen to the best of men when they have 
 persons of greater figure and authority than themselves 
 to contend with, however righteous and clear their 
 cause may be. Besides this, Hilary had entertained 
 a dislike to some of St. Austin's prevailing doctrines, 
 about Grace, growing much in vogue ; so that St. Au- 
 stin's more zealous disciples had a pique against him on 
 that account, and had the less value for his name. The 
 way, then, to have this Creed pass current, and make 
 it generally received, was to stifle as much as possible 
 the name of the author, and to leave it to stand by its 
 9wn intrinsic worth and weight. As to the name of
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CEEED. 169 
 
 Athanasius, I take it to have come thus : upon the re- 
 vival of the Arian controversy in Gaul, under the in- 
 fluence of the Burgundian kings, it was obvious to 
 call one side Athanasians, and the other side Arians ; 
 and so also to name the Orthodox Faith the Athanasian 
 Faith, as the other Arian. This Creed, therefore, 
 being a summary of the Orthodox and Catholic faith, 
 might, in process of time, acquire the name of the 
 Athanasian Faith, or Fides Athanasii, in opposition to 
 the contrary scheme, which might as justly be called 
 Fides Arii, or the Arian Faith. The equivocalness of 
 the title gave a handle to those that came after to 
 understand it of a form of Faith composed by Atha- 
 nasius ; just as the equivocal title of Apostolical, given 
 to the Roman Creed, occasioned the mistake about its 
 being made by the Apostles. This appears to me the 
 most probable account of the whole matter : and it is 
 very much confirmed by what we see of several tracts 
 wrote in the fifth and sixth centuries, dialogue- wise, 
 where Athanasius is made the mouth of the Catholic 
 side, and Arius of his party, and Photinus of his : not 
 meaning that Athanasius, Arius, and Photinus were 
 really the speakers in those conferences, but the readers 
 were to understand the Athanasian, Arian, and Photi- 
 nian principles, as being there fairly represented under 
 those leading names. 
 
 3. If it be asked farther, why this Creed was not 
 cited during the Nestorian and Eutychian controversy, 
 when there was so frequent occasion for it ; I answer, 
 partly because the Creed was not particular and ex- 
 plicit enough to have done much service ; but, chiefly, 
 because the author had been eclipsed, and his repu-
 
 170 OF THE AUTHOR OF 
 
 tation obscured by greater names than bis, so that his 
 authority had weighed little ; and to produce it with- 
 out a name would have signified less. This objection, 
 therefore, though it might be of great force in the 
 question about Athanasius, is of no weight at all against 
 our present supposition about Hilary of Aries. 
 
 These are all the objections which to me occur: and 
 they seem to be so far from weakening the grounds upon 
 which I proceed, that they rather tend to strengthen 
 and confirm them. And though I do not pretend to 
 strict certainty about the author of the Creed, yet 
 I persuade myself that none that have been hitherto 
 named have any fairer or so fair a claim to it as the 
 man I have mentioned. Kot Athanasius, not Hilary 
 of Poictiers, not Eusebius of Verceil, not Pope Anasta- 
 sius I., nor any of that name; not Vincentius Lirinensis, 
 nor Vigilius Tapsensis, nor Athanasius of Spire, nor 
 Fortunatus, nor Bonifacius, nor any other that has 
 been thought on. From the many conjectures hereto- 
 fore advanced by learned men, one may perceive that 
 it has been judged to be a thing worth the enquiring 
 after : and as others have taken the liberty of naming 
 such author or authors as to them appeared most likely 
 to have made the Creed, so have I, in my turn, not 
 scrupling to add one more to the number. 
 
 The sum, then, of what I have presumed to advance 
 upon probable conjecture, in a case which will not ad- 
 mit of full and perfect evidence, is this : That Hilary, 
 once Abbot of Lerins, and next Bishop of Aries, about 
 the year 430, composed the Exposition of Faith, which 
 now bears the name of the Athanasian Creed. It was 
 drawn up for the use of the Gallican clergy, and espe-
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 171 
 
 cially for the diocese or province of Aries. It was 
 esteemed by as many as were acquainted with it, as 
 a valuable summary of the Christian faith. It seems 
 to have been in the hands of Vincentius, monk of 
 Lerins, before 434, by what he has borrowed from it ; 
 and to have been- cited in part by Avitus of Yienne, 
 about the year 500, and by Cassarius of Aries, before 
 the year 543. About the year 570, it became famous 
 enough to be commented upon like the Lord's Prayer 
 and Apostles' Creed, and together with them. All 
 this while, and perhaps for several years lower, it had 
 not yet acquired the name of the Athanasian Faith, but 
 was simply styled the Catholic Faith. But, before 670, 
 Athanasius's admired name came in to recommend and 
 adorn it ; being in itself also an excellent system of 
 the Athanasian principles of the Trinity h and Incar- 
 nation, in opposition chiefly to Arians, Macedonians, 
 and Apollinarians. The name of the Faith of Atha- 
 nasius, in a while, occasioned the mistake of ascribing 
 it to him as his composition. This gave it authority 
 enough to be cited and appealed to as standard in the 
 disputes of the middle ages, between Greeks and Latins, 
 about the Procession : and the same admired name, 
 together with the intrinsic worth and value of the 
 form itself, gave it credit enough to be received into 
 the public service in the Western Churches : first in 
 
 h " Romanae ego ecclesiae quasi Synibolum, incerto Auctore, ex- 
 istimem, nine Athanasii dictum et putatum quod dilucide Catho- 
 licam, ipsamque Athanasii Fidetn (de Trinitate, maxime) com- 
 plecteretur ; cujus inter Catholicos sic speetata Fides, ut ejus 
 Communio velut tessera Catholici esset ; censereturque ejus cou- 
 demnatio ipsa Niceense et Catholicae Fidei ejuratio ; uti se res 
 habuit in Liberio Romano autistite," &c. — Combetis, not. in, Calec. 
 iii Auctar., voJ. ii. p. 296.
 
 172 OF THE ATJTHOK OF THE ATHAXASIAN CREED. 
 
 France, next in Spain, soon after in Germany, Eng- 
 land, Italy, and at length in Rome itself; while many 
 other excellent Creeds, drawn up in councils, or re- 
 commended by emperors, yet never arrived to any such 
 honour and esteem as this hath done. The truly good 
 and great author (as I now suppose him) though ill- 
 used by the then Pope of Rome, and not kindly treated 
 with respect to his memory in after ages, has never- 
 theless been the mouth of all the Western Churches, 
 and some Eastern too, for a long tract of centuries, in 
 celebrating the glories of the co-eternal Trinity. And 
 so may he ever continue, till the Christian Churches 
 can find out (which they will not easily do) a juster, or 
 Bounder, or more accurate form of faith than this is.
 
 CLTAPTER IX. 
 
 The Creed itself in the Original Language, with 
 Parallel Passages from the Fathers. 
 
 Mt design in this chapter is — 
 
 1. To exhibit the Creed in its native language, that 
 is, in Latin, according to the most ancient and most 
 correct copies. The Various Lections will be placed at 
 the bottom, under the Creed. The manuscripts there- 
 in referred to, shall be denoted by such names or 
 marks as appear above, in the Table of Manuscripts. 
 
 2. Opposite to the Creed, in another column, I place 
 Parallel Passages, selected from authors that lived and 
 wrote before 430, principally from St. Austin : and this 
 with design to enforce and illustrate my main argu- 
 ment before insisted on, namely, that the Creed con- 
 tains nothing but what had been asserted, in as full 
 and express words as any words of the Creed are, by 
 Church writers before the time specified. 
 
 3. I subjoin under these, at the bottom of the page, 
 some farther select passages from Church writers before 
 or after the time mentioned ; partly to serve as com- 
 ments upon some places of the Creed, and partly to 
 shew how some writers of the fifth century, Vincen- 
 tius especially, expressed themselves on the same heads, 
 that the reader may from thence judge whether they 
 appear jjrior to the Creed or the Creed prior to them.
 
 174 THE OEIGINAL CEEED, WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 
 
 I ought to ask my English reader's pardon for this 
 part, which he may please to pass over, and to go on 
 to the next chapter, intended chiefly for his satisfac- 
 tion and to make him some amends for the present 
 interruption : for my design in subjoining an English 
 Commentaiy is to serve much the same purposes with 
 what is here intended by the Latin ; though not all 
 of them, but as many as the nature of the thing will 
 allow.
 
 the 
 
 ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 PARALLEL PASSAGES.
 
 176 THE ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 Fides Catholic a, 
 
 1. Quicumque vult salvus esse, ante omnia opus est 
 ut teneat Catbolicani Fidem. 
 
 2. Quam nisi quisque integram inviolatamque ser- 
 vaverit, absque dubio in seternum peribit. 
 
 3. Fides autem Catholica hoec est, ut unum Deuin 
 in Trinitate, et Trinitatem in Unitate venerernur : 
 
 4. Neque confundentes Personas, neque substantiara 
 separantes. 
 
 5. Alia est enim Persona Patris, alia Filii, alia 
 
 Spiritus Sancti. 
 
 Variantes Lectiones. 
 
 1. (salvus esse), esse salvus. Cod. Ambros. et Fortunat. in MS. 
 Ambros. 
 
 2. (quisque), quis : Cod. Ambros. (inviolatamque), inviolabilem- 
 que: Cod. San-germ, (absque dubio), deest in Cod. Keg. Paris. 
 {in teternum peribit), peribit in seternum. San-germ. 
 
 5. (alia Filii), alia Persona Filii. Cor). Ambros. item Fortunu 1 " 
 (alia Spiritus), alia Persona Sp. Sanct. Cod. Ambros.
 
 WTTH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 177 
 
 Loca parallela exccrpta ex Variis ; Ante An. 430. 
 
 1. " Catholictc discipline majcstatc institutum est, 
 ut accedentibus ad religionem Fides persuadeatur ante 
 omnia." — August., de Vtilit. Cred., c. 29, vol. viii. p. 64. 
 
 " Hacc est Fides nostra, quoniam hooc est Fides 
 recta, quae etiam Catholica nuncupatur." — August., 
 c. Maxim., lib. ii. c. 23, § 3, vol. viii. p. 729. 
 
 2. " Hyeretici .... simplici Fide Catholica contenti 
 esse nolunt ; quae una parvulis salus est." — August., 
 Enarr. in Psalm, x., c. 3, vol. iv. p. 60. 
 
 3. Nvv 8e SiSaaKe roaovrov ddevai p.6vov' povdfta iv 
 Tptddi, Kai Tpidda iv povdhi npocrKwovpevr^v, irapdho^ov 
 t^ovaav Ka\ ttjv Siaipecnv Kai ttjv ivcoanv. — Greg. Nazian., 
 Orat. 23, de Pace, c. 33, vol. i. p. 422. 
 
 4. " Et haec omnia nee confuse unum sunt, nee dis- 
 junct^ tria sunt." — August., Epist. 170, § 5, vol. ii. 
 p. 609. 
 
 5. "Impietatem Sabellii declinantes, tres personas 
 expressas sub proprietate distinguimus — Aliam Patris, 
 
 Excerpta ex Patrlbus. 
 
 1. " Credamus ergo Deo, fratres: hoc est primum praeceptum, 
 hoc est initium religionis et vitsB nostrce, fixum habere cor in Fide." 
 — August., Serin. 38, c. 3, vol. v. p. 195. 
 
 2. " Catholicorum hoc fere proprium, deposita Sanctorum Pa- 
 trum et commissa servare, damnare profanas novitates : et sicut 
 dixit, et iterum dixit Apostolus ; Si quis annunciaverit, praeterquaiu 
 quod accept um est, anathemare." — Vincent., c. 34. 
 
 3. " Catholica Eccle^ia unum Deum in Trinitatis plenitudine, et 
 item Trinitatis sequalitatem in una Divinitate veneratur." — Ibid., 
 cc. 22, 18. 
 
 4. "Ut neque singularitas substantia personarum confundat 
 proprietatem, neque item Trinitatis distinctio unitatem separet 
 Deitatis." — Ibid., c. 22. 
 
 5. " Quia scilicet alia est persona Patris, alia Filii, alia Spiritus 
 Sancti." — Ibid., c. 19.
 
 178 TI1E ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 6. Sed Patris, et Pilii, et Spiritus Sancti, una est 
 divinitas, sequalis gloria, coeeterna majestas. 
 
 7. Qualis Pater, talis Filius, talis et Spiritus 
 Sanctus. 
 
 8. Increatus Pater, increatus Filius, increatus et 
 Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 9. Immensus Pater, immensus Pilius, immensus et 
 Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 10. JEternus Pater, aetemus Pilius, ceternus et 
 Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 11. Et tamen non tres oeterni, sed unus seternus. 
 
 6. (coaierna). Codd. nonnulli habent el coseterna. Deest et in 
 Cod. Ambros. et in Fortvraat. et Brunou., aliisque multis. 
 
 7. (talis et Spiritus Sanctus). Ita Codd. Ambros. Reg. Paris. 
 C.C.C.C. 1, Cotton. 1. Jacob. 1. Fortunat. item Ca3sarius Arelat. 
 antiquissimus. MSS. recentiores, et editi omittunt et. 
 
 8. (et Spiritus Sanctus). Deest vocula et in recentioribus Codi- 
 cibus : retinent plerique antiquiores hoc in loco, et similiter in 
 snbsequentibus, ante Spiritus Sanctus. Quae lectio, opinor, vera 
 est, ab autore Symboli profecta ; scilicet, ad majorem emphasim, 
 propter hseresim Macedonianam nondum penitus extinctam. Nos- 
 trum autem est Symbolura exhibere quale se primitus habuit.
 
 WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 179 
 
 aliam Filii, aliara Spiritus Sancti esse personam." — 
 Pclag. Symbol., in Lambec, vol. ii. p. 27-4. 
 
 6. " Confutantes Arium, unam eandemque dicimus 
 Trinitatis esse substantiam." — Pelag. Si/mb., ib. 
 
 "Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti unam virtutem, 
 unam substantiam, unam Deitatem, unam majestatem, 
 unam gloriam." — August, c. Maxim., lib. ii. c. 26, 
 § 14, vol. viii. p. 744. 
 
 7. " Qualis est Pater secundum substantiam, talem 
 genuit Filium : et Spiritus Sanctus — est ejusdem et 
 ipse substantias cum Patre et Filio \" — Faustin., Fid. 
 
 8. " Quicquid ad seipsum dicitur Deus, et de sin- 
 gulis personis singulariter dicitur, ct simul de ipsa 
 Trinitate." — August., de Trin., lib. v. c. 8, § 9, vol. viii. 
 p. 838. 
 
 9. "Magnus Pater, magnus Filius, magnus Spiritus 
 Sanctus." — August., ib., p. 837. 
 
 10. "Hoc et de bonitate, et de oeternitate, et de 
 Omnipotentia Dei dictum sit." — August., ib., p. 839. 
 
 " JEternus Pater, coasternus Filius, coasternus Spiri- 
 tus Sanctus." — August., Serm. 105, vol. v. p. 543. 
 
 6. "Sed tamen Patris et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti non alia et alia, 
 sed una eademque natura." — Vincent., c. 19. 
 
 7. "Qualis immensa est Patris persona, talis est et Filii, talis 
 est Sancti Spiritus." — Philastr., Beer., 45, p. 112 ; (51, p. 106, ct. 
 p. 178). 
 
 8. "Illud prsecipue teneamus, quicquid ad se dicitur prsestantis- 
 sima ilia et divina sublimitas, substantialiter dici ; quod autem ad 
 illiquid non substantialiter, sed relative: tantamque vim esse ejus- 
 dem substantias in Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto, ut quicquid de 
 singulis ad seipsos dicitur, non pluraliter in summa, sed singulari- 
 tur accipiatur." — August., de Trin., lib. v. c. 8, § 9, p. 837. 
 
 a The exact words quoted are not to be found in the treatise of 
 Faustinus de Fide; but in c. 4, p. 647, he says, "Qualis enim 
 Pater Deus est, talis et Deus Filius est : " and in c. 7, p. 650, " Sic 
 est Spiritus Dei ut sit ejusdem substantia} cum Pater et Filio."
 
 180 TIIE ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 12. Sicut non tres increati, nee tres immensi, sed 
 unus increatus, et unus imrnensus. 
 
 13. Similiter, omnipotens Pater, omnipotens Eilius, 
 omnipotens et Spiritus Satictus. 
 
 14. Et tamen non tres omnipotentes, sed unus om- 
 nipotens. 
 
 15. Ita Deus Pater, Deus Filius, Deus et Spiritus 
 Sanctus. 
 
 16. Et tamen non tres Dii, sed unns est Deus. 
 
 17. Ita Dominus Pater, Dominus Filius, Dominus 
 et Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 18. Et tamen non tres Domini, sed unus est Do- 
 minus. 
 
 12. (unus increatns, et unus imrnensus). Unus imrnensus et unus 
 increatus. Cod. Ambros. 
 
 14. (Et tamen), deest tamen in Cod. Ambros. 
 16. (est Deus). Deest est in MS. Ambros. 
 
 18. (est Dominus). Deest est Cod. Ambros.
 
 WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 181 
 
 12. " Non tamen tres magni, sed unus magnus." 
 — August., de Trin., lib. v. c. 8, § 9, vol. viii. 
 p. 837. 
 
 13. "Itaque omnipotens Pater, onmipotens Filius, 
 omnipotens Spiritus Sanctus." — lb. 
 
 14. "Nee tamen tres omnipotentes, sed unus om- 
 nipotens." — lb., p. 838. 
 
 15. "Deus Pater, Deus Filius, Deus Spiritus Sanc- 
 tus." — August., de Trin., lib. viii. c. 1, vol. viii. p. 865 ; 
 et Serm. 105, c. 4, vol. v. p. 542. 
 
 16. "Nee tamen tres Dii . . . sed unus Deus." — 
 August., de Trin., 1. c. 
 
 17. " Sic et Dominum si quasras, singulum quemque 
 respondeo. . . . " — August., c. Maxim., lib. ii. c. 23, 
 § 3, vol. viii. p. 729. 
 
 18. " Sed simul omnes non tres Dominos Deos, sed 
 unum Dominum Deum dico." — lb. 
 
 12. " Nee magnos tres dicimus, sed magnum unum, quia non 
 participatione magnitudinis Deus magnus est, sed seipso magno 
 raagnus est, quia ipse sua est magnitude" — August., de Trin., 
 lib. v. c. 10, vol. viii. p. 838. 
 
 13. " Sed ne duos omnipotentes intelligas prseavendum est : licet 
 enim et Pater sit omnipotens, et Filius, tamen unus est omnipotens, 
 sieut et unus est Deus, quia Patris et Filii eadem omnipotentia est, 
 sicut et eadem Deitas." — Faustin. (p. 123) ; de Trinit., c. 3, p. 646. 
 
 14. " Sicut simul illi tres unus Deus, sic simul illi tres unus om- 
 nipotens est, et invisibilis unus, Deus Pater et Fdius et Spiritus 
 Sanctus est." — August., Coll. cum Maxim., c. 12, vol. viii. p. 654. 
 Cp. de Trin., lib. viii. c. 1, vol. viii. p. 654. 
 
 16. " Unus Deus propter inseparabilem divinitatem ; sicut unus 
 Omnipotens propter inseparabilem Omnipotentiam." — August., de 
 Cicit. Dei, lib. xi. c. 24, vol. vii. p. 290. 
 
 " In ilia summa Trinitate, quae incomparabiliter rebus omnibus 
 antecellit, tanta est inseparabilitas, ut cum Trinitas hnminum non 
 possit dici unus homo, ilia unus Deus et dicatur et sit." — August., 
 de Trin., lib. xv. c. 23, § 43, vol. viii. p. 996. 
 
 18. " Non sunt enim duo Domini ubi Dominatus unus est ; quia 
 Pater in Filio, et Filius in Patre, et ideo Dominus unus." — Ambros., 
 de Sp. S., lib. ill. c. 15, vol. ii. p. 686.
 
 182 THE ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 19. Quia sicut singillatim unamquamque Personam 
 et Deum et Dominum confiteri Christiana veritate com- 
 j^ellimur; ita tres Deos, aut Dominos dicere Catholica 
 religione prohibemur. 
 
 20. Pater a nullo est factus, nee creatus, nee genitus. 
 
 21. Filius a Patre solo est, non factus, nee creatus, 
 sed genitus. 
 
 22. Spiritus Sanctus a Patre et Filio, non factus, nee 
 creatus, nee genitus est, sed procedens. 
 
 23. Unus ergo Pater, non tres Patres ; unus Filius, 
 non tres Pilii ; unus Spiritus Sanctus, non tres Spiritus 
 Sancti. 
 
 19. (et Deum et Dominium). Tta MS. Ambros. et MS. Oxon. 
 Fortunat. rectissime. Cod. Fortunat. Ambros. aliique, turn MSS. 
 turn impressi, babent Deum et Dominum. Brunonis Cod. et Coll. 
 Job. MS. Deum ac Dominum. San-germanetisis, Dominum et 
 Deum. Plerique editi, Deum aut Dominum. Qiue lectio, me judice, 
 omnium pessima est. [aut Dominos] Ita plerique MSS. et editi : 
 sed nonnulb, ac Dominos. 
 
 (prohibemur). MS. Ambr. legit prohibemus : male. 
 
 22. (sed procedens). Cod. Ambros. adjecta babet ista ; Patri et 
 Filio coseternus est. Glossa, uti videtur, ex margine in textum 
 immissa : nisi forte librarius verba ilia ex Bacbiarii Fide, quam 
 simul descripserat, buc transtulerit ; sive oscitanter, sive majoris 
 eLucidationis gratia. — Vid. Bachiar. Fid., apud Murator., Anecd., 
 vol. ii. pp. 16, 18.
 
 WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 183 
 
 19. " Cum do singulis quaritur, unusquisque eorum 
 et Deus, et omnipotens esse respondeatur ; cum vero 
 de omnibus simul, non tres Dii, vel tres oninipotentes, 
 sed unus Deus omnipotens." — August., de Chit. Dei, 
 lib. xi. c. 24, vol. vii. p. 290. 
 
 20. " Dicimus Patrem Deum de nullo." — August., 
 Serm. 140, § 2, vol. v. p. 680. 
 
 " Non enim habet de quo sit, aut ex quo procedat." 
 —August., deTrin., lib. iv. c. 20, § 29, vol. viii. p. 829. 
 
 21. " Filius Patris solius — Hunc quippe de sua sub- 
 stantia genuit, non ex nihilo fecit." — August., Ep. 170 
 {alias 66), §§ 2, 3, vol. ii. p. 609. 
 
 22. " De Filio Spiritus Sanctus procedere reperi- 
 tur." — August., de Trin., lib. xv. c. 17, § 29, vol. viii. 
 p. 988. 
 
 " Neque natus est sicut Unigenitus, neque factus," 
 &c— Id., lib. v. c. 14, § 15, p. 841. 
 
 23. " Unus est Pater, non duo vel tres ; et unus 
 Filius, non duo vel tres ; et unus amborum Spiritus, 
 non duo vel tres." — August., c. Maxim., lib. ii. c. 23, 
 § 3, vol. viii. p. 729. 
 
 22. "Spiritus quoque Sanctus non, sicut creatura, ex nihilo est 
 factus ; sed sic a Patre Filioque procedit, ut nee a Filio, nee a Fatre 
 sit factus." — August, Ep. 170, § 4, vol. ii. p. 609. 
 
 Tb aytov Trvtvfxa. . . . ovre yevf^rbv ovre KTimbv . . . aAA.' 4k 
 Trarpos eKiropevd/xepov. — Epiphan. adv. Hares., lib. ii. c. 18, vol. i. 
 p. 742. 
 
 23. Ovre ovv rpels Trarepes, rptTs viol, ovre rptis Trapa.K\7]Toi' 
 aAA' (h irarrip, Kal eh vlbs, Kal els irapaKXqTos. — Pseud. Ignat., 
 red J'hilipp., c. 2, p. 118 ; cf. Epiphan., 1. c.
 
 184 THE ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 24. Et in hac Trinitate nihil prius aut posterius, 
 nihil majus aut minus, sed totse tres personae coaeternse 
 ^ibi sunt, et coooquales. 
 
 25. Ita ut per omnia, sicut jam supra dictum est, 
 et unitas in Trinitate, et Trinitas in unitate vene- 
 randa sit. 
 
 26. Qui vult ergo salvus esse, ita de Trinitate 
 sentiat. 
 
 27. Sed necessarium est ad seternam salutem, ut 
 Incarnationem quoque Domini nostri Jesu Christi fi- 
 deliter credat. 
 
 28. Est ergo Fides recta, ut credamus et confiteamur, 
 quia Dominus noster Jesus Christus, Dei Filius, Deus 
 pariter, et homo est. 
 
 21. {Et in hac), deest et in Cod. San-germ. 
 
 28. (confiteamur, quia). Cod. Ambros atque editi nonnulli le- 
 gunt quod. Plures habent quia. 
 
 (Deus pariter, et homo est). Ita Codd. Bened. 1, Colbertin. Jacob. 1 . 
 et Fortunat. Ambros. et San-germ, legunt, et Deus pariter et 
 homo est. Editi, Deus et homo est.
 
 WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 185 
 
 24. " In hac Trinitate, non est aliud alio majus, aut 
 minus." — August., Serm. 214, § 10, vol. v. p. 948. 
 
 " .Nee cnim prorsus aliquis in Trinitate graclus : nihil 
 i[Uod inferius, superiusve dici possit." — Pelag. Symb., 
 in Lambec, vol. ii. p. 274. 
 
 25. Vide supra, in Articulo 3. 
 
 26. Vide supra, Artie. 2. 
 
 27. " Dominus autem manens cum discipulis per 
 quadraginta Dies, significare dignatus est quia per 
 istud tenipus necessaria est omnibus Fides Incarna- 
 fionis Christi ; qua? infirmis est necessaria." — August., 
 Serm. 264, § 5, vol. v. p. 1077. 
 
 28. " Proinde, Christus Jesus, Dei Filius, est et 
 Deus et homo." — August., fflicMr., c. 35, § 10, vol. vi. 
 p. 210. 
 
 24. " Increata et insestimabilis Trinitas, quae unius est setemita- 
 tis et gloria?, nee tempus nee gradum vel posterioris recipit vel 
 prioris." — Ambros., de Fid., lib. iv. c. 11, voL ii. p. 547. 
 
 25. " Ita tota Deitas sui perfectione sequalis est, ut exceptis 
 vocabulis quae proprietatem indicant personarum, quicquid de una 
 ]>ersona dicitur, de tribus diguissime possit intelligi." — Pelag., 
 Symb. 
 
 26. " Si quis hane Fidem non habet, Catholicus dici non potest, 
 quia Catholicam non tenet Fidem ; et ideo alienus est ac profanus, 
 et adversus veritatem rebellis Fides." — Ambros., in Lambec, 
 rol. ii. p. 268. 
 
 27. "Ideo conversatio ipsius in carne post resurrectionem per 
 quadraginta dies erat necessaria, ut demonstraret tain diu esse ne- 
 cessariam Fidem Incarnationis Christi quamdiu in ista vita doce- 
 tur area in diluvio fluctuare." — August., Serm. 264, § 5, vol. v. 
 p. 1078.
 
 186 THE ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 29. Deus est ex Substantia Patris ante ssecula geni- 
 tus : homo ex substantia matris in saeculo natus. 
 
 30. Perfectus Deus, perfectus homo ex anima ra- 
 tionali et humana carne subsistens. 
 
 31. iEqualis Patii secundum Divinitatem : minor 
 Patre secundum humanitatem. 
 
 32. Qui licet Deus sit et homo, non duo tamen, sed 
 unus est Christus. 
 
 33. Unus autem, non conversione Divinitatis in car- 
 nem, sed adsumptione humanitatis in Deum. 
 
 29. (ex Substantia). Colbertin. de substantia : et infra, de substan- 
 tia matris. (Homo). Ambros. Cod. legit, et homo est. Fortuuat. 
 et homo. Post, matris, San-germ. Cod. habet, in ssoculo genitus 
 perfectus homo. 
 
 30. (rationali), rationabili. Codd. Ambros. Colbert, et San-germ. 
 
 31. {minor Patre), minor Patri. Colb. 
 
 32. Deest et Colb. 
 
 33. (in carnem), in carne. MSS. Ambros. Colbert, San-germ, alii- 
 que plurimi, et vetusti. Habent etiam in De •, pro, in Deum. At 
 multi etiam Codices, cum Fortunati Cod. Ambrosiano, receptam 
 lectionem prajferunt ; qua? utique prseferenda videtur. Cod. San- 
 germ, pro conversione habet conversatione. Cod. Colbert : totam 
 banc pericopen sic exhibet ; Unus autem, non ex eo quod sit in 
 carne conversa Divinitas, sed quia est in Deo adsutnpta dignanter 
 humanitas.
 
 WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 187 
 
 29. " Deus ante omnia soecula : homo in nostro 
 saeeulo — unus Dei Filius, idemque hominis Filius." 
 —Ibid. 
 
 30. " Confitemur in Christo unam esse Filii perso- 
 nam, ut clicamus duas esse perfectas atque integras 
 substantias, id est, Deitatis, et humanitatis quao ex 
 anima continetur et corpore." — Pelag., Symb., p. 275. 
 
 31. " iEqualem Patri secundum Divinitatem, mino- 
 rem autem Patre secundum earn em, hoc est, secundum 
 hominem." — August., Epist. 137, vol. ii. p. 406. 
 
 32. " Agnoscamus geminam substantiam Christi ; 
 Divinam scilicet qua sequalis est Patri, humanam qua 
 major est Pater : utrumque autem simul non duo, sed 
 unus est Christus." — August., in Johan., Tract. 78, § 3, 
 vol. iii. part 2, p. 699. 
 
