HISTORY OF GREECE FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE END OF THE PERSIAN WAR Cransslatcti from ttje (Bennan OF PROFESSOR MAX DUNCKER By S. F. ALLEYNE VOL. I. LONDON RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, 8 NEW BURLINGTON ST., W. Ipubltsfjcrsi in ©rtimarg to fycx fflajrstu tfjc ©urm 1883 Printed by R. & R. Clark, Edinburgh 2 3)51 FROM THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. It is not without misgiving that I have re-entered upon a task which I set myself in the fresh vigour of earlier years. From a tradition which Herodotus leaves almost entirely out of view, which Thucydides ^ regards with sceptical eyes, which presents itself to us under a confused and distorted form, in mutilated k fragments of doubtful value, to try to ascertain the SI actual facts of ancient Greek history, was a bold endeavour. Still bolder was the attempt to discover 5 from such materials the course pursued by the Hellenic spirit in its civilisation, and to bring within the com- pass of a general view the genesis of the Hellenic nature, as it comes before us in the fifth century B.C., in its connection with the civilisations of the ancient o East. 3. Since this attempt was first made, special research has been pushed forward with the utmost vigour and success. It might have seemed a better and wiser course to forego any fresh reconstruction, to 435.913 vi FROM THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. abandon the field to the critical examination of our sources, and to await the further elucidation and cor- roboration of tradition, and further results in that discovery of new monuments and inscriptions now so happily carried on. Considerations of this kind, which must assert themselves at every stage of all historical work, and with pretty nearly equal force, I have finally decided to disregard. Sufficient care is taken that enquiry and criticism shall proceed from one conclusion to another without cessation of their labour : yet, for the basis of science, each of the two factors is equally indispensable ; if we need to sift the materials in order to establish the facts, we need also to under- stand and think of them in combination. It is the interaction of these two factors which discloses the hidden secret ; for not only does the whole exist in and through the parts, but from the whole the parts receive their life and light. If there is some danger at the present moment of straying into the bypaths of minute research, and, while fixing the eye upon the plot of ground so zeal- ously cultivated, to lose sight of the formation of the territory to which it belongs ; to mistake the individual character and growth of its plants, which comparison FROM THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. vii alone makes comprehensible ; and to disregard the germs out of which the life of nations is developed, and the ethical forces which govern it, — this is a sure indication that a connected exposition of a sober and systematic kind cannot be put off till the Greek calends. For my own part, I felt that I was the less justified in refusing to resume my former labours, because some excellent investigations on special subjects showed that in spite of many deficiencies my work had produced good fruit. I have made no change in my mode of stating the subject ; in my narrative, as before, I have woven together the indispensable critical disquisitions upon a basis of traditional facts. What was unnecessary has been removed ; what was wrong has been corrected. I have endeavoured to put more plainly and exactly what I said before, and to establish it more fully. To draw the outlines here and there more firmly than the uncertain foundations allowed is a fault which I have not always been able to avoid. I am not much more confident now than I was twenty years ago that the key of the enigma has been found, that the problems have been solved, the controversies decided, in a field where so much room is opened for them. In regard to the facts of the viii FROM THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. ancient history of the Greeks, we must in more than one point be contented with hypothesis and prob- abilities. Where the decision is left to divination and our evidence fails us, opposite views are not to be excluded. I cannot expect that my accounts will always be accepted. Some views will be thought rash, others overcoloured, others credulous to a degree ; but I shall be satisfied with the concession that in all cases my conception has good reasons on its side. Max Duncker. BERLIN, September 1881. TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. The present volume is a translation of the first two books of Professor Duncker's History of Greece. In the original, the History of Greece is included in the last three volumes of the History of Antiquity ; in the translation it was thought better that it should appear as a separate work. The translation has been made from the latest German edition. S. F. Alleyne. Clifton, September 1883. TABLE OF CONTENTS. BOOK I. The Greeks in Ancient Times. CHAPTER I. PAGE The Land of the Greeks i Mountains of Northern Greece, I. Character of the Country, 4. Climate and Soil, 5. Effects on the Inhabitants, 6. CHAPTER II. The Greek People Immigration from the North -West, 10. Early Civilisation, 13. The Pelasgians, 15-17. The Achreans and Hellenes, 18. The Pelasgians and Hellenes, 20. The Pelasgians are Greeks, 22. Hellas and Phthia, 25. Western Greece, 26. North Eastern Greece, 29. Eastern Greece, 31. Epeans, Pisate, Pylians, 32. Achaeans, Danai, Arcadians, 33. CHAPTER III. The Monuments of Antiquity . .34 Hebrew Account of Greece, 35. Remains of Tiryns, 37. Remains of Mycenae, 38. Ornaments at Mycenae, 40. The Tombs of the Atridae, 42. Monuments of Attica, 45. Orchomenus, 46. Burial Customs of the Arians, 49. Burial Customs of the Carians, 51. Objects found in the Graves, 52. Importance of the Buildings at Mycenae, 53. Artistic Skill of the Builders, 56. i. ON HINTS. CHAPTER IV. I A.. I. THE I'im Mi l VNS IN I [ELLAS ... 59 Foreign Rites, 60. Porphyrion ; the Amazons, 63-65. Tlie Hulls of Marathon ami Cnossus, 66. Phoenicians in Eubcea, 69. Religious Kites, 70. The Seven Gates of Thebes, 73. Sacrifices at Iolcus, 75. CHAPTER V. The Legends of Argos ... 77 The Race of Inachus, 79. Danaus and the Danai, 81. Legend of Danae, 82. Eurystheus and Heracles, 85. The Legends of Argos, 87. Legend of Pelops, 89. Tantalus and Pelops, 91. The Pelopidae, 92. Historical Results, 94. CHAPTER VI. The Legends of the Ionians ... 96 Kings of Sicyon, 97. Kings of Corinth, 98. Legend of Corinth, 100 Bellerophon, 101. The Cecropidce, 102. Cecrops and his Daughters 103. Erechtheus and Chalcodon, 105. Theseus and Menestheus 106. /Egeus, 108. Meaning of the Attic Legends, no. Com munity on the Ilissus, III. Early Attic History, 112. The Attic Tribes, 1 16. CHAPTER VII. Chronology . . . .124 Earliest written Records in Greece, 125. Chronology by Generations, 126. List of Halicarnassus, 128. Dates and Generations, 131. Early Attic Kings, 132. Lists of Spartan Kings, 136. Date of the Theseids, 139. Date of the Phoenician Colonies, 140. CHAPTER VIII. Results 14- Arian Ideas in Greece, 142. Organisation of the Tribes, 144. Priests and Singers, 146. Phoenician Colonies, 149. Phoenician Arts and Customs, 150. Expulsion of the Phoenicians, 153. The Phoenicians in P.aotia, 154. Vestiges of Phoenician Worship, 155. Early Navi- gation, 156. Common Sacrifices, 158. Attica and Argos after the Expulsion of the Phoenicians, 161. Renown of Argos, 162. CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. PAGE The Religion of the Greeks . . .164 Greek and Indian Deities, 164. The Water of Heaven, 166. The Sanctuary of Dodona, 169. The Birth of Pallas, 170. Phcebus- Apollo, 173. Artemis, 176. Eos, the Dioscuri, 177. Hermes the Wind Spirit, 178. Prometheus, 180. Hephaestus, Hestia, 182. Dionysus, 185. Poseidon, 187. Demeter, 191. Life after Death, 193. The Golden Age, 194. The Heaven of the Greeks, 195. BOOK II. Conquests and Migrations. CHAPTER I. Migration and Conquests of the Thessalians, ^Etolians, and Dorians . . .199 The deeds of Heracles, 200. Extension of the Legend, 203. Various Details, 204. Elements of the Legend, 206. Conquests of the Thessalians, 20S. The Dorian Migration, 210. The .Etolians, 212. Dorian Conquests, 212. Legend of Heracles, 215. Expul- sion of the Ionians, 216. Conquest of Corinth, 216. Settlements of the Ionians, 221. Date of the Migrations, 222. CHAPTER II. The Migration of the Ach^eans . . 224 Occupation of Tenedos and Lesbos, 224. Double Course of the Migra- tion, 227. Locrian Settlements, 229. Magnesia and Smyrna, 230. Date of the Achrcan Settlements in Asia, 232. Inhabitants of the Coast, 233. Excavations at Hissarlik, 235. Occupation of the Troad, 236. Kings of Cyme, 238. CHAPTER III. Attica at the Time of the Migrations . .240 Demophon, Apheidas, Oxyntas, 241. Institution of the Apaturia, 242. Attacks of the Dorians, 243. Criticism of the Legends, 245. The Pelasgians, 249. Enmity between Athens and Lemnos, 250. Dorian attack upon Attica, 251. Self-sacrifice of Codrus, 252. Burial- place of Codrus, 253. CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. PA01 The Migration of the I onians . . 254 Account <>f Pausanias, 254. Account <>f Strabo, 256. Statement of Herodotus, 257. Settlement of the Cyclades, 259. Founding of Miletus, 260. Founding of Ephesus, 262. Samos and Chios, 265. Erythrse, Clazomence, Teos, 266. Founding of Colophon, 268. Chronology of the Ionian Migrations, 269. Organisation of the [onian cities in Asia, 269. Struggles of the Ionians with the Carians, 271. Sacrifice at Mycale, 272. Magnesia, 274. Conquest of Smyrna, 275. Removal of the Sacrifice from Mycale, 276. The Ionians in the Cyclades, 277. Consecration of Delos, 278. Oracles at Didyma and Clarus, 276. The Ephesian Artemis, 280. CHAPTER V. The Thessalians and the Phocians . . 283 The Thessalians in Thessaly, 283. Kings of the Thessalians, 285. Con- quests of the Thessalians, 286. Condition of the old Inhabitants, 286. Supremacy of the Thessalians, 289. The Locrians, 291. Shrine of Apollo on Mount Parnassus, 292. At Delphi, 293. Sacrifice at Anthela, 296. The Amphictyonic Council, 299. The Great Year, 301. The Greek Calendar, 302. Atonement for 151 1, 303. Purification of the Murderer, 304. Importance of Delphi, 306. CHAPTER VI. The Bceotians .... 308 Early Conquests, 309. The New Commonwealths, 310. Position of the Conquerors, 312. Condition of the Peasants, 314. Hesiod, 314. CHAPTER VII. Argos and the Colonies of the Dorians . 316 Early Kings of Argos, 317. Argive Tribes, 318. Argos described by Herodotus, 319. Argive League, 320. Expedition of Althremenes to Crete, 321. Colonisation of Rhodes, 322. Story of Iphiclus, 324. Greeks and Phoenicians in Rhodes, 325. Date of Greek- Colonies in Rhodes, 326. Princes of Ialysus, 327. Founding of Ilalicamassus, 328. Myndus, Iasus, 329. Cos colonised by the Dorians, 330. Common Sacrifices of the Dorians, 331. Colonies in Cyprus, 332. Phoenician Cities in Syria, 334. CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. FAGE The Dorians in Laconia . . . 336 Description of Upper Laconia, 336. Story of Aristodemus, 337. Early Spartan History, 338. Tendency and Origin of Spartan Legends, 343. Historical Facts, 345. The Eurysthidse and Proclidpe, 348. Double Monarchy in Sparta, 351. Two Commonwealths, 354. CHAPTER IX. Lycurgus of Sparta . . .357 Various Accounts of Lycurgus, 357-363. His Laws, 364. Legend of Lycurgus criticised, 366. Genealogy of Lycurgus, 369. Spartan Laws derived from Crete, 370. Alcamenes, King of Sparta, conquers the Achreans, 375. Lacedaemonians defeated by the Tegeatae, 377. The New Constitution, 379. Organisation of the Army, 392. Lycurgus and Olympia, 393. Date of the First Olympiad, 394. Participation of Sparta in the Olympic Festival, 397. CHAPTER X. The Conquest of Amycwe and the Organisation of Military Affairs .... 399 Union of the Two Doric Commonwealths, 399. Subjugation of the Achaeans, 401. Deities of Amyclte and Therapne, 403. Helen and the Dioscuri, 404. Division of the Conquered Territory, 407. The Helots, 407. The Periceci, 408. Organisation of the Army, 411. Brotherhood of Tents, 413. Condition of the Perioeci, 414. Con- stitutional Unity of Sparta, 417. CHAPTER XI. The Colonies in Melos, Thera, and Crete . 419 Melos, 419. Thera, 420. Crete, 421. Achceans and Minyse in Crete, 422. Pretensions of Sparta to these Colonies, 423. Cnossus, Lyctus, Gortyn, 424. Primitive Greek Alphabet, 427. Coinage, Weights and Measures, 428. Cretan Origin of Zeus, 428. Phoeni- cian Origin of Cronos, 431. Arian and Phoenician Myths, 433. Holy places in Crete, 434. CONTEXTS. CHAPTER XII. PAOI The Poetry of the Ach^eans and Ionians in Asia . 436 Position of Greek Colonists, 436. Greek Hieratic Poetry, 43S. Heroic Poetry, 441. Growth of Epic Poetry in the Colonies, 442. The Gods in the Epos, 443. Trojan Heroes, 444. Trojan Deities, 446. Meaning of Helen, 447. Two Divisions of Achaean Colonists, 449. Bases of the Epic Legend, 450. Legend of the Heroes' return, 450. The Odyssey, 453. Later Additions to the Poems, 455. Geography of the Homeric Poems, 457. Date of the Odyssey, 459. Date of the Later Odyssey, 46 1. CHAPTER XIII. Ethical and Social Culture . . . 463 Ethics of the Homeric Poems, 465. Family Life in the Epos, 467. Martial Law in the Epos, 469. Political Life in the Epos, 471. The King in the Epos, 472. Punishment of Murder in the Epos, 474. Gerontes in the Epos, 475. Mode of Fighting in the Epos, 477. Social Life in the Epos, 479. Navigation and Commerce in the Epos, 480. Early Commerce in Greece, 481. Arctinus of Miletus, 482. Hesiod's Description of Peasant Life, 482. Death of Hesiod, 489. CHAPTER XIV. New and Old Elements of Religious Belief . 490 Deities Adopted by the Greeks, 491. Gods of the Epos, 492 ff. Nature Deities in Greece, 493. Religious Ideas of the Greeks, 501. Practical Religion, 503. Dread of Pollution in Greece, 505. Puri- fications, 507. Purity of Fire, 509. CHAPTER XV. The Tribal Groups . . 511 Growth of Tribal Unions, 512. Three Branches of the Hellenes, 513. The yEolians, 514. Dorians, 515. Ionians, 517. Dialect of ^Eolians and Dorians, 518. The Greek Alphabet, 519. Weights and Measures, 520. Calendar, 520. LIST OF ERRATA. age 13, line 2, » 49. ,, 14, „ 64, „ 33, „ 152, ,, 9> ., i5 6 > ,, 25, „ 156, >> 33> ,. iS9» „ 24, ,, 160, ,, 1, „ 169, ,, 12, ,, 210, ,, 6, „ 224, „ 25, _/i?r " and " read " or." _/c?r " traditions " read " tradition." for " on " read " in." for " Sicels " read " Sicilians." _/^/- " Iolchus " read " Iolcus." for "a dragon like Ahi, and Vritra" read "a dragon ; as Ahi and Vritra." omit "Notwithstanding that." insert " however " after " was," and "and " after " truce." for " commend " read " command." for "Iolchus" read "Iolcus." for " /Eolian " read " Cohans." BOOK I. THE GREEKS IN ANCIENT TIMES. CHAPTER I. THE LAND OF THE GREEKS. The regions where the most ancient civilisations grew up, the valleys of the Nile and the Euphrates, though extensive, were monotonous in character. The grandeur of Nature in the land of the Ganges threw the develop- ment of the eastern Arians into special channels ; and the alternation of heat and cold, of fruitful tracts and wildernesses, which their country exhibited, essentially influenced the tendencies and conduct of life among the Arians of Iran. It is otherwise with the western portions of Asia. Here neither such grand and monotonous forms, nor such marked vicissitudes of favourable and unfavourable conditions, nor such impressive and imposing aspects of nature, constitute the groundwork of national life. The contrasts lie within a narrower circle ; though the most luxuriant landscapes are far inferior in fruitfulness to the most favoured regions of the east, on the other hand, the poorest are not utterly sterile and dead. Territories of moderate extent, separated from each other by the seas flowing in among them from the west, allow their inhabitants to keep themselves more independent of the power and influences of Nature in her uniform and imposing aspects. VOL. i. B 2 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. Of the three peninsulas which stretch from the heart of Europe into the Mediterranean, the most easterly is, in its northern half, a mountainous region, difficult of access, extending over the wide tract be- tween the Adriatic and Black Seas, and shutting off by lofty ranges its south-westerly continuation from the land of the Danube. This continuation, narrow in width, stretches far out into the sea towards the south, and combines in its limited area all the natural advan- tages of Europe. The southern portion is an island only united to the continent by a very narrow isthmus. The whole length from the Ceraunian Mountains in the north to the most southerly promontory embraces but 300 miles ; the breadth varies from 200 to 100 miles. No continuous river-valley forms a link between the territories of the Greek peninsula or unites them to- gether ; there is nothing in the configuration of the country to give a uniform character to the whole, no par- ticular part occupies a dominant position in regard to the rest ; it is a mountain region in the midst of the sea, the small cantons of which, for the most part, have easier communication with each other by water than by land. The extremities of the mountain chains stretch out in capes of the most various forms into the sea, which here and there washes the base of the highest ridges. The upper half of the peninsula on the west side towards the Adriatic Sea is full of mountain chains within short distances of each other, running from north-west to south-east. The highest of these, in the centre of the country, the lofty chain of Pindus, which forms the watershed between the Adriatic and the /Egean Seas, runs in the same direction, until it ends upon the shore of the deep bay of the Adriatic, which chap. I.] MOUNTAINS OF GREECE. 3 divides the Peloponnesus from the rest of the peninsula, in the broad ridge of Mount Parnassus. To the west of Mount Pindus is a green region full of forest and meadow ; the rivers are copious, and have a longer course between the parallel chains, making narrow valleys, which now and then broaden into basins. The coast has few divisions : its lines are straight and its character monotonous, rocks and lagunes for the most part pre- vent ships from landing ; only in its lower portion are there secure roadsteads and good harbours, in the Gulfs of Ambracia and Corinth. The eastern side of the peninsula is differently con- stituted. Cross ranges of Mount Pindus extend in an easterly direction down to the ^Egean ; Olympus, the summit of which is nearly 10,000 feet above the sea, and retains its snows even in summer, Othrys, and Oeta. Farther to the south the heights of Parnassus leave room for a fruitful hilly country eastward, separated by the cross range of Mount Cithseron from the southernmost projection, the territory of Attica. Other territories, more extensive and more favourable to culti- vation, are separated from each other by these trans- verse ranges, which are now for the most part bare, and rise in whitish-gray rocky eminences, like the waves of the sea — first, to the north of Mount Olympus, the valley of the Haliacmon leading down to a broad stretch of plain on the coast ; then the basin of the Peneus ; the beautiful valley of the Spercheus opening out to seaward ; the low-lying country to the east of Parnassus ; and lastly, the Attic peninsula, containing mountains of moderate height, and stretching far into the sea. The centre of the Peloponnesus is an undulating mountain region, which, towards the north, sends its 4 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. last summits in crowded masses almost to the shore, but in the south allows only high ridges to project into the Mediterranean. In the north-west there is room on the coast for an extensive low-lying plain ; in the east the Gulf of Argos runs far up into the land ; two river-valleys — one of them narrow, between two high mountain-chains; the other a basin, declining gradually to the sea — open towards the south. The configuration of the cantons in the peninsula generally is of various and most opposite kinds. We find alpine landscapes in the neighbourhood of the sea — in Olympus, Parnassus, and Taygetus, the two last only 2000 feet lower than Olympus ; among their precipitous and jagged ridges hang terraces of snow. Here steep rocky summits tower in peaceful splendour above groves of olive and laurel, there stately forests enclose green spaces ; here reigns the bald rigidity of a wild and fissured mountain-group without shrub or spring, there innumerable streams pour down from the upland slopes. Under a clear sky, surrounded by a transparent atmosphere, and reflected in the trans- parent blue of the sea, the mountains and forms of the landscape are almost constantly shown in sharp and definite outlines, and glow with bright and vivid colours, which sometimes are even harsh. The climate changes with the landscape. Modified by the various altitudes and the several directions of the mountain chains, it passes through endless grada- tions, from the rough and chilling atmosphere of the upland plains to the oppressive sultriness of the con- fined valleys. Here the plane-tree flourishes ; on the heights of Mount Pindus, Tomarus, and Oeta, we find the beech and the oak ; on the Ilissus the olive ; at the mouth of the Pamisus the date-palm. On the chap, l] CLIMATE AND SOIL. 5 south and east coasts the heat in summer is excessive ; but it is tempered by the neighbourhood of the sea and by the sea-breezes. At that season there is hardly any rain excepting a few sudden and violent storms ; but spring and autumn bring frequent and tolerably continuous showers. The earth is somewhat grudging and scanty in its yield. The lower hills, it is true, were covered with stately forests, the beautiful pastures on the upland slopes sufficed for the breeding of cattle, the numerous well-situated mountain terraces were favourable to the culture of the vine ; but for agricultural operations flat spaces could seldom be found, and still more seldom, suitable soil. Even where rocks and precipices left room for tillage, barley alone could be obtained from the stony ground ; in other places clay and limestone were unconquerable. The want of water was the most serious difficulty. In the west of the northern portion of the peninsula, w r here it is abundant, the valleys are but narrow gorges ; in the east, with the exception of the Peneus and the Spercheus, the streams are scarcely more than mountain-torrents which in the height of summer lose themselves in insignificant runlets, though in spring and autumn they are raging floods. In summer the springs fail, the meadows and pastures dry up, and the limestone soil cracks asunder in the heat. The herdsman drives his cattle to the cool heights and to the springs on the upper ridges. Only here and there is this scarcity relieved by the lakes which are formed by the waters running down into the hollows of the valleys. Thus in Thessaly, midway in the course of the Peneus, around the Lakes Nessonis and Bcebeis, there were fertile tracts ; and the lakes of Copae and Hyle watered the flats of Bceotia. The 6 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. Peloponnesus was indebted for its best lands to the Alpheus, to the Southern Peneus, and the Pamisus, which deposit fruitful alluvium where they fall into the sea. With its broken ground, its richly-developed coast, its meagre soil, its variety of natural formations within a limited area, the Greek peninsula presents a marked contrast to the regions of civilisation in the East. Instead of grand but uniform phenomena we find here variety and individuality of form. There are no great rivers to produce the abundant crops and fertility of the countries on the Nile, the Euphrates, and the Ganges ; but the deserts likewise are absent by which these countries are enclosed or bounded. Life was neither exempt from toil nor condemned to constant wandering. Even in Asia we saw that the greatest and most extensive development occurred where sea and mountains approach nearest to each other, on those coasts of the Phoenicians behind which rise the mountains of Israel. Here the ancient civilisations of the Nile and the Euphrates came in contact with one another, and there grew up on the coast an active life ; while among the mountains farther inland the ideal instincts of the human breast received their most lasting impulse. But in Syria the coast and the inland territory are separate and distinct, whereas in Hellas they everywhere intersect each other. In Hellas we have both the Syrian coast and the Syrian mountain country, but placed in the midst of the sea. There are the same favourable conditions of life, sea and mountains, mountain air and ocean breezes, but in fuller measure. The climate is more temperate ; it neither induces indolence nor excites to sensuality. The comparative poverty of the Greek soil was advan- tageous to the development of the national industry. chap, i.] EFFECTS ON THE INHABITANTS. 7 There was no danger of man's sinking beneath the power and the gifts of Nature, for he was forced to lead a temperate, active, and hardy life. The variety of the soil was a compensation for its unproductiveness. If the mountains with their pastures afforded a favour- able abode for the pastoral life, if the shepherds and peas- ants of the upper valleys attained the resolute and inde- pendent spirit of mountaineers, that loyalty to ancient customs, that steadfastness and exclusiveness which troubles itself little about neighbours on the other side of the dividing ridge, there was in all this the element of movement in close proximity to that of persistence. The sea, which washes all these mountain cantons, ex- cept the Peloponnesian highlands, must have opposed a strong counterpoise to this exclusiveness. As soon as the population became denser, the inhabitants were forced either to seek their subsistence from the soil by diligent labour or to betake themselves to the sea. The more zealously agriculture and navigation were pursued, the sooner man emancipated himself from the fetters and tutelage of Nature, the more varied and self-dependent were the forms his life assumed. The occupations of the herdsman and the hunter on the mountains, agriculture on the plains, fishing and navi- gation on the coasts, — there are no healthier conditions of life than these for a youthful population ; more especially when these conditions exist in such close juxtaposition as in Greece. Constrained to exercise their powers in such various directions, among such manifold and stimulating influences, a people endowed with natural talents, a lively temperament, elasticity, and productiveness, might easily attain the happiest development. Under a southern sky, amidst scenery small in scale and perfect in proportion, its forms well 8 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. defined and pleasing to the senses, its colours trans- parent and vivid, — in such surroundings it was natural that men, their commerce, and their works should assume a peculiarly marked and definite character. In the progress of development, the highly-favoured regions to the east of the Pindus could not fail very soon to show their superiority. They were not only more spacious and possessed of larger tracts of fruitful soil, but the conformation of their coasts is far more advantageous than that of the western side. There are also innumerable islands contiguous to the eastern coast, and the sea which washes it was a means of conveying hither the ancient civilisations of the East or of transporting the inhabitants to the seats of those civilisations. CHAPTER II. THE GREEK PEOPLE. The Greeks regarded themselves as the aborigines of the peninsula which they occupied, as the sons of the soil, of the mountains, of the rivers. In this they were mistaken. Their ancestors had once immigrated from a great distance into the country inhabited by their descendants on Mount Pindus, Mount Olympus, and the island of Pelops. In the far East, beyond the lands of the Semitic races, we found the stock of these Arians, branches from which colonised the highlands of Iran, and descended into the valley of the Indus and to the Ganges. The Greeks spoke, and still speak, a language which, with special modifications, grew out of the same roots that formed the languages of the Arians in Iran and India. As has been already observed, a similar relationship with the languages of the Arians of the East appears, in the languages of the Italian, Celtic, Letto - Slavic, and Germanic races. Accordingly, their ancestors must have been branches of the Arian family ; they, and among them the fathers of the Greeks, must have immigrated into the countries where history finds them. The region in which the ancestors of the Arians dwelt before their separation can only be so far determined that it seems to have been a high tract of country in the middle of the eastern continent ; still less can we io THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. iix, even approximately, the time when the branches of the Arians whom we find in the West separated themselves from their eastern brethren. The question whether the tribes who came to the West did so in one mass and were afterwards divided, or from the first migrated in detached bodies, is likewise unanswer- able. But the close similarity in sound between the languages of the two Arian branches which colonised the Italian and Greek peninsulas points to the con- clusion that these two branches held longer together, and grew from the same bough of the great tree. The route by which the ancestors of the Greeks came to Mount Pindus and Mount Olympus can only be traced in its last stages. We know that there were races of Arian origin in the highlands of Ar- menia in the centre of Asia Minor, farther on towards the Hellespont, and beyond it in Thrace and Illyria. If these races spread in a continuous chain from Armenia through Asia Minor to the Hellespont, and then throughout the whole breadth of the peninsula of the Balkan from the Black Sea to the Adriatic — which, however, cannot be proved — the forefathers of the Greeks did not take this route or come from Asia Minor. In order to reach their peninsula from the west coasts of Asia Minor, they must in that case have settled in the islands of the y£gean Sea, in the Cyclades, or they must have passed along the coasts of Thrace. Of the latter route, which would have been extraordinarily difficult, there is not a trace ; and it is certain that the islands of the ^Egean belonged in ancient times to the Carians, who colonised them from their own home on the west coast of Asia Minor. 1 It 1 Concerning the hypothesis of the original abode of the Ionians on the west coast of Asia Minor, the reader is referred to the adverse argu- ments in Gutschmid's Beitrage zur Geschichte des alten Orients, p. 124 ff. chap. II.] IMMIGRATION FROM THE NORTH-WEST. n is probable that the peninsula began to be occupied from quite another quarter, and in an entirely opposite direction, and that the ancestors of the Greeks pro- ceeded from north-west to south-east. The reasons for this opinion are the following: — (i) that both the names of the Greek people, the earlier as well as the later (VpaiKot and "EWrjves), are attached to a district in the north-west ; 1 (2) that the holy place described in the Homeric poems and by Herodotus as the oldest among the Greeks is situated in the north-west, near the Adriatic ; (3) that the islands in the western sea ad- jacent to the coasts of Epirus were early in possession of the Greeks ; (4) that in historical times there was a great migration from the north-west and from Epirus toward the south-east ; and (5) that from the north a great impulse was given to repeated occupations of the eastern and southern regions of the peninsula. We may therefore suppose that the ancestors of the Hellenes and of the Oscans arrived at their peninsulas from the north ; that they once travelled along the northern shores of the Black Sea and up the valley of the Danube ; that, still following the valley of the Danube or the Save and here turning to the south, they passed down the coast of the Adriatic, some of them towards Italy and others to the peninsula, which they then colonised. In historic times Alaric and his West Goths came from Pannonia and Dalmatia along the Adriatic, with wives and children, goods and flocks, to Epirus ; and from thence they pressed on southward to ravage the Peloponnesus. From Epirus Alaric then returned again by the shores of the Adriatic to seek for spoil and dominion in Italy; from Epirus, too, the Ostrogoths of Theodoric penetrated into Thessaly, 1 Aristot. Meteor. I, 1 4. 12 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. before Theodoric had made up his mind to follow the steps of Alaric. Whether the Greek tribes, as they came with their herds, like the Goths of Alaric, westward of the central chain forming the watershed between the Adriatic and the /Kgean, found the higher lands and valleys which they had to traverse before the green and well- watered dales of Epirus tempted them to stay, already in possession of the Illyrians, whom we find there in historic times, we cannot tell. If it were so, the Greeks must have broken through their settlements. 1 The Illyrians had advanced even less than their eastern neighbours the Thracians beyond the first stages of culture, and slight and transient attempts at combination among some of their tribes (never the whole of them). This was a great advantage to the Greeks, whose development was thus unshackled by the pressure of close neighbours of another nationality. Nevertheless, these two nations maintained their position between the Adriatic and the Black Sea. Although subsequently incursions of invaders were more numerous and more destructive on the east of the Balkan peninsula than on the west, and though the Thracians in particular were subjected to many Romanising influences, the language of the descendants of the Thracians, the Roumanians, shows unmistakable traces of kinship with the Albanian, the surviving representative of the Illyrian dialect, which it is true we also know only in very late forms. 2 Did the tribes of the Greeks in their southward progress from the Ceraunian Mountains encounter at that point, or farther on in the peninsula, in the Isle 1 Pott, Ungleichheit der Rassen, p. 71, is of this opinion. 2 Pott, Indo-Germanischer Sprachstamm, p. 85. chap. II.] EARLY CIVILISATION. 13 of Pelops, a more ancient population ? That the Carians and Leleges (both names apply to the same people l ) had already established themselves in the Cyclades, on the coasts of the Isthmus, and in the Peninsula of Argos, when the Greeks arrived, is in itself prob- able enough, and will be proved later on. The Carians were already settled in the islands of the yEgean before the Phoenicians navigated this sea ; i.e. before 1250 B.C. 2 The notion of a considerable and widely-spread older population in the cantons of the peninsula dispossessed by the Greeks is con- tradicted by the structure of the Greek language, which cannot be shown to have absorbed any foreign elements. We know that the Arians, before their division into various branches, had already made the first steps in civilisation. Common designations, i.e. designa- tions agreeing in sound in the Arian tongues, for members of families, for house and farm, for domestic animals, for a certain kind of grain, for ploughs and grinding at a mill, for certain metals, for carriage, boat and rudder, — all these show us that the Arians at that time understood the culture of the ground as well as the care of herds, and that the fundamental mechanical arts required to obtain the necessaries of life were not unknown to them. The ox is called by the Arians on the Indus and Ganges gdtis, by the Greeks /3o0? ; the bull is called by the former sthilras, by the latter 1 Herod. 5, 119; 1, 171 : "The Carians were called Leleges in ancient times." Strabo, pp. 321, 661. According to Phcrecydes, the Leleges dwelt at the mouth of the Cayster, the Carians at that of the Maeander. Strabo, p. 632. The identification of the Carian Leleges with the Xcktol of Deucalion, from whom the Locrians, the inhabitants of Mount Parnassus, and part of the yEtolians claimed to be derived, has caused endless confusion. 2 Thucyd. 1, 4 ; 1, 8. Herod. 1, 171. M THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. ravpos ; the goose and the dog are in the one case kansas and pvan, in the other yj)v and kvwv. The Arians on the Indus call the horse afvas, the Arians in Iran affias, the Greeks 'linro^. A father is called by the Greeks irari'ip, by the Arians in Iran and India pita; daughter is in Greek Ovydrrjp, with the Arians in India dnhitd (she who milks cows), with the Arians in Iran dughadhar. Uoor is in Greek 66pa ; with the Arians in Iran and India dvdram signifies gate. A house, a room, are called by the Greeks 86fxo<; and Bcop,a, by the Indians damas. Folko? and FdaTv signify in Greek dwelling ; with the Arians in India vccas and vdstu have the same meaning. The yoke for oxen is called by the Indians jtigam, by the Greeks fryov ; the axle of a chariot, akshas by the Indians, a%wv by the Greeks; a mill is ^ivXtj with the Greeks, the Indians call grinding malanam ; a boat is plavas with the Indians, with the Greeks irXolov ; a ship Jiaus with the Indians, vavs with the Greeks ; a rudder aritras with the Indians, ip€Tp,bs with the Greeks. That before the Arians separated into their various branches time among them was measured by the new and full moon is proved by the similar designations for the moon and month among the Indians, Iranians, and Greeks, — mds and maonJia in the one case, p.rjv and p,rjvT] in the other, — all referring to measurement (from the root ma). The collective designation for the gods is the same with the Greeks and the Indians ; the Indians call their gods dcva, the Greeks call theirs Oeoi ; 0eovpa; Etymolog. Magn. AwSoivatos. 3 Iliad, 2, 840; Strabo, pp. 220, 443. 4 Fragm. 1 M ; Eustath. ad Iliad, 2, 681. 5 Pausan. 2, 22, 1. 6 Fragm. 11 M. C i8 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. founded upon the cultivation of the soil); 1 and if the invention of the goad to drive the ploughing oxen, and the building of fortified towns, are ascribed to the Pelasgi, the building of Larisa in Argos (called after the daughter of Pelasgus), of Larisa on the Peneus, and of Larisa in Phthiotis, 2 — all this points to the beginning of that settled and orderly life already taking into con- sideration defence and protection, which was attributed to the Pelasgi, i.e. to antiquity. Ephorus considered the Arcadians to be the ori- ginal Pelasgi. He explained the spread of the name over the whole of Hellas by saying that the Arcadians had adopted a warlike life, and, having induced many other territories to do the same, had given them all a share in the name Pelasgi, which belonged to them- selves, and had won great distinction among the Hellenes as well as among the tribes to whom they came elsewhere. 3 Also, according to Herodotus, the whole country of the Greeks was once called Pelasgia ; the Thesprotians, the first inhabitants of Thessaly, the people of Attica, all the Ionians, the ancient Argives, and the Arcadians, are alike Pelasgi with him. 4 Strabo sums up the question thus: "Almost all are agreed that the ancient race of the Pelasgi once spread themselves throughout the whole of Hellas, but mostly among the /Eolians in Thessaly ; they were the oldest race that ruled in Hellas." 5 Instead of the general name of Pelasgians that of Achaeans appeared at a later date, to be superseded again by a third, that of Hellenes. But as the name of 1 Herod. 2, 50, 171. 2 Etymolog. Magn. aKawa ; Strabo, p. 440 ; Paus. 2, 24, 1 ; Steph. B., Adpta-a. :i Fragm. 54 M. 4 Herod. 2, 56 ; 1, 59 ; 2, 1 7 1 ; 7, 95 ; 8, 44. 5 Strabo, pp. 220, 321, 327. chap. II.] THE ACHtEANS AND THE HELLENES. 19 the Pelasgians clung to certain districts which in the earliest times had assumed a prominent position, or were supposed to have done so, and remained attached to them even in the historic period, so the second name was retained in local designations of districts and races which had been pre-eminently famous in the Achaean period of Hellenic history. It adhered to the emi- grants from the plain of the Inachus and the valley of the Eurotas ; it was given subsequently to the places which they occupied ; it remained with the race which from the earliest period had established itself in the mountain country in the south of T-hessaly. The third collective name, that of Hellenes, came in historic times from the north of the peninsula, from Dodona and the territory of Hellas belonging to the Achaeans of Phthia, and was brought into use first through an ancient religious community of the tribes of the north-east, and further through the oracle of Delphi. 1 The tendency of the tribes, who entered Peloponnesus from the north, and, overthrowing the ancient common- wealths, assumed the dominion over it, to attribute to themselves a different origin from that of the con- quered people, caused it to be employed, and in the first half of the seventh century it was fully established. The warrior hosts which obtained the mastery over several tracts of the Peloponnesus (they belonged chiefly to the Dorian race) traced their descent from Hellen, a personification of the name of the district of Hellas. The father of Hellen was said to be Deucalion, from whom the mountain tribes around Parnassus, especially the Locrians, claimed descent. 1 This must certainly be inferred from the Rhetra of Delphi, which, before the end of the ninth century, commanded that temples should be founded to Zeus Hellanios and to Athena Hellania. Further details later on, Book 3, c. 1 4. -o THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook i. Deucalion, in the oldest phase of the mythus among the Greeks, was the first mortal. Hellen belonged undoubtedly to Hellas in Phthiotis. Here Deucalion, or Hellen after him, is said to have ruled. Thucydides says: "When Hellen and his sons had become power- ful in Phthiotis, and began to be summoned to the aid of other places, these were called, on account of such alliances, Hellenes, but the name was a long time in coming into general use for all." l Such an explanation of the transition from the col- lective names of Pelasgians and Achasans to the collect- ive name of Hellenes could not be satisfactory to those who forgot that under the general designation Pelasgi, in its original meaning, the Dorians no less than all the other races of the Hellenes were included, and who regarded the Dorians as a separate race, side by side with the descendants of the Pelasgi, because they arrived later than most of the other tribes in the abodes which they afterwards occupied. If the Dorians are to be considered a separate people, the question immediately arises — What was their relation to the posterity of the Pelasgi ? How is it to be explained that nations which never changed their abode, and were notoriously descended from the Pelasgians, as the people of Attica and the Arcadians, could equally have been called, and have become, Hellenes ? Did the Hellenic language belong then to the Dorians, i.e. to the Hellenes, or did the Pelasgi already speak Hellenic ? In that case they must also have been Hellenes even before the Dorians came to Peloponnesus. "The Athenians," says Herodotus, "were from all antiquity a Pelasgic, the Spartans a Hellenic, nation ; 1 Thuc. I, 3. chap, ii.] THE PELASGIANS AND THE HELLENES. 21 the former never changed its abode, but the latter has moved about considerably. Under their king Deucalion they dwelt in Phthiotis ; under Dorus, the son of Hellen, below Olympus, in the territory called Hestiseotis. From hence they wandered to the country of the Dryopes, and when they came into Peloponnesus they were called the Doric race. 1 What language the Pelasgi spoke I cannot say with cer- tainty ; but if we may draw any conclusions from those who are still Pelasgi but once dwelt in the land of Hestiaeotis, in the neighbourhood of the Dorians, and beyond the Tyrrhenians in the city of Creston, and from those who built Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont after they had dwelt near the Athenians, and from the other Pelasgic settlements which have changed their names, — if we may argue from these, the Pelasgi must have spoken a barbarous language. If this was the case with the whole Pelasgic race, the people of Attica, when they were transformed into Hellenes, must also have changed their speech. For neither the language of the Crestoniates nor of the Placians agrees with any other spoken by any of their neighbours, but they agree with one another ; from which it is plain that they have preserved the character of the language which they brought with them at their immigration. The Hellenic nation, how- ever, as it seems to me, has always retained the same language ever since it became a nation. After its separation from the Pelasgi it was weak ; but from small beginnings it has increased to a great size, since many barbarian races have allied themselves with it." 1 Herod. 1, 56. I here leave Ossa out of the question, as it does not apply in the least ; likewise the abode of the Dorians on Mount Pindus as Ma/ceSvov Wvos, which is no doubt merely grounded on the kinship of the Dorians and Macedonians. 22 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. The proof of the diversity of the Hellenic and Pelasgic races which Herodotus proposes to establish he has not established here. His own deduction sup- poses that the Pelasgi once dwelt near the Dorians, i.e. near the Hellenes of Herodotus, in the district of HesticEOtis ; it assumes further that the Hellenes, i.e. the Dorians, had separated from the Pelasgi — they must therefore have been previously united. The Pelasgian emigrants, to whose language Herodotus refers, were expelled from the territory of Pelasgiotis by the Thessalians, and were said to have been driven into Attica ; thence wandering onward they are supposed to have reached Lemnos, and, according to the state- ment of Herodotus, they founded two very unimportant places, Placia and Scylace (on the Propontis, east- ward from Cyzicus), and the town of Creston, which we must seek in the Thracian territory of Crestonice at the sources of the Echeidorus. 1 Whether these three places had any valid reason, or any reason at all, for supposing that they descended from the Thessalian Pelasgi ; whether Herodotus got the information from other quarters, and on what evidence it rested, — all this is more than doubtful. It will be seen that the ejection of the older population of Thessaly took place somewhere about the year 1050 B.C. ; between the emigration and the date when Herodotus investigated the origin and dialects of these towns, there lay, according 1 Herod. I, 57 ; 5, 3 ; 7, 124. Thucydidcs bears testimony to these Pelasgians, "beyond the Tyrsenians," as Herodotus more closely defines the situation of Creston, when he says (4, 109) of the towns of the peninsula of Mount Athos, " they are inhabited by mixed races of barbarians speaking two languages ; a small portion is Chalcidic, but the greater part Pelasgic, sprung from the Tyrseni who once inhabited Attica and Lemnos, Bisaltic, Crestonian, and Edonian {i.e. Thracian), but they dwell in small towns." Dionysius of Halicarnassus, however, thinks Creston is Croton. Antiq. 1, 18. chap. II.] THE PELASGIANS ARE GREEKS. 23 to this computation no less than six hundred years. During such a period the language of the Greeks and of the islands might undergo considerable changes, and still more might this be the case with the languages of wholly isolated descendants of weak races dwelling in Thrace, if even their ancestors had been of Greek extraction. But we need pay no attention to the inquiry, whether the divergence of languages in these places depends upon this — that the supposed emigrants in their isolation held fast the old Greek forms in contrast to the course of the formation of language on the peninsula ; or upon this — that the dialect of the three places had supple- mented itself with Thracian elements (the inhabitants of Lemnos, who are said to have migrated from Thessaly with the Pelasgi, spoke Greek) ; for Herodotus himself has not held to the result of the deduction which he somewhat timidly draws. If he makes the women of the Pelasgi in Argos celebrate the Thesmophoria of Demeter, this is a festival specially and entirely belong- ing to the Greeks ; if he makes the Pelasgi give to the Greek gods the names which they partly invented — such as Hera, Hestia, Themis, the Dioscuri, the Charites and Nereids, and partly derived from the Egyptians (this last statement is wholly incorrect) — the Hellenes had received these names from the Pelasgi ' — in that case these Pelasgi must have spoken Greek, since Hellenic collective names for the gods are derived from Arian-Greek roots ; indeed Herodotus himself, in his interpretation of the story of the Egyptians about the founding of the oracle at Dodona, represents the woman who was taken from Egyptian Thebes to 1 Herod. 2, 171. Pausanias makes Pelasgus entertain Demeter in Argos, and says the temple of Demeter Pelasgis at Argos was founded by Pelasgus. Pelarge instituted mysteries of Demeter, 1, 14, 1 ; 2, 22, 1 ; 9, 25, 7. 24 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. Dodona, in the country of the Pelasgic Thesprotians, as learning the Hellenic language. 1 And he also tells us, like all other historians, that the Hellenes emigrated from Phthiotis, i.e. straight from a territory which the ancient population, the Achaean population, notoriously possessed. 2 How could they then speak any other language than that of the ancient race to which they themselves belonged? And, putting aside all this, is it conceivable that the whole Greek race — the Arcadians, the people of Attica, the Ionians, and the rest — should in presence of the Dorians, one tribe, one fraction of a tribe, give up its own language and learn another, only to please that tribe which had not even sub- jugated all the other tribes, but had merely conquered some cantons of the Peloponnesus ? What a wonderful people the Greeks would have been if, as supposed by the inference of Herodotus, they had grown up mostly from Pelasgians of barbarian tongue, and in a lesser degree from a Hellenic-speaking race, few in number, " with whom, however, numerous barbarians of another kind" had allied themselves. In addition to all these arguments against the theory there is lastly the fact that the names of Hellas and Hellenes belong to the same regions which are the prominent centres of the life of the Pelasgi, in the Pelasgic -Achaean times. The Eoce name the district round Dodona " Hell- opia ; " the Homeric poems call the interpreters of the god at Dodona, who declare his will, or all the inhabitants of Dodona, " Selli ; " Pindar calls them " Helli." Strabo says: "Whether with Pindar we should read ' Helli,' or, as is supposed in Homer, 'Selli,' the doubtful manner of writing must leave undecided." Indeed, according to a common interchange of sounds 1 Herod. 2, 51, 52. 2 Herod. 2, 56. chap. II.] HELLAS AND PHTHIA. 25 in the Greek language, the forms " Helli " and " Selli " are the same. 1 Aristotle tells us, " Ancient Hellas lies around Dodona and the Achelous, which has several times changed its course ; here dwelt the people who were formerly called Graeci, but are now called Hellenes." 2 Dodona was according to this at once the seat of the Pelasgi and of the Hellenes. The second territory called Hellas in Thessaly in the region to which the name of the Achaeans is attached, because the ancient population had possessed it, is mentioned in the Odyssey, and in the catalogue of ships in the Iliad, in the immediate neighbourhood of Phthia, or in the district of Phthia itself. 3 According to Dicse- archus, this Hellas lay southward from Pharsalus, between Pharsalus and Melitsea, i.e. on the Enipeus, which flows from the northern slope of Mount Othrys to the Peneus. 4 Here in Phthiotis, as we have seen, Thucydides represents Hellen and his sons as becom- ing powerful, and assisting the other tribes, from which they gradually took the name of Hellenes {sttp. p. 20); from hence Herodotus makes the Dorians, his Hellenes, migrate. The Parian marble gives a very early date for the introduction of the name of Hellenes (without any change of language), making Hellen rule in Phthiotis in 1520 b.c. over the people previously called Graeci and afterwards Hellenes, who then instituted the Pan-Hellenic games. 5 From all this we may be quite sure that the Pelas- 1 Strabo, p. 328. Sophocl. Trachin. 1 1 67, where ~eAAoi is also read side by side with 'EAAoi. In the Rhetra of Lycurgus creAAanos and creAAavta are read. 2 Meteorol. 1,14; Etym. Magn. ScAAoi; Schol. II. 16, 234. 3 Odyss. I 1, 496 ; //. 2, 683. 4 Dicasarch. Fragm. 61 M. Neither Phthia nor Hellas was a town, as later writers believe ; cf. Steph. B., 4>#ia. 5 Marmor Par. Ep. 6. 26 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. gians, Achceans, and Hellenes were not three distinct races, but that these names rather indicate three dis- tinct periods of Greek history, and denote three stages arising out of, and following one another, in the develop- ment of the one Greek people. The earliest division of the Greek tribes on the peninsula occupied by them which can be proved from Greek tradition and from historical knowledge is as follows: — To the west of the central chain, which, under the names of Boion and Pindus, runs down to Parnassus and divides the peninsula in two halves ; south of the mouth of the Aous, which falls into the Adriatic, and of the Ceraunian Mountains, in the valley of the Aous, which takes a north-westerly course ; south also of the Thyamis, which, running west, falls into the sea oppo- site the island of Corcyra, and of the Arachthus and Achelous, which, after a south-westerly course, fall parallel to each other in the Adriatic — dwelt the tribes of the Chaonii, Thesprotii, and Molossi. The Chaonians occupied the coast from the Ceraunian Mountains to Thyamis. The region containing the common source of the four rivers on the western declivity of the central chain, the fruitful and well-watered basin of the Lake Pambotis (now the Lake of Janina), belonged to the Thesprotians. ! To the south, the valley in which this lake is situated is shut in by the isolated range of the Tomarus, rising to the height of 6000 feet. On the eastern side of these wooded heights, towards the Arachthus,' 2 in the land of the Thesprotians, on a steep ridge, as yEschylus says, 3 was that settlement of the Pelasgians, i.e. of the Thesprotians, in the earliest 1 Herod. 2, 56. 2 Bursian, Sitzwigsbcrichte Miinchener Acad. 1878, p. 2 ff. 3 Pi-ometheKs, 830. chap. II.] WESTERN GREECE. 27 times — the holy place Dodona, the most ancient oracle of the Greeks, and of old, the only oracle, as Herodotus says. " Hellopia is full of fair towns and pastures," we read in the Eoce, "rich in herds of small cattle and oxen with rolling gait ; here dwell men rich in sheep and oxen — many, innumerable, races of mortal men. There at the outlying limit Dodona is founded, which Zeus loved and decreed for his oracle, to be honoured by men. Here from the trunk of the oak the prophecies are imparted to all dwellers on the earth. Whoever goes thither to inquire of the immortal god, let him approach bearing gifts and with auspicious flights of birds." * To the south of the Ambracian Gulf, in the lower valley of the Achelous, which falls into the Adriatic just clear of the estuary of the Corinthian Gulf, their settlement extending from the right bank of the Achelous to the sea coast, we find the Acarnanians ; in the wild mountain country on the left bank, the v^Etolians. The Acarnanians are said to have been descended from Acarnan, whom Alcmaeon the son of Amphiaraus begot in marriage with Calirrhoe, daughter of the river Achelous ; 2 the yEtolians from yEtolus, son of Endymion. None ever conquered them in their mountains ; 3 they were zealous hunters and therefore zealous worshippers of Artemis ; they traced their descent from her favourite. From i^tolus the son of Endymion and the nymph Iphia- nassa came Pleuron and Calydon (on the Euenus), i.e. 1 Hesiod, Fragm. 5 1 Lehrs. 80 Gottling. 2 Ephori Fragm. 27 M. When Aristotle (in Strab. pp. 321, 322) calls the Locrians Leleges (those of Opus as well as the Ozolian Locrians), and represents Leleges as also dwelling in Acarnania, these are not Carian Leleges, but the XeKroi «k yan/s aAeoi, whom Zeus gave to Deucalion (Hesiod in Strab. p. 322), who, according to Pindar, had his first dwelling in Opus {plymp. 9, 70). 3 Ephorus in Strab. p. 463. 2S THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. the two principal and contiguous cities of the /Etolians. 1 The legend of the yEtolians told of King Oeneus, of Calydon and his strong sons Tydeus and Meleager, of the hunt of the Calydonian boar which Artemis had sent into the land because Oeneus had forgotten to sacrifice to her, which Atalanta, the companion of Artemis, had first wounded, and Meleager with his lance had slain ; while Meh-agcr subsequently found an early and glorious death in battle w r ith the Curet* is for the salvation of Calydon. 2 On the eastern declivity of the central chain running through the peninsula, where it bears the name of Mount Boion, and where the Haliacmon has its rise, which, after many windings towards the south, falls into the ^Egean Sea, dwelt the Orestae, i.e. the mountain folk, whose chief city was called Argos ; to the south of them were the Elimiotes, from the northern slopes of Olympus to the right bank of the upper Haliacmon, in the country called, after this tribe, Elimiotis. Like the Orestae, they found grazing on the mountain pas- tures for their herds of horses, cattle, and goats. Hecataeus calls the Orestae a tribe of the Molossi ; 8 Strabo describes the Orestse and Elimiotes as Epirotes. 4 The Orestae and Elimiotes are the fathers of the Macedonian race. The Eoce relate that "Zeus married Thyia the daughter of Deucalion. She bore to the god, the lover of lightning, two sons, Magnes and Macedon, rejoicing in horses, who had their dwelling about Pieria and Olympus." Herodotus repre- sents the Dorians themselves as a Macedonian race 1 Strabo, p. 357; Apollodor. 1, 7, 6. - Iliad, 9, 529 ff. 3 Hecataeus in Steph. B., 'Op«rrai ; Strabo, p. 326. 4 P. 434- chap, ii.] NORTH-EASTERN GREECE. 29 dwelling on Mount Pindus. 1 East of the Elimiotes, on the north-east slope of Olympus, as far as the chain of Pierus, were the Pierians ; on the southern slope of Olympus the Perrhaebians. There, according to the traditions of the Greeks, among the Pierians at the foot of the mountain of the gods, were sung to the gods hymns of magic power, by the most ancient of singers, Orpheus. 2 On the rocky mountains, Pelion and Ossa, which join Olympus at the point where it reaches the ^Egean, and shut in the basin of the Peneus from the sea, the Magnetes fed their flocks. In the north-west corner of this basin, where Olympus branches off from Pindus 1 Hesiod, Fragm. 16 Lehrs, supra, p. 21. The idea of the non-Greek origin of the Macedonians, since Abel's investigations (Maked. p. 115 fif) and Droysen's Hellenismns (1, 69 N), has become unten- able, and has been abandoned. The interruption of the connection with the other Greek races has allowed certain ancient forms, mostly akin to the Dorian dialect, to remain in the Macedonian speech. 2 That the ancient Pierians were not Thracians but Greeks, I, at any rate, have no doubt. A worship of the muses and names of places and myths, the same as those on Mount Helicon, are found in Pieria (M tiller, Orchomenus, pp. 379-390). I attach no importance to the assertion that Orpheus, the supposed Thracian, whose grave was shown at Dion on Mount Olympus in Pieria (Paus. 9, 3, 9), sang, according to Iamblichus (Vita Pythag. 34), in the Dorian, i.e. in the northern dialect. I merely conclude from this that the Orphics of the sixth century supposed that Orpheus made his poems in the Dorian dialect, and thought that they must therefore use this dialect. Androtion is quite right when he observes that Orpheus would not have been a wise man if he had been a Thracian (Fragm. 36). The Thracian origin of Orpheus, and the notion of Pieria being Thracian, are merely founded upon the fact that the neighbouring Thracian Pa;onians took possession of Pieria (Strabo, p. 410, 331 ; cf. Herod. 7, 20). After the time of Perdiccas, i.e. after the founding of Lower Macedonia, these Paeonians were again driven out, and established themselves on the other side of the Strymon under Mount Pangreum (Herod. 7, 112; Thucyd. 2, 99). If it was doubtful among the Greeks of the fifth century whether King Alexander was a Hellene or not, the original nationality of the Pierians might well have been entirely forgotten at an earlier period. Nor do I allow myself to be persuaded by Strabo (p. 321) that Eumolpus was a Thracian; nor that the muses and 30 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. to stretch down to the sea, at the source of the Peneus, dwelt the Dorians and the Hestiaeans ; lower down, where the Peneus receives its affluent, from the south, about Cierium dwelt the Arnaeans ; on the middle course of the Peneus, in the fruitful basins of Lake Nessonis and Lake Bcebeis, was the race to which the name of Pelasgi afterwards clung ; on the lower Peneus, above the place where the river breaks through the vale of Tempe to the sea, were the Lapithae, whose forefathers were the children of Lapithean Apollo by the daughter of the river Peneus. 1 On the moun- tain chain which, stretching eastward from Olympus, shuts in the basin of the Peneus to the south, on the heights of Othrys, dwelt, nearest to Pindus, the Dolopes and the yEnians, farther to the east the Phthiotes. Southward from Mount Othrys, between Mount Othrys and Mount Oeta, in the valley of the Spercheus, were the Malii ; south of Oeta, on the channel which divides the island of Eubcea from the mainland, on the mountains of Cnemis and Phrikion, were the Locrians, among whom the old legend of Deucalion, the first mortal son of the gods and of the earth, who had brought fire to men and had taught the use of sacrifice, was preserved. West of the Locrians, in the upper part of the depression between Mount Oeta and Mount Dionysus were of Thracian origin. That good wine was grown at Is- marus does not make Dionysus a Thracian ; he was, on the contrary, a peculiarly Greek god. What is not Greek in him was brought from Egypt, not from Thrace, and was worked up by the Orphics. How could the beginnings of their song and praises to their gods have come to the Greeks from a people who served other gods, and were, besides, a very barbarous people ? That they should have received the beginnings of their culture from an uncultured community is as incredible as it is impossible. 1 Diodor. 4, 69 ; Strabo, pp. 440, 441. CHAP. II.] EASTERN GREECE. 31 Parnassus, dwelt the Dryopes ; and the broad moun- tain group of Parnassus to the shore of the Gulf of Corinth was occupied by the Phocians. The tribes which had settled in the hills and depressions around the Copaic Lake, in the Attic peninsula, in the isthmus, and the whole of the north coast of Peloponnesus, formed a group more closely related to each other than those just enumerated ; over and above their local names a collective name, that of the Ionians, belonged to them. On the island of Eubcea, which here stretches itself in considerable length opposite the east coast of the peninsula, were the Abantes ; on the mainland, to the north of the Copaic Lake, the Minyae ; to the south of it, as far as Mount Cithaeron, the Aonians and Hyantes j 1 south- ward from Cithaeron to the promontory of Sunium the Cranai. 2 To the west of the isthmus, in Peloponnesus, were the /Egialieis, i.e. the strand people, on the shore of the Corinthian Gulf; 3 for their kindred tribes, settled to the eastward on the northern coast of Pelo- ponnesus, no special local name has been handed 1 The Ionian derivation of these races I infer from the statement of Herodotus that Cadmus and his followers dwelt among Ionians (5, 58) ; that Minyans came with the Ionians to Asia Minor (1, 146) ; and that Eubcea belonged to the Ionian race of the Abantes {infra, Book 3, ch. 8). According to Hellanicus (Fragm. 8 M), Bceotia was once called Aonia, from the Aonians (cf. Steph. B., "Aoves). Pindar says there was a time when the Boeotian people were called t'es (in Strabo, p. 321). In Pausanias the Aonians were conquered by the Phoenicians, and the Hyantes vanished out of the land before the Phoenicians (9, 5, 1). The name of Hyantes underlies that of King Hyanthidas, who ruled at Corinth with Doridas when Aletes was lord of Corinth. Hynathidas represented the Ionic population of Corinth (Pausan. 2, 4, 3). The Aonian plain lay northward from Thebes (Strabo, p. 412). Moreover, the founding of Hyampolis in Phocis is attributed to the Hyantes (Eustath. ad II. 2, 521). Concerning the Ionic character of the ancient population of Southern Bceotia, cf. Bergk. Griech. Lt. Gcscli. p. 915. 2 Herod. 8, 44. 3 Herod. 7, 94. 32 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook i. clown by tradition. Along the east coast southward from the Bay of Argos, were the Cynurians, who are also assigned by Herodotus to the Ionian race. 1 The islands opposite the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth — Zacynthus, Cephallenia, Ithaca — were likewise occu- pied by Ionians, manifestly from the north-west coast of Peloponnesus, which they inhabited. The sea which surrounded these islands is called by our most ancient authorities the Sea of the Ionians. 2 On the isthmus, in the peninsula of Argolis, and probably also in Euboea, the immigrant Greeks en- countered Carian settlers. One of the two fortresses of Megara retained the name of Caria, and Aristotle tells us that the Carians in ancient times had posses- sion of Epidaurus and Hermione. 