 33. " Verbum caro factum est, a Divinitate carne 
 suscepta, non in carnem Divinitate mutata." — August., 
 Enchir., c. 34, § 10, vol. vi. p. 209. 
 
 29. " Idem ex Patre ante ssecula genitus, idem in sajculo ex 
 raatre generatus." — Vincent., c. 19. 
 
 30. "Ad versus Arium, veram et perfectara verbi Divinitatem ; 
 adversus Apollinarem, perfectam hominis in Christo defendimus 
 veritatem." — August., Sena. 258, § 2, vol. v. App. p. 391. 
 
 " Perfectus Deus, perfectus homo: in Deo summa Divinitas, in 
 homine plena humanitas : quippe quae animam simul habeat et 
 carnem." — Vincent., c. 19. 
 
 32. " Caro Christus, et a*nima Christus, et verbum Christus : nee 
 tameu tria haec tres Christi, sed unus Christus." — August., in 
 Johan., Tract. 47, § 12, vol. iii. part 2, p. 612. 
 
 33. " Nemo ergo credat Dei Filium conversum et commutatum 
 esse in hominis Filium ; sed potius credamus, et non consumpta 
 divina, et perfects assumpta lnunana substantia, manentem Dei 
 Filium factum hominis Filium." — August., Serm. 187, § 3, vol. v. 
 p. 887. 
 
 " Deus ergo hominem assumsit, homo in Deum transivit : non 
 naturae versibilitate, sicut Apolliuarisfcc dicunt, sed Dei digna- 
 tione." — Gennad., Eccl. Dogm., c. 2, in August., vol. viii. p. 75.
 
 188 THE ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 34. "Onus omnino, non confusione substantias, sed 
 imitate Person ae. 
 
 35. Nam sicut anima rationalis et caro unus est 
 homo ; ita Deus et homo unus est Christus. 
 
 36. Qui passus est pro salute nostra, descendit ad in- 
 feros, tertia die resurrexit a mortuis. 
 
 37. Adscendit ad CbbIos, sedet ad dexteram Patris ; 
 inde venturus judicare vivos et mortuos. 
 
 38. Ad cujus adventum omnes homines resurgerc 
 hahent cum corporibus suis, et reddituri sunt de factis 
 propriis rationem. 
 
 39. Et qui bona egerunt, ibunt in vitam seternam, 
 qui vero mala, in ignem oaternum. 
 
 34. ( Unus omnino), unus Christus est. Colbert. 
 
 35. (Nam, sicut, &c. ) Totum omittit Cod. Colbertinus. Scilicet, 
 uti credo, ne simile illud in erroris sui patrocinium arriperent Mo- 
 nophysitse. (Rationalis), rationabilis. Ambros. 
 
 36. (Qui passus est pro salute nostra), qui secundum Fidem nos- 
 tram passus et mortuus. Colbert. 
 
 (ad inferos), ad infernos. Cod. San-germ, ad inferna. Fortuuat. 
 MS. Oxon. ad inferna descendens. Cod. Colbertin. 
 
 (tertia die), deest in Cod. Ambros. San-germ. Cotton 1, Jacob. 1, 
 (resurrexit), surrexit. Cod. Ambros. Fortunat. 
 
 37. (sedet), sedit. Cod. Ambr. (Dexteram Patris) : Ita Codd. Am- 
 bros. et Fortunat. et Symb. Roman. Vet. Dexteram Patris Omni- 
 potentis. Cod. San-germ. Dextram'Omnipotentis. Cod. Brunonis, 
 Dexteram Dei Patris sedet, sicut vobis in Symbolo traditum est. 
 Cod. Colbert. Dexteram Dei Patris Omnipotentis. Codd. recen- 
 tiores, cum excusis. 
 
 38. (reswrgere hahent cum corporibus suis, et), desunt in Cod. Am- 
 bros. Colbertinus legit ; ad cujus adventum erunt omnes homines 
 sine dubio in suis corporibus resurrecturi. Sed nihil mutamus. 
 
 39. (egerunt) egerint. Cod. Ambros. Totum hunc Articulum
 
 WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 189 
 
 34. " Idem Deus qui homo, et qui Deus idem homo : 
 non confusione naturae, sed imitate persona3." — August., 
 Serm. 186, § 1, vol. v. p. 885. 
 
 35. " Sicut enim unus est homo anima rationalis <t 
 caro ; sic unus est Christus Deus et homo." — August., 
 in Joh., Tract. 78, § 3, vol. iii. p. 699. 
 
 36. " Descendit ad iuferna, tertia die resurrexit 
 a mortuis." — Symh. Aquileice, in Heurtley, p. 30. 
 
 37. " Ascendit ad ccelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris ; 
 inde venturus judicare vivos et mortuos." — Sytnl. 
 Roman. Vet., in Heurtley, p. 31. 
 
 38. " Eesurrectionem carnis ita credimus, ut dica- 
 mus nos in eadem qua nunc sumus veritate membrorum 
 esse reparandos." — Pelag., Synth. , p. 275. 
 
 39. " Et procedent qui bona fecerunt, in resurrec- 
 tionem vitse, qui vero mala egeruut in resurrectionem 
 judicii."— Joh. v. 29. 
 
 34. "Unus autem, non . . . Divinitatis et humanitatis confusione 
 sd . . . unitate personse." — Vincent. Lir., c. 19. 
 
 36. "Quis ergo, nisi infidelis, negaverit fuisse apud inferos 
 Christum ? . . . 
 
 " Quamobrem teneamus firmissime quod fides habet fundatissima 
 auctoritate firmatum . . . et tsetera qute de illo testatissima veritate 
 conscripta sunt ; in quibus etiam hoc est, quod apud inferos fuit." 
 — August., Ep. 164, vol. ii. pp. 574, 578. 
 
 38. "Si id resurgere dicitur quod cadit, caro ergo nostra in 
 veritate resurget, sicut in veritate cadit. Et non secundum Orige- 
 nem, immutatio corporum erit," &c. — Gennad., Eccl. Dogmat., 
 c. 6, p. 76. 
 , 39. " Post resurrectionem et judicium, non credamus restitutio-
 
 190 TEE ORIGINAL CREED, 
 
 40. Heec est Fides Catholica, qiiam nisi quisque fide- 
 liter, firmiterque crediderit, salvus esse non poterit. 
 
 sic legit Colbertinus ; Ut qui bona egerunt, eant in vitam aeternam ; 
 qui mala in ignem asternum. 
 
 (qui vero), Cod. Ambros. et Cotton. 1, omittuut vero. Codices 
 nonnulli legunt, et qui vero : alii, et qui mala. 
 
 40. (quisque), Cod. Ambros. unusquisque. Colbertinus pergit : 
 Ha?c est Fides sancta et catholica, quam omnis homo, qui ad 
 vitam setemam pervenire desiderat, scire integre debet, et fideliter 
 custodire.
 
 WITH PARALLEL PASSAGES. 191 
 
 " Ibunt hi in supplicium aeternum, justi autem in 
 vitam acternam." — Matt. xxv. 46. 
 
 40. " Cavete, dilectissinii, ne quis vos ab Ecclesia) 
 Catholicae Fide ac unitute seducat. Qui enim volris 
 aliter Evangelizavcrit praeterquam quod accepistis, ana- 
 thema sit." — August., Serm. 205, § 8, vol. v. p. 952. 
 
 nem futuram, sicut Origenes delirat, ut daomones vel impii homines 
 post toiinenta quasi suppliciis expurgati, vel illi in angelic am qua 
 creati sunt redeant dignitatem, vel isti justorum societate donen- 
 tur." — Gennad., ibid, c. 9, p. 77. 
 
 40. 'O ravra iriaTevaas is «X e '> & s yeytvyrai, fj-axapios' u 
 TavTa. p-T] iruntimv evayvs oi>x t)ttov tcov rkv Kvpiov aravpuKTav- 
 twv. — Pseud. Iguat., ad Philipp., c. 3, p. 118.
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Passages from the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Confirming 
 the Statements op the Athanasian Creed. 
 
 The evidence adduced by Dr.AYaterland in the pre- 
 ceding chapter in confirmation of the statements made 
 in the Athanasian Creed being confined to extracts 
 from writers of the fourth and fifth centuries, it seems 
 desirable to complete the chain of testimony, by adding 
 passages from the Ante-Nicene Fathers, which express, 
 with more or less closeness, the same views as to the 
 nature of God, and the distinction and Divinity of the 
 three Persons in the blessed Trinity. The collection 
 of passages is derived, in great measure, from the late 
 Professor Blunt's "Lectures on the Eight Use of the 
 Early Fathers 11 ," supplemented from Dr. Burton's 
 "Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene Fathers to the Di- 
 vinity of Christ, and to the Doctrine of the Trinity.'' 
 The series begins with Ignatius, as the evidence of 
 Clement of Rome on the subject consists in implication 6 
 rather than direct statement, with the exception of 
 some passages in his second Epistle c , which is of very 
 doubtful authenticity. 
 
 * Series ii. lect. x. pp. 396 — 408 of second edition. 
 
 »> c. 2, pp. 10, 12 ; c. 16, pp. 62, 64 ; c. 22, p. 98 ; c. 36, p. 134. 
 See Burton, Div. of Christ, pp. 4—12. 
 
 c e.g. c. 1, p. 229: Ouras 8e? T)p.as (ppovuv irepl 'l-qcrov Kpicrrov 
 dis irepl ®eov. c. 9, p. 248 : Xpurrbs 6 Kvpios, 6 nwaas rifxas, &v 
 fi.\v rb ■n-pwTOV Trvfv/xa, tytvtro <rap£, koI ovtoos ij/xas £K<i\e<rev,
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 193 
 
 Articles 1— 3.— Irenaeus, lib. iv. c. 33, § 7, p. 273. " Ju- 
 dicabit autem et omnes eos qui sunt extra veritatcm, 
 id est qui sunt extra ecclesiam ; ipse autem a nemine 
 judicabitur. Omnia enim ei constant : els eva Qeov 
 
 TTavToKparopa, e£ ov ra rcavra, Trians oXoickrjpos- Kai els tov 
 Ylov tov Qeov 'irjaovv XpiiTTQV, tov Kvpiov rjpaiv, SV ov Ta 
 iravra, Kai Tas oiKovoplas avrov, 81 (ov avdpatnos e'yevero 6 
 Ylos tov Qeov, neiapovr] /3f/3aia" Kai els to Uvevpa tov 
 Qeov, qui praestat agnitionem vcritatis, to ras oIkovo- 
 
 pias UaTpos Te Kai Ylov (TKrjvofiaTovv Kad eKaaTTjv yevedv 
 ev tois dvOptotrois, Ka8a)s ftovXerat 6 Tiar-qp. 
 
 Cyprian, Ep. 73, § 14, p. 206. " Quomodo ergo 
 quidani dicunt foris extra Ecclesiam imo et contra 
 Ecclesiam, modo in nomine Jesu Christi, ubicutnque 
 et quomodocumque gentilem baptizatum remissionem 
 peccatorum consequi posse, quando ipse Christus gen- 
 tes baptizari jubeat in plena et adunuta Trinitate." 
 
 Article 3. — Justin Martyr, Apol., c. 13, pp. 50, 51. 
 
 "A8(oi pev cat ovk eapev, tov 8rjpiovpyov T0v8e tov navrus 
 
 creftopevoi. tis o-a>(pp6va>v ov% opoXoyrjo'ei ; tov 8i8do~- 
 
 koXov Te tovtoov yevdpevov rjplv, — Ylov avrov tov ovtcos 
 Qeov padovres, Kai ev 8evrepa X^P a '^X 0VT€S ' nceC/ia Te 
 rrpotprjTiKov ev Tpirrj ru£et on pera \6yov rip<opev, <mo- 
 8el£op,ev. 
 
 Theophilus, Ad Autolycum, lib. ii. c. 15, p. 360. 
 
 'Qaavrcos Kai al rpels rjpepat ^7rpo^\ t<ov (pco(TTr]p(ov yeyo- 
 vvlai Txmoi. elaiv ttjs Tpid8os, tov Qeov, Kai tov Xoyou 
 avrov, Kai rr/s ao(pias avrov d . 
 
 Cyprian, Ep. 73, § 6, p. 200. " Doniinu* post resur- 
 
 d This passage is important, as the earliest in which the word 
 Tpias is used by any of the Fathers. 
 

 
 194 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 rectionem discipulos suos mittens quemadmodnm bap- 
 tizare deberent instituit et docuit, dicens, Data est 
 mild omnis potestas in ccdo et in terra. Ite ergo et 
 docete gentes omnes, baptizantes eos in nomine Patris, 
 et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti. Insinuat Trinitatem, 
 cujus sacramento gentes baptizarentur." 
 
 Dionysius Rom., adv. Sabellium, p. 377. Ovtco yap 
 dv /cat fj 6ela Tptas, /cat to ayiov Krjpvypa ttjs povap^ias 
 diao~a>£oiTO. 
 
 Articles 4, 5. — Justin Martyr, Dial. c. Trgph., § 128, 
 
 p. 221 . Kai on 8vvapis avTrj^rjv /cat Qebv /caXet 6 Trpofp-qTiKos 
 Xoyoy, cos 8ia ttoWSov cocravTais cmol eSeixrai, Kai dyyiKov, 
 oil ^ cos to tov fj\iov (pas ovopari pdvov dptdpelTai, aXKa /cat. 
 dpidpa> erfpov tl « cm, Kat iv tois npoeiprjpivois 8ia ^pa^icov 
 tov \6yov i£i]Tao~a, fina/v Trjv 8vvapiv TavTTjv yeyevvrjadai 
 dirb tov TlaTpos 8vvdpei Ka\ ftovXfj avrov, dAX' ov Kara airo- 
 Toprjv, cos diropep'.^opcwqs Tijs tov UaTpbs oiaias, oirola tu 
 «XXa ndvra pepi^opeva /cat Tepvopeva ov to aliTa iaTiv a Kai 
 irplv Tprj6i)vaC /cat 7rapa8eiypaTos X^P LU '""ape'Xjjc^eii/ to cos 
 «7r6 nvpbs dvanTopeva irvpa erepa opaipev, oi8iv eXarrou- 
 pevov eKeivov, e'£ ov dv <(]idt] at TroXXci 8vvavTai, dXXa 
 TavTov pivovTos. 
 
 Atbenagoras, Legat. pro Christ., c. 10, p. 287. Ti's 
 
 ovv ovk dv drroprjo-ai, Xeyovras Qebv Tlarepa Kai Ylbv ©ecu/ 
 Ka\ Hvevpa ayiov, 8eiKvvVTas avTwv /cat ttjv iv ttj ivcoad 
 8wapiv /cat ttjv iv ttj tu^h 8iaipeaiv, aKovaas ddiovs 
 KaXovpivovs ; 
 
 lb., C 12, p. 289. EtSeVat . . . tis f] tov Uai8bs 7rpbs 
 top Haripa evoTTjs, tis f) tov UaTpbs irpbs tov Ylbv koc- 
 vcavia, Ti to Uvevpa, tis r) twv togovtoov evwais, /cat 8iaip€0~iv 
 (vovpfva>v } tov TIvtvpaTOs, tov IlatSos, tov IlaTpos-
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 195 
 
 Tertullian, adv. Prasceam, c. 2, p. 501. " Unicum 
 Deum non alias putat credeudum, quam si ipsum 
 eundeinque et Patrem Filium et Spiritum Sanctum 
 dicat ; quasi non sic quoque unus sit omnia, dum ex 
 uno omnia, per substantias scilicet unitatem, et nihil- 
 ominus custodiatur oeconomiae sacramentum, qme 
 unitatem in trinitatem disponit, tres dirigens, Patrem 
 et Pilium et Spiritum Sanctum : tres autem non 
 statu sed gradu ; nee substantia sed forma ; nee po- 
 testate sed specie ; unius autem substantia?, et uniu^ 
 status, et unius potestatis." 
 
 lb., cc. 11, 12, p. 506. "His itaque paucis tamen 
 manifeste distinctio Trinitatis exponitur. Est enim 
 ipse qui pronuntiat Spiritus, et Pater ad quern pro- 
 nuntiat, et Filius de quo pronuntiat. Sic et csetera 
 qua? nunc ad Patrem de Pilio, vel ad Filium, nunc ad 
 Filium de Patre, vel ad Patrem, nunc ad Spiritum 
 pronuntiantur ; unamquamque personam in sua pro- 
 prietate constituunt. 
 
 " Si te adbuc numerus scandalizat Trinitatis, quasi 
 non connexae in imitate simplici, interrogo quomodo 
 unicus et singularis pluraliter loquitur ? Faciamus 
 hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram ; 
 cum debuerit dixisse, Faciam hominem ad imagi- 
 nem et similitudinem meam, utpote unicus et sin- 
 gularis ?" 
 
 Hippolytus, c. Noetum, c. 7, vol. ii. p. 11. Eav 8e 
 Xe'-yei, avros eiVei/, 'Eyco ko.1 6 Ylarrjp eu eapev, fTncrTaverco 
 tuv vovv nai pavOavira, on ovk. einev on 'Ey<w kcii 6 TlaTrjp 
 ev dpi, aWa eu iaptv. To yap iapev ovk t(p' evos Aeyertu, 
 dAX* eVl &vo 7rp6o-a>7ra ebeitjev, bvvapiv hi piav. 
 
 Origen, on St. John i. 3, torn. ii. § 6, vol. iv. p. 60.
 
 196 APPENDTX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Earat 8e tis Kal rpiTos napd tovs 8vo, tov re Sid tov 
 Aoyov napa^exouevov to TLvevpa to ayiov yeyovevai, Kal 
 tov ayevvrjTov avTov eivai VTtohapfidvovTa, 8oypaTi£a>v pr]8e 
 ovaiav Tiva iBiav v(peo~Tdvai tov ayiov HvevpaTOs ere'pav 
 irapa tov Uarepa Kal tov Ylov .... rjpels pevroiye Tpels 
 vnoaTaaeis TreiOopevoi Tvyxdveiv, tov Uarepa, Kal tov Ylov, 
 Kal to ayiov Ilvevpa, Kal ayevvryrov prj8ev erepov tov IJaTpot 
 eivai nio-TevovTes, ws evaej3eaTepov Kal akrjdes Tvpoaiepeda 
 to, ndvToov 8ia tov Aoyov yevopevav, to ayiov Ilvevpa 
 navTcov eivai Tipicorepov, Kal Ta£ei -ndvrav Ta>v iino tov 
 HaTpos Sid XpioTov yeyevvqpevcov. Kal Tax a aVT7 l earlv i) 
 aiTia tov p.!) Kal avroviov xprjpaTi^eiv tov Qeoi/, povov tov 
 Movoyevovs (pvo~ei Ylov apx^jOev Tvyxdvovros, ov \pr]£eip 
 eoiKe to ayiov Ilvevpa, Siokovovvtos ovtov tjj vTroaTaaei, ov 
 povov eis to eivai, dXAd Kal o~o(pov eivai Kal XoyiKov Kal 
 OiKaiov, Kai nav otitzqtovv \pr\ avTo voeiv Tvy\aveiv, Kara 
 p.fTo)(r)V to)V Trpoeiprjpevcov rjplv Xpio-roG eirivoiaiv. 
 
 Novatian e , de Trinitate, c. 21, p. 720. " Quis enim 
 non secundam Pilii post Patrem agnnscat esse per- 
 sonam, cum legat dictum a Patre consequenter ad 
 Filium, Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudi- 
 nem nostrum." 
 
 Dionysius of Alexandria, Ex Elencho et Apol., c. 6, 
 
 p. 93. "Ey eiaiv, ovTes 8vo' ovrco yap Kal 6 THarhp Kal 6 
 Ylos ev Kal ev d\\i]kois e\e'x^ r l' Tav eivai. 
 
 lb., C 8, p. 94. Oi Se ovk lo-acriv on prjre dWorpicoTai 
 Uarr/p Ylov rj Uari-jp' npoKaTapKTiKov yap e'oTi rrjs avvacpeias 
 to ovopa' ovre 6 Ylos dncoKiaTai tov Uarpos. 'H yap Uarrjp 
 
 e The testimony of Novatian is considered by Dr. Burton as 
 valuable, since, though heretical in matters of discipline and prac- 
 tice, his opinions in matters of doctrine wore always held to be 
 tound. — Burton, " Divinity of Christ," p. 366.
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 197 
 
 npoarj-yopin 8r]\oi tijv naivodviav' eP re rals x(pa\v avru>v 
 tan to Hvevpa, pr]re tov TreprrovTos prjre rod (pepovros 
 hvvdpevov artpeadai. IIco? oiiv 6 tovtois ^pco/nei/os' rots 
 ovopaart, pepepiadai TavTa Koi dtfxopicrdai navT(\cos aXXrjXav 
 o'inpcu ; 
 
 Article 6. — Clemens Alex., Pad-agog., lib. iii. c. 12, 
 
 p. 311. Alvovvras (vxapio-relv tw povco Tlarpl Ka\Yl(3, 
 Yt<5 koi UaTp\, Trai&ayaycp Kai SiSatrKaAa) Yla, crvv kcu rco 
 ayla> YlvevpaTi, irnvra r<a evt, iv co rd ttclvtu, 8i bv ra iravra 
 ei>, St' ov to dfi. 
 
 Article 8. — Irenaeus, lib. iii. c. 8, § 3, p. 183. " Quoniam 
 autem ipse omnia fecit libere et quemadmodum voluit, 
 ait iterum David : Deus autem noster in ccelis sursuni 
 et in terra, omnia quascunque voluit, fecit. Altera 
 autem sunt, qua? constituta sunt, ab eo qui constituit, 
 et qua? facta sunt, ab eo qui fecit. Ipse enim infec- 
 tus, et sine initio et sine fine et nullius indigens, ipse 
 sibi sufficiens, et adhuc reliquis omnibus, ut sint, hoc 
 ipsum praestans ; quae vero ab eo sunt facta initium 
 sumpserunt. Quaecunque autem initium sumpserunt, 
 et dissolutionem possunt percipere et subjecta sunt et 
 indigent ejus, qui se fecit ; necesse est omnimodo, ut 
 differens vocabulum habeant apud eos etiam, qui vel 
 modicum sensum in discernendo talia babent : ita ut 
 is quidem, qui omnia fecerit, cum Verbo suo juste 
 dicatur Deus et Dominus solus ; quae autem facta sunt, 
 non jam ejusdem vocabuli participabilia esse, neque 
 juste id vocabulum sumere debere, quod est creatoris." 
 Id., lib. ii. c. 13, § 8, p. 132. Speaking of the 
 absurd doctrines of some of the Gnostics, Irenaeus 
 goes on to say, " Decentiora autem magis quani hi,
 
 198 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 qui generationem prolativi hominum verbi transferunt 
 in Dei seternum Yerbum, et prolationis initium do- 
 nantes et genesin, queniadntodum et suo vcrbo. Et 
 in quo distabit Dei Yerbum, immo magis ipse Deus, 
 cum sit Yerbum, a verbo bominum, si eamdem habu- 
 erit orJinationem et emissionem generationis." 
 
 Article 9. — lb., lib. iii. c. 16, § 6, p. 206. " In omni- 
 bus autem est et homo, plasmatio Dei ; et bominem 
 ergo in semetipsum recapitulans est, inyisibilis visi- 
 bilis factus, et incomprehensibilis faetus comprehen- 
 sibilis, et impassibilis passibilis, et Yerbum homo." 
 Clemens Alex., Strom., lib. vii. c. 2, p. 831. Ov 
 
 yap e^LCTTciTai irore ttjs avrov irepi<i)TTr]s 6 Ylos tov Qeov' 
 ov pepi^ope.'os. ovk cnwTfp.v6p.evos, ov peTafiaivcw e'*c tottov 
 els tottov, TravTj] he &>v iravTore, Kai prjhaprj Trepiexdpevos. 
 okos voxis, okos (pcos iraTpmov, okos d(pdakpds, irdvTa oputv, 
 navTa okovcov, el8a>s iravTa. 
 
 Id., Pedagog., lib. i. c. 6, p. 123. "SI Bavparos pv<r- 
 tikov" els pev 6 tcov okcov HaTi]p' els be Kai 6 t<ov oka>v 
 Aoyos' ko\ to Yivevpa to ayiov ev, Ka\ to avro Travra^ov. 
 
 Article 10. — Ignatius, Ep. ad Poly carp, c. 3, p. 490. 
 
 Tov vnep Kaipov npoahoKa, tov axpovov, tov aoparov, tov 81 
 ))pas opaTuv, tov d\j/rjkd(pr]Tov, tov dnadrj, tov 81 rjpds 
 iradrjTov, tov KaTa ndvTa Tpoirov St' Tjpds viropeivaVTa. 
 
 Justin Martyr, Ep. ad Diognet., c. 11, p. 240. 
 Ovtos 6 air dpxrjs, 6 Kaivbs (pavels . . . ovtos 6 ae\, arjpepov 
 Ylos koyicrBeis. 
 
 Irenseus, lib. iv. c. 20, § 3, p. 253. " Quoniam 
 Yerbum, id est Filius, semper cum Patre erat, per 
 multa demonstravimus. Quoniam autem et Sapien-
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 199 
 
 tia, quse est Spiritus, erat apud eum ante omncm 
 constitutionem, per Salomonem ait." 
 
 Origen, Comment, in Genes., torn. i. vol. ii. p. 1. Or 
 
 yap 6 Geov Tiarrjp auai rjptjaro, KoiXvopevos u>s 01 yivopevoi 
 rrarepes av6pu>iroi, vnb tov pr) dvvaadai ira> iraTtpts ftvai' 
 (I yap del TeXfios 6 Qebs, Kal 7rupeaTCV avrco 8wap.is tov 
 Uarepa ai'Tov elvai, Ka\ KaXuv aiiTov eivai Harepa tov roioi'- 
 tov Ylov, tl avaflaWerai, Kal eavTov tov KaXov o~TT)piaKti. 
 kcu, cos eartv etnelv, t£ ov Svvarai Ylarrjp tivai Ylov ; to 
 airo pevroiye Ka\ 7repi tov dylov IlvevpaTos XeKTtov. 
 
 Id., de Principiis, lib. iv. § 28, p. 190. " Hoc au- 
 tem ipsum quod dicimus, quia nunquam fuit quandu 
 non fuit, cum venia audienduni est. Nam et haec ipsa 
 nomiua temporalis vocabuli significantiam gerunt, id 
 est quando vel nunquam ; supra omne autem tempus, 
 et supra omnia saecula, et supra omnem aeteraitatem 
 intelligenda sunt ea qua3 de Patre et Filio et Spiritu 
 Sancto dieuntur. Ha3c enim sola Trinitas est qua> 
 omnem sensum intelligentiae non solum temporalis 
 verum etiam aeternalis excedit. Csetera vero quae 
 sunt extra Trinitatem in soeculis et temporibus me- 
 tienda sunt f ." 
 
 Articles 15 — 17. — Atbenagoras, Legat. pro Christ., e. 
 
 24, p. 302. 'Sis yap Qeov (papev, xal Ylov tov Aoyov 
 avTOV Kai Tlvevpa ayiov, evovpeva pev Kara bvvapiv, Tov 
 TlaTepa, tov Ylov, to Hvivpa, oti vovs, Xoyos, aocpia, Ylbs 
 tov Uarpos, Ka\ anoppoia, cos (poos and tj vpos, to Ylvevpa. 
 
 Tertullian, adv. Prax., c. 13, p. 507. "Deos om- 
 
 f Passages quoted in Latin from this treatise must be taken 
 for what they are worth, being found only in the Latin translation 
 of Rufinus, which is not to be implicitly relied upon.— See .burton, 
 "Divinity of Christ," pp. 284, 285.
 
 200 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 nino non dicam, nee Dominos : sed apostolum se- 
 quar, ut si pariter nominandi fuerint Pater et Filius, 
 DeumPatrein appellem, et Jesum Christum Domiuum 
 nominem. Solum autem Christum potero Deum 
 dieere, sicut idem Apostolus, Ex quilus Christus, 
 qui est, inquit, Deus super omnia, benedictus in cevum 
 omne." 
 
 Hippolytus, c. Noetiim, c. 12, vol. ii. p. 14. Qvkovv 
 
 evcrapKov Aoyov 6(copovpev, Tlarepa 8i aurov voovpev, Ylui 
 8e TTMTTevopev, YlvtvpaTi dyla> Trpoo-Kvvovpev. 
 
 Origen, in Psalm, exxii. 2, vol. ii. p. 821. AoCXot 
 Kvplcov, Tlarpos Kcii Ylov, irvevpa kcu crdpa ; 7raic)icrKr] 8e 
 Kvpias rov ayiov Hvevparos rj -^rv\rj. Tu Se rpla Kvpios 
 o Qeos rjpoiV icrriv' ol yap rpe'is to ev daw. 
 
 Id., in Joan., torn, xxxii. vol. iv. p. 429. npfbrov 
 ttuvtwv TvicrTevaov on sis fcrriv 6 Qeos 6 ra ircivTa KTicras, 
 kcu KarapTioas, kcu nou/aai eK rov prj ovtos els to eivcu to. 
 TTiivTa. Xprj 8e kcu ncaTeveiv oti Kvpios 'irjaovs Xpiaros, 
 kcu iracrrj tjj ivep\ avrov Kara ttjv BeorrjTa, Kai ttjv dv0pu>- 
 iroTiyca, dXrjdeia' del 8e Kai els to ayiov TTicrTeveiv Uvevpa. 
 
 Article 19. — Tertullian, adv. Prax., c. 13, p. 507. 
 "Duos quidem definimus, Patrem et Filium, et jam 
 tres cum Spiritu Sancto. . . . Duos tamen Deos et 
 duos Dominos nunquam ex ore nostro proferimus ; 
 non quasi non et Pater Deus, et Filius Deus, et 
 Spiritus Sanctus Deus, et Deus unusquisque." 
 