3 On the west coast of Peloponnesus, south of the /Egialieis, dwelt the Epeans, in the fruitful delta of the Peneus ; on the lower Alpheus, which, like the Peneus, flows from the Arcadian mountains into the Ionian Sea, were the Pisata; ; south of the Alpheus, on the coast, the Caucones ; east of them, in the mountains on the edge of the Arcadian highlands, the Paroreatse ; lastly, on the south-west promontories of Peloponnesus, the Pylians. In the Homeric hymns the domain of the Epeans extends to the Alpheus, on which the Pylians and Epeans fought severe battles with each other. 4 1 Herod. 8, 73. 2 Hecataei Fragm. 59, 60 M ; yEschyl. Prom. 840 ; Herod. 7, 20 ; Strabo, p. 316. 3 In Strab. p. 374, and, with regard to Euboea, p. 447, the legend of Megara mentioned Car, son of Phoroneus, among the kings, and the Leleges — that is, the Carians — as the earlier inhabitants (Pausan. i> 39) 6 ; 1, 40, 6 ; and 7, 2, 4). On the population of the isthmus, cf. Book 2, ch. 3. 4 //. 11, 671 ff; 2, 591 ff. Odyss. 13, 275; 15, 298. Strabo, PP- 341, 357> 459- CHAP, ii.] ACH^ANS, DANAI, ARCADIANS. 33 In the valley of the Eurotas dwelt the tribes by which afterwards the name of Achseans was specially retained ; round the Gulf of Argos were the Danai ; on the high land which forms the centre of the Peloponnesus the tribes of the Arcadians pastured their herds. vol. 1. CHAPTER III. THE MONUMENTS OF ANTIQUITY. The Greeks were late in arriving at the use of writing; their first attempts were mere catalogues of the suc- cession of their kings and priests ; it was very long before they attained to writing history. Their lively fancy, their eager glance — directed to the world of spirits by which they believed they were everywhere surrounded, to the sky, and to all extraordinary and wonderful things — early caused hymns, the invocation and praise of the gods, and subsequently heroic songs, to flourish among them ; but at the same time dimin- ished their taste for the recollection and mere preser- vation of the events of their own life. The excessive activity of the imagination, the overpowering life of feeling, made it very difficult for the prosaic aspect of the destinies and fortunes of states to assert itself, as against the charm of a matchless poetry ; only after a long period did realism succeed in obtaining a hearing in opposition to poetry. Thus it happened that the Greeks in the earliest times could only relate mythical stories about their country and their life, the confused and confusing abundance of which, in itself sufficiently delightful and astonishing, scarcely affords here and there a slight point of contact with historical enquiry. That which was impossible to the Greeks chap, in.] HEBREW ACCOUNT OF GREECE. 35 in their first beginnings, for which in their later stages they still were deficient in inclination and means, and which was always foreign to their genius, might have been supplied by nations of more ancient culture, had any such been in a position to observe the earlier stages of Greek life. There was a nation of ancient culture which early came into connection with the Greeks, and might have given an account of their youth ; but no such account has been left by them — the nation of the Phoenicians. We have only received indirect evidence of the acquaintance of the Phoeni- cians with the Greeks through the Hebrews, in the table of nations in the book of Genesis. This table mentions among the sons of Japhet the representative of the northern nations, Javan and his sons : Elishah, Tarsis, Chittim, Rodanim. Javan is the Ionian, Rodanim the island of Rhodes ; Tarsis signifies Tar- tessus, the region round the mouth of the Guadal- quivir ; Chittim is primarily the island of Cyprus, but the name was afterwards used in a more extended sense for all the islands of the Mediterranean ; x Elishah may mean the north-western part of the Peloponnesus, the mouths of the Peneus and Alpheus — Elis (FaXis in the more ancient Greek inscriptions), but it may also mean the coast region in a more general sense. Ezekiel speaks of blue and red purple coming from Elishah to Tyre ; 2 the shore of the Peloponnesus was rich in purple shell -fish. This is the oldest testimony not of Greek oriq-in about the Greeks. The date of it cannot be precisely fixed ; we can only say that it must have been written either about the middle of the eleventh or before the middle of the tenth 1 History of Antiquity, 2, 77 ; Gen. ii. 10 ; Isaiah xxiii. I, 12 ; Ezek. xxvii. 6 ; Dan. xi. 30. 2 Ezek. xxvii. 7 [from the isles of Elishah]. 36 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK I. century. 1 In any case, in accordance with this statement, about the year iooo B.C., the Ionian race, having its seat on a part of the Mediter- ranean shore lying north from Syria, became known, not only to the Phoenicians, but through them to the inhabitants of the interior of Syria ; which at any rate goes to prove that the Phoenicians chiefly came in contact with the Ionian race, that allied group of Greek population (p. 31) which settled to the north- east and south of the isthmus — a conclusion which will be shown to be a fact later on. The Phoenicians trans- ferred this tribal name to the whole of the inhabitants of the peninsula ; otherwise it would be inexplicable how the Hebrews came to represent the "Ionian" as the progenitor of all the dwellers on the islands and on the northern coasts of the Mediterranean. 2 1 History of Antiquity, vol. I, 385 ; vol. 2, 77. 2 Of the supposed very ancient evidence concerning the Greeks on the monuments of the Pharaohs, the Uinin of the lists of the third Tuthmosis and first Sethos ( = Ionians) have luckily disappeared since Brugsch has established the meaning of Uinin = Islands : from the Shairdana, Sakalsha, Turisha, Zakkar, Akaiwasha, and Leku of Menep- tah, about 1320 B.C., and the Shairdana, Zakkar, Turisha, and Sakal- sha, the Danau and Pulishta of the third Ramses, we have unfortun- ately not freed ourselves, though I have already expressed the most confident hope (Hist. Ant. 1, 163, N) that " the circumcised Akaiwasha, Turisha, and Sakalsha would now no longer be referred to the Achaeans, Tusci, and Siculi ; " the Shairdana and Zakkar, however, might possibly be found in the Libyan Chartani and Zygritae of Ptolemy. Notwith- standing this, the Danau of the third Ramses have become Danai, and the Pulishta of the same Ramses Pelasgians. I content myself in reply with transcribing the words of Brugsch : " To identify these circumcised tribes (as some have done) with the Achaeans, Sardinians, Siculi, Etrus- cans, Teucrians, Lycians (Leku), and Oscans of classical antiquity (Uashash : an extension due to Chabas) is to introduce a serious error into the primitive history of the classic nations " {History of Egypt, ii. 124). To this I must add that Brugsch reads Purosatha for Pulishta, and that I am as little able to follow him as others when he interprets the Akaiwasha in reference to Achaeans in the Caucasus, the Turisha to Taurians, and the Leku to Ligyans. CHAP, in.] REMAINS OF TIRYNS. 37 If the abundant legends of the Greeks leave us in ignorance as to the early stages of their development, if nations of more ancient culture have only left us this meagre information, perhaps the earliest monu- ments which are to be found on the soil of the penin- sula may help to throw some light on their lives and doings in antiquity. There are buildings which are sharply distinguished in their form and construction from those in use in historical times, as to the origin of which the tradition of the Greeks knows nothing ; and where it pretends to know speaks manifestly from conjecture, even when it is not entirely silent. On the eastern side of the plain, which extends round the bay of Argos, there rises near the sea a rocky height, not more, indeed, than 50 feet high, but steep and detached on every side, perhaps 900 feet long and 300 broad ; it afforded a suitable spot for a defensive fortress on the sea, to guard against hostile landings and to dominate the plain. Round the edge of the rock, interrupted by apertures for gates, there runs a wall of immense thickness ; unhewn blocks of stone of huge dimensions are placed in rows over one another. "Of the city of Tiryns," says Pausanias, " the walls alone remain. This is a work of the Cyclopes, of rough stones, each stone so large that a team of mules could not move it from the spot. Between them smaller stones are introduced to con- nect the larger together." This was the "well-built fortress" of Tiryns, as it is called in the Hesiodic poems; the "Cyclopean gates" of which Pindar sings. 1 The description of Pausanias is applicable even at this day. The wall is now of unequal height, but from the fallen blocks we may conclude that it 1 Scut. Hand. 81 ; Pind. Fragm. 151 Bceckh.; Pausan. 2, 25, 8. <134<)13 3S THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. was not low. At the south-eastern side there lie in the outer circumference two long and narrow passages. They arc left in the middle of the wall, and are so contrived that of the four layers of great blocks placed over each other, which enclose the passages on both sides, each projects beyond the one beneath it, and the two uppermost layers meeting form the roof. The outer of these passages has six large apertures towards the sea and reaching to the rocky floor : these apertures, like the passages themselves, are closed at the top by blocks projecting over one another in the form of rude pointed arches. Ten miles inland, where the mountains to the north of Tiryns sink into the plain, on the height of Treton, which descends in gradual terraces, are impos- ing architectural remains, partly resembling the walls of Tiryns, and partly giving evidence of a style much further advanced, or else of much more careful workmanship. These are the walls of Mycenae. Round the edge of a height considerably overtopping the level of the ridge are the ruins of an enclosure, which, like the fortress of Tiryns, was formed of rough blocks of stone, some of them colossal. The broader ridge surrounding this summit is enclosed by a wall of another kind, which is built of great blocks hewn smoothly into polygons or squares and well fitted into each other. The wall of this lower fortress, which shut in the smaller one on the summit, is even now of considerable height, and still follows the triangular outline of the mountain ridge in all its windings and projections. In the longer side of the wall, which runs in a tolerably straight line and shuts off the ridge to the east, a gateway opens between two portions of masonry, and its lintel supports a three-cornered block chap, in.] REMAINS OF MYCEN/E. 39 of stone. In the north-west line of wall the stones are hewn in a rectangular shape, and fitted evenly to each other in a horizontal position. Here, between two receding arms of the wall (the west arm is the foundation of a tower), which form an alley of perhaps 20 feet broad, is the principal gate of the fortress. The square stone masonry, which closes the alley and unites the two arms of the wall, leaves an opening underneath, which is formed by three huge blocks of stone. Those which constitute the side posts of the gateway are about 15 feet high, and support the lintel, which is also 15 feet in breadth, and, some- what raised in the centre of the gate, 5 feet in height. Above this lintel the blocks of the foremost layers are cut back ; and those next in order are sloped away in order to form a triangular niche at this point, which contains sculpture. On a slab supported by two pro- jecting stones there rises the shaft of a column, increas- ing upwards, surmounted by a capital formed of two slabs, and between these are four circular mouldings. At both sides of the shaft two lionesses stand upright ; their hinder paws rest on the lintel of the door ; their front paws are raised to the socle of the shaft ; their heads are turned forward, not quite attaining the height of the capitals. The height of the animals themselves is over 8 feet ; [ their forms are free and spirited, and in the main correct, but treated in a weak and pretentious manner. Immediately behind this gate lies a circular stone ring about the height of a parapet ; inside of this stood or lay a number of slabs, with reliefs, about 5 feet high. On the four best preserved of these are sculp- tured in low relief charioteers with horses rushing forward, with their tails raised ; on one is a chariot 40 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. of four horses ; on two others, of two horses (only the nearer horse is clear). Under one of these teams there is a man lying on the ground ; before the other stands or runs a man with a sword in his hand ; above or beneath this sculpture are ornaments of wavy lines, mostly spiral, and sometimes very artistically com- posed. Within the circular ring of wall, and under the slabs with reliefs, from 20 to 35 feet below the present surface, are six sepulchres, some hewn in the rock, some in places where there was only earth, built up with stones : four are about 20 feet long and 10 broad; two of smaller dimensions; in each were the remains of more than one corpse, both men and women, laid on pebbles. To make these graves, shafts must have been sunk, which, after the burial of the bodies, were filled up ; and the ex- cavation and filling of these shafts must have been repeated when more corpses were added to the first. The position of the grave and of the shaft was shown by the stone placed above. With the corpses were found vessels of pottery, alabaster, and gold ; orna- ments of copper, silver, gold, and ivory, of glass-flux and rock crystal ; amber beads in hundreds ; weapons and helmets. The earthen vessels show, some a greater, some a less degree, of skilled art ; the better kind are glazed, and adorned with figures of beasts, creeping and running. The gold vessels, goblets, and cups, as also the gold trinkets, are very numerous, and some of them display very pleasing ornamentation. 1 The weapons in the graves, even the sword-blades, are all of bronze. Iron is not found. The points of the arrows are of obsidian. On the gold ornaments — consisting of fillets, bracelets, girdles, round plates, 1 Schliemann, Mykence, pp. 231 ff. 248. chap, in.] ORNAMENTS AT MYCENiE. 41 and rings — we see in some instances very rich decora- tions, moulded or beaten out with the hammer ; and also figures of men and animals, sometimes large, sometimes of very small dimensions ; lions pursuing a deer j 1 a man plunging his sword into a lion's mouth ; a charioteer and an archer on a chariot drawn by galloping horses, following the stag ; two warriors, one well armed, and one unarmed, contending with each other with the sword. 2 The men are tall and slender in shape. On the breasts of the skeletons were found gold plates ; 3 and on six of the bodies masks worked in solid gold, well and richly moulded, and with pronounced features ; one of them has a strong moustache. In the ruins of the shaft above the sepulchres, and also in the sepulchres themselves, lay rude idols of red clay, and most primitive in form ; some of them resemble the type of the Phoenician images of Ashera. It appears still more clearly that they have to do with the Syrian goddess, from two figures, each with a dove sitting on its head. 4 As these idols indicate the kind of ornamentation on the vessels and jewels, so the pictures which adorn these vessels — palm-leaves, and palms, antelopes, leopards, and innu- merable lions — point to the countries of the East from which these conceptions must have been borrowed. Larger and more magnificent graves than these, and differently formed, are situated behind the gate of lions on the terraces beneath the citadel. There are six, built after the same pattern. Regular layers of square hewn stones rise in a circle above each 1 Schliemann, loc. cit. pp. 309. 2 Schliemann, loc. cit. p. 174. 3 Schliemann, loc. cit. pp. 165 ff. 2 2 8, 219, 221. 4 Schliemann, loc. cit. p. 180 ; History of Antiquity, vol. 1, 366. 42 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [rook I. other, the upper layers gradually drawing nearer and nearer one another until the vault is closed over the centre of the circle. When the building was finished and the vault closed, it was covered with earth quite over the summit. The grave next the citadel of Mycenae, on the left of the road to the gate of lions, has given way ; the upper layers of stone lie on the floor of the building ; earth has fallen over them, and the interior is filled with rubbish. Site and form, however, remain clearly discernible. Farther down, also to the left of the road leading up to the citadel, at the foot of the height on which the citadel is situated, there is a passage about 20 feet wide and 120 feet long, carefully built up on both sides with evenly-hewn blocks of stone, in layers of equal height, leading to the interior of the high ridge, which has here fallen down towards the east ; the masonry which leans upon the edges of the cutting rises with the profile of the height, into the interior of which this road forms the entrance, in regular gradations on both sides. One opening for a doorway, of considerable height, built of hewn stone, the sides of which almost impercep- tibly narrow towards the top, gives admission ; on each side of the opening are two half columns, with capitals like that of the shaft of the pillar between the two lions at the gate ; over the lintel, and to take off the weight from it, the foremost layers of blocks are cut away, as over the gate of lions. This doorway leads into a short narrow gallery, out of which we come into a great round vault, the diameter of which on the ground is nearly 50 feet, and the cupola of which closes 50 feet above the base. The blocks are regularly hewn and for the most part oblong ; their layers, as they ascend, approach nearer and nearer chap, ill.] THE TOMBS OF THE ATRID^. 43 the apex of the vault, until at the top a single stone finishes the concentric stone rings of the cone-shaped building. The entrance from the gallery is covered by a very solid stone rafter, which fits exactly on the inside to the rounding of the vault ; it is about the ninth layer of blocks, and fully 15 feet above the ground ; to relieve the weight on the lintel the masonry over it terminates in a sharp triangle. In the blocks of the vault are found auger holes ; on the floor broad- headed nails are to be met with. From this it has been inferred that the vault to a certain height was covered with bronze plates. A second and much lower door, the lintel of which is formed by a stone rafter lying on the fourth layer of blocks and relieved in the same manner, leads into a square chamber hewn in the rock, 27 feet long, 20 feet broad, and 19 feet high j 1 this was evidently intended for the reception of bodies. Four buildings of the same construction, but of con- siderably smaller dimensions, are to be found not far off on the same terrace, under the citadel of Mycenae. These were held by the Greeks of a later time to be the treasure-houses and graves of the Atridae. Pau- sanias at any rate says : "In the ruins of Mycenae are situated the subterranean chambers of Atreus and his sons, where lay their treasures and possessions ; here also is the grave of Atreus and of those whom y£oris- thus slew with Agamemnon at the feast. Also the burial-place of Agamemnon and Electra is here. But iEgisthus and Clytemnestra are buried somewhat farther from the walls. They were not allowed to rest inside the wall in the place where Agamemnon lay and those who were slain with him." 2 A league south of Mycenae on the road to Argos, 1 Schliemann, Mykenee t pp. 42 fif. - Pausan. 2, 16, 6, 7. 44 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. on the southern declivity of Mount Eubcea — i.e. good pasture of cattle — lay an ancient temple of Hera. On this declivity, before the. highroad to Mycenae reaches the temple, there is a conical hill or mound enclosing a sepulchre which differs from the great sepulchre at Myccna- in having no separate burial-chambers besides the round building. Here also there is a passage about 25 feet long, built at first of unhewn, and subse- quently of hewn, blocks, closed at each side but open at the top, leading to a stately doorway, 15 feet high, built of great square stones, and covered by a stone beam. This doorway leads into a narrow gallery, and from this gallery there is access to the round vaulted chamber, the upper circles of which have fallen in. The diameter of the building extends at the base to more than 30 feet ; the circles are of hewn but un- polished stones. The floor is formed of little stones united together with yellow clay. When discovered the surface was covered with numerous bones, gold leaves, remains of gold neck-chains, ornaments of cobalt idass, pieces of ivory, remains of brass vessels orna- mented with taste and skill, and bits of pottery, and boars' teeth. 1 To the south of Tiryns, close to the sea, upon a rocky peninsula, in which the hilly range shutting off the plain of Argos here comes to an end, lay Nauplia ; in the precipitous mountain close to it, now called Palamidi, five or six graves were found hewn sideways in the rock, with flat raised roofs : the work displays little care, and the outlines are not quite regular. Here again a short and narrow passage (the cliff descends somewhat steeply) leads to each chamber. But a few 1 Sra/utraKiys ~tp\ rod irapa tu 'Hpalov KaOapicrdei'Tos ra(fiOV. Arch. hist. 3, 271. chap, in.] MONUMENTS IN ATTICA. 45 ornaments of gold, amber, and glass, with earthen vessels, some coarse, some fine, were found in these graves. 1 By the Cyclopean works, the caves and the labyrinth which Strabo mentions at Nauplia, 2 we must doubtless understand these burial-chambers. Besides the graves of Mycenae, the Heraeum,and these chambers at Nauplia, only one more vaulted grave has been dis- covered in the Peloponnesus, and that is in the valley of the Eurotas, near Pharis, the ancient Achaean town, four miles and a half south of Sparta ; but the upper part is so ruined and destroyed, and the under so choked with rubbish, that the construction is hardly discernible. 3 On Mount Hymettus in Attica, near the village of Spata, a shaft leads to three burial-chambers with horizontal roofs hewn deep in the rock ; in these a great number of ornaments and images in glass and ivory were found : the ornamentation, as well as the subjects represented — winged fabulous animals, among them female sphinxes ; battles between animals, lions and antelopes 4 — indicate, even more clearly than the articles found at Mycenae behind the gate of lions, Babylonian and also Egyptian models. To the north of Hymettus, where the heights of yEgaleus unite with those of Parnes, near the modern village of Menidi, lies on a gentle slope a vaulted grave. A passage 30 paces long and 10 feet broad, of roughly -hewn, and at the top irregular stones, leads first into a narrower gallery, and this again into the round building, which is 27 feet in diameter and 30 feet high. The limestone of the layers is neither even 1 Mittheil. des Archceolog. Institute) 1880, p. 143 ft". -' Strabo, p. 369. 3 Vischer, Erinncrungen, p. 384. 'A^vyvcuov f v . 46 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. nor polished on the interior; towards the top the layers are always placed irregularly, but the inter- spaces are filled with small stones, with the greatest possible care. The relief of the massive stone beams of the doors is accomplished partly by the filling up of each triangle above the lintel with smaller masonry and partly by four horizontal spaces, one above the other, of about the breadth of the lintel in every other layer. Lance and arrow heads, orna- ments in gold and silver, gold leaves, silver bracelets, beads of glass and amber, glass-flux, but especially ivory plates, were found in the interior, together with remains of five or six skeletons and broken earthen vessels (amphorae of light red clay, long and running to a point at the bottom, with a double handle). The ornamentation consists of animal forms in the Baby- lonian style, lions and antelopes ; beasts like antelopes, with long horns winding downwards, are cut in long rows on ivory tablets placed together ; long-legged winged sphinxes, with human heads and flat head- dress, with two or three signet stones, of the Baby- lonish kind, were also found here. 1 In Thessaly there are at Pharsalus, within the enclosure of the Acropolis, ruins of a magnificent build- ing of this description. At the ancient Orchomenus, in Bceotia, there are a few but imposing remains of a great circular grave. It was built outside the city wall of Orchomenus, on the slope of the long narrow mountain, Mount Acontion, on which the city stands. The lower part is now covered with earth ; only three rows of door-posts, covered with a massive frieze, which is nearly 20 feet long, are visible. Judging 1 The vaulted grave at Menidi ; from the Dcutschen Arch. Institut, 1880. chap, in.] ORCHOMENUS. 47 from these remains, the circular building at Orchomenus seems to have surpassed the great vault at Mycenae. Near it there has quite recently been discovered a burial -chamber which undoubtedly belonged to the other building. The marble reliefs found in this building resemble in style the sculptured slabs on the graves behind the gate of lions at Mycenae, but excel them in execution. 1 The building was standing in Pausanias' time, and was said by the Greeks to have been the treasure-house of Minyas, the ancient King of Orchomenus. " It is an astonishing work among the works of the Hellenes," says Pausanias, "and is inferior to no other which exists elsewhere. It is built of stone, and of a circular shape, so that the apex does not run to a point ; the topmost stone is said to preserve the balance of the structure. But the Greeks are famous for admiring works found beyond the boundaries of their country more than their own, so that the most celebrated historians have been careful to describe the pyramids of Egypt most minutely, while the treasure- house of Minyas and the walls of Tiryns are passed over without even a brief mention, though not less worthy of admiration." 2 All the vaulted sepulchres are of the same con- struction. They are all cut from the actual level through the rock into the sides of hills in order to give support to the building in one direction at least, and to lessen the pressure of the earth that is heaped upon the masonry ; entrance passages are found in all cases, and the relief of the lintels is everywhere effected by leaving out blocks. That the sepulchres were de- 1 Further particulars about them are not as yet known. [A full account of the exploration of Orchomenus by Schliemann is given in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. 2, p. 122 ff. ] 2 Pausan. 9, 36, 5 ; 9, 38, 2. 4 s THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. signed for more than one corpse is shown by the numerous skeletons in the building at Menidi and the objects of very different periods found in the layers of earth. They were: clearly the burying -places of families : the round vault was no doubt designed for the presentation of offerings to the dead, the neigh- bouring chambers for the bodies. That the vaults at the Hera^um and Menidi must be more ancient than the larger and better circular sepulchres at Mycenae and Orchomenus can scarcely be maintained with certainty from their inferior magnificence and solidity. The degree of technical progress cannot be relied on as an infallible criterion, because it is as common for less abundant means to produce less finished work as for greater perfection to follow im- perfection. But are these buildings really of Greek origin ? May they not perhaps be ascribed to an alien popula- tion established before the Greeks, or beside them, on the peninsula ? Were the tribes of the Greeks, con- sidering the culture they brought with them thither, and the amount of which has already been shown, in a condition to erect buildings of this kind ? The second question must be answered unconditionally in the negative, and the first, notwithstanding this, in the affirmative. The Arian races are differently con- stituted from the Egyptians and the Semites of Babylon and Assyria ; their general character and the greater prominence among them of the individual in the con- duct of life unfitted them for undertaking laborious architectural works ; and no branch of this family of nations — even where great centres of power, such as were wanting to the Greeks, might have allowed of buildings of grandiose style — ever attained to such chap, in.] BURIAL CUSTOMS OF THE ARIANS. 49 buildings at an early period. On the other hand, we must bear well in mind that if the graves behind the gate of lions and the vaulted sepulchres of Mycenae and Orchomenus originated with a people alien and hostile to the Greeks, whom they reduced to submission, neither the memorial stones on the graves behind the gate of lions would have been uninjured, nor would the vaulted roofs have re- mained perfectly upright in the time of Pausanias ; still less would the domed sepulchre by the Heraeum have been still in use in the fifth century before Christ. 1 The complete preservation of these build- ings in historical times asserts more loudly and distinctly than the traditions that the Greeks saw in them venerable remains of their own antiquity and the works of their forefathers. Though the condi- tion of technical skill and practice among the Greeks of early times would doubtless not allow of their planning and executing such works, they may have learned in foreign schools. Or does the kind of burial, so far as we understand it from the arrangement of these graves, and from the skeletons found in them, perhaps contradict the customs of Greek or of Arian interment ? The Arians on the Indus in ancient times buried their dead ; burning is of later date ; subsequently burning and burying existed side by side, until burning altogether predominated; among the Arians in Iran in different districts, sometimes burial, sometimes burning, sometimes exposure of the bodies, pre- vailed ; among the Greeks of historical times burial 1 This follows from the letters inscribed on a terra-cotta lid found here, unless this lid may have accidentally slipped in during some later search (^Ta/xaTciKTjs, loc. cit. p. 279). VOL. I. E 50 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. and burning were always practised side by side. The Homeric poems show us the burning of princes, of heroes, of men of rank ;' afterwards we find burial and burning equally in use, and then burial predomin- ating, especially in Attica, which was in a position to maintain the customs of antiquity." If in the Punjab the weapons of the dead man were taken from his hand at burial, and he was then given over to " the motherly earth, to receive him kindly," in Attica he was confided to Demeter. 3 So far as we can see from the opening of the ancient graves above mentioned, the dead whom they contained were entombed in them. In the graves behind the gate of lions at Mycenae, one of the dead persons lay stretched upon the pebble floor, the ornaments above his head, the weapons on the left near him, the earthen vessels at his feet. The skeletons in the graves at Nauplia also lie outstretched in this manner. From this it is sufficiently clear that the dead in these graves were interred. The position of the skeletons in the vaulted tomb of Menidi is not well established. The ashes and the bones of animals near the corpses and in the earth, with which the graves at the gate of lions are bestrewed, must be derived from the offerings of the dead brought at the time of the interment. 4 This kind of burial would not be in contradiction, therefore, to the mode of interment in use among the Greeks. Such burial requires the covering of the body with earth, which among the Greeks, even in later times, was done very sparingly, and only in cases of necessity. 1 //. 7, 104. 2 Plato, Phacdr. p. 115; Thucyd. 2, 34. 3 Cicero, de legib. 2, 25. 4 Lolling. Mittheilungen des Arch. Institute, 1880, p. 153. chap, in.] BURIAL CUSTOMS OF THE CARIANS. 51 If it is and always has been a widespread custom, corresponding with the universal feeling of mankind, to mark the resting-place of the dead by a mound ; if we find numerous little hillocks thrown up mostly of loose stones, among the Greeks of historical times, 1 for the marking of graves, or else memorial stones, pillars, and flat stones, or lastly monuments in the form of a temple to wealthy and celebrated families — how did the Greeks of antiquity arrive at excavat- ing burial-chambers in the rocks, and erecting massive burial-vaults ? Only on the side of Hellas turned towards the ^Egean Sea do we find burial-places of this kind. Beyond the yEgean Sea, among the Teucrians and Lydians of the west coasts of Asia Minor, we meet with conical tumuli on graves. To the south of the Lydians, in the region at the mouth of the Cayster and Mseander dwelt the Carians. From these coasts had the "once so celebrated race of the Carians" (thus Herodotus describes them) colonised the islands of the JEgean. A narrow strip of sea divided the western Cyclades from the peninsula of the Peloponnesus, which bounded the Bay of Argos on the north, from the isthmus and from Eubcea. We saw on a previous page (32) that the Greeks found Carian settlements here. As the Greeks, according to their own account, adopted the weapons and armour of the Carians, and the Carians laid their dead in the grave with weapons ; 2 as the songs and laments of the Greeks at their burials were still in the fourth century described as Carian measures ; 3 as there has 1 The antiquity of this custom is proved by Euripides, Hercul. Furens, 1333. 2 Thucyd. 1,8. :! Plato, Laws, p. 800 ; Pollux, 4,75; Hesych. Kapivai. 52 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. been found in and upon some remains in the shaft- graves of Mycenae the double hatchet of the Carian god Chars-El 1 — the inference is unavoidable that the Greeks borrowed from the Carians the custom of putting weapons into the graves with their dead, as we find in the graves behind the gate of lions at Mycenae, and that they may also have adopted the Carian custom of piling conical mounds upon their graves. Mounds of this form, however, we find neither on the graves behind the gate of lions at Mycenae nor over the sepul- chral chambers at Spata, nor at the graves of Nauplia. And between the conical graves before the citadel of Mycenae, at the Heraeum, at Menidi, at Orchomenus — between these, and even the most striking of those on the west coast of Asia Minor, the mounds of the Lydian kings at Sardis, there is an important difference. At the grave of Alyattes among the Lydians there is a simple burial-chamber of square blocks surrounded and overtopped by the compact mound of earth ; with the Greeks, beside the burial -chambers there are lofty round vaults of artistic construction as the centre of the cone. Such buildings could only have been erected after long practice and good in- struction in architecture. If the form were indeed borrowed from the Carians, this phase and develop- ment of it rest upon other presuppositions. The discovery of the ancient burying-places, which we have passed in review, brought to light in the vases various stages of art — primitive and handmade jars side by side with vessels of clay and metal exquisitely worked and pleasing in their ornamentation ; idols of the Phoenician Ashera, the goddess of Ascalon, inter- 1 Schlicmann, Mykena, p. i i I ; Hist. Ant. i, 573. chap, in.] OBJECTS FOUND IN THE GRAVES. 53 mingled with objects of adornment evincing the greatest progress in technical arts, works in ivory, glass, amber, ornaments and carving in a style unmistakably Babylonian and Egyptian. These burial -chambers and vaults, therefore, cannot have been built before the Phoenicians had visited the east coast of Hellas, or before the Phoenicians had come into connection with the Babylonians and Egyptians. Through whom otherwise could the amber and ostrich eggs 1 and images of Ashera in the graves at the gate of lions, the ornaments of Babylonian and Egyptian design in the graves of Spata, have come to the coasts of Hellas ? We know that the Phoenicians worked according to Babylonian as well as Egyptian designs. And who could have brought to the Greeks the Egypto- Phcenician custom of covering the face of the dead with masks — and gold masks — as they are found in the graves behind the gate of lions, if not the Phoe- nicians ? The first beoqnnino-s of intercourse be- tween the land of the Euphrates and Tigris and the Syrian regions were before the year 2000 B.C.; those between the Phoenicians and the Egyptians date at the least from the sixteenth century before Christ onwards : the erection of Phoenician stations on the coast of Hellas must be fixed after the year 1250 and before the year 1200 b.c. 2 The Greeks tell us that they learned the art of building walls as well as that of mining from the Phoenicians. The Phoenician graves of the most ancient form consist of shafts going perpendicularly downwards, leading to cubical chambers cut sideways from them, and having horizontal hewn roofs ; graves 1 Schliemann, loc. at. pp. 203, 245. - Hist. Ant. 2, 77. 54 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. of the later form consist of chambers hewn from the side of the rocks. 1 The grave -chambers at Spata are arranged precisely in the manner of the most ancient Phoenician graves, therefore probably after a Phoenician pattern ; the graves behind the gate of lions in the same way ; the grave-chambers at Nauplia are made in the later Phoenician mode. Is it too bold a conjecture that the graves of Spata and Nauplia, the oldest of these burial-places, may have been made by the Phoenicians themselves, and that even in the graves behind the gate of lions, in front of the ancient circle of fortification, a Phoenician type may have been followed, and Phoenician labour may have exe- cuted the reliefs on the gravestones ? Might it not have happened, after the Greek tribes on the east coast, on the Gulf of Pagasse, in Bceotia, in Attica, on the Gulf of Argos, on the Eurotas, had been instructed by the Phoenicians, that their princes returned to the old form of sepulture — the conical mounds — in the exercise of their newly -acquired skill, formed them in a more imposing manner, so that these mounds were lined in the interior with stone, and made in the shape of round vaults ? For these dome-shaped graves can only be regarded as the graves of princes. Their erection required wealth and resources which could only have been at princes' command ; princes alone could undertake to raise such buildings for themselves and their families. What forces were necessary in order to place lintels of more than 2000 hundredweight over the entrances ? And however primitive the manner of vaulting may appear in the dome-shaped sepulchres, it would have been impossible without technical ex- perience, and great exactitude and care in execution, 1 Hist. Ant. 2, 280. CHAP, in.] IMPORTANCE OF BUILDINGS AT MYCENiE. 55 to have raised vaultings of such a height, which, more- over, had to bear the heavy weight of the soil placed over them. The finest of the vaulted sepulchres that has been preserved, and, except the remains at Orchomenus, the largest in its design, belongs to the same period in which the citadel of Mycenae received its second great circular wall of hewn stones, enclosing the old citadel with the ancient graves before it, and containing the splendid gate of lions. This follows from the exact agreement of the capitals of the two half pillars by the gate of the gallery which leads into the vault of this grave — the so-called treasury of Atreus — with the capital of the shaft of the pillar between the two lions over the citadel gate (pp. 3S, 39). Lions rampant, look- ing each other in the face, are also to be found on the ornaments of the fragments discovered of the dome- shaped grave at Menidi, and also on the ornaments of the fragments found in the graves behind the gate of lions. Also on later coins of Ialysus we find upright lions leaning on their front paws, opposite each other. 1 If we may venture on a still bolder conjecture, we may suppose that the Greek tribes, having grown strong in the school of the Phoenicians, had turned against the Carians and Phoenicians on their coasts, and tried to drive them back. If the Phoenicians possessed a per- manent station in the plain of the Inachus, the citadel of Nauplia, as these grave-chambers indicate and further traces show, the ancient wall of unhewn stones round the citadel of Mycense, the strong wall of rough blocks surrounding the citadel of Tiryns, may have been built with a great expenditure of power, but also in haste, against the citadel of Nauplia, against hostile 1 Luynes, Anna/. Inst. Arch. 1842, 13, 145 ff. 56 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book l iandings of Carians and Phoenicians. According to Greek legend, it was the Cyclopes who piled up these walls for King Prcetus of Tiryns. 1 That their builders were no novices in this kind of building is shown by the galleries (p. 38) in the walls of Tiryns. The Phoenicians were in fact, as will be seen later on, driven from the coasts of Hellas, on which they had formed settlements. After this victory, in consequence of increased prosperity and sufficient leisure, the massive wall with the gate of lions and the vault on the terrace at Mycenae, the building at Orchomenus, the vaults at Menidi, at the Heraeum, at Pharis, and Pharsalus, may then have been erected. If Thucydides thinks it necessary to warn us expressly against the inference, from the narrow limits of the city of Mycenae, " that the power of its princes had not been so great as the poets and legends maintained," 2 the walls of the citadel and the vaulted graves rather force us to the conclusion that princes of great importance and possessed of considerable wealth and much artistic skill must once have ruled here. We are led to the same conclusion in regard to the rulers of the Minyans by the sepulchre at Orchomenus, the richness of which is as much praised in the Homeric poems as the power of the princes of Argos. 3 The Greeks of later times were, therefore, to a certain degree right 4 when they attributed the dome-shaped graves at Mycenae to the mightiest princely family of Argos that they knew of — the Atridae ; when they called the vault at Orcho- menus the treasure-house of Minyas, i.e. of the king who in the legend represented the race of the Minyae, 1 Apollod. 2, 2, 4 ; Pausan. 2 16, 5. - Thucyd. 1, 10. 3 //. 9, 381 ; 2, 511. 4 Thucyd. 4, 76 ; Pausan. 9, 3, 4 ; 9, 27 \ Strabo, p. 414. CHAP, in.] ARTISTIC SKILL AT MYCENAE. 57 the kingdom of Orchomenus ; when the subterranean chambers at Mycenae were described to Pausanias as treasure-houses of Atreus and his sons, as the graves of Atreus and Agamemnon ; and ^gisthus and Clytemnestra were said to have been buried in sepulchres of the same kind outside the city wall (p. 43). Only in the regions which are the seat of the tradition of the oldest and mightiest princely races, in the country of Argos, in the valley of the Eurotas, in Attica, which the Theseids united under their rule, in Orchomenus, and in Phthiotis, have such buildings been found and uncovered — at any rate, up to this time. If we were to suppose that the legends of the power of the ancient princes of this region owed their origin to these very buildings, there would be little to urge against the theory, though the legend of Areos and of Orchomenus does not refer to the erection of the dome-shaped buildings, but merely to the build- ing of the wall of Tiryns by the Cyclopes : not only, however, in the monuments have these countries left evidence of their ancient importance behind them ; the settlements which those who were driven out from Argos, from the Eurotas valley, from Thessaly, from the land of the Minyae, from the districts of the Ionians, founded, which caused a new Hellas to arise on the islands and beyond the yEgean Sea, bear quite as strong testimony that these regions w r ere neither thinly populated nor inhabited by people ignorant of naviga- tion, war, and the building of walls. No doubt, in the battles and conquests which drove those populations from their old home, not only the wealth necessary for erecting great architectural buildings was lost, but also the taste for them ; and the best part of the skill acquired in sculpture and architecture was forgotten. 5S THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. It required much time before the powers of the cantons again arose, before the young foundations grew strong ; it was necessary to apply new stimulants from the East, in order to make these two arts live again. On these new foundations they then attained with the Greeks to a different character, and to matchless perfection. Roman and Gothic archi- tecture also had their decline, when their technical skill was lost ; their monuments existed, but they were no longer understood, until, after more than three hundred years had elapsed, they were awakened to new life, if only to a revival. CHAPTER IV. THE PHOENICIANS IN HELLAS. The examination of the most ancient monuments on the soil of Hellas has afforded proof of an extensive com- merce of the Phoenicians on the coasts of the country ; not only the objects found within the monuments, but the monuments themselves, spoke incontestably in favour of the influence, and therefore of the presence of the Phoenicians in Greece. There are further traces, signs, and remains of Phoenician settlements on Greek soil, and of Phoenician influence on the Greeks. Greek tradition itself tells us of the city and dominion which a Phoenician kind's son founded in their land. This is the only settlement of which it speaks ; but we are in a position to prove that there existed a whole series of Phoenician colonies on the coast of Hellas. Special cults which are foreign to the religious notions of all the Arian races, but are evidently in harmony with those of the Phoenicians, and which we find regarded as old and traditional customs in more than one canton of Greece in historical times, lead us to the conclusion that they were brought by the Phoe- nicians to the coasts of Hellas, and adopted by the Greeks. No doubt, the Greeks adopted foreign ele- ments of worship also at later dates, especially those they met with on the islands and coasts where they founded their colonies. But foreign cults derived from 60 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [nooK I. the time before the Hellenes took to the sea and founded colonies could only have reached them through foreigners and from foreign countries. And as the essence of these cults is Phoenician, it could only have been Phoenicians who brought them to the Greeks. Remains of such cults are to be found on Greek soil from the promontory of Malea to the gulf of Pagasse. They existed among the Hellenes long after the Phoenicians had left their stations on the coasts of Hellas, from which it follows that the Phoenicians must have had time to become well acquainted with the Hel- lenes, to grow up and strike deep roots among them. Opposite the southern point of the Peloponnesus, Cape Malea, which itself seems to bear a Phoenician name (Malah, height), lies the island of Cythera. Here flourished the worship of the " armed Aphrodite " which, according to the tradition of the Greeks them- selves, came hither from Syria — the worship of Ashera- Astarte. 1 In the valley of the Eurotas a very solemn offering to the dead was yearly brought at Amyclae to the beautiful youth Hyacinthus, who died before his time, whom the quoit thrown by Apollo, i.e. the burn- ing heat of the sun's disc, killed in the height of summer; 2 it was the death of Adonis which was here deplored. Nauplia, on the Gulf of Argos, was said to have been the abode of Palamedes, — the son of Nau- plius, the most ancient navigator, — who was supposed to have discovered weights and measures, dice, draughts, astronomy, and letters. 3 On the heights of Acro- corinth maidens paid service to Aphrodite with their bodies, herein adopting a custom which belonged 1 Hist. Ant. 2, 62. 2 Pausan. 3, 19, 3. 3 Aristoph. Thesmoph. 770ft"; Pausan. 2, 20, 3 ; Suidas, Uaka/xrjSijs; Joh. Antioch. Fragm. 24 M. chap, iv.] FOREIGN RITES. 61 to the goddess Ashera of the Syrians. But the goddess of Acrocorinth was at the same time an " Aphrodite in armour," 1 i.e. Astarte ; and to her, " the Phoenician Athena,"— Hellotis, so this goddess is called with her Phoenician name (Eloth, i.e. goddess) — in ancient times maidens and children were here burned. This is proved by the legend of the daughters of Creon, king of Corinth, who in the temple of this goddess spring into the fire or perish in the burning of the temple ; and by the character of the feast of the Hellotia, which the Corinthians in historical times celebrated with a torch race and expiatory rites. 2 It was also a vicarious form of this sacrifice, that seven boys and girls of the noblest families — seven, i.e. the sacred number of the Semites — with shorn heads and attired in black, had to serve Hera Acrsea on Acrocor- inth with offerings of atonement and dirges, a custom which the Corinthians maintained until the destruction of the city by the Romans, and to which the legend of the murder of her children by Medea at Corinth owes its rise. 3 At the foot of the height of Acrocorinth on the isthmus, Melkarth, the god of the Phoenicians, the god of Tyre, was adored by the Greeks as protector of navigation, under his native name modified by the Greeks into Melicertes. If a dolphin draws Meli- certes here to shore, the god of the Phoenicians came hither across the sea ; if Melicertes is here also called Palsemon, this was an appellation of the hero Heracles into which the Greeks had changed other aspects of the Phoenician Melkarth ; if the grave of Melicertes is 1 Steph. Byz. Kopii'flos ; Pausan. 2, 4, 7. 2 Schol. Pind. Olymp. 13, 56; Eurip. Medea, 1377 ft". 3 Pausan. 2, 3, 6-8; AL\. Var. Hist. 5,21; Schol. Eurip. Medea, 273 ; Athenaeus, p. 678 ; Schol. Lycophr. 658. 62 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. shown at the Palaemonium on the isthmus, we know the myth of the death and revival of Melkarth. 1 All these cults which remained here in constant use in spite of the change of population show, like the skill in working clay and bronze which the Corinthians possessed earlier than other parts of Hellas, that the isthmus must have been one of the most important and most frequented stations of the Phoenicians on the Greek coast ; which is sufficiently explained by its especially favourable situation for navigation and commercial intercourse. Farther to the north lies, in front of the isthmus, a little island called Minoa ; this name repeatedly occurs in the neighbourhood of the y£gean Sea and in Sicily ; it is that of the prince who is to the Greeks the representative and expression of the dominion of the Phoenicians in Crete and in the /Egean Sea. Minos, according to this, must also have ruled over Megara, which is on the isthmus, opposite the island of Minoa; 2 and the Megarians showed in the neighbourhood of their market a monument of the Amazons, i.e. the place where once the maidens of the war-goddess of the Syrians, Astarte, held their war- dances. 3 The name of the island of Salamis belongs to the Semitic language, and corresponds with the town of the same name in Cyprus. Being in possession of Salamis, the Phoenicians passed over to Attica, and planted themselves firmly there. Marathon, on the east coast of Attica, bears the same name as Marathus (Amrit) in Crete, and on the Phoenician coast near Aradus ; a fountain springing at Marathon is called Macaria, "in honour of Heracles;" i.e. it bears the name of Melkarth, which the Greeks modified into 1 Plut. Sympos. 5, 3, 2 ; Pausan. 2, 1, 3 ; 2, 2, 1. 2 Diod. 4, 65 ; Plut. T/ies. 19. 3 Plut. Thes. 27. chap, iv.] PORPHYRION— THE AMAZONS. 63 Melicertes and Makar ; the district of Marathon worshipped Heracles; indeed, it boasted that it had been the first of all the Hellenic countries to worship him. 1 Heracles is Archal, the labouring, striving, fighting Baal Melkarth of the Phoenicians. According to the list of the kings of Attica given by Hellanicus, King Actaeus governed here before Cecrops ; before him King Porphyrion, i.e. the purple man, the Phoenician ; he founded a temple in the canton of Athmonon to the Syrian Aphrodite. 2 The canton of Athmonon also worshipped Artemis Amarysia, i.e. a goddess who was worshipped with war-dances of maidens, and to whom only unsexed animals could be offered in sacrifice. 3 She was the war- goddess of the Semites combined with the goddess of love. The Athenians had much to say about the warlike maidens, the Amazons. They showed graves of Amazons on the road to the Pirsean gate, a temple of Amazons in the city, and a monumental stone to the Amazons in the temple of Olympian Zeus on the road to Phalerum : 4 these were the places where maidens in male attire and armed had served the Syrian goddess, who is to the Greeks both the armed Aphrodite, and the warlike maiden Artemis, and the Phoenician Athena. 5 In a great battle, so runs the legend, Theseus in the city of Athens itself over- came these maidens who came from the west coast of 1 Pausan. 1, 32, 4. 2 Pausan. 1, 14, 7. 3 Dondorf, lonier, p. 24 ; Die Grenzsteine ties Temenos tier Artemis Amarysia, J. A. 1 No. 526 ; and Lolling, Mitth. Arch. Inst. 1880, p. 289. 4 y£sch. Eiimcnid. 680 sqq. j Plut. Thes. 27; Plato, Axioch, p. 364; Steph. Byz. A/za^oVeioi/ ; Pausan. 1, 2, 1 ; Diodor. 4, 28. ' Should it be said in answer to this that there is no trace of Amazons in Phoenicia, I would refer to the goddess of Ascalon, and to Moses, Deut. xxii. 5 : " The woman shall not wear man's clothes, nor the man the clothes of a woman." 64 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. Asia Minor and more distant regions still. The story of the expedition of the Amazons from Asia to Hellas could only have been invented after the Ionian settlers lrom the west coast of Asia Minor had found maidens established about a temple of a goddess on the Cayster, who served that goddess with war-dances (among the Lydians also we find the worship of the goddess who sometimes brought war and death, and sometimes the pleasures of love 1 ), after the ships of Miletus had found on the shore of the Black Sea, beyond the Thermodon, among the Syrians of that region a similar worship, i.e. rather after the middle of the eighth century. Now the hero Heracles had loosed the girdle of the queen of the Amazons, i.e. the god- dess of the Amazons, Astarte ; in the mythus of the Phoenicians, Melkarth loosed her girdle ; in that of the Greeks, Theseus carried off Antiope ; to revenge this rape the Amazons, Hellanicus says, came over the Cim- merian Bosporus to Attica ; 2 according to the older account, they came from the west of Asia Minor through Thrace, Thessaly, and Bceotia to Attica. ^Eschylus makes the Amazons pitch their tents on the Areo- pagus ; from the monuments of the Amazons in Athens Clidemus described the order of battle in which they fought against Theseus. Their right wing stood over against the Pnyx, the left over against the Areopagus ; the Athenians attacked them from the Museum hill, but were driven back before the women as far as the altar of the Eumenides, until at last they overcame their right wing, and by a treaty forced the Amazons to retire. The place where this treaty was confirmed was shown in Athens. 3 There were also monuments on places connected with Amazons outside of Attica. i Hist. Ant. i, 563. 2 Fragm. 84 M. 3 Plut. Thes. 27. CHAP, iv.] THE AMAZONS. 65 At Scotussa and Cynocephalae in Thessaly graves of the Amazons were shown ; in Euboea, where Artemis Amarysia was zealously worshipped, there was an Amazoneum at Chalcis, and a similar one existed in Bceotia. 1 Near Trcezen, on the road from the city to the harbour, there was a temple dedicated to Ares, because here also Theseus had conquered the Amazons. 2 Lastly, we find such places in the south of the Peloponnesus, on the shore of the Laconic Gulf. Here, opposite the island of Cythera, to the north-west, on an arm of the sea running far inland to the foot of Mount Tsenarum, lies the town of Pyrrhicus, which possessed two ancient wooden images of the " Amazonian Apollo" and of "Artemis Astarteia," i.e. of Baal Melkarth and Astarte. The sun -god of the Phoenicians is to the Greeks, in his aspect of light, Apollo ; in his fighting aspect, Heracles ; he is here called Amazonius, because he loosed the girdle of the queen of the Amazons, Astarte ; the place itself is named, after the war-dance, the Pyrrhic : the images are said to have been set up by the Amazons. 3 In regard to these Amazonian places, the Greeks of later times entertained no doubt that the Amazons had traversed the whole peninsula from Thessaly to Mount Tsenarum ; the deserted shrines of the Syrian goddess showed the road that they took and the places where they had encamped ; and the Athenians reckoned it among their best titles to fame that they " had con- 1 Steph. Byz. s.v. 2 Pausan. 2, 32, 9. 3 Pausan. 3, 25, 3. That da-TpaTiia was corrupted from dcrTapTeia in the mouth of the Greeks, and not by Pausanias, appears to me beyond a doubt ; da-Tpareia would be the very opposite of what characterised the Amazons, unless we suppose that it is the over- coming of the warlike by the peaceful fruit -giving aspect — the trans- formation of Astarte into Ashera, which is expressed in this epithet. VOL. I. F 66 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. quered in the Amazons an enemy who had menaced all Hellas." They had really conquered this enemy, but in a different way from that supposed by the mythus. According to Attic tradition, it was not only the Amazons that Theseus had to conquer ; he subdued and slew the man-devouring bull of Cnossus and the fire-breathing bull of Marathon. 1 As Minos, king of Crete, had taken Megara and invaded Attica, which was plagued with bad crops and famine, and the rivers of which had dried up, 2 the Athenians were forced to conclude a treaty which obliged them every eighth year to send to Crete seven boys and seven girls for the Minos bull, the Minotaur, to eat. According to the narrative of Hellanicus, Minos himself chose the sacrifices in Attica, and took Theseus first. 3 Theseus conquered the Minotaur. These legends betray that the worship of Baal Moloch of the Phoenicians was once practised in Attica. The conquest of the bull of Marathon, of the bull of Cnossus, is the conquest of the bull -god. The bull of Marathon that vomited flames, and the bull of Cnossus in Crete which de- voured the children of the Athenians, are the bull- shaped images of Baal Moloch, to whom children were burned as a sin-offering. This happened in times of great distress, when the hot summer sun had withered all the seeds ; and the Attic legend expressly says that the Athenians were constrained by bad harvests and famine and the drying up of their river to send their children to the Minotaur. When the legend says further that a son of Minos, Androgeos 1 Eurip. Here. Farens, 1327 ; Serv. ad JE?ieid. 6, 20. 2 Plut. Thes. 15, 17. 3 Hellanicus in Plutarch, Thes. 17. chap, iv.] THE BULLS OF MARATHON AND CNOSSUS. 67 (man of the earth) or Eurygyes (wide plain), was killed by the flames of the bull of Marathon, these names stand in the place of Hyacinthus, whose death was mourned at Amyclse. It was the seeds and flowers which had sprouted forth in the spring sunshine that the burning sun Baal Moloch had destroyed, even his own children. As the death of Hyacinthus was annually mourned at Amyclae, so the Athenians annually celebrated funeral games 1 in the Ceramicus to Eurygyes, slain in the prime of the year. That chil- dren were once burned in Attica to Baal Moloch is proved not only by these legends, but also by the rites of the Thargelia, in which expiatory offerings were presented to the sun-god Apollo, who took the place of Baal Moloch, in the month of Thargelion (May), that he might not consume with the summer sun the ripening harvest. Two persons, one as an atonement for men, the other for women, who had been pre- viously chosen for the purpose, and who were appar- ently criminals, were scourged seven times and then burned. 2 The transference of the offering of the Athenian children to Crete was asserted in the legend, because Greek emigrants found the worship of Baal Moloch in the form of a bull prevailing in Crete and Rhodes long after it had been discontinued in Attica. Eurygyes might be connected with Minos as his son, because Minos is to the Greeks not only the repre- sentative of the supremacy of the Phoenicians in the yEgean Sea, but also the expression for one aspect of Melkarth. Theseus had no need to sail to Crete in order to abolish the sacrifice of children. 1 Hesych. en ~Evpvyvrj dywv. 2 Aristoph. Equites, 11 36; Ratice, 733; and the Scholia. Tzetzes Cliil. 736; Suidas <£ap/zaKos, app.aKox's ; Phot. Bibl. a 279. 68 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. If the rites of the Syrian Aphrodite and the Syrian Astarte, of Baal Melkarth and Baal Moloch, by the unmistakable traces they have left in Attica, prove the settlement of the Phoenicians and their lasting in- fluence in that country, further evidence of Phoenician residence, and even dominion, may be found in the legend of the sojourn of Daedalus in Attica, he being to the Greeks the symbol for ancient Phoenician art ; such evidence is afforded by the name of the Attic tribe of the Daedalids, by the ancient skill of Athens in pottery, shared by her with Corinth ; by the descent of Daedalus from Erechtheus in the old Attic story, which goes on to represent Pandion, the son of Erechtheus, on the Attic throne, as succumbing to Daedalus and his brothers. 1 The group of hills situated to the north of the Museum hill and west of the Acropolis, and divided from both by depressions of the ground, bears the name of Melite which frequently occurs amon£ the Phoenicians. The inhabitants of this part of the city, the members of the deme of Melite, worshipped Heracles as their special tutelary god, 2 and the remains of the sites found in the rocks at the Melitean gate leave scarcely any doubt that these were once the abode of the Phoenician settlers on the west coast of Attica, who emigrated hither from Salamis. There are in the cliff levelled spaces, behind which the smooth precipice rises steeply ; these are closely packed together, and are about Soo in number ; 3 on these rocks no house could be built before the foundation had been levelled ; then came 1 Diodor. 4, 76 ; the grave of Talus under the Acropolis, Pausan. 1, 21, 6; 1, 5, 3; Apollod. 3, 15, 5. - Wachsmuth. Athens, p. 406. 3 Curtius, Atlische Studzen, 1, 16; Erl. Text, pp. 14, 15, 17. CHAP, iv.] PHOENICIANS IN EUBCEA. 69 cisterns, canals, staircases. Works in the rock of a different kind are found on the hill of the nymphs and on the Pnyx, where two terraces are placed one above another, and bounded by each other in such a manner that the under is closed by a polygonal wall beneath it to the north, and on its top is perfectly levelled ; on the top of the wall behind it, the second terrace is levelled on the rocks above, with a similar back wall ; one stone cube in the living rock has been left standing in the centre of the upper terrace and one in the centre of the lower. Like similar sites in the plain of the Phoenician Marathon, 1 and taken in connec- tion with the stone graves at Spata, which are made exactly in the ancient Phoenician manner, and with the objects found in them (p. 72), these remains in the rocks at Melite must be ascribed to Phoenician settlers who once dwelt here. yEschylus represents the Ama- zons of the town of Athens as erecting a new city on the Areopagus, and surrounding it with high towers. 2 Opposite the central territories of the Greek pen- insula on the east, stretching to a considerable length, and only separated from the mainland by a narrow channel, lies the island of Eubcea. Its shores were rich with purple shell-fish, and in its rocks were copper ore and iron. 3 According to Greek tradition, Cadmus landed on Eubcea, and some Arabians came with him. 4 The appellations Macris and Porphyra, which the island is said to have once borne, point to the purple dye of the Phoenicians, and to Makar, the modification, 1 Wachsmuth, Athens, p. 43 r. 2 Eumcnides, 687 ff. 3 From its ores the island is said to have been formerly called Chalcis ; another interpretation refers to XolXkij or KdX\i) purple shell- fish ; Hesych. XciAkt} ; Plin. Hist. Natur. 4, 12 (21,* Jan.); Aristot. Hist. Anim. 5, 1 5 ; Eustath. ad Dionys. 764. 4 Strabo, p. 447. ;o THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. as we have seen, of Melkarth, 1 while the name of the city of Styra in the south of the island shows that it is derived from Astarte. 2 The warm springs in the north of the island belonged to Heracles 3 (warm springs were sacred to Melkarth) ; in the fountain of Arethusa at Chalcis sacred fishes adorned with silver and gold spangles, creatures of the Syrian goddess, 4 were kept ; near the town of Chalcis was a spot sacred to the Amazons. Artemis Amarysia, whom we have already met with in Attica, was the tutelary divinity of Eretria ; Linus, who invented the dirge which was sung in the height of summer, is said to have dwelt in Eubcea ; i.e. here also the youthful god who dies with the bloom of spring was mourned, 5 and the legend of Eubcea made the wise Palamedes, who, as we saw, was to the Greeks the personification of Phoenician knowledge and invention, likewise a son of the island. The Eubceans were said to have been the first to wear brazen armour, and to have been the best smiths and workers in bronze. Chalcidian swords, goblets, and hammers were in request even in the sixth and fifth centuries. We may venture to trace this skill in bronze -work and the tradition of the technical art in Eubcea, as at Corinth and Athens, to the ancient settlement of the Phoenicians on this island. In the fruitful plain, only traversed by low hills, which stretches from the northern declivity of Mount Cithaeron to the Boeotian lakes opposite the narrowest part of the sound which separates Eubcea from the 1 Strabo, p. 444; Steph. Byz. Ma*pis ; Apollon. Argon. 4, 1 1 7 5. 2 Olshausen, Hermes, 14, 145 ff. 3 Strabo, p. 425 ; Steph. Byz. AiSr/^os. 4 Athenaeus, p. 331 ; Plut. Soil. Arum. 23. 5 Suidas, AiVos XctAKiSei's. 6 Hesychius, Ei'/3oi€i's 6 UaXafii'jSqs, 6 ttoWwv evperi]<;. chap, iv.] RELIGIOUS RITES. 71 mainland, in the "well-watered, pasture-bearing region of the Aones," as Euripides says, lay the citadel and town of Thebes. According to Greek tradition, it was built by Cadmus the Phoenician. The Aones, who inhabited the country, are said to have amalgamated with the Phoenicians whom Cadmus brought with him, into one people. 1 The citadel lay on a hill of mode- rate height between the streams Ismenus and Dirce ; it bore even in historical times the name Cadmea ; the ridge to the north of the town was called Phcenicium, i.e. mountain of the Phoenicians. In the story of Cadmus and Europa, Greek legend relates the Phoe- nician my thus of Melkarth and Astarte. In order to seek the lost goddess of the moon, Astarte, Cadmus- Melkarth, the wandering sun-god, sets forth. He finds her in the far west, in Bceotia, and here in Thebes, on the Cadmea, celebrates the holy marriage. As soon as her zone is loosed, the goddess of war bringing destruction is changed into the fruit and wealth bestow- ing goddess of production — Ashera. The Greeks here call Astarte- Ashera, Harmonia ; according to her double nature, she is to them the daughter of the " Shield-cleaving Ares " and the " Golden Aphrodite ;" the gods lead her to Cadmus, and bring bridal gifts to the wedding, which is celebrated amidst the singing of the Muses. Three miles north of Thebes, at Teumes- sus, was shown the grotto in which Zeus had hidden Europa, i.e. Astarte, when he had carried her off, on the Cadmea, the place where the house of Cadmus had stood, and the remains of the bridal-chamber of 1 Pausan. 9, 5, 1, 2, 7 ; Hesiod. Fragm. 204, Lehrs. Apollon. Argonaut. 1, 735. In the Odyssey, 1 1, 263, on the contrary', the build- ing of the walls of Thebes is attributed to Amphion and Zethus ; Amphion and Zethus are the Dioscuri of Thebes, infra, ch. 9. 72 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. Harmonia-Europa. 1 The wooden images of Aphro- dite which Pausanias saw on the Cadmea (they were so old that they were said to be the votive offering's to Harmonia, made out of the beaks of the ships of Cadmus) were more probably images of Harmonia herself, which belonged to the goddess in her twofold aspect — her friendly and hostile sides. 2 Not far from the town of Thebes lay the shrine of the Cabeiri, the eii>7/s must be explained either by the height of his stature, or " because he knew both languages, being an Egyptian " (C/iron. 2, 24, Schdne). 1 Antioch. Fragm. 15 ed. Midler; C.I.G. No. 160, and Bceckh's Commentary. '-' //. 2, 548 ff. 104 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. the desert sea to Marathon and the wide-streeted Athens, where she disappears in the steadfast house of Erechtheus. 1 Like Cecrops, Erechtheus is earth-born, the tutelary goddess of Cecropia herself brought him up ; in her place the later legend introduces the three daughters of Cecrops, who again are Athena. Athena confided the child Erechtheus in a locked chest to Pandrosus, Aglaurus, and Herse, with a command not to open it. Herse and Aglaurus break the command, see a snake in the chest, and throw themselves down from the rock of the citadel. 2 The snake signifies the birth of Erechtheus from the earth, and the Athenians believed that a snake, for whom every month a honey- cake was placed as an offering, protected the Erech- theum, i.e. the temple of the goddess of the citadel on the Acropolis. The leaping down of Aglaurus and Pan- drosus from the rock of the citadel could only have been invented after these names had been separated from the goddess, and their origin had been forgotten. Pandrosus had no part in this leap, because a special chamber in the Erechtheum belonged to her. Aglaurus, on the contrary, had a sacred shrine under the north- east precipice of the citadel rocks. Moreover, there served in the Erechtheum besides the regular priestess of Athena, who was a maiden of the race of Butes, two maidens who were changed every year. At the feast of the Arrephoria, the priestess ordered these maidens to take closed vessels, the contents of which were kept secret, from the citadel to the Ilissus, at which they arrived by means of a natural but hidden passage in the rocks ; their two successors, on the other hand, carried the closed vessels from the Ilissus to the 1 Odyss. 7, 8 1. 2 Eurip. Ion. 271 fif; Plato, Timccus, 123; Critias, no. CHAP, vi.] ERECHTHEUS AND CHALCODON. 105 citadel. 1 From these elements the tradition of the Athenians invented the locked chest, the obedience of Pandrosus, the disobedience and fall of her sisters. Of Erechtheus himself the legend tells nothing, except that he fought against the king of the Ionians from Eubcea, 2 Chalcodon, i.e. the bronze tooth of Chalcis — Chalcodon had an altar in Athens, near the Peirsean gate — and against the prince of Eleusis, Eumolpus. An oracle assured him of victory if he would sacrifice one of his daughters ; he offered the youngest ; the others on this killed themselves. Erechtheus overcame Eumolpus in single combat ; a bronze statue on the Acropolis represented Erech- theus striking down Eumolpus. 3 The conflicts with the Eubceans as well as the Eleusinians are of later invention. The former is concocted, and for definite ends, from the Heroon of Chalcodon at Athens ; Chalcodon being involved in many ways with the legend of the heroes ; 4 the war against Eleusis, from a struggle, certainly ancient, between the commonwealth on the Rharian plain, and that which formed itself around the Cecropia. Erech- theus was neither a prince nor a warrior, but a spirit of the fruits of the earth and of good harvests, 5 of the seed which Athena makes to prosper and to sprout ; she herself has carried him into her temple, there to bring him up. Thus the shrine of the goddess might come to be called after her favourite, and the shrine 1 Pausan. 1, 27, 4 ; Harpocration, 'Appijcjiopew. Aenrvo(f>6po<;. 2 Eurip. Ion. 58, 296 ; Plut. T/ies. 5, 27. 3 Eurip. Ion. 275 fif; Philoch. Fragm. 33; Apollod. 3, 15, 4; Pausan. 1, 27, 4. The addition that the conquered man was not Eumolpus, but his son, merely shows that the Eumolpida? did not wish to see the father of their race himself vanquished. 4 Pausan. 8, 1 5, 6. 5 Benfey gives the etymology kpt.T-yB(.v an d even in the month of Thargelion which Hellanicus had fixed ; 2 and knows exactly what happened in the thirteenth year of the reign of Medon, the grand- son of Melanthus, and in the twenty-first year of the reign of ^Eschylus, the last ruler but one of the race of Melanthus. The recognition accorded to the arrangement by Hellanicus of the Attic list of kings did not extend to the additions which, as we have seen above, he had made in the earliest part of it anterior to Cecrops. He also rearranged the list of the ancient rulers of Argos. As, according to this, the commencement of the reign of Inachus was considerably before that of Cecrops, Hellanicus made a dynasty of six kings precede Cecrops, — Ogygus, Munychus, Periphas, Colsenus, Porphyrion, and Actseus, — by which means about 200 years were gained. But Philochorus opposed this, saying that the names were fictitious, and the kings had not existed ; 3 even the Marble Chronicle is content to begin with Cecrops, in the year 1582 B.C. The lists of Argos and Sicyon were not drawn up much later than the Attic list of the Melanthidse. The kings who reigned after the time of the migration to Argos wished to be considered the descendants of Perseus, of the Danaids, and of the supposed pre- decessors of the Danaids in the government; and since the legend of this descent, as will be seen later 1 Hellan. Fragm. 65 M. 2 Lesches says Ilium was taken at the full moon, and at midnight ; this combination, according to Hellanicus, had only occurred in the year 1209, on the 1 2th Thargelion, Fragm. 143, 144 M. 3 Philoch. Fragm. 8 ; Hellanic. Fragm. 62 M. In Castor there are 190 years between Ogygus and Cecrops, Euseb. Chron. 182, Scheme. 136 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. on, must have arisen in the first half of the eighth century, 1 and the princes of Argos stood, in the middle of that century, at the zenith of their power, we can with some certainty ascribe the catalogue to that time. The catalogue of Sicyon, which goes back even farther than that of Argos, was in existence at any rate before the end of the seventh century.- We know the elements and names from which this list is collected and compounded. Neither the names nor the system according to which the reigns that had to be divided among the several kings were measured — neither the list of Halicarnassus nor the dates in the Attic list by Hellanicus and the Marble Chronicle can lead to any tenable date for events that occurred before the Olympiads and previous to the year 800 B.C. The careful enquirers of later times found them- selves, like Herodotus and Thucydides, always thrown back upon the genealogies of legend and tradition and calculations based on these, in order to get chrono- logical data. 3 Even the scholars of Alexandria knew not where to find any other landmarks for the dates before the beginning of the Olympiads. The list of the Spartan kings seemed to offer the securest basis, for there, from the foundation of the commonwealth, two royal houses had reigned side by side. The first sacrifice at Olympia was ascribed to the tenth year of Alcamenes, king of Sparta, of the house of Agis, who consequently must have come to the throne in 785 B.C. Before Alcamenes, eight generations had been recorded in the house of Agis, and the same number in the house of Eurypon ; the dates of the reigns given to 1 Book 2, chap. I ; Book 4, chap. 2, 13. 2 Von Gutschmid, Jahn's Jahrb. 1861, p. 27. 3 Thucyd. 1, 14 ; Herod. 7, 171. chap, vii.] LISTS OF SPARTAN KINGS. 137 them in the Spartan lists extend over 3 1 8 years, from the tenth year of Alcamenes, i.e. as far as the year 1 103 b.c. (785 + 318). In this year, accordingly, Eratosthenes fixed the irruption of the Dorians into the Peloponnesus. 1 Between the irruption of the Dorians and the end of Eurystheus of Mycenae, Hero- dotus had already reckoned 100 years, the period of the three successive descendants of Heracles — Hyllus, Cleodoeus, and Aristomachus.- Thucydides reckoned these three generations at ninety years instead of a hundred, as Herodotus had done, and as the war of Ilium had lasted ten years he deducted ten years. In this way the interval between the taking of Ilium and the invasion of the Dorians was fixed at eighty years. Eratosthenes adopted this reckoning, and accordingly dated the taking of Troy and the invasion of the Dorians eighty years before the beginning of the Spartan monarchy, which to him is synchronous with the invasion of the Dorians in the year 11 83 B.C. But these figures likewise have no claim to historical value. At Sparta two kings did not from the beginn- ing reign simultaneously, nor when their genealogies came to be arranged could the dates of their reigns be remembered longer than two or three lives before Alcamenes. Nor does Greek tradition afford to modern his- torians any other foundation than to Herodotus and Thucydides. We are at the most only in a position to carry out the calculation by successive generations according to a better standard. On the average of half a thousand years, the succession of rulers gives twenty-five or twenty-six years for each reign. If we undertake the estimate upon this principle, we shall 1 Diod. 1, 5. - 9, 26. 1 3 8 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. find that the shorter the series the more uncertain will be the result, and that the longer the series the nearer will it approach to the actual duration. If we suppose nine full reigns in both the Spartan lines before the year 776 B.C., each must have an average duration of thirty-six and one-third years, which, though not impos- sible, is not very probable, if their dates are to reach from the year 776 to 1103 B.C. Herodotus reckons sixteen generations in the house of Agis and of Eurypon as far as Leonidas and Leotychidas, inclusive. 1 Leonidas fell in the year 480 b.c. ; sixteen generations of twenty-five years would bring the beginning of the Spartan state to the year 880, at any rate not earlier than 900 b.c. In Attica, as we have observed, the rule of the Melanthidse ended in the year 752 B.C., after fourteen rulers of this family are stated to have reigned there ; their period, measured by the standard of twenty-five years, gives 1102 b.c. for the commence- ment of Melanthus' reign. According to this, the irruption of the Dorians into the Peloponnesus must be placed earlier than Eratosthenes dates it, for Mel- anthus, or his father Andropompus before him, being driven by the Dorians out of Pylus, fled to Attica and then became kincr. Put is the length of the Attic list to be trusted ? Irrespective of the absolute poverty of the tradition, which has nothing whatever to say of the doincrs of the eleven kinq-s who rei participate; that the participators are called Wvr} and not iroAets, and the feast and assembly of Amphictyons, even when they were held at Delphi, "Pylaea;" lastly, the existence of the name of Pylagorae borne by the representative of the tribes who took part in the council of the Amphictyons. 160 THE HISTORY OF GREECK. [book I. sacrifices was a time of peace, i.e. of truce, the pilgrims to these sacrifices, the princes, and envoys with the offerings, the singers and intercessors of the communes who took part in the ceremony, came and went in peace. "In ancient times," says Thucydides, 1 "all Hellenes carried weapons, because their homes were undefended and intercourse was unsafe . . . and the continuance of the custom in certain parts of the country proves that it once prevailed everywhere. . . . And when the Hellenes of ancient times be^an to find their way to one another by sea, they had recourse to piracy, partly as a means of increasing their wealth and partly to provide for their followers. The piratical tribes plundered not only one another, but all those who, without being sailors, lived on the sea-coast. They fell upon the un walled towns and villages, and were not ashamed of such deeds, holding them indeed to be honourable; certain tribes on the mainland declare to this day that they carry on these exploits for the sake of glory. At that time they plundered one an- other also on the mainland; and so, even now, a great part of the Hellenes live in the old manner, as we find for example, among the Ozolian Locrians, y£tolians, Acarnanians, and their neighbours. And the fashion of bearing arms among these continental tribes is a relic of their old feudatory habits. . . . The older towns, in order to protect themselves against piracy, were built far from the sea ; but the later towns, when navigation has become general, were built upon the seashore and peninsulas, and fortified for the sake of commerce and defence against the neighbouring towns. But when those which dwelt upon the sea had gained wealth by commerce and become rich, they could not 1 Thucyd. i, 5-S, Jowett. chap, viii.] ATTICA — ARGOS. 161 only surround themselves with walls, but also reduce the weaker communes to subjection." The walls of the new citadel of Mycenae have already shown us how well the art of fortification was understood. Not only are Thebes, Mycenae, and Tiryns fortified, but Argos and Corinth we find very capable of resistance. How difficult these cities were to reduce is proved by the fact that the hosts which attacked Argos and Corinth could only attain their end by building castles in the neighbourhood for themselves. It is the life of the Hellenes after the expulsion of the Phoenicians, i.e. rather after the year noo B.C., which the Epos has in view under the name of the times of the Achaeans. So far as we can judge, this life was concentrated at that time at three points upon the east coast ; viz. on the Boeotian lakes of Orcho- menus, in Attica, and on the Gulf of Argos. Attica had become an exclusive community, the centre of which was the Cecropia and the princely house which there reigned. To the north-west, under this citadel, lay the king's house, while the city grew up on the south of the citadel. 1 The formerly independent communes of the Attic territory were united by common offerings, which were brought to the protectress of the citadel, Athena ; the ancient and noble families of the four now united districts, who lived by their weapons and by war, or understood sacrificial hymns ; the races of the Cecro- pidoe, the Eleusinians, the Marathonians, and those of the south country, were combined together as tribes. 2 1 Thucyd. 2,15. 2 If the emigrants from Attica took with them fire from the Prytaneum, if the colonists from Miletus built an altar to Demeter of Eleusis, if the royal house of Ephesus, even after the abolition of the kingly office, presented their offering, and the Ionians beyond the VOL. I. M 1 62 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. Thus Attica had received an organisation which assured to the ancient divisions of the land a separate existence within the commonwealth, but at the same time bound them fast to it. Side by side with the worship of Athena, on the citadel, there existed that of Poseidon (p. n i) ; beneath the citadel the worship of Apollo (pp. 67, 120) ; the cult of Demeter of Eleusis, of Demeter Thesmophoros, i.e. the law-bringing Demeter, who was adored not only as the founder of the house, the giver of the fruit of the ground, of the harvest blessing, but also as the institutrix of marriage, and the eiver of the blessing of children. In regard to the commonwealth on the bay of Argos, of which Mycenae was the centre, we have already seen, from the monu- ments which its princes have left behind them, that great means and artistic hands were at its disposal. Tradition says that it also ruled on the Eurotas, and in the oldest account that has come down to us of Amyclae on the Eurotas, this commonwealth has left its ancient home and the abodes of its ruling power. Not merely the princes of Orchomenus and Halus, but also those of Mycenae, are said to have attempted navigation, the latter not for the sake of peaceful commerce but for plunder. That tribes driven out from the Peloponnesus, Pxeotia, and Thessaly, should have betaken themselves to the sea, and sought their new home on the islands beyond the /Egean, proves incontestably that these waters and coasts were not unknown to them, but had already been seen by them from their ships. The renown of the might of the princes of Argos was so lasting that long sea celebrated the Thesmophoria, these rites must have existed before the migration. The existence of the four tribes of nobility has been already demonstrated {supra, p. 84). chap, viii.] RENOWN OF ARGOS. 163 after the fall of their dominion, the name of Pelops, their tribal ancestor, borrowed from the legend of the Pisatae, and first adopted by them after the year 700 B.C., gave its appellation to the southern peninsula of Hellas. CHAPTER IX. THE RELIGION OF THE GREEKS. The uncertain outlines of the picture of Greek life in ancient times can be filled in on one important side with tolerable accuracy. The oldest possession of every people, besides its language, is its religion. We are in a position to establish with approximate certainty the fundamental religious ideas of the Greeks and the original constituents of their notions about the gods. The oldest authorities of the Greeks which give us any information on this subject, i.e. their most ancient poems, which have been preserved, no doubt date from a time when those notions, through contact with the cults which the Phoenicians had brought to the coasts of Hellas, and with which the Greeks had grown acquainted on the islands and coasts of the JEgea.n Sea, had long ago multiplied and extended, and through their own impulsive energy had become further developed. But we may venture to refer all forms and features in the domain of traditional religious in- tuitions which clearly and easily harmonise with the religious notions of the family of nations to which the Greeks belong, without hesitation to the oldest materials of the Greek faith. The friendly spirits of light and brightness were invoked by the Greeks, as by the Indians, as their defenders and lords ; the spirits who bestow on them CHAP. IX.] GREEK AND INDIAN DEITIES. 165 light, water, and fire are their helpers ; their enemies are the hostile spirits of darkness, night, and drought. The phenomena of the sky were less violent in Greece than in India; the contrasts of height and depth, of heat and cold, of fertile land and wilderness, were not so striking and imposing in the one case as the other ; neither for the hurt nor for the healing of mankind was Nature so powerful on the peninsula of the Greeks as in Iran, and on the Indus and Ganges. The fear of spectres of the night and of the mysterious daemons could not be so ereat here as in the land of the five streams ; the conflict of the spirits of light against the spirits of darkness and drought, the contrast between the health -bringing and evil spirits, be- tween the spirits of prosperity and the daemons of adversity, was not so sharply marked as on the Indus, and did not become the turning-point of faith and ethics as in Iran. The bright spirit ruling on high in heaven, in the aether, is called by the Greeks Zeus, that is, the shining, the bright ; by the Indians Dyaus, from div, to shine ; and by the Germans Ziu. He is not only the god of the wide clear sky, but he is also, like the Indra of the Arians in the Punjab, in the thunderstorm ; he is the gatherer of storm-clouds, the thundering god, rejoicing in lightning, the giver of rain. But the conflict of the god of heaven with the daemons became or remained less lively with the Greeks than with the Indians; it is ascribed to other spirits side by side with the god of heaven. In the Epos of the Greeks the battle between the light and dark spirits is already fought and over. When the spirits of heaven arm themselves against the evil spirits, — against the Graiae, Gorgons, Giants, and Titans, to whom the poets of the Epos, and further, 1 66 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. those of the Theogony, had attributed forms of another origin, — they strengthen themselves with nectar and ambrosia, as Indra strengthens himself with the drink of Soma for the conflict against Yritra and Ahi ; as Indra blasts Yritra and Ahi with lightning, so Zeus triumphs in the thunderstorm over the Titans ; with ceaseless Hashes he shatters them ; after a ten years' struggle they are overcome. The description of the battle of the Titans in the Theogony lets certain features appear which remind us of the conflict of Indra with the Danavas, 1 though the Titans fight from Mount Othrys across Thessaly against the gods on Olympus, and the giants from the rocky coast of Thrace across the Thermaic Gulf. 1 lie conquered spirits of darkness are thrust under the earth, into the obscurity which belongs to them. 2 Like the Arians in Iran and on the Indus, the Greeks worshipped the life-giving, fructifying force of water ; as with the former so with the latter, all water of the earth sprang from water of the heavens, and it was the task of their beneficent crods to send water, and to rescue it from the daemons who wished to carry it off. We saw how among the Indians Varuna (Uranus) dwelt in the waters of heaven, and how among the Arians in Iran the heavenly water sprang forth upon the mountain of heaven, of Hara Berezaiti, and from thence descended to the earth. The Avesta calls Hara Berezaiti " the powerful navel of waters ; " on its summit springs the Ardvi^ura, which lets its mighty waters fall into the Vourukasha (the lake of heaven) ; above this gather the clouds, which the wind drives forth to bring water to the earth ; on the lake of 1 Muir, Sanscr. Texts, 5, 95 ff. - Theogony, 7 1 5 ff. chap. IX.] THE WATER OF HEAVEN. 167 heaven stands the tree Gaokerena, which bears the heavenly Haoma, the seed of all trees. In the Homeric hymns all streams arise from Zeus, i.e. from the sky ; in the farthest east yEschylus knows of the "all-nourishing" lake, from which every morning Helios arises, and in which he bathes himself and his horses. 1 It is the lake of heaven, the reservoir of the heavenly water. The water of heaven, the stream of heaven, was called by the Greeks Achelous, a name which has been derived from a^a, aqua. The Achelous is, in the Homeric hymns, the lord and ruler from which all streams, the sea, and all springs and fountains arise.' 2 Acusilaus calls Achelous the oldest of all rivers. 3 Ephorus tells us that the oracle at Dodona in almost all its utterances commanded " to offer sacrifices to Achelous." " To Achelous," he continues, " all people sacrifice ; to the other streams only those who dwell by them ; all waters collectively we call Achelous ; thus the name is understood in the sayings of the gods ; and so do we make use of the word in oaths, and vows, and offerings." 4 The horn of Achelous is the horn of Amalthea, i.e. of the nourishing one, 5 from which Hows nectar and ambrosia, and all fruits and blessings. The source of the heavenly water of the Achelous is called Trito. 6 The Epic poems bring down the mountain of the gods, which the Greeks also originally conceived to be in heaven, 7 to Mount Olympus, and change 1 iEschylus, ap. Strab. p. 33. I follow here and subsequently the standard treatise of Bergk, Geburt der Athene, Jahn's Jahrbiicher, i860, p. 289. '-' II. 21, 194. Verse 195, according to Zenodotus and Bergk, is to be omitted. 3 Fragnu n a M. 4 Fragm. 27 M. 5 Hesych. sub voce. 6 Pausan. 8, 26, 6 ; Hesych. T/htoS pevfia Tpofios <£o/3o?. 7 Odyss. 6, 41 ff. ; Bergk, loc. cit. p. 408. 168 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. the Achclous and the sea of clouds, the air stream sur- rounding the abode of the gods, into Oceanus, the stream (lowing round the earth ; and the Trito is changed into the Styx. In the Homeric poems Helios no longer ascends out of the lake of heaven, but from the ocean ; from the ocean also Aristophanes makes the rain -clouds ascend, 1 as the Avesta, from the lake of heaven, the Lake Vourukasha. But Oceanus, i.e. the water of the heavens, has nevertheless remained in the Homeric poems the " Origin of the gods and of all existence." 2 The Styx is, in the TJicogony, the " Horn of Oceanus," i.e. the fountain-head of Oceanus. Its "cold, many -named, imperishable water" falls down from high perpendicular cliffs like that of the Ardvicura. In another aspect the Styx is called the oldest and most distinguished daughter of Oceanus. The sons of Oceanus are the great streams and 3000 other rivers, and its 3000 daughters live in the depths of the seas and fountains. If the gods have an oath to swear, Iris fetches water from the Styx in a golden bowl. If a god swears falsely by this water he loses his divine power 3 — a punishment which clearly arises from the conception that this heavenly water is the fountain of life, the fountain of divine power. In the hymns of the Rigveda the streams are milch cows; with the Greeks they are fructifying bulls, the nourishers and guardians of the territories they traverse; the pro- genitors, as we have seen, of their inhabitants and earliest rulers. The water of the streams gave increases to marriages, 4 and inspired the singers of hymns with 1 Aristoph. Nub. 272, 277. - //. 14, 201, 246, 302. 3 Theogony t 77s, 793 ff; 340-370; Aristot. Meiaph. 1, 3. Con- cerning the Styx, with the poets, Pausan. 8, 18, 1-3. 4 Hymn, in Cererem, 99 ; Bergk, loc. cit. p. 310. CHAP. IX.] THE SANCTUARY OF DODONA. 169 their song. The Muses of the Greeks are spirits of the streams, water-nymphs. In the most ancient worship of which we have any knowledge, the cult of Dodona, the god of the clear sky, Zeus, was principally adored as sender of water, — the Rainer, 1 and side by side with him the nymphs of rain — the Hyades. Numerous springs flowed from the slope of Mount Tomarus on which Dodona lay ; in the opinion of the Greeks there were one hundred. 2 Later sculptures show the god of Dodona with dripping beard and hair, the oak wreath on his head. 3 The oracles of the god commend that sacrifice should be offered to Achelous ; the river that springs from the central chain in the neighbourhood of Dodona bears the name of Achelous — it is the largest and most copious of the rivers of the peninsula — like the river of heaven : the lake to the north of Dodona (now the Lake of Janina) is called Pambotis, i.e. the " All- nourisher," like the lake of heaven : the territory around Dodona, Hellopia, i.e. "the clear looking" or Hellas. The servants of the god are called Helli (Selli 4 ), i.e. no doubt the light ones, because the country belongs to the light -god, and its priests serve the light -god. Accordingly, we may venture to suppose that this green, well -watered, wooded country appeared to the Greeks as a highly-favoured land and a type of heaven ; and the sacred oak (beech -oak, ^70?), the rustling of which declared the will of Zeus at the fountain of the sanctuary 1 C.I.G. No. 2908. 2 Theopompus, ap. Plin. Hist. Nat. 4, 2. The Thessalian Dodona manifestly invented or transferred to the other, by the migrations of the Thesprotian Thessalians from Epirus to Thessaly, seems to me entirely put out of the question by G. F. linger (Philologus, 1863, p. 377). 3 Unger, loc. cit. p. 393. 4 Supra, p. 24. i?o THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. (the sayings of the oak, says Plato, were the most ancient prophetic utterances 1 ), seemed a type of the tree of heaven, of the tree of the clouds, which, according to the ancient notion of the Arians, stood in the east ; as to that of the Germans, it stood on the lake, or at the fountain of heaven. Also the name of the priestesses of the temple, the interpre- tresses of the gods, Peleia;, i.e. doves, who led the in- quirer to the oak, and when it rustled said to him : " Zeus speaks this," may be traced to the story of the doves which bring Zeus ambrosia from the spring of heaven, and must fly through the movable door in the rock, the cloud- mountain of heaven, and through the wandering rocks, after the stream of heaven had been changed into Oceanus. 2 The priestesses fed the god with offerings of food. It was not Zeus alone, according to the ancient faith of the Greeks, who sent the water of the sky upon the earth. The same function devolved upon a female goddess, the water nymph of heaven : she has to wrest it in battle from the daemons, who wished to carry it off and hide it. Pallas Athena is called Trito, like the fountain of heavenly water, or Tritogeneia, i.e. offspring of Trito. She is the spirit of this fountain itself. 3 On the summit of the mountain of the gods, 1 Plato, Phcrdms, p. 275. 2 Odyss. 12, 59 ff. ; H. F. Perthes, Progr. Progymn, Mors, 1869. From these doves, the story likewise of Herodotus (2, 55) is invented, of the two doves who flew from Thebes to Dodona and the Ammoneum. :i Bergk, loc. cit. p. 303, 309 ff. The name Trito is preserved in Amphitrite. When Epic poetry made the heavenly stream descend to the earth as Oceanus, and the water of heaven now surrounded the earth, Triton became Amphitrite ; and when Poseidon became the god of the sea, the Theogony consistently gave him Amphitrite to wife (930) who now bears Triton to him. We hear, in the Rigveda, of Traitan and Trita, the son of Aptya, who slew the triple-headed snake with seven tails, that split the rocks in which the daemons had hidden the chap, ix.] THE BIRTH OF PALLAS. 171 the Greeks thought, was the fountain of the waters of the sky. So the legend in the Theogony — though this is no doubt a reminiscence of the birth of the goddess on the top of the mountain, 1 at the water of the Trito — could represent Pallas Athena as springing from the head of Zeus, i.e. from the summit of the mountain of heaven ; 2 and Pindar could make the goddess spring from the head of Zeus by the stroke of the hatchet of Hephaestus, or, as others say, of Prometheus. The hatchet of the fire god, of Pro- metheus Hephaestus, is the lightning which cleaves the summit of the mountain of heaven and of the cloud- mountain, and therewith lets the fountain of heaven spring forth. Fire and water, i.e. lightning and water of heaven, are closely combined in the ancient Arian conception. The lightning lets the rain stream forth from the thunder-cloud. In the hymns of the Rigveda the lightning is called the bull, begotten in the bed of the water. The same image of the lightning, breaking forth from the rain-cloud, is at the foundation of the legend of the fountain of Dodona ; it quenches, indeed, the torches which are plunged into it burning, but kindles fireless torches when they are dipped. The goddess of the fountain of heaven does not pour out dew every night : she protects the water cows of heaven — the rain-clouds; according to the Veda, Trita can cure sckness and give long life ; the water of heaven is wholesome, the rain which Haurvatat sends rains down remedies ; in the Avesta, Trita is the first physician : there Thraetaona, the son of Athwya, kills Azhi dahaka ; he too is invoked as helper in sickness and pain ; Vereth- ragna, i.e. the slayer of Vritra, stands by the slayer of Azhi, Ahi, in this conflict. Kuhn {Hbfer's Zcitsehrift, 1, 276, 289) compares Trita with Trito. So also Benfey {Got ting. Anz. 1868, p. 36-60) compares Trita and Traitan with Trito, and Tritonis with Thraetaona; and refers Athena to Athwyana, i.e. watery. 1 Bergk, he. cit. p. 298. 2 Olymp. 7, 35 ; Apollod. 1, 3, 6. 173 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. of heaven which the daemons would carry off; she takes it from them in victorious battle and gives it to the earth. This battle is the storm. She wields the lightning flash, and therefore is she called Pallas, the wielder (brandisher) : she causes the water to stream down from heaven, she has conquered the black daemons, therefore is she the goddess of victory. With the eye of an owl she looks clearly through the stormy night : after this her victory the sky shines again as brightly as after the rain which Zeus sends. With a dark and terrible countenance — so terrible that it changes the beholder into stone — the gorgon journeys along in the sky with the swollen body in which she would steal away the water of heaven. Pallas cleaves her bosom with the lightning flash, the waters stream to the earth, and the sky shines in renewed brilliancy. Zeus likewise guides the lightning and wields the /Egis, i.e. the blast, the tempest j 1 but Athena boasts, in /Eschylus, that she alone knows the keys of the chamber in which the lightning reposes ; 2 she, the warrior maiden in the storm, bears as her constant emblem the -^Egis, which she won as first champion of the gods in the battle against the Titans — the snaky- locked head of the gorgon, which, in token of her victory, she set in her shield or in the ALgls f it is the terrible image of the thunder-cloud surrounded with forked lightnings. As the averter of the daemons she is Alalcomene ; as fighter and conqueror she is the goddess of battle and victory. Together with Zeus she is invoked before the battle. 4 The spirit of the clear water of heaven must be a pure maiden ; 1 ouyi's from durcrw, I shake, move ; from the similarity of sound with di'£, goat, the aegis became a goat-skin. - Eumenid. 827. 3 Euripid. Ion. 209, 987 ff. * Jl. II, 736. CHAP. IX.] PHCEBUS-APOLLO. 173 with her bright eye looking down from heaven, and piercing through the thunder-cloud with her keen glance, she could be the goddess of clear in- telligence and wisdom. The Arians in Iran worshipped the spirit of light, Mitra, — who first rises above Hara Berezaiti before the sun who guides his horses, — the mighty, victorious warrior, who puts to flight the spirits of darkness, watches over truth and good faith, blesses the house of the sincere, and punishes the most secret wicked- ness : to the Arians in the Punjab Mitra was a powerful helper, the guardian of the duties of men towards the gods, the guardian of truth, loyalty, and right. This spirit of light is also well known to the Greeks. He is called by them Phcebus, i.e. the shining one, according to his bright nature ; and Apollo, i.e. defender, for he terrifies the spectres of night with his beams, and conquers the daemons of darkness. His weapon is the silver bow, his arrows are the beams of the sun. We already know him under the name of Perseus, i.e. the destroyer, the slayer of the gorgon (p. 85) : we know him under the name of Bellerophontes, as the slayer of Belleros. He, the best archer, enables the archer to hit the mark, as the mighty warrior and victor over the monsters is invoked for aid in the battle-cry of the assault ; to him, the unconquered god, is due the song of thanks and praise, the Paean. To the spirits of the light of heaven belong the bright clouds, the sheep and cattle of the sky. He pastures them, and gives the cattle increase, and the sheep milk, and wards off the wolf which falls upon the herds. His beams also make the seeds thrive and ripen ; to him belong the first fruits of harvest, and we have already seen how the inhabitants of Attica implored 174 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. him at the intercessory festival of the Thargelia not to dry up the crops (p. 67). The ripened fruits and the harvest wreath, the Eiresione, were hung up in his temple (p. 120). On the sea, likewise, the god of light was mighty. When the sun pierces through the dark storm-clouds, the beams of light fall on the sea and the gray billows brighten, then are the spirits of darkness driven away, the danger is over. The sea- man breathes again, and thanks the light-god, whose rays have saved him. So might the swan and the dolphin, which play on the light-smitten tranquillised waves, be consecrated to Apollo. The god of light rules over the sun and the revolution of the year. After the short, gloomy days, and the fogs of winter, he brings back the bright days of spring, and with them new life ; and makes the sea glisten once more in the sunshine. With the Arians in Iran and India, Mitra was not only the conqueror of the daemons, the giver of health and prosperity : from the spirit of all-revealing lierht nothing could remain hidden, and what was con- trary to the pure nature of light, that he must destroy. The light, according to the Arian view, is not only the life-giving power — not only the good and pure in the natural, but also in the moral, sense. To the Greeks likewise Apollo is the god who sees all things, a spirit of purity, who demands that man should guard himself against impurity, and put away all defilement and contamination which contradicts the nature of the light- god. To him belongs punishment, he accomplishes the punishment of sin, if the sinner does not turn it away by repentance. The herds of the sinner he casts down with sharp arrows ; with glowing shafts he burns up their crops ; his arrows bring fever and death. CHAP, ix.] PHCEBUS-APOLLO. 175 Zeus, Pallas, and Apollo, are the mightiest forms of the ancient gods of heaven of the Greeks ; the formula of prayer in the Homeric hymns runs thus : " Hear me, Father Zeus, and Athena, and Apollo." Of the conflicts of the light-god against the daemons many traces have been preserved besides the victory over the gorgon and Belleros. After the fighting and labouring Melkarth of the Cadmea, the Archal of the Phoenicians, who has to conquer the summer heat, the lion, the hostile signs of the zodiac, had become the hero Heracles (p. &j) t features of the Arian mythus, deeds of the native gods, were trans- ferred to this originally foreign hero. Apollo's herds of oxen, so the poems of Hesiod relate, are stolen by Cycnus, the son of Ares. Apollo commands Heracles to punish Cycnus, who dwells on the Gulf of Pagasae. As Sirius (the dog-star) scorches up the skin," 1 Heracles breaks forth upon him. He mounts the chariot drawn by the steed Arion, which Poseidon begot in union with the Harpyia. Cycnus falls, and Ares, who defends him, is wounded, and the Anaurus (a stream which runs down from Mount Pelion) makes invisible the grave and monument of Cycnus. The evil spirit, the son of the destructive war-god, who steals from Apollo the oxen, i.e. the bright clouds of the sky, who is encountered in the greatest heat, must be a daemon of drought, perhaps (^ushna, i.e. the dryer-up, an epithet of the evil Vritra in the hymns of the Rig- veda? After his fall the Anaurus rises ; the water which the daemon of drought has shut up in the caves ol the rocks again breaks forth ; and if both grave and monument of £ushna disappear, we read in the 1 Scutum Here. 397 ff. - Kuhn, Hembkunjt, p. 58 ; Breal, Hercule et Cacus, pp. 83, 93, 97. 176 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book I. Veda after Indra has conquered Ahi : "Now the waters run over the corpse of Ahi, and the enemy of Indra there sleeps through long darknesses: the cave of the waters Indra has opened again." That the battle takes place above, in heaven itself, is shown by the steed before the chariot of Heracles, which Harpy ia, i.e. the storm -wind, bore ; and if Heracles led the battle at the command of Apollo, Apollo himself is clearly designated as the original opponent of (^ushna. The sun -god of the Lydians — Sandon — was to the Greeks partly Heracles and partly Apollo. Among the Indians, there stands beside Mitra the driver of the sun-chariot Surya, whom the yellow horses with white feet draw ; among the Iranians, the sun-god Hvare Khshaeta stands beside Mitra. The Hellenes also placed beside Apollo Helios, with his chariot of four horses, who, like Mitra over the moun- tain of the gods, drives out of the lake of heaven over the mountain of the beech-oak in the east. 1 Helios is only a special form of Apollo ; the offerings which are brought to Apollo in spring and autumn at the solstice, in the beginning of the month, show that the identity of Apollo and Helios was recognised by the Greeks. 2 Phaethon, i.e. the beaming one ; Elector, i.e. the shining one ; Hyperion, i.e. the high-wandering one, are names which belong to Apollo in the form of Helios. The light of night — moonlight — belongs to a female divinity — Artemis. As Apollo, the spirit of the youthful, unaging light, was a young god with golden 1 Bergk, loc. cit. p. 408. 2 "HAios 'A-oAAwi/ o Ik 7' 'A-oAAwv "HAios; Bergk, Poet. lyr. p. 1030. chap. IX.] EOS— THE DIOSCURI. 177 hair, so the goddess of the pure moonlight must be a maiden of radiant beauty. She carries a bow, like Apollo ; her arrows take away the women, as those of Apollo the men. The moon is a wandering planet, the spirit of it therefore is a swift goddess, a huntress, but also a warrior maiden, for she shoots her silver arrows against the black clouds which would hide the moon. She is also goddess of war, and gives help to combatants in battle. It was natural to conceive Apollo and Artemis, who give light to the day and to the night, as brother and sister, as twins. As in Helios the closer relation of Apollo to the sun, so the relation of Artemis to the moon was emphasised under a special name, Selene or Helena; from which, as in the former case, a separate form was developed. With the Indians, the rosy dawn is a female goddess, Ushas, who ascends the sky with red cows ; with the Greeks, the " early-born, rosy-fingered Eos " drives forth upon the horse-chariot of the sun. The first beams of morning, which scare away the spectres of night, were to the Arians on the Indus a swift, helpful pair of brothers, the Acvins. To the Greeks they are a pair of twins, the youthful sons of Zeus the heavenly god ; and they are also the spirits that ward off evil (ake^Uaicoi). They draw near in the heat of battle, giving victory to the attack and checking the pursuit. If the seaman despaired in the storm, he cried to the Dioscuri. In the tempest at sea the first beams of light piercing through the storm-clouds announced the approaching end of the bad weather. So the Dioscuri might also be protecting spirits of navigation. They were invoked under different names in the various territories of Greece. In Attica, they were called Anakes ; in Bceotia, Amphion and Zethus vol. i. N 1 78 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. (Euripides calls these "the sons of Zeus on white horses" 1 ) ; in Messenia, Idas, i.e. the seeing, and Lyn- ceus, the sharp -glancing, who from Taygetus sees all that happens on the wide island of Pelops ; 2 in the valley of the Eurotas they arc Castor and Polydeuces. To the circle of light natures the Charites seem like- wise to belong ; these, no doubt, were originally spirits of the light-red clouds which precede the dawn. To the Greeks they were nymphs of the budding bloom of spring, of the sprouting meadows, of beauty and grace. At Orchomenus, where they were worshipped in antiquity, one was called Thallo, i.e. the bloom- ing ; the other Auxo, the growing ; on the Eurotas one was Phaenna, the radiant ; the other Cleta, the glorious. 3 Among the Arians in Iran the morning wind Vayu was worshipped as a strong and swift fighter against the dark spirits, the clouds of night ; and the winds who purify the sky from the right, i.e. from the east, who drive the rain-clouds from the Vourukasha, the lake of heaven, to the earth, are highly exalted. Among the Arians on the Indus the winds, the Maruts, are the strong helpers of the bright spirit in battle against the daemons ; Vayu is the charioteer of Indra in the battle with Vritra. To the Greeks the spirits of the winds are not unknown. In the Homeric poems they feast together with Zephyrus : /Eolus, i.e. 1 Hercul. Furens. 29 cf. Phasniss, 609 ; Hesych. Aioo-Kovpoi. 2 Schol. Pind. Nem. 10, 114, from the Cypria. The battle of Idas and Lynceus against Castor and Pollux is invented from the wars of Sparta and Messenia. :; Max Miiller compares {Led. 1, 371, Chips. 2, 130) the Charites with the Haritas, the yellow horses before the chariot of the sun ; others compare them with the Haritas before the chariot of Indra. Sonne (Kuhn's Zeitsthrift, 10, 111) derives the "Charites" and "Charon" from the Sanscrit ghar, to shine. CHAP, ix.] HERMES THE WIND-SPIRIT. 179 the blowing (from diWo), with his twelve children, in these poems indeed has sunk down from the citadel of the clouds to a rocky island and become the son of Hippotades, that is, of the horseman. But to later poets also the storm-spirits, the Harpies, are called the "dogs of Zeus." 1 The specially - marked form of Hermes among the Greeks is founded upon that of the wind-spirit Vayu. Hermes is the " winged " god who descends swiftly from heaven to earth. 2 His name signifies the " storming." To the Dioscuri, the spirits of the first morning beams, he has given their swift horses ; 3 he supports Perseus in his conflict with the gorgon, by the gift of his winged sandals, a diluted remnant of the story of Vayu taking part in the battle against Vritra. As the god of wind Hermes wears the hat of clouds, the cap which renders invisible, the helmet of Hades : with the hat of clouds on his head he fights against the wicked monsters, the giants. 4 From Apollo, Hermes, cunning and nimble as a thief, steals the oxen ; i.e. the wind-god drives forth the bright clouds, but Apollo not merely forgives the theft, but gives to the thief the staff of blessing and of riches — which he retains for a symbol, as the winged soles and the hat of clouds ; i.e. Hermes pours 1 //. 23, 200 ff; Odyss. 10, 1-60; Apoll. Rhod. Argon. 2, 289. 2 Hermes is no doubt derived from opfxy ; Sanscrit sar, to flow ; Zd. /iiir, to go. The two dogs of Yama, which watch the road of the souls (vol. 3, 50), are called Sarameyas, i.e. belonging to Sarama ; Kuhn has accordingly identified Sarameyas and 'Ep/xetas. The form of Sarama in the Rigveda{j y 54, 55, 10, 108) is obscure ; it is only clear that Sarama finds again the cows which the allies of Vritra had driven to the end of heaven and hidden there. The canine form of Sarama does not come out in this very distinctly. Max Miillcr {Led. 2, 463-480) finds in Sarama rather a form of the Ushas. The storm -nature of Hermes appears also in the comparison of Mercury with Wuotan in Tacitus. 3 Stesich. Fragm. 1 B. 4 Apollod. 1, 6, 2. 180 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK I. the water of the clouds In showers of rain upon the earth ; then the meadows become green and the -round brings forth. The wind howls and whistles and sings ; therefore the poetry of the Greeks makes Hermes, the god of wind, discover the syrinx and the lyre. 1 The spirit which rises in the morning, while it is yet dark, to chase away the darkness, must also keep watch in the night over houses and the sleep of men, and preserve them from painful dreams ; the swift, far- hasting wind became the guardian spirit of wanderers far away ; and with the protection of the wanderers, he protects also the roads ; versatile, prompt, and nimble, he was the type and protector of runners, athletes, and wrestlers. Dwelling between heaven and earth, he is the messenger of gods to men ; and he also bears the souls of men to heaven after death, upon his pinions. The Arians on the Indus at the burial rites besought the Maruts (the winds) to bear the soul of the dead person upwards and to moisten it with rain ; in the Homeric poems the storms, the Harpies, snatch away the souls and bear them aloft through the pathway of the air ; in other passages Hermes bears them to the other world. 2 We are acquainted with the unwearied and far- extended worship which the Arians on the Indus and in Iran offered to fire. The spirit of fire is the vic- torious champion against the daemons of the night ; to the Arians on the Indus he is the transporter of the offerings of men to heaven, priest and mediator between heaven and earth, lastly lord of the hearth, founder of the house, "far-seeing house-lord." The 1 Hymn, in Bfercur. 24 ft, 68 ft, 397 ft. 2 Odyss. 20, 62-65, 75-77 ; 1, 242 ; 14, 37*. chap. IX.] PROMETHEUS. 1S1 same notions lie at the root of the analogous rites of the Greeks. Prometheus (in the legend of Argos, Phoroneus) brings fire from heaven to men and teaches them the custom of sacrifices, 1 just as Agni in the Veda comes down as priest among men. As the water of the earth came from the water of heaven, so with the Greeks the fire of the earth came from the fire of heaven. Both fall simultaneously, in light- ning and rain, in the thunderstorm, upon the earth. Thus the Theogony can speak of the descent of Prometheus from Oceanus, i.e. from the heavenly- water, 2 as with the Indians the lightning is the bull begotten in the bed of the water ; thus ^schylus can further represent Prometheus and Oceanus as conclud- ing the treaty to assure to men the gifts of water and fire. If Prometheus in another version of the mythus brings fire to men " in the stalk filled with pith," and in the " hollow reed," 3 so with the Indians Agni lies con- cealed in the " double wood ; " wood and plants which are easily kindled by friction according to the old Arian notion bear fire within them. If a third version of the mythus of Prometheus makes him the ancestor of the Greeks, and even the maker of men, 4 here again the old notion underlies it, that fire has raised the life of men, and founded the hearth and the house and their common life and customs. When the divinity of the lord of fire, as seen in his function of fire-bringer and priest, had been lost sight of by the Greeks among other aspects of the same spirit, their poetry might tell of the opposition of Zeus and Prometheus. The reason given for this was that Prometheus had de- frauded the gods by teaching men to burn only fat and 1 Theogony, 521 ff. ~ Theogony, 501. 3 Opp. et dies, 52. 4 Apollod. 1,7, 1 ; Pausan. 10, 4, 4. 182 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. bones to them in their offerings ; l or more thoughtfully by /Eschylus: men through fire and water came into possession of the gifts of the gods ; they do not use these worthily, and Zeus will set a better race in their stead, and cause the present race to perish, in with- drawing fire from them ; Prometheus nullifies this design by bringing fire again to men,- and must suffer a severe punishment for it. The forms of the fire-spirit behind which, among the Greeks, the form of Prometheus disappeared into the background, are those of Hephaestus and Hestia. Hephaestus, in whom the importance of fire for handi- crafts and art is emphasised, was, according to the original conception, nothing else than the lightning darting from heaven. In the Homeric poems, Zeus seizes him by the heel and throws him down to earth, the daughters of Oceanus receive him ; in this the close connection between the heavenly fire and the heavenly water again appears ; and the torch race — held specially in Attica, a territory which could main- tain the ancient religious rites with least interruption, on the feasts of Prometheus and Hephaestus and at the Panathenaea, when the fire was carried from one altar to another — was no doubt meant to typify the swiftness of lightning and the rapid nature of fire. It was the altar of Prometheus on which at Athens the torches were kindled. 8 But Hephaestus is also the guardian of the hearth. Images of Hephaestus stood on the hearth ; in Attica new-born children were received into the family by being carried round the hearth in the glow of the fire. 4 1 Opp. et dies, 48 ff; Theogony y 535 ff. 2 jEschyl. Promcth. 233. 3 Pausan. 1, 30, 2. 4 Schol. Aristoph. Aves, 436 ; Meier, de gentil Attic, p. 13 ff; A. Mommsen, Heorto/ogie, p. 306, 312. chap, ix.] HESTIA. 183 The clearest agreement with the fire-worship of the Arians in India and Iran was seen among the Greeks in the worship of Hestia. Upon the Indus Agni was the guardian of the sacrifice. Even when it concerned other gods, an offering was made to him that he might carry up the sacrifice ; every sacrificial gift was in- effectual which he did not receive and bear upwards, "ascending straight" to the gods. Among the Greeks, Hestia had the same position and the same honour. The first sacrificial fire is the fire of the hearth, the first altar is the hearth of the house. The hearth received among the Greeks the name of the goddess of the hearth-fire, the name of Hestia. As goddess of pure fire she is a pure maiden. Herodotus counts Hestia among the deities to whom the Pelasgians had already given names. In the so-called Homeric hymns we read of Hestia : in the lofty houses of the gods and in those of men she has an eternal place and ancient honours : first-born daughter of the god of heaven, her father, instead of marriage, has given her the honour of being held by all mortals as the most ancient goddess, in all temples of the gods to have the first rank, to sit in the midst of the house and drink oil (among the Indians melted butter) : her locks drip with damp oil. 1 Pindar calls Hestia the sister of Zeus, the first of the goddesses. 2 Aristophanes and Plato tell us that in all sacrifices, even those to Zeus and Apollo, Hestia first received an offering 3 — a custom, the existence and recognition of which are confirmed not only by the pro- verb of the Greeks, "to begin from Hestia," 4 but also 1 Hymn, in Vest. 3 ; in Mcrcur. et Vest. init. ; in Verier. 29 ff. 2 Nem. 11, 1 - 1 o. 3 Vesp. 844; Plato, Cratylus, p. 401. 4 Preuner, Hestia und Vesta, p. 10 ff. 1 84 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook i. by the rite which was always observed on the altars of Olympia. 1 The Greeks insisted on the purity of the offering with hardly less anxiety than the Arians of Iran. The likeness of the forms, and of the names Hestia ami Vesta, among the Greeks and the Osci, proves that in the branch of the Arians which divided itself into these two ramifications, the spirit of the fire ascend- ing from the earth, the hearth, and sacrificial fire, was already expressed in this female spirit, before they separated from each other, and that the Greeks brought Hestia with them at their migration into the peninsula. Among the Indians the best drink of men was Soma, among the Iranians Haoma, the sap of the Asclepias plant mixed with milk ; as the worthiest gift it was offered to the gods at the sacrifice. The earthly Soma or Haoma was an imaee of the drink of the gods, the divine white Soma, the stalk of which the Avesta represents as growing on the tree of heaven. What effects the Arians attributed to the draught of Soma, how Indra drank to himself force and courage for the battle against the dcemons, out of the sacrificial bowl, how to the Arians in India and Iran, out of the drink which strengthened and nourished the gods, there arose a mighty god, we have already seen. 2 The Greeks regarded the drink which they obtained from the sap of a kind of ash, and which they called Melia, as the best drink ; they named this juice, like liquid honey, Melt, from which it would seem to have had a certain sweetness. They also distinguished the melt of gods and that of men. 8 The former is the air-honey, the honey-dew which falls down from heaven 1 Pausaa 5, 14, 4, 5. - Hist. Ant. 4, 54, 125 ; 5, 124 ff. 3 Eergk, loc. tit. p. 382-388. chap, ix.] DIONYSUS. 185 (aepofieki), the heavenly mead (jiidv) ; x the sweet drink of heaven is with them, also, distinct from the mead of the earth; 2 with the sweet drink of heaven Zeus is fed. His nurses are called Meliae (ash-maidens), and likewise Melissae (honey-maidens). 3 If the priestesses among the Greeks were called Melissae, i.e. pourers of the sweet drink, this shows that with them also the noblest drink of men was offered to the gods. The Greeks, too, ascribed inspiring force to the sacrificial mead ; this is clear from the statement that the nymphs of Parnassus do not prophesy rightly if they have not enjoyed mead, 4 the food of the gods ; and that the poets compare themselves with Melissae, with the givers of the inspiring drink ; and their songs with the drink itself, with Meli, and that in later times poetesses were still called Melissae. The spirit of the heavenly and earthly mead, the spirit of the libation, is Dionysus ; a mighty inspiring god, as giver of the drink-offering ; he is himself a sacrifices the exciter of that devotion, of that stormy and importunate sacrificial song which we found in the worship of the Indians. Dionysus is called the son of Dione, i.e. of the bright one, the heavenly one ; but he was also the son of Semele, i.e. of her who was worthy of veneration ; or of Amalthea, i.e. of the fountain- horn of the heavenly spring; or of Hya, the nymph of rain ; or of Thyone, i.e. of the sacrificing. He grows up on Trito the heavenly spring, at Triton the 1 Sanscrit madhu, signifies sweet drink and honey ; similarly in old Bactrian, madhu is honey. - Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, p. 136. :i Callimach. Hymn, in Jovem, 47. 4 Plut. Qftcest. Conv. 4, 6, 2 ; Hymn, in Mcrcur. 560 ff. That Melissa is to be derived from /xeXta and /ne'/.i, not from fuXecrdai, I feel quite certain. 186 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book i. lake of heaven, on the meadow Nysa ; the Hyades, i.e. the rain-nymphs, tend him. Accordingly he stands in close connection with the moisture of the sky, he himself is invoked as the Rainer. 1 If Zeus descended in lightning to Hya, the mother of Dionysus, and to Amalthea or Semele,- this merely signifies the union of heavenly water and fire in the drink, in the fiery strength of the drink, the spirit of which is Dionysus, and the invocation of Dionysus as an ox, as the women of Elea invited him to his feast, the Thyia, with this song : "Come, hero Dionysus, into the holy temple of the Eleans, with the Charites into the temple, storming with the ox-foot, Holy ox, Holy ox," 3 describes the powerful stormy nature of the god. The god who gave strength and inspiration to gods and men, who combined the water and fire of heaven, the fertilising moisture and the animating warmth in him- self, whom the water-nymphs and fountain-nymphs have brought up and led, who grew up on the flowery meadow of heaven, must also give power to natural life everywhere when moisture is needed ; to him belong the damp depressions, the well-watered fields ; to him, the ever-young and ever-blooming god, belong the ever-green plants ; and the nymphs, the Charites, must be in his train. In spring he was called on to come, in autumn there were rejoicings over the gifts which he had bestowed. The Greeks first became acquainted with wine in the valleys of Hellas; 4 the Phoenicians, it would 1 In Pherecyd. Fragm. 46 M ; Hymni Horn. 25, 2 ff; 26, 9, Nysa is called " the highest mountain." Diodor. 3, 62, 66 ; Apollod. 3, 4, 3. 2 To connect Semele with the Sanscrit Somalata, as E. Burnouf does, seems to me to overstep even the limits allowed to bold conjecture. 3 Poeice Lyrici, Bergk, :, p. 1028 ; Pausan. 6, 26, 1. 4 Hehn, Kulturpjlanzen, p. 67. If this is certain, the Phoenicians CHAP. IX.] POSEIDON. 187 seem, brought the vine from Syria to Hellas. When the Greeks by degrees grew familiar with wine, when this had superseded the ancient beverage of ash-juice and of honey, when wine brought equal or higher in- spiration than mead, then Dionysus became the god of the juice of the grape. In the Homeric poems the use of wine is throughout customary. Now Dionysus is said to have given the vine to Oeneus, i.e. to the wine -man of Calydon ; to the father of Tydeus and Meleager in ^Etolia ; to Icarius at Icaria in Attica ; now led by nymphs, naiads, and Thyiades, crowned with ivy and laurel, he has travelled through the meadows, woods, and mountains, and everywhere taught the culture of the vine ; and to those who opposed him, who still adhered to the ancient mead, he has sent madness instead of inspiration. How the birthplace of the god, the lake Triton, and the meadow of Nysa were transferred to the earth, and where they are to be sought ; how the train of Dionysus was enlarged into a triumphal procession to the farthest east ; what fusion with a deity of another nation and entirely foreign to his nature Dionysus underwent in the seventh and sixth centuries, will be seen further on. Poseidon is called in the Theogony the elder brother of Zeus ;* in the Homeric poems he is called the "oldest and best of the gods," while in other places he is named the younger brother of Zeus. So far as can be discovered, Poseidon was originally Zeus him- self in a particular aspect; at a later time this particular aspect was separated from the god of heaven and must also have brought the vine from Thasus and Samothrace to the Thracian coasts ; and all the less can Thrace be made the birthplace, the point of departure of the Dionysus worship or of Dionysus himself. 1 Theogony, 455 ff. i88 THE HISTORY OF GREECK. [book I. coined into a distinct form. 1 Poseidon is the lord of the streams, which are still in Homer the offsprings of Zeus and of fountains ; he splits the rocks with his trident, i.e. with lightning, and makes the fountains spring forth ; his anger makes the streams dry up. 2 He is the master of the horse of the clouds, Pegasus, whose hoof strikes the springs out of the rocks ; the lather of the horse Arion, which he begot in union with the horse-shaped Erinnys, i.e. the wandering, on the Ladon, that is, the spring of heaven (the Erinnyes are the dark storm-clouds, originally evil spirits 3 ), or with the Harpy ia, the storm-wind ; he it is who gave to the Dioscuri their swift steeds, to Pelops the winged steeds, and to Peleus immortal steeds. All these traits show Poseidon as the lord of drinkable water, of spring w r ater, and of the clouds ; the form of a horse no doubt refers to the gush of springs and to the rapid motion of the clouds, and thus he becomes the ^od of heaven who sends water out of the rocks and into the streams. But the Greeks on their peninsula learned to know another water, the sea. They found themselves in these abodes surrounded by the sea, which every- where dashed its waves upon their coasts. It was the influence of this new conception of the powerful element which was all around them, that made them divide the god of the springs and streams from the god of the bright sky, and transfer him to the sea; to the god of water these mighty masses of water must before 1 Ahrens (Philologus y 1866, p. 10 ff) derives Poseidon from 7roo-is irons = puteus and Sov: IToTetSar therefore = Zeus of the sweet water: I am not competent to test this derivation etyniologically. -' I'ausan. 2, 2, 7. 3 Kuhn's comparison of epivvs and saranyus is also recognised by Max Midler {Led. 2, 480 ff.) with the reminder that the change of Vivasvat and Saranyu into horses is not to be found in the Veda itself, but only in the commentaries. chap. IX.] POSEIDON. 189 all else belong. So Zeus- Poseidon descended into the sea, and dwelt down below at ALgze in the depth of the sea. 1 He himself is called JEgeus, i.e. the mover, from the never-resting motion of the waters. As Zeus shakes his aegis and raises the storm, so Poseidon moves the waves, the ceaseless rolling of which epic poetry compares with horses.' 2 Poseidon's breast is broad as the expanse of the sea, his hair is dark as the gloomy depth of the sea ; black oxen are the offerings pleasant to Poseidon. It seemed to the Greeks that their land, which was surrounded on all sides by the sea, was also upborne and upheld by it. So they thought that the god of the sea had made their land firm, and founded the islands ; when Poseidon was angry, the earth trembled under the blows of the billows ; earthquakes came from Poseidon. The lord of the swift cloud-horses and of the horses of the waves was in epic poetry a knightly god. Even when he had become god of the sea, Poseidon continued lord of the springs and streams, 3 and as such a fruit-giving god (yevedXios, (frvToX/jLtos;) , whom in Attica the Phytalidae (i.e. the planters 4 ), and at Trcezen the Antheadae (i.e. the bucklers), who claimed to be descended from him, served. That the transposition of Poseidon from a particular aspect of the god of heaven into the god of the sea had already been accomplished by the Greeks in earlier times we saw from the common sacrifice to the sea -god offered at Helice by the towns of the yEgialieis, the sacrifice of the Ionic tribes on the isthmus, and the ancient common offering at Calauria, in which the races of the east coast from Orchomenus 1 //. 