 Article 20. — Irenseus, lib. iii. c. 8, § 3, p. 183. " Ipse 
 enim infectus et sine initio et sine fine et nullius 
 indigens, ipse sibi sufiiciens et adhuc reliquis omni- 
 bus, ut sint, hoc ipsum pracstans."
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 201 
 
 Article 21. — Justin Martyr, Dial., c. 61, p. 157. Map- 
 
 rvpiov hi Ka\ dXXo vp.1v drro twv ypcKpaiv 8coo~a>, ore up\r)v 
 irpb 7Tuvt(ov tu>v KTi(TpuTa)i> 6 Qebs yzyevvrjue hvvapiv TIVU 
 e£ eavTov Xoyucrjv, tJtis KM 86£a Kvptov vnb tov JIvevpaTus 
 tov dylov KaXelrai.. 
 
 lb., C. 129, p. 222. NoeZre, a> aKpoarai, ft ye Ka\ tov 
 vovv 7rpoaex.€T€, nai on ytyevfrjadai vnb tov UaTpbs tovto 
 to yevvrjpa irpb iruvTatv dnXcos twv KTio-paTcov 6 Xoyos 
 edtjXov, Ka\ to yevva>p,evov tov yevvuiVTOs dpidpw erepov 
 t'o-Tt, nan oo-Tiaovv opoXoyrjo-fie. 
 
 Irenaeus, lib. ii. c. 28, § 6, p. 158. " Si quis itaque 
 nobis dixerit : Quomodo ergo Filius prolatus a Patre 
 est ? dicimus ei, quia prolationem istam, sive genera- 
 tionem, sive nuncupationem, sive adapertionem, aut 
 quolibet quis nomine vocaverit generationem ejus in- 
 enarrabilem exsistentem nemo novit; non Valenti- 
 nus, non Marciou, neque Saturuinus, neque Basilides, 
 neque angeli, neque arebangeli, neque principes, ne- 
 que potestates, nisi solus qui generavit Pater et qui 
 natus est Filius." 
 
 Tertullian, Apol., c. 21, p. 19. " Hunc ex Deo pro- 
 latum didicimus, et prolatione generatum, et idcirco 
 Filium Dei, et Deum dictum ex unitate substantias." 
 
 Dionysius Alex., ex Eleneh. et Apol., c. 13, p. 97. 
 
 Za>r) eK £o>f}? iyevvTjdrj, kol wenrep TTOTapbs dirb 7vr]yr]s 
 tppevae, Kal dnb (pairbs do~l3io~Tov Xaprrpbv (pais dvrj<pdr]. 
 
 Dionysius Horn., adv. Sabell., p. 376. noXXaxov 
 
 8e to>v Biiutv Xoyiwv yeytwrjadai aXX' ov yeyovevcu tov vibv 
 Xeyopevov evpoi tis dv' v<fi cov Ka.Ta<pava>s tXty^ovTai ra 
 ■\jrev8rj irepi ttjs tov Kvpiov yevvrjaecos vnoXapfidvovTes, oi 
 Troir)o~iv aiiTOv ttjv detav Ka\ upprjTov yei>vr]o~iv Xtyeiv toX- 
 
 p.WVT€S'
 
 202 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Article 22. — Tertullian, adv. Prax., c. 4, p. 502. 
 " Ceterum, qui Eilium non aliunde deduco, sed de 
 substantia Patris, nihil facientem sine Patris volun- 
 tate, omnem a Patre consecutum potcstatem, quo- 
 modo possum de fide destruere monarcliiam, quam 
 a Patre Filio traditam in Pilio servo ? Hoc mihi 
 et in tertium gradum dictum sit, quia Spiritum non 
 aliunde puto, quam a Patre per Filium." 
 
 lb., c. 8, p. 504. " Omne quod prodit ex aliquo, 
 secundum sit ejus necesse est de quo prodit, non ideo 
 tamen est separatum. Secundus autem ubi est, duo 
 sunt. Et tertius ubi est, tres sunt. Tertius enim 
 est Spiritus a Deo et Filio, sicut tertius a radice 
 fructus ex fructice. Et tertius a fonte, rivus ex 
 flumine. Et tertius a sole, apex ex radio. Nihil 
 tamen a matrice alienatur, a qua proprietates suas 
 ducit. Ita Trinitas per consertos et connexos gradus 
 a Patre decurrens, et monarchic nibil obstrepit, et 
 ceconomiaB statum protegit." 
 
 Article 24. — Tertullian, adv. Hermogenem, c. 7, p. 235. 
 " Divinitas autem gradum non habet, utpote unica." 
 Origen, de Princip., lib. i. c. 3, § 7, vol. i. p. 63. 
 " Ne quis sane existimet nos ex eo quod diximus Spi- 
 ritum Sanctum solis Sanctis prsestari, Patris vero et 
 Eilii beneficia vel inoperationes pervenire ad bonos et 
 malos, justos et injustos, prsetulisse per hoc Patri et 
 Eilio Spiritum Sanctum, vel majorem ejus per hoc 
 asserere dignitatem ; quod utique valde inconsequens 
 est. Proprittatem nam que gratia? ejus operisque de- 
 scripsimus. Porro autem nihil in Trinitate majus 
 minusve dicendum est, quum unius Divinitatis fons
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 203 
 
 Verbo ac Ratione sua tencat universa, Spiritu vero 
 oris sui quas digna sunt sanctificationo, sanctificet." 
 
 Article 25. — Origen, c. Celsum, lib. viii. c. 12, vol. i. 
 
 p. 751. QpT]<TKevo/j.ev ovv tov Ylartpa Tijs aXrjdeias, Kal 
 tov Ylov ttjv akrjOeiav, ovra 8vo ttj vnoo-Tciaei npdypaTa, 
 iv de rrj ojJLOVo'iq, Kal rrj avp(pa>i>ia, Kal rrj to.vt6tt]tl tov 
 fiov\r]paTos. 
 
 Tertullian, de Oratione, c. 10, p. 133. " Nee ab ira 
 solummodo, sed omni omnino confusione animi libera 
 debet esse orationis intentio, de tali spiritu emissa, 
 qualis est Spiritus, ad quern mittitur. Neque enim 
 agnosci poterit a Spiritu Sancto spiritus inquina- 
 tus ; aut tristis a lseto, aut impeditus a libero." 
 
 Article 27 — 29.— Justin Martyr, Dial, c. 71, p. 169. 
 
 Kai on TroWas ypa(pas reXeov TrepieTXou crno tu>v e£r)yr\o~e<i>v 
 Ta>v yeyevqpivu>v imb rwu irapa YlToXepaico yeyevrjpevcov 
 Trpeo-(3vT(pa>v, e'£ hv 8iappr]8r)v ovtos ovtos 6 aravpa>8e\s 
 on Qebs Kol avdpcoTTos Kal o~ravpovpevos Kal airo6vT]<TKa)v 
 KeKr/pvypeuos cnTohi'iKwrat, elbevai vpds fiovXopai. 
 
 lb., C. 87, p. 184. Kai opoXoyrjo-as ravra ... els 
 Xpivrbv elprjadai, Kal Qebv avrbv TrpovndpxovTa Xeyets, Kal 
 Kara ttjv (HovXrjv tov Qeov o-apKOTroirjBcVTa avTov Xeyets 8ta 
 Trjs ivapOevov yeyevvrjadai avOpuirov. 
 
 Tatian, Or at. c. Grcecos, c. 21, p. 2G2. Ov yap 
 poopalvopev, oi8e Xrjpovs dnayyeXXopev, Qebu ev avdpumov 
 popcbfi yeyovevai KaTayyfXXovTes. 
 
 Irenaeus, lib. i. c. 10, § 1, p. 48. Kal els livevpa 
 
 ayiov, to 8ia tu>v irpoCprjTaiv KeKr)pv)(bs tcis olnovopias, Kal 
 Tas eXevo-eis, Kai ttjv (k irapBevov yivvrjo-iv, Kal to nddos, 
 Kal ttji> eyepaiv (K veKpatv, Kal ttjv evcrapKov els tovs ovpavovs
 
 204 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 dvdXrjyjnv tov rjyanrjpivov Xpicrrov 'Itjo-ov tov Kvplov ijpcov, 
 Kai ti)v in tcov ovpavcov iv ttj 86£-t) tov Trarpos 7iapovcriai> 
 avTov. 
 
 Clemens Alex., Cohort, ad Gentes, c. 1, p. 7. Nvv 
 
 S17 dnecpdvT] dvdpomois avrbs ovtos 6 Aoyoj, 6 povos apcpco, 
 Geoff re Kai dvOpconos. 
 
 Tertullian, de Came Christi, c. 5, p. 310. " JSTon 
 diceretur homo Christus sine came ; nee hominis 
 filius, sine aliquo parente homine : sicut nee Deus 
 sine Spiritu Dei ; nee Dei filius sine Deo patre." 
 
 Hippolytus, de Antichristo, c. 4, vol. i. p. 6. 'O 
 Aoyoff tov Qeov, aaapKos cov, eWSuo-aro ttjv ayiav crapKa 
 (K ttjs dyias Ttapdevuv, cos vvpepios IpaTiov e£v(fidvas eavco 
 ev tco aTavpiKco nddei, oncos crvyKepdaas to BvrjTov rjpwv 
 crcopa Trj eavTov 8vvdpei, Kai pi.£as tco dcpddpTCO to <p6ap- 
 tov Kai to dodeves tco lo-xypco, crcocrr] tov aivoWvpevov 
 dvdpcoTTov. 
 
 Origen, c. Cel&um, lib. i. c. 60, vol. i. p. 375. 
 
 <£>e'povTes pev bcopa, a (lv' ovtcos ovopderco) crvvdtTco tivl (K 
 GfoG Kai dvdpconov Qv\]tov TrpoarjveyKav avpftoXa pev, coff 
 fSacriSel tov x/3uo"6i', «">* °*€ Tedvrj^opivco ttjv (rpvpvav, a>s fie 
 Geco tov XiftavcoTOV. 
 
 Dionys. Alex., e. Paid. Samos., p. 214. Tov cpvo-ei 
 
 Kvpiov, Kai Aoyof tov Ilarpoff, St ov ra ttuvtu tnoirjo-ev 6 
 IlaTrjp, Kai opoovaiov tco HaTpl (Iprjpevov viro tcov dy'icov 
 •naTtpcov g . 
 
 Article 30. — Ignatius, lipid, ad Smyrn., c. 3, p. 452. 
 
 Mera fie ti)v dvdo~Tao~tv crvvecpayev avTo7s Kai crvvtmev cos 
 crapKiKog, Kainep TrvevpariKcos i-jvcopivos tco LTarpi. 
 
 k This passage is remarkable, not only as containing the word 
 dpoovaios, but as shewing tnat even then it was no new word.
 
 ArPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 205 
 
 Melito, de Incamat. Christ i, p. 121. e«o? yap &v 
 
 opov re Kai (ivdpunros reXeios 6 uvtos, to? dvo avrov ovaias 
 eVjcrrcofraro f/plv' tt]V pev QeorrjTa uvtov 8ia tcov ar)peia>v 
 fV tji rpur'ta Tjj pera to (Banno-pa, rfjv 8e dvdpcdTroTrjTa 
 avrov, iv Tois rpuiKovra xpovois to'is rrpb tov (danTicrpaTos' 
 iv ols 8lci to a.T(Xes to Kara adpKa dTr€Kpvl3rj tii o-qpeia ttjs 
 avrov QeoTtjTOs' Ka'nrep Qeos dXrjdrjs npoaiajvioi imdpxuiv. 
 
 Irenseus, lib. iii. c. 21, § 3, p. 217. " Quod autem 
 non consentiet nequitioe, ut eligat bonum, proprium 
 hoc est Dei, uti non per hoc, quod manducabit buty- 
 rum et mel, nude soluramodo cum hominem intelli- 
 geremus, neque rursus per nomen Emmanuel sine 
 carne eum Deum suspicaremur." 
 
 Hippolytus, c. Beronem et Helicem, c. 1, vol. i. 
 
 p. 226. Oeov imeipov opov Kai TrepiypanTov dvdpanov ovTa 
 Te Kai voovpevov, ttjv ovaiav eKarepov TeXeims TeXeiav 'i^ovTa. 
 
 Origen, c. Celsum, lib. iii. c. 29, vol. i. p. 465. 
 
 Tie pi de tov 'I^troG e'nroipev dv, €7rei crvpcpepov rjv tg> twv 
 dvdpamav yevei 7rapa8t£ao-8ai uvtov cos vlbv Qeov, Qebv 
 e'XrjXvdoTa iv dv dp wtt ivy ^vxfj kuI awpaTi. 
 
 Dionys. Alex., de Martyris, c. 9, p. 39. To pevroi 
 
 itjov&iav e'xco delvai tijv yj/vxyv pov Kai i£ovo~iav e^co ndXiv 
 Xaftelv avTrjv, iv tovtois drjXol eKovaiov eivai to ndOos' Kai 
 eri, co? dXXri pev fj Tidepivr] Kai Xapftavoixevrj \j/vxr], (iXXr) 
 8e rj Ttde'iaa Kai Xapfidvovo-a 8eoTr)s. 
 
 Methodius, Sympos., Or. 3, p. 79. Tovto yap etvat 
 
 Tov Xpiarbv, avdpbmov uKpuT<o BeorrjTi Kai TeXeta irenXr]- 
 pwpivov, Ka\ Qeov ev dvOpanrto Kexwprjpivov. 
 
 Article 32. — Ignatius, ad Ephes., c. 7, p. 288. EiV 
 laTpos io-Tiv, aapKiKos Te Kai irvevpaTiKos, yevvrjTos Kai 
 dyei'vrjTOs, iv aapK.1 yevopevos Qebs, iv adavdrco £a)T] aXrj-
 
 206 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 6ivr], Kai in Mapias Kai eK Qeov, TvpaTov Tra6r)Tos Kai Tore 
 u.Tra6rjS. 
 
 Origen, c. Celsum, lib. vi. c. 47, vol. i. p. 669. 
 
 Ovk elcrl 8vo f) ^v^rj tov 'i^croC irpbi top Trdar/s KTiaecos 
 irpcoToTOKov Qeuv Aoyov. 
 
 Article 33. — Tertullian, adv. Prax., c. 27, p. 516. 
 " De hoc quaerendum, quomodo Sermo caro sit fac- 
 tus ; utrumne quasi transfiguratus in carne, an indu- 
 tus carnem ? Immo indutus. Ceterum, Deum immu- 
 tabilem et inform abilem credi necesse est, ut seter- 
 num. Transfiguratio autem interemptio est pristini. 
 Omne enim quodcunque transfiguratur in aliud, de- 
 sinit esse quod fuerat, et incipit esse quod non erat. 
 Deus autem neque desinit esse, neque aliud potest 
 esse." 
 
 Origen, c. Celsum, lib. iii. c. 41, vol. i. p. 474. 
 
 "Opens De 'io-Taxrav ol eyKaXovvres, otl ov pev vopi£opev, Kai 
 7rfTrei.o-p.cda dpxr)6ev elvat Qeov Kai Ylbv Qeov, ovtos 6 
 airoXoyos ecrrl Kai rj avTocro<pia Kai rj avToa\r]6eia' to 8e 
 GvrjTov avToii crcopa, Kai Tip> dv6p(07rivrjv ev avTa ^vx^v, t[j 
 rrpbs eKelvov ov povov Koivav'iq, dWa Kai evacrei Kai dva- 
 Kpdcrei, tci peyicrTa (papev TrpoaeCkrjCpevai, Kai Trjs eKeivov 
 BeoTrjTos KeKoivcoVTjKOTa els Qeov peTafiefir]Kevai. 
 
 Article 34. — Tertullian, adv. Prax., c. 27, p. 516. 
 " Quia neque Sermo aliud quam Deus, neque caro 
 aliud quam homo .... Yidemus duplicem statum 
 non confusum, sed conjunctum in una persona, Deum 
 et bominem Jesum." 
 
 Article 36. — Id., de Anima, c. 55, p. 304. " Christus 
 Deus, quia et bomo, mortuus secundum scripturas,
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 207 
 
 et sepultus secus easclem, huic quoque legi satisfecit, 
 forma huinanae mortis apucl inferos functus ; nee ante 
 ascendit in sublimiora ccelorum, quam descendit in 
 inferiora terrarum, ut illic patriarchas et prophetas 
 compotes sui faceret." 
 
 Article 37.— Origen, in Psalm, xlvii. 6, vol. ii. p. 715. 
 
 "Qcrnep 6 Kvpios e'Xevo-erai eV (poovi'j uyyeXov, km ev at'tX- 
 TTiyyi. Q(ov Karaj3r](riTai un olpavov, ovtms dvtfir) 6 Qeus 
 (V aXaXayfiw.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 A COMMENTARY ON THE AtHANASIAN CREED \ 
 
 1. Whosoever will be saved, before all things it is 
 necessary that he hold the Catholic Faith. 
 
 By the words, before all things, is meant in the first 
 place. Faith goes before practice ; and is therefore 
 first in order, though practice may be, comparatively, 
 more considerable, and first in value, as the end is 
 above the means. 
 
 2. Which Faith except every one do keep whole h and 
 undefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly. 
 
 Which Faith, that is, the Catholic Faith before spoken 
 of, which is another name for the true and right faith, 
 as taught in Scripture ; called Catholic, or Universal, as 
 
 a In the Primer of 1539, and another of 1555, where the version 
 is made from the Latin, and joined with the Popish Service of that 
 time, the English title of tbe Creed was, "The Symbole or Crede 
 of the great Doctour Athanasius, dayly red in the Church." 
 
 In King Edward's Prayer-book, a.d. 1549, it is barely intituled, 
 " This Confession of our Christian Faith ;" and it was ordered to be 
 song or sayed upon six feasts in the year. At the revisal of the 
 Common Pray'er, in 1552, it was appointed to be used on several 
 feasts in the year, the whole number thirteen. But the title still 
 continued the same till the last review under Charles the Second, 
 when were added thereto, "commonly tailed the Creed of St. Atha- 
 Dasius:" from which time the running tit 'e has been "St. Athana- 
 sius's Creed," as before Qwvcunque vult, in our Prayer- Books. 
 
 b In King Edward's Prayer-books, and so down to the year 1627, 
 holy was read for what is now whole ; which, I suppose, was in- 
 tended for wholly, as one may reasonably imagine from Queen 
 Elizabeth's of 1561, where it is irholy, and from the metrical ver- 
 sion, which plainly meant wholly, by holy, answering to unde- 
 filedly ; and it is certain that holy was tbe ancient spelling for 
 what we now write wholly.
 
 ON THE ATHANASIAN CEEED. 209 
 
 being held by the Universal Church of Christ, against 
 which the gates of hell shall never pi*evail. The mean- 
 ing, then, is, that every one is obliged, under pain of 
 damnation, to preserve, as far as in him lies, the true 
 and right Faith, in opposition to those that endeavour 
 to corrupt it either by taking from it or adding to it. 
 That men shall perish eternally for unbelief, for reject- 
 ing the Faith in the lump, cannot be doubted, when it 
 is expressly said (Mark xvi. 16), "He that believeth 
 not shall be damned." And as to rejecting any parti- 
 cular branch, or Article of it, it must of consequence 
 be a sin against the whole ; against truth, and peace, 
 and therefore damnable in its own nature, as all wilful 
 sins are without repentance. As to the allowances to 
 be made for invincible ignorance, prejudice, or other 
 unavoidable infirmities, as they will be pleadable in 
 the case of any other sin, so may they, and will they 
 also be pleadable in this; but it was foreign to the 
 purpose of the Creed to take notice of it in this case 
 particularly, when it is common to all cases of like 
 nature, and is always supposed and understood, though 
 not specially mentioned. 
 
 3. And the Catholic faith is this; that we worship 
 one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity. 
 
 One of the principal branches of the Catholic Faith, 
 and w r hich is of nearest concernment (since our worship 
 depends upon it, and the main body of the Christian 
 religion is bound up in it), is the doctrine of a Trinity 
 in Unity, of three Persons and one God, recommended 
 in our baptism as the object of our faith, hope, and 
 worship. He that takes upon him to corrupt or 
 deprave this most fundamental part of a Christian's 
 p
 
 210 A COMMENTARY ON 
 
 faith cannot be innocent, it being his bounden duty 
 to maintain and preserve it, as be will answer it 
 another day. 
 
 4. Neither confounding the Persons, nor dividing the 
 substance. 
 
 Here would be no need of these particular cautions, 
 or critical terms, in relation to this point, had men 
 been content with the plain primitive faith in its native 
 simplicity. But as there have been a set of men, called 
 Sabellians, who have erroneously taught that the Father, 
 Son, and Holy Ghost are all one Person, who was incar- 
 nate, and suffered, and rose again, — making the Father 
 i and Holy Ghost) to have suffered, as well as the Son 
 (from thence called Patripassians) — hence it becomes 
 necessary to caution every pious Christian against con- 
 founding the persons as those men have done : and as 
 there have been others, particularly the Arians, who 
 have pretended, very falsely, that the three Persons are 
 three substances, and of different kinds, divided from 
 each other, one being before the other, existing when 
 the other two were not, as also being present where the 
 other two are not present ; these false and dangerous 
 tenets having been spread abroad, it is become neces- 
 sary to give a caution against dividing the substance, 
 as these have done, very much to the detriment of 
 sobriety and truth. 
 
 .5. For there is one Person of the Father, another of 
 the Son, and another of the FLoiy Ghost. 
 
 The Sabellians, therefore, were extremely to blame 
 in confounding the Persons, and running them into 
 one, taking away the distinction of Persons plainly 
 taught in Scripture.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CBEED. 211 
 
 6. But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and 
 of the Holy Ghost is all one, the glory equal, the majesty 
 coeternal. 
 
 The Arians, therefore, were equally to blame for 
 dividing the substance and Godhead in the manner be- 
 fore hinted. To be a little more particular on this 
 head, we may go on to open and explain this Unity of 
 Godhead, equality of glory, and coeternity of majesty. 
 
 7. Such as the Father is, such is the Son, and such is 
 the Holy Ghost. 
 
 That is, as to their substance and Godhead, there is 
 no difference or inequality amongst them, though there 
 is a difference in respect of some personal acts and pro- 
 perties, as shall be observed in its place. In real dig- 
 nity and perfection they are equal aud undivided, as in 
 the instances here following. 
 
 8. The Father uncreate, the Son uncreate, and the 
 Holy Ghost uncreate. 
 
 These three Persons were never brought into being 
 by the will of another ; they are no creatures, nor 
 changeable, as creatures are ; they are all infinitely re- 
 moved from dependence or precarious existence, one as 
 much as another, and every one as much as any one. 
 They exist in the highest and most emphatical sense of 
 existing, which is called necessary existence, opposed 
 to contingent or precarious existence. In a word, 
 every person must, and cannot but exist ; and all 
 must exist together, having the same unchangeable 
 perfections. 
 
 9. The Father incomprehensible, the Son incomprehen- 
 sible, and the Holy Ghost incomprehensible. 
 
 These words are not a just translation of the Latin
 
 212 A COMMENTARY ON 
 
 original, though containing as true and just a proposi- 
 tion as the Latin words do. Immensus signifies omni- 
 present, rather than incomprehensible, in the modern 
 sense of incomprehensible. But if by incomprehensible 
 be understood, not to be comprehended within any 
 bounds, it will then answer to the Latin pretty nearly. 
 The translator here followed the Greek copy c , taking 
 perhaps the Creed to be the original language wherein 
 the Greek was written. However, some Latins have 
 understood by immensus, incomprehensible d , in such 
 a sense as has been hinted. 
 
 10. The Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the Holy 
 Ghost eternal. 
 
 None of the Persons ever began to be, nor shall 
 ever cease to be ; they always were, they always will 
 be, and must be ; the same yesterday, to-day, and 
 for ever. 
 
 11. And yet they are not three Eternals, but one 
 Eternal. 
 
 Some account ought to be given of this manner of 
 speaking, because it often occurs in the Creed, and may 
 be thought most apt to offend the malicious, or to mis- 
 
 c There are two printed Greek copies, which read dKaT6.\7)-nros. 
 Stephens's, first printed by Bryling, and Baifius's, first printed by 
 Genebrard : which two copies are in the main one. Our transla- 
 tors, in 154S, could have seen none but Bryling's, that is, Stephens's 
 copy. The Constantinopolitan copy, published by Genebrard, reads 
 ikirfipos ; the Palatine copy, by Felckman afierpos. The Saxon, 
 French, and old English versions, exactly follow the Latin original. 
 As does also the Primer of 1539, set forth by John Hilsey, Bishop 
 of Rochester ; and the other later one of 1555 by Cardinal Pole. 
 The first has immeasurable (where we have incomprehensible), the 
 other has without measure. 
 
 d " Immensus Pater : non mole, sed potestate omnia concludente. 
 Vel immensus, id est, incomprehensibilis." — Aba^lard, in Symb, 
 At/tanas., p. 382. (The page is numbered 368 by mistake, but it 
 should be 382).
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 213 
 
 lead the unwary. The way of speaking came in a little 
 after the middle of the fourth century, and then only 
 into the Latin Church ; for the Greeks never used it, 
 but taught the same things under a different form of 
 expression. What Greeks and Latins both intended 
 was, that as the three Persons are one substance and one 
 God, so every Divine perfection and every substantial 
 attribute belonging to any one person is common to all; 
 and there is nothing peculiar to any one but the Divine 
 relations. To the Father, paternity and whatever it 
 implies or carries with it ; to the Son, filiation ; to the 
 Holy Ghost, procession. In this account, eternity, 
 immensity, omnipotence, and the like, being substan- 
 tial attributes, are common to all the Three Persons ; 
 who have therefore one eternity, one immensity, one 
 omnipotence, and so on, as one substance and one God- 
 head. Thus far Greeks and Latins agreed both in doc- 
 trine and expression. But the Latins, building here- 
 upon, thought it very allowable to go a little farther 
 (which the Greeks did not), and to express the same 
 thing by saying of the three Persons, that they are one 
 eternal, one immense, one omnipotent, one holy, one un- 
 created, &c. And this was the current language at the 
 making, and before the making, of this Creed. The 
 Arians were the sole occasion of introducing both kinds 
 of expression, which must therefore be interpreted ac- 
 cordingly. Two things were designed by them : one, to 
 obviate the Arian tenet, that the three Persons were dif- 
 fering in kind and in degree, as being of unequal per- 
 fections ; the other to obviate the Arian charge, or 
 calumny, upon the Church as making three Gods. In 
 regard to the former, when the Catholics speak of one
 
 214 A COMMENTARY OX 
 
 Divinity, they intend equal Divinity, not Divinities 
 differing in kind or degree; and in regard to the latter, 
 they further mean undivided and inseparable Divinity, 
 not many Divinities. The true meaning, then, and the 
 full meaning of the expressions of the Creed will be 
 very clear and obvious. The three Persons are equal 
 in duration, and undivided too ; one Eternity (one, be- 
 cause undivided and inseparable) is common to all, and 
 therefore they are not three Eternals, but one Eternal. 
 
 The oldest writers who have used this way of ex- 
 pression are, so far as I have observed, Ambrose, Paus- 
 tinus, and Austin ; and their meaning in it is very 
 plain and certain, from the places themselves where 
 they make use of it. Pulgentius, who came not long 
 after them, sometimes falls into the same manner of 
 expression 6 ; but sparingly, as if he either did not fully 
 attend to it, or had some scruple about it ; for his 
 general way is to say, not three eternal Gods, hut one 
 et mal God f , instead of the other in the Creed, and so 
 
 e " Relativa nomina Trinitatern faciunt, essentialia vero nullo 
 tuodo triplicantur. Deus Pater, Deus Filius, Deus SpiritusSanctus. 
 Bonus Pater, bonus Filius, bonus Spiritus Sanctus. Pius Pater, 
 pius Filius, pius Spiritus Sanctus. Justus Pater, Justus Filius, 
 Justus et Spiritus Sanctus. Omnipotens Pater, omnipotens Filius, 
 omnipotens et Spiritus Sanctus. Kt tamen noil diciinus nee Tres 
 Deos, nee Tres bonos, nee Tres pios, nee Tresjustos, nee Tres om- 
 nipotentes, sed unum Deum, bonum, pium, justum, omnipotentem, 
 Patrem et Filium et Spiritual sanctum." — Fulgent., de Trill., 
 c. 2, p. 330. 
 
 1 " jEternus est sine initio Pater, aeternus est sine initio Filius, 
 aeternus est sine initio Spiritus Sanctus: nee tamen tres Dii setemi 
 sed unus seternus Deus." — Fulgent., ad Ferra/nd., Epist. 14, § 6, 
 p. 232. 
 
 " Immensusest Pater, sed immensus est Filius, et immensus est 
 et Spiritus SaDctus : nee tamen tres Dii immensi, sed unus Deus 
 immensus." — Fulgent., ib. 
 
 " Omnipotens Pater ; Omnipotens Filius, omnipotens Spiritus 
 Sanctus ; nee tamen tres Dii omnipotentes, sed unus Deus omnipo- 
 tens est Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus." — Fulgent., ib.
 
 THE ATHAJr ASIAN CREED. 215 
 
 in the like cases. Which, indeed, is a very insipid and 
 dull way of expressing it, and if applied to every Arti- 
 cle in the Athanasian Creed, would 111; he it a very flat 
 composition in comparison to what it is. It is true. 
 that all at length resolves into this, that the three 
 Persons are not three Gods, but one God. This is the 
 ground and foundation, and the other is the super- 
 structure. But then it is a fine and elegant, as well 
 as a solid superstructure ; improving the thought, and 
 carrying on a train of new and distinct proposition!-, 
 and not merely a jejune and sapless repetition of the 
 same thing. 
 
 12. As also there are not three Incomprehensible* •, nor 
 three Uncreated; but one Uncreated, and one Incom- 
 prehensible g . 
 
 Not three Incomprehensibles, &c, as not differing 
 either in kind or degree of incomprehensibility, nor 
 yet divided in those perfections ; but one Incompre- 
 hensible, and one Uncreated, one as to the kind and 
 degree of those attributes or perfections ; and one in 
 number, too, as much as ixnion and inseparability, infi- 
 nitely close and perfect, can be conceived to make, or 
 do really make one. 
 
 13. So likewise the Father is Almighty, the Son Al- 
 mighty, and the Holy Ghost Almighty. 
 
 Equally Almighty every one, without any difference 
 or inequality in kind or degree. 
 
 £ Here, agaiu, one may perceive what copy our translators fol- 
 lower), namely, Bryling's Greek copy. All the other copies, Greek 
 and Latin, place the words in a different order: "Not three un- 
 created, nor three incomprehensibles, but one uncreated," &c. Only 
 the Ambrosian Latin copy reads, "Not three uncreated, nor three 
 incomprehensibles (immense) but one incomprehensible (immense) 
 and one uncreated."
 
 216 A COMMENTARY ON 
 
 14. And yet they are not three Almighties, hut one 
 Almighty. 
 
 One Omnipotence, or Almightiness, is common to all 
 three : one in kind as being of equal extent, and 
 equally reaching over all ; and one also in number, be- 
 cause of the inseparable union anions the three, in the 
 inward perfection, and outward exercise, or operation. 
 
 15. So the Father is God, the Son is God, and the 
 Holy Ghost is God. 
 
 The whole three Persons equally Divine, and enjoy- 
 ing every perfection belonging to the Godhead. 
 
 16. And yet they are not three Gods, hut one God. 
 Because the Godhead or Divinity which belongs 
 
 to one, belongs to all : the same in kind because of 
 the equality, and the same in number because in- 
 separably one. 
 
 17. So likewise the Father is Lord, the Son Lord, 
 and the LLoly Ghost Lord. 
 
 Having the same right of dominion, and of equal 
 dominion ; and equally exercising it when and where 
 they please. 
 
 18. And yet not three Lords, but one Lord. 
 Because one dominion is common to all three, jointly 
 
 possessing, and jointly exercising every branch of it; 
 undividedly, and inseparably bearing supreme rule 
 over all. 
 
 19. For, like as we are compelled by the Christian 
 verity to acknowledge every Person by Himself to be God 
 and Lord ; so are we forbidden by the Catholic religion 
 to say, There be three Gods, or three Lords. 
 
 That is to say, the whole foundation of what hath 
 been before taught rests upon this, that the same Chris-
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 217 
 
 tian verity, or truth, laid down in Scripture, obliges us 
 to acknowledge every Person distinctly considered to 
 be God and Lord ; and at the same time to reject the 
 notion of three Gods or three Lords : which being so, 
 all that has been here taught must, of course, be ad- 
 mitted as true, right, and just. And now, having con- 
 sidered the equality and union of the three sacred 
 Persons, it may next be proper to consider their dis- 
 tinction, as it is set forth to us in Scripture by the seve- 
 ral personal characters belonging to the Father, Son, 
 and Holy Ghost. 
 
 20. The Father is made of none, neither created nor 
 begotten. 
 
 Were I at liberty to make conjectural emendations, 
 I would here read, Pater a nullo est : neaue /actus, nee 
 §-c. The Father is of none : neither made, nor created, 
 Sfc. And thus the next Article {The Son is of the 
 Father alone) would better answer, and the whole 
 would be more elegant. But having met with no 
 copy h to countenance such a correction, I must not 
 pretend to it, lest it should appear like correcting the 
 author. However, the sense is very plain and obvious. 
 All the three negatives here predicated of the Father 
 amount to this one, that He is absolutely of none. 
 This is His peculiar property, His distinguishing cha- 
 
 h Lazarus Baifius's copy, in Genebrard, reads, 6 iraryip air' ov8ev6s 
 £<tti. But then it entirely omits TroiriTbs, which, as is plain from 
 what follows in the Creed, ought Dot to be omitted. Had the copy 
 run thus, a7r' ov5(v6s icrri. ovre fx^v iron)jhs. ovre KTicnhs, &c, it 
 would have answered my meaning. Indeed, the first Greek copy 
 in Labbe's Councils (vol. ii. p. 601), and third in Montfaucon, 
 run in such a way as I suppose : but then I take them to have 
 been patched up from several distinct copies, at the pleasure of the 
 editor or editors ; and none of the Latin copies will warrant such 
 a reading.
 
 218 A COMMENTARY ON 
 
 racter, to be first in order, and the Head of everything ; 
 to whom even the Son and Holy Ghost are referred, 
 but diversely and in different manner. 
 
 21. The Son is of the Father alone; not made, nor 
 created, hit begotten. 
 
 The Son is here said to be of the Father alone, in 
 contradistinction to the Holy Ghost, to be named after, 
 who is not of the Father alone, but of both. The 
 Greeks that struck out the words, and of the Son, 
 below, and left the word alone here, were not aware 
 of it. This conduct of theirs betrayed a shortness of 
 thought, and at the same time served to shew that the 
 Latins had not been interpolators of the Creed, but 
 that the Greeks had been curtailers. It must, how- 
 ever, be owned, that the Greeks who drew up that form, 
 which Bishop Usher printed from Junius, were wise 
 enough to observe how this matter stood, and therefore 
 struck out the word alone here, as well as and of the 
 Son below. 
 
 22. The Holy Ghost is of the Father, and of the Son ; 
 neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding. 
 
 The peculiar and distinguishing character of the 
 Holy Ghost is to proceed, and to proceed both from 
 Father and Son. Indeed, the Son and Holy Ghost are 
 both of the Father, but in a different manner, to us in- 
 explicable ; one by the way of generation, the other by 
 procession, though the word Procession, in a lax sense, 
 has been sometimes applied to either. However, to 
 proceed from the Father and the Son, or, as the Greeks 
 will needlessly cavil, from the Father by the Son ; that 
 is peculiar to the Holy Ghost. The Greeks and Latins 
 have had many and tedious disputes about the Proces-
 
 THE ATHAN ASIAN CREED. 219 
 
 sion. One thing is observable, that though the ancients, 
 appealed to by both parties, have often said that the 
 Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father, without mention- 
 ing the Son, yet they never said that He proceeded 
 from the Father alone ; so that the modern Greeks have 
 certainly innovated in that Article, in expression at 
 least, if not in real sense and meaning. As to the 
 Latins, they have this to plead, that none of the an- 
 cients ever condemned their doctrine; that many of 
 them have expressly asserted it ; that the Oriental 
 Churches themselves rather condemn their taking upon 
 them to add anything to a Creed formed in a general 
 Council than the doctrine itself; that those Greek 
 Churches that charge their doctrine as heresy, yet are 
 forced to admit much the same thing, only in different 
 words; and that Scripture itself is plain that the Holy 
 Ghost proceeds at least by the Son, if not from Him, 
 which yet amounts to the same thing. 
 
 I should here observe, that some time before the com- 
 piling of this Creed, the usual Catholic way of speaking 
 of the Holy Ghost was to say, that He was nee genitus, 
 nee ingenitus, neither begotten nor itnbegotten, while this 
 Creed, by barely denying Him to be begotten, seems to 
 leave room to think that He is unbegotten. This raised 
 a scruple in the minds of some here in England, con- 
 cerning that part of the Creed, above 700 years ago, as 
 we learn from Abbo Floriacensis of that time. For 
 Gregory's Sgnodicon admitted here, as well as this 
 Creed, had the very expression concerning the Holy 
 Ghost, nee ingenitus, nee genitus. It might have been 
 easy to end the dispute, only by distinguishing upon 
 the equivocal meaning of the word ingenitus. It had
 
 220 A COMMENTARY ON 
 
 been taken from the Greek, ayevrjTos, which signified 
 not barely unbegotten, but absolutely underired : in this 
 sense the Holy Ghost could not be said to be ingenitm. 
 But if it barely means not begotten, it may be applied 
 to Him, as it is in the Creed. The whole difficulty 
 then arose only from the scantiness of tbe Latin tongue, 
 in not affording a single word which should fully ex- 
 press the Greek dyevrjros, "unoriginate." Ingenitm might 
 tolerably do it ; but the word was more commonly 
 taken in a narrower construction. Peter Abelard has 
 hit off the whole difficulty very clearly ; whose words, 
 therefore, I have thrown into the margin 1 . 
 
 23. So there is one Father, not three Fathers; one 
 Son, not three Sons ; one Holy Ghost, not three Holy 
 Ghosts. 
 
 "Whether this paragraph be borrowed from St. Austin, 
 or from an elder writer under the name of Ignatius, 
 I know not. The foundation of it was laid in 1 Cor. 
 viii. 6, one God the Father, and one Lord Jesus Christ ; 
 to which it was usual to add, after reciting it, and one 
 Holy Ghost, to complete the whole number of the Divine 
 Persons. The intent and purport of the words in this 
 Creed is to set forth the distinction of the three Persons 
 and their several offices and characters ; that there is 
 one Father, and that He alone is unoriginate, is First 
 
 1 " Solum itaque Patrem ingenitum dicimus, hoc est, a seipso 
 non ab alio : unde Augustinus adversus Felicianum Arrianum ; Pa- 
 trem ingenitum dico, quia non processit ab altero . . . Aliud itaque 
 dicere est Patrem ingenitum, aliud non genitum . . . Spiritus vero 
 Sanctus ipse quoque est non genitus . . . Nee tamen ideo est inge- 
 nitus, cum ipse ab alio sit, tarn a Patre scilicet quam a Filio proce- 
 dens. Solus itaque Pater ingenitus dicitur, sicut solus Filius geni- 
 tus : Spiritus vero Sanctus nee genitus est, nee ingenitus, sed, ut 
 dictum est, non genitus." — Abaelard., Introd. ad Tkeolog., lib. i. 
 c. 6, p. 983.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 221 
 
 Person, is Head, &c, and neither the Son nor Holy 
 Ghost have any share in these titles or characters to 
 make three Unoriginates, three Heads, &c. That there 
 is one Son, and He alone begotten, and afterwards incar- 
 nate, &c., which characters and offices belong not to 
 the other two, but are distinct and appropriate to one. 
 And there is one Holy Ghost, whose character is to 
 proceed, and whose office is to sanctify, which charac- 
 ter and office are not to be ascribed in the same sense 
 to the other two ; for that would be confounding the 
 personal characters and offices, and making three Holy 
 Ghosts instead of one. 
 
 24. And in this Trinity, none is afore or after other, 
 none is greater or less than another ; but the whole three 
 Persons are coeternal together and coequal. 
 
 The compiler of the Creed now returns to the equa- 
 lity and unity of the Persons ; that he may at length 
 sum and throw into a short compass what he had said 
 upon the Trinity before he should pass on to the other 
 great Article, the Incarnation. When it is said, none 
 is afore or after other, we are not to understand it of 
 order ; for the Father is first, the Son second, and the 
 Holy Ghost third in order. Neither are we to under- 
 stand it of office ; for the Father is supreme in office, 
 while the Son and Holy Ghost condescend to inferior 
 offices. But we are to understand it, as the Creed 
 itself explains it, of duration, and of dignity ; in which 
 respect none is afore or after, none greater or less, but 
 the whole three Persons coeternal and coequal. 
 
 25. So that in all things, as is aforesaid, the Unity in 
 Trinity, and the Trinity in Unity is to be worshipped. 
 
 In all things {per omnia) as is aforesaid. One of the
 
 222 A COMMENTARY ON~ 
 
 Greek copies tacks these words to the former Article, 
 making them rim thus : coequal in all things, as afore- 
 said. Another Greek copy reads them thus : coequal in 
 all things; so that in all things, as is now said, &c. 
 Both interpret the all things of the coequality in all 
 things. And, indeed, Yenantius Fortunatus, in his 
 Comment, long before, seems to have understood, per 
 omnia, in the same way, to signify that the Son is what 
 the Father is, in all essential or substantial perfections. 
 And it is favoured both by what goes before and after ; 
 for, from speaking of the coetemity and coequality, the 
 author proceeds to say, so that in all things, as afore- 
 said, the Unity in Trinity, and the Trinity in Unity is 
 to he worshipped ; namely, on account of their perfect 
 coetemity and coequality : to which he subjoins, He 
 therefore that will he saved, fyc. "Wherefore I incline 
 to the moderate opinion of those who think that the 
 author here does not lay the stress upon every little 
 nicety of explication k before given, but upon the main 
 doctrine of a coequal and coeternal Trinity ; which is 
 the very construction given by Hincmar 900 years ago, 
 or nearly 1 . And Wickliff's comment upon the same 
 
 k Le Quien's ingenious and handsome reflection upon the con- 
 duct of Pope Gregory the Ninth's legates, may deserve a recital 
 here : — 
 
 " Quamquam non possum quin ingenue fatear Nuncios Aposto- 
 licos consultius facturos fuisse, si ab ejusmodi senteutia pronun- 
 tianda sibi temperassent ; Qui credit Spirilum Sanctum non pro- 
 cedere ex Filio, in via perditionis est : tunc quippe temporis Ec- 
 desia Catholica in nulla Synodo Generali hoc de capite judicium 
 definitorium tulerat." — Pauopl., co/Ur. Schism. Grcecor., sasc. xiii. 
 c. 1, § 23, p. 360. 
 
 1 " Et in hac Trinitate nihil est prius, nihil posterius ; nihil 
 majus, aut minus ; sed tota; tres Personam coieternse sibi sunt et 
 coasquales: ita ut per omnia, et unitas Deitatis in Trinitate Per - 
 sonarum, et TYinitas Personarum in unitate Deitatis veneranda est." 
 — Hincm., de non Trlna Deitate, vol. i. c. 17, p. 540.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 223 
 
 passage, when put into a modern dress, may appear not 
 contemptible: "And so we conclude here, as is before 
 said, that there is both an Unity of Godhead, and 
 a Trinity of Persons ; and that the Trinity in this 
 Unity is to be worshipped above all things ; and who- 
 soever will be saved must thus think of the Trinity, if 
 not thus explicitly (or in every particular), yet thus in 
 the general, or implicitly." 
 
 26. lie therefore that will be saved, must thus think of 
 the Trinity. 
 
 Thus, as consisting of three Persons, coeternal and 
 coequal, and all one God ; distinct enough to be three, 
 united enough to be one ; distinct without division, 
 united without confusion. 
 
 27. Furthermore, it is necessary to everlasting salva- 
 tion, that he also believe rightly m the Incarnation of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 Much depends upon our having true and just senti- 
 ments of the Incarnation, in which the whole ceconomy 
 of our salvation is ncarty concerned. To corrupt and 
 deprave this doctrine is to defeat and frustrate, in 
 a great measure, the Gospel of Christ, which bringeth 
 salvation : wherefore it is of great moment, of everlast- 
 ing concernment to us, not to be guilty of doing it our- 
 selves, nor to take part with those that do. 
 
 28. For the right faith is, that we believe and confess 
 that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and Man. 
 
 There have been heretics who would not allow that 
 our Saviour Christ was Man, but in such a sense as 
 
 ra 'OpBcas irnTTivari. So Bryling's Greek copy. The Latin 
 copies have, Fideliter cre.dat. Some Greek copies rearl, tticftws, or 
 /SeiSafas, though two, besides Bryling's, have also dpOcos.
 
 224 A COMMENTAET ON 
 
 a shadow, or a picture of a man, may be called a man ; 
 and there have been others who would not allow that 
 Christ is God but in such a sense as any creature what- 
 ever might be called, or may be made a God. But all 
 good Christians have ever abhorred those vile tenets, 
 and conformably to Scripture, rightly and justly inter- 
 preted, have believed and confessed that Christ is both 
 really God and really Man, one God-man. 
 
 29. God, of the substance of the Father, begotten before 
 the worlds; and Man, of the substance of His Mother, 
 bom in the world. 
 
 We are forced to be thus particular and expressive 
 in the wording of this Article, because of the many 
 wiles, equivocations, and disguises of those who endea- 
 vour to corrupt the faith. The Arians make of Christ 
 a created God, and call Him God on account only of 
 His office, and not of His nature or unchangeable sub- 
 stance. For this reason, we are obliged to be particular 
 in expressing His substance, as being not frail, mutable, 
 perishing, as the substance of creatures is, but eternal 
 and unchangeable, and all one with the Father's. On 
 the other hand, the Apollinarians and other heretics 
 have pretended either that Christ had no human body 
 at all, or that He brought it with Him from heaven, 
 and took it not of the Virgin- Mother. "We are there- 
 fore forced to be particular in this profession, that He 
 was Man of the substance of Ills Mother : which, though 
 it be not taught in express words, yet is very plainly 
 the sense and meaning of Holy Scripture on this Arti- 
 cle ; and was never questioned till conceited men came 
 to pervert the true doctrine of Sacred Writ by false 
 glosses and comments of their own.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 225 
 
 30. Perfect God and perfect Man ; of a reasonable 
 soul and human flesh subsisting. 
 
 Here, again, the pervcrseness of heretics has made it 
 necessary to guard the Faith by strong and expressive 
 words that cannot easily be eluded. Christ is perfect 
 God, not such a nominal imperfect God as Arians and 
 Photinians pretend. He is, moreover, perfect Man, 
 which it is necessary to insist upon against the Apolli- 
 narians, who pretended that He had a human body 
 only, without any rational soul, imagining the Logos 
 to have supplied the place of the rational or reasonable 
 soul : whereas, in reality, He had both soul and body, 
 as all men have, and was therefore perfect Man. 
 
 31. Equal to the Father, as touching His Godhead: 
 and inferior to the Father, as touching His Manhood. 
 
 Which needs no comment. 
 
 32. Who, although He be God and Man, yet He is not 
 two, but one Christ. 
 
 This is said to guard against calumny and miscon- 
 struction ; for, because the Church asserted two natures 
 in Christ, whereby He is both perfect God and perfect 
 Man, the Apollinarians, having an hypothesis of their 
 own to serve, pretended that this was making two 
 Christs, a Divine Christ, as to one nature, and a human 
 Christ in the other : which was a vain thought, since 
 both the natures joined in the one God-man make still 
 but one Christ, both God and man. 
 
 33. One, not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh, 
 but by taking of the manhood into God. 
 
 The Apollinarian way of making one Christ, by con- 
 founding the two natures in one, and by subjecting the 
 Godhead to change, is here condemned. There is no
 
 226 A COMMENTARY ON 
 
 need of running these injudicious and absurd lengths 
 for solving the difficulty how the two natures make 
 one Christ: He did not change His Divine nature, or 
 convert it into flesh, though He be said to have been 
 made flesh ; He took flesh upon Him, He assumed 
 human nature, took man into an union with God, and 
 thus was He one Christ. 
 
 34. One altogether, not by confusion of substance, but 
 by unity of Person. 
 
 We are thus forced to distinguish with the utmost 
 nicety and accuracy, to obviate the cavils and pretences 
 of heretics. Christ, then, is one altogether, entirely 
 one, though his two natures remain distinct. He is 
 not one by confounding or mingling two natures or 
 substances into one nature or substance (as the Apolli- 
 narians pretended), but by uniting them both in one 
 person ; one I, one He, one Christ, as Scripture every- 
 where represents. 
 
 35. For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one Man ; 
 so God and Man is one Christ. 
 
 That is to say, there are two very distinct and dif- 
 ferent substances in man, a body and a soul: one ma- 
 terial, the other immaterial ; one mortal, the other 
 immortal ; and both these substances, nevertheless, 
 make up but one man. Not by confounding or min- 
 gling tbose two different substances (for they are en- 
 tirely distinct and different, and will ever remain so), 
 but by uniting them in one Person. Even so may the 
 two distinct natures, Divine and human, in Christ make 
 one person ; and this is really and truly the case in fact. 
 
 36. Who suffered for our salvation, descended into 
 Hell, rose again the third day from the dead.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 227 
 
 The author, having finished his explication of the 
 great Article of God incarnate, now goes on to other 
 parts of the Creed, such as were commonly inserted in 
 the Creeds before. The Article of The Descent into Hell 
 had not, indeed, at this time come into the Roman, 
 otherwise called the Apostles' Creed ; but it had been 
 inserted in the Creed of Aquileia, and had been all 
 along the standing doctrine of the Church. I shall 
 leave it, as our Church has left it, without any parti- 
 cular interpretation, referring the reader to those who 
 have commented on the Apostles' Creed, and particu- 
 larly to the much-admired author of the history of it, 
 who hath exhausted the subject. 
 
 37. He ascended into Heaven, He sitteth on the right 
 hand of the Father, God Almighty, from whence He shall 
 come to judge the quick and the dead. 
 
 These are all so many Articles of the Roman Creed, 
 and probably taken from it ; excepting only that the 
 words, God Almighty, appear not in the most ancient 
 manuscripts ; aDd, very probably, were not originally 
 in this Creed any more than in the ancient Roman. 
 
 38. At whose coming all men shall rise again with 
 their bodies, and shall give account for their own works. 
 
 Here are two very expressive phrases, all men, all 
 that have died, or shall die, to obviate the false opinion 
 of a partial resurrection ; and with their bodies, to ob- 
 viate the notion of those who either thought that the 
 soul only should continue for ever, while the body 
 should be left to perish, or that the resurrection-body 
 should be quite of another matter, form, or kind, than 
 what our bodies are here. I have hinted, in my Latin 
 notes above, that some words are wanting in the Ambro-
 
 228 A COMMENTARY ON 
 
 sian manuscript ; and I may here observe farther, that 
 in the words of the Creed, as they commonly run, there 
 is not all the accuracy that might have been ; for 
 all men shall not rise, but only all that die. How- 
 ever, it seems that about that time there was some 
 variety of sentiments in respect of that Article, as 
 we may learn from Gennadius n ; which was owing to 
 the different reading of 1 Cor. xv. 51, from whence, 
 probably, arose some variation in the copies of this 
 Creed. See Pearson on the Apostles' Creed, Article 7, 
 p. 532. 
 
 39. And they that have done good shall go into life 
 everlasting, and they that have done evil into everlast- 
 ing fire. 
 
 This is the express doctrine of Scripture, and ap- 
 pears almost in the same words, John v. 28, Matt. xxv. 
 46, to say nothing o'' many other texts to the same 
 effect. Yet this Article, or rather these two Articles, 
 had not gained admittance into the Apostles' Creed so 
 early as the fourth century, the latter of them not at 
 all. But, I suppose, the opinion said to have been 
 started by Origen, that wicked men, and even devils, 
 after a certain revolution, should have their release and 
 
 n "Omnium hominum erit resurrectio : si omnium erit, ergo 
 omnes moriuntur, ut mors ab Adam ducta omnibu-i filiis ejus do- 
 minetur, et maneat illud privilegium in Domino, quod de eo spe- 
 cialiter dieitur : non dabis Sanctum tuum videre corruptionem. 
 .... Hanc rati >nem, maxima patrum turba tr idente, suscepimus. 
 Verum quia sunt et alii, seque Catholiei et eruditi viri, qui credunt, 
 an im a in corpore manente, mutandos ad incorruptionem et immor- 
 talitatem eos qui in Adventu Domini vivi inveniendi sunt, et hoe 
 eis reputari pro resurrectione ex mortuis, quod mortalitatem im- 
 mutatione deponant, noi morte ; quolibet qu's a quiescat modo, 
 non est hreret'cus, ni-si ex contentions hseretious fiat. Sufficit enim 
 in Ecclesia; leu:e, carnis resurrecionem credere futuram de morte." 
 — Gennad., Eccles. Dogm., c. 7, pp. 76, 77.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 229 
 
 restoration, might make it the more necessary, or con- 
 venient at least, to insert these Articles in the Creeds, 
 and to express the punishment of the damned by the 
 words eternal fire : for the Origenists, at that time, 
 denied both the eternity of the fire and also its reality, 
 as appears from Orosius in St . Austin °. 
 
 40. This is the Catholic Faith, which except a man be- 
 lieve faithfully ,p , he cannot be saved. 
 
 This is to be understood, like all other such general 
 propositions, with proper reserves and qualifying con- 
 structions. As, for instance, if, after laying down 
 a system of Christian morality, it be said, This is the 
 Christian practice, which except a man faithfully observe 
 and follow, he cannot be saved, it would be no more than 
 right and just thus to say : But no one could be sup- 
 posed hereby to exclude any such merciful abatements 
 or allowances as shall be made for men's particular cir- 
 cumstances, weaknesses, frailties, ignorance, inability, 
 or the like ; or for their sincere intentions, and honest 
 desires of knowing and doing the whole will of God ; 
 accompanied with a general repentance of their sins, 
 and a firm reliance upon Cod's mercy, through the sole 
 merits of Christ Jesus. There can be no doubt, how- 
 ever, but that men are accountable for their Faith, as 
 
 " Ignem sane seternum, quo peocatores puniantur, neque esse 
 ignem verum, neque aeternum praedicaverunt, dicentes dictum esse 
 ignem propria conscieutiae punitiouem, aettruum auttsm, juxta 
 etvmologiam Grascam, non esse peipetuum," &c. — Epist. Oi\/sii ad 
 August., in August., vol. viii. p. 609. 
 
 P Ui<nuis mare. ay. So BryliDg's copy, which our translators 
 followed. 
 
 The Latin copies have, "fideliter, firmiterque crediderit." And 
 the other Greek copies, Uicrrus re kcu /3e/3aia)S TrtaTevay. Or, 
 e/c irlcTTfitis fiefiaiws Tnarevay.
 
 230 A COMMENTARY, &C. 
 
 well as for their practice ; and especially if they take 
 upon them to instruct and direct others, trusting to 
 their own strength and parts, against the united judg- 
 ment and verdict of whole Churches, ancient and 
 modern.
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 The Church of England Vindicated, both as to the 
 Receiving and Retaining the Athanasian Creed. 
 
 There would be no occasion for this chapter, had not 
 a late Author* of name and character, out of his abund- 
 ant zeal to promote Arianism, taken upon him to dis- 
 parage this excellent form of Faith ; nay, and to apply, 
 with some earnestness, to the governors of our Church 
 to get it laid aside. He thinks " it may well deserve the 
 most serious and deliberate consideration of the gover- 
 nors of the Church, whether it would not be more ad- 
 vantageous to the true interest of the Christian religion 
 to retain only those more indisputable forms a :" that is, 
 to have this wholly taken away, or at least not im- 
 posed in our Articles or Liturgy. Then he subjoins 
 his reasons : which, because they may be presumed to 
 be the closest and strongest that can be offered on that 
 side, and because they have hitherto stood without any 
 particular confutation on one hand, or retractation on 
 the other, I shall here take upon me to answer them as 
 briefly as may be. 
 
 Objection I. 
 
 The first is, that this Creed is confessed not to be 
 Athanasius's, but the composition of an uncertain ob- 
 scure author, written in one of the darkest and most 
 ignorant ages of the Church, having never appeared till 
 
 a Clarke's Script. Doctr., first edit., pp. 446, 447.
 
 232 THE REASONABLENESS OF RETAINING 
 
 about the year 800, nor been received in the Church 
 till so very late as about the year 1000. 
 
 Answ. As to the false facts contained in this Article, 
 I need only refer to the preceding sheets. As to the 
 Creed being none of Athanasius's, which is certainly 
 true, it is to be considered that our Church receives it 
 not upon the authority of its compiler, nor determines 
 anything about its age or author ; but we receive it be- 
 cause the truth of the doctrines contained in it may be 
 proved by most certain warrants of Holy Scripture, as 
 is expressly said in our Eighth Article. I may add, 
 that the early and general reception of this Creed by 
 Greeks and Latins, by all the "Western Churches, not 
 only before, but since the Reformation, must needs 
 give it a much greater authority and weight than the 
 single name of Athanasius could do, were it ever so 
 justly to be set to it. Athanasius has left some Creeds 
 and Confessions, undoubtedly his, which yet never have 
 obtained the esteem and reputation that this hath done : 
 because none of them are really of the same intrinsic 
 value, nor capable of doing the like service in the 
 Christian Churches. The use of it is, to be a standing 
 fence and preservative against the wiles and equivoca- 
 tions of most kinds of heretics. This was well under- 
 stood by Luther, when he called it " a bulwark to the 
 Apostles' Creed b ;" much to the same purpose with what 
 has been above cited from Ludolphus Saxo c . And it 
 
 b " Athanasii scilicet Symbolum est paulo prolixius, et ad confu- 
 tandos Arianos 1 aereticos, aliquanto uberius declarat, et illustrat 
 Artif-ulum alteram de Divinitate Christi Je>u . . . estque hoc velut 
 propugnaeulum primi illius Apostolici iSymboli." — Luther., de Trib. 
 Symbol., vol. vii. p. 139. 
 
 c Thus also Alexander of Hales, 100 years before Ludolphus. 
 
 " Causa multiplicationis Symbolorum luit tripiex: Instructs Fidei,
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 233 
 
 was this and the like considerations that have all along 
 made it be of such high esteem among all the Reformed 
 Churches, from the days of their great leader. 
 
 Objection II. 
 
 The second reason assigned for laying this form aside 
 is, that it is so worded as that many of the common 
 people cannot but be too apt to understand it in a sense 
 favouring either Sabellianism or Tritheism. 
 
 Answ. This objection is not particularly levelled 
 against this Creed, but against all Creeds containing 
 the doctrine of a Coeternal Trinity in Unity. It is 
 therefore an objection rather against the Faith of the 
 Church (which those gentlemen endeavour constantly 
 to run down, under the notion of Sabellianism, or Tri- 
 theism), than against this particular form of express- 
 ing it. 
 
 I may further add, that the common people will be 
 
 in no danger of running either into Sabellianism or 
 
 Tritheism if they attend to the Creed itself (which 
 
 fully obviates and confutes both those heresies), instead 
 
 of listening to those who first industriously labour to 
 
 deceive them into a false construction of the Creed, and 
 
 then complain of the common people's being too apt to 
 
 misunderstand it. This is not ingenuous, nor upright 
 
 dealing with the common people. 
 