13, 10 ff. 2 Hymn. Horn. 21, 4. 3 Pind. Olymp. 6, 59 ; /Eschyl. Sept. 286 ff. 4 Pausan. i, 37, 2. igo THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK I. to Prasiae combined (p. 158). But to what an extent Poseidon, even in this capacity, remained lord of the springs, Attic tradition has already shown us. When the Theseidae, and after them the Pylians and /Egialieis, had brought the worship of the sea-god to Attica, and up to the Acropolis, side by side with that of Athena, the legend makes the god open a stream on the rocks of the citadel with a stroke of his trident (p. in). In the cult of Dodona there stood beside Zeus the god of heaven, a female being, Dione (Sialva, divana, diana x ), whose name, like that of Zeus, is taken from the brightness of the sky ; this name designates the goddess as the bright one. In epic poetry this goddess is replaced by the form of the cow-eyed Hera, who fills the post of a royal mistress of the house. Meantime Hera is already described by Herodotus as a goddess of the Pelasgians, i.e. a goddess of the ancient times. 2 We can establish from other sources that Hera had been worshipped side by side with Zeus by the Pisatae on the Alpheus 3 before the times of the migrations and settlement in the Peloponnesus ; likewise this goddess possessed an ancient worship in Argos, of which she is the tutelary deity in the Homeric poems, and which Pindar calls "the house of Hera," 4 on Mount Eubcea and on the declivity of the Treton. Hera was, in fact, only another name for Dione. 5 The name Hera may signify the shining, as Dione designates the bright one. 6 At the chief festival of Hera, on Mount 1 G. Curtius, Greek Etymology, I, 292. 2 2, 50. :; The Eleans here only adopted the ancient cult of the Pisatae, who always maintained that this sacrifice belonged of right to themselves. 1 Nem. 10, beginning. 5 Schol. Odyss. 3, 91 ; '/"Hpa Atcuva — apa rots AwSwvatots. c G. Curtius, Greek Etymology, I, 119. CHAP. IX.] DEMETER. 191 Euboea, one hundred light-coloured cows were offered. 1 The prominence of the cow-form, of the cow's eyes, which Hera has retained in the epic poems, has refer- ence to Phoenician conceptions, as the Hera Acraea of Corinth has undoubtedly this origin (p. 61). The horned Astarte, who vanishes away to the west, has been transferred by the poets to Hera-Dione; in any case the Phoenician mythus of the sacred marriage of Melicertes with the Syrian goddess is assigned to Zeus and Hera. 2 We have seen the reverence entertained by the Arians in Iran and India for the patiently -bearing, submissive earth, which untiringly provides food for men and beasts. To the Greeks, also, the spirit of the earth (Ge, Gaea) is a holy, nourishing goddess. " The earth sends up fruits, therefore call the earth mother," the priestesses of Dodona are reported to have first sung. 3 The conception of the earth -spirit, of the broad-breasted Gaea, as the Thcogony says, 4 received a more definite stamp through its relation with the soil. As protectress of the furrowed earth, as guardian of the seed, and giver of harvest blessing, Gaea is invoked under the name of Demeter, as " the motherly earth- spirit." She has taught men the use of the plough, shown them how to yoke oxen for the field, has given them crops, threshing-floors and flails. At the time of sowing she is the " goddess of clods ; " at the time of the sprouting corn, the " green Demeter," at harvest- 1 Schol. Pind. Olymp. 8, 114. 2 The embrace of heaven and earth, which is brought forward in the rites of the Upos ydfxos, is not an Arian conception ; in the hymns of the Rigveda, no doubt, heaven (dyai/s) is invoked as father, and earth (/;v77//f>n>0o>;. The story of the burning of the daughters of Creon, Hellotis, etc., in the temple of Athena, who were destroyed by the fire kindled by the conquerors, refers to the Hellotia, celebrated to the Phoenician Athena, i.e. Hellotis-Europe, and to the sacrifices of children offered to her (p. 61). Aletes, then, is said to have founded this worship, which the immigrant Dorians unquestionably found in existence ; and it does not seem to me in any case to follow from this that Aletes was a Phoenician god, as has been maintained. 220 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. anxiety lest he should also appoint Deiphontes his heir to the kingdom. When Temenus, who was marching out from Argos against his enemies, and victory being doubtful, confided the most important undertakings to Deiphontes, the sons hired assassins against their father (Agaeus alone, the youngest son, had no part in the conspiracy '), who mortally wounded Temenus as he was bathing in the river. 2 He was borne into the camp, gave over the kingdom to Hyrnetho and Dei- phontes, interpreted to them the oracle on the issue of the war, and died without knowing who were his murderers. The army also transferred the sovereignty to Deiphontes, but the sons of Temenus denied their crime, and Ceisus was made ruler. Temenus was buried in his citadel, in the Temenium, and the Argives did honour to his memory by libations at his tomb. As Ceisus was now King of Argos, Deiphontes left the country with his adherents (of whom there were many), and marched against the Ionians of Epidaurus. 3 Pityreus, who reigned at Epidaurus, gave up the land without a battle, and went with his followers to Attica. Deiphontes was lord of Epidaurus, but even here the sons of Temenus pursued him in order to carry off Hyrnetho, who was killed in this attempt. The Ionians of Epidaurus. who had fled to Attica, went in ships under the leadership of Procles, son of Pityreus, to seek another home ; meanwhile the Dorians, with Deiphontes at Epidaurus, conquered also the island of /Egina, and founded a second Epidaurus on the south- east coast of the Peloponnesus. 4 But the Ionians had 1 Xicol. Damasc. Cod. Escor. f. 78 ; ap. Mull. Eragm. H. G. 2, 8. 2 Xicol. Damasc. Fragm, 4 1 ; Diod. Excerpt, de insidiis, ap. WlvM.loc.cit. 3 So in Pausan. 2, 26, 2. In Nicol. the story is otherwise related, but the fragment does not allow us to recognise the advance. 4 Pausan. 3, 23, 4. chap, l] IONIANS' CONQUESTS. 221 not all left Epidaurus ; we find a fourth tribe there besides the three Doric tribes. 1 The Dorians who were led by yEgaeus, the fourth son of Temenus, against the Ionians of Trcezen, are said to have been voluntarily received by the latter into their state. 2 Phalces, the second son of Temenus, marched against Sicyon. Here, as Pausanias tells us, Lacestades the Heraclid, son of Hippolytus, already reigned over the Ionians. Phalces got possession of the city by a night attack, and then divided the sovereignty with Laces- tades. It is certain that in Sicyon a portion of the ancient population was received into the Doric com- munity. Besides the three Doric tribes of the Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanes, we find the Ionic inhabitants united into a fourth tribe which bore the name of yEgialieis, the ancient distinctive appellation of the Ionians, on the north-west coast of the Peloponnesus. Rhegnidas, son of Phalces, marched with Dorians of Sicyon and Dorians of Argos against Phlius ; if the Phliasians would give him the sovereignty, and his Dorians the necessary amount of land, he said they should remain in their country. The Phliasians yielded, but not all ; a portion of them migrated, and found beyond the sea, in union with other Ionians, a new abode. 3 The new Doric, or Doricised communities on Ionian soil, — Epidaurus, Trcezen, yEgina, Sicyon, and Phlius, — stood, with the exception of Corinth, in close connection with Argos. They were dependent on 1 Pausan. 2, 26 ; 2, 7, 4, 2. The fourth tribe at Epidaurus is no doubt to be inferred from the history of 1 1 yrnetho (Pausan. 2, 28, 3 sgq.) together with the synonymous tribe of the Hyrnathians at Argos, C.I.G. 1 1 30-1 131. 2 Scymn. Ch. 533. In Strabo, who follows Ephorus, the name of jEgacus appears as Agelaus. Pausan. 2, 13; 1, 2. 222 Till: HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook ii. Argos, which exercised the same pre-eminence over the eastern half of the Peloponnesus which Mycenae had rcised among the Pelopidae. In much later times we find these places uniting with Argos in common sacrifices to Apollo at Argos, and forming a confedera- tion, at the head of which stood Argos and its kings. The legend expresses these relations by representing the cities as conquered and settled from Argos by the sons, the son-in-law, and the grandson of Temenus. We found in our enquiry into the dates assigned to the oldest periods of Greek history that Eratos- thenes, on the strength of the lists of Spartan kings, placed the beginning of the Spartan state, and there- with the irruption of the ^Etolians and Dorians into the Peloponnesus, in the year 1103 B.C. The conquest of the basin of the Peneus and the con- quest of Bceotia preceded the yEtolian and Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus. The conquest of Thessaly by the Thessalians was accordingly placed thirty years earlier, in the year 1 133 B.C. ; the conquest of Bceotia by the Arnoeans twenty years earlier, in 1 123 B.C. What reasons there are against the year 1 103, as the date of the /Etolian and Dorian invasion, and on what grounds it seems reasonable to place this invasion not much before 1000 B.C., we have already discussed. The impulse to this general movement, the immigration of the Thessalians into the country named after them, the dispossession of the Hestiaeans, Dorians, and Arnaeans, must, on the other hand, have preceded the irruption of the /Etolians and Dorians by more than thirty years ; indeed it can have done so by little short of half a century. The Dorians, after their expulsion from the eastern slope of Pindus, settled between Mounts Oeta and Parnassus ; their chap, i.] DATE OF THE MIGRATIONS. 223 first invasion of the Peloponnesus was made from here, according to the testimony of Tyrtseus ; the Dryopians, whom the Dorians drove out from Oeta and Parnassus, had, before the arrival of the Dorians in the Pelopon- nesus, found new abodes at Hermione and Asine, on the north-east coast of the Peloponnesus. From their second home on Mount Oeta the wandering host of the Dorians first arrived at the ^Etolians, and with them sailed across the Corinthian Gulf. Then follow those battles with the Epeans, the march along the Alpheus as far as Basilis, the attacks upon the south of the Peloponnesus, which were first directed against the upper plain of Messenia, the settlement on the upper Eurotas and on the Oenus, the attacks from Cynuria upon Argos, the expulsion of a considerable number of Acha±ans from Argos, the subjugation of Corinth, Sicyon, and Phlius. These wanderings and battles of the Dorians in the Peloponnesus must have occupied at least fifty years ; before the middle of the tenth century the Dorians can scarcely have been in possession of the upper plain of Messenia, the upper Eurotas valley, and Argos ; their conquests, their new commonwealths, can hardly have been consolidated earlier than that date. The whole of the migrations and conflicts, which constitute the second occupation of the peninsula and establish the new possessions of the Greek tribes, we can accordingly assign with some probability to the period between the years 1050 and 950 B.C. CHAPTER II. THE MIGRATION OF THE ACILEANS. The irruption of the Thessalians into the basin of the Peneus, and of the Dorians into the Peloponnesus had ejected considerable portions of the old population from their abodes. The Arnaeans, driven from the region of the Peneus, had in their turn forced the old population of the Copaic basin, the Minyae and Cadmeans, into Attica ; the Achaeans, driven out of Pylus, had also fled to Attica, and the Achaeans ex- pelled from Argos had turned towards the northern shore of the Peloponnesus and dispossessed the Ionians who dwelt on the Corinthian Gulf. These, like the Ionians, who fled before the Dorians from the north-east coast of the Peloponnesus, found refuge in Attica. Not all the Achaeans who were expelled from Argos by the irruption of the Dorians had sought or found a dwelling-place in the region which they conquered from the Ionians. A por- tion of them obtained a new fatherland at a distance, on the other side of the ^gean Sea, on the islands of Tenedos and Lesbos, on the west coast of Asia Minor. In a eulogy of Aristagoras, one of the Prytanes of Tenedos, the small island opposite that coast, Pindar praises Pisander, the ancestor of Aristagoras " who with Orestes led the brazen-armed host of the yEolian chap. II.] OCCUPATION OF TENEDOS AND LESBOS. 225 from Amyclae to Tenedos." 1 The Achaeans who migrated from the south and north of the Greek peninsula, and settled in the north-west of Asia Minor, were afterwards called ^Eolians. Hellanicus says that Orestes led the Achaeans before the Dorians to Lesbos, and the coast of the Teucrians. 2 Damon tells us in his Alt his that Orestes received at Delphi the response; that descendants of Agamemnon should restore the cities of the Troad and revive there the worship of the gods ; after receiving this response, however, he died. In the next generation, Penthilus, son of Orestes, was commanded by the oracle to go to the extreme boundaries of Mysia ; Penthilus collected an army and went. 3 In Strabo we read : Orestes, it is said, led the expedition, but died in Arcadia, and his son Penthilus assumed the command. The expedition met with many hindrances, and lasted for a long time. When Penthilus had allied with him in Bceotia a great number of Boeotians {i.e. a portion of the populations of Thebes and Orchomenus fighting against the Arnaeans or already subjugated by them 4 ), he went on to Thrace. Afterwards Echelaus (Archelaus), son of Penthilus, brought the army over to Asia, into the region where the town of Cyzicus was subsequently built. Gras, the youngest son of Echelaus, penetrated to the Granicus. From hence, being better equipped, he led the greatest part of the army to Lesbos and conquered the island. Cleuas, however, the son of Borus, and Malaus, who were likewise descendants of Agamemnon, had assembled their army at the same time as Penthilus ; but the expedition of Penthilus pre- ceded theirs, he having sooner passed over from 1 Nemea, 11, 34. - Schdl. Pind. loc. tit.; Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1374. 3 Damon, Fragm. 20 M. 4 Strabo, p. 402. VOL. I. Q 226 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. Thrace to Asia, while Cleuas and Malaus had delayed a long while on Mount Phricium, not far from Ther- mopylae, with the Locrians on the Euripus. 1 " Cross- ing over later, they built Cyme, and the immigrants spread themselves over the whole country which the poet (Homer) calls Troas." 2 Velleius observes that, after they had been driven about in long wanderings, the yEolians founded their cities in Asia. 3 Pausanias says : Penthilus, the illegitimate son of Orestes, took and colonised the island of Lesbos : afterwards Gras, the son of Echelaus, grandson of Penthilus, great- grandson of Orestes, led emigrants into the region now called /Eolis. 4 Myrsilus of Methymna in Lesbos, who, in the third century before Christ, wrote the history of that island, relates : Echelaus was appointed, by the oracle of Delphi, leader of the emigrants to Lesbos ; under him seven princes bore rule. An oracle commanded them, when they came with their ships to an anchorage on the coast of Lesbos called Mesogeus, to sacrifice a bull to Poseidon, but a maiden to Amphi- trite and the Nereids. Then the seven princes cast lots among their daughters, and the lot fell upon the daughter of Smintheus. Then she was adorned, to be thrown into the sea when they reached the place. So it befell, and a youth of the army named Enalos {i.e. the man in the sea), who loved the maiden, threw himself with her into the water, but was borne by dolphins to shore. In historical times we find the islands of Tenedos and Lesbos in the hands of the Achaeans, and on the coast of the mainland south-east from Lesbos Cyme, 1 Strabo, p. 621. 2 Strabo, p. 582. 3 Velleius, 1, 4. 4 Pausan. 3, 2, 1 ; 2, 18, 6. 5 Plut. de Sollertia anim. 36 ; Sept. Sap. conv. 20. This narrative takes a different form in Athemeus (466). CHAP. II.] DOUBLE COURSE OF THE MIGRATION. 227 with a number of smaller towns, and lastly Smyrna. We learn that the town of Mytilene, afterwards the capital of Lesbos, was first built upon a little island which lay close to the east coast of the great island j 1 that the founders of Cyme, after their landing, first founded Neonteichos (i.e. new fortress) at the foot of Mount Sardene, thirty stades from Larisa, which they attacked from the new stronghold, and after they had taken Larisa they built Cyme. 2 Another tradition, however, says that Cyme was first built and then Neonteichos. 3 When the tradition places sons or grandsons of Orestes at the head of the migration, the statement is based upon the fact that princes ruled at Lesbos and Cyme, who traced their descent to Agamemnon and Atreus. Moreover, the local division of the Achaeans in Asia is clearly perceptible, for their migration is towards the east and their settlements lie in two direc- tions, which the tradition has translated into two great expeditions — the expedition of Penthilus and his descendants, and that of Cleuas and Malaus. The settlements in the first direction include the islands on the north-west coast of Asia at the entrance of the Helle- spont: first Tenedos, then the small islands in the sound of Lesbos, lastly Lesbos itself. The second direction is towards the mainland, south from Lesbos, and a settle- ment is made in the bay afterwards called from the city of Elaea. The reason why the tradition makes the first expedition pass from the Peloponnesus to the land across the isthmus, through Thessaly to Thrace, and from thence to Asia over the Propontis, is evident. 1 Diodor. 13, 79; Thucyd. 3, 6; Strabo, p. 617. 2 Strabo, pp. 616, 622. 3 The Homeric epigram calls Neonteichos Ki'pj? koi'/j// ; according to the Vita Homeri it was built eight years after Cyme. 22S THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. It was not only the Achaeans from Argos and the valley of the Eurotas, but also the Achajans from the middle and north of Greece, who settled beyond the /Egi an Sea. Strabo tells us, as we have already seen, that very many Boeotians, i.e. Cadmeans and Minyae, yielding to the Arnaeans, had been in the train of Penthilus (the relationship between the Lesbians and the Boeotians will be repeatedly brought into promi- nence later), 1 and it is certain that Achaeans from Locris, and Magnetes from Thessaly, had a share in the colonies on the continent of Asia Minor. On the coast of Thrace, at the mouth of the Hebrus, and on the Thracian Chersonesus lay ancient Achsean settlements — /Enus, which Achaeans from Lesbos are said to have founded in place of the Thracian city Poltybria (according to others it had been founded by Cymseans 2 ) ; and Sestus, likewise a colony from Lesbos. 3 In the same way the passage of the strangers over the Propontis to the coast of Cyzicus is invented in order to claim these places — where magnificent Greek cities afterwards grew up and flourished — for the Greeks, through the landing of the first settlers, as the Homeric poems had represented the islands of Tenedos and Lesbos as conquered by Achilles. 4 Gras must then leave the continent of Asia to attack Lesbos, "when he was better equipped." According to the legend, Protesilaus, who had led warriors against Ilium from Phylace (in the territory of Phthiotis on the declivity of Mount Othrys), had first trodden the soil of Asia, but had also been the first to fall : he had his grave and temple at Ekeus on the southern point of 1 Thucyd. 3. 2 ; 7, 57 ; 8, 100. 2 Scymn. Ch. 696 ; Steph. Byz. sub voce; Herod. 7, 58 ; Thucyd. 7, 57 ; Strabo, p. 329 ; Plut. Apophth. imper., HoXtvs. 3 Scymn. Ch. 708; Herod. 9, 115. 4 //. 9, 129. chap, ii.] LOCRIAN SETTLEMENTS. 229 the Thracian Chersonesus, and here games were held in his honour as a hero. In the Homeric poems the battle rages most furiously round the ship of Protesi- laus. 1 The part which the Locrians, the ancient inhabitants of Bceotia and the Magnetes, took in the migration from Argos shows that its course was north- ward through the peninsula ; and the colonies of yEnus, Sestus, and Elseus prove that it passed through Thrace and over the Hellespont. We may regard it as certain that the emigrants effected their journey and colonisation by sea. The expedition, had it been undertaken through the un- known and inaccessible regions along the Thracian coast, would certainly have failed. The islands there, opposite the coast, were kept in view as the goal of the voyage ; the hosts of the Achaeans which con- quered Tenedos and Lesbos came in successive expe- ditions in ships ; they had to encounter long and tedious conflicts indicated in the tradition by the length of the expedition and the succession of the leaders. The occupation of the island near Lesbos shows clearly how at first they contented themselves with very small gains, and how they were obliged to fortify themselves here in order that they might con- quer the larger island of Lesbos by attacking it from hence. Once being lords of the island, the emigrants, reinforced by new armies, would have ventured on the continent, and it may well be that their first attempts to settle there may have failed, as is indi- cated in the legend by the failure of Gras upon the mainland and by the fall of Protesilaus. It is certain that without some knowledge of the islands and coasts 1 //. 13, 681 ; 15, 705 ; 2, 695, sqq.j Herod. 7, 33; 9, 116, 120 ; Strabo, p. 435. 230 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. in the neighbourhood of the Hellespont, the exiles from the peninsula would never have directed their course thither. The princes, who afterwards ruled in Mytilene, the chief town of Lesbos, regarded Agamemnon as the ancestor of their tribe. Thus the older tradition might make Orestes the immediate leader of the expedition, and the later might represent his son, grandson, and great-grandson, as succeeding him in the command. And it was not only the royal house of Lesbos that traced its genealogy to the princes of their fatherland ; we saw in Pindar's song that noble families of the isle of Tenedos regarded as their pro- genitors those who came over with the descendants of the princes of Argos from their ancient abodes. Pindar makes Orestes depart from Amyclae to Asia for the reason that the Achaeans kept possession of the lower valley of the Eurotas, and Amyclae the key to it, more than a hundred years against the Dorians. Amyclae only fell about the year 800 B.C. To the poet, the emigration first commences after the loss of the last territory of the Achaeans on the Inachus and Eurotas. Locrians from Mount Phrycium and Magnetes from Mount Pelion, from the mountainous coast in the region of the Peneus, yielding to the Thessalians who pressed in upon them, took part in the second, i.e. the more adventurous section of the migration, and in the colonisation of the mainland. To the tradition which tells us that these settlements on the continent were later than the occupation of Tenedos and Lesbos, we may give unconditional assent. Upon the continent, likewise, the strangers were obliged to content them- selves with first building a fortress, and, under cover chap. II.] MAGNESIA AND SMYRNA. 231 of this, making war upon the ancient population ; nor did they escape arduous labours in making farther advances. Farthest inland, up the river Hermus, the Magnesian emigrants, driven out by the irruption of the Thessalians on Mount Pelion and on the coast, pushed their colony ; setting out, as it seems, from Cyme, they built Magnesia on a steep precipice of Mount Sipylus, 1 not very far from Sardis, the chief city of the Lydians. In the epic of the Greeks, the son of Peleus, i.e. son of Pelion, the man whom Chiron, the mountain -spirit of Pelion, had brought up, is the swiftest and boldest hero. Without him the rest can do nothing, as long- as the war continues. The opposition of the northern Achseans to those of Argos is the foundation of the wrath of Achilles ; the hero of Pelion overcomes Hector, i.e. the holder of the adversaries. Twenty years after the occupation of Lesbos Cyme was founded, and eighteen years after Cyme Smyrna. 2 In an ancient poem, the colony of Cleuas and Malaus, the city of Cyme, is chiefly ascribed to the Locrians from Mount Phrycium (p. 226), and the appellation Phryconis, which Cyme bears, tells in favour of this statement. Strabo calls Cyme the greatest and bravest of the cities of the y'Eolians, i.e. of the Achceans in Asia. Cyme and Lesbos were the mother cities of nearly all the yEolian settlements on the continent, which once had numbered about thirty.® The southern- most colony of Cyme beyond Mount Sipylus, on the northern slope of which lay Magnesia, was Smyrna. " According to the counsel of aegis-bearing Zeus," we read in verses ascribed to Homer, "the people of 1 Vita Horn. 2 ; Bceckh, C.I.G. No. 3137. 2 Vita Horn. ch. 38. 3 Strabo, pp. 116, 621, 622. :j: THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. Phricon, riders of swift horses, once when they had decided on war of mighty lire, surrounded with towers yEolian Smyrna, close to the sea, shaken by the waves, traversed by the clear water of the sacred Meles." 1 Smyrna lay on the southern shore of the bay stretching far inland, into which the Hermus empties itself, and at the mouth of the coast river Meles. Of the other settlements of Cyme there lay to the north of that city /Egae, Myrina, Gryneum, Ela^a, and Pitane, either near the coast or upon it, southwards from Cyme, in the valley of the Hermus ; Neonteichos, Larisa, and Temnus, on a height on the right bank of the Hermus. These colonies were all situated very close together, with few surrounding territories. The settlements of the Achoeans in Asia are placed by chronographers in the middle of the twelfth, but also in the middle of the eleventh century before Christ. The first calculation proceeds on the assumption that Ilium fell in the year 12 70 B.C., that the Dorians consequently invaded the Peloponnesus eighty years later (1 190 B.C.), and that fifty years after this (1140 B.C.) the Achaeans trod the soil of Asia. In 1140 b.c. Lesbos was con- quered, twenty years afterwards (1 120 B.C.) Cyme, and eighteen years after this (1102 b.c.) Smyrna was founded. 2 These intervals of time would lead to another result, if they were reckoned from the year which Eratosthenes fixed, on the strength of the Spartan lists of kings, for the irruption of the Dorians into the Peloponnesus — 1103 b.c. Lesbos would then have been founded in 1053, Cyme in 1033, Smyrna 1015 B.C. According to this computation the Alexandrians did actually reckon the emigration of the Achreans ; the determining interval is given in this case as in the 1 Horn. Epigr. 4. 2 Vita Horn. ch. 38. CHAP. II.] INHABITANTS OF THE COAST. 233 other by the fifty years after the invasion of the Dorians. The same interval, somewhat postponed, underlies the calculations of Jerome and Syncellus, according to whom Magnesia on Mount Sipylus was founded in 1052, Cyme in 1048, and Smyrna in 1046 B.C. 1 With the points of departure, the years of the fall of Ilium, these calculations also fall to the ground. According to the enquiries we have instituted above, we are restricted to the theory that the migration of the Achaeans to Asia took place not very long after the beofinnins: of 1000 B.C., that towards the middle of the fc> o ' tenth century Lesbos and Tenedos may first have been settled, and afterwards the colonies on the mainland. The regions opposite to which, and in which, the Achaeans established themselves were inhabited in the north, between the Hellespont and the Bay of Adra- myttium, by tribes of the Teucrians; farther to the south by the Mysians, and at the mouth of the Hermus by the Lydians. The Phoenicians long carried on com- merce with the whole coast, both with the shore of the Teucrians on the north and that of the Carians in the south. The Lydians found themselves from the beginning of the twelfth century B.C. under the dominion of a royal race, which traced its descent from the sun-god ; in the tenth century the first steps in culture had already been attained ; they understood weaving and other handicrafts, were in possession ol a fortified town, and had made some advance in the art of coinage ; there are in existence very ancient Lydian coins, oval bars of white gold, i.e. mixed gold and silver, with marks struck into them, and at a later 1 Euseb. Chron. 2, 61 Schone ; Syncellus, p. 340 B. That Cyme in Asia and not Cunue in Campania is meant will be made clear hereafter. 234 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. time adorned with figures of lions and bulls, the weight of which stamps them as pieces of the Syrian Phoe- nician talent. The Mysians were at an early stage of civilisation, and remained so ; the Teucrians stood on a higher level. The commerce which had connected them with the Phoenicians, the stations which the Phoe- nicians had built on their coasts and on the islands opposite them no doubt assisted the Teucrians in this development. The Iliad names Lesbos the abode of Macar; the legend of Lesbos tells us that before the Achaeans Macareus had ruled at Lesbos, had promul- gated the first law there, and had called this law the lion ; his daughters were Methymna, Mytilene, and Arisbe, i.e. the towns of the island. 1 In Rhodes, and other islands and places called after him, we have already recognised in Macareus the Greek form of the name of the Phoenician god Melkarth, whose symbol is the lion. Myrsilus of Methymna says, as we have seen, that seven princes bore rule under Echelaus, who led the Achaeans to Lesbos ; this number can scarcely be taken from the chief places of the island (there were but five); they are the eight supreme gods, the Cabiri of the Phoenicians; at the head of the seven stands the eighth, the sun-o^od. Strabo observes that the Cabiri of the O Phoenicians were worshipped in some places of the Teucrians, at Hamaxitus and Scepsis. The name of the town Astyra in Ida, which worshipped a goddess called by the Greeks Artemis, points unmistakably to the Astarte-Ashera of the Phoenicians ; 2 the Greek name of the town Adramyttium is founded on the Semitic appellation Hadramut, i.e. vestibule of the 1 Diodor. 4, 83 ; Steph. Byz. 'Apurfir}. 2 Strabo, pp. 606, 613. Olshausen has shown in the Hermes (14, 145) that Astyra is Astarte, and that the odorous gum storax is so called from the goddess. chap. II.] EXCAVATIONS AT HISSARLIK. 235 underworld ; this name seems to have been taken from the extensive marshes at Adramyttium, and the miasma arising from them. At Cilia on the south coast, at Chryse on the east coast of the Teucrians, at Thymbra on the Scamander, as at Rhodes, a sun-god under the name of Smintheus (Zminthius on the coins) was invoked as protector against the field-mice and locusts, in the same way that Baal was worshipped as protector from the flies on the Syrian coast of Ekron ; J and perhaps we may perceive in Ilos, the founder of Ilium in the Homeric poems, the Semitic name for god — El. The excavations on the hill of Hissarlik, on which the site of the ancient Ilium has lately been sought, have brought to light in the lowest stratum, more than fifty feet below the present soil, great numbers of primitive implements and weapons, axes, hammers, and knives, made of stone and boars' teeth ; together with them, and scarcely less primitive, vessels of pottery, manufactured without a wheel, with decora- tions scratched upon them, and some knives and weapons of copper. Similar vessels and implements have been found in a conical grave opened at Thymbra. The next highest stratum at Hissarlik yielded great pitchers with rude indications of the human face or the human form, tripods, goblets with great handles and running sharply to a point, vessels in the form of animals, all of burnt clay ; vessels of bronze, lead, and eiectrum, i.e. mixed gold and silver ; vessels of pottery, better shaped and adorned in the Phoenician manner, together with some gold orna- ments of rude workmanship, and idols as rude. A third stratum above these two, but still below the 1 Strabo, pp. 486, 506, 607. = 36 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. remains of later settlements, and from twenty to thirty feet below the present soil, presented the remains of a surrounding wall of unhewn stones. Close to the west side of this enclosure were found axes, daggers, and kittles of bronze, vases and goblets of silver, fillets, bracelets, ear- rings, and cups of gold in moderate numbers ; and also some thousands of very small and thin gold leaves and gold buttons. Work and orna- mentation point to Babylonish, and here and there to Egyptian patterns, as ivory needles and pieces of ivory indicate commerce with the Phoenicians. The clay vessels most resemble those found on the islands of Thera and Melos ; those of better workmanship the vessels of Cyprus : on one clay vessel found at Hissarlik there are traces of writing, apparently in the Cypriote character. In all three layers there are found bones of goats, sheep, oxen, swine, horses, deer, and hares, grains of wheat, peas, beans, and maize ; in all three stone implements and axes of stone pre- dominate (iron is nowhere met with), and vessels of clay, partly made by hand and partly on the wheel, the form and ornamentation of which are superior in the upper strata to those in the lower. The brass weapons, the axes, lances, and arrow-heads are gene- rally cast; as far as we can judge from the remains, the houses were constructed of unhewn stones or mud walls ; together with hunting and the breeding of cattle agriculture also was carried on. Commercial inter- course with the Phoenicians manifestly gave to the Teucrians who dwelt here a pattern and impulse for the progressive improvement of their pottery and their casting of metals. The ornaments of the third layer can only have been brought to them by the Phoenicians. From Lesbos the Greek settlers, led by the kings chap. II.] OCCUPATION OF THE TROAD. 237 of Mytilene, descendants of Agamemnon, the Pen- thilidse, gained a footing on the neighbouring coast of the Teucrians. They subdued and colonised almost the whole country. Strabo tells us that Archaeanax (that is, old king) of Mytilene took the stones from the ruins of the city of Priam to make the wall round the new city of Sigeum, at the mouth of the Scamander, at the entrance of the Hellespont. On the coast of the Hellespont itself the Lesbians built Rhceteum and Dardanus, and, on the Gulf of Adramyttium, Assus. 1 Cebren, higher up the course of the Scamander, is described by Ephorus as an offshoot of his own city, a colony of Cyme. 2 Only on Mount Ida, at the sources of the Granicus, and at the sources of the /Esepus at Gergis and Scepsis, the Gergithse, a tribe of Teu- crians maintained itself under native princes, who afterwards boasted of their descent from Hector and ^Eneas. When, at a later period, those cities became, under Greek influence, first aristocracies and then democracies, these families received the royal title and certain rights of nobility. 3 When the Athenians, towards the end of the seventh century, tried to take possession of Sigeum, the Mytileneans declared that the country of the Teucrians belonged to them by right, as their ancestors had already fought and con- quered the ancestors of the Teucrians. The Athen- ians would not allow this, but urged, on the other hand, that the vidians had no better ricrht to this region than all the Hellenes who had taken revenge for the rape of Helen. 4 " In ancient times," says Strabo, " most of the cities in the territory of Troas were 1 Strabo, pp. 589, 599, 600; Steph. Byz. "Ao-cros ; Alcaei Fragm. 118, Bcrgk. S Harpocration Kefipijv. 3 Herod. 5, 122; Strabo, p. 607. 4 Herod. 5, 94. 233 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. /Eolian, so that Ephorus (of Cyme) does not hesitate to call the whole coast from Abydus to Cyme, y£olis." ' Concerning the deeds of the kings of Cyme, the descendants of Clenas and Malaus, we know little more than concerning those of the Penthilidae, who ruled at Lesbos, of whom only the names of the founders, Gras and Echelaus, and the fortification of Archaeanax at Sigeum have come down to us. We can only suppose that, during the rule of the descend- ants of Cleuas, the places lying round Cyme, the more distant Cebren on Ida, and Smyrna on the other side of Mount Sipylus, were founded. When King Telephanes was reigning in Cyme (he is said to have £iven attention to the culture of trees and forests in the neighbourhood of the city), King Ardys of Lydia, the first of this name (768-732 B.C.), took refuge in Cyme with his wife and daughter. A rebel had deposed him from his throne. At the end of two years the usurper was killed by a murderer whom he had him- self hired against Ardys ; an embassy of Lydians appeared in Cyme to request Ardys to reascend the throne, and Ardys complied with the request. 2 After Telephanes there reigned in Cyme King Agamemnon. His daughter Damodice, whose beauty and wisdom are extolled, became the wife of Midas, King of Phrygia, who ascended the throne in 738 B.C., and put an end to his own life in 696 B.C., when the Cimmer- ians invaded his country. 3 Of King Agamemnon we are told that he first coined money for the people of Cyme. Babylon had possessed from of old fixed standards of weight and measure, which had spread far and wide from the land of the Euphrates to Syria 1 Strabo, p. 599. 2 Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 1 1 M. 3 Heracl. Pont. loc. at.; Plut. De Sitperst. 8. chap, ii.] KINGS OF CYME. 239 and to Phoenicia, to the Semitic races of Asia Minor. But the Babylonians and Phoenicians remained satis- fied with pieces of the precious metals of the proper weight for their commerce, with bars of gold and silver. The Lydians, according to the statement of the Greeks, were the first who coined money, i.e. guaranteed the value of the pieces by the authority of the state ; and some stamped bars (p. 233), which have been preserved, confirm this statement. Among the Greeks, the Ionian city Phocaea is said to have been the first to have a coinage. The gold coins of Phoceea, which have been preserved, stamped on one side with the figure of the seal, of the value of fifty-one shillings (English), show by their weight that they were coined by the standard of the heavy Babylonish gold talent of 101J pounds. The silver coinage was regulated by the standard in use in Syria, according to which gold had 13^ times the value of silver of the same weight. The silver pieces were so regulated that fifteen silver pieces were exchanged for one gold piece. 1 If it is true that King Agamemnon coined money for the Cymseans, this novelty must have been introduced about the time that Pheidon of Argos struck the first coins in the ancient home of the settlers on the coast of Asia, and established the system of weights and measures, which nearly the whole' penin- sula then adopted from Argos. The oldest coins we possess, belonging with certainty to Cyme, are, like the Lydian coins, of white gold, and stamped on one side only ; the front showing a horse, the reverse, faucet - holes ; then follow silver oboles, stamped on one side with the head of an eagle, which probably date from the first half of the sixth century. 2 1 Lenormant, Monnayes Royales de la Lydie, pp. 18, 19. 2 Brandis, Munzwesen, pp. 320, 390, 391. CHAPTER III. ATTICA AT THE TIME OF THE MIGRATIONS. The movement, to which the outbreak of the Thes- salians from Epirus had given the first impetus, occa- sioned far greater losses to the Ionian group than to the ancient tribes in the basin of the Peneus, or in the west, south, and east of the Peloponnesus. In the north the Ionians lost the plains of Bceotia, which the Arnseans occupied ; and in the south the whole north- ern coast of the Peloponnesus. If the new masters of Bceotia advanced upon Attica from the north, and the new masters of Argos and of the eastern part of the north coast of the Peloponnesus from the other side, the last possession of the Ionian race on the peninsula would be in question, and even this remnant of the Ionian dominion might be lost, and its inhabitants driven out and forced back upon Eubcea. But the Attic territory, through the unity and the organisation it had received from the Thesidae, was stronger than the ancient communities in Bceotia or the Ionian communities on the north coast of the Peloponnesus. "Attica," Thucydides tells us, "was always occupied by the same inhabitants, and from all Hellas the leading men of those who were driven from their own countries by war or discord came to Attica as to a secure refuge. Here they became members of the commonwealth, and so increased in ancient times the number of the chap, in.] DEMOPHON, APHEIDAS, OXYNTAS. 241 inhabitants that Attica could not contain them, and sent out colonies to Ionia." 1 According to the Attic tradition, after the banishment of Theseus, a descend- ant of Erechtheus, Menestheus, bore rule in Attica. When he fell before Ilium, Demophon, son of Theseus, returned from Eubcea and ascended the throne. The sons of Eurystheus had received protection from Theseus or Demophon ; Eurystheus fell in battle against the Athenians and the Heraclidae (p. 200). When Agamemnon landed with the Arrives at Phal- erum on his return from Ilium (according to another version it was Diomede), Demophon took from him the image of Pallas, the defence of Ilium, which Diomede and Odysseus had brought from the city of Priam. But in the conflict many Argives were slain, and King Demophon was obliged to appear before the court on the Palladium, i.e. before the sanctuary of Pallas on the Ilissus (p. 1 14), to answer for the blood that was shed. 2 Subsequently Orestes, the matricide, when Demophon ruled in Attica, was released from the charge of the Eumenides and from his blood-guiltiness on the Areo- pagus, and might then, after he was cleansed from blood, ascend the throne of his fathers. 3 King Aphei- das succeeded Demophon in the government; an oracle from Dodona commanded him to reverence the Areo- pagus and the altars of the Eumenides fragrant with incense, and not to slay those who sought refuge at those altars, but to spare them. 4 Oxyntas, son of Apheidas, who reigned after his father in Attica, was slain by his younger and illegitimate brother Thymomas, 1 Thucyd. 1, 4. 2 Clitodem. Fragm. 12 M ; Demosthen. in Aristocr. p. 643 ; Pausan. 1, 28, 9; Schol. Aristid. Panatli. p. 320 Dindorf; Pollux, 8, 118; Polysen. 1, 5. 3 Hellan. Fragm. 82 Mj Maim. Par. Ep. 25. 4 Pausan. 7, 25, 2. VOL. I. R 242 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. who now ascended the throne. 1 Under his rule the descendants of Neleus and Nestor, who had been ex- pelled from Pylus by the Dorians, came to Attica, viz. Melanthus, son of Andropompus, the great-grandson of Periclymenus, the brother of Nestor;' 2 with him came the Pseonidae, the posterity of the eldest son of Nestor, Antilochus (whose son was Paeon), then the descendants of the second son of Nestor, Thrasymedes, after whose grandson, Alcmaeon, the Alcmaeonidae were named ; lastly the descendants of the youngest son of Nestor, the Pisistratidae. 3 They found refuge and protection in Attica. Then it happened that the Boeotians, i.e. the new masters of the land of the Minyae, and the Cadmeans, disputed with the Athenians for the territory of Melaenae and Oenoe, and Xanthus, King of the Boeotians, great- grandson of Opheltas who had led the Arnaeans into Bceotia {infra, chap, vi.), challenged the King of the Athenians, Thymaetas, to single combat. As Thy- maetas did not accept the challenge, being advanced in years, the Athenians took the command from him, and made Melanthus of Pylus, who offered himself for the combat, their king (according to another version Thy- maetas declared he would abdicate in favour of any man who should take upon himself to fight); and Mel- anthus did so, and slew Xanthus. With the deposition or abdication of Thymaetas ended the rule of the descendants of Theseus over Athens ; 4 but Melanthus 1 Damon, Fragm. I ; Nicol. Damasc. Fragm. 50 M. - The genealogy is as follows : — Periclymenus, Penthilus, Borus, Andropompus, and Melanthus. 3 Hellan. Fragm. 10M; Strabo, p. 633 ; Pausan. 2, 18, 8. 1 Strabo, p. 393 ; Polyren. 1,19; Conon. Narrat. 39. In Pausanias, 9, 5, 16, it is not Melanthus, but his father Andropompus, whom Xanthus kills. In the Scholia on Aristophanes (Acharn. 146 ; Pax, 890), instead of KcAcmw, McAcuvwv is to be read. crap, in.] ATTACKS OF THE DORIANS. 243 instituted the festival of the Apaturia, and left the sovereignty of Attica to his son Codrus. 1 When the Ionians of the coast, expelled from the Peloponnesus by the Achseans, had fled to Attica and had been received there, and Athens, as Strabo relates, had become strong through the increase of the popu- lation, the Heraclida^ and Dorians in the Peloponnesus began to be apprehensive of Athens and, above all, the Corinthians, owing to their close proximity. Driven out by the Corinthians, they marched upon Attica at the time that Codrus son of Mel an thus was on the throne. Conquered in battle, they could not take possession of Attica, but they made Megara a Dorian community instead of an Ionian. 2 Herodotus observes : the Dorians first came to Attica when they marched against King Codrus, at the time that they colonised Megara. 3 Hellanicus, and Lycurgus the orator, enter more into details. The Peloponnesians, they say, resolved to march against Attica when King Codrus was reigning, to drive out the Athenians and to divide the Attic territory among themselves, and when they enquired at Delphi whether they should 1 Ephor. Fragm. 25. 2 Strabo, p. 393. The most ancient population of the isthmus (irrespective of Carians and Phoenicians) must, however, have been of Ionic race, since Ionians dwelt in the north and south of the isthmus, and the ancient Ionian city of Corinth was close by. This may still have been the case, even though it is quite certain that Megara did not belong to Attica. That statement is based upon the supposed partition of Attica among the four sons of Pandion (pp. 106, 109), but the true relation is still betrayed in the legend when it asserts that the leadership in war remained with Sciron. That the legend of the Megarians (Pausan. 1, 40, 41) does not speak of Ionians, but only of Megareus and Kar, the son of Phoroneus, proves nothing, as it originates with the later rulers of Megara. The citadel of the Pelopid Alcathous only serves to show that at the time when Achncan Argos was in power Achaean princes may have become rulers here, supra, p. 95. 3 5, 76. 244 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook ii. conquer Athens, the god replied that they would take the city if they did not kill the king of the Athenians. This oracle Cleomantis, a man of Delphi, communi- cated secretly to the Athenians. The Athenians, few in number against many, were obliged to shut themselves up in their city. They stood the siege bravely. Then Codrus commanded them to take note of his death ; he put on the clothes of a poor man in order to deceive the enemy, 1 and went out of the gate with a reaping- hook in his hand as if he were about to cut faggots. He met two men who came from the camp of the enemy to spy out how things were with the city. Codrus slew one of them with his hook, at which the other, being angry, drew his sword and killed Codrtis. The Athenians demanded by a herald the body of their king for burial. Then the Peloponnesians became aware of what had happened, and retreated, in the conviction that it was no longer possible to conquer the country ; but the Athenians, in gratitude to Cleo- mantis, decreed to him and his descendants mainten- ance for ever in the Prytaneum. 2 Another version of the legend is this : Some Dorians from Lacedaemon had stolen into the city during the night. In the morning the Athenians assembled themselves against them, and when the Dorians within the city perceived that their allies outside had retreated (having heard of the death of Codrus), they fled to the Areopagus and to the altars of the Eumenides, and the Athenians, mindful of the oracle of Dodona {sup. p. 241), allowed them to withdraw uninjured. 3 According to a third version, the Athenians go to battle after the death of 1 In Lycurgus, the clothes of a beggar; in Pherecydes, of a rustic. 2 Lycurg. in Leocraton, p. 158; Pherecyd. Fragm. 110 M; Hel- lanicus in Schol. Platon. Symftos. p. 376. 3 Pausan. 7, 25, 2. CHAP, in.] CRITICISM OF THE LEGENDS. 245 Codrus, full of courage and strength ; the Pelopon- nesians learn what has happened, and are defeated. 1 The foundation of the legends concerning the protection which the Heraclidae found in Attica, the place of the battle against Eurystheus, and his grave, has been disclosed above (p. 206) ; the legend of the landing of Agamemnon establishes, and at the same time explains, the origin of the ancient image of Athena in the temple on the Palladium, 2 and why this temple became especially the place of judgment for blood involuntarily spilled. The legend of the judgment on Orestes consecrated the Areopagus as the place where the deliberate shedding of blood — murder — was tried. If it was enjoined upon the successor of Demophon, Apheidas, i.e. the relentless, to keep the Areopagus holy, — and the altar of the Eumenides thereon, and to spare those who took refuge there, — the origin and, moreover, the sacredness of these places are explained, and then illustrated by the sparing of the Dorians, who had fled to those altars. The name Oxyntas signifies the sharp ; the name of Thymaetas, who slays Oxyntas, perhaps the angry. The three generations, Demophon, Apheidas, the brothers Oxyntas and Thymcetas, answer to the three generations in the race of Heracles — Hyllus, Cleodaeus, and Aristomachus. Evanescent as is the actual importance of these legends and names, various other traditions and cir- cumstances of the historical period leave not the smallest doubt that Attica, from the beginning of the great movement which so entirely changed the condi- tion of the Greek races in regard to their possessions, was the refuge for the expelled and dispossessed who found themselves assembled here from all sides. 1 Polyxn. 1, 18 ; Velleius, 1,2. 2 C.I. A. I, No. 273 Fragm. f. 246 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. By the irruption of the Thessalians into the basin of the Pencus, as we have seen, man)- of the ancient inhabitants were driven out. Lapithae from the lower Peneus, from Gyrton and Elatca, a portion of the population from the middle Peneus, from the region of Larisa and Crannon, to whom the name of " Pelasgians " clung, as the country retained that of Pelasgiotis ; these all iled to Attica. When the Arnajans, who dwelt in the south-west of the Peneus basin, on the southern tributaries of the Peneus, yield- ing to the Thessalians, threw themselves upon the Minyse of Orchomenus and the Cadmeans of Thebes, conquered them, and became masters of the Copaic basin, those who would not submit to the new rulers marched southwards over Mount Cithaeron to Attica. Orchomenus was from of old allied with Athens through the common sacrifice at Calauria. To these exiles and fugitives from the north and centre of Greece were now added the fugitives of the south ; those noble families from Pylus, who were subdued by the Dorians pressing down from Stenyclarus to the sea ; the Ionians who fled from Trcezen, Epidaurus, Corinth, Phlius, and Sicyon to Attica (pp. 220, 221) ; lastly the Ionians, a considerable number of them at any rate, who were expelled by the Acha;ans immigrat- ing from the shore of the Gulf of Corinth. The Ionian race had lost the whole north coast of the Peloponnesus which it had occupied, from Dyme to Trouzen ; and, without reckoning the islands in the western sea from which it was now cut off, it was confined to Attica and Eubcea. The defence of Attica, the refuge of the whole Ionian race, was directly at stake, against the attacks from the north and the south of the new rulers in Bceotia and in the CHAP, in.] RESULTS. 247 Peloponnesus. We have no reason to doubt that the Arnaeans, after they had become masters of the Copaic basin, would have tried to extend their conquests farther. Ephorus tells us that the Boeotians and Athenians had fought for the region of Melsense ; others say that they fought for the region of Oenoe ; x and both lie on the southern declivity of Mount Cithseron. Arrived at Mount Cithaeron the Boeotians tried to get beyond it southwards into Attica. So much we may also concede to the tradition that it was services rendered in these battles against the Boeotians by one of the tribes that had fled from Pylus to Attica which brought this family calling Neleus its progenitor to the throne of Attica. 2 It is a fact that at the time of the migration a family from Pylus attained the sovereignty in Attica, and afterwards ruled there till the year 752 B.C. If the ruling house to which Attica owed its unity had already set beside the ancient worship of Athena on the citadel the worship of Poseidon, the fugitives from Pylus had zealously worshipped Poseidon upon their coast, and the Ionians from the shore of the Corinthian gulf had brought common offerings to him at Helice. The worship of this god must therefore have increased with the arrival of the refugees in Attica ; it might even seem doubtful whether the first place belonged to Poseidon or to Athena, and, accordingly, the legend was invented of the strife between Poseidon and Athena for Attica (p. 1 1 1). The fugitive Lapithse and Cadmeans, the exiled Pylians, and the Ionians, who were forced into Attica, found not merely protection but admission to equal rights in the Attic common- wealth. This we read in Thucydides {sup. p. 240) ; 1 Conon. Narrat. 39. 2 Sitfira, p. 132 ; and p. 242, note 4. 248 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book U. and Pausanias says : " The Ionians (i.e. the /Egialieis) were received by King Melanthus and the Athenians as fellow-citizens." 1 We find in historical times families of Lapithse, Cadmeans, and Pylians in the Attic tribes ; we find the Ionians who emigrated from Attica divided into societies which bore the names of the four Attic tribes. The legend is quite correct when it ascribes the founding of the festival of the Apaturia to Melanthus, i.e. to the period of the migration. 2 It was the festival of the societies of the different races, when offerings were brought to Zeus Phratrius, and to Athena ; when the children born to the members, after their legitimacy had been proved, were adopted into the Phratries ; when new members were assigned to the Phratries and their alliance confirmed. It was in the highest degree appropriate to ascribe to a king, who had himself as a fugitive attained the sovereignty, the reception of those who had shared his fate. The local, and hitherto territorial, society of the four corporations, which also claimed to be a relationship of blood, was altered by the admission of these foreign tribes. The possessions which the newly-received strangers acquired, could hardly have been always exactly in the territory of the tribe to which they were assigned. The Ionian emigrants from Attica after- wards celebrated the Apaturia in their settlements. 3 The fugitives who came to Attica from the middle course of the Peneus, from Pelasgiotis, and the Minyae from Orchomenus, who sought refuge here 1 I'ausan. 7, 1, 8. 2 As the name, which is derived from «/za— onyxoa (o/ioiraTpdm), was no longer understood, it was explained by d-dri), and from this was invented the absurd story of the deception which Melanthus practised on Xanthus. •'- Herod. 1, 147. "All are Ionians who come from Athens and celebrate the Apaturia." chap, in.] THE PELASGICUM. 249 before the yEo-ialieis, had found no admission into the Attic tribes. Yet the Pelasgiotes and Minyse (some- times one name and sometimes the other, and some- times that of Tyrrhenians is applied to them ] ) testified their gratitude to the Athenians for the protection they found in Attica, by a splendid building. The rock of the Acropolis falls on all sides steeply down, and even without walls it was not very difficult to defend ; only on its narrow western side the hill sloped more gradually. Those were hard times, in which Attica, more than all the other states, was obliged to pay attention to her defences. If the Dorians built fortresses against Argos and Corinth, the inhabitants of Attica had reason to be anxious for the strength of their own places of refuge. The refugees from the Peneus, who had dwelt at Larisa, and the Minyae from Orchomenus had erected considerable buildings in the old homes ; they now levelled, we are told, the top of the rock for the Athenians, and closed its western side by a very strong fortress, in the area of which was the spring from which the besieged in case of need could get water. 2 This fortress was distinguished by the name of the nine gates ; or, from its supposed builders, the " Pelasgian wall," the Pelasgicum — the latter appellation still clung in later times to the huge blocks of its ruins. Whether the tradition is right in ascribing this fortification to the 1 Thucyd. 4, 109. Sophocles in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 1, 25. 2 Clitodem. Fragm. 22 M. When Herodotus (6, 137) gives us to understand, in the words fjucrdov tov -rei'xeos — kote e\.7)\a[ievov } that the walls were built in more ancient times, we may well ask who were these old Pelasgians, and how could a reward be given to the Minyae and Pelasgiotes for building a wall of the ancient period ? We know of no Pelasgians in Attica older than the people of Attica themselves. The question as to the situation and extent of the Pelasgicum is simplified by the dissertation of Wachsmuth [Stadt Atlicn, p. 290, sqq.). 250 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. immigrant Pelasgiotes, or whether such a notion did not arise simply from the name of the Pelasgian wall — i.e. of the fortress dating from ancient time, the most ancient fortress of the citadel against the Phoenicians of Mclite (p. 6S) is uncertain : it is however rather to be attributed to the Athenians themselves than to the immigrants. In return for this building, so runs the tradition, a portion of unproductive land under Mount Hymettus was allotted to the Pelasgians and Minyae, and when the Athenians saw it in excellent cultivation, so says Hecataius, they were seized with envy and longing for it, and drove the possessors, without right or reason, out of Attica. The Athenians would not allow this story to stand. They maintained that the Pelasgians came hither from Mount Hymettus when their daughters and children went to draw water from the spring Callirrhoe (in the valley of the Ilissus), and had done violence to them ; and it became evident in the sequel that they meditated an attack. So that the Athenians had behaved with great moderation in ordering them to leave Attica when they might have put them to death. 1 Philochorus relates that after the Tyrrhenians (so the Pelasgians and Minyae are called from the fifth century onwards) had dwelt a short time in Athens, it became clear that they meditated a rebellion ; the Athenians then slew many, and the rest fled to Lemnos and Imbros. In a similar manner the tradition seeks to explain the old enmity between Athens and Lemnos. The Pelasgians and Minyae, like many other fugitives after them, who had been driven to Attica, took ship, and colonised Lemnos and Imbros, which were inhabited 1 Herod. 6, 137 ; Philoch. Fragm. 5 M. CHAP. III.] DORIAN ATTACK UPON ATTICA. 251 by Thracians, but on which the Phoenicians also had stations ; 1 another portion of the Minyae found refuge with the Achaeans on the lower Eurotas. 2 The Pelas- giotes, as we have already seen {sup. pp. 20, 2 1 ), had built some places on the peninsula of Athos, and also Placia and Scylace, two small towns on the Propontis. The two Larisas and Antandros, on the west coast of Asia Minor, are said to have been colonies of Pelasgiotes ; who did not, however, come from Attica, but fled hither before the Thessalians straight from their ancient home. The founding of Antandros by Pelas- gians is contradicted by a verse of Alcseus. 3 The legend places the attack by the Dorians of the south upon Attica, in the time when Medon, son of Ceisus, grandson of Temenus, ruled at Argos ; it also makes Althaemenes, the youngest son of Ceisus, take part in the expedition. In any case it is right in asserting that the attack upon Attica by the Dorians from the south occurred later than that of the Boeotians 1 Thucyd. 2, 98; Strabo, p. 331. 2 Thucyd. 4, 109. Herod. 6, 138; 5, 26. It is superfluous to examine the oft-repeated fable (ap. Herod. 4, 145 ff) that the Minyae in Lemnos were descendants of the Argonauts, and had been driven out by the Pelasgians emigrating from Attica. As the voyage of the Argo was never made, it can have left no results in Lemnos. These Minyae were represented as descending from the Argonauts only because the oracle given to Euphemus was thought to be fulfilled to Battus of Thera. The Minyae driven out from Thessaly and Orchomenus were a noble race ; part went out , from Attica, or directly occupied Lemnos and Imbros; another part turned through Attica, or directly to the Pelopon- nesus, as the Dryopcs turned to the south, and found a reception on the Eurotas ; lastly, they settled in the country of Triphylia and Thcra. The Minyae of Lemnos and in Laconia were brought together, that the Minyae driven out from Lemnos might come to Laconia, infra, ch. 8. 8 Alcrcus, ap. Strab. p. 606. Herod. 7, 42; 1, 57. Thucyd. 4, 109. The inference which Herodotus draws so diffidently — ■'• If wc may conclude anything from the language of the settlement of the Pelasgi who emigrated from Thessaly, and of those who have dwelt for a time in Attica, the Pelasgi must have spoken a barbarous tongue " — has been sufficiently discussed above, p. 22, sqq. 252 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. from the north ; and also that the expedition was undertaken at the instigation of the Dorians from Corinth, if indeed it were not these very Dorians who alone undertook it. When Corinth belonged to the Dorians, it was obvious for them to take possession of the isthmus, if not to press forward and conquer for themselves the fruitful plain of Eleusis. The Dorians were defeated, as the legend says, in battle against the people of Attica, or through the sacrifice of Codrus and the fate which the oracle had linked with his death. But the region of Megara, which the legend makes the Dorians conquer upon this expedition, did in reality come under their dominion ; the isthmus received Dorian masters, though these were only thinly scattered about upon its rocky hills. 1 When Pausanias says that every one out of the army of the Dorians, who wished to remain behind, received a dwelling-place here, history so far confirms this state- ment that we afterwards find Corinth in possession of the isthmus, and the kings of Corinth lords of the region of Megara. The Athenians firmly believed in the self-sacrifice of Codrus. " For the sake of eternal glory," we read in Plato, " Codrus died before his day ;" 2 and Aristotle remarks "that Codrus, by his death, preserved his country from being enslaved by war. 3 He was wor- shipped in Athens as a hero, for he overcame the enemy by his voluntary death." 4 On the right bank of the Ilissus the place was shown where Codrus found the death which he sought. 5 An inscription, dating from the Roman period, on a stone built into a wall by 1 Yelleius, 1,2; Strabo, p. 393 ; Pausan. 1, 39, 4 ; Schol. Aristoph. Ranee. 440 ; supra, p. 242, note 4. 2 Sympos. p. 208. 3 Polyaen. 5, 10, 32. 4 Polyaen. 1, 18. 6 Pausan. 1, 19, 5. CHAP, ill.] BURIAL-PLACE OF CODRUS. 253 the monument of Lysicrates, says : " This is the place of the fall of the Melanthid, King Codrus, the place which was the bulwark of the great Attic land ; the Attic people buried his body under the Acropolis and exalted his glory to the immortals." 1 This inscription was manifestly intended to mark the place on the Ilissus where Codrus died ; from it we may infer that the altar on which the sacrifices of heroes were offered to Codrus stood under the citadel. We have already seen that Melanthus and his descendants, according to the reckoning of Hellanicus, sat on the throne of Attica not less than three hundred and ninety-seven years. According to this sum total of their reigns, and the year of the end of their hereditary rule, the year 752 B.C., Melanthus must have ascended the throne in 1 149 B.C. The Parian Marble follows this list of Hellanicus ; it makes Melanthus reign for thirty-seven years, i.e. till the year 11 12 B.C., and Codrus for twenty-one years, and places the death of Codrus in 1090 B.C. 2 According to the result of the enquiry instituted above (p. 138), Melanthus can only have ascended the throne after the settlement of the Dorians at Stenyclarus, i.e. after the year 1000 B.C. 1 C. J. A. 3, No. 943. That Trecrrjixa here signifies the place of death, in opposition to the burial of the body which follows, seems to me evident. The sense of ret^iVaro, and the signification of 'AcriSa, have been fully perceived, as I think, by Lugebil ; J ahn' s Ja/irb. Suppl. 