 Objection III. 
 
 A third reason is, that there are in this Creed rnany 
 
 phrases which . . . may seem to give unbelievers a need- 
 
 veritatis explanatio, erroris exclusio. . . Erroris exclusio, propter 
 haereses niultiplices pullulantes, causa fuit Symboli Athanasii, quod 
 cantatur in prima." — Alexand. Alens. , Part iii., q. 82 ; Membr. 2, 
 vol. i. p. 279, (p. 541) ; Johan. Januensis in his Catholicon (An. 1286), 
 under Synibolum, says the same thing. (See above, p. 37.)
 
 234 THE REASONABLENESS OF RETAINING 
 
 less advantage of objecting against religion ; and among 
 believers themselves cannot but to the vulgar have too 
 much the appearance of contradictions ; and sometimes 
 (especially the damnatory clauses) have given offence to 
 the piousest and most learned men, insomuch as to 
 have been the principal reason of Mr. Chillingworth's 
 refusing to subscribe the XXXIX. Articles. 
 
 Answ. As to unbelievers, and their objections, the 
 Church has been always able and willing to answer 
 them ; sorry at the same time to find, that any who 
 call themselves Christians should join with the unbe- 
 lievers in the same trifling objections, thereby giving 
 the unbelievers a very needless advantage and the most 
 pernicious encouragement. As to vulgar believers, they 
 suspect no contradictions, till some, who think them- 
 selves above the vulgar, labour to create such a sus- 
 picion in them. Leave the vulgar to their better 
 guides and their true orthodox pastors, without endea- 
 vouring to corrupt or seduce them, and then all will be 
 safe and easy. 
 
 As to Mr. Chillingworth, he had for a while, it is 
 owned, some scruples upon him about the Fourth Com- 
 mandment as appertaining to Christians, and about the 
 damnatory clauses in the Athanasian Creed, and there- 
 fore refused to subscribe for a time. This was in the 
 year 1635. But within three years after, upon more 
 mature consideration, he happily got over his difficul- 
 ties, and subscribed, July the 20th, in the year 1638, 
 as stands upon record in the office of Sarum, where he 
 was instituted Chancellor of the Church d . 
 
 d " Ego Gulielmus Chillingworth, Clericus, in Artibus Magister, 
 ad Cancel I ariatum Ecclesire Cathedralia Beats Maria; Sarum, una
 
 THE ATirAXASIAN CKEKD. 235 
 
 Objection IV. 
 
 A fourth reason offered, not for laying aside this 
 Creed, I suppose, but for the governors taking it into 
 consideration, is, that the Preface to the Book of Com- 
 mon Prayer declares that particular forms of Divine 
 Worship, and rites and ceremonies appointed to he used 
 therein, being things in their own nature indifferent 
 and alterable, may, upon the various exigency of times 
 and occasions, be changed or altered. 
 
 Answ. No doubt but the Church may, if it be 
 thought proper or expedient, throw out all the Creeds 
 out of her daily service, or Articles, and retain one 
 only, in the office of Baptism, as formerly. But, I sup- 
 pose, the authors of the Preface to the Book of Common 
 Prayer had no thought of excluding any of the three 
 Creeds amongst their alterable forms of worship, or 
 rites and ceremonies : nor will the revival of Arianism 
 be ever looked upon as one of those exigencies of times 
 that shall make it expedient to part with our Creeds, 
 but a reason rather for retaining them the more firmly, 
 or even for taking them in again, had any of them ever 
 been unhappily thrown out. 
 
 Objection V. 
 A further reason pleaded is, that Scripture alone 
 is sufficient ; that the primitive Church was very cau- 
 tious about multiplying Creeds ; that the Council of 
 
 cum Prscbenda de Brinworth, alias Bricklesworth, in comitatu 
 Northampton Petriburgensis dioeceseos in eadem Ecclesia fundata, 
 et eidem Cancellariatui armexa, admittendus et instituendus, omni- 
 bus hisce Articulis, et singulis in eisdem contentis volens et ex 
 aninio subscribo, et consensum meum eisdem prsebeo, vicesimo di© 
 Julii, 1638." — Gulielmus Chillingworth. ( Extract from the Register 
 of the Church of Salisbury, inserted in the preface to the ninth 
 edition of the Works of Chillingworth.)
 
 236 THE REASONABLENESS OF RETAINING 
 
 Ephesns forbade, under the penalty of an anathema, 
 any other Creed after that of Nice to be proposed or 
 received in the Church. 
 
 A nsw. The whole design and end of Creeds is to 
 preserve the rule of faith, as contained in the Holy 
 Scriptures, and not in the false glosses and corrupt in- 
 ventions of men e . And when endeavours are used to 
 poison those fountains of truth by ill comments and 
 forced constructions, preservatives must be thought on to 
 keep the fountain pure and the faith sound and whole. 
 
 As to the primitive Churches, their constant way 
 was to enlarge their Creeds in proportion to the growth 
 of heresies, that so every corruption arising to the 
 faith of Christ might have an immediate remedy : with- 
 out which prudent and wise caution the faith would 
 have been lost in a little time through the wiles and 
 artifices of subtle intriguing men. 
 
 The Council of Ephesus made no order against new 
 Creeds, that is, Creeds still more and more enlarged, 
 if there should be occasion, but against a new Faith 
 (Jripav ttlo-tiv)*, a Faith different from and repugnant to 
 that of Nice, such as was offered by the Nestorians in 
 that Council. This is the literal construction and real 
 intended meaning of that decree of the Ephesine Coun- 
 cil g ; though, had they intended it against the receiv- 
 
 * Ou yap ws fSo^ev avOpdinois crvveT€0ij ra tt)5 irlareajs' a\A' £k 
 wdar]s ypa<pris to KaipuinaTa avWeyd^vra fxia.'.- aj'cnrATjpoi tt^ 
 ttjs 7r<crT€a)s 5i8aff/caA.iai>. — Cyrill., Catech., v. c. 12, p. 78. 
 
 f 'Ertpav it'imiv /X7j5ei'i e£eiVai npcxpeptiv fiyovv ffvyypaipfiv f) 
 ffvvTiQ4vai, irapa rr]v opicrQeiaav napa rwv ayiwv irarep'jiv tSiv 4v 
 r?7 NiKae'coi' avfaxdiurvov iroKft. — Cone. Ephes., Can. 7, in Routh's 
 Opusc, vol. ii. p. 8. 
 
 e Le Quien, Panopl. c. Schism. Grcec, saec. xi. c. 2, § 9, &c, 
 p. 230 ; Dissertal. Damasctn., p. 14, &c.
 
 THE ATCTANASIAN CREED. 237 
 
 ing any other form but the Nicene, all that follows 
 from it is, that they thought no more necessary at that 
 time, or that definitions in Councils (as in the Council 
 of Chalcedon afterwards), or condemnation of heretical 
 tenets might suffice, leaving the Baptismal Creed (all 
 Creeds were such at that time) just as was before. 
 However, the practice of the Church afterwards, in 
 multiplying Creeds as need required, at the same time 
 that they acknowledged the Ephesine Council, shews 
 fully how they understood it. Nay, the constant re- 
 ception of the Constantinopolitan Creed (which is the 
 Nicene interpolated, and yet was never understood to 
 be excluded by the Ephesine Canon) shews plainly the 
 sense of the Synod in that matter. It is to be noted, 
 that the Ephesine Council by Nicene Creed meant the 
 Nicene strictly so calhd h , and which had already been 
 interpolated by the Constantinopolitan Council. 
 
 Objection VI. 
 
 Another plea offered is, that, in the year 1689, many 
 wise and g 'od prelates of our own (commissioned to 
 review and correct our Liturgy) unanimously agreed 
 that the use of the Athanasian Creed should no longer 
 be imposed. 
 
 Asrsw. There may be reason to question the truth of 
 this report. There are two accounts which I have seen 
 of this matter; one of Dr. Nichols, the other of Dr. 
 Calamy, which he received of a friend. Dr. Nichols's 
 account runs thus: — " Athanasius's Creed being dis- 
 liked by many, because of the damnatory clauses, it 
 was left to the minister's choice either to use it, or to 
 h Vid. Le Quien,_ib., p. 231 ; Dissert. Damascen., p. 18.
 
 238 THE REASONABLENESS OF RETAINING 
 
 change it for the Apostles' Creed 1 ." Dr. Calaruy's ac- 
 count is thus : — " About the Athanasian Creed, they 
 came at last to this conclusion : that least the wholly 
 rejecting it should by unreasonable persons be imputed 
 to them as Socinianism, a llubric shall be made, setting 
 forth, or declaring the curses denounced therein not to 
 be restrained to every particular Article, but intended 
 against those that deny the substance of the Christian 
 religion in general k ." JSTow, from these two accounts 
 compared, it may be reasonable to believe that those 
 wise and good prelates had once drawn up a scheme to 
 be debated and canvassed, in which scheme it was pro- 
 posed to leave every minister at liberty with respect to 
 the Athanasian Creed; but, upon more mature con- 
 sideration, they came at last to this conclusion, to im- 
 pose the Creed as before, and to qualify the seeming 
 harshness of the daamatory clauses by a softening 
 llubric. They were therefore at length unanimously 
 agreed still to retain and impose this Creed, quite con- 
 trary to the objector's Eeport. And, indeed, it must 
 have appeared very astonishing in the eyes of all the 
 reformed Churches, Lutheran and Calvinist (who have 
 the greatest veneration for this Creed), to have seen it 
 
 1 Nicholsii, Apparat. ad Defens. Eccl. Angl., p. 95. 
 
 k Calamy's Lite of Baxter, vol. i. p. 455. 
 
 In a Postscript to bis second edition, Dr. Waterland gives the 
 rubric, of which he had procured a copy, at full length, as follows : 
 " Upon these Feasts, Christmas Day, Easter Da;/, Ascension Day, 
 Whitsunday, Trinity Sunday, and upon All Saints, shall be said at 
 Morning Prayer, by the minister and people standing, instead of the 
 Creed, commonly called the Apostles' Creed, this Confession of our 
 Christian Faith, commonly called the Creed of St. Athannsius, the 
 Articles of which ought to be received and believed as being agree- 
 able to the Holy Scriptures. And the condemning clauses are to 
 be understood as relating only to those who obstinately deny the 
 substance of the Christian Faith."
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 239 
 
 wholly rejected by the English clergy, when there had 
 been no precedent before of any one Church in Chris- 
 tendom that had done the like. All that ever received 
 it have constantly retained it, and still retain it. It is 
 further to be considered, that what those very worthy 
 prelates at that time intended sprung from a just and 
 becoming tenderness towards the Dissenters, because of 
 their long scruples against the damnatory clauses ; but 
 there is not the same reason at this day. The wiser 
 and more moderate part of the Dissenting Ministers 1 
 seem very well reconciled to the damnatory clauses, 
 modestly expounded ; as Dr. Wallis particularly has ex- 
 pounded them, justly and truly, as well as modestly. 
 And I am confident the soberer Dissenters would not, 
 at this time, wish to see so excellent and so useful 
 a form of faith laid aside, only to serve the interests of 
 our new Ariuns. However, since the damnatory clauses 
 were the main difiiculty, a better way might have been 
 contrived thau was then thought on ; namely, to have 
 preserved the whole Creed except those clauses which 
 are separable from it. But the best of all, as I humbly 
 
 1 " This Creed, by whomsoever framed, hath been long received 
 in the Church, and looked on as agreeable to the Scriptures, and an 
 excellent explication of the Christian Faith. Constantinople, Rome, 
 and the Reformed Churches have owned it ... . Our pious and ex- 
 cellent Mr. Baxter, in his Method of Theol., p. 123, speaks thus of 
 it: ' In a word, the damnatory sentences excepted, or modestly 
 expounded (such a modest Explication of the Damnatory Clauses 
 see in Dr. Wallis*, &c), I embrace the Creed, commonly called 
 Athanasius's, as the best explication of the Trinity. And in vol. ii. 
 of his Works f, p. 132, says he, I unfeignedly account the doctrine 
 of the 1 rinity the sum and kernel of the Christian religion, as ex- 
 prest in our Baptism, and Athanasius his Creed the best explica- 
 tion of it I ever read.' " — Doctrine of the Trinity Stated, &c, by 
 some London Ministers, pp. 62, 63. 
 
 * Wallis, Explication of the Athanasian Creed, pp. 2, 3. 
 
 + Baxter, tne Reasons of the Christian Religion, part ii. c. 10.
 
 240 THE BEASONABLENESS OF BETAINTNG 
 
 conceive, is what has prevailed, and still obtains, to let 
 it stand as before, since the damnatory clauses have 
 been often and sufficiently vindicated by the reformed 
 Churches abroad m as well as by our own here. 
 
 Objection VII. 
 
 It is pleaded farther, mostly in the words of Bishop 
 Taylor n , that the Apostles' Creed is the Rule of Faith ; 
 that this only is necessary to Baptism ; that what was 
 once sufficient to brin^ men to heaven must be so now ; 
 that there is no occasion for being so minute and par- 
 ticular in the matte c of Creeds; with more to the like 
 purpose. 
 
 Aksw. 1 . Dr. Taylor goes upon a false supposition, 
 that the Creed called the Apostles' was compiled by 
 the Apostles. 
 
 2. He has another false presumption, appearing all 
 the way in his reasonings on this head, that the Apostles' 
 Creed has been always the same that it is now : whereas 
 learned men know that it was not brought to its pre- 
 sent entire form till after the year 600°; is nothing 
 
 m Tentzelius, a Lutheran, is very smart upon this head, against 
 the Arminians, fer their objecting to the damnatory sentences. 
 
 " Verum injuste, atque impudenter accusant initium ISymboli, 
 quod pri'lem vindicarunt nostrates Thenlogi : Dannhawerus in 
 Stylo Vindice, p. '200; Hulsemannus de Avxiliis Gratice, p. 218; 
 Kromayerus in Theologia Positivo Polemira, pp. 98, 99 ; and in 
 Scrutinio Religionum, p. 205, aliique passim." — Tentzel., p. 110. To 
 these which Tentzelius has mentioned, I may add David Pareus 
 (a Calvii ist), in his Comment upon this Creed, published at the end 
 of Ursinus's Catechism, a.d. 1084, by Philip Pareus. 
 
 n Taylor, Liberty of Prophesying, §§ 1, 10, 11, vol. v. p. 373. 
 
 o I know not whether the words, Maker of Heaven and Earth, 
 can be proved by any certain authority to have cone into that 
 Creed before the eighth century ; for after the best searches I have 
 been hiheito able to make, I can find no copy (to be depended 
 upon) higher than that time, which has that clause.
 
 THE ATHAXASrAN CREED. 241 
 
 else but the Baptismal Creed of one particular Church, 
 the Church of Rome, and designedly short for the eas< 
 of those who were to repeat it at Baptism. Now, 
 when we are told of the Apostles' Creed containing all 
 that is necessary to salvation, and no more than is ne- 
 cessary, we would gladly know whether it be meant of 
 the old short Roman Creed p , or of the present one con- 
 siderably larger : and if they intend the old one, why 
 application is not made to our governors to lay the new 
 one aside, or to curtail and reduce it to its primitive 
 size, by leaving out the Belief, or profession of God 1 - 
 being Creator of heaven and earth, and of Christ's being 
 dead, and of His descent into hell, and of the Church 
 being Catholic, and of the communion of saints, and 
 life everlasting, as unnecessary Articles of Faith. For 
 why may not that suffice now which was once suffi- 
 cient? or how can anything be necessary at this day 
 that was not so from the beginning ? 
 
 3. To set this whole matter right, it ought to be 
 considered that Creeds were never intended to contain, 
 as it were, a certain quantity of faith as necessary to 
 bring men to heaven, and no more than is necessary. 
 Were this the case, all Creeds ought precisely to have 
 consisted of an equal number of Articles, and the same 
 
 p The old Roman (or Apostles') Creed was no more than this, as 
 may be seen iu Bishop Usher, de Symbol., pp. 8, 10, (6, 9). 
 
 " I believe in God the Father Almighty : And in Jesus Christ His 
 only Son our Lord ; who was born of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin 
 Mary; crucified under Pontius Pilate, and buried, rose again the 
 third day from the dead, ascended into heaven, sitteth at the right 
 hand of the Father, from whence He shall come to judge the quick 
 and dead. And in the Holy Ghost, the holy Church, the remis- 
 sion of sins, the resurrection of the body. Amen." 
 
 See also Heurtley, de Fide et Symbolo, p. 31 ; where, however, the 
 third Article is given, " Qui natus est d Spiritu Sancto ex Maria 
 Virgine." 
 
 X
 
 242 THE REASONABLENESS OF RETAINING 
 
 individual Articles : whereas there are no two Creeds 
 anywhere to be found which answer to such exactness. 
 A plain argument that the Church, in forming of Creeds, 
 early and late, went upon no such view, hut upon 
 quite another principle. The design of all was, to 
 keep up, as strictly as possible, the whole compares, or 
 fabric of the Christian Faith, as it stands in Scripture q . 
 And if any part came to be attacked, they were then 
 to bend all their cares to succour and relieve that part, 
 in order still to secure the whole. Some few of the 
 main stamina, or chief lines, were taken care of from 
 the first, and made up the first Creeds : particularly 
 the doctrine of the Trinity, briefly hinted, and scarce 
 anything more, because the form of baptism led to it. 
 As to other Articles, or larger explications of this, they 
 came in occasionally, according as this or that part of 
 the Christian Faith seemed most to be endangered, and 
 to require present relief. And as this varied in several 
 countries or Churches (some being more disturbed than 
 others, and some with one kind of heresy, others with 
 another), so the Creeds likewise varied ; some insisting 
 particularly upon this Article, others upon that, as 
 need required, and all still endeavouring to keep up 
 and maintain one whole and entire system of the Chris- 
 tian Faith, according to the true and full meaning of 
 Sacred Writ. There is nothing more in it than the 
 very nature and circumstance of the thing necessarily 
 leads to. I may illustrate the case a little farther by 
 
 S 'ETreiS?; yap ov iraeTes Zvvavrat ras ypatyds avayivtiiaKiiv, 
 dAAa robs ntv iSiwreia, robs 5e a<rxoAia tis iuTroSifei Trpbs TTjr 
 yvwaiv virep tov /ur; ttjp \pvxv 1 ' e '| auadias diTo\4aQai, iv oAiyois 
 ro?s cnixots rb irav Soy/xa t?}s Triarews TTfptAa/xjidi'o/j.tv. — Cyril. 
 Catech., v. c. 12, p. 78.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CKEED. 243 
 
 an easy parallel between matters of faith and matters 
 of practice. The sum of Christian practice is contained 
 in two brief rules, — to love God, and to love one's 
 neighbour, which comprehend all. ~No one needs more 
 than this ; nor, indeed, can there be anything more. 
 But then a perverse man may possibly understand by 
 God, not the true God, the God of Jews and Christians, 
 but some other of his own devising, or such as has been 
 received by pagans or heretics ; and he may understand 
 by neighbour, one of his own country only, or tribe, 
 or sect, or family. Well, then, to obviate any such 
 method of undermining Christian practice, it will be 
 necessary to be a little more particular than barely to 
 lay down in brief to love God and one's neighbour : we 
 must add, the true God, the God of Jews and Chris- 
 tians, that very God and none else : and as to neigh- 
 bour, we must insist upon it, that it means not this or 
 that sect, tribe, party, &c, but all mankind. And now 
 our rule of practice begins to extend and enlarge itself 
 beyond its primitive simplicity, but not without rea- 
 son. To proceed a little farther : mistakes and per- 
 verse sentiments may arise in the interpreting the word 
 love, so as thereby to evacuate and frustrate the pri- 
 mary and fundamental rule ; to correct and remove 
 which it may be necessary still farther to enlarge the 
 rule of practice, and to branch it out into many other 
 particulars, which to mention would be needless. Now, 
 if such a method as this will of course be necessary to 
 preserve the essentials of practice, let it not be thought 
 strange if the like has been made use of to preserve the 
 essentials of faith. There is the same reason and the 
 like occasion for both ; and if due care be taken in
 
 244 THE REASONABLENESS OF RETAINING 
 
 both to make all the branches hang naturally upon the 
 primary and fundamental rules, and to adopt no foreign 
 ones, as belonging thereunto when they really do not, 
 then there is nothing in this whole affair but a just and 
 prudent care about what most of all deserves it, and 
 such as will be indispensably required in every faithful 
 minister or steward of the mysteries of God. To return 
 to our point in hand : as more and more of the sacred 
 truths, in process of time, came to be opposed, or 
 brought in question, so Creeds have been enlarged in 
 proportion, and an explicit profession of more and more 
 Articles required of every candidate for baptism. And 
 because this was not security sufficient, since many 
 might forget, or not know, or not attend to what they 
 had professed in their baptism (by themselves or by 
 their sureties), it was found highly expedient and ne- 
 cessary to insert one or more Creeds in the standing 
 and daily offices of the Church, to remind people of that 
 Faith which they had solemnly engaged to maintain, 
 and to guard the unwary against the wily attempts of 
 heretics to pervert them. This is the plain and true 
 account of Creeds, and of their use in the Christian 
 Churches. And therefore, if any man would talk sense 
 against the use of this or that Creed in any Church, he 
 ought to shew either that it contains such truths as 
 no man ever did, or, in all probability, never will op- 
 pose (which will be a good argument to prove the 
 Creed superfluous), or that it contains Articles which are 
 not true, or are at best doubtful, which will be a good 
 argument to prove such a Creed hurtful. Now, as to 
 the Athanasian form, it will hardly be thought super- 
 fluous, so long as there are any Arians, Photinians,
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 245 
 
 Sabellians, Macedonians, Apollinarians, Nestorians, or 
 Eutychians, in this part of the world; and as to its 
 being hurtful, that may then be proved when it can be 
 shewn that any of those forementioned heresies were 
 no heresies, or have not been justly condemned. 
 
 If it be pleaded that the vulgar, knowing little of 
 any of those heresies, will therefore know as little of 
 what the Creed means, and so to them it may be at least 
 dry and insipid, if not wholly useless ; to this I an- 
 swer, that there no kinds of heretics but hope to make 
 the vulgar understand their tenets respectively, and to 
 draw them aside from the received Faith of the Church; 
 and therefore it behoves the pastors of the Church to 
 have a standing form, to guard the people against any 
 such attempts. The vulgar will understand, in the 
 general, and as far as is ordinarily to them necessary, 
 the main doctrines of a Trinity in unity, and of God 
 incarnate ; and as to particular explications, whenever 
 they have occasion to look farther, they will find the 
 true ones laid down in this Creed, which will be useful 
 to prevent their being imposed upon at any time with 
 false ones. If they never have occasion to go farther 
 thun generals, there is no hurt done to them by abund- 
 ant caution : if they have, here is a direction ready for 
 them, to prevent mistakes. It is not pretended that all 
 are capable of seeing through every nicety, or of per- 
 ceiving the full intent and aim of every part of this 
 form, and what it alludes to. But, as many as are 
 capable of being set wrong in any one branch (by the 
 subtlety of seducers), are as capable of being kept 
 right by this rule given them ; and they will as easily 
 understand one side of the question as they will the
 
 246 THE REASONABLENESS OF RETAINING 
 
 other. The Christian Churches throughout the world, 
 ever since the multiplication of heresies, have thought 
 it necessary to guard their people by some such forms 
 as these in standing use amongst them. The Oriental 
 Churches, which receive not this Creed into their con- 
 stant offices, yet more than supply the want of it, either 
 by other the like Creeds r , or by their solemn stated 
 prayers in their liturgies, wherein they express their 
 faith as fully and particularly (or more so s ) as this Creed 
 does : and they are not so much afraid of puzzling and 
 perplexing the vulgar by doing it, as they are of be- 
 traying and exposing them to the attempts of seducers 
 should they not do it. For which reason also they fre- 
 quently direct their prayers to God the Son, as well as 
 to God the Father ; being in that case more solicitous 
 than the Latin Churches have been, because they have 
 been oftener disturbed by Arians and other impugners 
 of Christ's divinity 1 . 
 
 Upon the whole, I look upon it as exceeding useful, 
 and even necessary, for every Church to have some 
 such form as this, or something equivalent, open and 
 common to all its members, that none may be led astray 
 for want of proper caution and previous instruction in 
 what so nearly concerns the whole structure and fabric 
 
 r See the Creed of the Armenians in Ricaut, p. 411, &c. 
 
 6 See Ludolphus IILstor. jEthiop., lib. iii. c. 5 ; and Renaudot's 
 Orient. Liturg., passim. 
 
 * " Nam cum omnes Orationes Latini Canonis, ex vetustissima 
 traditione, ad Deum Patrem dirigantur; in Oriente plures ad 
 Filium : nempe, quia magis conflictata est Arianorum, et aliorum 
 qui ejus Divinitatem impugnabant, contentionibus Orientalis, quam 
 Occidentalis Ecclesia." — Renaudot, ad Liturg. Copt. S. Basil., 
 vol. i. p. 262.
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED. 247 
 
 of the Christian Faith u . As to this particular form, it 
 has so long prevailed, and has so well answered the 
 use intended, that, all things considered, there can be 
 no sufficient reason for changing any part of it, much 
 less for laying the whole aside. There are several 
 other Creeds, very good ones (though somewhat larger), 
 which, had they been made choice of for common use, 
 might possibly have done as well. The Creeds, I mean, 
 (of which there is a great number) drawn up after 
 the Council of Chalcedon, and purposely contrived to 
 obviate all the heresies that ever had infested the 
 Christian Church. But those that dislike this Creed 
 would much more dislike the other, as being still more 
 particular and explicit in regard to the Nestorian, 
 Eutychian, and Monothelite heresies, and equally full 
 and clear for the doctrine of the Trinity. 
 
 To conclude : as long as there shall be any men left 
 to oppose the doctrines which this Creed contains, so 
 long will it be expedient, and even necessary, to con- 
 tinue the use of it, in order to preserve the rest ; and, 
 I suppose, when we have none remaining to find fault 
 with the doctrines, there will be none to object against 
 the use of the Creed, or so much as to wish to have it 
 laid aside. 
 
 u To this purpose speaks Johannes Pappus, in the name of the 
 Lutheran Churches, commenting on the Augsburg Confession : — 
 
 '' Semper in Ecclesia Scriptorum quorundam publicorum usus 
 fuit, quibus doctrin® Divinitus revelat;e de certis capitibus summa 
 comprehenderetur, et contra hiereticos, aliosque adversaries de- 
 fenderetur. Talia scripta, licet perbrevia, sunt Symbola ilia totius 
 Ecclesia.', omnium hominum consensu recepta, Apostolicuni, Nicae- 
 num, Athanasianum." — Joan. Papp., Coram, in Confess. Augttst., 
 fol. 2. 
 
 I take this upon the credit of Nic. Serarius, who quotes the 
 passage from Pappus. Serar. ,in Symb. Athanas., Opusc. Theol., 
 voL ii. p. 9.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 a.d. 570. I intimated above (p. 45) that Fortunatus's 
 Comment upon the Athanasian Creed, though before 
 published, might deserve a second publication, and be 
 made much more correct than it appears in Murato- 
 rius's second tome of Anecclota. 
 
 I have made frequent use of it in the preceding 
 sheets ; and now my design, in reprinting it, is to let 
 the reader see what the Comment is which I so fre- 
 quently refer to, that so he may judge for himself whe- 
 ther it really be what I suppose, and I think with 
 good reason, A Comment of the Sixth Century, and 
 justly ascribed to Fortunatus. I have endeavoured to 
 make it as correct as possible, by such helps as I could 
 anywhere procure, which are as follow : — 
 
 1. The printed copy of it, published by Muratorius, 
 from a manuscript of the Ambrosian Library, about 600 
 years old. 
 
 2. A manuscript copy from Oxford, found among 
 Franciscus Junius's MSS. (No. 25), which appears, by 
 the character, to be about 800 years old. As it is older 
 than Muratorius's, so is it also more faithful ; and 
 though it has a great many faults, both in the ortho- 
 graphy and syntax, owing either to the ignorance of
 
 appexmx. 249 
 
 the age or of the copyist, yet it does not appear to have 
 been interpolated like the other, or to have been indus- 
 triously altered in any part. 
 
 3. Besides those two copies of the entire Comment, 
 I have had some assistance from such parcels of it as 
 are to be met with in writers that have borrowed from 
 it. Bruno's Comment furnishes us with some parts 
 which he had taken into his own. But there is, among 
 the supposititious works ascribed to St. Austin, a trea- 
 tise intituled, Sermo de Symbolo*, which has several 
 scattered fragments of this very Comment in it. The 
 whole treatise is a farrago, or collection from several 
 other writers, as Buffinus, Csesarius, Pope Gregory I., 
 and Ivo Carnotensis. By the last mentioned, one may 
 be assured that the collection is not older than the 
 close of the eleventh century ; it may be later. It will 
 be serviceable, however, so far as it goes, for restoring 
 the true readings where our copies are corrupt, which is 
 the use I make of it. 
 
 Nothing now remains but to lay before the learned 
 reader Fortunatus's Comment in its native language, 
 and therewith to close up our inquiries concerning the 
 Athanasian Creed. 
 
 The Various Lections, all that are properly such, are 
 carefully noted at the bottom of the page, that so the 
 reader may judge whether the text be what it should 
 be, or correct it, if it appears otherwise. But I should 
 hint, that there are several little variations in the 
 Oxford manuscript, which I ttke no notice of, as not 
 being properly Various Lections. 
 