5, 542 ff. 2 Marm. Par. Ep. 27 ; Euseb. Chron. I, 186, Schone. CHAPTER IV. THE MIGRATION OF THE IONIAN'S. Even after the departure of the Minyse and Pelasgiotes, the Attic territory was neither large nor productive enough to maintain the number of exiles who had assembled here from the north, and especially from the Peloponnesus. There followed successive emigrations, which at first passed to the islands of the y£gean Sea, and finally shaped their course to the shore of the opposite continent, already trodden by that portion of the Achxans who had turned from the south and north of the peninsula to the coast of Asia Minor. Hither came from Attica to these islands and coasts, dispossessed Cadmeans and Pylians, yEgialieis, i.e. Ionians from the Corinthian gulf, Ionians from Phlius, Trcezen, and Epidaurus (a part of these last came straight from their old homes), lastly inhabit- ants of Attica itself. These colonies, which were to bring to the Ionian race rich compensation for the regions lost on the north coast of the Pelopon- nesus, the Attic legend connects with a quarrel which had broken out in the new royal house of Attica, in the house of Melanthus, among the sons of Codrus. "Not many years after the Ionians (the yEgialieis) had been received into Attica," says Pausanias, "the two eldest sons of Codrus, Medon and Neleus, chap, iv.] ACCOUNT OF PAUSANIAS. 255 quarrelled about the throne. Neleus declared he would not submit to the sovereignty of Medon, because Medon was lame in one foot. They agreed to bring the matter before the Delphic oracle ; the response of the Pythiagave Medon the crown. Then Neleus and the other sons of Codrus decided to emigrate. They led out the Athenians who were inclined to go ; but the Ionians formed the greater portion of their army. Emigrants from Thebes marched with them under Philotas, the descendant of Peneleus, and Minyse from Orchomenus, and Phocians and Abantes from Eubcea. The sons of Euctemon of Athens, Philogenes and Damon, gave ships to the Phocians and led them. When the emigrants reached the coast of Asia, some turned in one direction and some in another against the cities on the shore. But Neleus with his followers went against that part of Asia which the Carians inhabited, the city of Miletus. When the Ionians had become masters of the ancient Miletus they killed all the men who had not escaped, and took their wives and daughters in marriage. The grave of Neleus lies on the left of the road in croinra, p. 232) that the Cymaeans crossed Mount Sipylus towards the south and founded Smyrna; after the found- 1 C.I.G. No. 3064-66, 3082. Here, in Teos also, one of the towers was called XaAxtSevs irvpyos, loc. cit. No. 3103. - I'ausan. 7, 3, 10. 3 Strabo, p. 634. CHAP, iv.] CHRONOLOGY. 269 ing of Phocaea, Smyrna, in the hands of the Cymseans, broke the series of Ionian cities. The marble chronicle of Paros places the migration of the Ionians from Attica in the thirteenth year of the reign of King Medon (p. 257). This chronicle assigns the fall of Ilium, as we have seen, to the year 1209 B.C. One hundred and thirty-two years after the fall of Ilium, seventy-two years after the beginning of the reign of Melanthus, in the year 1077 B.C., the Ionians who had fled to Attica migrated from thence to the coast of Asia. Eratosthenes and Apollodorus reckoned differently. According to them, the fall of Ilium took place in the year 1183 B.C.; eighty years afterwards followed the irruption of the Dorians into the Peloponnesus in the year 1103 B - c - Fifty years after the irruption of the Dorians, i.e. in 1053 B.C., the Achaeans passed over into Asia, and sixty years after the same Dorian irruption, i.e. in 1043 B.C., the Ionians migrated thither. 1 We can only maintain, after our previous discussion, that the migration of the Ionians took place later than that of the Achaeans and soon after the middle of the tenth century. Of the arrangement of the new Ionian common- wealths on the soil of Asia, we can only discover a few traits with approximate certainty. The statements of Herodotus (quoted above) concerning the mixed character of the Ionians, the origin of their princes, and the Carian wives of the colonists, are, we know not for what reason, altogether exaggerated. The greater 1 Castor ap. Euseb. Chron. 1, 179, Schone. Eusebius and Jerome place the interval of ten years between the Achaean and Ionian migration. They place the founding of Cyme and Smyrna, 968 and 970 Abrah., and the emigration of the Ionians, 978 and 980 Abrah. ; i.e. 1045 and 1035 B.C. ; Euseb. Chron. 2, 60, 261, Schone. Strabo's four genera- tions after the wandering of the /Eolians {supra, p. 256) I cannot explain. 2;o Till: HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook II. part of the strangers wen- [onians from the Corinthian gulf, from Epidaurus, Attica, and Eubcea. We find in Miletus and in Teos, and in the colonies of Miletus, the names of the four Attic tribes, and can therefore be sure that in these cities, at any rate, the Ionic element must have decidedly preponderated. The princely races of the cities sprang from Pylus, like the royal house of Athens. Herodotus speaks also of Lycian princes among the Ionians, but there is not to be found elsewhere the smallest indication of this. The only thing that could be quoted in support of the statement is, that the Homeric poems makes Glaucus the Lycian and Diomede part in peace, when Glaucus has proved his Greek descent. On the other hand we learn that participation in the common sacrifice of the Ionians was made to depend upon the dominion of a princely house of Nelid origin. And in respect to the Carian wives of the Ionians, these cannot have been numerous, at any rate in Miletus and Ephesus (and Miletus stood on Carian ground); the women of these cities celebrated the Thesmophoria to Demeter, like the women of Attica. We may be sure that the leaders of the emigrants, descended mostly from old families at home, remained at the head of the new colonies ; that the hereditary monarchy of the ancient common- wealths was transferred to the new settlements, and struck roots there no less deep than those which sus- tained it on the other side of the ^Egean Sea. Further, we cannot doubt that the colonists, who had conquered lands and sites for the founding of the new cities, par- titioned the conquered territory among themselves. Their division into corporations, tribes, and races, after the pattern of their old home, and partly also after the names of the tribes of Attica, is abundantly proved. chap, iv.] ORGANISATION OF THE NEW CITIES. 271 The members of these corporations, the occupants of the lands, were the full citizens, the nobility, of the new commonwealths. Later immigrants had as little share in the government as the remains of the old population, who were made slaves or degraded into serfs, unless, as at Ephesus, a fraction of them were received with equal rights into the new state. To the tribes and races of the conquerors belonged the men who stood beside the king for counsel and judgment ; as to their individual interests and affairs, the corporations of the tribes managed them independently. It may well have been that this nobility of the new cities, in the full con- sciousness of its share in their origin and growth, main- tained towards their princes a more self-conscious and defiant attitude than the noble families had previously done at home. But the monarchy in these colonies did not fall sooner than in the mother country. What Hippias of Erythrae tells us (as we have seen) of the events in his city, in a form taken from the later politi- cal struggles, is the conflict of a pretender, supported by Chios and a fraction of the nobles adhering to him, against the occupant of the throne ; not a struggle between aristocracy and monarchy ; and what he relates of the splendour of the men who attained to power may have its foundation in the wonderful abundance of pos- sessions with which the conquest of an ancient Phoe- nician settlement may have loaded the conquerors. The struggle of the colonists against the Carians and Lydians was certainly not a light one. The Carians were a nation of warriors, obstinate in fight, and not likely to surrender their land without a struggle. This is indicated plainly enough by the tradition : Androclus in Samos cannot succeed against the Carians in a twenty years' contest; he finally conquers Ephesus 272 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. 1 iy entering into a treaty with a part of the ancient popu- lation ; he falls in battle against the Carians at Priene; at Chios the struggle goes on for three generations, without being decided ; only in the fourth generation was the victory gained by the [onians. Soon there came feuds among the new cities. Androclus is said to have made war on Leagoras of Samos ; Myus, soon after it was founded, fought against Miletus; Erythrae against Chios, with the help of Miletus, — help rendered, no doubt, in consequence of the assistance which princes of Chios had once given to Ortyges {supra, p. 266). 1 If the Ionian cities were not only settled and maintained against the Carians, who had no common leader, and against the Lydians, who were then sub- ject to the royal house of the Sandonidae, but were also able subsequently to enlarge their territories, this was scarcely owing wholly to the perseverance and aptitude for war of the I onians ; they were helped by the circumstance that, in spite of feuds, there was a certain common feeling among them. The settlers of Priene — they are said to have come from Helice on the Corinthian gulf — when they had extended their dominion from the southern declivity of Mycale over the steep crest of this mountain range northwards to the shore, consecrated on this coast " a solitary place " to Poseidon of Helice ; and their kings, yEpytus and his descendants, here offered bulls to Poseidon, as he had received them in the old home. If the bulls bellowed when they were brought by the youths to the altar, the offering was regarded as acceptable, but if they remained quiet it was supposed that the god was displeased. 2 In this sacrifice by the inhabitants of 1 Herod. 1, 18. 2 //. 20, 403, 404, and Schol. Venet.j Strabo, p. 384. chap, iv.] THE SACRIFICE AT MYCALE. 273 Priene to the god who was so zealously worshipped by the Ionian dwellers on the coast in the northern country, the cities nearest to Miletus, Myus, and Ephesus were the first to associate themselves. With the participation of several cities games came into use at this sacrifice. King Hector of Chios is said to have assisted at the sacrifice of Mycale, when he had suc- ceeded in driving out the Carians from the island ; he himself carried away a tripod as the prize of victory at the games on that occasion. 1 As Hector is called the fourth in descent from Amphiclus, who led the Ionians to Chios, this event may probably have happened a century after the arrival of the Ionians, about the year 850 B.C. After Chios and Samos, the cities of the northern group may have joined. When the most northerly of these, Phocaea, sought admission to the sacrifice, the request was refused, because Phocaea was not governed by kings of the house of Codrus ; two Athenians, Damon and Philogenes, had led the emigrants and founded Phocaea (p. 268). " On this refusal the Phocaeans," we are told by Pausanias, "fetched Codrids from Erythrae and Teos ; Decetes, Periclus, and Abarnus." 2 Phocaea was now admitted, and the monarchy thus imported lasted longer in Phocaea than in all the other Ionian cities. We may venture to conclude from this tradition that Miletus and Ephesus, the most important cities of the Ionians, whose kings boasted of their descent from Codrus, gave the casting votes in the common sacrifice ; and that the other cities, in order to render themselves of 1 Pausan. 7, 4, 10. 2 In Pausanias (7, 3, 10) we find Abartus. From the analogy of Abarnis in the territory of Phocaea (Steph. B."Aftapvos), Abarnos ought no doubt to be read. VOL. I. T 274 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. equal rank, made their founders — yKpytus at Priene, Cydrelus at Myus, Cnopus at Erythrae, Apcecus (this is evidently a fictitious name, meaning the settler) and Nau- clusat Teos, Amliumon at Colophon — sons of Codrus, if only illegitimate sons; and this led to the further sup- position that all the colonies of Ionia came from Attica, and that Neleus was the head of the great expedition and the founder of all the Ionian cities of Asia. The admission of Phocaea to the common sacrifice must be placed in the second half of the ninth century. If the Homeric poems which mention the offering to Poseidon of Helice assign twelve sons to Neleus of Pylus, the father of Nestor, 1 it follows from this that the sacrificial community of the Ionians already, when these poems were sung, consisted of twelve cities. In any case monarchy must have been in full force among the Ionians, if the kingly rule of a par- ticular race could not only be made the condition of membership in the sacrifice, but that condition was complied with. About the middle of the eighth century the position of the monarchy was already shaken ; it had either fallen, or was about to fall. Farther inland than the Ionian cities, where the Lethseus falls into the Mceander, on the declivity of Mount Thorax, lay a Greek city, Magnesia. Advanced as an outpost into the country, the name of this city shows, and tradition confirms it, 2 that emigrants from Pel ion, Magnetes from the coast of Thessaly, conquered from the midst of the Carians a new place of abode. An inscription, of the first half of the second century of our reckoning, which contains a resolution of the convention of the Pan- Hellenists, asserts that the forefathers of the inhabitants of Magnesia on the 1 //. ii, 692. 2 Strabo, pp. 636, 647. chap, iv.] CONQUEST OF SMYRNA. 275 Maeander had been Magnetes from Thessaly, and first of all the Hellenes had passed over to Asia. 1 Although the emigration of the ancient population of Thessaly must have commenced before the emigration of the Ionians, it is scarcely to be supposed that a colony could succeed in the country before the coast was in the hands of the Greeks. With this a story agrees, which represents the newly-settled Ionians as going to the help of these strangers against hostile attacks. 2 Having gained possession of the plain of the Maeander, the Magnetes early applied themselves to the breeding of horses and equestrian warfare. 3 Magnesia, as a colony of another race, was excluded from the common sacrifice at Mycale. Another city, won by the Ionians at a later time, was not admitted to this sacrifice. Mimnermus has already told us that the people of Colophon, the colony from Cyme, had taken the city of Smyrna from the ^olians in open war. Herodotus says: "In Colophon there was discord, the party that was worsted was driven out of the city and admitted into Smyrna. When the people of Smyrna were celebrating a feast to Dionysus, before the gates, the Colophonians in Smyrna, perceiving this, shut the gates and took possession of the town. The whole of the Achaeans then came to the help of the people of Smyrna, and a treaty was made by which the Achaeans, in considera- tion of the delivering up of all movable goods, left Smyrna to the Ionians, and divided their countrymen of Smyrna among the Achaean cities." According to Strabo's account, Smyrna was originally founded by the Ephesians, after the expulsion of the Carian 1 C.I.G. No. 2910. 2 Conon, Narrat. 29. 3 Aristot. Pol. 4, 3, 2 ; Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 22 M. 276 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. Leleges, but they again were dispossessed by the Achceans. The expelled Ephesians tied to Colophon, and, with the help of the Colophonians, reconquered their city. 1 We have only to hold simply by the verse of the old poem about the founding of Smyrna (p. 231), to the statement of Mimnermus that the Colophonians took Smyrna from the Achaeans, and that Smyrna after this conquest became an Ionian city. A hymn, in the Homeric tone, points further to a closer connection between Colophon and Smyrna. 2 The passing of Smyrna into the hands of the Ionians must have taken place a considerable time before the year 700 B.C. Smyrna was an independent Ionian city, and was so described by Pausanias, when Onomastus of Smyrna, in the year 684 B.C., won the victory in the boxing match at Olympia — the first recorded victory of an Ionian at Olympia. 3 About the same time, or rather earlier, we find Smyrna independent, and successful in battle against Gyges, King of Lydia. Smyrna's attempts to be included in the common sacrifice at Mycale were rejected, perhaps, as Herodotus conjec- tures, for the reason that the number of members might not exceed twelve. 4 The conducting of the sacrifice and of the competi- tive games at Mycale remained with the posterity of ^Epytus of Priene. Even when the monarchy in Priene, as in all the other Ionian cities, had fallen, it was the rule that a citizen of Priene should offer the 1 Herod. 1, 150; Strabo, p. 634. 2 Hymn 8 in Dian. This observation of Bergk {Griech. Literatur- gisch, i, 754) seems to me much to the point. 3 Pausan. 5, 8, 7 ; Philostr. de Gymn. p. 20. 4 Supra, p. 274 ; Herod. 1, 143. He says expressly that Smyrna is not counted among the twelve cities of the Panionion. In no author do we find mention of Smyrna among them. The more general remark of Pausanias (5, 8, 7) proves nothing as against this. CHAP, iv.] THE IONIANS IN THE CYCLADES. 277 sacrifice ; he received for this purpose the title of king, as representative of the ancient princes. When the place of sacrifice in the fourth century B.C. was removed from Mycale, the Delphic oracle commanded the Ionians to take the pattern of the mother altar at Helice (in Achsea). They obeyed, and their ambas- sadors sacrificed there in the year 373 B.C. in the ancient temple. 1 It was a violent step, necessitated by severe distur- bances and by the successes of the Thessalians and Dorians, which the Greek people took in going from their home, and beyond the peninsula and the colonies on the islands, to the coast of Asia. The ^Egean Sea thereby became a Greek lake. Isocrates says, to the praise of the Athenians : " There was much fighting about the Cyclades at the time of the dominion of Minos — the Carians had ultimately possessed them. The Athenians drove out the Carians ; they did not however appropriate the islands, but colonised them with those of the Hellenes who were most in want of means of subsistence. Afterwards the Athenians built on both continents many great cities, drove the barbar- ians from the sea, and showed the Hellenes in what way they might increase their dominions, and against what enemies they might fight and magnify Hellas." 2 "The sons of Minos," says Plutarch, ''had first con- quered the Cyclades, afterwards they became peopled by the companions of Neleus and Androclus, and out of the battles of Neleus and Androclus in Caria and Lydia Hellas beheld Ionia once more emerge. 3 When, after the battle of Mycale, the leaders of the victors held counsel over the future of the Ionians, and the 1 Strabo, p. 384; Diodor. 15, 49. 2 Panathen. 43, 44. 8 De Exilio, 10; De Glor. Athcn. 7. 278 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. Peloponnesians voted that the Ionians should be trans- planted to Hellas in order to secure them against the Persians, the Athenians replied that it did not become the Peloponnesians to make resolutions about the daughter cities of Athens. They admitted Samos, Chios, Lesbos, together with the inhabitants of the other islands who were with them, into alliance, when these had solemnly and religiously promised upon oath to remain faithful to the league and never to break from it." l The Ionians who had taken possession of the Cyclades formed the natural link between the tribes who remained on the peninsula and the Ionians of the new domains in the east, between Eubcea and Attica on the one side, and between Chios and Samos, Miletus and Ephesus, on the other. Populations of the same kind and origin now possessed almost equal territories on both sides of the yEgean. The Ionians of the islands consecrated a rock which rose high out of the sea in the midst of these islands, shone brightly in the sunshine, and, being sheltered by the neigh- bouring islands Rhenea and Myconus from the storms, was surrounded by clear sparkling waves, to Apollo their god of light. Whether the Ionians had pre- viously found here an older worship of the Carians or Phoenicians in which they recognised that of their Apollo, or whether they consecrated Delos to Apollo without such a precedent, cannot be decided. The ancient temple of Apollo at Delos bears indications, so far as can be known, of a Phoenician mode of building. It leans against the rocks, and is built into a niche among them. Walls of rock form the sides and background of it — from side-wall to side-wall 1 Herod. 9, 106. CHAP, iv.] ORACLES AT DIDYMA AND CLARUS. 279 there are ten great stone beams which form the roof; in front the sacred place was closed by a wall of Cyclo- pean character. If the Ionians came first from the islands which surround Delos as in a circle, in the early days of Thargelion (May), to bring to the god the first- lings of the crops which his rays ripened, 1 their fellow- tribesmen from the north and south joined in this sacrifice at any rate from the beginning of the eighth century. If the Ionians, in their old abodes to the north and south of the isthmus, had previously assem- bled at the isthmus in order to offer to Poseidon, they now found themselves together in Delos, the natural meeting-point of their race, for the sacrifice to Apollo. The Ionians thought that the chariot of Helios, faring from the east, reached the centre of the sky above this their sacred island, midway between the two continents. Sacred Delos and the slender palm-tree now at the altar of Apollo are well known to the Homeric poems, at any rate to the Odyssey} It was the fixed belief of the Greeks that if a god was specially worshipped in any territory, that territory belonged to him, and that he must continue to be worshipped if the land was to enjoy prosperity and success. The Ionians, on taking possession of the coast of Asia, had found at Miletus the temple and oracle of a god of the Carians in which they thought they recognised their Apollo. They honoured this place, and left the service and the oracle in the hands of the native priestly family in which they already were — the Branchidae. This ancient Carian temple at Didyma became the most celebrated temple of Miletus. In like manner the inhabitants of Pylus, who founded Colophon, adopted the worship of the Lydian sun-god, 1 Bceckh, Staatshaushalt. 2-, 82. 2 Odyss. 6, 162. 2S0 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. which they found existing in the region conquered by them on the coast at Clarus, and held in honour the traditional oracle of the god of Clarus. It was there- fore afterwards inserted among the Greek legends that Calchas and Teiresias came here on their way from Ilium, and that Teiresias died and was buried here ; others related that Mopsus, son of Manto the daughter of Teiresias, had excelled Calchas at Clarus in prophesy- ing, and Calchas died of grief on account of this. 1 That the Ephesians did not attack the temple of Artemis which they found in the plain of the Cayster, and that they received the priests, the inhabitants of the temple precincts, by a treaty into their common- wealth, has been already observed. By the name of Artemis the Greeks designated the goddess of the Lydians, whose warlike side was first presented to their view. She was the goddess of war and death of the Semitic nations, the Istar-Belit of the Eastern Semites, the Astarte-Ashera of the Western Semites ; who must be worshipped with abstinence ; who carries the weapons of a man ; who, at one time a maiden warrior and hostile to generation, brings death ; and at another favourable to productiveness and fruitfulness, is the nurturing goddess. Thus the maiden Artemis in Ephesus, the women in whose temple were destined to eternal chastity and whose priests were eunuchs, could be at the same time the goddess with many breasts. 2 The warlike side first struck the settlers. The weapon- bearing maidens whom the Ionians found established about the temple on the Cayster, with whom they fought, and whom they at last received by treaty into their 1 The first version belongs to the Nosti (Phot. Bibl. Cod. 239), the second to the Eocr, or the catalogue of women ; Strabo, p. 642. - Strabo, p. 641. chap, iv.] THE EPHESIAN ARTEMIS. 281 commonwealth — against these Theseus, the hero of the Ionic race, had already fought, and had carried off Antiope, sister of their queen. 1 Moreover, the Ionians recognised in Sandon the sun - god of the Lydians one aspect of their Apollo, while they iden- tified the aspect of Sandon -Melkarth, according to which he looses the girdle of the war-goddess, with the form of the hero Heracles (which meanwhile had been invented) ; therefore Theseus was said to have already marched with Heracles against the Amazons. In the first half of the eighth century the ships of the Milesians discovered the Black Sea, and found there, on the north coast of Asia Minor, at the mouth of the Thermodon, among the " white Syrians," the worship of a goddess of war, to whom weapon- dances were held by the maidens who served the temple. Then they believed they had found in this place the home of the Amazons. From Thermodon the Amazons had marched ; they had founded the temple of their goddess at Ephesus, and the city itself. 2 How then the sacred places for the cultus of Astarte, founded by the Phoenicians on the east coast of Hellas, combined with the cults of Ephesus and Thermodon, helped the Greeks to form the legend of the expedition of the Amazons into Hellas, we have already seen (p. 65) ; in order to revenge the rape of Antiope, they went to Attica. Afterwards, as the Homeric poems related, Priam fought at the Sangarius against the Amazons who had come from Thermodon, 3 and the Iliad mentions a grave of the Amazons at Ilium ; lastly, Arctinus of Miletus, about the middle of the 1 Supra, pp. 63, 64 ; Pindar in Pausanias, 1, 2, 1. 2 Pindar in Pausanias, 7, 2, 7 ; Callimach. Hymn, in Dian. 239 ; Justin. 2, 4. 3 //. 3, 1S4-1S9. cS2 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. eighth century, makes the Amazon Penthesilea come to the help of the Trojans. 1 It was not only on this side that the colonisation of the Ionians enlarged the circle of Greek legend. After the Ionians had settled in the Cyclades, Theseus is said to have destroyed the Minotaurus, not in Attica but in Crete (p. 119), the abode of Minos himself; returning victorious, he landed on the sacred rock of Delos, and here returned thanks to Apollo for the victor)'-. The rescued youths and maidens held the first choric dance in artistically-woven rows about the altar of Apollo, and Theseus gave a branch of the sacred palm as a token of victory to the best dancer. 2 Thus the hero of the Ionian race was not merely the founder of the common offering to Poseidon on the isthmus, but also of the offering at Delos, which was now introduced for the Ionians in that spot ; the Athenians believed that they still possessed the ship which had brought Theseus to Crete and Delos. On his further return - voyage, Theseus had deserted Ariadne at Naxos, a legend the meaning of which has already been discussed (p. 121). 1 Phot. Bid/. Cod 239. 2 Plut. TAes. 21. CHAPTER V. THE THESSALIANS AND THE PHOCIANS. In the great movement of races which proceeded from those Thesprotians who became the Thessalians, the best territories of the peninsula came into the hands of new masters, the power and glory of the ancient princi- palities of Orchomenus and Mycenae declined, a new family came to the front in Attica, and a long period of disturbance commenced, in which any skill that had been gained in the arts of sculpture and architecture was either half forgotten or entirely lost. Out of the destruction wrought by war and change of abode, civilisation had to emerge anew and to assume fresh shapes. Life on the peninsula must have become impoverished in these long struggles ; and the leaders of the conquerors had not the resources which had been at the disposal of the princes of Mycenae and Orchomenus. The Thessalians had planted themselves in the most extensive and fruitful regions of the peninsula — the basin of the Peneus, which now received from them the name of Thessaly, and had become their land. The Hestiaeans, the Dorians, the Arnaeans, had been forced to give way before them. The Lapithae and Pelasgiotes we met with in Attica ; the Magnetes and Phthiotes on the other side of the y£gean in Mag- nesia, on Mount Sipylus, on the Maeander, and among 2S4 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook ii. the Achaeans on the coast of the Teucrians. But a considerable portion of the Magnetes as of the Phthiotes remained on Mount Pelion, in the southern mountains of Thessaly and on Mount Othrys, and continued, like the Perrhajbians in the north, to make war against the new rulers on the Peneus. The irruption of the Thessalians into the basin of the Peneus occurred, as we have ventured to conclude in a previous chapter, about the year 1050 B.C. Of the course taken by their conquests we can only positively learn that the Dorians were expelled, and the Arnaeans conquered (p. 209) ; we only hear that the Thessalians, after they were in the land, had to sustain conflicts with the Achaeans of Phthia, and with the Magnetes and Perrhaebians. On the road which brought the Thessalians from the west side of Mount Pindus to the Peneus they must first have encountered the Dorians and Hestiaeans, in the north-west corner of the land of the Peneus. The former gave way entirely, the latter only in part ; the Hestiaeans who emigrated, founded Hestiaea on the north coast of Eubcea. 1 The country itself retained the name of Hestiaeotis from the ancient inhabitants. The subjugation of the Hestiaeans was followed by the conquest of the Arnaeans on the southern affluents of the Peneus. Here the immigrants principally settled, as is proved by the new name taken from the conquerors, and especially attributed to this region : Thessaliotis. Pharsalus, on the borders of the Phthiotes, here became the chief city of the conquerors. 2 Subsequently the Thessalians became lords of the 1 In Strabo this is indeed reversed, p. 433. But the Hestiaeans had undoubtedly taken part in the sacrifice at Anthela, and as the Ionians of Euboea did so likewise subsequently, Hestiaea in Eubcea must have gained them admittance. - JJursian, Geograph. I, 75. CHAP, v.] KINGS OF THE THESSALIANS. 285 fruitful region on the middle and lower Peneus, and of the region about the lakes of Nessonis and Bcebeis. Here, in the "plain of the Pelasgians," around Larisa, was the abode of that ancient agricultural common- wealth in the land of the Peneus ; farther down the river lay the cities of the Lapithse, Gyrton, and Elatea (p. 246) ; to the south Pherae, and Iolcus on the Gulf of Pagasse, formerly the abode of the Phoenician settlers, and the centre of the ancient navigation. To this district and its inhabitants clung the name of the oldest period, that of Pelasgians ; it is called in more recent times Pelasgiotis. Larisa and Crannon were here the chief cities of the Thessalians. Whether the Thessalians already, at their entrance into the country now called by their name, obeyed one leader is doubtful; tradition calls Thessalus their king. That the Thessalians were afterwards governed by princes, under whose rule the whole valley -basin attained to political unity, is certain. After the princes of the Dorians in the Peloponnesus had traced their descent to Heracles, the princes of the conquerors in the north, the Thessalian princes, would not be behind them. Thessalus accordingly is called a descendant of Heracles. The princes of Macedonia assigned to themselves the same origin. A king of the race, who commanded the Thessalians, Aleuas by name — so we are told — wished to exclude his son Pyrrhus from the succession to the throne ; with this view he sent lots to Delphi ; the man whose lot the Pythia drew should be king, and as he had given no lot for Pyrrhus, he thought Pyrrhus was certainly excluded. But the Pythia drew the lot of Pyrrhus, which the brother of his father Aleuas had secretly added ; and when Aleuas declared that no lot had been there for Pyrrhus, 286 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book h. the god answered : " Pyrrhus I name to them, son of Archedice." "So Pyrrhus became king, and, having succeeded to the throne, he surpassed all his prede- cessors and raised the nation to great glory and power." 1 On this Aristotle remarks that the son of Pyrrhus, who was again called Aleuas, after his grandfather, divided Thessaly into the four districts — Thessaliotis, Hestireotis, Pelasgiotis, and Phthiotis — which we find in existence later on. From this we may conclude that King Pyrrhus had completed the conquest of the land, and we may place the reign of his father Aleuas about the year 850 B.C., and that of Pyrrhus about 800 B.C. ; for what Aristotle says of Aleuas, the son of Pyrrhus, shows the monarchy still in full force, whereas elsewhere among the Hellenes about the middle of the eighth century monarchy was at any rate dying out, if not extinct. Even after the fall of the monarchy in Thessaly, we find the posterity of this royal house, the Aleuadee, existing as late as the years 600 B.C. and 500 B.C. as a dynasty- at Larisa, at Pharsalus, and subse- quently also at Crannon ; and if the community of the nobility of Thessaly, i.e. of the posterity of the con- querors, to whom after the fall of the monarchy the government of the country was transferred, found it necessary in time of war to appoint at their head a leader of the army, a chief (rayo?), these leaders were chosen, until after the year 500 B.C., out of this house. 3 In Thessaliotis, Hesticeotis, and Pelasgiotis the 1 Plut. de Fratemo A more, ch. 21. 2 Herod. 7, 6 ; Thucyd. 4, 78. The date of Eurylochus is fixed by the sacred war at about 600, then came Simos, then a third Aleuas ; Aristot. Pol. 5, 5, 9 ; Buttmann, Mythologus, 2, 246, 254, 281. 3 For example, Eurylochus of Larisa, Antiochus, and Echecratidas of Pharsalus. In the case of the Tagus Lattamyas, who fell in 570 in battle against the Bceotians, this is certainly doubtful. chap, v.] CONDITION OF THE OLD INHABITANTS. 287 conquerors took possession of as much of the land as seemed good to them ; the old inhabitants who did not leave the country were degraded into slaves, and became the property of the new rulers, who were now the nobility of the new commonwealth. They had to serve their masters, to till their masters' ground, and herd their masters' cattle ; in Thessaly they were named Penestae, i.e. the poor people. They were hardly used : not one of them was allowed to present himself unbidden at the places where the nobles assembled. Aristotle compares the Penestae of the Thessalians to the Helots of the Spartans. Like the Helots, the Penestae repeatedly rebelled against their masters ; like them, they were on the watch for every misfortune which overtook the commonwealth of their rulers in order to rise at that time. The first insurrections of the Penestae took place at the time when the Thessalians had to fight with the Achaeans, Magnetes, and Perrhaebians." l From this it follows that even when the Thessalians were already in possession of the plains and the highlands, the Magnetes on Mount Pelion, the Perrhaebians on the declivity of Olympus, and the Achaeans in the moun- tains of the south, still carried on their resistance to them. King Pyrrhus must have succeeded about the year 800 B.C. in breaking down this resistance ; other- wise his son Aleuas would not have been able to co- ordinate the territory of Phthiotis with the territories of Thessaliotis, Hestioeotis, and Pelasmotis, even though this did not take place by conquest, but by an agreement or treaty — a fact which is proved by the position in which we afterwards find the Phthiotes, the Magnetes, and the Perrhaebians in relation to the Thes- 1 Aristot. Pol. 2, 6, 2 ; 7, 1 1, 2. 2S8 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. salians. The Phthiotes are indeed dependent, but they arc neither Penestae nor PerioecL This position was maintained by the Magnetes and Pcrrha.bians. There remained to these races more than personal freedom and property. They were called indeed subjects of the Thessalians ;' and we are told that the Perrhcebians sent tribute to Larisa : 2 but they formed separate commonwealths, recognising- the supremacy of the kings and afterwards of the community of the Thessalian nobles. The Phthiotes retained the whole southern part of the Peneus basin ; the fourth part of Thessaly is called after them ; they occupied Halus on the Gulf of Pagasce, I ton, the Phthiotian Thebes, Phylace ; and in the south their dominion extended over Mount Othrys into the valley of the Spercheus. Their dependence on the Thessalians must have been very slight. In Herodotus their country appears as an independent state, not as a district belonging to Thessaly. 3 There is a still clearer proof that the Perrhcebians, Magnetes, and Phthiotes possessed no inconsiderable share of independence, in the fact that they preserved their share in the ancient common sacrifice at Anthela (p. 158). In short, the ancient royal race, the Athamantidoe, reigned on in Halus and Iolcus, and even after the fall of the monarchy, this race was held in honour, as has been already shown above (p. 76). The persistence with which the Phthiotes and Magnetes must have defended their mountain country against the Thessalians in order to retain such a position, no less than the bravery shown by that portion of the Magnetes and Phthiotes on the coast of Asia, whither they fled as emigrants 1 Thucyd. 2, 101 ; 4, 78. Xenoph. Hcllen. 6, 18. Polybius, 18, 30; 6, 7. 2 Strabo, p. 440. 3 7, 173, 196, 198. chap, v.] THE THESSALIAN SUPREMACY. 289 before the Thessalians, must have contributed to give the warriors of Phthia and Phylace that rank in the Epos which they occupy in the Homeric poems. As the name of the Pelasgians adhered to the country on the middle Peneus and the lakes, so the name of the Achaeans adhered to the Phthiotes : they are called the Achseans of Phthia. It was the ancient population (Minyae and Achaeans), which did not migrate and was not subjugated, that here maintained itself. Here it had dwelt from of old, and hither in part it had been forced down from the middle tracts of Thessaly. At the same time, however, there was a recognition of the supremacy of the Thessalians on the part of the Achaeans of Phthia. 1 This we are expressly in- formed ; and without such an attitude of the Phthiotes to the Thessalians it would be inexplicable how the latter could have accomplished what they did in the epoch succeeding Aleuas the second, viz. when they extended their dominion beyond Mount Othrys towards the south, brought the small tribes of the yEnians and Dolopians, the Malians, and Oetaeans into sub- jection, and exercised a predominant influence in the valley of the Spercheus as far as Thermopylae, 2 even though the tribes of the Perrhaebians, Magnetes, and Phthiotes remained apart, and continued to arrange their private affairs for themselves. It is evident that in the wars determined on by the kings of Thessaly, and afterwards by the collective nobility and their head, the raybs, all the dependent tribes had to furnish contingents and contribute to the expenses. 3 According to this, centuries must have elapsed, 1 Xenoph. Hell. 6, 1, 9. - Thucyd. 3, 93. 8 Xenoph. loc. tit. 6, T, II, 19. VOL. I. U 290 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. after the invasion of the Thessalians, before the whole country between Mount Olympus and Mount Othrys obeyed them, and before peaceful relations were estab- lished between the ancient races which had maintained their ground and the new rulers of the land. The great extent of the region of which the conquerors took immediate possession, the fruitfulness of the land and the range of its pastures, enabled the descend- ants of those conquerors to win and to maintain the position and habits of a knightly nobility. The nature of the land allowed the breeding of horses to be carried on to a large extent. We are told that members of the Thessalian nobility could mount from two to three hundred of their followers ; that they took an independent part with these armies in the wars of other cantons, or fought out their own feuds. 1 The Thessalian nobles formed the best troopers of the peninsula ; as on the other side of the y£gean Sea, Colophon, more than any other Ionian city on the coast, cultivated skill in cavalry tactics. About the middle of the seventh century we find Thessalian warriors at Eubcea, south of Thermopylae ; here they furnished efficient aid to the city of Chalcis against Eretria (Book 2, ch. 8). Afterwards the Thessalians were in a position to send into the field eight thousand knights with the soldiers belonging to them. 2 The generous and magnanimous hospitality of the Thessali- ans is famous, 3 but it is also said of them that they were inordinately addicted to the joys of feasting and drink- ing — customs which with them no doubt dated from old times ; that they had little respect for law ; that, being reckless, violent, and passionate, they readily 1 Demosthen. de Ord. Rep. p. 173 ; contra Aristocr. p. 687 R. 2 Xenoph. Hell. 6, 1, 19. 3 Xenoph. loc. cit. 6, 1, 3. chap, v.] THE LOCRIANS. 291 quarrelled and appealed to arms. 1 The tribes sub- jected to the supremacy of the Thessalians remained true to their old style of armour and mode of life. In the fifth and fourth centuries we find the Magnetes still wearing their old national dress, and all armed in the manner described in the Homeric poems as the dress of the heroes, with the spear and the round shield. 2 The districts south of the valley of the Spercheus did not remain undisturbed by the tumult of the migrations. The Dorians, driven out of Hestiaeotis, had in their turn driven the Dryopians, who dwelt on the southern declivity of Mount Oeta, among the affluents of the Boeotian Cephisus, and settled them- selves here on the stream of the Pindus, at Erineus, Cytinium, and Bceum ; the Dryopians found refuge in Eubcea and with the Achaeans on the coast of the peninsula of Argolis. Subsequently the greater portion of the Dorians turned towards the Peloponnesus. South-east from Thermopylae, along the rocky coast of the Sound of Eubcea, on Mount Phrycium, and farther east on Mount Cnemis, dwelt the eastern Locrians, — the Locrians of Opus. A part of these had gone over to the coasts of Asia with the emigrant Achaeans, and had there had an important share in the founding of Cyme and Smyrna (p. 231). In the Homeric poems, the Locrians are represented by Patroclus of Opus and Ajax son of Oileus, who here appears beside his namesake, the son of Telamon, " the bulwark of the Achaeans," as a light armed and agile warrior. 3 The 1 Thucyd. 4, 78 ; Plato, Crito, p. 53 ; Theopomp. Fragm. 54, 178, Ed. Muller; Demosthen. Olynth. 1, p. 15 ; in Aristocr. p. 657 R. 2 Pind. Pyth. 4, 141 : Xenoph. loc. cit. 6, 1, 9, 19. 3 //. 18, 326; 23, 85; 12, 265 ; 13, 702 ; 17, 507. 292 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook ii. Locrians of the old home lived, so far as we can ascertain, in their communities by their herds and by agriculture ; later on they formed, under the predomina- ting influence of the old and wealthy families, a loosely united confederation, at the head of which was Opus. 1 South of the Locrians the Phocians occupied the land of the upper valley of the Cephisus, which lies in the depression between the precipices of Cnemis and the heights of Parnassus ; their dominion stretched away over the broad ridges of Parnassus to the waters of the Corinthian gulf. There, on the Cephisus, in the more fruitful part of their country, lay the most important of the two-and-twenty communities which were afterwards reckoned in Phocis : namely, Tithronium, Elatea, Daulis, and Panopeus. On the summit of Parnassus, on Lycorea, which, rising 7500 feet, towers high above the wild indented mountain mass extending to the south-west, the god of light had been worshipped from ancient times ; his rays each day first greeted this summit, and left it last. Towards the Corinthian gulf the mountain falls in steep and rugged walls to the coast plain and to the Pleistus, which flows round its southern foot and into the Gulf of Corinth at Cirrha. A terrace of this group of mountains, more than 2000 feet above the level of the shore, is perpendicularly overhung by two limestone precipices, nearly 1000 feet high, the Phredriades (i.e., no doubt, the glittering ones), and is watered by three streams — the Castalian fountain, which springs out of the chasm between the two Phaedriades, high up in the rocks ; farther to the west, the fountain of Cassotis, which waters a laurel-grove ; 1 Strabo, p. 425; C.I.G, Nos. 1751, 1352; Timan Fragm. 67, Ed. Miiller; Polybius, 12, 5. CHAP, v.] SHRINE OF APOLLO AT DELPHI. 293 still farther westward, the fountain of Delphusa : the streams which are formed by the springs of Castalia and Delphusa unite lower down and flow into the Pleistus. It was a secluded, stern, lonely, and solemn mountain scene. To the west of the fountain of Castalia there opened on the terrace, in a cavernous depression, a narrow fissure, out of which vapours ascended. The fancy of the Hellenes saw in these vapours a daemon, a serpent of darkness, like the Gorgon and Bellerus, a dragon which the god of light slew with his arrows. This dark and gloomy nature did not succeed in hiding the light of day and of heaven. The battle of Apollo with the dragon, like the deeds of Perseus- Apollo and of Apollo-Bellerophontes, forms a portion of the conflict which the light-gods have to sustain against the daemons of darkness. Sacrifices were offered to the victor Apollo, as the conqueror of darkness and of the dragon, by a laurel -tree which grew near the fissure ; from the tree the god himself was said to have plucked his victor's wreath. When it is said that the most ancient temple of Apollo at the fissure consisted of laurel-boucrhs, 1 nothing more is meant than that the sacrifices were formerly offered in this laurel-grove. This shrine of Apollo belonged, as far as we can see, to the territory or the domain of the old Phocian town of Crisa, which lay westward of it on the spurs of Parnassus, here declining steeply down to the Pleistus. Among the towns of the Phocians Crisa occupied a prominent place. In the catalogue of ships in the Iliad, Crisa is distinguished by the name of the "holy." The importance of the town and its commonwealth, in ancient times, is shown by the fact that the gulf, which was after- 1 Pausan. 10, 5, 6. 294 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. wards called after Corinth, was previously called the Crisaic Gulf. The god of light, who illuminates and penetrates all things with his rays, who sees everything, and from whom nothing remains hidden, is to the Greeks the god of prophecy : his temple under the Pha.driades became their most famous shrine : its gradually in- creasing reputation diminished, though it did not destroy, that of Dodona. At the shrine of Parnassus a woman thrown into convulsions ! by the vapours arising from the fissure or by their chilling blast, "with raving mouth, but full of the god," as Heracleitus of Ephesus says, 2 declared the decrees of the light-god. Prophecy from caves of the earth is foreign to the Arian nations. How far the oracular places of the Lydian, Carian, and Teucrian sun-god, which the emigrants to Clarus found at Colophon, at Miletus, and in the domain of the Teucrians, may have influenced this notion of the Greeks, we cannot decide. From the oracle the shrine received the name of Pytho, i.e., no doubt, place of enquiry ; subsequently the name of Delphi, probably traceable to the cave, came into use for the township which grew up around the shrine of the oracle." 1 Justin. 24, 6. 2 Plut. Pyth. Orac. ch. 6. 3 The derivation from irvOea-dai, to putrefy, which is given in the Hymn to Apollo (v. 372), is incorrect, though ancient. In regard to the derivation of Delphi (first thus named, so far as I can discover, in Heracleitus of Ephesus, Plut. Pyth. Or. ch. 21, and in the very late J/ym. J /mn. 27, 14) I may observe that the Dclphusa is also called Styx ; and concerning 6eAot/3os dXijdws, Plut. De Dcf. Oracul. 21. 2 Pausan. 10, 7, 2. 304 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook II. the murder ; in order to cleanse himself from blood lawfully shed he had even performed menial service ; through his own deed the pure god had overcome impurity in himself; all the more must such atone- ment have been required and rendered by all murderers and slayers, all who had stained them- selves with blood. The customs of the octennial feast were well calculated to impress upon the Hellenes the duty of expiation for murder. In the Homeric poems the murderers flee out of the land before the vengeance of the relatives of the slain person. This may indeed have been generally the case in the disturbed times of the migrations and conquests. According to the priestly view, which maintains and revives ancient Arian notions, the man who had shed blood, rightly or wrongly, by design or accident, had brought on himself the worst of all pollutions ; he had defiled not only himself but his country and his race, had deprived them of the pro- tection of the bright and pure gods, and had given to the dark powers of the underworld and of death power over his home ; he himself has fallen under the sway of the dark spirits, the swiftly-moving Erinnyes (p. 188), who will drag him down to them in the night of horror. The blood stain, which transfers its impurity to all that he touches, must be eradicated from his home, and from his race and family, if the unpurified land is not to fall beneath the anger of the gods. The slayer must be banished, if he does not banish himself. In the polluted land he cannot be purified; but in foreign countries the blood cleaving to his hands can be taken from him, and the murderer can be washed clean, at any rate corporeally, from these blood spots. Here the purification might be accomplished by any one chap, v.] PURIFICATION OF THE MURDERER. 305 who was inclined to grant the request of the murderer. The purifier offers a sucking-pig, which he kills by- cutting its throat, and lets the blood run from the wound over the hands of the murderer, whereby Zeus, who gives purity, and is softened by the prayer of the guilty man (Zeus Catharsius, and Meilichius), is in- voked. Then the hands of the murderer are washed with consecrated water, — that is, with water which has been stained with blood and laid aside in a special place ; sacrificial cakes and other expiatory offerings are burned — libations of water and milk are poured out to Zeus amidst prayer that he would restrain the swift-avenging spirits, the restlessly-pursuing Erinnyes, and be gracious to the guilt-laden man. The stained garments and weapons were thrown into the sea or buried. Only after this purification could the murderer have intercourse again with others without polluting them with his guilt. If the expulsion of the guilty man sufficed to secure the land from farther stain, the murderer had, by his exile, taken upon himself a penalty which was calculated to propitiate the gods and to avert the power which the Erinnyes possess over him. Only the banishment must last a long time ; and the gods, as well as the soul of the murdered, would be better appeased if the murderer in exile would take on himself, besides, voluntary penances. Lastly, the murderer had to seek reconciliation with the kindred of his victim. Only when he had done this could he venture to return to his fatherland. Here he had to perform the final expiation : the murderer had to tread with his left foot on the hide of a sacri- ficed ram ; in that position he received purification. Then for the liberation of the murderer's soul a sacri- fice of black animals was offered to the infernal gods, vol. 1. x 3o6 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. and libations were poured into rifts or caves for the soul of the slain. 1 The importance of Delphi after the end of the ninth century extended not merely to the arrangement of the royal succession in Thessaly and the regulation of the Dorian states on the Eurotas ; the stress which the mythus and cult of Delphi laid on the expiation for murder in any case must have contributed to pro- duce a great dread of bloody deeds, which in the stormy times of the migrations and settlements might have sensibly decreased, and to the diminution of violent crimes. Traces of such an influence are per- ceptible from the first half of the eighth century. Arctinus of Miletus about the middle of that century sang of the flight of Achilles to Lesbos from the camp before Ilium after he had slain Thersites, and of his purification on that island by Odysseus ; 2 and if the legend represents Apollo as sending Orestes from Delphi to Athens to appear before the Areopagus, and then averting the judgment of the Areopagus on him as a matricide ; if the proceedings in the criminal court of Attica correspond with the ritual of Delphi ; if here, in Attica, with these regulations, the presidency of the king in the criminal court is strictly maintained, even after the monarchy has fallen — the result of all this is that the decrees of Delphi concerning atonements for murder were adopted in Attica, and also that they must have been in force there before the year 750 B.C. 3 1 O. Miiller, ALschylos EumeiiiJcn, p. i 14 ff. - Phot. Biblioth. Cod. 239. 3 Supra, pp. 241, 245. According to the legend, Apollo himself cleanses Orestes (after the acquittal before the Areopagus) at his altar at Delphi, in the prescribed manner, by letting the blood of the offered sucking-pig run over his hands, and sprinkling him with the atoning branch of his laurel. chap, v.] INFLUENCE OF DELPHI. 307 Nor was the oracle of Pytho without influence on the Greek measurement of time. The sun, the course of which determined periods, belonged to Apollo, the god of light. The great year, the octennial intercal- ary period, which the priests of Apollo in Delphi had invented, was, in the first half of the eighth century, also the basis for determining the date of the recur- rence of the sacrifice offered by the Eleans, Messen- ians, and Achaeans in common, ever since the year 776 B.C., to Zeus and Hera on the Alpheus at Olympia. When Attica had entered the community of the Amphictyons, her representatives had to preside in the Council over the arrangement of the Calendar. 1 Accordingly, Solon of Athens fixed the beginning of the year, and the three intercalary months, after the Delphic pattern, and an Attic inscription from the middle of the fifth century tells us that Athens was then enquiring at Delphi about an intercalary month. 1 Arist. Nub. 609, 622-625. CHAPTER VI. THE BOEOTIANS. Driven out from their ancient abodes on the southern affluents of the Peneus, and from " Arne," by the Thessalians, the Arnseans travelled south, across Mount Othrys and Mount Oeta, and, pushing forward into the valley of the Cephisus, arrived in the terri- tory of the Minyae of Orchomenus. Here they at first settled themselves in Chaeronea and Coronea at the foot of Mount Laphystium. 1 This tradition is confirmed by the fact that we find in Coronea a temple of Athena- 1 tonia, a title derived from the Thessalian I ton (on the Curalius, an affluent of the Peneus), a place in the old home of the Arnaeans ; the name of the river of Iton, also the Curalius, was transferred in the new home to a stream flowing into the lake of Copais. The founding of the temple of Athena- Itonia and the naming of the Curalius are expressly ascribed to the immigrants. From Chaeronea and Coronea they attacked Orchomenus, which after the expulsion of the Phoenicians had attained supremacy over the Cadmeans and over Thebes, and assumed a 1 Thucyd. I, 12; Strabo, p. 411. Plutarch, who is here the autho- rity, expressly bears testimony to the first colony at Chaeronea (Cit/ion. 1 ; similarly l'ausanias, 9, 40, 5). The Boeotian Arne, however, is merely an invention, taken from the catalogue of ships, and must therefore have been swallowed up by the Copais ; but it is possible that Chaeronea may have been at first called Arne by the immigrants. CHAP, vi.] EARLY CONQUESTS. 309 predominant position in the lake-basin of Bceotia ; at last they conquered the city, and from thence pene- trated farther to the east, towards Thebes. The Minyae and Cadmeans fled across Mount Cithseron to Attica, and sought refuge, some in Lemnos, some at the mouth of the Eurotas ; again driven out from hence by the pressure of the Dorians of Sparta, this portion of the Minyae at length found abiding homes on the west coast of the Peloponnesus in Triphylia and on the island of Thera. Pausanias tells us that the Boeotians, like all the Hellenes in ancient times, were governed by kings. 1 Plutarch says : King Opheltas led the people who were subject to him from Thessaly and Bceotia ; at his side was the seer Peripoltas. The descendants of Opheltas (the Opheltiadae) continued to be the most renowned tribe in Bceotia, the posterity of Peripoltas dwelt in Chseronea, and this famous race flourished here, i.e. in the territory first conquered from the Arnseans down to a late period. 2 Damasichthon, the son of Opheltas, became king of Thebes ; this no doubt signifies the conquest of Thebes by the immigrants, which took place in the second generation. Dama- sichthon was succeeded on the throne of Thebes by Ptolemaeus, and^Ptolemseus by Xanthus, who, pressing southwards across Mount Cithseron, was killed in single combat with Melanthus, who had accepted the challenge of Xanthus in place of Thymaetas, king of the Athenians (p. 242). We may infer from this 1 Paus. 9, r, 2. 2 Plut Cimon. 1 ; De sera numin. vind. 13. The coupling of Opheltas with Peneleus, the leader of the Boeotians at the Trojan War (Pausan. 9, 5, 16), is evidently an invention; the choice of Damasichthon as king by the Thebans, takes the place of the conquest of Thebes by the Arnaeans. 3io THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [r.ooK n. tradition that the descendants of Opheltas, when the Cadmeans had been conquered, had made the old fortified city of Thebes their residence : the Thebans afterwards maintained that they had subjugated Bceotia and founded the other cities, and lastly Plataua. 1 It may be that the conquest of Thebes took place in the second generation after the arrival of the Arnaeans, after the taking of Chaeronea and Coronea under King Damasichthon ; that the conquest of the sur- rounding territory was completed in the third genera- tion ; and that in the fourth, under King Xanthus, it touched the limit. The march of conquest may no doubt have led the Arnaeans over Mount Cithatron (according to Attic tradition, the possession of Oenoe or Melaenae was in question), but the successful resist- ance of the people of Attica made Mount Cithaeron the permanent boundary. The land of the Minyae and Cadmeans which the Arnaeans had conquered, and which now, belong- ing to one tribe, was called Bceotia, did not continue united under the dominion of the Opheltiadae ; on the newly -acquired territory there grew up twelve or fifteen communities, over which the royal house of Thebes maintained scarcely more than an honorary supremacy and the right of offering the common sacrifice. 2 When the ancient Orchomenus had fallen, Thebes became under the new rulers the most power- ful and important city of the land. This circum- stance, together with the pre-eminence of the princes of Thebes, maintained a certain unity among the immigrants. Orchomenus and Thespiae, as far as we 1 Thucyd. 3, 61, 66. 2 So much may be inferred from the subsequent position of Thebes, and from the consideration in which the Opheltiades were held, even at a much later dater date, throughout all Bceotia. chap, vi.] THE NEW COMMONWEALTHS. 311 can see, could only lay claim, at the most, to a greater comparative importance in respect to Thebes; Coronea, Chaeronea, Tanagra, Plataea, were regarded as inferior. But even the new Thebes and the new Orchomenus were far from attaining the status and power of the ancient cities on which they had grown up ; of whose greatness they had evidence in the mighty sepulchres of the kings of the Minyae, in the old walls, in the seven gates of Thebes. The unity of the tribe which now ruled in the land, the remembrance of the common conquest of the country, the conscious- ness of inter- dependence, found their expression in common sacrifices which the town of Bceotia offered to the goddess of their old home, Athena-Itonia, in the temple at Coronea. Though the immigrants thus maintained their ancient worship, they would not, after the manner of the Greeks in a new country, have felt themselves secure if they had not tried to gain the favour of the tutelary spirits of that country. The new commonwealth of Orchomenus was admitted into the sacrificial community of the maritime city of Calauria, to which the ancient Orchomenus had belonged ; in honour of the Charites, the deities of spring, it celebrated the Charitesia, a feast essentially agrarian in character, which can hardly owe its origin to the victorious warriors of the new Orchomenus ; and the feast of the Am-ionia — in which a woman of the old population, of the tribe of the Minyae, of the family of Minyas, the royal house of the Minyae, was offered as a sacrifice when she was captured — has sufficient internal evidence to show that it was derived from an older time. 1 It was a remnant of the Phoenician worship of the devouring god. The new common- 1 C.I.G. No. 1584 ; supra, p. 74. 3 i2 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. wealth of Thebes worshipped Harmonia, daughter of Ares and Aphrodite, i.e. the Syrian goddess placed beside Melkarth 1 as protectress of the ancient citadel : Thebes continued the chief seat of the worship of Heracles, which the Cadmeans had learned from the Phoenicians. If the transformation of Melkarth into the hero Heracles had begun when Orchomenus had attained pre-eminence over the Cadmea, when the Phoenicians had been driven out, and when the Cadmeans had become Greeks, the new masters of Thebes, the Arnaeans, must have completed this trans- formation. We only hear indeed that they offered sacrifices to Heracles and Iolaus, and held wrestling matches on these occasions. Of the history of Thebes at this period we know nothing except that the /Egidae, a noble family of that city, claiming descent from Cadmus, about the year 800 B.C., marched from thence to the Dorians of the Eurotas valley ; that the head of this family rendered the Dorians there good service in war, and organised their army (ch. 10). The immigrants, the conquerors of the Minyae and Cadmeans, were the nobility of the new dominion ; they had divided among them the best portions of the rich pastures and meadows : the herds, to which this pasture land gave abundant support, constituted the most essential part of the new lords' possessions. In Bceotia the ancient population was not wholly driven out, nor were those who remained degraded into slaves. Certain families of them may even have found admit- tance into the ruling class, since, in Plutarch's time, there was a family in Orchomenus said to be descended from Minyas, the tribal ancestor of the Minyae; and we find, not only in Thebes, but also in Thespise, 1 Schol. Pind. Olymp. 7, 153. CHAP, vi.] POSITION OF THE CONQUERORS. 313 families tracing their descent to Cadmus and Her- acles. 1 A class of slaves, attached to the soil, like that of the Penestse in Thessaly and the Gymnetes and Helots in the conquered land of the Peloponnesus, we do not find in Bceotia. The pastures, so far as they were not taken possession of by the new masters, remained in the hands of the survivors of the old popu- lation. Obedient to the commands and jurisdiction of the new princes — their new masters — this remnant gradually became one people with their conquerors. On the broad territory which these conquerors had won there flourished a noble life and noble characters. The new lords had leisure to practise themselves in arms and in activity of body — their pastures supported excellent horses in addition to flocks and herds. The importance of the warriors, now the ruling class — the nobility of the new commonwealth, asserted itself even in opposition to the princes. The communities of the Boeotians participated in the common sacrifice at the temple of Demeter, at Thermopylae ; a league to which their fathers in their ancient abodes at Arne had be- longed ; or else were allowed to join in it at the renewal of the sacrifice before the middle of the eighth century : they took part in the transference of this assembly to the sacrifice at Delphi (before 700 B.C.) ; and when the sacrifice which the Eleans had at first brought in con- junction with the Messenians and Achseans to Olympia, to Zeus and Hera, embraced not only the Pelopon- nesians, but also the Athenians, the Boeotians likewise joined this community. It was a Theban noble who, at the first chariot-race in Olympia, in the year 180 B.C., gained the prize with his team of four horses. 2 On the conditions of life which prevailed in Bceotia 1 Diodor. 4, 29. 2 p a usan. 5, 8, 3. 314 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. in the first half of the eighth century in the lower strata of the population, among the peasants who could keep a yoke of oxen, a man, and a maid, a poem of this date throws a welcome gleam of light. 1 We find from this that people from the towns of the Achaeans, in Asia, who had not sufficient to maintain themselves there, wandered back to their mother coun- try. One of these, a man of Cyme, found admittance into the district of Ascra, belonging to the territory of Thespian, and thus acquired a peasant's property. After his death his two sons divided the inheritance ; one was not contented with the portion that fell to him ; he went to law against his brother, and the decision of the judge was on his side. The brother accuses " the kings " of having given an unrighteous sentence, and of having been bribed by the opponent. They behaved like the falcon which carried off the nightingale in his talons, and when she complained told her that he was the stronger. 2 He earnestly warns kings of the punishment which Zeus exacts for unrighteous sentences and the perversion of justice. The people must suffer for the wickedness of the king who acts unjustly : hunger and pestilence will come, Zeus will destroy the army in battle, the walls of the town, and the ships on the sea : houses will fall into decay, and women will bear children no longer. 3 Of such penalties kings must be mindful. When justice is rightly awarded to natives and foreigners, then the city flourishes, and the people in it, and peace nurtures a goodly race. Hunger comes not to such a city ; the ground bears fruit abundantly ; on the mountains the oak-tree above gives acorns; in the centre it is full 1 Concerning the date of Hesiod, and further particulars, vide infra, ch. 13. 2 Opp. 203 ff. 3 Loc. cit. 220, 242 ff. chap, vi.] CONDITION OF THE PEASANTS. 315 of bees ; the sheep have thick and white wool ; the women bear children who resemble their fathers : they do not need to wander over the sea, for the earth brings them rich sustenance. 1 " Bearing this in mind, ye kings, ye gift-eaters, declare just sentences, and for the future purpose no longer to give crooked judgment." 2 To his brother who desires to punish him with a new law -suit the threatened man replies that he desires to wage with him a better strife, not like that induced by the envy of potter against potter, car- penter against carpenter, minstrel against minstrel, 3 but the conflict of work. He teaches him how the ground is to be managed ; when the seed is to be sown and the harvest brought in ; how the men and maids are to be kept, if the work is to be remunera- tive, and hunger and poverty are to remain afar off. Labour is not a disgrace, but idleness is so. Even in the winter a man ought not to sit idle in his smithy or in his house. 4 It is evident that the peasant at that time had to maintain himself, and to bestir himself seriously if he desired to exist ; and that those to whom the ground was not remunerative, or who were without landed possessions, sought their living on the sea. 1 Loc. tit. 248. 2 Loc. tit. 225 ff. 3 Loc. tit. 25. 4 Loc. tit. 491, 501. CHAPTER VII. ARGOS AND THE COLONIES OF THE DORIANS. Argos was not the first territory in which, so far as tradition enables us to see, the Dorians settled them- selves in the Peloponnesus ; only when Dorian emigrants had planted their colonies in the south, in Messenia, on the upper Eurotas, on the Oenus, and in Cynuria, was Argos attacked and taken. But, though the commonwealth which grew up there was a later settlement, it became the most powerful and important of those which the immigrants founded on the island of Pelops. Dorian Argos unquestionably assumed a predominant position from the middle of the tenth until after the middle of the eighth century. The interpola- tion of Heracles into the succession of the Persidae must have taken place in Argos ; the legend of the descent of the Dorian princes from Heracles, of the division among the three brothers, sons of Aristomachus, must here have been formed ; it is the kings of Argos who claim and are accredited with descent from the first-born of Aristomachus (p. 216). Moreover, it is said to have been the sons and grandsons of Temenus who, departing from Argos, conquered and made Dorian the cities of the Ionians on the north coast. We find the princes of Argos in possession of a con- siderable territory, at the head of a federation which embraces the whole north-east of the Peloponnesus. CHAP, vii.] KINGS OF ARGOS. 317 Argos likewise has multifarious relations with islands in the ^Egean Sea ; it is not only in arms and navigation, but also in the paths of culture, that she is foremost of all the cantons of the peninsula in these centuries. The enfeeblement which Argos afterwards under- went through long and severe conflicts, the loss of her supremacy and leadership in the Peloponnesus, was also prejudicial to the tradition of the country. Only the most meagre fragments of the legend of Argos have remained to us. King Temenus, as the story has already told us, succumbed to the murderers hired by his sons, who were jealous and anxious about the favour shown by Temenus to Deiphontes, the husband of his daughter (p. 220). His burial-place, in that citadel on the strand from which he had fought and conquered the Achaeans of Argos, was honoured by the Argives. His successor, Ceisus, the eldest of his sons, is called by tradition the real founder of Argos : l it was in his time that Deiphontes is said to have con- quered Epidaurus and the island of ^Egina ; that the younger brothers of Ceisus, Phalces and y£gaeus, con- quered Sicyon and Trcezen ; and the son of Phalces, Phlius. When Medon, son of Ceisus, was king at Argos, the expedition of the Dorians of Argos and Corinth is said to have occurred, which was rendered abortive by the death of Codrus, and only brought the territory of Megara under the sway of the Dorians of Corinth (p. 252). Medon was succeeded in the dominion of Argos by Thestius, Merops, and Aris- todamidas. 2 1 Strabo, p. 481. 2 Diodorus and Theopompus ap. Syncellum, p. 499. Bonn. Satyrus {Fragw. 21, Miillcr) has Maron instead of Medon, and Acous in- stead of Merops. Unger {Philolog. 26, p. 369) identifies this Acous with that Acues (Polya^n. 1, 11) who expelled the Spartans from the 31 8 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [rook II. The best lands and pastures on the Inachus were taken possession of by the Dorian conquerors. The abode of the princes and of this new class of rulers was not the citadel of Mycenae, but the older citadel, the Argive Larisa. Not all the Achreans had deserted the city and territory of Argos before the conquerors. We find in Argos, together with the three Dorian tribes, a fourth, which has equal rights with them, the tribe of the Hyrnatheans. 1 Though tradition assigns to it as an ancestress Hyrnetho the daughter of Temenus, we may infer from the existence of this race that noble families of the Achaeans had been received into the new Doric commonwealth. The greater part of the Achseans who had remained in the country retained their freedom and property, with local authority. 2 These small proprietors, in other districts generally called Periceci, i.e. dwelling around, are named in Argos Orneatse, probably because the territory of Ornese (north from Argos, on the road to Phlius) was first brought into this status. Side by side with the commonwealth of Orneae, and in the same position, were the commonwealths of Hysiae and Midea, and the Cynurians, inhabitants of the coast south of the Bay of Argos. Herodotus tells us that the Cynurians already conquered Tegea. In that case, indeed, vttv tow 'ApyaW must be altered to iVo twv ApKa8(ov. This combination might be further supported by placing this event in the war of Charilaus against Tegea (infra, ch. 9) ; Acues was the fifth after Temenus, Charilaus the fifth after Eurypon, inclusive of both. Though Busolt (Laked. p. 100) refers the fragment of Diodorus (De Insidiis, 5 ; Ed. Miiller) to this war of Charilaus, yet in this war there was no question either of the Argives or of the taking of Tegea, consequently it seems necessary to place Acues of Argos in the time of the battle of Hysi;c which the Spartans, with Tegea in their rear, fought against Argos (infra, Book 3, ch. 5). 1 C.I.G. 1 1 30; Plut. Mulicr. Virtnt. 4; Steph. Byz. Aiyxav. 2 Isocrat. Panath. 177. chap, vii.] TERRITORY OF ARGOS. 319 became Doricised under the rule of Argos. 1 Subject to Argos, but in a more independent position, there were also the cities of the Dryopes, who had once fled before the Dorians when the Dorians settled on Mount Oeta, and had established themselves at Asine and Hermione on the south coast of the peninsula of Argos. They were now again subject to Dorians. The Achaeans also, in the former colony of the Phoenicians at Nauplia, maintained a freer position. Nauplia kept its place in the common sacrifice at Calauria, to which the new Doric commonwealths of Epidaurus, Trcezen, JEg'ma., and Prasiae were admitted to repre- sent these previously Ionic cities. The Achaeans of Mycenae and Tiryns assumed likewise, it would seem, a place of pre-eminence among the communities of the Periceci ; it is possible that they were apportioned to the fourth tribe, that of Hyrnetho. 2 The hardest fate befell the Achaeans on those lands of which the Dorians had taken possession for themselves. They became slaves of the soil and bondmen to the new proprietors. In Argos they were distinguished by the name of Gymnetes or Gymnesians. 3 Herodotus describes the extent of the territory of Areos in the following words : " The land to the west (of the city of Argos) belonged to the Argives as far down as Malea {i.e. the whole east coast of the Pelo- ponnesus, as far as its southern point, and the island of Cythera and the other islands." On this east coast were the Cynurians, and the cities of Prasiae, Zarex, and Bceae, occupied by the Dorians, and the southern Epidaurus, a colony of the northern Epidaurus. But 1 Herod. 8, 73. If Ornea; was afterwards reckoned among the a-vfj.iJ.axot of Argos (Thucyd. 5, 67), it must have gained its freedom, like Mycenae and Tiryns, after the battle of Sepea. 2 Busolt, Laked. p. 67 ff. 3 Steph. Byz. Xtos ; Pollux, 3, 83. 320 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. what does Herodotus mean by "the other islands"? Does he mean those lying near the coast — yEgina, Calauria, Hydrea ? — or are we to associate with Cythera other more distant islands ? 2 This extension of their territory placed the kings of Argos at the head of a sacrificial league, a federation. It embraced the towns which the Dorians of Ar^os had founded, or were said to have founded — S icy on, Phlius, Cleonoe, Trcezen, the northern and southern Epidaurus, Prasiae, Bceae, and the island of /Egina. Under the leadership of the kings of Argos these places brought common offerings to Apollo Pythaeus, whose temple stood beneath the Larisa of Argos. 2 We do not know how far back this community carries its existence ; we see only that it must have existed in the first half of the eighth century ; but we know from the ordinances which united it that none of the con- federates made war upon the others, that none might support the attack of a non-confederate upon them, and that it was the duty of the princes of Argos to impose a penalty upon any confederates who thus transgressed. The Dorians who had migrated to Argos and settled there were not all satisfied with the lot that had befallen them. The desire for warlike expeditions and adventures which had been formerly awakened, and was kept alive by tedious conflicts, drove them farther. Unsatisfied with the rich spoil which they had gained on the island of Pelops, some of them followed the movement out of the peninsula, to which they themselves had given the impetus. After the precedent of the Achaeans and Ionians, they ventured 1 Thucyd. I, 9; vt/o-oi TrepiotKi&es, Herod. 1, 82. 2 Pausan. 2, 23, 8. CHAP. VII.] EXPEDITION OF ALTH^EMENES TO CRETE. 321 on the JEgean Sea ; warriors from Eastern Arcadia, from Tegea, joined them as allies. The possession of ^Egina and of Cythera, "the purple island," formerly- colonised by the Phoenicians, and on which they had founded a temple to the Syrian goddess, the armed Aphrodite, secured to the Dorians places which were adapted for expeditions still farther out to sea, to more distant lands. The emigration of the Achaeans had taken a northern direction, that of the Ionians from Attica followed a middle course, while that of the Dorians had struck out a road to the south. The legend runs thus : At the time of King Medon, son of Ceisus, the youngest son of Ceisus, Althaemenes, was at war with his elder brothers. And when the expedition of the Dorians of Argos and Corinth had failed against Attica, i.e. did not yield sufficient land for partition, Althsemenes led a part of this army over the sea to Crete. 1 The long island of Crete closes the yEgean Sea to the south. It had been the central point of the stations of the Phoenicians on the islands and coasts of this sea. In the form of Minos, the tradition of the Greeks has personified and expressed the dominion of the Phoenicians in the ^Egean Sea ; in his laws the well-ordered life of the cities of Crete, Karath (Caeratus), Ethanath (Itanus), Leben (Lebena), Hellotis (Gortyn), Arvad (Aradus), which the Phoenicians had occupied ; in Europa, the mother of Minos, the cult of Astarte ; in his bull the worship of Baal-Moloch, as in Daedalus, whom it places beside Minos, they personified the artistic ability of the Phoenicians. In spite of the undoubtedly ancient, deeply -rooted, and secure posi- tion of the Phoenicians, the Dorians succeeded in 1 Strabo, pp. 479, 481, 653 ; Conon, Xarrat. 47. VOL. I. V 3 = 2 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. reducing Karath, the most important town on the island, situated in a great plain to the north-east, not far from the coast; in Greek legend the abode of Minos, in the: Homeric poems the town with the buildings of Daedalus ; it now received the name of Cnossus. 1 To explain the striking fact of the success of the Greek colony, Herodotus quotes the following from Cretan tradition : The Cretans, in order to avenge the death of Minos, went in great numbers to Sicily ; after they had in vain besieged Camicus, a storm had cast them on the Iapygian coast and destroyed their ships ; thus they were constrained to found a settlement, and after the Trojan period man and beast had died of hunger and pestilence, so that Crete had afterwards to be peopled entirely anew. - ' Althaemenes, as the legend relates, did not remain on Crete ; with part of his people he sailed farther to the east. The ancient colony of the Phoenicians on the island of Rhodes inhabited by Carians, we have already spoken of. We found there the worship of the sun-god and his seven children, i.e. the eight great gods of the Phoenicians, — the worship of Melkarth- Macar ; here Cadmus landed ; here at Ialysus he founded a temple and appointed Phoenicians to serve it ; he also left behind him a votive offering with a Phoenician inscription at Lindus. 8 We have further evidence of the dominion of the Phoenicians at Rhodes 1 The foremost place which Cnossus occupies among the cities of Crete in the Homeric poems, and the fixing of Idomeneus, the first Greek prince and grandson of Minos in Crete, at Cnossus (he was worshipped there ; Diodor. 5, 79), point to Cnossus as the first settle- ment of the Greeks on the island ; hence it follows that the founding of Gortyn and Lyctus was ascribed to Pollis, i.e. to the emigration of the Achaeans after the fall of Amyclae. 2 Herod. 7, 170, 171. 3 Diod 5, 56. CHAP, vil.] COLONISATION OF RHODES. 323 in the name Atabyris, borne by the highest peak of the island (over 4500 feet high) ; this is the Greek modifi- cation of the Semitic Tabor, i.e. height : also in the mythical population, which the tradition of the Greeks assigns to this island, the artistic craftsmen, the " Tel- chines : " and lastly, in the very characteristic phases of the Phoenician worship which have been preserved in Rhodes. 1 The Doric strangers, led by Althaemenes, overcame the Carians on the island, so we are informed by Conon. 2 Other accounts show that the Phoenicians did not lightly surrender a territory like Rhodes, lying so far to the eastward, an island on which they had long been established, the forests and products of which, in wine, figs and oil, honey and wax, were of great service to them. Ergius, the Rhodian, in the history of his native place, tells us that Phalanthus the Phoenician occupied in the territory of Ialysus (in the north of the island) a very strong citadel, with an abundant store of provisions, so that the Phoenicians long withstood the Greeks, who besieged them under the command of Iphiclus. Moreover, the Phoenicians had received a divine oracle to the effect that the land should remain with them till the ravens became white, and fishes appeared in the wine -vessel, and as they hoped that neither one nor the other would happen, they carried on the war without fear. Iphiclus heard 1 The name of the city of Camirus is probably derived from Chamirah, i.e. rich in clay ; Schneidenvirth, K/iodos, N. 4. 2 Strabo, pp. 479, 481, 653 ; Con. Narrat. 47. The Greek legend of the early colonisation of Rhodes by Tlepolemus is of as little import- ance as that of Crete by Tectaphus, son of Dorus ; or that of Cos by the Heraclidct, Pheidippus, and Antiphus ; or that of Cyprus by Teucer of Salamis. Nor can Althicmenes be regarded as Oekist of Rhodes, inasmuch as he founded the worship of Zeus Atabyrius, and is called a son of Catreus and a grandson of Minos. From this it would rather follow that by Altha_'menes the Phoenician colonisation of Rhodes is meant (Diod. 5, 59 ; Apollod. 3, 2, 2). 324 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. of this oracle received by the Phoenicians. By means of an ambush he gained possession of Larcus, a trusted friend of Phalanthus who had gone out to fetch water, won him over, put freshly-caught fishes into his vessel, and told him to pour this water into the vessel in which wine was mingled for Phalanthus. Then Iphiclus had some ravens captured, covered with plaster, and again set free. Phalanthus beheld the white ravens with astonishment, and when he turned to his drinking-cup he perceived the fish. Then he was convinced that he could no longer possess the land, and sent to tell Iphiclus that he was ready to evacuate the fortress with his followers, if he were allowed to withdraw in safety. It was agreed that Phalanthus and his people should freely depart with all that they had in their stomachs, and that Iphiclus should provide things for their voyage. This was confirmed by oath. Phalan- thus had beasts slain for sacrifices, their intestines taken out, and gold and silver put inside them instead. When Iphiclus became aware of this stratagem, he declared that on his side ships would be prepared, but without helm, masts, or rudder ; his oath applied only to ships. Then the Phoenicians yielded, buried most of their treasures, and marked the place so that they should know it again and be able to fetch them, but left also much treasure to Iphiclus. Thus the Phoe- nicians were driven out, and the Hellenes became lords of the country. In Polyzelus there is a still more romantic version of this legend. Only Phacas the Phoenician, and his daughter Dorcia, know of the oracle which Phalanthus has received. Dorcia falls in love with Iphiclus, communicates with him through her nurse, and receives a promise that she shall be his wife. She it was who persuaded the water-bearer to chap, vii.] GREEKS AND PHOENICIANS IN RHODES. 325 put fishes into the wine-vessel, and let fly the ravens smeared with white. 1 The long resistance of the Phoenicians, which the legend seeks to explain, is not an invention, nor ought we absolutely to discard the idea that treaties may have been concluded between the new settlers in Rhodes and the Phoenicians. Diodorus, following Zeno of Rhodes, assures us that in the community of Ialysus, Phoenicians had been admitted to equal rights, and that priests from the Phoenician families had inherited the charge of the sacred services. 2 The worship of Zeus on the summit of Atabyris, under the form of a bull, i.e. of Baal- Moloch, 3 the human sacri- fices which were offered here ; 4 the worship of Helios, 5 i.e. of Baal-Samin, as the tutelary god of the island, whose head, surrounded by rays, the coins of Rhodes afterwards bore ; and that of his seven sons ; of Heracles, to whom bulls were sacrificed, i.e. of Baal- Melkarth ; of Asclepius, 6 i.e. the Eshmun of the Phoenicians — all these not only show how firmly these cults of the Phoenicians were rooted here, but force us to the conclusion that Phoenicians in no inconsiderable number had remained behind in Rhodes. Even in later times we find there sacrificial communities of Atabyriastae, Asclepiastee, and Adoniastoe, i.e. wor- shippers of Adonis. 7 1 Athenaeus, p. 360. 2 Diod. 5, 58. 3 Isigon. Fragm. 4, Ed. Miiller ; Schol. Pind. Olymp. 7, 260. 4 Porphyrius (De abstin. 2, 54) ascribes these to Cronos ; cf. Euseb. Prcep. Evang. 4, 16. 5 Pind. Olymp. 7, 14 ; 'AeXioi.6 re vv/j.a 'PoSos ; 7, 70 ff; Conon, Narrat. 47. 6 Pausan. 7, 23, 6; Lactant. 1, 21 ; Diod. 19, 45. This worship likewise came from Rhodes to Acragas ; Polyb. I, 18, 2. 7 Ross, Inscript. Grccc. 3, p. 34; Revue Archeolog. 1864, vol. 10, P- 473- 326 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook n. The new masters of Rhodes had founded three commonwealths in the island, which stood side by side with equal rights. Their Dorian origin is beyond a doubt. Not only was Altha^menes worshipped as Oekist, but Pindar thus speaks of the Rhodians : "At the extreme point of vast Asia they occupied the island of the three cities (Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus) with the Argive spear." 1 Thucydides too describes them as Dorians. 2 And Aristides the rhetorician thus appeals to the Rhodians: "Are you not Dorians from the Peloponnesus from all antiquity, were not your chiefs and kings Heraclidae and Asclepiadae ?" ; In the oldest inscriptions which we possess from Rhodes the letters indeed do not agree with the original alphabet which emanated from the Dorians of Cnossus (ch. n), but they do agree with the Cretic alphabet as developed at Argos : they prove, like the later legends of the coins of the island, not only the Doric dialect of its inhabitants, but also closer inter- dependence with Argos. 4 It is more difficult to fix the time of the settlement in Crete and Rhodes of the Dorian emigrants from Argos. The migration of Altha^menes is placed in the same epoch as the Ionian settlement in Asia. 5 As Rhodes must have been colonised before Greek emigrants could have settled in Cyprus in the midst of the Phoenicians and opposite the Phoenician coasts, and the first settlements of the Greeks at Cyprus, as will appear later on, cannot be placed later than the middle of the ninth century B.C., it is impossible to assign to the settlement of Crete and Rhodes a later date than 900 B.C. Strabo 1 Find. Olytnp. 7, 18, 19. - 7, 57- 3 Aristid. 1, 839 D. 4 Kirchhoff, Studien zu Griech. Alphabet* pp. 39, 42-43 ; Suet. Tib. 56 ' J Conon, Narrat. 47. CHAP, vii.] PRINCES OF IALYSUS. 327 tells us that the Rhodians had already undertaken distant voyages before the celebration of the Olympic games. 1 At the head of the three cities of Rhodes were princes. The princely family of Ialysus traced its genealogy to Tlepolemus, the son of Heracles, who according to this must have already conquered Rhodes. From a more recent ancestor, Eratus, the family bears the name of Eratidae. We have heard of Iphiclus the conqueror of Ialysus in the series of the kings of that city. Callianax and Damagetus are also mentioned ; the latter is said to have married the daughter of Aristomenes the Messenian, and in that case must have reigned in Ialysus about the middle of the seventh century. 2 We have still less informa- tion about the princes of Lindus and Camirus. If Aristides represents Asclepiadae as reigning in Rhodes, their abode must have been Lindus or Camirus. The name denotes descendants of Ascle- pius ; it favours the supposition that this, if it were not a Grecised Phoenician family, was a Greek race which had taken Asclepius as its tribal ancestor. That Greek and Phoenician life were intermingled in Rhodes is proved not only by the number of Phoenician cults but also by the Greek legend which represents Iphiclus as marrying the daughter of Phal- anthus, the Phoenician prince. The islands, and the coasts of Asia Minor, in the neighbourhood of Rhodes were also occupied by Doric colonists. The settlers, who established themselves 1 Strabo, p. 654. The date of 900 B.C. given for the settlement of Rhodes would agree with that of Eusebius for the Rhodian Thalasso- cratia. I do not venture to apply this statement, as I can make nothing of Castor's scheme of the Thalassocratia. 2 Pausan. 4, 24, 2 ; Bceckh, Expl. Find. p. 165. 323 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book IX, on a little island opposite the south-west corner of Asia Minor, appear to have been Dorians from Argos. The colony spread to the mainland, and became the city of Cnidus. 1 The Cnidians worshipped as the founder of their state Triopas, the son of the sun-god, J after whom the promontory near the town, the south- west point of Asia Minor, is called. The Cnidians chiefly worshipped Aphrodite : her temple was said to be the oldest sanctuary in the city. 3 At the extremity of the peninsula, opposite the promontory of Triopium, some of the conquerors and conquered of Trcezen, which yEgaeus had made into a Doric state (p. 221), i.e. Dorians of the race of Dymanes and ancient Ionian colonists, founded Halicarnassus. Among the Ionian families the Antheadai were pre-eminent, whose ancestor Anthas is marked not only by tradition, but history, as the founder of their city. 4 The worship of the Isthmian Poseidon, which belongs to the Ionians side by side with that of Apollo whom the Dorians revered as the leader of their migrations, and the continuance of the Ionian dialect in Halicarnassus, show the prominence of the Ionian element in the new colony. 5 We are acquainted with the ancient inscription of Halicarnassus in the copy, made prob- 1 The Cnidians boasted (Herod. I, 174) of being descendants of the Lacedajmonians, but the Lacedemonians could have founded no colonies before they had taken Helus, which only occurred in 770. Melos, Thera, Gortyn, and Lyctus are as little Spartan colonies as Cnidus. Diodorus represents Cnidus as a colony of Argives and Lacedemonians (5, 53). The supposition of common colonies from Argos and Laconia can hardly be admitted. Sparta was subsequently the foremost Doric state, consequently it was desirable to claim a descent from it. The Demiurges in Cnidus (C.I.G, I, p. 594) indicate an Argive origin. - Diodor. 5, 61 ; Pausan. IO, II, I ; Hymn, in Apoll. 211, 213. 3 Pausan. 1, 1, 3. 4 Strabo, p. 656; Pausan. 2, 30, 9; Herod. 7, 99; Steph. Byz. sub voce. Kirchhoff, loc. cit. p. 43, sqq. chap, vii.] HALICARNASSUS — MYNDUS — IASSUS. 329 ably about the second century before Christ, which gives a catalogue of the priests at the temple of the Isthmean Poseidon in their order and with the dura- tion of their offices. The list begins with Telamon, the son of Poseidon, and includes, with the twenty-seven names, a period of five hundred and four years. If we put aside the mythical names, there begins with the seventh name, that of Anthas, the genealogy of the descendants of Anthas the founder, to whom the priesthood of this temple, which is said to have been erected simultaneously with or before the founding of the city, through the instrumentality of Poseidon and Apollo, belonged by inheritance. Anthas and his posterity had therefore presided over the sanctuary for four hundred and fourteen years. As we cannot fix the date of the compilation of this catalogue, there being certainly no written authorities for the first half of the names, it does not help us to find the year of the founding of Halicarnassus, even though the genea- logy of the Antheadae may have been carried on by memory further than the middle of the catalogue. 1 That the Halicarnassians, relying on this catalogue, maintained that their city had been founded in the year 11 74 B.C. has been already observed. North of Halicarnassus were Myndus and Iassus on the coast of the mainland, the former founded by the Dorians from Trcezen, and the latter from Argos itself. The Dorians could not maintain Iassus : after a severe defeat which they sustained from the Carians they were obliged to seek help from the Ionians and sub- mit to the dominion of the kin^s of Miletus. 2 Opposite the entrance to the deep bay in the west 1 Supra, p. 129 ; C.I.G. No. 2655 ; and Boeckh's Commentary. 2 Pausan. 2, 30, 9; Polyb. 16, 12. 3jO THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. coast of Anatolia, on the two projecting promontories of which respectively lay the cities of Cnidus and Hali- carnassus, was the island of Cos. Like the two small neighbouring islands, Calydna and Nisyrus, it was prob- ably colonised before the founding of these two cities by the Dorians of Epidaurus, which Deiphontes had conquered (p. 220). 1 If the ancient Ionian inhabitants of Epidaurus had fled to Samos before- these I )orians, the conquerors now followed them to the coast of Asia. Asclepius was the tutelary deity of Cos, and his worship then spread from hence to the mother city, Epidaurus. Besides this worship, the worship of Heracles in woman's dress at Cos, 2 the artistic weaving of light transparent garments, the excellent potteries, the preparation of ointments, among the Coans, 3 all show that here also Phoenician and Lydian cults and Phoe- nician industries were carried on by the Greek settlers. We cannot fix the date of these settlements of the Dorians of Argos, the Dorians and Ionians of Troezen, and the Dorians of Epidaurus, in Cnidus, Cos, Hali- carnassus, Myndus, and Iassus, later than the colonisa- tion of Rhodes, i.e. than the year 900 B.C. If the Dorians and Ionians had already in Trcezen become so closely connected with each other that they could undertake new settlements in common, they must at least have lived peaceably together for half a year; and if the legend represents the Dorians of Iassus as obtaining help from the Ionians of Miletus, the Ionian colonies must have existed before the arrival of the Dorians. The Cnidians had consecrated the pro- montory of Triopium to Apollo, if indeed, like the Milesians at the Poseideum and the people of Colophon 1 Herod. 7, 99. 2 p a usan. 2, 26, 3 ; Plut. Qucest. Grac. 58. 3 Plin. H. N. 11, 27, 35, 46 ; Athenaeus, p. 688. chap, vii.] COMMON SACRIFICES OF THE DORIANS. 331 at Clarus, they had not already found a sanctuary exist- ing there, dedicated to the Carian god of the sun. To offer common sacrifices in this place to Apollo, a league was formed with the Cnidians, on the one side by Cos and Halicarnassus, on the other by the three towns of Rhodes — Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus. Competitive games followed the sacrifice. The six cities united in this league would not allow the other Dorians of Myndus, Calydna, and Nisyrus any share in their sacrificial feast. The number of the members indeed diminished. The prize of the victor in the games was in ancient times a brazen tripod ; it was the custom not to take this home, but to dedicate it in the sanctuary of Apollo. Once, when Agasicles, a man of Halicarnassus, had taken away with him the tripod which he had won, and the commonwealth of Halicarnassus refused to take the matter up, the five remaining cities agreed to exclude Halicarnassus from the sacrificial league. 1 Dionysius of Halicarnassus relates that the Dorians met together in friendship on the headland of Triopium at the time of the festival, with their wives and children, brought offerings, and celebrated gymnastic, musical, and martial games, and dedicated common gifts to the gods. 2 Not only did the Greeks take the place of the Phoenicians in Crete and Rhodes ; they penetrated still farther to the east, directly to the coast of Syria, and established themselves opposite the ancient harbours of the Phoenicians. We are acquainted with the settle- ments of the Phoenicians in Cyprus, their oldest colonies, Chittim (Cittium), and Hamath (Amathus), 1 Herod. I, 144. 2 Dionys. Antiq. 4, 25. What he adds about their courts of justice for disputes, care of their allies, and declaration of war against the barbarians, is manifestly due to ideal colouring. 332 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. on the south-west coast of the island, with the cults of Baal, Adonis, and Astarte-Ashera. Pappa (Paphos), on the west coast, was the most famous seat of the worship of the goddess of birth ; Sillumi (Salamis), on the east coast, of that of Baal Moloch. In the beginning of the tenth century before Christ we found this place under the supremacy of Tyre. The tradition of the Greeks runs thus : When Teucer returned to his native island after the taking of Ilium, Telamon forbade him to land, because he had neither hindered nor avenged the death of his brother. Teucer was forced to return to his ships. He led the Salaminians and Athenians who followed him to Cyprus, and here built the city of Salamis. In Virgil, Teucer assists King Belus of Sidon in war, in return for which he presents him with a piece of land on the island on which Teucer then built Salamis. 1 It is an obvious combination of the synonymous names of the island of Salamis and the city Salamis in Cyprus, both of which owed their names to the Phoenicians, and to the relations between Athens and Salamis. The Greek princes who subsequently reigned in Salamis and Cyprus can scarcely have made Teucer their pro- genitor on any other ground. Teucer must lead Salaminians and Athenians to Salamis, because Athens and Salamis from ancient times were said to be united, and Philaeus, the son of Ajax, is supposed to have given Salamis to the Athenians. Moreover, Agape- nor, a name belonging to the kingly race of the Arcadian Tegea, on the return from Ilium (before Ilium he is not known to the Iliad, but is only men- tioned in the catalogue of ships, which makes him 1 Find. Nem, 4, 47 ; and the Scholia, Schol. ^Eschyl. Pers. 873. Pausan. 2, 29, 4 ; 8, 1 5, 3. Justin. 45, 3. CHAP, vii.] COLONIES IN CYPRUS. 333 march against Troy with sixty ships lent by Aga- memnon *), is said to have been driven to Cyprus by a storm ; he here founds Paphos, and the temple of Aphrodite, 2 a labour which he could as little have taken on himself as Teucer the building of Salamis on Cyprus. Herodotus calls the Greeks in Cyprus settlers from Athens and Salamis, settlers of the Arcadians, and emigrants from Cythnus. Curium on the south coast, between Paphos and Amathus, was founded by the Argives. 3 We may suppose that they were Dorians from the island of Rhodes, in which the emigrants from Argos had built their cities (p. 330), and afterwards emigrants from Crete, who first ventured to invade Cyprus. Emigrants from the Ionian colonies in the islands, and in Asia, and emigrants from the Peloponnesus, may have followed them hither. The Greeks must, therefore, have settled in Cyprus at a very early date. Greek inscriptions from that island present very ancient forms of speech, which sometimes approximate to a Cretic-Dorian, sometimes to the Dorian, but chiefly to the yEolic- Arcadian dialect. 4 In the Homeric poems the worship of Aphrodite, i.e. of Ashera, in Cyprus is familiar : the goddess is very commonly called in these poems by the name of the Cyprian deity. The later Odyssey makes Aphrodite hasten to Paphos, where " a sacred grove and a fragrant altar " belong to her. 5 Other circumstances also indicate the antiquity of the Greek settlements in Cyprus. The Greek colonists in Crete became acquainted with the Phoenician alphabet, and 1 //. 2, 609, sqq. 2 Pausan. 8, 5, 2, 3 ; Strabo, p. 683. 3 Herod. 7, 90; 5, 113. 4 Brandis 1 deciphering of the Cyprian character, Monatsber. dcr B. A. 1873, p. 646 ; Kirchhoff, Studien* p. 46. 5 Odyss. 8, 363. 334 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. adopted its letters : the double consonants of the Greeks remained without corresponding signs, because they wen- wanting in the Phoenician alphabet The Greek settlers in Cyprus adopted the Cyprian writing. We saw that the Babylonian cuneiform character under- went a special development in Cyprus, that it was there changed into syllabic characters which essentially modified and simplified the use of the cuneiform letters. This transformation occurred in Cyprus before the Phoenician alphabetic character was in existence. Even when the Phoenicians had discovered the alphabet, the island of Cyprus continued to use the ancient syllabic character. This character was also adopted by the Greek settlers in Cyprus, and used by them on inscrip- tions and coins until the fifth century. If the Greeks on their arrival in Cyprus had been already in pos- session of the Grasco-Phcenician alphabet, they would never have adopted the far more inconvenient Cyprian character. From this it appears evident that the first Greek settlements in Cyprus must have been estab- lished before the existence of the Graxo- Phoenician alphabet, i.e. before the year 800 B.C., in the middle of the ninth century. On the Syrian coast just at this time events were transpiring which might render the colonisation of Cyprus easier to the Greeks. King Assurnasirpal of Assyria (883-859 B.C.) had penetrated in the year 876 B.C. to the Orontes and to Libanus ; he received tribute from the king Mutton of Tyre, from the king of Sidon, the king of Byblus, and the king of Aradus. The suc- cessor of Assurnasirpal, King Shalmanesar II. (859-823 B.C.), repeatedly levied tribute on Sidon, Tyre, and Israel, as did King Bin Nirar IV. (Sio-781 B.C.) Still heavier was the hand of Tiglath Pilesar II. (747-727 CHAP, vii.] PHOENICIAN CITIES IN SYRIA. 335 B.C.) upon Syria; Tyre, Byblus, Aradus, Zemar, and Area, brought him tribute, and recognised the supre- macy of Assyria ; King Sittibaal of Byblus and King Mattanbaal of Aradus are mentioned among the conquered princes. Such attacks on the Phoenician cities on the main- land from the east must have been an assistance to the Greek settlers in Cyprus ; they must have hindered Tyre from protecting with its full strength the cities subject to it in Cyprus, while on the other hand the advances of the Greeks demanded that here, even more than in Crete and Rhodes, they should admit the Phoeni- cians who formed part of the old inhabitants, into their commonwealths, that they should apply them- selves zealously to the old cults of the island and its previous civilisation without abandoning their own language or losing it in this union. A single and quite isolated statement tells us that Cittium fell away from Tyre at the time when King Elulaeus reigned at Tyre, but was again brought into subjection by Elulaeus. This event falls in the years 727-721 B.C. Subsequently King Sargon of Assyria, after the capture of Samaria, brought the whole of Syria, Edom, and Moab, and the towns of the Philistines, into his power. The princes of the towns of Cyprus likewise now thought it advis- able to acknowledge the supremacy of Assyria ; from Tyre, at all events, they had nothing more to fear, if they were direct subjects of the king of Assyria. In the year 709 B.C. seven princes of Cyprus brought their tribute to Sargon at Babylon. As a token of his dominion over Cyprus, Sargon had his picture engraved on a memorial stone, and set up at Cittium, with an account of his deeds, and of this imposition of tribute. CHAPTER VIII. THE DORIANS IN LACONIA. The Doric host which had settled on the upper Eurotas, and sought to advance (p. 213) against the ancient population of this valley down the stream, was long confined to a small territory. The abrupt wall of Mount Taygetus, on the right bank of the river, un- broken by any transverse valley, keeps so near to the upper course of the Eurotas that only a narrow border of shore is left ; on the left bank the lower heights of Mount Parnon leave a wider space, [until at Pellana they too advance close to the swiftly-rushing waters. At the lower end of this defile, and not till then, the range of Mount Taygetus falls back from the stream farther to the westward, and thus makes room for a broader plain, fertile in grain, the "hollow Laceda?mon ; " while only a few leagues from the mouth of the Eurotas, the two mountain-chains again approach each other so closely that the stream has to rush over their preci- pices in waterfalls. Below these falls the Eurotas traverses a flat and extensive littoral plain extending to the sea. Only the region situated above Pellana, and the upper and smaller part of "hollow Lacedae- mon," onwards as far as the confluence of the Tyasa, which flows down from Mount Taygetus into the Eurotas, had the Dorians brought under their sway ; the lower half of " hollow Lacedaemon " was barred by CHAP, vin.] STORY OF ARISTODEMUS. 337 the Achseans, who held Amyclae and the whole river- valley southward from Amyclae to the sea. Two miles and a half higher up than the hill on which Amyclae lay, at the confluence of the Tyasa with the Eurotas, near the highest peaks of Mount Taygetus, Mount Taleton, and Mount Euoras, which rise 8000 feet, the Dorians fixed their camp. It was the fittest spot for an assault on Amyclae, as well as for the prevention of plundering expeditions by the Amyclaeans into the upper plain, and for parrying their attacks. "The Spartans, in contradiction to all the poets," says Herodotus, " relate that Aristodemus, the son of Aristomachus (p. 203), had led them into the land which they now possess, and not the sons of Aristo- demus ; not long after this event Argea his wife had borne him twins. Aristodemus died of some sickness soon after their birth. The Lacedaemonians resolved that the elder, according to their custom, should suc- ceed his father on the throne. But the mother declared that she did not know which was the elder, though she did know it, because she wished both to become kings. When the Lacedaemons enquired at Delphi how they were to proceed under these circumstances, they were told to make both sons their kings, but to give greater honour to him who was the elder. In order to discover which was the elder, a Messenian named Panitus counselled the Lacedaemonians to ob- serve Argea and see which of the twins she first washed, and to which she first gave the breast — then they would learn what they desired to know. And when they had followed this counsel and observed Argea, they had the child which they thus discovered to be the elder brought up at the charge of the state, vol. 1. z 338 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. and gave him the name of Eurysthenes, while the younger received that of Procles. When they grew up to be youths they opposed one another as long as they lived, and their descendants also continued to be adversaries." ' The narrative of Ephorus is as follows : The Hera- clidae, Eurysthenes and Procles, had divided Laconia into six parts and built cities. One of these divisions, that of Amyclae, they gave to the man who had be- trayed Laconia to them, and had persuaded the ruler of Laconia (that is, Tisamenus) to withdraw with the Achaeans to Ionia, i.e. to the country of the yEgialieis. Sparta they made their capital city ; into the other parts they sent kings with directions, on account of the scarcity of men, to adopt all strangers who desired it as their allies. At the same time they gave to all the conquered Periceci equal rights with the Spartans, and guaranteed them a share in the state and in the various offices. But Agis, son of Eurysthenes, took from them these equal rights, and commanded them to bring tribute to Sparta. They would all have done this, but the inhabitants of Helus resisted, were conquered in war, and, under certain conditions, made slaves ; according to these, the owner of a slave could neither set him at liberty nor sell him beyond the boundaries of the country. This war was called the war of the Helots. 2 This version of ancient Spartan history, which has sprung from the desire to represent the Spartans as always in possession of the whole Eurotas valley, is found with some other features in Nicolaus of Damascus. "According to the agreement with the traitor Philo- nomus," he says, " the Heraclidae did not at first 1 Herod. 6, 52 : 4, 147. - Strabo, p. 364. chap, vill.] EARLY SPARTAN HISTORY. 339 apportion the district of Amycloe ; but as Philonomus did not show himself, from shame because of his treason, the division of this land also was carried out. Subsequently, however, Philonomus came with an army from Lemnos, and the Heraclidae gave him this district with equal rights : and he gave portions of land to all who desired it, and dwelt at Amyclae as their king." 1 Moreover, we are told by Conon : " Philonomus, who had betrayed Lacedsemon, received Amyclae as a gift, and established settlers here from Lemnos and Imbros. But in the third generation they rose against the Dorians and were driven from Amyclae. Under the leadership of Pollis and Delphus they sailed, taking with them some inhabitants of Sparta, to Crete." Part of them colonised Melos as they passed by : the rest took Gortyn in Crete, which was undefended, and peopled this city with Cretan Periceci. Conon says in another place that the Lacedaemonians had sent out the people of Philonomus, whose leaders were Pollis and Delphus, to make a new settlement. 2 Polyaenus and Plutarch have the following narrative: The Tyrrhenians (they designate by this name, which was in use from the time of Sophocles, the Minyae and Pelasgiotes who had emigrated from Attica, p. 249), driven out by the Athenians, came from Lemnos and Imbros, whither they had migrated from Attica, to Laconia, occupied Mount Taenarum, and assisted the Spartans in the war against the Helots. As a reward they received a share in the commonwealth and the right of intermarrying. But as they had been excluded from the council and public offices, they had come under suspicion of striving after innovations, and the 1 Nicol. Damasc. Fragm. 36, Ed. Miiller. - Conon, Narrat. 36, 47. 340 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. Lacedaemonians had caused them to be imprisoned and guarded. But the wives of the prisoners had besought the warders that they might sec and speak with their husbands. This being permitted, they had changed clothes with the; men, who in the evening had gone forth in women's dress ; but their wives, determined to endure everything in order to save their husbands, remained behind. The emancipated men did not forget their wives ; they occupied Mount Taygetus and called on the Helots to rebel. Overcome by fear, the Spartans negotiated with them, and agreed to give them back their wives, and also money and ships : thus they sent out the Tyrrhenians as colonists of Laconia. 1 Plutarch thus closes his account : In return for the giving up of their wives and for the ships and money, the Tyrrhenians promised, when they should have elsewhere acquired land and cities, to call themselves colonists of the Lacedaemonians. This they did. They made Pollis and his brother Crataidas the Lace- da monians their leaders ; part of them settled in the island of Melos ; the greater part, however, went under the conduct of Pollis to Crete, landed there first by Cherronesus (on the north coast) and took possession of a piece of land. In numerous wars Pollis withstood his adversaries ; he built Lyctus and reduced other cities to subjection.-' The official Spartan account of these events has been preserved by Herodotus. " Descendants of the Argonauts sailed from Lemnos to Laconia, 3 encamped on Mount Taygetus and kindled a fire. The Lacedae- monians sent a messenger to enquire who they were. 1 Polyaen. 7, 49. - Plut. Mutter. Virt. 8; Quccst. Grac. 21. :{ The supposed descent of the Minyae from the Argonauts, and the supposed expulsion of the Minyae from Lemnos by the Pelasgians, who were driven out from Attica have been already discussed, p. 251. chap. VIII.] NARRATIVE OF HERODOTUS. 341 When they learned that they were Minyae, the Lacedaemonians enquired further why they had come into their country and had kindled fire ? The Minyae answered that they came as exiles into the land of their fathers (the Tyndaridae) ; they asked to live with them, and to receive a share in the land and honours. The Lacedaemonians agreed, chiefly because the Tyndaridae had taken part in the voyage of the Argo. They gave the Minyae land, and divided them among their tribes, and the Minyae married Lacedaemonian wives, and gave their daughters, whom they had brought from Lemnos, to Lacedaemonians. But not long afterwards the Minyae also demanded a share in the kingdom, and perpetrated other evil deeds. Then the Lacedaemonians took them prisoners, meaning to kill them in the night-time. But the wives of the Minyae, the daughters of the chief Spartans, demanded access to their husbands, and when they had been allowed this, they gave their clothes to their husbands, and remained in prison in the clothes of the men, while the men in women's clothes escaped and again occupied Mount Taygetus. When the Spartans had held council to slay the Minyae there, Theras entreated for them and averted their fate, by promising to lead the Minyae out of the country. Theras was the brother of the wife of Aristodemus, and had conducted the government after the death of Aristodemus for the infant twin sons of his sister, Procles and Eurysthenes ; but as soon as they were of age he would not remain in the country, but departed with people out of the Spartan tribes to his kindred on the island of Calliste. The Spartans followed his counsel, and thus Theras, with three ships of thirty oars, passed over to Calliste, not with all the 342 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. Minyae, but only a small part of them; the greater part <»i" the Minyae marched against the Paroreatae and Caucones, drove them from the country, and founded here six cities. But the son of Theras, 1 I olycus, would not emigrate, with his father; the father said: 'lie left him behind, as a sheep in the midst of wolves.' The son of this Oeolycus was y£geus. and from him sprang the great tribe of the /Egidae at Sparta." No other Hellenic state has its beginnings so involved in obscurity and overgrown with fables as that of Sparta. The collection of legends — that of the treachery and recompense of Philonomus, who per- suades the king of Laconia, Tisamenus, to migrate to Achaea ; of the equal rights of the Achaeans with the Dorians ; of the rebellion of the posterity of Philonomus, or of the town of Helus ; of the encampment of the Minyae on Mount Taygetus, or their settlement on Mount Taenarum ; of the adoption of the Minyae or Tyrrhenians into the Spartan commonwealth ; of the disputes that then arose ; of their imprisonment and deliverance by women ; of the sending out of Philono- mus's people or of Minyae, as colonists of Sparta, — all this is based upon the notion that Sparta, from the time of its founding, had ruled from the sources of the Eurotas to its fall into the sea. It is very natural that a state which afterwards occupied so important a posi- tion in Hellas should wish to represent itself as already powerful and respected in ancient times. All the more ground is there for crediting the opposite tradi- tion, according to which Amyclae and the cities to the south of Amyclce were first conquered by the Spartans in the reign of King Teleclus, and the lower plain on the sea, with the town of Helus, under Alcamenes, the chap, viii.] TENDENCY AND ORIGIN OF THE LEGEND. 343 son of Teleclus, i.e. about the time of the institution of the common sacrifice at Olympia. The important and unimpeachable evidence which is in favour of this tradition will be brought forward below ; it will be shown that the conquest of Amyclae, a decisive event in the history of Sparta, took place about the year 800 B.C., and that of Helus about the year 770 B.C. The stories derived from Ephorus or traceable to him, concerning Amyclae and the Minyae, bring to our notice three factors — (1) in the rule of Philonomus and his descendants over Amyclae we see the indepen- dence of Amyclae in regard to the Spartans, which in these versions is represented as a consequence of his treachery, but at the same time as effected by treaty ; (2) the settlement of the territory of Amyclae by Minyae who (for the reason we have already seen) were invari- ably brought from Lemnos and Imbros ; (3) the break- ing of the treaties, the battle, and expulsion of the followers of Philonomus in the third generation. The version of Plutarch and Polyaenus leaves out Amyclae and Philonomus ; the Minyae come independently, and possess themselves of Mount Taenarum, but then like- wise by a treaty receive a share in the commonwealth and the right of intermarriage in reward for services rendered against the Helots, i.e. the Heleans, the inhabitants of the territory of Helus ; as in the story of Ephorus, Philonomus is rewarded for his treachery. A breach of the treaty then results from further claims of the Minyae. The characteristic features of these narratives lie in the seizure and imprisonment of all the males among the Minyae, and their deliverance by the women, in the occupation of Mount Taygetus by the Minyae, and their joining with the Heleans in war against the Spartans. If, in the version of 344 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. Plutarch and Polyaenus the right of intermarriage, which the Minyae received, is accounted for by services rendered to the Spartans, in the narrative of Herodotus this motive, together with the Helots, is entirely wanting; while on the other hand the motive of the action of the women comes forward all the more prominently. According to Herodotus, the Minyae occupy Mount Taygetus, and receive admis- sion into the country, into the tribes of the Spartans, and right of intermarriage, for the strange reason that the Tyndaridae had taken part in the expedition of the Argonauts. The Tyndaridae were worshipped by the Achaeans of Amyclae, a worship which was after- wards continued by the Spartans in their country. The right of intermarriage, of which the Minyae immediately make extensive use, gives them Spartan wives ; to these Spartan wives they owe their deliver- ance. In place of the battle between the Spartans and the race of Philonomus, i.e. the Achaeans and Minyae, both in Herodotus and in Plutarch and Polyaenus the imprisonment is inserted ; and if the version in Plutarch and Polyaenus finally ends in the war in which the Minyae and Heleans encounter the Spartans, even in Herodotus the Minyae who were saved by the women take refuge on Mount Taygetus, but it is then the intercession of Theras and not the Spartans' fear of the Minyae and Heleans which induces the emigration. In the narratives borrowed from Ephorus, and in those of Plutarch and Polyaenus, the Minyae, or the Achaeans and Minyae, receive free leave to depart on condition that they call them- selves colonists of Sparta. The tendency of all the versions of this legend is the same — the concealment of the fact that the Achaeans chap, viii.] HISTORICAL FACTS. 345 maintained the lower valley of the Eurotas against the Spartans. If, then, Philonomus peoples Amyclse with Minyae, and the Minyse establish themselves on Mount Taenarum or Mount Taygetus, that is merely an alteration of the fact that part of the Minyse who migrated from Attica found reception, not with the Spartans, but with the Achaeans on the lower Eurotas ; these exiles from the north and centre of Greece must have been welcomed by the Achaeans as allies against the Spartans. And if to the different versions con- cerning the departure of the Minyae, the people of Philonomus, we add the statement of Pausanias, that at the time of King Teleclus Amyclae was conquered ; that the inhabitants of Pharis and Geronthrae quitted the valley of the Eurotas on certain conditions ; that, lastly, the Achaeans of Helus were forced down to the sea-coast — from all this the true state of the case becomes clearly apparent, namely, that the Spartans only succeeded at a later time and after long conflicts in extending their dominion to the sea. This great achievement is corroborated by the festival of the Hyacinthia, which was at the same time a feast of victory over Amyclae, by the hero's altar, which was dedicated in Sparta to King Teleclus (the only king of Sparta to whom this honour was done), the temple of Zeus, the averter of enemies at Sparta, " which," says Pausanias, " the Spartans built when they had conquered in war the other Achaeans who had hitherto occupied the soil of Laconia as well as the people of Amyclae." 1 In consequence of these victories the Achaeans and Minyae who would not submit to the rule of the Dorians retreated to the west coast of the Peloponnesus, where they conquered for themselves a 1 Pausan. 3, 15, 10; 3, 12, 9; 3, 19, 6. 34 r> THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. new home in the land of the Caucones and Paroreatae in Triphylia, while some of them settled in Melos, Tin ra, and Crete. The pretence of the Spartan legends, therefore, that Sparta sent out these colonies, is as idle as the statements that they gave to the Achaean Philonomus the land of Amyclae, that they admitted the Minyae into their territory, and that the Spartan wives whom they had given to the Minyae saved their husbands' lives. The introduction of the /Eoficke j nto these legends has its special reason. There was in Thebes and Sparta a race which derived its descent from one tribal ancestor /Egeus. The ^Egidae of Sparta were said to have gone thither from Thebes ; accordingly, there stood in Sparta not only an altar of yEgeus but also an altar of Cadmus, from whom the /Egidoe traced their genealogy. 1 Aristotle represents the /Egidoe as sent from Thebes, in obedience to an oracle, by the Spartans, when they were at war with Amyclae ; and Timomachus is, according to Aristotle, the tribal ances- tor of the /Egidae in Sparta. According to Pindar's testimony also, the reputation of the /Egidae in Sparta was based on their services in the capture of Amycla;."' Other versions ascribe previous services to the /Egidae in respect to the origin of the Spartan commonwealth, though the conquest of Amyclae was undoubtedly the foundation of the Spartan power. In Ephorus, Aris- todemus, father of Eurysthenes and Procles, summons the /Egidae, in obedience to an oracle, to go with him and the Dorians into the Peloponnesus. On the island 1 Pausan. 3, 1 5, 8. The son of Polynices is Thersander ; the son of Thersander, Tisamenus ; the son of Tisamenus, Autesion. Autesion flies before the Erinnyes of Laius and Oedipus, at the command of the oracle to Sparta ; so Pausanias, 9, 5, 1 5. '-' find. Pyth. 5, 74 ; and the Scholia, Isth. 7, 18. chap, viii.] RESULTS. 347 of Thera a man named Theras, belonging to this race of the vEgidse, was worshipped as founder of the Greek settlement upon the island. 1 The settlement at Thera appeared as a Spartan colony, as Theras conducted it there from Sparta ; and the ALg'idat in Sparta had already done the most important services in the beginnings of the Spartan state, if their ancestors had marched to Peloponnesus with Aristodemus. Thus Theras was made the tribal ancestor of the JEgidx of Sparta. The sister of Theras, this supposed ancestor of the JEgidsi of Sparta, became the wife of Aristo- demus, and Theras was promoted to be guardian of her twin sons. Thus the yEgidae of Sparta were also made near relations of the Spartan royal houses. Theras, the guardian, emigrates when the twins, the reputed ancestors of the kings of Sparta, Eurysthenes and Procles, are grown up — in Herodotus, because he will not obey, after he has borne rule ; in Pausanias, because his wards, otherwise at strife, agreed to send him out of the country. 2 It happens that he desires to emigrate with Spartans just as the slaying of the Minyse on Mount Taygetus was being negotiated (p. 341). He promised to conduct the Minyae away, but takes with him only some few and comes to Thera, which until then had been called Calliste. Here he found his kinsmen, for Theras traced his descent from Thebes, from Cadmus ; and Cadmus in his lifetime had left some of his followers behind at Calliste, who now gave Theras a friendly reception. Theras must have brought over some Minyae with him, because Cyrene in Libya was subsequently colonised from Thera, and this colony was led and organised by a Minyan of that island. But Theras left his own son 1 Pausan. 3, 1,7. 2 Herod. 4, 147; Pausan. loc. at. 348 THI-: HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook ii. behind him in Sparta, as "a sheep among wolves," because it was necessary that the house of the /Egida- should be continued in Sparta. If it be certain in regard to the commencement of the Doric community in the Eurotas valley that its dominion for a century and a half did not extend farther south than Amyclae, and that the Dorians reached the sea-coast even later, they could not. it is plain, have founded colonies beyond the sea before the capture of Helus and the acquisition of the lower plain. Herewith, not only does the whole series of fables of the treachery of Philonomus, the gift of Amyclae, the admission of the Achseans or Minyre into the state of Sparta, the virtue of the Spartan wives of the Minyae, the guardianship of Theras, and so forth, fall to the ground, but the whole contents likewise of the other traditions about the kings of Sparta and their deeds before Teleclus, become extremely doubtful. Eurysthenes, the elder twin son of Aristodemus and the sister of Theras, was succeeded in the government, it is said, by Agis (p. 338), Echestratus, Labotas, Doryssus, Agesilaus, and Archelaus — and Archelaus by his son Teleclus ; Procles, the younger twin, was succeeded by Sous, Eurypon, Prytanis, Eunomus, Polydectes. and Charilaus. So run the genealogical tables of the two royal houses which ruled in Sparta side by side. Of the descendants of Eurysthenes, we are told : After Agis the son of Eurysthenes had been slain by the Arcadians, the Spartans under the rule of his son Echestratus had driven out all the youths of the land of Cynuria, i.e. of the east coast between Parnon and the sea, because they had made plundering expeditions into the country of Argos and Laconia ; and under the CHAP, viii.] THE PROCLID^. 349 rule of Archelaus, the father of Teleclus, the inhabitants of the district of yEgys (at the sources of the Eurotas) were made slaves, as it was feared they would desert to the Arcadians. The whole east coast between Mount Parnon and the sea, as far down as Cape Malea, belonged, at any rate till the middle ol the eighth century and perhaps longer, to the kings of Argos ; the war and the successes of Echestratus in Cynuria are a manifest anticipation of the long and severe struggle which Sparta maintained against Argos in this region in the seventh and sixth centuries. The conquest of /Egys also, as will be shown, occurred later than the tradition represents ; it took place about the middle of the eighth century. 1 More details are given us respecting the descend- ants of Procles, the princes of the other house. First we learn that Procles surpassed his brother Eurys- thenes by the fame of his deeds. 2 Under the rule of his son Sous the Helots were made slaves, and much land was taken from the Arcadians. In the war with the Arcadians, Sous was besieged by the Cleitorians in a very inaccessible place, destitute of water. He agreed with the Cleitorians to yield them the conquered land if all those who were with him drank of the neighbour- ing stream. When this had been ratified by oath, the Cleitorians watched the stream, and Sous announced to his followers that he would resign the crown to the man who did not drink. But none could resist their thirst, and all drank. Then Sous himself went down, in the sight of the Cleitorians, to the stream, sprinkled himself with the water, but did not drink, and kept the 1 Pausan. 3, 2, 2, 5. That JEgys was in the hands of the Spartans before the first Messenian war follows from the fact that they began this war with the taking of Am hea. - Cic. Dc Divinat. 2, 43, 90. 35o THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. conquered land as all had not drunk. 1 Eurypon, the son of Sous, is likewise: said to have gained much glory. He too fought against the Arcadians. When the war with Mantinea had lasted a long time, Eurypon tried to sow discord among the Mantineans, and to this end sent a herald with the following message : The Lace- daemonians would desist from war if the Mantineans would expel the murderers of Agis from their city. Those who were guilty of the murder feared lest the desire for peace might lead to their being given up ; they therefore promised freedom to the slaves, armed them, placed themselves at their head, and destroyed as many of the hostile party as they could. These now opposed them with arms, but were defeated. Part of the conquered faction fled to the gates, and opened them to the Lacedaemonians. Thus Eurypon became lord of Mantinea. -2 Under his son Prytanis hatred arose between the Lacedaemonians and the Argives. The reign of Eunomus, son of Prytanis, and that of his grandson Polydectes were peaceful. But Charilaus, son of Polydectes, assisted Archelaus to take JEgys, laid waste Argos, and marched first against the Arcadians of Tegea, suffered however a severe defeat, and was himself taken prisoner by them. 3 Very remarkable, and, in the beginnings of the Spartan state, absolutely incomprehensible, are the wars which Sous and Eurypon, son and grandson of Procles, are said to have carried on against Cleitor and Man- tinea far from the Eurotas, in the middle and north of Arcadia. The quarrel of Prytanis with Argos, and the war of Charilaus with Argos are, like the expedition of Echestratus against Cynuria, anticipations of the later 1 Plut. Apophtheg. Lac. Sous. Lycur>^. 2. - Polyc-en. 2, 13. I'ausan. 3, 7, 1-4 ; 8, 5, 9 ; 8, 48, 4, 5 ; Polyxn. 1, 1 1. chap, vin.] THE DOUBLE MONARCHY. 351 rivalry between Argos and Sparta. It is otherwise with the war of Charilaus with Tegea, the canton of Arcadia lying nearest to the valley of the Eurotas and that of its tributary the Oenus. This war appears, from monuments which the Tegeatse erected in memory of it, to be an established fact. Stranger than all the other strange features of the tra- dition of Sparta is the statement that the Dorians in the Eurotas valley were governed from the very commence- ment by two royal houses side by side. The reputed descent of these from a pair of twins is not sufficient to explain a phenomenon so strange, so peculiar, and recurring neither in any other Greek canton nor in the whole course of history, viz. the existence in Sparta of a double sovereignty, lasting for life and hereditary, belonging to two dynasties at the same time, and occu- pied by them contemporaneously and side by side. An institution of this kind bears least of all the char- acter of primitiveness. It is contrary to the very nature of military leadership, from which the office of king generally sprang, and must have arisen in the warlike times of migration and conquest ; contrary to the requirement of an exclusive, fixed, and sole guidance, which the Dorians of Sparta must have felt all the more pressingly, the longer was the duration of the war against the Achseans of Amyclae ; and contrary to the very essence of monarchical power, whose uniform, exclusive, and self-determining will is nullified by parti- tion. It needed no enquiry into the legend itself to recognise it as a later fiction, intended to explain an existing condition of things. The two kingly races which we find governing in Sparta were not named after their supposed twin ancestors, Eurysthenes and Procles, but after Agis and Eurypon, the one said 35^ THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. to be the son of Eurysthenes, the other the son or grandson of Procles. The family of Eurysthenes bears the name of the Alicia-, that of Procles the name of the Eurypontidse, from which it is clear that the twin brothers are only placed as ancestors at the head of the Agidae and Eurypontidae. Besides, the legend allows that Eurysthenes was the more honoured. 