 1. Such as are merely orthographical: as a permu- 
 a August., vol. vi. App., p. 278.
 
 250 APPENDIX. 
 
 tation of letters, using d for t, in capud and reliquid, for 
 caput and reliquit ; e for i, in TVe^ for .ZWtf ; and i for 
 e, in calit for c«&?£, and the like : o for u in servolis, 
 p for 3 in optenit for obtinet ; v consonant for £, in 
 enarravit for enarrabit, though sueh as this last is 
 might be noted among Various Lections in cases more 
 disputable. 
 
 To this head may be referred some antique and now 
 obsolete spellings : mmensus for immensus, inmortalis for 
 immortalis, inlesus for illcesus, conlocavit for collocavit, 
 dinoscitur for dignoscitur, and the like. 
 
 2. Active terminations of verbs for passive : as finire 
 for finiri, cogitare for cogitari ; though these may be 
 referred to the former head, being only changing the 
 letter i for the letter e. Dominat for dominatur I take 
 notice of among the Various Lections. 
 
 3. Faults in the formation of verbs : as abstuleret for 
 tolleret, vivendos for viventes ; to which may be added 
 morsit for momordit, having been long out of use. 
 
 4. Manifest faults in concord : as humani carnis for 
 humance, eodem captivitate for eadem. But where there 
 can be any doubt of the construction, I mark such 
 among the Various Lections, leaving the reader to judge 
 of them. 
 
 These and other the like niceties are generally neg- 
 lected in editions of authors, it being both needless and 
 endless to note them. But I was willing to hint some- 
 thing of them in this place, because they may be of use 
 to scholars for the making a judgment of the value of 
 a manuscript ; and sometimes of the time or place ; as 
 also of the manner how a copy was taken, whether by 
 the ear or by the eye, from word of mouth, or merely
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 251 
 
 from a writing laid before the copyist. Besides that, if 
 we can distinguish in the present case, as perhaps a good 
 critic may, the particularities of the author from those 
 of his transcribers, they may possibly afford some addi- 
 tional argument for the ascertaining the author of the 
 Comment.
 
 EXPOSITIO FIDEI CATHOLICS FORTUNATE. 
 
 Sceipta anno circiter 570. Quicunque vult salvus esse b , 
 ante omnia opus est ut teneat Catholicam Fidem : Quam 
 nisi quisque integrant, inviolatamque servaverit, absque 
 dubio in ceternum peribit c . 
 
 Fides dicitur credulitas, sive credential [Prime, 
 ergo omnium Fides necessaria est, sicut Apostolica 
 docet auctoritas dicens ; sine Fide impossibile est pla- 
 cere Deo. Constat enim neminem ad veram pervenire 
 posse beatitudinem, nisi Deo placeat; et Deo neminem 
 placere posse, nisi per Fidem. Fides namque est bono- 
 runi omnium fundamentum, Fides human ae salutis ini- 
 tium. Sine hac nemo ad filiorum Dei potest consortium 
 pervenire ; quia sine ipsa nee in hoc seculo quisquam 
 justificationis consequitur gratiam, nee in futuro vitam 
 possidebit eeternain. Et si quis heic non ambulaverit 
 per fidem, non perveniet ad speciem beatam Domini 
 nostri Jesu Christi e ]. Catholiea universalis dicitur, id 
 
 a Ita se habet titulus in Codice Muratorii. Aliter in Oxoniensi, 
 viz. Expositio in Fide Catholiea : pro in Fidem Catholicam, ex 
 crirrupta loqnendi ratione apud scriptores tetatis mediae. 
 
 b Esse salvus. Cod. Murat. 
 
 c Posterior ha?c Symboli Clausula, incipiens a Quam nisi, non 
 habetur in Cod. Oxoniensi. 
 
 rt Ita Cod. Oxon. Prima hsec pericope deest in Murator. Conf. 
 JirvM. in Symb. 
 
 e Qua; uncinulis includuntur, non comparent in MS. Oxoniensi. 
 Nee enim Fortunati videntur esse, sed Alcuini potius ; apud quern 
 eadem fere verbatim leguntur {Be Fid. Trin., lib. i. c. 2, p. 1257. 
 [707]). Alcuinus vero maximam ]3artem mutuatus est a Fulgentio,
 
 APPENDIX. 253 
 
 est, recta, quam Ecclesia universa f tcnere debet. Ec- 
 clesiae congregatio dicitur Christianorum, sive conven- 
 tus populorum. [Non enim, sicut conventicula haere- 
 ticorum, in aliquibus regionum partibus coarctatur, seel 
 per totum terrarum orbem dilatata diffunditur h .] 
 
 Ut unum Deum in Trinitate, et Trinitatem in unitate 
 veneremur. Et eredamus, et colamus, et confiteamur. 
 [Trinitatem in Personis, unitatem in substantia. Hanc 
 quoquo Trinitatem Personarum, atque unitatem naturae 
 Propheta Esaias revelatam sibi non tacuit, cum se dicit 
 Seraphim vidisse clamantia, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanetus, 
 Dominus Deus Sabaoth. Ubi prorsus in eo quod dici- 
 tur tertio Sanctus, Personarum Trinitatem ; in eo vero 
 quod semel dicirnus Dominus Deus Sabaoth, divinae 
 naturae cognoscimus unitatem '.] 
 
 Neque cotifimdentes personas. Ut Sabellius errat, qui 
 ipsum dicit esse Patrem in Persona quern et Filium, ipsum 
 et Spiritum Sanctum. Non ergo confundentes Personas, 
 
 (Be Fid. ad Petrum. Prolog., p. 500). Sed varia exemplaria varie 
 sententiam claudunt. Fulgentius legit, Non perveniet ad speciem ; 
 nee quicquam ultra. Alcuinus, Non perveniet ad speciem beatse 
 visionis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Ab utrisque abit Lectio 
 Muratorii. 
 
 { Universa Ecclesia. Cod. Mur. et Brunonis. 
 
 s Cod. Muratorii habet quippe, post Ecclesia: quam voculam, 
 utpote ineptam, saltern otiosam, expunximus, Fide Cod. Oxouiensis. 
 Conf. Brunon. in hoc loco. 
 
 h Uncis hie inclusa non babentur in Codice Oxoniensi. Verba 
 uimirum sunt, non Fortunati, sud Isidori Hispal. Orig., lib. viii. 
 c. 1, p. 64. Alio proinde charactere imprimenda curavimus. 
 
 ' Qu» uncis comprehensa bic legere est, non comparent in Codice 
 Oxoniensi. Verba sunt Alcuini (de Trin., lib. i. c. 3, p. 1259 [709], 
 in quo eadem plane, similique oniine invenias. Sunt porro eadem, 
 uno vocabulo dempto, apud Fulgentium (de Fid. ad Petrum, c. i. 
 § 5, p. 503), ordine etiam tantum non eodem. Verba autern ilia 
 iutroductoria (viz. Trinitatem in Personis, unitatem in substantia) ; 
 non leguntur in Fulgentio, nee quidem in Alcuino. Interpolator 
 ipse, uti videtur, ex proprio ilia penu deprompta prsemisit ceteris, 
 connexionis forte aliqualis conservanda; gratia.
 
 254 APPENDIX. 
 
 quia tres omnino Personas su.nt k . Est enim gignens, 
 genitus, et 1 procedens. Gignens est Pater, qui genuit 
 Filium ; Filius est genitus, quern genuit Pater ; Spiritus 
 Sanctus est procedens, quia a Patre et Pilio procedit. 
 Pater et Filius coseterni sibi sunt et cosequales ; et co- 
 operatores, sicut scriptum est; verbo Domini Cseli fir- 
 mati m sunt, id est, a Filio Dei creati, Spiritu 11 oris 
 ejus, omnis virtus eorum. TTbi sub singulari numero, 
 Spiritus ° ejus, dicit p , [unitatem substantias Deitatis os- 
 tendit ; ubi sub plurali numero, omnis virtus eorum 
 dicit q ], Trinitatem Personarum aperte demonstrat, quia 
 tres unum sunt, et unum tres. 
 
 Neque substantiam separantes. TJt Arius garrit, qui 
 sicut tres personas esse dicit, sic et tres substantias esse 
 mentitur r . Filium dicit minorem quam Patrem, et 
 creaturam esse ; Spiritum Sanctum adhuc minorem 
 quam Filium, et Patri et Filio eum esse adminis- 
 tratorem 8 adserit. Non ergo substantiam separantes, 
 quia totse tres Personse in substantia Deitatis 1 unum 
 sunt. 
 
 k Tres Personam omnino sunt. Murat. 
 
 1 Deest 'et' in Cod. Oxon. 
 
 m Formati Cod. Oxon. Vid. Symb. Damasi dictum (apud Hie- 
 ronym., vol. v. p. 122) undo haac 'Noster,' mutatis mutandis de- 
 sumpsisse videtur. 
 
 " Spiritus. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 Leg. ' Spiritu,' uterque vero codex habet ' Spiritus.' 
 
 v Dicitur. Cod. Murat. 
 
 i Lacunam in Muratorio manifestam (quippe cum desint ea verba 
 uncis inclusa) ex Codice Oxoniensi supplevimus. Scilicet, vox ' dicit ' 
 proxime recurrens librarii oculos (uti fit) fefellit. 
 
 r Ita clare, Cod. Oxon. Aliter Muratorius ex vitioso Codice ; 
 Quia tres Personas esse dicit, si et tres substantias esse mentitur. 
 Sensus impeditus, aut nullus. 
 
 8 Et Patris et Filii eum administratorem esse adserit. Cod. 
 Murat. Conf. Brunon. 
 
 * Divinitatis. Cod. Oxon.
 
 APPENDIX. 255 
 
 Alia est enim Persona Patris. Quia Pater ingenitus 
 est, eo quod a nullo est genitus. Alia Persona Filii, 
 quia Filius a Patre solo est" genitus. Alia Spiritus 
 Sancti, quia a Patre et Filio Spiritus Sanctus v proce- 
 dens est. 
 
 Sed Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti una est Dwini- 
 tas. Id est, Deitas. iEqualis gloria : id est, claritas. 
 Coaetema majestas: majestas gloria est, claritas, sive 
 potestas x . 
 
 Qualis Pater, talis Filius, talis et Spiritus Sanvtus. 
 Id est, in Deitate, et Omnipotentia. 
 
 Increatus Pater, increatus Filius, increatus et Spiritus 
 Sanctus. Id est, a nullo creatus y . 
 
 Lnmensus Pater, immensus Filius, immensus et Spiri- 
 tus Sanctus. !Non est mensurabilis in sua natura, quia 
 inlocalis est z , incircumscriptus, ubique totus, ubique 
 praesens, ubique potens. 
 
 JEternus Pater, ccternus Filius, atemus et Spiritus 
 Sanctus. Id est, non tres seterni, sed in tribus Personis 
 unus Deus aeternus, qui sine initio, et sine fine seternus 
 permanet. 
 
 Similiter omnipotens Pater, omnipotens Filius, omni- 
 potens et Spiritus Sanctus. Omnipotens dicitur, eo 
 quod omnia potest, et omnium obtinet potestatem\ 
 
 u A Patre est solo. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 T Desunt 'Spiritus Sanctus' in Cod. Murat. quae tamen retinui- 
 nius, turn fide Cod. Oxoniensis, turn quia in antecedentibus 'Pater,' 
 et ' Filius ' bis ponuntur, sicut et hie ' Sp. Sanctus.' 
 
 x Cod. Oxoniensis legit ' claritatis, sive potestas.' 
 
 y Cod. Oxoniensis legit 'creati.' 
 
 z Muratorii exemplar insertum habet 'et,' quod delendum esse 
 censui, cum absit a Codice Oxon. et otiosum videatur. 
 
 a Fortunatus, in sua Exposit. Synib. Apostolici, base habet ; Om- 
 nipotens vero dicitur, eo quod omnia possit, et omnium obtinet
 
 256 APPENDIX. 
 
 Ergo, si omnia potest, quid est quod non potest ? Hoc 
 non potest, quod Oninipotenti non competit posse b . 
 Falli non potest [quia Veritas est; infirmari non po- 
 test], quia sanitas est c ; mori non potest, quia immor- 
 talis vita est ; finiri non potest, quia infinitus et peren- 
 nis est. 
 
 Ita, Deus Pater, Deus Films, JDeus et Spvritw Sanc- 
 tus. [Deus nomen est potestatis, non proprietatis d .] 
 Proprium nomen est Patris Pater ; et proprium nomen 
 est e Filii Filius ; et proprium nomen est Spiritus Sancti 
 Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 Ita, Dominus Pater, Dominus Films, Dominus et Spi- 
 ritus Sanctus. Dominus dicitur, eo quod omnia domi- 
 nat, et omnium est dominus dominator f . 
 
 Quia sicut singillatim (id est, sicut distinctims) 
 
 • potentatum.' ed. Basil. ' obtineat potestatem.' ed. Lugd. Pneluse- 
 rat Ruffinus, in Symholurn. 
 
 b S. Bruno, hunc opinor locum prse oculis habens, his verbis 
 utitur : Ergo, si omnia potest, quid est quod non potest ? Hoc non 
 potest, quod non convenit omnipotenti posse. — Brun., in Symb. 
 Atltands., p. 346. 
 
 c Muratorius sententiam mancam, vitiatamque exhibet : Falli non 
 potest, quia Sanctus est ; omissis intermediis. Scilicet, vocabulum 
 proxime repetitum describentis oculum delusit : et ne nullus inde 
 eliceretur sensus, pro Sanitas substitutum est Sanctus. Hrec porro 
 sibimet adoptavit S. Bruno, pauculis mutatis, vel interjectis, ad 
 hunc modum : Falli non potest, quia Veritas et sapientia est ; segro- 
 tari aut infirmari non potest, quia Sanitas est ; mori non potest, 
 quia immortalis est ; finiri non potest, quia infinitus et peren- 
 nis est. 
 
 d Deest hrec clausula in Codice Murator. : sed confer Symbolum 
 Damasi dictum, quod Gregorii Boetici creditur, apud August., 
 vol. v. App., p. 387. Item apud Hieronym., vol. v. p. 122. 
 
 e Deest est. Murator. Conf. Brun. 
 
 f Dominat, pro Dominatur, et cum accusativo, ex vitiata infe- 
 rioris sevi Latinitate, vel ex scribal imperitia. Aliter codex Mura- 
 torii, ex Isidori Orig. (lib. vii. c. 1, p. 53). Dominus dicitur, eo 
 quod dominetur creaturse cunctae, vel quod creatura omnis Domi- 
 natui ejus deserviat. 
 
 b Distinctum. Oxon. Distincte. Murat.
 
 ArPENDix. 257 
 
 unamquamque Personam et Deum h et Dominum confiten 
 Christiana veritate compellimur. Quia si me interro- 
 gaveris quid sit' Pater, ego respondebo; Deus, et Do- 
 minus. Similiter, si me interrogaveris k quid -it 
 Filius, ego dicam; Deus, et Dominus. Et si dicis™, 
 quid est Spiritus Sanctus ? Ego dico n ; Deus, et 
 Dominus. Et in his tribus Personis, non tres Deos, 
 uec tres Dominos, sed in his tribus, sicut jam su- 
 pra dictum est p , unum Deum, et unum Dominum 
 confiteor. 
 
 Unus ergo Pater, non tres Patres. Id est, quia q Pater 
 semper Pater, nee aliquando Filius. Unus Filius, non 
 tres Filii: id est, quia Filius semper Filius, nee ali- 
 quando Pater. Unus Spiritus Sanctus, non tres Spiritus 
 Sancti : id est, quia Spiritus Sanctus semper est r Spiri- 
 tus Sanctus, nee aliquando Filius, aut Pater. Hsec est 
 proprietas Personarum. 
 
 Et in hac Trinitate nihil prius, aut posterius. Quia 
 sicut nunquam Filius sine Patre, sic nunquam fuit Pater 
 sine Filio, sic et nunquam fuit Pater et Filius sine Spi- 
 
 h Deest 'et.' Cod. Murator. 
 
 > Quid est. Murator. Eandem sententiamexpressitS. Bruno, his 
 verbis ; Quia si me interrogaveris quid est Pater, ego respondeo ; 
 Deus, et Dominus. 
 
 k Et si me rogaveris. Cod. Oson. 
 
 1 Est. Murator. Locum sic exhibet S. Bruno ; Similiter, si inter- 
 rogaveris quid est Filius, ego dico, Deus et Dominus. 
 
 m Dicas. Murator. 
 
 n Dicam. Murator. Apud Brunonem sic legitur ; Et si dicis, 
 quid est Spiritus Sanctus ? Ego respondeo ; Deus, et Dominus. 
 
 Deest ' in.' Oxon. 
 
 p Supra dixi. Cod. Oxon. Sed Brunonis lectio Muratorii lectio- 
 nem confirmat. 
 
 i Codex Oxon. pro 'quia' habet 'qui,' in hoc loco, et in duobus 
 proximo sequentibus. Utrumlibet elegeris, eodem fere res redit. 
 
 r In Cod. Oxon. deest 'est.'
 
 258 APPENDIX. 
 
 ritu Sancto s . Coreterna ergo Trinitas, et inseparabilis 
 unitas, sine initio et sine fine *. 
 
 Nihil majus, aut minus. iEqualitatem Personam m 
 dicit, quia Trinitatis u tequalis est, et una Deitas T , Apo- 
 stolo docente x , et dicente : per ea, qua) facta sunt, 
 intellecta conspiciuntur ; et per Creaturam Creator in- 
 telligitur, secundum has comparationes, et alias quam- 
 plures. Sol, Candor, et Calor, et tria sunt vocabula, 
 et tria unum v . Quod candet, hoc calet, et quod calet, 
 hoc candet : tria haec vocabula res una esse dignosci- 
 tur z . Ita a Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus, tres 
 Persona? in Deitate, substantia b unum sunt ; et indi- 
 vidua unitas recte creditur. Item de terrenis, Vena, 
 Fons, Fluvius, tria sunt c vocabula, et tria unum d 
 in sua natura. Ita trium Personarum, Patris et 
 
 8 Paulo aliter huncce locum expressit auctor Sermonis, inter 
 Augustini opera (vol. vi. App., p. 281) : Quia sicut nunquam pater 
 sine Filio, nee Filius sine Patre ; sic et nunquam fuit Pater, et 
 Filius sine Spiritu Sancto. Sed nihil mutandum contra fidem 
 exemplarium. 
 
 1 In Appendice prsedicta, sic legitur : Coseterna ergo est Sancta 
 Trinitas, &c. 
 
 u Sancta Trinitas. Append. 
 
 T Una est Deitas. Append. Una Deitatis. Oxon. male. 
 
 x In Cod. Oxoniensi, desunt ilia 'docente et.' Sed Append, lec- 
 tionem Muratorii tuetur, alio tamen verborum ordine; 'dicente, 
 atque docente.' 
 
 ? Ita Muratorius cum Appendice praedicta. Aliter MS. Oxon., 
 viz., Tria sunt nomina, et res una ; quas eodem recidunt. 
 
 ^ In Appendice sic se habent ; Tria hsec vocabula res una cog- 
 no scitur. 
 
 a ' Et' post 'ita.' Oxon. 
 
 b Codices habent ' Substantise' (quod tamen in Appendice pras- 
 riicta omittitur prorsus), et comma interponunt post 'Personaj.' 
 Piava interpunctio corrigenda est, et levicula mutatione legendum 
 ' substantia :' quod et vidit et monuit vir quidam amicissimus simul 
 et perspicacissimus. 
 
 e Appendix legit ' ha;c,' Don 'sunt. ' Oxon. 'tria itemque sunt.' 
 
 d Oxoniensis, 'res una.' Append, cum Muratorio, ' unum.'
 
 259 
 
 Filii et Spiritus Sancti, substantia et Dcitas ununi 
 est e . 
 
 Est ergo Fides recta, ut creclamus et confiteamur, quia 
 Dominus noster Jesus Christus f . Jesus Hebra'i'ce, Latino 
 Salvator dicitur. [Cbristus Greece, Latine unctus voca- 
 tur. Jesus ergo dicitur s] eo quod salvat populum : 
 Christus, eo quod Spiritu Sancto Divinitus sit h delibu- 
 tus, sicut in ipsius Christi ' Persona Esaias ait ; Spiritus 
 Domini super me, propter quod unxit me, &c. Ita et 
 Psalmista de Christo Domino dicit k , Unxit tc Deus, 
 Deus tuus, oleo loetitice prse consortibus tuis. 
 
 Dei Films, Deus pariter et homo est. Filius a feli- 
 citate parentum dicitur : homo ab humo dicitur ; id 
 est, de humo ! factus est. 
 
 Deus est m ex substantia Patris ante scscula genitus. Id 
 est, Deus de Deo, lumen de lumine, splendor de splen- 
 dore, fortis de forti, virtus de virtute, vita de vita, 
 aeternitas de seternitate : per omnia, idem n quod Pater 
 in Divina substantia hoc est et° Filius. Deus enim 1 ' 
 
 e Ita Murat. et Append. Oxoniensis legit, Substantia, Deitas 
 una est. 
 
 f Oxoniensis adjicit, Dei Filius et homo est. Inepte hoc loco, 
 quod ex sequentibus patebit. 
 
 s Muratorii Codex omittit verba ilia intermedia, uncis inclusa. 
 Scilicet, illud ' dicitur ' proximo repetitum amauuensi hie iterum 
 fraudi fuit. 
 
 h ' Divinitus sit ' desunt in Cod. Oxon. 
 
 ■ Deest ' Christi. ' Murator. 
 
 k Oxoniensis breviter, Item in Psalmo, unxit, &c. Notandum 
 porro, quod quaedam habet Fortunatus noster, in commentario suo 
 in Symbol. Apostol. hisce jam proxime descriptis perquam similia. 
 Confer etiam Ruffin. in Symbol., c. 6, inter Oper. Hieronym., 
 vol. v. p. 131 ; et in Heurtl. de Fide, &c. , p. 110. 
 
 1 De humo terrse. Murator. 
 
 m Non habetur 'est' in Murat. 
 
 a Pro ' idem,' ' id est,' Murator. 
 
 ° Deest ' et' Cod. Oxon. His quoque gemina fere habes in Ex- 
 posit, in Symbol. Apostolicum. 
 
 p Deest ' enim ' Cod. Oxon ; confer Symb. Damasi dictum.
 
 260 APPENDIX. 
 
 Pater Deuni Filinm genuit, non voluntate, neque ne- 
 cessitate, sed natura. Nee qua3ratur quomodo genuit 
 Filiuni i, quod et angeli nesciunt, prophetis est incog- 
 nitum : unde r eximius Propheta Esaias dicit ; genera- 
 tionern ejus quis enarrabit? Ac si diceret s , angelorum 
 nullus, prophetarum nemo *. Wee inenarrabilis, et in- 
 aestimabilis Deus u a servulis suis discutiendus est, sed 
 fideliter credendus v , et pariter diligendus. 
 
 JEt homo x ex substantia main's, in seeculo natus. Dei 
 Filius, Yerbum Patrisy, caro factum. Non z quod 
 Divinitas mutasset Deitatem, sed adsumpsit humanita- 
 tem. Hoc est, Verbum caro factum est, ex utero Vir- 
 ginis veram humanam carnem traxit. Et de utero 
 Virginali verus homo, sicut et verus Deus, est in 
 saeculo natus, salva virginitatis gratia a ; quia mater, 
 qua? genuit, Virgo ante partum, et Virgo post partem 
 permansit b . 
 
 In sceculo. Id est, in isto sexto miliario, in quo nunc 
 sumus [saecula enim generationibus constant, et inde 
 sascula, quod se sequantur ; abeuntibus enim aliis, alia 
 
 i Quomodo genitus sit, quod Angeli .... Oxon. At Muratorii 
 lectioni astipulatur Appendix ad Augustin., vol. vi. p. 279 ; et For- 
 tunati;s ipse, Expos, in Symb.Apostol., p. 1151. 
 
 r Unde et isdem. Cod. Murat. couf. Fortunat. in Si/mb. Apo- 
 stolicum. 
 
 8 Muratorius habet 'dixisset.' 
 
 1 Angelorum nemo, Prophetarum nullus. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 u Deest'Deus.' Oxon. 
 
 v Confer Fortunat. in Synth. Apostol. et Append., apud August., 
 p. 279, et Ruffin. Si/mb. 
 
 x Homo est. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 y Dei Filius, Verbum caro : Murat. Dei Filius Verbo Patris 
 earo : Cod. Oxon. Ex utrisque veram, opinor, lectionem resti- 
 tuimus. 
 
 T Et non. Cod. Murator. Expunximus illud 'et,' fide Codicis Oxon. 
 
 a ' Salva virginitatis gratia ' desunt in Cod. Oxoniensi. 
 
 b Ita Cod. Oxon. Muratorius, Quia mater genuit, et virgo mausit 
 ante partum, et post partum.
 
 APPENDIX. 261 
 
 succedunt c ]. " Deus et homo Christus Jesus, unus 
 Dei Filius et ipse Virginia Filius. Quia clum Deitas in 
 utero Virginia hunianitatem adsnmpait, et cum ea per 
 portam Virginia integram, et illaesam, naseendo mun- 
 duni ingressus est Virginis Filius ; et hominem (leg. 
 homo) quern adsumsit, id (leg. idem) est Dei Filium 
 (leg. Filius) sicut jam supra diximus ; et Deitas et hu- 
 raanitas in Christo ; et Dei Patris pariter et Virginis 
 Matria Filius." 
 
 Perfectus Deus, per/edits homo. Id est, verus Deus, 
 et verus homo d . Ex anima rationali : et non ut Apol- 
 linaria 6 hsereticus dixit primum, quasi Deitas pro anima 
 f'uisset in carne Christ!; postea, cum per evangelicam 
 auctoritatem fuisset f convictus, dixit : Habuit quidem 
 animam quse vivificavit corpus, sed non rationalem. 
 E contrario 8 , dicit qui Catholice sentit; Ex anima ra- 
 tionali et humana carne subsistens h : id est, plenus 
 homo, atque perfectus. 
 
 c Non comparent in Codice Oxoniensi. Verba sunt Isidor. 
 Orig., lib. v. c. 38, p. 42. Quae sequuntur proxime, Deus et homo, 
 &c, usque ad Matris Filius, desunt omnia in Codice Muratorii: 
 ex Oxoniensi solo descripta dedimus. Videntur mihi Fortunati re 
 vera esse, sed Librarii culpa (ut alia multa) mirum in modurn vi- 
 tiata ; quae quidem ex conjectura aliquatenus corrigere volui, ut 
 Syntaxis saltern sibi constet, donee certiora, et melioi-a ex Codi- 
 cibus (si forte supersint aliqui) eruantur. Cseterum, ut Fortunate 
 nostro hsec ascribam, illud suadet maxime, quod in expositione 
 sua in Symbolum Apostolicum gemina fere habet de porta Virginis, 
 eisdernque ibi nonnullis phrasibus utitur quibus hie usus est. 
 Confer Symbolum. Ruffini, a quo solenne est nostro (quippe qui et 
 ipse AquUeia? olim Doctrina Christiana initiatus fuerat) turn verba, 
 turn sententias mutuari. 
 
 d Deest haec clausula in Cod. Oxon. ob vocabulum repetitum. 
 
 e Paulinaris, Cod. Oxon. Lectio nata ex sermone simplici et 
 plebeio. 
 
 f Fuit, Cod. Oxon. 
 
 »>' Et e contrario iste dicit: Murat. Delevimus ilia 'et,' atque 
 ' iste,' qua; sententiam turbant, tide Codicis Oxoniensis. 
 Subsistit, Cod. Oxon.
 
 262 APPENDIX. 
 
 JEqmMz Patri secundum Bivinitatem ; minor Patre 
 secundum Humanitatem. Id est, secundum formam servi 
 quam adsumere dignatus est. 
 
 Qui licet ' l Pens sit et homo, non duo tamen, sed unus 
 est Christus. Id est, duse substantia? in Christo, Deitas 
 et humanitas, non duoe personoe, sed una est persona k . 
 
 Unus autem, non conversione Pivinitatis in carnem 1 , 
 sed adsumptione humanitatis in Peum 1 . Id est: non 
 quod Divinitas, quae ineomniutabilis est, sit conversa in 
 carnem m , sed ideo unus, eo quod humanitateru adsump- 
 sit, ccepit" esse quod non erat, et non amisit quod erat ; 
 coepit esse homo p quod antea non fuerat, non amisit 
 Deitatem quse incommutabilis in oeternum permanet C J. 
 
 Unus omnino, non confusione substantia, sed imitate 
 Persona. Id est; Divinitas incommutabilis r cum ho- 
 mine, quern adsumere dignata s est, sicut scriptum est ; 
 Verbum tuum, Domine, in aBternum permanet. Id est, 
 Divinitas cum bumanitate ; ut diximus duas substan- 
 tias unam Personam l esse in Christo ; ut sicut ante ad- 
 
 ' ' Certe,' loco toO 'licet.' Cod. Oxon. 
 
 k ' Est Persona ' desunt in Cod. Oxon. 
 
 1 Cod. Oxoniensis habet, 'Carne,' et 'Deo :' errore, uti credo, per- 
 vetusto, multisque et antiquissimis exemplaribus communi. Quod 
 si Verbis in Commentario immediate sequentibus (ex Muratorii 
 lectione) steterimus, Fortunatus ipse nobis auctor erit, ut et Deum, 
 et carnem, pro genuina lectione habeamus. 
 
 m Quse immutabilis et inconvertibilis est, Caro ; sed, &c. Cod. 
 Oxon. 
 
 " Incipit. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 ° Deest ' non ' Cod. Murat. male. 
 
 p Deest 'homo' in Cod. Oxon. perperam, item, 'incipit,' pro 
 ' coepit. ' 
 
 i Muratorius legit, Quia incommutabilis in reternum permanet : 
 Cod. Oxoniensis, Qua? immutabilis in ajternum permansit. Ex 
 utrisque tertiam lectionem confecimus ; quae, opinor, casteris et 
 venustior est, et aptior. 
 
 r Immutabilis. Cod. Oxod. a Dignatus. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 « ' Personam ' perperam omittit Cod. Oxoniensis.
 