1 This implies that the Agidae were an older house, and the Eurypontidae a younger. And when it relates that the twins were at strife all their lives, and that their descendants remained hostile to each other (p. 33S), the true state of the case, viz. that there was a struggle between two houses for the supremacy, appears to be clearly indicated. It seems already to have struck Ephorus as strange that the two royal houses in Sparta should not have been called after Eurysthenes and Procles. He explains it in the following manner : — Although Eurysthenes and Procles had been the founders of the state, the honour had not been accorded to them which was usually given to founders of commonwealths, nor were they called chief leaders (apXTjyerai), nor were their descendants named after them. The reason was that they had taken to them- selves alien people, and by their strength had con- quered,' 2 a reason which certainly does not agree with the good title of inheritance given to them by the legend, as sons of the conqueror Aristodemus. We can confidently deduce from this statement that Eurys- thenes and Procles did not found the state which subse- quently grew into the Spartan commonwealth. Polyaenus relates as follows : " Procles and Temenus, the Heraclidce, conquered the Eurysthidae, who occupied Sparta. When the Heraclidae, in crossing the boundary, 1 Herod. 6, 51. 2 Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 366. chap. VIII.] THE TWO ROYAL HOUSES. 353 were offering the sacrifice of the boundary to Athena they were attacked by the Eurysthidae, who unex- pectedly sallied forth against them. But the Heraclidae were not vanquished ; as they were, they commanded the flute-players to go before them and to sound an assault ; marching to the melody and rhythm, the Hoplites preserved their order unbroken, and con- quered. This experience taught the Laconians always to have the flute-players to go before them in battle." 1 The form Eurystheus is also elsewhere used for Eurysthenes. 2 Thus there were two princely houses — the Eurys- thidae, " which possessed Sparta ; " and the Proclidae, who, in opposition to the Eurysthidae, were called Heraclidae. Temenus and Procles stand at the head of the army which, coming from the north, attacks the princes of Sparta. A principality therefore existed, the government of a family, the house of Eurystheus- Eurysthenes at Sparta on the middle Eurotas ; on this tribe a Dorian army, at the head of which are Procles and the founder of the Doric Argos (in opposition to the Eurysthidae both are denominated Heraclidae), make a successful attack. As the Eurys- thidae are also called by Herodotus the older house, it was easy to see in them an Achaean princely family which opposed the Dorians breaking in from the north, was vanquished by them, and may have found accom- modation among the conquerors by treaty. This, however, is inconsistent with the statements of Ephorus, that it was Agis, son of Eurysthenes, who took their equal rights from the Periceci and imposed tribute on 1 Polyaen. 1, 10. '-' Wachsmuth, Ursprung dcs Dopftelkonigthums; Jahn's Jahrbiicher, 1868, p. 6. VOL. T. 2 A 354 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. them, and that Agis made the opposing Achaeans Helots, and made regulations for the Helots, which afterwards remained in force ;' and no less inconsistent with the statement of the Spartans in Herodotus, that Lycurgus was the son of Agis the king, and belonged to the house of Eurysthenes. 2 Such decided Dorians, such pronounced opponents of the Achceans, could not possibly have belonged to an Achaean princely house. Still more difficult is the glaring improbability that while at Amyclse there existed a considerable Achaean community, and, as its continuance shows, a community sufficiently powerful in war against the Spartans, the victorious Dorians should have tolerated a second Achaean community here in Sparta, or united it with themselves by equal rights ; lastly, what reason would the princes of Sparta, the Eurysthidse, have had, had they been Achaeans defeated by Procles — to place themselves rather with the hostile Dorians than with their comrades of Amyclae ? Let us recall the course which the conquests of the Dorians in the Peloponnesus had taken. From the border lands of Arcadia, from Basilis and Trapezus, they gained the terrace of Stenyclarus, and settled themselves on the upper Eurotas. From hence one division presses forward to the middle Eurotas, and fixes its quarters opposite Amyclce ; the other turns eastward from the upper Eurotas to its tributary, the Oenus : here a second Doric colony is formed. From the Oenus advancing hosts then cross Mount Parnon, reach Cynuria, and at last from hence conquer Argos (p. 213). Accordingly, we can only suppose that the 1 Supra, p. 338 ; Strabo, p. 366. In Plutarch (Lye. 2) the institu- tion of the Helots is ascribed to Sous, without mention of the source from which Plutarch derives his statement. 2 Herod. 1, 65 ; 7, 204. CHAP, viii.] THE TWO COMMONWEALTHS. 35 5 commonwealth at Sparta, on the middle Eurotas, under the Eurysthidae, existed side by side with another community in the territory of the Oenus formed by the Dorians who remained behind there under the Pro- clidae. It is to the princes of this house, Sous, Eurypon, and Charilaus, that the conflicts with the Arcadians are chiefly ascribed. Or are the exploits said to have been performed by Sous, the son of Procles, and his grandson Eurypon, against the Cleitorians and Mantineans, to be explained on the supposition that Doric warriors, when Argos had been taken from them, came from thence, tried in vain to settle in Arcadia, and, driven back, planted themselves on the river Oenus ?' But Plato tells us that the Spartans called rapid rushing motion Sods (from o-ei&j), and that this had been the name of a famous man among the Spartans ; and neither Herodotus nor Ephorus repre- sents Sous as son of Procles or King of Sparta. 2 The second royal house of Sparta, i.e. the princes who previously had ruled on the Oenus, was called after Eurypon. We must therefore hold to the theory that two Doric communities existed in the territory of the Eurotas, the one under the Agidae at Sparta, on the middle course of the stream, the other under the Eurypontidae on the upper Oenus. From hence, from the upper Oenus, Dorian hosts went forth over Mount Parnon to Cynuria, and afterwards conquered Argos. So the legend might ascribe great glory to Procles, might connect him with Temenus of Argos, might trace his descent from Heracles, a descent which the kings of Argos, as we have seen, first claimed for them- selves. Wars, feuds, and quarrels were not wanting 1 Gelzer, Wanderziige tier Dorer. - Plato, Cratylus, p. 412 ; Herod. 8, 131 ; Strabo, p. 366. THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK 11. between the two commonwealths, as is shown by the tra- dition of the battle between the Eurysthidae and Procles, and the legend of the constant discord between Eurys- thenes and Procles and their descendants. From this opposition of the Dorians settled in the Eurotas valley we can also explain the extraordinarily long- suspen- sion of their advance against the Achaeans of Amyclse. Only after a severe defeat sustained by the community on the Oenus, fighting under their King Charilaus against the Tegeatae (sup. p. 350), did the equalisation — the union of the two commonwealths take place. CHAPTER IX. LYCURGUS OF SPARTA. " Laced/EMONIA, since its foundation by the Dorians who now inhabit it, has been, of all the states known to us, the longest torn by dissension, but even in ancient times it received good laws ; for more than four hundred years have the Lacedaemonians lived under the same constitution, and strong herein, have also taken part in the settlement of other states." So Thucydides tells us. 1 In Herodotus we read : " Formerly, the Lacedaemonians lived under almost the worst laws of all the Hellenes, and did not mix in the affairs of others. They arrived at good laws in the following manner. When Lycurgus, one of the great men among the Spartans, came to the oracle at Delphi, the Pythia cried out to him : ' Thou comest, Lycurgus, to my rich temple, dear to Zeus and to all who dwell on Olympus. I am uncertain whether I shall proclaim thee a god or a man, but I think thou art rather a god, O Lycurgus.' Some add that the Pythia likewise gave him the constitution of the Spartans as it still exists. But the Lacedaemonians themselves say that Lycurgus transferred this constitu- tion from Crete to Sparta when he held the guardian- ship of Labotas, the son of his brother (p. 348). As soon as he undertook this guardianship he changed 1 Thucyd. 1, 18. 358 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK u. all laws, and took measures that those he promulgated should not be transgressed. Then he arranged the military system, the Enomotia , the Triacades, and the Syssitia, and introduced the Ephors and the Gerontes. By means of these changes the Spartans attained to a wise order, but to Lycurgus they built a temple after his death, and held him in great honour." l Xenophon tells us that the laws of the Spartans must have been very old, for Lycurgus is said to have lived about the time of the Heraclidae. Plutarch adds to this, by way of explanation, that Xenophon must no doubt mean the first Heraclidae, — those that came nearest to Heracles. 2 The statements of later writers are different. According to Ephorus, Lycurgus, who founded their constitution for the Spartans, lived at a much later date. He was of the family of Procles, younger brother of King Polydectes, the fifth or sixth king (Procles, Sous, Eurypon, Prytanis, Eunomus, Poly- dectes) of that house. "' He undertook the guardian- ship of Charilaus, the son born after the death of Polydectes. But as some one accused him of himself wishing to be king, Lycurgus went to Crete, and only returned home when Charilaus was reigning. Then he applied himself to giving the Spartans laws, went to Delphi, and brought from thence rules. 4 Aristotle has the same statements. "We are told," he says, " that Lycurgus, when he resigned the guar- dianship of King Charilaus, went into other coun- tries, and spent the longest time in Crete." 5 In another place he observes : " Tyranny passes into aristocracy, as the tyranny of Charilaus did in Lace- 1 Herod. I, 65, 66. - Laced. Respubl. 10, 5 ; Plut. Lye. 1. :; Supra, pp. 348, 355 ; Strabo, p. 366. 4 Strabo, p. 482. 5 Polyb. 2, 7, 1. chap, ix.] TRADITIONS CONCERNING LYCURGUS. 359 daemon." ! Similarly, in Heraclides of Pontus, we read : " When Lycurgus learned that great lawlessness prevailed in his native country, and that Charilaus was governing tyrannically, he altered the laws."" Polybius ascribes to Lycurgus the harmonious dis- position of the citizens, and the security of the country, and praises him for having given such good precepts for the preservation of freedom, and provided for everything so well, that such wisdom was to be accounted rather that of a god than of a man. " The equality of goods, the simple manner of life in common which he prescribed, must have made men discreet and prevented strife ; practice in hardships and in the bearing of evils must have made them strong and magnanimous. When valour and wisdom are found united, trouble does not easily grow from within, nor is there much fear of subjection from without. It remained for Lycurgus, after he had made the Spartans self-dependent and brave, to lay upon them precept or command that their state also for its part should be moderate and sober ; but, on the contrary, he left it the most ambitious, tyrannical, and covetous, of all the Hellenic states." 15 In the account of Trogus, Lycurgus succeeds his brother Polydectes in the government, but leaves it to Polydectes' posthumous son Charilaus, as soon as he was grown up. During the time of his minority Lycurgus gives the Spartans, who are with- out laws, laws and a constitution. As the Spartan manners were lax, he makes adherence to his hard precepts easier by representing Apollo as their author, and, in order to guarantee their eternal continuance, he announces that he is going to visit the Delphic oracle, and makes the Spartans swear not to alter anything 1 Polyb. 5, 10, 3. - Fragm. 2. 3, Ed. Midler. Polyb. 6, 48. 360 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook u. until his return. But he goes to Crete, and remains then- in voluntary exile until his death. 1 Plutarch gives us the history of Lycurgus at length. In the account of his life and circumstances he chiefly follows Ephorus, Hermippus of Smyrna, and Aristo- crates of Sparta.- In order to obtain the favour of the main, King Eurypon is said to have diminished the excessive power of the royal authority. By this means the people was strengthened, and as the succeeding kings either made themselves hated by the manner in which they used their power, or yielded, partly to gain the popular favour, and partly through weakness, disorder and lawlessness prevailed for a long time in Sparta. When the father of Polydectes (King Eunomus) once interfered to hinder a fight, he received a thrust from a cook's knife, and died of it. The kingly office descended to his elder son Polydectes, who died soon after, and the government passed over to Lycurgus. He was in fact king, until it became known that his brother's wife was pregnant. As soon as Lycurgus heard this, he declared that the throne belonged to the child ; should it be a boy he would conduct the government as regent. The widow of Polydectes sent him a secret message that she would do away with her offspring, if Lycurgus, when he was king, would make her his wife. Lycurgus was horrified at such wickedness ; he, however, did not oppose it, but pretended to countenance the design. He told her not to injure herself and endanger her life by any violent measures, for he would take care that the child was put out of the way as soon as it was born. 1 Justin. 3, 2, 3. 2 This, in my opinion, has been clearly proved by Gilbert, Studien zur Altspart. Gesch. pp. 96-109. CHAP, ix.] PLUTARCH'S ACCOUNT. 361 When the time drew near, he sent emissaries with instructions that if the child were a girl it should be given in charge to the women, but if it proved to be a boy they were to bring it to him. The messengers were at table when the servants came and brought the boy. Lycurgus, we are told, said to those present : " To you, O Spartans, a king is born ; " took the boy to the place of the kings, and called him Charilaus (joy of the people), since all were greatly rejoiced at the wisdom and justice of Lycurgus. Lycurgus had ruled as king for eight months, and as he then reigned as guardian, every one was as ready to obey him on account of the royal power which belonged to him as for his valour. Yet there were not wanting envious persons who tried to stand in the way of Lycurgus' growing power and consideration while it was still new, and above all the relations of the mother of Charilaus, who felt herself slighted. Her brother Leonidas said scornfully, "He was quite certain that Lycurgus would one day be king," in order to make him suspected if anything happened to Charilaus. Lycurgus took such sayings to heart ; he feared the uncertainty of things, and resolved to escape suspicion by keeping away from the country until his brother's son should have come to an age when he might him- self beget a successor to the throne. So he departed, and came first to Crete, became acquainted with the institutions in force there, conversed with the most considerable men, and out of their laws adopted such as he approved and desired to put in force at home : there were also some which he discarded. From Crete he went, as it is related, to Ionia in order to compare the superfluity and luxury of the Ionians with the frugal and severe mode of life of the Cretans. The 362 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. Egyptians say, Lycurgus also visited them ; he most admired the separation of the warriors from the other classes, and in Sparta ordained their separation from the tradespeople and artisans, in order to establish a real and unmixed body of citizens. Some Greek authors also maintain that Lycurgus visited Egypt. That he passed over into Libya and Iberia, and travelling through India, became acquainted with the Gymno- sophists, is asserted only by Aristocrates the Spartan. 1 But the Lacedaemonians missed Lycurgus, and fre- quently sent to bring him back ; they were of opinion that kings excelled their fellow -creatures in titles and honours, and in no other way, but that in Lycurgus there was a nature fitted to lead and guide men. Even by the kings his presence was no longer undesired; they hoped that the people would behave themselves less insolently if he were there. When, under these cir- cumstances, Lycurgus returned, he immediately set to work to alter entirely the existing state of things, as it was impossible to do any good by isolated laws. In the midst of such reflections he went to Delphi, and after he had offered sacrifice to the god and enquired of him, he came back with the famous response in which the Pythia called him a man beloved of God, nay a god rather than a man, and as he asked about good laws the god would give and declare to him the constitution that was far the best of any. Thus fortified, Lycurgus assembled the chief men of the city and called upon them to support it. When the appointed day arrived he made thirty of the best of them come armed in the morning into the market-place to overawe the adversaries and to inspire them with fear. King Charilaus, who supposed that the tumult had arisen 1 Aristocrates wrote his AaKUJviKa in the second or first century B.C. chap, ix.] PLUTARCH'S ACCOUNT. 363 against him, fled into the bronze house of Athena, but suffered himself to be persuaded, and, when oaths of allegiance had been sworn to him, he took part in that which was going forward. Of the numerous innova- tions of Lycurgus, the greatest was the institution of the council of the Gerontes, of which Plato says that, being associated with the aspiring authority of the kings and endowed with equal rights, it saved and at the same time moderated that authority. For the constitution, now inclining to the tyranny of the kings, now to the democracy of the many, obtained in the Gerontes a steady point of support, which kept it in the mean and in a state of equipoise, and gave it stability ; since the twenty-eight Gerontes went over to the side of the kings so far as it was necessary to withstand the power of the people, but, on the other hand, they supported the people in order that no tyranny should be suffered to prevail. Aristotle says that Lycurgus appointed twenty - eight Gerontes, because two of the thirty who were at first at his side had lost courage and abandoned the enterprise. The boldest enactment of Lycurgus was the division of the land. As the inequality was very great, many people devoid of possessions had forced their way into the community, and riches were in the hands of very- few, which occasioned boasting, envy, riotousness, and crimes. Lycurgus, in order to drive out riches and poverty, divided the whole of Laconia among the Periceci into 30,000 lots, and the community of the Spartans into 9000, that all might be on an equality, and only strive to distinguish themselves in virtue. To remove inequality also in other things he abolished gold and silver money, and commanded that only iron should be employed ; so that, however great the weight 364 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. and the mass the value should be small. He made, moreover, this iron hard and unprofitable for other uses by steeping it. as we are told, red-hot in vinegar. He also banished all unnecessary and superfluous arts. Thus luxury, deprived of support, must of itself gradually die out. A rhetra commanded that the roofs of the houses should be made only with the axe, and the doors only with the saw. 1 The Spartans were forbidden to go abroad and to travel in foreign countries that they might not bring home foreign customs and modes of life, and strangers who came to Sparta without any useful occupation he forbade to remain.- In order to strike a still more effective blow at extravagance, and wholly to eradicate the striving for riches, he introduced the third and severest of his institutions — the common meals of prescribed food and a certain number of dishes. To this ordinance, above all, the rich were opposed. They assembled them- selves together, shouted, and threw stones at Lycurgus. Lycurgus took refuge in the temple ; a youth of violent character named Alcander followed him, and with his staff struck out one of his eyes. When Lycurgus displayed his bloody countenance, shame and sorrow overcame the citizens : they followed him to his house, and delivered Alcander up to him. In memory of this misfortune Lycurgus built a temple to Athena Optiletis, :i and the Spartans from that time abandoned the custom of going with staves into the assembly. Lycurgus did not give a written code of laws ; which the Lacedaemonians were forbidden by a rhetra to use. He connected the problem of legislation 1 Lye. 13. - Lye. 27. :; In the Apophthegm. Lac. Lycurg. 7, this temple is represented merely as a monument in the precincts of the Chalcicecus. chap, ix.] LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 365 chiefly with education. He thought that the most essential and important laws for the well-being and suc- cess of the commonwealth could only have a fixed exist- ence by means of the morals of the citizens, and these only if they were implanted through education. In edu- cation he began from the very beginning, including in it the preparation for marriage, the training of the bodies of the young women, the care of the children, even in their earliest years ; and so ordered the education of boys and youths that they should grow up in hardi- ness and temperance, training the body in strength and agility, accustoming themselves to obedience and reverence towards their elders and the aged, and at the same time were instructed how to give thoughtful answers and short discourses, and also in the art of singing. The so-called Crypteia is enumerated by Aristotle among the institutions of Lycurgus. " But," says Plutarch, " I would rather not ascribe such a wicked thing to Lycurgus, drawing my conclusions as to his character from the gentleness and justice he otherwise displays, and to which also the sentence of the god bears witness." 1 When the most important prescripts of Lycurgus had become more fixed by custom, and the constitu- tion was sufficiently strong to support and maintain itself, he called all the Spartans together and told them that the provisions he had already made were, to a certain degree, sufficient for prosperity and virtue, but the greatest and most important matter he could not disclose to them until he had consulted the god. It was therefore necessary that they should alter nothing until he returned from Delphi, then he would perform what the god commanded. All were of one 1 Lye. 28 ; supra, p. 357. 366 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. mind, and he took an oath of the kings, the Gerontcs, and .ill the citizens, that they would abide by the pnscnt constitution till Lycurgus came back. At Delphi he enquired of the god whether his laws were good and sufficient to secure the prosperity and virtue of the state. He replied that the laws were- good and that the state would be the most glorious in the world, so long as it kept to the constitution of Lycurgus. Then Lycurgus offered a sacrifice, em- braced his friends and his son, and resolved, in order that the Spartans might never be released from their oath, that he would voluntarily make an end of his life by abstaining from food. 1 Some maintain that he died at Elis, others at Crete, where they showed the grave of Lycurgus near Cydonia. Aristocrates says : The friends of Lycurgus in Crete, at his request, burned his body and scattered the ashes into the sea, to make it impossible that his remains should ever be carried to vSparta, and that the Spartans should then consider themselves released from their oath as if he himself had returned. In Sparta a temple was erected to Lycurgus, and they offer sacrifices every year to him as to a god. So runs the narrative of Plutarch. Two points of view are predominant in the legends of the Spartans concerning the origin and fortunes of their state. Their commonwealth, after- wards so powerful, must in ancient times have been of the same importance ; moreover, it must have early received the constitution wherein its strength consisted, and to which it persistently clung in the face of the later development of the other Greek cantons. If from the first of these points of view those legends 1 In Xicolaus, Fragm. 57, Lycurgus kills himself for the same reason at Crisa. chap, ix.] ELEMENTS OF THE LEGEND. 367 sprang, which gave to the Spartans the whole region of the Eurotas, and represent the emigrations of the Achseans from the lower valley of the Eurotas as Spartan colonies, the second point of view caused the government, which had been in force since the first half of the sixth century, to be put back as far as possible in the commencement of the state, and all the institutions which had grown up from that time to be ascribed to the first lawgiver. This tendency also occasioned the date of Lycurgus himself to be placed as early as possible. The official narrative of the Spartans, which Herodotus saw, makes Lycurgus the son of Agis, the founder of the line of the Agidse ; and in that narrative his institutions include not only the establishment of the Gerousia, but also that of the Ephori, the Syssitia, and the army, to which the detailed accounts, employed by Plutarch of a later date, add the division of the land, the regulation of the coinage, the marriage - laws, the discipline of youths and men — in a word, the sum total of all the institutions that afterwards existed. How could it have occurred to a lawgiver of so early a time — whether Lycurgus were the son of Agis or of Eunomus — to forbid the Spartans to make use of written laws, when even the latest period to which the activity of Lycurgus can be assigned was only just beginning to employ writing, and his work lies at least a century and a half before the date at which the Greeks received the first written laws ? How could he forbid arts at a period when the old arts were for- gotten ? And in the rude mountain recess of Sparta, as it then was, among Doric warriors, such things were most unlikely to be found. To forbid the pur- suit of common trades to soldiers proud of their arms, 368 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book h. who had conquered their own country, would have been very superfluous. Even in those Greek cantons whore no immigrant ruling class bore sway, handicrafts were luld in contempt Wherein would have lain the motive or reason for making a duty of simplicity and plainness to a community which had behind it a long warlike life, and still led the same life ? for command- ing that the roofs of the houses should be made only with the axe, and the doors only with the saw, when the most wealthy could not rise above the style of prosperous peasants ? How could it have been found necessary in those times of violence, when there was no protection outside a man's own community, to for- bid travelling and visits to foreign countries, and to deny or render difficult to strangers, who did not come, a residence in Sparta ? What ground could exist for restricting gains, trade, and commerce, at a period which knew nothing of commerce beyond the most necessary barter, and scarcely anything of trade or profit except in agriculture ? These are points of view which might have been taken in the sixth century, but not in the ninth. As little could there have been opportunity in those times for excluding gold and silver, for the Hellenes had as yet no coins or stamped money, and gold and silver only existed among them in very small quantity. 1 The supposed introduction of iron money by Lycurgus is manifestly grounded upon the fact that among the Greeks, before Pheidon of Argos had struck the first coins in the cantons of the peninsula, metal bars or rods, especially rods of iron, were in circulation. Pieces of this metal remained in use at Sparta for small commerce, even in later times. That Sparta 1 Bceckh, Staatshaushalt. I 3 , 6, 7. chap, ix.] GENEALOGY OF LYCURGUS. 369 possessed iron money only, though simply for its own native coinage, it would be an error to maintain. The weights and measures and standards of Pheidon were afterwards used in Sparta ; in place of the ancient iron bars, round iron pieces stamped by the state were introduced. These are said to have had the weight of a mina of yEgina (one and one-fifth of a pound), and the value of half an ^Eginetan obole, i.e. four chalcoi, equal to nine pence ; an amount of the value of ten silver minae (according to the Attic standard, about ^40) must have been equal to a waggon-load of iron money. 1 In Herodotus, Echestratus and Lycurgus are the sons of Agis. Lycurgus, being guardian to the son of Echestratus, alters the laws, according to this account, as representative and temporary possessor of the royal power ; how the king of the other family, the Eurypontid who reigned side by side with Lycurgus, behaved in regard to this we are not told. Also in Ephorus and Aristotle, and in the narratives that follow Ephorus, Lycurgus is regent, though for a later king, who belongs not to the house of Agis, but to that of Eurypon. This version makes Lycurgus, however, resign the regency on account of the evil counsels of his brother's widow and her kindred, then depart from the country (p. 361), and only return after his former ward has arrived at maturity ; then it represents him as reforming the constitution, without adducing any other warrant for the right of doing so than the appearance of the eight - and - twenty armed men in the market-place. Charilaus submits. 1 Xenoph. Resp. Lac. 7 ; He lien. 3, 3, 7 ; Plut. Lye. 9 ; Lysander, 1 7 ; Apophthegm. Lacon. Lycurg. 3 ; Hcsych. TreAcu-os ; Heinrich Stein in Jahn's Jahrbiichern, 1864, p. 332 ff. VOL. I. 2 B 37o THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK n. As to the behaviour of the king of the house of Agis, Arehelaus, who reigns together with Charilaus, in regard to the measures of Lycurgus, this version gives no information, except a remark said to have been made by him : " How should not Charilaus be lenient, since he is not even severe towards the wicked ? " In this version, which is derived from Ephorus, there are likewise differences. Herodotus speaks only of law- lessness to which Lycurgus put an end. In Aristotle and Heraclides the monarchy of Charilaus becomes a tyranny (p. 358) ; in Plutarch we found precisely the opposite statement : the weakness of the king has made the people ungovernable. Eunomus is stabbed in a rebellion ; it is hoped that the return of Lycurgus will diminish the proud boasting of the multitude. From this uncertainty of the tradition, as well as from the observations of Plato and Plutarch on the wise mixture of authority introduced by Lycurgus, it is abundantly evident that the conceptions borrowed from the party struggles of the later centuries have been transferred to the action of Lycurgus. According to the narrative of the Spartans pre- served by Herodotus, Lycurgus introduced the laws of Crete into Sparta. Herodotus adds: "Some said that the Pythia gave him the constitution which still exists in Sparta." According to this, there existed besides the Spartan version which derived the laws of Lycurgus from Crete, another which derived them from Delphi. The later representation, which Plutarch used, seeks to combine both statements ; here Lycurgus studies the Cretan laws, partly adopts and partly dis- cards them, and then obtains the confirmation of his code at Delphi. It is not that some institutions similar to those of Sparta and the Greek states are to be found in chap, ix.] SPARTAN LAWS DERIVED FROM CRETE. 371 Crete, resting in both cases on the same foundations, — an armed immigration and a long period of war. Poly- bius wonders with good reason how the " most intelli- gent of the ancient writers, Ephorus, Xenophon, Callisthenes, and Plato," could have said that the con- stitution of the Cretans was like that of the Spartans, whereas the actual conditions in Crete show them to be entirely opposed to each other. 1 It is not the Cretan measures and the Cretan dance of weapons, the Pyrrhic, which Thaletas subsequently brought from Gortyn to Sparta, nor the sacred functions traced to Minos, which the Cretan Epimenides of Cnossus imparted to the Ephor — not for any of these reasons were the Spartan laws asserted to have come from Crete, but because it was supposed that the laws of the Cretan cities came from Minos, and that Minos received them from Zeus. 2 If Sparta's laws came from Crete they came from Zeus. That such was the received opinion is clear from Aristotle. He repudiates the assertion that Lycurgus had been the disciple of Thaletas, for this was maintained without regard to dates. 3 Plutarch nevertheless relates that Lycurgus induced Thaletas to go to Sparta, and Thaletas smoothed the way thither for him with his songs. 4 At the same time Aristotle remarks that Lycurgus stayed longest in Crete, because the inhabitants of Lyctus were settlers from Laconia : these on their arrival had adopted the laws in force among the inhabitants, from whence it arises that those laws which emanated from Minos are observed to this day among the Periceci of Lyctus. Lyctus, as we have seen, was 1 Polyb. 6, 45, 46; and Wachsmuth, concerning this passage; Got finger G. A., 1870, p. 18 14, ft". - Odyss. 19, 178. 8 Pol it. 2, 9, 5. * Lycurg. 4. 5 Polit. 2, 7, 1. 372 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. not a colony of the Lacedaemonians, but of the Achaeans from the lower Eurotas ; in the time of Lycurgus it was as little a Greek city as Gortyn : they neither of them became Achaean cities till after his death. Lycurgus, had he borrowed from Crete at all, need not have borrowed, as Aristotle says, from Lyctus; he might simply have done so from Cnossus (pp. ^22, 326), the only existing settlement of the I )orians of Argos on Crete at that time. The whole contents of the tradition of Lycurgus, the narrative of Plutarch, which begins the account of his life by saying that with regard to Lycurgus nothing is free from doubt — all this shows that there was no existing knowledge of his personality, that only three points arising out of the ancient legend afforded sup- port, and allowed of further amplification ; these are the relations of Lycurgus to Delphi, his regency, and the borrowing of the laws from Crete. Here inven- tion could add something. The response with which the Pythia in Herodotus receives Lycurgus, even before he has promulgated his laws — she hesitates whether to greet him as a man or as a god, but he was rather a god than a man — could manifestly not have been invented before a temple had been dedicated to Lycurgus at Sparta. 1 From this relation to Delphi, it was then further invented that Lycurgus, after the promulgation of his laws, had gone to Delphi, and when the god had told him that they would suffice for the weal of Sparta he had then put an end to his life. The oath of the Spartans before the departure of Lycurgus, and his death from self-denying patriotism, 1 The two verses also, which the Exc. Vat. I, from Diodorus, adds to the four hexameters of Herodotus are of later invention ; Herod, i, 65; Strabo, p. 366; Plut. Lye. 31 ; 1'ausan. 3, 16, 6; C.I.G. No. 1256, 1341, 1342, 1350, 1364^ chap, ix.] LEGEND OF LYCURGUS. ^73 were to explain why the constitution of Sparta, dating from such an ancient period, had remained unchanged, as Plutarch says, for five hundred years, till the time of King Agis, son of Archidamus, and of Lysander. 1 Out of the regency of Lycurgus the lively fancy of the Greeks then invented all those traits which make him a pattern of conformity to law, unshaken loyalty, and self-sacrificing unselfishness and devotion, the model of a character in harmony with his voluntary death for his fatherland. He is king, but immediately descends to the position of a guardian, when he learns that his brother's widow is pregnant, and repels her tempting proposals ; he announces to the Spartans that a king is born to them ; he even resigns the regency in order to exclude all possibility of suspicion. This resignation is manifestly invented by the later tradition in order to bring Lycurgus to Crete before the promulgation of his laws. The journey is then again lengthened ; later statements represent Lycurgus as travelling for his further political education to Ionia, to Egypt, and lastly — an addition which could not have been made until after Alexander's Indian expedition — even to the Gymnosophists of India. From the narrative of his adventures after his return to Sparta, we learn only the anachronism that Charilaus took refuge in the bronze house of Athena at Sparta ; i.e. in the temple, which only became a bronze house in the sixth century, and the story of Lycurgus having his eye struck out in the insurrection of the rich against the Syssitia. This refers to a holy place dedicated to Athena-Optiletis on the citadel, the age of which per- mitted its founding to be ascribed to Lycurgus. The name Optiletis, which subsequently was no longer 1 Plut. Lye. 29, 30; Lysander t 17. 374 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK n. understood, contained an allusion no doubt to the keen ■■lance of the goddess. 1 In spite of all this, the legend of Lycurgus and his constitution contains a kernel of fact ; it eives an im- portant, indeed decisive turn, to the history of Sparta, which it not only reflects fantastically, but also distorts into a particular tendency. The various periods in which Lycurgus is placed must not mislead us, nor the circumstance that he is sometimes assigned to the house of the Aqida; and sometimes to that of the Eurypontidae. Both these houses desired to claim the man who was said to have founded the constitu- tion of Sparta. He naturally fell to that house which was at first alone in possession of the place — that of the Agidx ; he was placed as close as possible to the beginning of the state ; Sparta must have received its unchanged and unchangeable constitution in the earliest times, in the second or third generation after its founding. As against this tendency of Spartan legend, as known to Herodotus, the opposite version of Ephorus, which places Lycurgus four generations later, in the times of Archelaus the Agid, and Chari- laus the Eurypontid, seems more worthy of credit. If we hold to the tradition which places Lycurgus furthest back, the date at which he laid the founda- tion of the constitution named after him can be fixed in the last third of the ninth century. The first Messenian War, which began at latest in the year 730 B.C., 2 was conducted by King Polydorus, of the house of the Agidse. The predecessor of Polydorus 1 Supra, p. 364; I'lut. Lye. i i ; I'ausan. 3, 1 8, 2 ; ~Mu\\cr, Bort'er, 1, 397. - It will be shown further on that this war began in 735. Its duration of twenty years is certified by Tyrtacus, and it must have ended in 710 at latest, since Tarentum had already been founded by the Parthenians in 708-7. chap, ix.] ALCAMENES CONQUERS THE ACHvEANS. 375 is King Alcamenes, who conquered the Achaeans of Helus. His memory was preserved by the sanctuary of Zeus Tropaeus, which was erected in gratitude for the entire conquest of the Achaeans, 1 and the Spartan lists of the kings observed that during the reign of Alcamenes the first sacrifice was brought to Olympian The predecessor of Alcamenes was King Teleclus, the memory of whom, as already related, was kept alive by the festival of the Hyacinthia, connected with the taking of Amyclae, the trophy over the Amyclaeans, and the Heroum, which was dedicated to him alone of all the kings of Sparta. But the father of Teleclus is King Archelaus, under whom the reform was com- pleted which bears the name of Lycurgus. The royal succession from him upwards is the less to be doubted as the catalogues of the Hellenes begin about the middle of the eighth century, and the fathers and grandfathers of the kings then reigning could not possibly be forgotten. The reign of Polydorus must accordingly be placed about 740 B.C., that of Alcamenes in 770 B.C., that of Teleclus in 800 B.C., that of Arche- laus between 830 and 800 B.C., and the reign of Archelaus's contemporary Charilaus, of the house of Eurypon, must be fixed at the same time. We may place the more confidence in this account, as Thucy- dides has already told us that Sparta received good laws in very ancient times, and had been governed by the same constitution for more than four hundred years." If these four hundred years and more are 1 Supra, p. 345. 2 Supra, p. 136. The tenth year of Alcamenes = 776, is calculated from the length of the reigns, which, in the case of Alcamenes, may have been remembered when the table was drawn up. 8 Supra, p. 256. Gelzer, Rhcin. .If us. 1873, p. 16, has compared the statements of the chronographers as to the date of Lycurgus. 376 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. reckoned from the end of the Peloponnesian War, i hey bring us to the year 804 b.c. ; if from the peace of Nicias, to 821 B.C., and by the addition of a iVw years, we get the date 810 B.C., or 825 B.C., as the epoch when the foundations of a new constitution were laid in Sparta ; foundations which thenceforth continued to exist. Thucydides speaks neither of a tyranny which had been set aside by the constitution of Lycurgus nor of .m unbridled democracy which had been abolished by it ; he speaks only of the abolition of the discord in which Lacedaemon had found itself after the immigra- tion of the Dorians, longer than any other state with which he was acquainted. It has been demonstrated above that this discord was caused by the existence of two Doric states in the region of the Eurotas — the dominion of the Agidse (Eurysthida-) on the middle Eurotas at Sparta, and the dominion of the Eurypon- tidae (Proclidae) in the upper valley of the Eurotas, on the Oenus. The conflict between these princely houses, striving to conquer each other, — this was the faction which divided the Dorians on the Eurotas, and hampered their advance against the Achaans of Amyclse (p. 353). Pausanias says, in his description of the city of the Tegeatse, the neighbours of the Dorians in the region at the sources of the Oenus : " In the market-place at Teeea there is a figure of Arcs, hewn on a memorial- stone, and called the guest of women. When Charilaus, the chief of the Lacedaemonians, marched against the Tegeatoe, the women of Tegea also took weapons and placed themselves in the background, near the hill which is now named Phylactris. When the armies charged one another, and there was much valiant and chap, ix.] DEFEAT OF CHARILAUS. 377 memorable fighting on both sides, the women appeared, of whom Marpessa, named Chera, i.e. the widow, made the bravest resistance ; and the women caused the Lacedaemonians to be put to flight. Thus the Tegeatae, first of the Arcadians, conquered the Lace- daemonians." 1 But the women had offered a sacrifice to Ares for the victory, without the men, and had given them nothing: from the altar ; this is the orio-in of the name attributed to Ares. Among the votive offerings to Athena Alea at Tegea is the armour of Marpessa ; in this temple was celebrated the festival of the Halotia (the taking of prisoners), for Charilaus was taken captive with other Spartans, but was again released without ransom, having sworn that the Lacedaemonians should never again attack the Tegeatae, an oath which was not kept. 2 1 Pausan. 8, 48, 3. 2 Pausan. 8, 47, 2 ; 8, 48, 4, 5. Pausanias places the battle after the deed of Echemus (8, 45, 3) in the time of King yEginetes of Arcadia, i.e. in the seventh generation after King Cypselus of Basilis, the contem- porary of Temenus, Aristodemus, and Cresphontes (8, 5, 9). In another passage, however, where he gives the Spartan tradition (3, 73), and also in 8, 47, 2, he does not distinguish between this defeat and the second, after which the Spartans were fettered with their own chains, and obliged to dig the canal. The remembrance of the second defeat, which occurred in the sixth century, under the reigns of Eurycratidas and Leon (Pausan. 3, 3, 5), was preserved by the chains hanging up in the temple of Athena Alea, which Herodotus, as well as Pausanias, saw there, and by the statues consecrated at Delphi, which Pausanias men- tions (10, 9, 6). Whether the festival of the Halotia refers to the first or second defeat, or to these conflicts generally, is doubtful. Herodotus (1, 66) speaks only of the second defeat; he says nothing of any participation of women, which would hardly have escaped him, or of the king of Sparta being taken prisoner. "They (the Spartans) would keep peace no longer, as they were now settled in a good land, and were numerous ;" so Herodotus begins his narrative of this defeat. The enquiry of the oracle, whether the whole of Arcadia should become the portion of the Lacedaemonians, could not have been asked by Sparta before the Mcssenian wars. Herodotus follows his account of the defeat after long failure against Tegea by the history of Lichas at the time of Croesus, and places the turn of the fortune of the war under the kings 378 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. The tradition of the Tegeatae stands side by side with that of the Spartans, but is independent of it. Without implicitly believing in the imprisonment of the hostile king, which may probably have been added .is an embellishment, we may certainly attribute some weight to this tradition, where it is supported by festivals and memorial tokens in the most famous temple of the canton, even if the monumental stone may date from a later time. At any rate, a moment in which the Dorians on the Oenus had suffered a severe defeat was calculated to awaken in them the thought of their dependence on the kindred and neighbouring state, and if the position threatened their destruction without the help of that state, it would thus bring about such dependence. Two com- monwealths, which have long been at enmity, will hardly relinquish their strife unless force and necessity compel one of them to seek the other. If the prince of the northern state was really taken prisoner, if a regency for him were required and introduced, the application for assistance to the brother tribe was an easier step to take ; and this circumstance rendered it possible to enter into negotiations unimpeded by the ancient hatred of the royal house. A regency lent itself more easily to the idea, not only of gaining immediate help but of putting an end for ever to the old hostility; of combining the power of the two states of the same race against their enemies in the north and in the south, and of fusing the two states into one common- wealth. It was the Tegeatae who had overcome Anaxandrides and Ariston. From the whole it is plain that he is treat- ing of events in the sixth century. The Spartan tradition naturally only recognises one great defeat from the Tegeatae, and accounted for this by the obscurity of the Delphic sentence ; it knows nothing at all of the capture of one of their kings. chap, ix.] THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 379 Charilaus ; the tradition of the two royal houses, as we have received it from Pausanias, says that King Archelaus of the house of Agis subjugated the district of yEgys near the sources of the Eurotas, which held to the Arcadians, and that Charilaus helped him in the enterprise {sup. p. 350). We must no doubt recog- nise in this expedition of the southern community, the community of Sparta, to help the northern community on the Oenus, the begmininof of the alliance, or the first-fruit of it. If the community was to last, the two commonwealths must henceforth be only one. But how was it possible to overcome the dualism and to make room for two princely houses in the same state ? It could only happen if perfectly equal rights were secured to them ; and if, in the event of their disagree- ment, the decision were assigned to a third authority standing between them. The Doric soldiers, who had been led into the region of the Eurotas by the ancestors of these princes, who had divided the conquered terri- tories among them, and had had their lands tilled by their prisoners and the prisoners' descendants, gradually, after the settlement, assumed a more haughty attitude towards their princes than was usual among the less numerous noble families of the ancient time towards their rulers : the more so, as in their totality they formed the army from which the subjugated Achaeans must be kept at a distance, and upon their readiness in arms rested the maintenance of the commonwealth, which was founded on force. The longer the petty war lasted on the Oenus against the Tegeatse, and on the Eurotas against the Achaeans of Amyclae, the more common were feuds even between the two Doric states, — the stronger became the consciousness in the Doric soldiers that as everything rested on their shoulders it was fitting that they should 380 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook n. also share in and influence the decisions. The union of the two states could only be founded on the frater- nisation of their army, and the army itself must have felt that in this union it not only became stronger against the enemy but against its kings — that their authority and power would be weaker if the kingdom were divided between two, and were no longer united in one hand. It was a double compromise which Lycurgus had to effect — between the two royal houses themselves, and between these and the ruling class to be united in the two communities. To found a new commonwealth without the con- sent and sanction of the gods was in those times not to be thought of. We must therefore orive full cred- ence to the tradition that the man who had conceived and carried out the idea of the fraternisation and fusion of the two Doric states — Lycurgus, who cer- tainly did not belong to the Agidae, and probably not to the Eurypontidae — sought higher sanction and con- firmation for his designs and regulations. The reasons that might lead a Dorian to apply to Delphi, to the oracle of Apollo, have been already pointed out (p. 296). The directions enforced through the mouth of the Pythia and given to Lycurgus for his new constitution, 1 for the Syncecismus, and the union of the two states, ran as follows : " Build a temple to Zeus Hellanios and to Athena Hellania,- divide the tribes and make the Obes. Establish the Gerousia of the thirty with the founders thereof (Archegeta-). summon the people 1 The verses of TyrUcus, Fragm. 4, leave no doubt of this. Even in the end of the sixth century Cleisthenes availed himself of the co-operation of Delphi for the founding of his new Phylae. -' The alternation in Pindar between ScAAot (//. 16, 234) and 'EAA01 (Strabo, p. 328) makes it certain that ScXAavtos is only the more ancient and stronger aspiration (supra, p. 24 f). CHAP. IX.] AUTHORITY OF THE PRINCES. 381 from month to month between Babyka and Knakion. There propose and withdraw, 1 for the people shall have the decision and power." 2 In these words we possess the oldest record of Greek history; the most ancient record of a constitution which is known to any history. Subsequently noted down and placed, as we may suppose, at the head of the sentences of the Pythia, who in later times had to keep up relations with Delphi, Aristotle was acquainted with it, and Plutarch has preserved it for us. :! It richly compensates us for the want of records as to the descent and personal history of Lycurgus. The new constitution must necessarily be placed under the protection of new gods and receive a cult differing from the chief cults of both the states about to be abolished. It was the Hellenic Zeus and the Hellenic Athena whom the new commonwealth was to serve. Moreover, the tribes and their subdivisions must be settled. The division of the Dorians into three tribes, which had sprung up in the times of their battles and wanderings in the Peloponnesus, became confirmed by the organisation after the settlement ;'' it was based upon the division of the Doric people into Hylleis and Dymanes, and a third branch, com- posed of the warriors who formed alliance with them in those times of violence, cannot have been foreign to the Dorians on the Oenus and on the middle Eurotas. We find these three tribes in Arcros and Sicyon, in Epidaurus and /Egina ; the Odyssey 1 If onf>l(TTao-dai is not taken in this sense which is adopted by Gilbert {Studien Altsp. Gesck. p. 136), the addition of Theopompus has no meaning. 2 Urlichs, A'. Rhcin. Mus. 6, 194 ; Bergk, Gricch. Litgesch. 1, 419 ; Gilbert, loc. cit. p. 125. l'lut. Adv. Colot. 17 ; Lye. 6. 4 Supra, p. 206. 382 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. ascribes them also to the Dorians of Cnossus in Crete. But the tribes on either side required to be combined, and subdivisions of them formed of somewhat similar strength ; i.e. an equal number of families from several communities should be associated into one tribal gens, one corporation. In both cases, in the corporations of the tribes as in those of the Obes, new associates had ac- cordingly to be combined into a permanent community. When the legend represents Lycurgus as summoning the thirty foremost men into the market-place in the early morning to begin the reform (p. 362 f), this signi- fies the thirty Obes, which he instituted (ten subdivi- sions in each tribe) ; when two men of these lack the courage to appear, and there are thus only twenty- eight, the two defaulters, as Plutarch already recognises, are the two kings, i.e. the two Obes, whose tribal heads were the kings ; and when Hermippus mentions twenty out of the thirty by name, these can only be the names of heroes or tribal ancestors after whom the Obes were called, and through whose worship their members were united. Herodotus very distinctly gives the number of the Gerontes as twenty-eight, and including the two kings, thirty j 1 he follows the account of the Spartans (as we have seen above) in represent- ing Theras as conducting them to Thera in three ships, each with thirty rowers ; the three ships are the three tribes, the thirty rowers of each ship are the thirty Obes. 2 1 Herod. 6, 57. - The description of the festival of the Carnea from Demetrius of Scepsis in Athemeus, p. 141, certainly gives only twenty-seven Phratrias (or Obes), from the nine tents and nine men ; but by this too much is proved as against thirty Obes, for it would be hard to understand why the two Obes of the kings should be excluded. The number of thirty Obes is fixed by "the Gerousia of the Thirty" in the Rhetra. The number of the five Ephors, which commonly recurs in special commis- chap, ix.] COUNCIL OF THE GERONTES. 383 On this organisation of races was founded the organism of the new constitution. The supreme power in the state was to belong to the representatives of the thirty Obes. It was no longer to depend on the pleasure of the princes with whom they should take counsel or not. The councillors were pointed out to them once for all, and the kings were bound by the sentence of the council. This council of the ancients, the Gerontes, was the unity of the new state, the new king. But the two princes were not blindly to follow the sentences of the council ; they were members of it, as born representatives of their two family clans ;' they were the presidents of the great council, they conducted its proceedings. " Establish the Gerousia of thirty with the Archegetce ;" the kings were these chief leaders ; the two kings who concluded the treaty, Archelaus the Agid and Charilaus the Eurypontid, were the Archegetse, i.e. the founders of the new common- wealth. At a moment of difficulty the principality of the Eurypontidse on the Oenus had allied itself with the principality of the Agidse in Sparta, which was probably sions, is as little to be harmonised with the number of tribes and Obes as the numbers nine and twenty-seven ; it is no doubt based upon the number of the five cantons. All this, and what may be inferred from Herodotus' mention of the <.\>vkq of the /Egidae, furnish but weak argu- ments against the three tribes and thirty Obes of Sparta. We might as reasonably deny the four ancient tribes of Attica from the number of the nine archons and the fifty-one Ephetae. 1 If it be urged against this that the two kings must have belonged to one tribal league as descendants of Heracles, the whole tribe of the Hylleis must on the same ground have constituted but one Obe. (The Agid;t and Eurypontidae were only made descendants of Heracles after the time of Lycurgus, p. 355 ; moreover, according to the account of Polyaenus, the Agidas were made Heraclida: at a later date than the Eurypontid.e.) Two royal houses are here in question of different origin and very different antecedents, whose descent from Heracles was asserted at the earliest in the second half of the eighth century. 384 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook 11. stronger, and was at any rate less menaced at the time. The chief place of the principality of the Agula- became the capital city of the combined states. The Eurypontidae also took up their abode in Sparta. The Agidas had hitherto no doubt had their dwelling on the hill which was the citadel of Sparta ; at least we find the graves of the Agidaj at the foot of this hill ; the Eurypontidae had their burial-places in the south of the city of Sparta on the way towards Anuria-. The habitation of the Agidae lay, in the eighth century, south of the market situated below the citadel, on the road Aphetais ; that of the Eurypontidae, in the sixth century, a little farther to the south on the same road. 1 When the rhetra says : Establish the Gerousia with the Archegetai, full light is thrown upon this sentence when we compare it with the following observation of Ephorus : Eurysthenes and Procles are neither called Archegetse in Sparta, nor are their descendants called after them, nor have they the honours of founders. But not for the reasons given by Ephorus (p. 352) were Eurysthenes and Procles without the names and honours of founders, but simply because they had not founded the city of Sparta. The union was neither able nor desirous to prejudice the rights and honours of the new founders of the state and of the monarchy, further than the institution of the Gerousia, the supreme judicial court above both kings, and the decision of the community restricted them. There remained to the kings, without 1 W'achsmuth, Ursprung^ loc.cit. p. 3 ; Gilbert, he. cit. pp. 60,61. The Heroum of Astrabacus lay to the south, not far from the Amycla:an gate (Pausan. 3, 16, 4, 6); near this Heroum lay, according to Herodotus (6, 69) the dwelling of Ariston the Eurypontid. Xenophon's cnxrKTjveiv signifies probably only the common table of the kings {Hellen. 5, 3, 20) ; in the Republic (L. A'. 1 5, 6), however, mention is made of one house for the kings. chap, ix.] PREROGATIVES OF THE PRINCES. 385 any limitation, the highest priesthood and the right of leadership in war ; the honours which had belonged to the Agidae and Eurypontidae in their respective commonwealths were now given to them in common by all the members of the combined states. As repre- senting the state before the gods a special service was incumbent on each of the royal houses ; that of Zeus Lacedaemon and that of Zeus Uranius. The first, i.e. the worship of the god especially devoted to the city of Sparta (Lacedaemon) was assigned to the Agidae as the house long established here ; the second to the Eurypontidae. 1 For the sacrifices that were to be regularly offered the king received every month two animals, a bushel of barley, and a quart of wine, and out of every litter in the country one sucking pig, that beasts for sacrifice should never be wanting. They first poured libations, they led the games at the sacrifices, had the chief seat at the sacrificial feasts, and received a double share as the portion of honour. The skins of all the animals that were sacrificed throughout the land were allotted to them ; in time of war they claimed the back — the honourable portion — of all the animals then offered as sacrifices.' 2 For the revenues of the princes, the Periceci, i.e. the Achaeans who had become subjects but had retained the freedom of their persons and property, had regularly to provide out of their lands, and to furnish the royal tribute. 3 The judgments on crimes, and capital sentences on members of the ruling class, were passed by the kings in concert with the Gerontes ; the verdict on property be- longed to the kings alone; in all questions of family rights 1 Herod. 6, 56 ; Gilbert, loc. tit. p. 64. - Herod. 6, 56. :i Platon. Altib. 1, p. 122. By the Lacedemonians who pay tribute to the kings are evidently to be understood the Periojci. VOL. I. 2 C 386 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. and inheritance, and of adoption, the kings alone passed judgment. Even in much later times heiresses married according to their decision. 1 They had a supervision over their subjects, and gave judgment in their causes, or else appointed representatives for this purpose. They represented the state in its foreign relations, selected and appointed those who were sent as ambas- sadors to other countries, and decided on peace or war. 3 Surrounded by a host of picked warriors, the three hundred horsemen (the number corresponds with the three tribes and the thirty Obes, and these knights at that time really fought on horseback), they marched to the field of battle. They commanded absolutely in regard to the movements of the army, and in the field had the power of life and death ; the chief share of the booty fell to them.'' These are rights and privileges attributed by the Homeric poems to the kings of the Achaean period, and belonging to the kings of the Ionian cities, when these poems were composed. If the Homeric poems show us that the kings transferred their jurisdiction to Gerontes, 4 the kings of Sparta had in the Gerousia definite councillors pointed out to them, with whom they had to deliberate on difficult cases. Even the honours which were paid to the Spartan kings at their death were derived from antiquity. Not as men, but as heroes, says Xenophon, were the kings of Sparta mourned. 5 Women playing on cymbals announced to the city, and riders sent along all the roads, to the country, the decease of the king. In every house of the Spartans a man and a woman were obliged to perform the funeral rites. Periceci and 1 Xenoph. Resp, Lac. 15, 6. - Herod. 6, 56, 57 ; Resp. Lac. 15. '■'■ Thucyd. 5, 66, 72 ; Aristot. Pol. 3, 9, 2, 3. 4 //. 18, 497 ff. "' Resp. Lac. 15. CHAP. IX.] REPRESENTATION OF THE OBES. 387 Helots were required to present themselves in Sparta in the prescribed number (it amounted to several thousands) to bewail the death of the king with cries and beating of their faces, and to praise the virtues of the departed ruler. The market-place under the citadel, which held four thousand people, was covered with chaff and closed, so that no buying or selling could be carried on. This time of mourning, during which also no public business was allowed to be under- taken, lasted ten days. The eldest son born of a Spartan woman in lawful marriage, followed the dead king. The accession to the throne was celebrated with sacrifices and choric dances as a feast throughout the country. 1 How the Obes were represented in the Gerousia we do not know, but it is clear that in the same manner that each of the two Obes of the royal houses was repre- sented in that council by the two kings, so was each of the remaining Obes represented there. After the analogy of the royal houses it must have been the heads of the families of the Obes, the heads of the oldest or first families in them, which, as such, were allowed to enter the Gerousia. This was the form of entrance most usual in ancient times ; it is also possible, however, that several heads of families united in the Obe consulted together as to their representative in the Gerousia, and chose him. It is certain that the representative retained his place to the end of his life. The kings conducted the proceedings in the Gerousia, but they had only one vote each, like the other Gerontes ; if they were absent from the army, in the field, they transferred their vote to the councillor who 1 Thucyd. 5, 16; Herod. 6, 58; Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 2, Ed. Muller. 