 APPENDIX. 263 
 
 sumptionem [carnis, geterna fuit Trinitas, ita post ad- 
 sumptionem u ] bumana? natural, vera maneat Trinitas ; 
 ne propter adsumptionem humanae carnis dicatur esse 
 quaternitas, quod absit a ndelium cordibus, vel sen- 
 sibus, dici, aut cogitari, cum, ita v ut supradictum est 
 et Unitas in Trinitate, et Trinitas in Unitate vene- 
 randa sit. 
 
 Nam sicut anima rational/is, et caro unus est homo ; 
 ita Deus, et Homo unus est Christus. Etsi Deus x , Dei 
 Filius, nostram luteam et mortalem carnem, nostra? re- 
 demptionis conditionem 7 adsumpserit, se tamen nulla- 
 tenus* inqixinavit, neque naturani Deitatis mutavit. 
 Quia si sol, aut ignis aliquid imniundum tetigerit, quod 
 tangit purgat, et se nullatenus coinquinat : ita Deitas 
 Sarcinam quoque a nostra? humanitatis adsumpsit, se ne- 
 quaquam coinquinavit, sed nostram naturam carnis b , 
 
 u Desunt in Codice Oxoniensi : prsetermissa scilicet festinantis 
 Librarii incuria, ob vocem iteratam. 
 
 T Pro 'cum ita,' babet Cod. Oxon. ' nisi ita.' 
 
 x Murator. Cod. omittit 'Deus.' 
 
 y Cod. Oxoniensis, Nostri Redemptionis conditionis adsumpsit. 
 Nescio an melius Muratorius ; Nostram luteam, et mortalem car- 
 nem nostra conditionis adsumpserit. Sed levi mutatione, recte in- 
 cedunt omnia. Conditio, apud Scriptores quinti et sexti sa^culi, est 
 servile onus, opusve. 
 
 z Cod. Oxon. legit ' Se nullatenus.' Murator. : Sed tamen se nul- 
 latenus. Noster vero in Exposit. in Symb. A postal, in simili causa, 
 hac utitur phrasi, se tamen non inquinat. 
 
 a Oxoniensis habet, Deitas sarcinamque nostra? humanitatis ad- 
 sumpsit, se nequaquam, &c. Muratorius hoc modo ; Deitas sarci- 
 nam, quam ex nostra humanitate adsumpsit, nequaquam coinqui- 
 navit. Lectio frigida prorsus, et inepta. Juvat hue conferre qua 
 Fortunatus noster ad Symh. Aposi. in eandem sententiam breviter 
 dictavit, p. 1152. 
 
 " Quod vero Deus majestatis de Maria in carne natus est, non est 
 sordidatus nascendo de Virgine, qui non fuit pollutus hominem con- 
 dens de pulvere. Denique sol, aut ignis, si lutum inspiciat, quod 
 tetigerit purgat, et se tamen non inquinat." Conf. Ruffin. Symb., 
 (p. 133), c. 9, p. 113. 
 
 u Nostra; natural carnem. Murat.
 
 264 APPENDIX. 
 
 quani adsumpsit, purgavit, et a maculis, et sordibus 
 peccatorum, ac vitiorum expiavit : sicut Esaias ait ; ipse 
 infirmitates nostras accepit, et segrotationes portavit. 
 Ad hoc secundum humanitatem natus est, ut infirmi- 
 tates nostras acciperet, et segrotationes portaret : non 
 quod ipse infirmitates, vel segrotationes in se haberet, 
 quia salus mundi est ; sed ut eas a nobis tolleret, dum 
 suae sacrso passionis gratia, et sacramento , chirogra- 
 pbo adempto, redemptionem pariter et salutem anima- 
 rum nobis condonaret. 
 
 Qui passus est pro salute nostra. Id est, secundum id 
 quod pati potuit : quod est, secundum bumanam natu- 
 rani ; nam secundum divinitatem, Dei Filius impassi- 
 bilis est. 
 
 Bescenclit ad inferos*. TJt e protoplastum Adam f , et 
 patriarcbas, et prophetas, et omnes justos, qui pro 
 originali peccato ibidem detinebantur, libetaret ; et de g 
 vineulis ipsius h peccati absolutos, de eadem captivitate, 
 et 1 infemali k loco, suo sanguine redemptos, ad super- 
 nam patriam, et ad perpetuae vitas gaudia revocaret. 
 Heliqui 1 , qui supra originale peccatum 01 principalia cri- 
 mina n commiserunt, ut adserit Scriptura, in poenali 
 
 c Muratorius legit ; Dum suae sacrue passionis gratiam, et saera- 
 nienta: nullo sensu. Oxoniensis, Dura suae sacra passionis grati* 
 (pro gratia) ac sacramento. 
 
 d Ad interna. Cod. Oxon. Q. annon vetustissima ha?c fuerit 
 lectio in Symholo Athanasiano, sicut in Apostolico l 
 
 e 'Qui,' loco tov 'ut.' Cod. Oxon. At Sermo de Symholo, in 
 Append, ad August, (vol. vi. p. 281), legit, cum Muratorio, ' ut.' 
 
 f Adam Protoplastum. Append. 
 
 fS Et ut de. Append. h ' Ipsius ' deest. Append. 
 
 1 Deest 'et,' Cod. Oxon. k Inferrii. Append. 
 
 1 Muratorius habet 'vero/post 'reliqui.' Oxon. non agnoscit, 
 nee Append. 
 
 '" Ita legitur in Appendice. Oxoniensis, supi - a originale peccato : 
 Muratorius, supra originali peccato. 
 
 n Principalem culpam. Append.
 
 APPENDIX. 265 
 
 Tartaro remanserunt : sicut in persona Christi dictum 
 est per prophetam ; Ero mors tua, Mors ; id est, 
 morte sua Christus humani generis inimicam mortem 
 interfecit, et vitam dedit. Ero morsus tuus, inferno. 
 Partim momordit infernura, pro parte eorum quos libc- 
 ravit : partem reliquit, pro parte eorum qui pro princi- 
 palibus criminibus in tormentis remanserunt. 
 
 Surrexit a mortuis primogenitus mortuorum. Et alibi 
 Apostolus dieit ; ipse primogenitus, ex multis fratribus. 
 Id est, primus a mortuis resurrexit. Et multa corpora'' 
 sanctorum dormientium cum eo surrexerunt, sicut 
 evangelica auctoritas q dicit : sed ipse, qui caput est, 
 prius, deinde qui r membra sunt continuo. 
 
 Postea ascendit ad ccelos. Sicut Psalmista ait ; as- 
 cendit s in altum, captivam duxit captivitatem, id est, 
 bumanam naturam, qua? prius sub peccato venundata 
 fuit, et captivata ; eamque redemptam captivam ' duxit 
 in caelesteru altitudinem : et ad caelestis Patriae u Reg- 
 num sempiternum, ubi antea non fuerat, earn v colloca- 
 vit, in gloriam sempiternam. 
 
 Sedet ad dexteram Patris. Id est, prosperitatem pa- 
 ternam, et in x eo honore, quod y Deus est. 
 
 Muratorius, et Oxoniensis, in utroque loco, 'Partem :' Appen- 
 dix, in utroque, ' Partim.' Media mini lectio maxime arridet. 
 
 p Deest ' corpora ' in Cod. Oxon. 
 
 i In evangelica autoritate. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 r Qua? membra. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 s Ascendens. Murator. 
 
 1 Conf. Tractatum Anonymi de Essentia Divinitatis, apud Hie- 
 ronym. , vol. v. p. 120 ; et apud Augustin., vol. viii. App., p. 69 ; et 
 Isid. Hisp. de Besurr. Dom., c. 56, p. 577 (p 560), ed. Paris. 
 
 u Cadestem Patriam. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 T 'Et' pro 'earn.' Murator. 
 
 * ' In ' deest. Cod. Oxon. 
 
 y Mallem 'quo,' si per Codices liceret ; sed et 'quod,' adverbi- 
 aliter hie positum pro ' quia,' sensum non incommodum prse se 
 ferre videtur.
 
 266 APPENDIX. 
 
 Inde ventums z judicare vivos et mortuos. Vivos die-it 
 eos quos tunc adventus Dominicus in corpore viventes 
 invenerit [et mortuos, jam ante sepultos. Et aliter 
 dicit a ] ; vivos jiistos, et mortuos peccatores b . 
 
 Ad cujus adventum omnes homines resurgere habent 
 cum corporibus suis ; et reddituri sunt de factis propriis 
 rationem : et qui bona egerunt, ibunt in vitam ceter- 
 nam ; qui vero mala, in ignem (sternum. H&c est Fides 
 Catholica, quam nisi quisque fideliter, firmiterque credi- 
 derit, salvus esse non poterit. 
 
 z Venturus est. Murator. 
 
 a Quantum hie uncis includitur, omittit Codex Oxoniensis. De- 
 lusus est forsitan librarius per binas literulas 'it' bis positas : vel, 
 simili errore deceptus, integram lineam prseterierit, dum in proxime 
 sequentem oeulos eonjecerat. 
 
 b Operae pretium est pauca hie subjicere, quae noster habet in 
 expositione sua in St/mb. Apostolicum, "judicaturus vivos, et mor- 
 tuos. Aliqui dicunt vivos, justos ; mortuos vero injustos: aut 
 certe, vivos, quos in corpore invenerit adventus Dominicus, et mor- 
 tuos, jam sepultos. Nos tamen intelligamus vivos et mortuos, hoc 
 est animas et corpora pariter judicanda." — Conf. Ruffin. Si/mb., c. 33, 
 p. 135 (p. 140) ; Method, apud Phot. Coclic. 234, p. 932 ; Isid. 
 Pelus., Epist. 222, lib. i. p. 64; Pseud. Ambros. de, Trin., c. 15, 
 vol. ii. A23p., p. 331.
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 
 
 N.B. The titles of works that are referred to by Waterland, but 
 have not had the references verified for this edition, are printed 
 in italics. In all cases where the edition referred to is differ- 
 ent from that used by Waterland himself, the original refer- 
 ence has been retained within brackets in the notes. 
 
 Ab^lardtts, Petrus (4th century). Opera, 4to. Paris, 1616. 
 Abbo Floriacensis (10th century). Liber Apologeticus ; in Gal- 
 Ian di's Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. xiv., p. 137, &c. 
 Adalbertus (9th century). Profession of Faith ; in Harduin, 
 
 vol. v., p. 1445. 
 jEneas Parisiensis (9th century). Liber adversus Grcecos; in 
 
 d'Achery's Spicilegium, vol. i., p. 113, &c. 
 Agobardus Lugdunensis (9th century). Opera. 2 vols., 8vo. 
 
 Paris, 1666. 
 Alcuinus, Albinus Flaccus (8th century). De Fide S. Trinitatis ; 
 
 in De la Bigne's Bibliotbeca Patrum, vol. iii., p. 1255, &c. 
 Alexander de Ales (13th century). Tabula? quaestionuin. 4 vols., 
 
 4to. Paris, 1516. 
 Alexander Natalis (17th century). Historia Ecclesiastica. 8 vols., 
 
 fol. Paris, 1699. 
 Allatius Leo (17th century). De Ecclesiae Occidentalis atque 
 
 Orientalis perpetua consensione. 4to. Colon, 1648. 
 Grsecia Orthodoxa. 2 vols., 4to. Romse, 1652. 
 Syntagma de Symbolo S. Athanasii. 
 Alstedius, Joannes Henricus (17th century). Thesaurus Chro- 
 
 nologise. 8vo. Herbip. Nass., 1624. 
 Ambrosius Mediolanensis (4th century). 2 vols., fol. Paris, 
 
 1686—1690. 
 Antelmius, Josephus (17th century). Nova de Symbolo Atha- 
 
 nasiano Disquisitio. 8vo. Paris, 1693. 
 
 De veris operibus Leonis Magni. Paris, 1669. 
 Antonius, Nicolaus (17th century). Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus. 
 
 2 vols., fol. Matriti, 1788. 
 Aquinas, Thomas (13th century). Opera, 17 vols., fol. Vene- 
 
 tiis, 1593, 1594.
 
 268 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 
 
 Arnoldus Lubecensis (12 century). Clironicon Slavorum ; in 
 
 continuation of Helmoldi's Clironicon. 4to. Lubeck, 1659. 
 Ashwell, George (17tb century). Fides Apostolica. 8vo. Oxford, 
 
 1653. 
 Athanasius (4th century). Opera, Gr. et Lat. P. Nannii. 2 vols., 
 
 fol. Heidelb., 1601. 
 Opera Omnia : opera et studio Monacborum Ordinis 
 
 S. Benedicti. 2 vols., fol. Paris, 1679—1700. 
 Athenagoras (2nd century). Legatio pro Cliristianis : in the 
 
 same volume with Justin Martyr. 
 Augustinus Hipponensis (5th century). Opera. 11 vols , fol. 
 
 Paris, 1679—1700. 
 Avitus Viennensis (5th and 6th centuries). Opera ; in Sirmondi 
 
 Opera, vol. ii., p. 1, &c. 
 
 Bachiarius (5th century). Fides ; in Muratori's Anecdota, 
 
 vol. ii., p. 9, &c. 
 Balbus Januensis, Joannes (13th century). Catholicon Magnum. 
 
 Fol. Kothomagi, 1506. 
 Bale, Joannes (15th century). Scriptorum Illustrinm Majoris 
 
 Brytannia? Catalogus. 2 vols, in 1, fol. Basil, 1557 — 1559. 
 Baronius, Caesar (I6th century). Annales Ecclesiastici. 12 vols., 
 
 fol. B-omse, Antverpise, Colonies, 1596 — 1624. 
 Baxter, Richard (17th century). Methodus Theologia? Chris- 
 tiana). Fol. Lond., 1681. 
 
 Practical Works. 4 vols., fol. Lond., 1707. 
 
 Life of: see Calamy. 
 
 Beletb, John (12th century). Divinorum Officiorum Rationale ; 
 
 in the same volume with Durandus on the same subject. 
 Berno Augiensis (lltb century). Epistola inedita; iu Mabillon 
 
 de Cursu Gallicano, p. 396. 
 Beveridge, William (17th century). Works. 9 vols., 8vo. Lond., 
 
 1824. 
 Bibliotbeca Patrum, per Margarinum de la Bigne. 9 vols., 
 
 fol. Paris, 1589. 
 Bibliotbeca Maxima Veterum Patrum. 27 vols., fol. Lugd., 
 
 1677. 
 Bibliotbeca Veterum Patrum, cura et studio Andrea) Gallandi. 
 
 14 vols., fol. Venet., 1765—1781. 
 Bingham, Joseph (18th century). Origines Ecclesiasticse. 8 vols., 
 
 8vo. London, 1834. 
 Bona, Joannes (17th century). Opera. 4to. Antverpiss, 1677. 
 Bruno Herbipolensis (11th century). Commentarii in totum 
 
 Psalterium, et in Cantica Vet. et N. Testamenti. 4to. No- 
 
 rimberg, 1494. 
 Also in Bibliotbeca Maxima Patrum, vol. xviii., p. 65, &c.
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 269 
 
 Cabasutius, Joannes (17th century). Notitia Ecclesiastics. 
 
 Fol. Lugd., 1685. 
 Csesarius Arelatensis (6th century). Sermo de Symboli Fide et 
 
 Bonis Moribus ; in Augustine, vol. v., App., p. 3!)it. 
 Calamy, Edmund (18th century). Abridgement of Baxter's 
 
 History of his Life and Times. 2 vols., 8vo. Lond., 1713. 
 Calecas, Manuel (14th century). Contra Grsecorum Errores; 
 
 in Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum, vol. xxvi., p. 382, &c. 
 ■ De Principiis Fidei Catholics;, in Combefis' Auctarium 
 
 Novissimum, Part ii., p. 182, &c. 
 Calvisius, Seth (17th century). Opus Chrouologicum. 4to. 
 
 Francf., 1629. 
 Cantilupe, Walter de (13th century). Synodical Constitutions; 
 
 in Spelman's Concilia, vol. ii., p. 240, &c. 
 Carranza, F. Barth. (16th century). Summa Conciliorum. 
 
 12mo. Lugd., 1587. 
 Catalogus Librorum MSS. in Bibliotheca C.C.C. in Cantabrigia. 
 
 Fol. Lond., 1722. 
 Cave, William (17th century). Lives of the Fathers. 2 vols., 
 
 fol. Lond., 1683. 
 
 Historia Literaria. 2 vols., fol. Lond., 1688. 
 
 Chillingworth, William (17th century). Works. Ninth edition. 
 
 Fol. Lond., 1727. 
 Clarke, Samuel (17th and 18th centuries). The Scripture Doc- 
 trine of the Trinity ; in vol. iv. of his collected works. 
 
 4 vols., fol. Lond., 1738. 
 
 The same. First edition. 8vo. Lond., 1712. 
 
 Clemens Alexandrinus (3rd century). Opera. 2 vols., fol. 
 
 Oxon., 1715. 
 Clemens Romanus (1st century). Epistolse; in Jacobson's 
 
 Patres Apostolici. 
 Collier, Jeremy (17th and 18th centuries). An Ecclesiastical 
 
 History of Great Britain. 2 vols., fol. Lond., 1708. 
 Combefis, Francois (17th century). Bibliotheca; Grascoruui Pa- 
 trum Auctarium Novissimum. Fol. Par., 1672. 
 Comber, Thomas (17th century). Companion to the Temple. 
 
 Fol. Lond., 1684. 
 Covel, John (17th and 18th centuries). Some Account of the 
 
 Present Greek Church. Fol. Cambridge, 1722. 
 Councils : see Carranza, Harduin, Labbe, Ruelius, Spelman. 
 Coxe, Henry Octavius (19th century). Catalogus Codicum MSS. 
 
 in Collegiis Aulisque Oxoniensibus. 2 vols., 4to. Oxon., 1852, 
 Catalogus Codicum MSS. 
 
 Bibliotheca; Bodleianae. 2 vols, in 3, 4to. Oxon., 1853 — 1858. 
 Cudworth, Ralph (17th century). The True Intellectual System 
 
 of the Universe. Fol. Lond., 1678.
 
 270 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 
 
 Cyparissiota, Joannes Sapiens (14th century). Expositio rnate- 
 riararia eorum quae de Deo a theologis dicuntur. 8vo. Roinse, 
 1581. Quoted by Waterland from Bibl. Max. PP. Vol. xxi. 
 
 Cyprianus (3rd century). Opera. Fol. Paris, 1726. 
 
 Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus (4th century). Opera. Fol. Paris, 
 1720. 
 
 D'Achery, John Lucas (17th century). Acta Sanctorum ordi- 
 nis S. Benedicti ; collegit J. L. D'Achery, et cum eo in 
 lucem edidit J. Mabillon. 9 vols., fol. Venet., 1733. 
 
 Spicilegium, sive Collectio veterum aliquot Scriptorum. 
 
 3 vols., fol. Paris, 1723. 
 
 Damascenus, Joannes (8th century). Opera omnia, studio P. M. 
 Le Quien. 2 vols., fol. Venet., 1748. 
 
 Denebert (8th century). Professio Fidei, in Textus Roffensis, 
 p. 252. 
 
 Dodwell, Henry (17th and 18th centuries). A Discourse con- 
 cerning the Use of Incense in Divine Offices. 8vo. Lond., 1711. 
 
 Dupin : see Pinn. 
 
 Durandus, Gulielmus (13th century). Rationale Divinorum 
 Officiorum. 8vo. Antverp., 1576. 
 
 Durellus, Joannes (17th century). Ecclesise ADglicanse Vindi- 
 ciae. 4to. Lond., 1669. 
 
 Dionysius Alexandrinus (3rd century). Opera. Fol. Paris, 1796. 
 
 Dionysius Romanus (3rd century). Fragmentum adv. Sabellia- 
 nos ; in Routh's Rel. Sacr. Vol. iii., p. 371, &c. 
 
 Epiphanius (4th century). Opera omnia, ex recensione et cum 
 notis Petavii. 2 vols., fol. Paris, 1662. 
 
 Fabricius, John Albert (18th century). Bibliotheca Grseca. 
 
 14 vols., 4to. Hamburg, 1716—1728. 
 Faustinus Presbyter (4th century). De Trinitate, sive de Fide, 
 
 contra Arianos ; in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. v., p. 637, &c. 
 Fleckman. Variarum lectionum congeries ; appended to Nan- 
 
 nius' edition of Athanasius. 
 Fortunatus Venantius (6th century). Expositio Fidei Catho- 
 
 lica?, printed in this book. 
 In Symbolum Apostolicum Expositio, in 
 
 Bibl. Max. PP., vol. x., p. 520, &c. 
 Fulgentius Ruspensis (6th century). Opera. 4to. Paris, 1643. 
 
 Gallandi : see BibUotheca Patrum. 
 
 Gavanti, Bartholomew (17th century). Commentaria inRubricas 
 
 Missalis et Breviarii Romani. 2 vols., fol. Romse, 1628. 
 Genebrard, Gilbert (16th century). In Athanasii Symbolum
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 271 
 
 Commcntarium j printed at the end of his edition of the Latin 
 
 Psalter. 8vo. Lugd., 1607. 
 Gennadius Massiliensis (5tli century). De Ecclesiasticis Dogma- 
 
 tibus ; in S. Augustine's Works, vol. viii., p. 75, &c. 
 Illustrium Virorum Catalogus ; in S. Je- 
 rome's Works, vol. v., p. 26, &c. 
 Grabe, John Ernest (17th century). Vetus Testamentum, ex 
 
 versione LXX. Interpretum. 4 vols., fol. Oxon., 1709. 
 Gregorius Nazianzenus (4th century). Opera omnia. 2 vols., 
 
 fol. Paris, 1609—1611. 
 Gregorius Nyssenus (4th century). Quoted from Harduin, 
 
 vol. iii., p. 106. 
 Gualdo Corbeiensis (11th century). Vita Anscharii ; in Lambe- 
 
 cius' Origines Hamburgeiifes, p. 322. 
 Gundling, Wolfgang (17th century). Notse in Eustratii Johan- 
 
 nidis Zialowski Delineationem Ecclesiae Giascss. 8vo. Norib., 
 
 1680. 
 
 Hampole, Eicardus (14th century). Symbol! Apostolici et Atha- 
 nasii enarratio; in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. xxvi., p. 624, &c. 
 
 Harduin, Joannes (18th century). Conciliorum collectio regia 
 maxima. 11 vols., fol. Paris, 1715. 
 
 Harris, John (18th century). A Compleat Collection of Voyages 
 and Travels. 2 vols., fol. Lond., 1705. 
 
 Hatto, or Ahyto of Basil (9th century). Capitulare; in Har- 
 duin's Councils, vol. ii., p. 1241. 
 
 Heidegger, John Henry (17th century). Dissertationes Selectaj, 
 Sacram Theologiara illustrantes. 3 vols., 4to. Tiguri, 1674 
 —1690. 
 
 Helvicus, Christopher (17th century). Theatrum Historicum et 
 Chronologicum. Fol. Oxon., 1651. 
 
 Heurtley, Carolus A. (19th century). De Fide et Symholo. 
 12uio. Oxon., 1869. 
 
 Hickes, George (17th and 18th centuries). A Collection of Ser- 
 mons. 2 vols., 8vo. Lond., 1713. 
 
 Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus. 
 
 3 vols., fol. Oxon., 1703—1705. 
 
 Hieronynius, Eusebius (4th century). Opera. 5 vols., fol. Paris, 
 1693—1706. 
 
 Higden, Ranulphus (14th century). Polychronicon, with trans- 
 lation by John Tre visa. New edition. By Babington Churchill. 
 2 vols., 8vo. Lond., 1865. 
 
 Hilarius Arelatensis (5th century). Vita S. Honorati Arelaten- 
 sis ; in Leo's Works, vol. i., p. 752, &c. 
 
 Hildegardis (12th century). Ad Sorores suas Explicatio Symboli 
 S. Athanasii ; in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. xxv., p. 535, &c.
 
 272 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 
 
 Hincrnarus Remensis (9th century). Opera. 2 vols., fol. Paris, 
 
 1645. 
 Hippolytus Portuensis (3rd century). Opera. 2 vols., fol. 
 
 Hamburg, 1716. 
 Hody, Humphrey (17th and 18th centuries). De Bibliorum 
 
 Textibus Originalibus. Fol. Oxon., 1705. 
 Honoratus Massiliensis (5th century). Vita S. Hilarii, in vol. i. 
 
 of Leo's works. 
 Honorius Augustodunensis (12th century). Gemma Animse, sive 
 
 de Diversis Officiis et Antiquo Ritu Missarum ; in Bibl. Max. 
 
 PP., vol. xx., p. 963, &c. 
 Hugo a Sancto Victore (12th century). Opera. 3 vols., fol. 
 
 Paris, 1526. 
 
 Ignatius Theophorus (2nd century). Opera vera et supposititia ; 
 
 in Coteler's Patres Apostolici. 2 vols., fol. Antverp., 1698. 
 Epistolaj Septem genuina? ; in Jacobson's 
 
 Patres Apostolici. 
 Irenseus (2nd century). Opera. Fol. Paris, 1710. 
 Isidorus Hispalensis (7th century). Opera omnia. Fol. Colon., 
 
 1617. 
 Isidorus Pelusiota (5th century). Epistolarum libri quinque. 
 
 Fol. Paris, 1638. 
 
 Jacobson, W. (19th century). Patrum Apostolicorum qua? su- 
 
 persunt. 2 vols., 8vo. Oxon., 1863. 
 Joannes Antiochenus (5th century). Episfola ad S. Cyrillum 
 
 Alexandrinum ; in Routh's Opuscula, vol. ii., p. 203, &c. 
 Joannes Januensis : see Balbus. 
 Justinus Martyr (2nd century). Opera. Fol. Paris, 1742. 
 
 Kirkham, Walter de (13th century). Constitutiones ; in Spel- 
 man's Concilia, vol. ii., p. 292, &c. 
 
 Labbe, Philip (17th century). Concilia Sacrosancta. 17 vols., 
 
 fol. 1671. 
 De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis Dissertatio. 2 vols., 
 
 8vo. Paris, 1660. 
 Lambecius, Petrus (17th century). Commentarium de Biblio- 
 
 theca Vindobonensi ; octo libris, fol. Vindobona?, 1665 — 1679. 
 Origines Hamburgenses. 4to. Hamburg, 
 
 1652. 
 Langbaine, Gerard. (17th century). Letter to Usher ; in Usher's 
 
 Letters, p. 513. ■ 
 
 Le Cointe, Carolus (17th century). Annales Ecdesiastici Fran- 
 
 corum. 8 vols., fol. Paris, 1665 — 1683.
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 273 
 
 Le Long, James (18th century). Bibliothcca Sacra. 2 vols., 
 
 fol. Paris, 1723. 
 Leo Magnus (5th century). Opera post Paschalii Quesnelli 
 
 recensionem exacta. 2 vols., fol. Paris, 1675. 
 Leporius Monachus (5th century). Libellus emendationis, sive 
 
 satisfactionis, confessionem fidei Catholicse continens ; in Bibl. 
 
 Max. PP. Vol. vii., p. 1, &c. 
 Lepusculus, Sebastian (16th century). Collection of documents 
 
 in Munster's "Historiarum Josephi (Gorionidis) Compendium." 
 
 8vo. Basil, 1559. 
 Le Quien, Michael (18th century). Dissertationes Damascenica^ ; 
 
 in vol. i. of his edition of Joannes Damascenus. 
 Panoplia contra Schisma Grascorum. 4to. Paris, 
 
 1718. Published under the pseudonym of Stephanus de 
 
 Altimura. 
 L'Estrange, Hamon (17th century). The Alliance of Divine 
 
 Offices. Fol. Lond., 1659. 
 Ludolphus, Job (17th century). Historia ^Ethiopica. Fol. 
 
 Francf., 1681. 
 Ludolphus Saxo (14th century). Vita Christi. Fol. Paris, 1534. 
 Luther, Martin (16th century). Opera Latina. 7 vols., fol. 
 
 Witenborg., 1550—1572. 
 
 Mabillon, John (16th and 17th centuries). Acta Sanctorum : 
 
 see d'Achery. 
 De Liturgia Gallicana; et de Cursu Gallicano. 
 
 4to. Paris, 1685. 
 
 De Re Diplomatlca. Fol. Paris, 1681—1704. 
 
 Marcus Ephesius (15th century). Disputations at the Council 
 
 of Florence ; in Harduin, vol. ix. ; quoted also in Silv. 
 
 Sguropulos, p. 150. 
 Martene, Edmund (18th century). De Antiquis Ecclesis Ritibus. 
 
 3 vols., 4to. Rothoroagi, 1700—1702. 
 Melito (2nd century). Fragmenta ; in Routh's Reliquiae Sacra\ 
 
 vol. v., p. 113, &c. 
 Methodius Patavensis (3rd century). De Resurrectione ; in 
 
 Photius* Bibliotheca, codex 234. 
 Convivium decern virgi- 
 
 num ; in Combefis' Auctarium Novissimum, p. 64, &c. 
 Metrophanes Critopulos. Confessio Catholic ce et Apostolica in 
 
 Oriente Ecclesice. Gr. et Lett. ed. J. Sorneius. 4to. Helm- 
 
 stadt, 1661. 
 Montfaucon, Bernard de (17th and 18th centuries). Diarium 
 
 Italicum. 4to. Paris, 1702. 
 Diatribe in Symbolum Quicunque ; in the Benedic- 
 tine edition of S. Athanasius, vol. ii., p. 719, &c.
 
 274 INDEX OF AT7THOES AND EDITIONS. 
 
 Muratori, Ludovicns Antonius (17th and 18th centuries). Anee- 
 Hota ex Ambrosianse Bibliothecffi codicihus. 2 vols., fol. 
 Mediolani, 1697. 
 
 Nesselius, Daniel (17th century). Catalogus Codicum MSS. 
 
 Grsecorum necnon linguarum Orientalium bibliothecse Ca3sarea' 
 
 Vindobonensis. 6 vols., fol. Vindob., 1690. 
 Nicholls, William (17th and 18th centuries). Defensio 'Ecclesice 
 
 Anglicana. Vltno. Lond., 1707. 
 Novatianus (3rd century). Tractatus de Trinitate ; in the same 
 
 volume with Tertullian. 
 
 Olivet, Monks of Mount. Quoted by Le Quien in his Disserta- 
 
 tiones Damascenicse. 
 Origen (3rd century). 4 vols., fol. Paris, 1733— 1759. 
 Orosius, Paulus (5th century). Epistola ad Augustinum ; in 
 
 Augustine's works, vol. viii., p. 609. 
 Osoma Petrus de (15th century). Comment aria in Symbolum 
 
 Quicunque vult, fyc. 4>to. Paris, 1478. 
 Otto Frisingensis (12th century). Chronicon. Fol. Basil.. 
 
 1569. 
 Oudin, Casimir (17th and 18th centuries). Commentarius de 
 
 Scriptoribus Ecclesise antiquis. 3 vols., fol. Lips., 1722. 
 
 Pagi, Antonius (17th century). Critica Historico-Chronologica 
 
 in Annales Baronii. Fol. Paris, 1689. 
 Papebrochius, Daniel (17th and 18th centuries). Eesponsio ad 
 
 Exhibitionem Errorum ; quoted in Muratori's Anecdota, 
 
 vol. ii., p. 223. 
 Pappus, Joannes. Commentary on the Confession of Augsburg ; 
 
 quoted in Serarius, Opuscula, vol. ii. p. 9. 
 Parens, P/atnd (16th and 17th centuries). Symbolum B. Atha- 
 
 nasii, notis breviter declaratum. 
 Paululus, Robertus (12th century). Quoted in Hugo a Sancto 
 
 Victore, vol. iii. p. 223. 
 Pearson, John (17th century). An Exposition of the Creed ; re- 
 vised and corrected by the Rev. E. Burton. Fourth edition. 
 
 8vo. Oxford, 1857. 
 
 Waterland quotes from the third edition, fol., Loud., 1669, 
 the latest in Pearson's lifetime. 
 Pelagius (6th century). Symboli explanation in Jerome's works. 
 
 vol. v., p. 123, &c. 
 Petavius, Dionysius (17th century). Opus de theologicis Dog- 
 
 matibus. 6 vols., fol. Antverp., 1700.
 
 INDEX OF AUTHOES AXE EDITIONS. 275 
 
 Philastrius Brixiensis (4th century). Liber de Ha>resibus ; in 
 
 BibL Max. PP., vol. v., p. 706, &c. 
 Photiua (9th century). Bibliotheca. Fol. Rothomagi, 1653. 
 Pinn, Lewis Ellis du (17th and 18th centuries). Nouvelle Bib- 
 
 liotheque des auteurs Ecclesiastiques; translated by William 
 
 Wotton. 6 vols., fol. Lond., 1692— 1699. 
 Pmsiadenus, Joannes (15th century). De differentiis inter 
 
 Grascos et Latinos ; in Allatius Leo's Graecia Orthodoxa. 
 
 Quoted by Waterland from Combefis' Auctarium, p. 297. 
 Prayer- Book, various editions. 
 Primer of John, Bishop of Rochester. 8vo. Lond., 1539. 
 
 of Cardinal Pole. 1555. 
 
 Prosper Aquitanensis (5th century). Epistola ad Augustinum, 
 
 in Augustine's works, vol. ii., p. 825. 
 
 Quesnel, Pasquier (17th and 18th centuries). Dissertationes, 
 in his edition of Leo, vol. ii., p. 399, &c. 
 
 Observations in breviarium chori monasterii 
 
 Montis Casini ; in his edition of the Poenitentiale of Theo- 
 doras. 4to. Paris, 1676. 
 
 Katherius Veronensis (10th century). Syuodica Epistola; in 
 
 Harduin's Councils, vol. vi., p. 787, &c. 
 Ratrani, or Bertram, of Corbey (9th century). Contra opposita 
 
 GraBcorum ; in d'Achery's Spicilegium, vol. i., p. 63, &c. 
 Regino Prumensis (9th and 10th centuries). De Ecclesiasticis 
 
 Disciplinis et Religione Christiana. 8vo., Paris, 1671. 
 Rembertus (9th century). Vita Anschariij in Lambecius' Orig. 
 
 Hamburg., p. 167, &c. 
 Renaudot, Eusebius (18th century). Liturgiarum Orientalium 
 
 Collectio. 2 vols., 4to. Paris, 1715, 1716. 
 Ricaut, Paul (17th century). The Present State of the Greek 
 
 and Armenian Churches. 8vo. Lond., 1679. 
 Riculphus (9th century). Constitutions ; in Harduin's Councils, 
 
 vol. vi., p. 415. 
 Routh, Martin Joseph (19th century). Scriptorum Ecclesiasti- 
 
 coruin Opuscula. 2 vols., 8vo. Oxon., 1810. 
 
 Reliquiae Sacrae. 5 vols., 8vo. Oxon., 1846. 
 
 Ruelius, Johan Ludwig (17th century). Concilia illustrata. 
 
 4 vols., 4to. Norib., 1675. 
 Ruffinus (4th century). Commentarius in Symbolum Apostolo- 
 
 rum ; in Heurtley's De Eide et Symbolo, p. 101, &c. 
 
 Sandius, Christophorus (17th century). Nucleus Historise Eccle- 
 siastical. 4to. Colon., 1676.
 
 27C INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS. 
 
 Serarhis, Nicolas (16th century). Opuscula Theologica. 2 vols., 
 
 fol. Mogunt., 1610. 
 Simon Tornacensis (13th ceutury). Expositio Symboli ; quoted 
 
 in Oiulin's Commentary, vol. iii., p. 30. 
 Sirmond, James (16th and 17th centuries). Opera varia. 3 vols. 
 
 fol. Paris, 1696. 
 Smith, Thomas (17th century). Catalogus Librorum MSS. 
 
 Bibliotheca3 Cottoniana?. Fol. Oxon., 1696. 
 An Account of the Greek Church. 8vo. Lond., 
 
 16S0. 
 Spelinan, Sir Henry (17th century). Concilia, Decreta, Leges, 
 
 Constitutiones, in Re Ecclesiarum Orhis Britannici. Vol. ii., 
 
 fol. Lond., 1664. 
 Spondanus, Henry (17th century). Annales Ecclesiastici, ex 
 
 xii. tomis Cajs. Baronii in epitomen redacti. Fol. Mogunt., 
 
 1623. 
 Suicer, John Caspar (17th century). Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus 
 
 e Patribus Grjecis. 2 vols., fol. Amstelod., 1672. 
 Sylvester Sguropulos (15th century). Historic Concilii Floren- 
 
 tini. Fol. Haga3 Comitis, 1660. 
 
 Tatianus (2nd century). Oratio adversus Grsecos; in the same 
 
 volume with Justin Martyr. 
 Taylor, Jeremy, (17th century). Works. 10 vols., 8vo. Lond., 
 
 1861. 
 Tentzelius, Ernestus (17th century). Exercitationes Selectae. 
 
 2 vols., 4to. Lips., 1692. 
 Judicia eruditorum de Symbolo Athana- 
 
 slano studiose collecta. Gotha, 1687. 
 Tertullianus (2nd century). Opera. Fol. Paris, 1695. 
 Textus Roffensis, Ernulphi episcopi ut vulgo fertur. 8vo. Oxon., 
 
 1720. 
 Theodulphus Aurelianensis (9th century). De Spiritu Sancto; 
 
 in Sirmond's Opera Varia. Vol. ii., p. 695, &c. 
 Tillemont, Lewis Seb. Le Nau de (17th century). Memoires 
 
 pour servir a 1'histoire ecclesiastique des six premiers siecles. 
 
 10 vols., fol. Brux., 1732. 
 
 Usher, James (17th century). Historia dogmatica. 4to. Lond., 
 
 1690. 
 
 De Symbolo. 4to. Lond., 1647. 
 
 ■ De Gra3ca LXX. Interpretum editione Syntagma. 
 
 4to. Lond., 1655. 
 Letters. Fol. Lond., 1686. 
 
 Vincentius Lirinensis (5th century). Adversus prophanas Hsere- 
 sewm Novationes libellus. 8vo. Colon., 1600.
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITION'S. 277 
 
 Vossius, Gerard John (17th century). Opera. 6 vols., fol. 
 Amstelod., 1701. 
 
 Wall, William (18th century). History of Infant Baptism. 
 
 4 vols., 8vo. Oxford, 1844. 
 Wallis, John (17th century). An Explication and Vindication 
 
 of the Athanasian Creed. 4to. Lond., 1691. 
 Wanley, Humphrey (18th century). Librorum Vett. Septen- 
 
 trionalium Catalogus. Fol. Oxon., 1705 ; being vol. iii. of 
 
 Hickes' Thesaurus. 
 Wharton, Henry (17th century). Auctarium Historise Dogmatics 
 
 Jacobi Usseri. 4to. Lond., 1689; at the end of Usher's His- 
 
 toria Dogmatica. 
 Appendix ad Historiam Litcrariam Gul. Cave. Pol. 
 
 Lond., 1689 ; at the end of vol. i. of Cave's Historia Literaria. 
 Wotton, William (18th century). Linguarum vett. Septentriona- 
 
 lium Thesauri, auctore G. Hickesio, conspectus brevis. 8vo. 
 
 Lond., 1708. 
 
 Zialowski : see Gundling.
 
 AN INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 Ambrosian I., Athanasian Creed, pp. 72, 120, 176, &c, 215. 
 Ambrosian II., Anonymous Comments on the Creed, 64. 
 Ambrosian III., Fortunatus' Comment, 15, 43, 249 — 266. 
 
 Baiffius, Greek Copy of the Creed, 102, 106. 
 
 Balliol, Oxon., Bruno's Comment, 51. 
 
 Basil, Bruno's and Hampole's Comment, 54. 
 
 Bennet, Camb. (N. X.), Athanasian Creed, 76, 178, 184. 
 
 Bennet (I. l),Wiekliff's Comment, 61. 
 
 Bennet (K. 10), Athanasian Creed, 79. 
 
 Bennet (N. 0. V.), Athanasian Creed, 77, 86. 
 
 Bennet (N. 15), Gregory's Psalter, 67. 
 
 Bodleian (E. 6, 11), Neckham's Comment, 53. 
 
 Bodleian (E. 7, 8), Neckham's Comment, 53. 
 
 Bodleian (Junius 25), Fortunatus' Comment, 45, 248—266. 
 
 Bodleian (Laud, E. 71), Bruno's Comment, 50. 
 
 Bodleian (Laud, H. 61), Bruno's Comment, 50. 
 
 Bodleian (1205), Athanasian Creed, 81. 
 
 Bryling, Greek Copy of the Creed, 102, 215. 
 
 C.C.C.C, see Bennet. 
 
 Cambridge, Athanasian Creed, 79. 123. 
 
 Cassinensis, Athanasian Creed, 80. 
 
 Colbert I., Athanasian Creed, 71, 74, 148, 184—190. 
 
 Colbert II., Athanasian Creed, 77. 
 
 Oonstantinopolitan, Greek copy of the Creed, 102, 106. 
 
 Cotton I., Athanasian Creed in Athelstan's Psalter, 70, 73, 86, 
 
 109. 
 Cotton II., (Vitell., E. 18), Athanasian Creed, 78. 
 Cotton III., (Vespasian, A.), Athanasian Creed, 60, 70, 79. 
 Cotton IV., (Nero, C. 4), Gallican Version, 94. 
 
 Dionysian, see Baiffius. 
 
 Emanuel, Camb., Wickliff's Bible, 58. 
 
 Felckman's Greek copy of the Creed, 101. 
 
 Friars Minors, Latino-Gallican Creed, quoted by Montfaucon, 80, 
 81. 
 
 Germain de Prez, Bruno's Comment, 51, 52. 
 Germains', St., Athanasian Creed, 75, 177, &c. 
 Gotha, Bruno's with Hampole's Comment, 54.
 
 AN INDEX OF MANTJSCKIPTS. 279 
 
 Harleian I., Athanasian Creed, 78, 86. 
 Harleian II., Athanasian Creed, 80. 
 Harleian III., Bruno's Comment, 51. 
 Harleian IV., Triple Psalter, 89. 
 Hilarian, Athanasian Creed, 82. 
 
 James', St., I., Hampole's Comment, 61. 
 James', St., II., Athanasian Creed, 77, 94, 124. 
 James', St., III., Athanasian Creed, 80. 
 John's, St., Camb., I., Triple Psalter, 80, 89. 
 John's, St., Camb., II., Wickliff's Comment, 57. 
 John's, St., Oxon., Bruno's Comment, 50. 
 
 Lambeth, Athanasian Creed, 78, 86, 94. 
 Leipsic, Bruno's with Hampole's Comment, 54. 
 
 Magd., Camb., I., Wickliff's New Testament, 59. 
 Magd., Camb., II., Athanasian Creed, 96. 
 Magd., Oxon., Hampole's Comment, 55. 
 Merton, Oxon., Bruno's Comment, 50. 
 
 Norfolk I., Athanasian Creed, 78. 
 Norfolk II., Athanasian Creed, 80. 
 Norfolk III., Athanasian Creed, 80, 94. 
 Norfolk IV., English Gospels, 58. 
 
 Palatine, Greek copy of the Creed, 101, 107. 
 Paris I., Athanasian Creed, 75. 
 Paris II., Greek copy of the Creed, 102. 
 Patrick Young, Greek copy of the Creed, 103. 
 
 Sarum, Saxon Version of the Creed, 95. 
 
 Sydney, Camb., Han3j>ole's Comment on the Psalms, English, 62. 
 
 Thuanus, Athanasian Creed, 81. 
 
 Treves, Athanasian Creed, 71, 148. 
 
 Trin. Coll., Camb., I., Athanasian Creed, 93. 
 
 Trin. Coll., Camb., II., Bruno's Comment, 50, 52, 89, 93. 
 
 Trin. Coll., Camb., III. Hampole's Comment on the Psalms, 52. 
 
 Trin. Coll., Camb., IV., Rhythmus Anglicus, 38. 
 
 Trin. Coll., Camb., V., Wickliff's Comment, 61. 
 
 Usher I., Athanasian Creed, 67. 
 Usher II., Book of Hymns, 103. 
 
 Vienna I., Athanasian Creed, 75, 117, 119. 
 Vienna II. , Greek Creed, 99. 
 Vienna III., Greek Creed, 100. 
 Vienna IV., German Version, 94, 116. 
 
 Wurtzburgh, Bruno's Comment, 49, 86. 
 
 York, Bruno's Comment, 51, 52.
 
 AN INDEX OE AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Ab^lardus, 52, 65, 212, 220. 
 Abbo, 31, 96, 117, 219. 
 Adalbertus, 30. 
 Adrian I., 26, 87, 117, 119. 
 JEneus Parisiensis, 7, 29, 98. 
 Agobardus, 27. 
 Alcuinus, 252, 253. 
 Alexander Alensis, 35, 54, 232. 
 Alexander IV., 121. 
 Alexander Natalis, 16, 67, 114. 
 Allatius Leo, 8, 34, 135. 
 Alstedius, 114. 
 Ambrose, 104, 142, 151, 153, 
 
 154, 181, 185,214. 
 Ambrose, Pseudo, 266. 
 Amerbachius, 92. 
 Anastasius I., 16, 81,170. 
 Anastasius II., 146. 
 Anastasius of Antioch, 81. 
 Anscbarius, 27, 116, 117. 
 Antelmius, 14, 33, 71, 82, 149, 
 
 158, 162, 163, 164. 
 Antonius, Nicol., 64. 
 Apollinarians, 225, 226, 245, 
 
 261. 
 Aquinas, 37, 122, 163. 
 Arians, 210, 211, 213, 224, 225, 
 
 235, 239, 244, 246, 254. 
 Arnoldus, 33. 
 Ashwell, 8. 
 
 Athanasius, 32, 151, 232. 
 Atbanasius of Spire, 10, 170. 
 Athelard, 118. 
 Athenagoras, 194. 
 Augustine, 20, 54, 84, 142— 
 
 145, 147, 154, 155, 160, 164, 
 
 168, 173, 177—191, 214, 249, 
 
 256, 258, 260, 264, 265. 
 Augustine of Canterbury, 87. 
 Aurelius, 161. 
 
 Avitus Viennensis, 111, 159, 
 171. 
 
 Baccbiarius, 120, 182. 
 
 Bacon, Roger, 88. 
 
 Baiffius, 102, 106, 212, 217. 
 
 Baldensal, 39. 
 
 Bale, 60. 
 
 Baluzius, 25,- 27. 
 
 Baronius, 9, 14, 113, 126. 
 
 Baxter, 239. 
 
 Beleth, 34. 
 
 Benedict, 122. 
 
 Berno Augiensis, 89. 
 
 Beveridge, 12. 
 
 Bingham, 16, 24. 
 
 Blunt, 192. 
 
 Bona, 7, 33, 81, 86—88, 112, 
 
 119, 121, 125, 129. 
 Boniface, 25, 81, 170. 
 Bruno, 47, 48, 54, 56, 182, 188, 
 
 249, 252-257. 
 Brunswick. Abbot of, 28. 
 Bryling, Nicol., 102, 105, 212, 
 
 214, 223, 229. 
 Burton, 192, 196, 199. 
 
 Cabasutius, 13, 24. 
 Cfesarius, 159, 171, 249. 
 Calamy, 236, 237, 238. 
 Caleca, Manuel, 35, 97, 99, 100, 
 
 125, 126, 171. 
 Calvin, 127, 238. 
 Calvisius, 113. 
 Cantilupe, Walter de, 36. 
 Carranza, 64. 
 Carrillus, 64. 
 Carthusians, 81. 
 Cassian, 157. 
 Cave, 11, 17.
 
 A.N INDEX OF ATJTnORITIES. 
 
 281 
 
 Caxton, 60. 
 
 Cazanovius, 127. 
 
 Charles the Great, 26, 75, 109, 
 
 117, 119, 122. 
 Chillingworth, 234. 
 Clarke, 17, 179. 
 Claudianus, 147. 
 Clemens Alex., 197, 198, 204. 
 Clemens Romanus, 192. 
 Cochleus, 48, 49. 
 Collier, 60. 
 Combefis, 39, 40, 97, 126, 143, 
 
 171. 
 Comber, 12, 67. 
 Covel, 134. 
 Coverdale, 87. 
 Councils, viz. — 
 
 Autun,A.D. 670. 13,21,46, 
 
 109, 110. 
 Chalcedon, a.d. 451. 144, 
 
 145, 148, 237, 247. 
 Ephesus, a.d. 431. 156, 
 
 236, 237. 
 Exeter, a.d. 1287. 38. 
 Florence, a.d. 1439. 136. 
 Frankfort, A.D. 794. 25, 
 
 116. 
 Gentilly, a.d. 767. 97. 
 Spain, a.d. 447. 7. 
 Toledo, III., a.d. 589. 112. 
 Toledo, IV., a.d. 633. Ill, 
 
 112, 113. 
 Turribius, a.d. 447. 145. 
 Coxe, 50, 51, 55. 
 Creeds, viz. — 
 
 Apostolic, passim. 
 Athanasian, passim. 
 Aquileian, 189, 227. 
 Of Constantinople, passim. 
 Of Damasus, 254, 256, 259. 
 Of Epiphanius, 140, 152. 
 Of Pelagius, 179, 185, 187, 
 
 1S9. 
 Romanum Vetus, 189, 241. 
 Cudworth, 10. 
 Cyparissiota, 40, 104. 
 Cyprian, 193. 
 Cyril of Alexandria, 156. 
 Cyril of Jerusalem, 236, 242. 
 ( Jyril, missionary in Servia,130. 
 
 Damasus, 85, 154, 254, 256, 259. 
 
 Danhawerus, 240. 
 
 Denebertus, 118. 
 
 Dionysius Alex., 196, 201, 204. 
 
 Dionysius of Milan, 104. 
 
 Dionysius Rom., 194, 201. 
 
 Dionysius of Sienna, 106. 
 
 Dodwell, 112. 
 
 Douza, 125. 
 
 Dudithius, 11. 
 
 Dupin, 13, 24. 
 
 Durante, 38. 
 
 Durell, 88. 
 
 Epiphanius, 140, 152, 183. 
 Etholbald, 68. 
 Euphronius, 46. 
 Eusebius, 39, 104, 170. 
 Eutyches, 144—147, 245, 247. 
 
 Fabricius, 9, 15, 24, 34, 105, 
 
 108. 
 Faustinus, 142, 179, 181, 214. 
 Felckmann, 83, 101, 107, 212. 
 Felix III., 145. 
 Feller, 55. 
 Flavian, 145, 147. 
 Fortunatus, 15, 43, 44, 110, 
 
 158, 170, 176, 182, 184, 186, 
 
 188, 222, 248—266. 
 Frassenius, 121. 
 Fulgentius, 146, 214, 252, 253. 
 
 Gaudentius, 20. 
 Gavantus, 114. 
 
 Genebrard, 102, 103, 105, 106, 
 
 107, 123, 127, 131, 212, 217. 
 
 Gennadius, 54, 120, 163, 1S7, 
 
 189, 191, 228. 
 Gorrham, 57- 
 Grabe, 73. 
 
 Gregory Boeticus, 256. 
 Gregory I., 67, 87, 249. 
 Gregoi7 IX., legates of, 6, 11, 
 
 36, 66, 222. 
 Gregory Nazianzen, 20, 142, 
 
 147, 152, 153, 177. 
 Gregory Nyssen, 151. 
 Gregory of Tours, 46, 86, 112, 
 
 122. 
 Gualdo, 32.
 
 282 
 
 AN IXDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Gundling, 11, 101, 103, 106, 
 ' 126. 
 
 Harnpole, 54, 61. 
 
 Harduin, 21, 24, 27, 30, 36, 
 
 136, 151. 
 Harris, 128, 129. 
 Hatto, 27, 116, 125. 
 Heath, 87. 
 Heidegger, 11. 
 Helvieus, 114. 
 Hermantius, 24. 
 Heurtley, 152, 241, 259. 
 Hickes, 68, 96, 134. 
 Higden, 58. 
 
 HUary of Aries, 163-170. 
 Hilary of Poictiers, 82, 167, 170. 
 Hildegarde, 52. 
 Hilsey, 212. 
 Hincmar, 7, 22, 28, 47, 91, 93, 
 
 109, 163, 222. 
 Hippolytus, 195, 200, 204, 205. 
 Hody, 84, 86—89, 122. 
 Honoratus of Aries, 165. 
 Honoratus of Marseilles, 163, 
 
 166. 
 Honorius, 32. 
 Horinisdas, 146. 
 Hugo de S. Victor, 34. 
 Hulsemannus, 240. 
 Hydr'untinus, Nicol., 34, 98, 99, 
 
 133. 
 
 Ignatius, 192, 198, 204. 
 Ignatius, Pseudo, 183, 191. 
 Irenajus, 193, 197, 198, 200, 
 
 201, 203, 205. 
 Isidorus Hispalensis, 9, 20, 
 
 253, 256, 261, 265. 
 Isidorus Pelusiota, 266. 
 Ivo Carnotensis, 249. 
 
 Januensis Johannes, 37, 55, 57, 
 
 233. 
 Jerome, 84—88, 151, 154, 256, 
 
 259, 265. 
 John of Antioch, 156. 
 John II., 146. 
 Julianus, 100. 
 Julius, 39, 100, 140. 
 Justin, 193, 194, 196, 201, 203. 
 
 Justinian, 146. 
 
 Kirkham, 37. 
 Kromayer, 240. 
 
 Labbe, 10, 24, 107, 113, 217. 
 Lambecius, 29, 32, 38, 79, 94, 
 
 117, 179, 185. 
 Langbaine, 57. 
 Le Cointe, 24. 
 Le Lande, 24. 
 Le Long, 48, 49, 58, 85, 89, 
 
 91, 94. 
 Leo I., 10, 145, 151, 157. 
 Leo III., 27, 122. 
 Leodegarius, 21, 23. 
 Leporius, 156, 160, 161. 
 Lepuseulus, 106. 
 Le Quien, 15, 27, 67, 111, 123, 
 
 148, 149, 150, 151, 159, 222, 
 236, 237. 
 
 L' Estrange, 8, 67. 
 
 Liberius, 40, 140. 
 
 Livius, 163. 
 
 Ludolphus, Job, 127, 136, 246. 
 
 Ludolphus Saxo, 38, 232. 
 
 Lupus, 46. 
 
 Luther, 232, 238. 
 
 Lyra, 57. 
 
 Mabillon, 75, 86, 89, 112, 115, 
 117. 
 
 Macedonians, 245. 
 
 Marcus Ephesius, 136. 
 
 Martene, 134. 
 
 Martianay, 85, 86. 
 
 Meletius, 125. 
 
 Melito, 205. 
 
 Methodius, 205, 266. 
 
 Methodius, a Servian mission- 
 ary, 130. 
 
 Metrophanes, 133. 
 
 Monothelites, 247. 
 
 Montfaucon, 14, 20, 24, 51, 67, 
 71, 73, 74, 75, 77, 80, 82, 83, 
 87, 93, 94, 97, 102, 103, 114, 
 
 149, 160, 217. 
 
 Muratori, 15, 21, 24, 43, 44, 
 64, 65, 67, 72, 115, 126, 160, 
 182, 248—266. 
 
 Neander, 105, 106.
 
 AN INDEX OF ACTHOI'JTIES. 
 
 283 
 
 Neckham, 53. 
 
 Nesselius, 100. 
 
 Nestorius, 149, &c, 245, 247. 
 
 Nichols, 237. 
 
 Nisselius, 108. 
 
 Nithardus, 93. 
 
 Novatian, 196. 
 
 Olivet, Monks of Mt., 27, 119, 
 
 122 
 Origen, 86, 195, 199, 200, 202 
 
 —207, 228. 
 Orosius, 229. 
 Osma, 63. 
 Otfridus, 94, 116. 
 Otho, 33, 38. 
 Oudin, 18, 23, 24, 29, 53, 57, 
 
 58, 115, 159. 
 
 Pagi, 13, 24, 80, 109, 110. 
 Papebrochius, 21. 
 Pappus, 247. 
 Parens, 46. 
 Patripassians, 210. 
 Paululus, 34. 
 Pearson, 9, 228. 
 Pelagius I., 146. 
 Pelagius, Monk, 154. 
 Petavins, 6, 148, 151. 
 Petrus de Harentals, 57. 
 Philastrius, 179. 
 Photinians, 225, 244. 
 Photius, 266. 
 Pius V., 86, 87. 
 Planudes, 100. 
 Plusiadenus, 40. 
 Pole, Cardinal, 96, 212. 
 Primers, 208, 212. 
 Prosper, 164. 
 Psalters, 83, &c. 
 
 Quesnel, 10, 24, 80, 82, 109, 
 110, 114, 163. 
 
 Ratherius, 30, 118, 120. 
 Ratram, 7, 29, 98. 
 Ravennius, 163. 
 Regino, - I. 
 Rembertus, 29, 117. 
 Renaudot, 126, 129,^246. 
 Ricaut, 136, 246. 
 
 Riculphus, 30. 
 Rotharius, 120. 
 Routh, 157, 236. 
 Ruelius, 9. 
 
 Ruffmus, 249, 256, 259, 260, 
 261, 263, 266. 
 
 Sabellians, 210, 233, 245, 253. 
 
 Sandius, 10. 
 
 Serrariua, 106, 247. 
 
 Simon, 53. 
 
 Sirmondus, 23, 24, 26, 28, 158, 
 
 159. 
 Smith, 73, 78, 79, 126. 
 Spelman, 36, 37, 38. 
 Spondanus, 126. 
 Stephens, 102, 105, 106, 212. 
 Strabo, 86. 
 Suieer, 136. 
 Sylvester Sguropulos, 136. 
 
 Tatian, 203. 
 
 Taylor, 8, 240. 
 
 Tentzel, 8, 13, 24, 29, 34, 54, 
 
 67, 68, 83, 94, 108, 129, 133, 
 
 240. 
 Tertullian, 194, 199, 200—204, 
 
 206. 
 Textus Rofi'ensis, 118. 
 Thecaras, 132. 
 Theodoret, 154. 
 Theodulphus, 12, 26, 158. 
 Theophilus, 193. 
 Tillemont, 14, 24, 67, 71, 
 
 114. 
 Tonstall, 87. 
 Trevisa, 58, 60. 
 
 Ullerston, 56. 
 
 Usher, 7, 49, 58, 67—73, 92, 
 
 103, 104, 107, 129, 132, 218, 
 
 241. 
 
 Vigilius, Pope, 112. 
 
 Vigilius Tapsensis, 10, 12, 17, 
 82, 148, 149, 170. 
 
 Vincentius Lirinensis, 14, 145, 
 147, 157, 162, 164, 170, 171, 
 173, 177, 179, 187, 189. 
 
 Voss, 5, 25, 83, 125, 127.
 
 284 
 
 AN INDEX OP AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Wall, 154, 155. 
 
 Wallis, 239. 
 
 Wanley, 50, 69, 77-79, 93, 94, 
 
 124. 
 Wharton, 58, 61, 92—94. 
 Wicliff, 57, 96, 223. 
 Wilkins, 95. 
 
 Willehad, 117, 119. 
 Wotton, 78, 95. 
 
 Young, 103. 
 
 Zialowski, 11. 
 
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 THE CLERGYMAN'S 
 
 DESK CALENDAR, 
 
 1878, 
 
 THE above consists of pages 2 to 14 and 63 
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