388 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. stood nearest them.' The whole conduct of the State was concentrated in the council which, with the kincrs, formed also the highest court of justice ; before which charges of murder were to be brought ; which pro- nounced upon life or death ; before which the Spartans preferred their complaints about violence and injury ; to which belonged the punishment of crimes against the commonwealth. '-' The Gerousia, however, was not the final court of appeal. Whatever resolution had been taken for the commonwealth by the kings with the council of the elders, the confirmation or repudiation of it depended, according to the constitution of Lycurgus, upon the whole body of the now united armies of both principal- ities, — on the collective ruling class of the new state. We see in the Homeric poems that the princes assemble the army in the camp, and the people in the market-place; they address the assembly to discover their opinion, and the multitude answers with assenting or dissenting cries ; but the prince is not bound by the result of this appeal, if he is otherwise in a position to carry out his will. The rhetra of Lycurgus advances a considerable step further, it says : " Call them together from month to month between Babyka and Knakion, and propose and withdraw, for decision and power shall be with the people." Accordingly, it was now the duty of the rulers to call the people, i.e. the ruling class, together regularly every month (wpa? e'£ iopas;) : the Achaean subjects were not taken into con- sideration ; these were governed by the kings, or over- seers appointed by them. Even the place of the 1 Herod. 6, 57 ; Thucyd. 1, 20. What Aristotle says as to the manner of electing the Cerontes (Pa/. 5, 5, 8) belongs to the reform of the sixth century. 2 Aristot. Polit. 3, I, 7 ; Plut. Lye. 26. chap, ix.] CHARACTER OF THE CONSTITUTION. 389 assembly is prescribed ; it must be definitely settled, for the members of two hitherto divided communities have to be assembled, "between Babykaand Knakion." Babyka is the older name for the Tyasa, which, descend- ing from Mount Taygetus, falls into the Eurotas south of Sparta j 1 Knakion is the older name for the Oenus, which descends from Mount Parnon and falls into the Eurotas north of the city ; thus the region extending north and south from the circumference of the city to these rivers was declared to be the legitimate place for the assembly of the ruling class. The regular summons at each full moon (the full moon was regarded by the Spartans as the favourable time) gave to the ruling class the feeling of coherence, and the authority ascribed to their assembly imparted a strong interest in the maintenance of the new unity. It now possessed a fixed position as against the princes ; this assembly it was which had to speak the final decisive word. The soldiers of both states were united into one common- wealth, by whose vote the princes were bound. The first aristocracy in Hellas was founded ; each man of Doric race (who had passed his thirtieth year, if this limitation was then already in force) had the right to vote in the assembly. 2 The kings seem to have con- ducted the assembly of the ruling class, and to have brought forward and given reasons for the resolutions of the Gerontes. Only the kings or the Gerontes, according to the ancient custom, appear to have spoken before the assembly ; even in later times this was permitted to the kings and ambassadors alone. The assembly replied, as of old, with assenting or dissenting cries. If the will of the sovereign people was not clearly discernible from the voices for and 1 Gilbert, loe. cit. p. 133. - Plllt Lye 26. 39o THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. against the proposals of the Gerousia, the kings made the assembled members divide — those in favour of the proposal passing to one side of the place of meeting, and those against it to the other. 1 1 ,ycurgus had accomplished much. The opposition and feuds of the two princely houses — the two com- munities — translated by tradition into the lawlessness and anarchy of Sparta in ancient times — which, carried on with the Achaean slaves, the subjugated Achaeans, the Perioeci, the Achaeans of Amyclae, and the Arcadians of Tegea, threatened their very existence, were healed. The double monarchy was founded. The two princes thenceforward ruled in common over the double community ; what their position had lost in authority it had gained in the extent of its sphere of power. They were subordinated to the decisions of the council, the ruling assembly ; but they had retained the full sacerdotal and civil rights and honours, and consider- able privileges as to government and the administration of justice. The claims of the ruling class were satisfied by the constitution of the Gerousia, the regular summons to the assembly, and by their casting vote. The new state was withdrawn from the leadership of one man and one will ; it was transferred to the hands of a totality which was organised for that purpose. A commonwealth made its appearance in history, the arrangement and future of which essentially depended on the support of the qualified portion of its members. Lycurgus is the founder of the Spartan state. From the brink of destruction on which the small commonwealths found themselves in consequence of their divisions, and also of pressure from without, he had saved them ; he knew how to meet this danger, 1 Thucyd. i, 79, 87. CHAP. IX.] WORK OF LYCURGUS. 391 as well as to secure by union the maintenance of the Doric dominion over the subjects of both districts. Lycurgus created a constitution which now grew up among neighbours in the north and south, whose incursions must each time call the Periceci and Helots to arms. When he founded the double monarchy he caused it to make a compromise with the immigrant soldiers, who would no longer unconditionally obey their commanders. The divided monarchy must share the government of the state with the Gerontes, and the legislation with the ruling class. This limitation of the monarchy was the means of its preservation, the guarantee of its continuance in Sparta. " The restric- tion of the dominion of the kings," says Aristotle, " has for an inevitable consequence its greater continuance and stability ; the kings themselves, bound by the law, are less despotic, and in their demeanour more equal with the rest, and less envied by their subjects ; so that the limitation of the kingly power does not diminish that power, but in a certain manner rather elevates and strengthens it. 1 The limitation of the monarchy which Lycurgus carried out in Sparta was at the same time the foundation of the first self-governing common- wealth in Hellas, the first in all history, though its freedom rested, no doubt, upon a very broad basis of servility and oppression. To have won new ground, to have laid new foundations, is sufficient for the task of one man's life. That which is ascribed to Lycurgus over and above this, later generations have added to the original substratum. It can scarcely, however, have escaped him that, with the rights assigned to the ruling class, its duties were likewise increased, and that after its interest had been blended with that of 'the I Pol it. 5, 9, i- 392 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. state, it was then for its part bound to render more zealous service to the commonwealth than before. With the continuance and growth of the new commonwealth grew the task of the after legend; for, .is it passed further and further from its origin, it became proportionately difficult to represent the commonwealth as having long existed, from antiquity onwards, and to dispel the remembrance of the long opposition which had held the two houses, the two states, apart, the two houses must now be descended from one tribal ances- tor: their progenitors must have been twins of scarcelv distinguishable age. The legend of Rome also has associated Remus with Romulus for the sake of favour- ing the double office introduced there after the fall of the monarchy. In spite of the invention of the twins the tradition of Sparta did not succeed in effacing all trace of the ancient enmity. The arrangement of the army, which is attributed to Lycurgus, as well as that of the constitution, and is especially brought forward by Herodotus (p. 357), the supposed partition of the land, the discipline and training of youth (p. 363), we have had occasion to assign to later times, for reasons already given (p. 367), to which other and more weighty reasons will be added later on. Even the institution of the Syssitia does not belong to Lycurgus. It was an ancient custom of princes and nobles, the Homeric poems tell us, to enjoy themselves in common at meals. In the time of the migrations and conquests, when the victory was not decided by the combats of the best warriors but by the army, there were formed during a long period of war by the Dorians in Laconia and in Crete, and afterwards by the Achaeans in Crete, brotherhoods of arms, the members of which stood side by side in chap. IX.] LYCURGUS AND OLYMPIA. 393 battle, encamped and feasted together in the field, and in times of peace desired to live together and to share in common repasts, the supplies for which were fur- nished by the contributions of companions. It is more difficult to estimate the worth of another tradition. Athenaeus tells us : It is unanimously asserted that Lycurgus, with Iphitus the Elean, held the first recorded celebration of the Olympic games. 1 In Plutarch we read : " Some say that Lycurgus flourished contemporaneously with Iphitus (of Elis), and settled with him the Olympic sacred armistice. Among these is Aristotle, the philosopher. He alleges, in proof of the assertion, the quoit at Olympia, on which the name of Lycurgus has been preserved in the inscription ; but others who, with Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, com- pute the time by the succession of the Spartan kings, place him much earlier than the first Olympiad." "Among the votive offerings in the temple of Hera at Olympia," says Pausanias, " is the quoit of Iphitus. On this is inscribed the truce which the Eleans pro- claim at the Olympic games, not straight across, but the letters are engraved in the circle round the quoit."" Phlegon of Tralles, who in the reign of Hadrian com- piled a catalogue of the victors in the Olympic games, relates in the introduction : " Discord reigned in the Peloponnesus ; then Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian, son of King Prytanis, Iphitus the Elean, son of Haemon, and Cleosthenes of Pisa, son of Cleonicus, resolved to restore concord and peace, to institute anew the Olympic festival according to ancient usage, and to hold gymnastic contests. In reply to their enquiry at Delphi, the god gave a favourable response, and com- manded them to proclaim the armistice to the states 1 Athenaeus, p. 635. 2 Pausan. 5, 20, 1. 394 "'I'- HISTORY OF GREECE. [book H. who desired to take part in the games. This was made known in Hellas, and the quoit was inscribed with the names of tin- I [ellanodicae, according to which the Olympic games were to be held. Hut the Pelopon- nesians were not inclined to the proposal, and it was only when Zeus had smitten them with pestilence and scarcity, and Lycurgus with his associates had sought counsel at Delphi for the averting of the evil, and had received for answer that the Peloponnesians had despised the Olympia of Zeus, the ruler of all, and when the Peloponnesians themselves had enquired, and resolved, according to the sentence of the seer of the Eleans, to sacrifice at the altar, that they enjoined the Eleans to hold the Olympic games and to proclaim the armistice to the cities. 1 The sacrifice afterwards offered by all the Hellenes in common, on the Alpheus, not far below the moun- tain pass called Olympus, was derived from the ancient worship which the inhabitants of this region, the Pisatae, here offered to Zeus and Hera. When this district was taken from the Pisatae by the Eleans (p. 212) — we cannot fix the time of the advance of the Eleans from the Peneus upon the Pisatae very accurately, perhaps it may only have occurred under King Iphitus himself — the Eleans continued or revived the ancient worship in this place, as Ephorus distinctly assures us. 2 The first recorded victor at the games held by the Eleans. which followed the sacrifice, belongs to the festival of 776 B.C. It scarcely admits of a doubt that this 1 Phlegon, Fragm. 5, Ed. Miiller. Already Plato or his editor has this tradition before him {Laws, p. 686) ; Pausanias likewise (5, 4 ; 5, 6) follows it. '-' Fragm. 15, Ed. Miiller; Xenoph. Hcllen. 3, 2, 21. If the sacri- fice had not originated with the PisaUu, they could not have advanced a claim to conduct it. chap, ix.] DATE OF THE FIRST OLYMPIAD. 395 catalogue originated in the greater importance which the festival had attained, either just at that time or a little before, through the participation of other tribes besides the Eleans. The armistice signifies the en- gagement entered into by the cantons taking part in the sacrifice at Olympia, not to attack, or injure by the marching through of armies, the territory of the Eleans during the festival. 1 This is the Olympic truce which the Eleans had to announce to the participators in the festival. The narrative of Phlegon repeats the legend, and even the Delphic view of it, which represents the sacrificial festival at Olympia as an ancient festival held by the Peloponnesians in common, from of old. Lycurgus, Iphitus, and Cleosthenes now renewed, with the countenance indeed and help of the god of Delphi, that which before them Peisus (the tribal hero of the Pisatse), Pelops, and Heracles had instituted, but which had afterwards fallen into neglect and disuse. Taught by adversity and by the sentences of the god, the Pelo- ponnesians submit, and confide the holding of the festi- val and the proclamation of the armistice to the Eleans. All that we know or can deduce respecting the con- ditions of the Peloponnesus in the tenth and ninth centuries forbids the supposition that the sacrifice at Olympia was raised by an act of the cantons of the Peloponnesus to a common sacrifice. But this does not invalidate the statement that an agreement between the king of the Eleans, Iphitus, the descendant of Oxylus, and the commonwealth of Sparta, laid the foundation of this common sacrifice. The time of the institution of a common sacrifice and common com- petitive games is fixed in the year 776 B.C. This epoch would not be irreconcilable with the theory of 1 Thucyd. 5, 49. 396 THE HISTORY OV GREECE. [book ii. the date of Lycurgus, which we found to be probable (supra), and fixes his activity about the year S25 or 810 B.C., supposing the treaty with Iphitus were placed at the end of Lycurgus' life ; that version which represents him as having died in Elis (p. 366) had this standpoint in view. Even the circumstance that Iphitus is said to have gone to Delphi as early as the year 756 B.C. 1 would not be a serious contradiction to the tradition that the Olympic sacrifice was instituted by Lycurgus and Iphitus ; and, on the other hand, this tradition seems to receive certain confirmation from the fact reported by Aristotle, that the name of Lycurgus was upon the quoit in the Herseum at Olympia, on which the text of the armistice was inscribed. This, however, cannot be maintained. It is at any rate striking that a commonwealth arising like Sparta out of bitter dis- cord and severe difficulties, should have allied itself with a canton lying far from its borders and separated from it by hostile tribes, for the offering of a common sacrifice. And it causes us still greater surprise to find that Lycurgus, who appears in none of the different versions of the legend as the sole head of Sparta, should have negotiated in place of the two Spartan kings with the king of the Eleans ; even in the year 42 1 B.C. the two kings of Sparta, as first in rank, swore to the treaty concluded with Athens ; - and a statue set up at Olympia in the first half of the fifth century shows Iphitus wreathed by the eVe^etpi'a, but not Lycurgus. 3 It is very significant that among all the victors in the Stadium at Olympia from the year 776 to 716 b.c, consequently for sixty years, no Spartan is to be found ; whereas in the sixty years following the year we have mentioned, nine Spartans conquered 1 Phlegon, Fragm. 1, Ed. Muller. - Thucyd. 5, 24. 3 Pausan. 5, 10, 10. chap. IX.] PARTICIPATION OF SPARTA. 397 in the course, and besides these, in the same period, five or six more carried off the victory in other con- tests. In the first forty of these sixty years (from 776 to 736 B.C.) seven Messenians are chronicled, with several Eleans and one Achaean. This looks as if the Eleans had at first combined with their immediate neighbours to the north and south of the Alpheus, the Messenians and Achaeans, for common sacrifice and games, and that the Olympic festival had gradually extended itself by natural means. And when we find that the Spartans between the years 767 and 745 B.C. rendered the Eleans an important service, that it was by the assistance of Sparta that the Eleans regained the shrine of Olympia and the right of offering this sacrifice which had been taken from them, we seem justified in concluding that the Spartans only from that time. i.e. from the year 744 B.C., had become their allies. Then, moreover, after Sparta had overthrown and annihilated Messenia, and consequently excluded it from participation in this festival ; after Sparta, after the end of the first Messenian war, had zealously joined in the contests at Olympia, the tradition of Sparta had an interest in causing the share of the Messenians in the games to be forgotten, and in taking from them the merit of having founded, with the Eleans, the festival that had grown into a national sacrifice. Thus it may have happened that Sparta inserted itself in the place of the conquered ; and when all particular institutions had been traced to Lycurgus, he might then be credited with the union of Sparta with Elis — and with the founding of the sacrificial feast of the Hellenes. 1 1 The later admission of Sparta is no doubt founded upon the legend in Hermippus, that Lycurgus had at first avoided the Olympia, and was only induced by a miraculous portent to join in them ; Fragm. 5, Midler. 398 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK H. I '.in the name of Lycurgus oil the quoit in the temple of Hera in Olympia ? We cannot maintain that this quoit cannot date from the time of Iphitus, i.e. the year 776 B.C., because the Greeks were then still ignorant of writing; writing came into use among the Hellenes somewhere after the year 800. But Pau- sanias has already told us that the quoit did not contain a treaty between Sparta and Elis, but the formula of the armistice. If, in addition to this, the name of Lycurgus was also mentioned, we may suppose that the quoit with the name of Lycurgus and the terms of the armistice was a later votive offering of the Spartans in the temple of Hera, to which in the sixth century they had brought numerous and considerable gifts. 1 1 Pausan. 5, 17 ; 1, 2. If Pausanias (5, 4, 6), in the l-iypajxjxa -0 ev \)\v jj.it ia, had referred to the discus of Iphitus, Iphitus would have been mentioned there as the son of Ha?mon ; but as he quotes in opposi- tion to this epigram the apyaia y/xi/x/uaTa of the Eleans, which described Iphitus as the son of Iphitus, the epigram of the statue of Mycithus must have been intended. CHAPTER X. THE CONQUEST OF AMYCL.E AND THE ORGANISATION OF MILITARY AFFAIRS. The union of the two Doric commonwealths in the district of the Eurotas under the double monarchy, and the increase of strength induced by this union, bore their natural fruit. Even under the princes whom we must regard as the first kings actually reigning together in Sparta, Archelaus of the house of Agis, and Chari- laus of the house of Eurypon, the heavy blow which the commonwealth on the Oenus had received from the Tegeatae, in which, as we conjectured, lay the occasion and the pressing necessity for the union, had been repaired. From the Arcadians had been taken the district of JEgys, and the territory about the sources of the Eurotas, by the common victories of Archelaus and Charilaus — this is expressly dwelt upon by the tradition. 1 The successors of Archelaus and Charilaus, Teleclus and Nicander, achieved still more. The Achseans in the lower half of "hollow Lacedaemon," governed by the posterity of Philonomus, who had adopted into their community the emigrant Minyae from Attica, were overcome ; Amyclae fell ; the inhabitants of the Achaean cities farther to the south, Geronthrae 1 Supra, pp. 348, 349. The Spartans open the attack upon Messenia by the occupation of Amphea. This could only have happened if the territory of ^Egys already belonged to them. 4 oo THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. and Pharis (the sites of which arc distinguished by the remains of dome -shaped burial-places like those at Mycenae, Orchomenus, and Pharsalus ; pp. 46, 47), are said to have left the country under the terms of a treat) - . " The Amyckeans," says Pausanias, " resisted for a long time, and performed glorious deeds in battle." In the war against the Amyclaeans, says Aristotle, the Spartans had received the command of the oracle at Delphi to make the /Egidae their allies in battle ; upon this they had sent and fetched the ^Egidac from Thebes. Timomachus, who was at the head of yEgidae, had set in order the military concerns of the Spartans. Pindar sings : " Didst thou not, happy Thebes, rejoice in thy soul when thou didst set the Doric colony of the Lacedaemonians on firm foundations, when thy sons the yEgickc, in obedience to the Pythian oracle, took Amyclce ?" ' The legend relates : Through false reports of the approach of the Spartans, the Amyclaeans were so often disquieted that they made a law against the raising of false alarms. And when the Spartans were really approaching, no one dared to announce it early enough : so that the city was overthrown by its own law. 2 This was a great success which the united state had gained about the year 800 B.C. 3 The Spartans set up a monument of the victory which, as Pausanias says, gave evidence that " Sparta in those times had accomplished no deed more memorable." 4 They honoured the memory of King Teleclus, under whom Amycke had been taken, by consecrating an altar to him, and to him alone of all the kings of Sparta heroic 1 I'ind. Isth. 7, 18, and the Scholia on Aristotle's Polity of the Lacedaemonians. 2 Servius, ad jEneid. 10, 564. :; Supra, p. 375. 4 Pausan. 3, 15, 7. CHAP, x.] SUBJUGATION OF THE ACH^ANS. 401 honours were paid. Alcamenes, the son of Teleclus, completed the conquest of the Eurotas valley ; he took possession of the plain, by the coast below the falls of the Eurotas and the town of Helus, which ruled over that plain. This also had been no light conflict. The Minyae from Mount Taygetus and Mount Taenarum supported the Heleans, and Argos joined in the battle against Sparta from the other side. The kings of Argos ruled over the whole east coast down to Cape Malea, and the island of Cythera belonged to them (p. 319). If the Spartans pressed forward to the mouth of the Eurotas, Argos might well fear that it would be no longer possible to maintain the peninsula of Mount Parnon against them. The Argives are said to have been defeated. This is the orimri of the hatred between Argos and Sparta, which Spartan tradition represents as having begun in the time of Prytanis, son of Eurypon. The participation of the other king, Nicander, of the house of Eurypon, who ruled beside Teleclus and Alcamenes, in the conflicts at Amyclae and Helus, receives no mention, but an inva- sion of the territory of the Argives is attributed to him. 1 When the Achaeans had been completely subjugated, when their last city Helus had fallen about the year 770 B.C., the Spartans erected a temple in their city to Zeus Tropaeus, i.e. to Zeus the averter of enemies. 2 The subjugation of Amyclae, the overthrow of Pharis and Geronthrae, the conquest of Helus, were followed by those emigrations of the "people of Phi- lonomus," of the Achaeans, and later on of the Minyae, who maintained themselves longest beside the Heleans on Mount Taygetus. The Achaeans under Crataidas occupied, as we have seen, the island of Melos, and 1 Pausan. 3, 7, 4. '-' Pausan. 3, 12, 9. VOL. I. 2D 402 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. planted themselves under Pollis and Delphus beside the Dorians who had colonised Cnossus, at Gortyn and I. Vitus in Crete (pp. 339, 340). After the fall of Helus, part of the Minyae migrated to Thera, and another portion to the west coast of the Peloponnesus. This portion turned against the Caucones and Par- oreata.% who dwelt south of the mouth of the Alpheus on the coast, and among the mountains on the frontier of Arcadia, drove out some of these ancient populations, and founded here six commonwealths, of which Macis- thus, between the mouth of the Alpheus and Mount Lapithus, and Lepreum, between that mountain and the mouth of the Neda, the boundary river of Messenia, were the most important. After the settlement of the Minyae, this territory was called, from the three tribes that now dwelt there side by side, Triphylia. 1 The efforts made by Spartan tradition to be able to represent Sparta from the very first as ruler of the whole valley of the Eurotas, to turn the battles of the Minyae into rebellions against the Spartans after the reception of the Minyae into the Spartan common- wealth, to place the emigration of the Achaeans and Minyae under Spartan leadership, and to stamp their settlements anew as colonies of Sparta, have been dis- closed above (p. 343). The pretexts for these inven- tions were found in the following facts : that the Achaeans of Pharis and Geronthrae left the Eurotas valley according to agreement ; that subsequently, towards the end of the eighth century, the so-called Parthenians emigrated in consequence of a treaty ; and that the emigration of the Dorians in the sixth century took place under analogous circumstances. Even in 1 Herod. 4, 148. It is clear from the name Triphylia that neither the Caucones nor the Paroreatie were entirely driven out. chap, x.] DEITIES OF AMYCLyE AND THERAPNE. 403 the third Messenian War, the Helots were allowed to withdraw in safety with their wives and children, on condition that they did not again enter the Pelopon- nesus. In other cases also Spartan tradition has not hesitated to ascribe to its state colonies in which it had no share. 1 The cults of the Achaeans of Amyclse were, accord- ing to the invariable custom of the Hellenes, adopted and continued. No Hellenic tribe would have believed itself secure in possession of a conquered territory if it did not honour the deities of that terri- tory. More zealous service of new worshippers would and must cause these deities to forget their ancient devotees who had been driven out. Apollo, whom the Achaeans of Amyclae had regarded as their divine pro- tector, was worshipped by the Spartans in this his ancient sanctuary. Here they celebrated to him, for three days towards the end of their month Hecatom- bseus, the feast of the Hyacinthia, during which the bronze armour of Timomachus was brought forth in remembrance of his services at the fall of Amycloe. 2 It is certain that the Spartans held this festival and com- petitive contests connected with it before the end of the eighth century."' The festival itself concerned the beautiful young Hyacinthus, beloved by Apollo, who was inadvertently killed by him by the throwing of a quoit. We saw that this image of the budding spring which is slain by the warm rays of the summer sun — the disc of the sun — was a form of the Adonis worship which the Phoenicians had once brought to the shore of the Laconic Gulf (p. 60 f). The first day of the 1 Croton and Locri were also said to be colonies of Sparta : Pausan. 3, 3, 1. - Schol. Pind. Isth. 7, 18. ;; This is shown by the story of the Parthenians. 404 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. feast was devoted to lamentations for Hyacinthus, to the offerings and funeral leasts of the dead ;' the second began with a great procession from Sparta to Amycla- ; those who took part in the festival were joyfully crowned with ivy, a pa^an was sung to Apollo, a garment woven by Spartan women was offered, and beasts were slain in sacrifice ; then followed the festal banquet, and contests with the quoit and in the race." The temple of Apollo was, next to that of Athena on the citadel of Sparta, the most magnificent in the country/ 1 Before, or simultaneously with, the fall of Amyclae, the Spartans on the other bank of the Eurotas had become masters of Therapne, the ancient citadel of the Achaeans, the abode of the Dioscuri, as tradition says, i.e. a place for the worship of the Dioscuri ; and at the same time masters of the burial-places of Mene- laus and Helen, i.e. of the holy place of Helen, a goddess of light as her name tells us, who as a spirit of light, herself of great beauty, bestows beauty. 4 The Spartans adopted this worship also. No type of their still new union, their double monarchy, could be more welcome than that of the two warlike youths — the swift spirits of the morning light, united in brother hood, bringing help, — victorious. The ancient repre- sentation of the Dioscuri is said to have consisted in two upright posts joined together by two cross pieces of wood." They celebrated the Helenia to Helen at the same time with the Hyacinthia. The Spartans brought children into her sanctuary that the goddess 1 Pausan. 3, 19, 3; Athena us, p. 139. 2 Xenoph. Agesil. 2, 17 ; Strabo, p. 278 ; Pausan. 3, 16, 2. l'olyb. 5, 19. 4 Sttfira, pp. 169, 177. Infra, p. 4.47. Herod. 6, 61. Pausan. 3, 19, 9; 3, M, 9 5 3, 13, 9; 3, 20, 2. 5 Plut. dc Fraterno Amore, 1 . chap, x.] HELEN AND THE DIOSCURI. t 405 might give them beauty ; those with whom she was displeased were allowed to see the light no longer ; they became blind. 1 Of the legends of the Achseans of Laconia and of their ancient times, nothing has remained to us except the stories of Helen and her brothers the Dioscuri, with the forms which are given to the latter as well as to their sister. With the conquest of Amyclae and the acquisition of the plains near the sea, the dominion of the newly- united commonwealth of Sparta was doubled. Of the subjugated inhabitants, part of the Achaeans and the whole of the Minyse had left the country. When the Dorians had first settled in the region of the upper Eurotas, as much land was taken from the conquered people as their conquerors deemed desirable, and these portions the conquerors had then divided among them- selves ; colonisation on the basis of conquest cannot be carried out in any other way, and no other method has ever been adopted. This was the case with every fresh arrangement of colonies, and it continued to be the custom of the Greeks to divide the lands won by con- quest among the citizens of the conquering state. In what manner the Dorians carried out the division of land in their first settlements we do not know. That it was carried out is beyond question. Even tradition shares this view. In the books of the laws it is brought forward as an advantage that at the founding of Argos, Messenia, and Laconia, the land could be divided with- out opposition. 2 Isocrates represents Archidamus as saying (p. 201), "Your ancestors concluded a treaty with the Heraclidae and confirmed it with an oath, that those who followed them into the Peloponnesus should 1 Herod. 6, 61 ; Isocr. Hel. Enc. p. 218; Plato, Phadr. p. 243; Hesych. 'EAei'ia. - Laws, p. 684, 736. 406 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. possess the land in common, but that to themselves the monarchy should belong ; on this the expedition was begun." Ephorus tells us, as we have already seen, that the district of Amyclae, promised to Philonomus In accordance with this promise, at first remained un- apportioned, but was afterwards divided by the Hera- clidae, till Philonomus came with the Lemnians and himself undertook the division of it among his people (p. 33S). After the conquest of Amyclai and Helus, the lands of these cities, the lower half of "hollow Lacedaimon" and the entire lower valley of the Eurotas, remained at the disposal of the conquerors. How could Sparta have helped dividing the conquered territory, abandoned for the most part by its inhabitants ? Who would, or could, have kept back from the soldiers who had so long fought for it, the reward of the hard con- flict ? Could the two recently united commonwealths be better cemented than by assigning the members of both to this territory, and here providing equally for them all ? The domain of Sparta having now been doubled, the number of her subjects, the Periceci and Helots, i.e. the portion of the ancient population who had been made slaves, had likewise been increased. In order to keep these in obedience and to maintain the new conquest, the ruling class were commanded to hold themselves in readiness for war in as great numbers as possible. " Few against many," says Thucydides, the Dorians had conquered the valley of the Eurotas. There was need of all in whose veins flowed Doric blood, when the Periceci and the Helots, the BovXeia, that is, the portion of the ancient population that had been enslaved, took upon them to rebel against their masters. 1 From this arose the duty of the 1 Thucyd. 5, 23 ; 4, 126. chap, x.] DIVISION OF THE CONQUERED TERRITORY. 407 commonwealth to maintain, or place the members of the ruling class in a condition to render military service collectively. Thus it happened that house and home were left without care for wives and children, that military schooling and practice could take place, that equipments could be provided. Was it likely that the means for such resources lying at the feet of men should not be seized, or that they should be purposely spurned ? We cannot doubt that all the families of the ruling classes, those who were wealthy and those who were not, had a hide of arable land, garden, and vineyard assigned to them in the lower Eurotas valley. Polybius says very definitely : All citizens of Sparta must have an equal share, and equal possessions in the land of the common- wealth. 1 The land of the state or of the commonwealth, the possession of the community, is the land conquered by the arms of the state. The hides of land apportioned to all families of the ruling class in the conquered territory were not to be tilled by themselves. The Helot families dwelling or newly settled there were obliged to render up a certain part of the produce — Tyrtaeus tells us, " half the fruit of the ground " — to the lords of the soil. If the allotments were measured as equally as possible, the halves of the produce would also be pretty nearly equal. The more clearly the common interest of all was made evident in what was conquered and what was gained, the more unanimous and forward would be the ruling class in the service of the state : the interest of its members in the state must increase in proportion as the stamp of a com- mon possession was impressed upon what had been won, and thereby on all that was yet to be won. By the allotment of equal portions each family, moreover, 1 Polyb. 6, 46. 4 o8 THE HISTORY OF GREECK. [BOOK n. received sufficient support, so that none of the ruling class was obliged to descend to peasant work, and thus perhaps to the peasant disposition. Such a possession placed each Doric family in a position to live for military exercise, and at any moment, without injury to household economy, to march to the field of battle. When equal political rights had been given to all the members of the ruling class they also attained an approximately equal economic and social rank. They all had the power of leading the life of nobles, though always in moderate circumstances, if only the hides were large enough for half the produce to maintain a family in plenty. The amount of produce being once fixed, it was not allowed either to increase or diminish it, for this would have been unadvisable. 1 The Helots settled on the lands had been won by a common con- flict : they belonged to the state ; it would have been against the state's interest, it would have imperilled the obedience of the Helots, if the Helot families on some hides had been favoured and treated with greater mildness (a course of conduct which landholders other- wise wealthy might have been disposed to pursue), and on others had been ill used and oppressed by their masters. The share of the kings in these spoils of war con- sisted in choice pieces of land, assigned to them in the fields of the Periceci. 2 The interests of the state ur- gently required that provision for the ruling class should be made permanent. The skill of its members in the manufacture of weapons, their availability for military service, their readiness to respond to the summons, fully equipped — all depended upon this ; precepts for the maintenance of the hereditary estate were frequent 1 Plut. Inst. Lacon. 40. 2 Xenoph. Laced. Resp. 15. CHAP. X.] ALLOTMENT OF LANDS. 409 among the Hellenes : special precepts on this subject were given in the eighth and seventh centuries by Philo- laus at Thebes, by Phidon at Corinth, and by Zaleucus to the Locrians. 1 They were all the less likely to be absent in Sparta, as the possibility of rendering military service on the part of those families who possessed only the portions of land assigned them by the state, depended upon the lasting possession of these portions. We also learn that it was universally held to be shameful amono- the Lacedaemonians to traffic in land ; it was actually forbidden to sell the "ancient portion," "the portion assigned from antiquity." This ancient portion, assigned from antiquity, consisted of the hides of the public lands, seen from the standpoint of later times. Even to those who had been adopted into the citizenship of Sparta, i.e. into the ruling class, por- tions of land were assigned. 2 This indeed did not pro- vide for all futurity. If the produce of the allotments enabled families, otherwise without means, even to in- struct and equip the younger sons for military service, — we find as a fact, later on, the younger brothers living in one house with and under the eldest brother, the master of the house (eaTtoTrdpoov), and apparently not only sharing his income but also his wife, 3 — the families who grew up from the marriages of younger sons were without lands, and consequently without fixed maintenance or the possibility of military training, 1 Aristot. Polit. 6, 2, 5 ; 2, 3, 4 ; 2, 3, 7 ; 2, 9, 7. - Plut. Inst. Lacon. 22 ; Heraclid. Pont. JFragm. 2. Aristotle has in his mind the law of Epitadeus (Plut. Agis. 5) — according to which it was not indeed permitted to a man to sell house and allotment, but he might give them away in his lifetime and bequeath them at his death — when he says {Polit. 2, 6, 10) : tovto 5e ko.1 8id tQv vo/iojv reraKrai (fravXw wi'€i(T$at (icy yap Kau Tru>\eiv t»)v virapypvo-av eVot'^crer ov KaAov, opduis 7roi?/o"as' SiSovai 8e /cai KaTaAaVeiv c8ojkc rot? /3ov\o/j.evois. 3 Polyb. 12, 6. 410 THE HISTORY OF GREE< I [book ii. or the rendering of service in war. The future might sec to that — might ponder over fresh conquests, to furnish new lands for the families recently grown up, the surplus of the ruling class. 1 1 ('.rote {History of Greece^ 2, 553 sqq.), in his enquiry into the division of the land by Lycurgus, comes to the conclusion that this was cither a fancy of King Agis III. and his followers, or a mere barren regulation. Historical fancies do not arise without historical realities, and if ('.rote founds his contradiction of the division of Lycurgus chiefly i mi the late date of the tradition, the assertions as to the equality of goods once prevailing in Sparta go far higher than he reckons, at least as high as Ephorus himself, -rvys fikv 8»j AaKedat/xov iu>v 7roAiTa'as, we read in Polybius (6, 46) ; lSlov etvai ao-i (Ephorus, Xenophon, Callisthenes, Plato) irpCtTov fxev ra 7repl rovs eyycu'oi's KT?/crei5 ws ot'Str! /tertcrri TrAeioi' uAAu —dvTas Tas 7roAiVas wrov %X €IV Set tv}s ttoXitikii^ ^oj/sas. The division of land has scarcely ever become and remained such a vivid interest among any other people as among the Hellenes, whose history begins with a great settlement on the peninsula and a great emigration towards the east, succeeded for a hundred years by continual expansion on all sides. All these settlements and colonies in conquered territories would neither be conceivable nor practically feasible without division of land. At a much later period in the century, between the fall of the Pisistratidiu and the defeat before Syracuse, i.e. as long as the successes of the Athenians lasted, they always divided the land won by their arms. The Lacedaemonians, to whom such divisions, from the nature of their state, must have been even more familiar than to the Athenians, divided, after the first Messenian War, portions of land in Messenia among the expelled Asinaeans and Androclidas, and after the second, among the expelled Nauplians ; they also allotted the territory of Thyrea to the expelled yEginetans. Is it likely, then, that they had had no allotments of land among themselves ? The word which is put into the mouth of King Polydorus when he was setting out against Messenia, eiri t'ijv aickrjpwrtov tjjs yrjs (3a8i£w, could only have been invented when the custom of dividing conquered lands was in force ; and when the Pythia says to the Spartans : Soxrw rot Teyerjv — kou KctAov ireStov , %, £, yjr) the Cretan Greek alphabet has as yet no signs ; at the same time, how- ever, these inscriptions allow us to perceive — sometimes in the writing from right to left, borrowed from the Phoenicians, sometimes in the alternate writing — the earliest forms of the Greek alphabet for the short e and the sigma. 1 The oldest Greek inscriptions that have come down to us are on gravestones in the island of Thera, which go back to the middle of the seventh century, and consequently have no particular signs to express these sounds. The oldest inscriptions of Melos are half a century later. About the middle of the sixth century Melos and Thera adopted the signs invented by the Ionians for the sounds not in use with the Phoenicians, while Gortyn and Lyctus held to the old system. 8 As the Greeks in Crete, and first of these the colonists from Ar^os to Cnossus, here learned and adopted the writing of the Phoenicians, so also they adopted from them weights and measures. The 1 Kirchhoff, Shtdien, 3 pp. 61-65. " Kirchhoff, Ioc. at. p. 49 sqg. 42S THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. system of weights introduced by King Phidon of Argos about the middle of the eighth century must have come to Argos from Crete ; it is based on the Babylonian talent of silver, which was equivalent to 67} pounds. The decided advance made by Phidon beyond the simple adoption of this system consisted in its application to coinage. The Phoeni- cians remained stationary in the use of bars of money ; i.e. of pieces of a certain weight, which in every exchange had to be weighed over again. Phocaea is said to have coined money even before Phidon and Agamemnon of Cyme. Phidon's system of coinage and weights was also current in Crete and Rhodes, and continued to be employed there. 1 A different system, however, derived also from Babylon, was transmitted to the Ionians of Eubcea, through their commerce with their fellow-tribesmen now settled on the coast of Asia. The cults which the settlers in Cnossus and Gortyn found there were of the highest significance for the religious presentations and mythus of the Greeks. Cnossus, in the Phoenician period Karath, was the abode of Minos and of the Minotaurus, i.e. of the bull — Zeus, Baal- Moloch. The Greeks of Cnossus espe- cially worshipped Zeus, and brought his worship into connection with the mountain spirits of the Cretan Mount Ida, with the Corybantes and the weapon-dance of the Curetes. The cavern of Zeus and his sanctuary lay on that mountain 2 not very far from Cnossus, and the way thither led through the plain of Omphalium. Gortyn, in Phoenician times Hellotis, had been sacred to the Syrian goddess Astarte-Ashera, as the name Hellotis shows. The new rulers of the city continued this worship. In the territory of Gortyn, near a 1 Supra, pp. 238, 239 ; Boeckh, Metrologie, p. 100 ff. - Laivs, p. 625. chap, xi.] CRETAN ORIGIN OF ZEUS. 429 spring under a plane tree "which never lost its leaves," the place was pointed out where Zeus, who, in the form of a bull, had carried off Europa - Hellotis to Crete, had consorted with the goddess. 1 It is the old Phoenician mythus already known to us, in which the god of heaven seeks the lost moon - goddess, at last finds her, and celebrates with her a holy marriage. The Greeks of Gortyn solemnised the festival of the Hellotia to Europa- Hellotis, and together with her they worshipped Britomartis, a goddess whom they named Artemis, and Adymus, "the brother of Europa," by whom the Adodus of the Syrians may have been in- tended. 2 It was the opinion of the Greeks that the island of Crete belonged to Zeus, as the island of Rhodes belonged to Helios. 3 Not only had he cele- brated his sacred marriage with Europa there, and imparted revelations to Minos, but Crete was his birthplace, where he had grown up, and where his grave was shown. The highest god of the Greeks thus had his origin and pedigree in Crete. Let us recall the gods of the Phoenicians. Eljon, the highest god, and Beruth produced Uranus and Gsea. Uranus succeeded his father as supreme ruler, and in marriage with his sister Gaea begot Cronos (El) and Atlas. Being angry that his father had intercourse with other women besides Gaea, El prepared a sickle, hurled Atlas into the abyss, deprived his father of his dominion, lay in ambush for him, and shamefully mutilated him. Subse- quently El burned his only son upon the altar as an offering to Uranus, and divided the earth between Adodus, king of the gods and the other deities. 1 Solin. p. 82, Ed. Mommsen. 2 Strabo, p. 479 ; Solin. loc. cit. '■'■ Conon, Narrat. 47. 43 o I Hi: HISTORY OF GREECE, [book ii. From this genealogy of the Phoenicians the Greeks in Crete have borrowed some essential traits. Even in the Homeric poems Zeus has become the Cronid, t.e. the son of Cronos and Rhea. The Homeric epithet of "crooked minded," i.e. the destroying, points to dark deeds on the part of Cronos ; Cronos and Iapetus were thrown by Zeus to the end of the world and of the sea, into dark Tartarus. 1 What the Homeric poems with true poetic genius only indicate and suggest is related in the Theogony of the Boeotian poets. Uranus and Gaea were the parents of Iapetus, Rhea, and Cronos, but the children were hated by their father ; he did not suffer them to see the light, and rejoiced in his evil work. Then the mighty Gaea sighed, and caused gray iron to grow, from which she fashioned a sickle, and said to her children : Let us revenge the dishonour that your father has done you ; he first devised unseemly actions. The rest were terrified, but the youngest, great Cronos, was ready. Then Gaea concealed him in ambush, and gave him the sharp-toothed sickle, and when Uranus came at night, and approached Gaea, Cronos mutilated him with the sickle.- To Cronos, who now reigned instead of Uranus, Rhea bore Hades and Poseidon, Hestia, Demeter, and Hera. But as soon as the children were born and on the knees of their mother, Cronos swallowed them, for he had learned from Gaea and Uranus that he was destined to be dethroned by one of his children. When Rhea was about to be delivered of Zeus, her youngest son (in the Homeric poems he is the eldest of the brothers), she betook herself to Lyctus in Crete, and there hid the child in a cave, but to Cronos she gave a large stone enveloped i //. 14, 203, 274; 8, 478 ff; 15, 225. - Theogony, 154 ffi chap. XL] PHOENICIAN ORIGIN OF CRONOS. 431 in swaddling garments. And the boy Zeus quickly grew up, and the cunning of Gaea caused Cronos to restore first the stone and then the children whom he had swallowed, and the power of Zeus overcame him and hurled him into Xartarus. 1 In struggling with Cronos, says another legend, Zeus conquered him. 2 In this my thus Phoenician and Greek conceptions are intermingled. El, the Phoenician god of heaven, hostile to generation, takes from the god of heaven, whois favourable to generation — Baal-Samin, Uranus — the power of it ; he then himself offers his only son in royal attire to the highest god who is hostile to genera- tion, the spirit of Saturn above the sun. To El belonged the first-born, which must either be sacrificed to him or redeemed. Baal-Moloch, the god of the glowing sun, slays his children, the seeds, by his own burning rays ; to appease his anger, children must be sacrificed to him. In the Phoenician my thus the god of Saturn overcomes the god of heaven, Baal-Samin, and divides the sovereignty among the other gods. The Greeks blended these conceptions with elements of their own religious intuition. The derivation of the gods by generation was alien to them. But it was the belief of the ancient Arians that the eods of lisrht and of brightness had to contend with the spirits of darkness, and they recognised the god of the heavenly water, Varuna (Uranus) the supreme, who dwells in a golden house in the waters of heaven, clothed in golden armour. That Uranus should beget chil- dren in marriage with the earth was foreign to the Arian conception (sup. p. 191, note 2) ; the embrace of heaven and earth they borrowed from the Phoenicians; 1 Tiieogony, 453-496, S51. - 1 I'ausan. 5, 7, 10. 43: THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. the offsping of this embrace was Cronos. Thecrooked- minded Cronos who mutilated his father, who swallows his children, is with the Greeks a combination of the Phoenician god hostile to generation, and the Phoenician god of the solar heat; he is at once El and Baal- Moloch. The Greeks call by the name of Cronos the god to whom in Rhodes human sacrifices were offered on Mount Atabyris (Tabor), and also the god to whom the Carthaginians offered children by hundreds. But the Greeks in their appropriation of the mythus do not represent Cronos as reigning over the other gods from the highest heaven, as El reigns in the Phoenician mythus ; the Greeks set the hostile power of Cronos beneath the dark spirits ; they represent Zeus, the lord of the light of heaven, as comincr forth from the wicked Cronos, training the O ' © © victory and hurling Cronos into the darkness of Tartarus. The stone given to Cronos instead of Zeus is derived from those shapeless stones in which the Syrians believed their gods were present. If Zeus, the young and beneficent god, grows up in conceal- ment at Crete, this trait is derived from the fact that the worship of El and that of Baal- Moloch prevailed in Crete until the Greeks arrived, until Zeus hurled Cronos into the abyss. The very circumstance that El and Baal- Moloch, i.e. the god hostile to propagation and the sun -god of the scorching heat, had once received human sacrifices on the coasts of Hellas, and that these cults prevailed in Crete when the Greeks settled there, caused the Greeks to represent Cronos as the father of their Zeus. It was the necessary consequence of the borrowing of Cronos from a foreign nation that the Greeks never arrived at a clear or unanimous conception of this chap. XI.'] ARIAN AND PHOENICIAN MYTHS. 433 deity. The ancient Arians imagined at the beginning of things a happy age, in which men lived without pain, and after death passed into the heaven of light of Yama, to feasting and merriment ; the Arians of Iran held that at the end of the period in which the world was without old age, sickness, and death, the elect lived on in the garden of Yima ; it was the ancient Arian belief that the spirits of their fathers in bright apparel inhabited the heavens, and came down to attend the sacrificial feasts of their posterity. 1 Among the Greeks, Cronos, the god who had preceded Zeus, was the representative of that first happy period since he had already once been superior to Zeus. The poem of the Works and Days places that golden race of men who lived as gods, without cares and toil and trouble, whom miserable old age did not come near, who rejoiced in constant festivity, far from all evil, in the beginning of things, under the dominion of Cronos. 2 It was certainly in the highest degree contrary to the nature of Cronos, the god who was crooked in mind, and the devourer of children, and cast into Tartarus, to be the representative of the golden age. Zeus had conquered him and hurled him beneath the earth, but it was impossible to leave the lord of the golden age in this situation. And therefore, in the Works and Days, he is already placed in the Islands of the Blessed, on the deep eddying Oceanus, far from the immortals, where he rules over the souls of the heroes who ended their lives in the heroic period, and were transported hither. It was the garden of Yima, transferred from the mountain of the gods in the east ; according to the Phoenician mythus, which represents 1 Supra, p. 193. '-' Opp. 109-126; supra, pp. 194, 195. VOL. I. 2 F 434 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK n. Melkarth as holding his sacred wedding In the far west beyond the pillars, in the Fortunate Islands of the western sea, and then sinking to rest. The Odyssey also places the Elysian plain on Oceanus, which always sends it the softly-blowing west wind, where there is neither snow, nor storm, nor rain. 1 And Pindar sings : " He who, in a threefold course of life, has kept his soul free from wrong, accomplishes the way of Zeus to the citadel of Cronos and the Island of the Blessed, fanned by the breezes of Oceanus, where the blossoms shine like gold, some on land upon the fair trees, others nourished by the water, with garlands of which they adorn their heads and arms. In Crete, on Mount Ida, between Cnossus and Gortyn, and also on Mount Dicte near Lyctus, :! the cavern was shown in which Rhea hid Zeus from his father Cronos. Bees and goats (a^), from which Meli (p. 1S4) and the cegis of Zeus are derived by means of false etymologies, or the nymphs Melissa and Amal- thea, i.e. the streams of heaven (pp. 167, 185), bring the sap of the ash-tree, honey, ambrosia, and milk, to the child who grows up in the mountain forest. The Cur- etes surround the cavern with their weapon-dances, and strike their spears against their shields, that Cronos may not hear his cries.' 1 The weapon-dance was a Cretan custom ; it belonged to the Cydones, i.e. to the Phoeni- cian population of the island. 5 Not only were the birth- place and dwelling-place of Zeus in his youth shown in Crete, but also the grave or resting-place of the god c — 1 Odyss. 4, 563. 2 Olymp. 2, 68. 3 Bursian, Geograpli. 2, 532. 4 Strabo, p. 466 ff. 5 Supra, p. 424 ; Xicol. Damasc. Fragw. 115. 8 Yarro in Solinus, p. 81, Ed. Mommsen ; Hockh, Creta, 3, 336; Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 1 1 2 1 . chap. XL] HOLY PLACES IN CRETE. 435 a conception which is transferred to Zeus from the my thus of Baal-Melkarth ; Baal-Melkarth after the fulfilment of his conflicts goes to rest in the floods of the western sea, in order to arise once more in renewed youth. CHAPTER XII. THE POETRY OF THE A( 1U.A.VS AND IONIANS IN ASIA. A powerful and far-reaching shock had been felt by the Greek nation, and thrown its life into new channels. The invasions of the Thessalians, Arna;ans, /Etolians, and Dorians, had set conquest in place of the feuds and plundering expeditions of the previous periods ; long and severe conflicts both for attack and defence had followed ; a considerable part of the ancient inhabitants had been ejected from their homes, and had won new abodes with the sword on distant coasts beyond the eastern sea. Thus the Greek race not only gained an extension of territory and an introduction to nautical life, but profited, to a still higher degree, by the influ- ences of the new conditions of life under which the emigrants were brought, and by the impulses given to these emigrants in their new settlements. It was not uniformly organised hosts which had succeeded in con- quering extensive territories on the other side of the sea, but, as we have seen, separate bands had gained possession of islands and strips of coast in the course of slow but progressive successes. The strangers had to pass through stormy, changeful, and toilsome periods, durinsf the ceaseless exertions of which, both in attack and self-defence, new colonies and the organisation of these were required. Moreover, one host of emigrants was always followed by another. They came from the CHAP. XII.] POSITION OF GREEK COLONISTS. 437 territories of the north and of the south, from the rocky coasts of Thessaly, from Mount Pelion and from Mt. Cnemis, from the shores of the Peloponnesus and the Gulf of Pylus, from Attica, and from Eubcea. Gradu- ally strengthened from home, after the lapse of half a century or even of a hundred years (as tradition says of Chios), 1 the islands and the best portions of Anatolia were colonised, and there grew up a new Greece. The modes of life in particular cantons and districts, to which the Greek peninsula had accustomed its inhabitants from the nature of its soil, were also the basis and condition of existence for the emigrants, and to a still greater extent. The various tribes had colonised isolated points. With their swords in their hands they stood upon distant shores, surrounded by a strange and hostile population ; the ground which they had won by their arms had to be defended every hour. At any moment superior hostile armies might call in question the very existence of the new places. And even before they were secure against Teucrians, Mysians, Lydians, and Carians, we have seen that the settlers were at feud with one another. In the midst of so varied and active a life there must necessarily have grown up on the chalk cliffs and green hills of the islands, and on the shores of Anatolia, a bold and vigorous race, rendered strong and hardy by long and severe conflicts. The problems of colonisation, of the ordering of the new commonwealths, and of the adventurous navigation which alone could maintain the connection between the settlers on the islands and the isolated domains on the coast which they colonised ; the incitements, moreover, given to the immigrants by the new soil, new surroundings, new relations, inter- 1 Supra, p. 265. 438 THE HISTORY ol- «,i:ll< l [book 11. course with foreign neighbours, who were some of them in possession of an older civilisation — all this caused the intellectual life of the new Greece just founded to outstrip that of the old. It was, however, ancient Greece which had aban- doned its home before the new power of a few moun- tain tribes, had fled before their conquests to Asia, had founded the new Greece, and had here acquired, if not common abodes, yet abodes not far distant from one another. Descendants of the ancient princely families in Argos and Pylus stood at the head of the new settle- ments, and almost all the territories of the peninsula, from Mount Pelion to Pylus, were represented among the emigrants. They had transported with them all the memories of their former homes and the legends of their districts. All the stories current in the penin- sula concerning the deeds and adventures of the heroes of old were now brought together on the coasts of the Teucrians, Mysians, Lydians, and Carians ; the legends of Argos and Mycenae, of the Locrian coasts and the Phocian mountains, of Gortyn and Elatea, of Pelion, of Pherae and Phthia, of Thebes and Orcho- menus, of Helice, of ALgse, of Attica, of Salamis, of Hubcea. The warlike life which the colonists led awakened the recollection of the deeds of ancient times; they needed the examples of their ancestors, who had endured hardship and suffering ; warlike times and a warlike race desired to hear of the doings of heroes. Like all poetry, that of the Hellenes had its starting- point in religion. We have already seen (p. 146) that the sacrifices of the Greeks were accompanied with invocations or hymns, as were the sacrifices of the Indians. The singers of the Greeks invoked the gods at the sacrificial feast and handed down the knowledge chap, xii.] GREEK HIERATIC POETRY. 439 of efficient prayers in their tribes. The Lycomidse, the Pamphidse, the Eumolpidse in Attica, sang at the sacrifices to Demeter 1 hymns that had been handed down from ancient times. Hymns were a hereditary possession among the Greeks, as among the tribes of singers in India. If the hymn of a minstrel had brought success and blessing to the sacrifice at which it was sung, it was made use of again and again, and amplified and remodelled by posterity from generation to generation. Of this, the most ancient Greek poetry, nothing has been preserved. Only the names of Orpheus, Musaeus, Eumolpus, and Pamphus denote to the Greeks their oldest kind of poetry, and behind these names there can scarcely be persons. Orpheus is a legendary form, which expresses the magical power of the efficient invocation (p. 146) ; Musaeus signifies the musician, the servant of the Muses; Eumolpus the fine singer. Only by indirect inference can we discover that the gods, as with the Indians, were invoked by all their names, by fixed laudatory epithets, in order to Ofive them each time their full honour.' 2 The solemn and elevated tone of prayer led to a definite cadence of speech, and to simple musical forms which accompanied the typical changes of the invocation. The free attitude adopted by the singers towards the sacrifice prevented their being satisfied, however, with mere invocation ; they also praised the gods by making mention of their deeds, and by giving utterance to the mythus of the gods in their hymns. They thus passed from the tone of prayer and devotion to the epic tone. At the close of the invocation, and of the descriptions and praises of the deeds of the £od, the sincrers, like those of the Indians. 1 Pausan. 1, 22, 7 ; 8, 35 ; 7, 8, 36, 6 ; 7, 2 1, 3 ; 9. 29, 3. 2 Vol. 3, 43 ; Bergk, Gr. Ltgsch. p. 327. 44Q THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. reminded him that he might now, in return for the praises that had been sung to him, show himself favourable to the man who sang. 1 If the lively imagination of the priestly singers and the ancient hieratical poetry had filled heaven with a great number of gods and spirits, and had sung their myths, the stormy period of the migrations compelled men to turn their eyes from heaven to earth, and created a counter- poise to the world of phantasy in the incessant prob- lems which every moment claimed undivided energy and attention. Changing events powerfully affected the prevailing view of things. The interest in these battles and settlements, in these daring and successful enterprises, was revived. The varied life of every day induced vigorous manliness, and together with this a simple joy in the strength, valour, and craftiness with which the adventures and labours of the war and of the voyage had been carried on. The princes and their allies wished to hear about the deeds of their gods and of their ancestors — of the ancient heroes who had endured hard conflicts and labours before them. Next to the invocations and praise of the gods came the fortunes and destinies of the heroes of antiquity, the prototypes of the present generation, "the glory of men." "The hymns and songs of praise (of men) were the first poetry," observes Aristotle. 2 After the sacrifice had been offered, the princes and their soldier companions sat down to the feast. If the singer had sung his prayer and hymn during the sacrifice, he now sang of the ruling power of the gods or of the deeds of heroes; these also were introduced with a few words' of invocation to some deity ; he accompanied both the 1 So in the Homeric hymns, e.g. in the hymn to Demeter, at the end. 2 Poet. 4, 8. CHAP. XII.] HEROIC POETRY. 441 invocation and the narrative with the tones of his phorminx. The same occurred at the sacrifices of the tribal associates, the corporations of nobility, and the sacrificial feasts that followed them ; : all who possessed land and property in the territories of the new states from their ancestors, who had conquered and divided the country, had enlarged the boundaries of the state by their exploits, and had gained new allotments, pastures, and slaves, were nobles. A long series of songs in praise of the ancient heroes were sung at the courts of the Penthilidse in Lesbos, of the descendants of Agamemnon at Cyme, of the princes of Miletus and Colophon, of the descend- ants of Neleus, of Melanthus, of Nestor of Pylus, by families of singers, who probably grew into schools at these places. What songs could find more joyful welcome at Lesbos and Cyme or could exalt all hearts to greater enthusiasm than those which glorified the deeds accomplished by the ancestors of the hearers on the very coasts which were now fought for, the coasts of the Teucrians ? If legends of a warlike expedition to these coasts in ancient times already existed in the former home of the emigrants and were brought over with them (the emigrants would scarcely have turned towards the Hellespont without some knowledge of those regions which only plundering expeditions from the peninsula could have imparted to them) ; if the glory of the battles which the Lesbians and Cymaeans had now to wage when they fought at Sigeum and Rhceteum, at Dardanus and Cebren,' 2 gave 1 E.g. Odyss. 8, 266 ff; //. 9, 189. '-' Supra, p. 237. According to Wu\\e.r\\\ott (Deutsche Altertu/ftskund-, p. 11 ff) the legend of the destruction of Ilium was not merely in existence before the migration, but was based on the historical fact that the city of Priam had once been taken by Acha:ans. 44: THE HISTORY OF GREECE. OK n. birth to these legends, they must soon have become among the Acha-ans the central point of the songs of the minstrels. If each of the districts of the old home here represented among the Acha-ans had taken part, or desired to take part, in this war of antiquity, there could be no want of material of every kind for these songs. The songs celebrated the deeds of every hero who had fought there, and the adventures he had passed through. Encouraged by the liveliest sympathy of the audience, the singers enlarged them time after time, recast them, and gave them continually more livincf and concrete forms. The elements for such a transformation lay near to hand. The commanding position of the princes of Argos — the Atridoe — was given by the existing principality of their descendants in Mytilene and Cyme. If the singers of the Achaeans celebrated the high rank of Agamemnon, his deeds, and those of Menelaus, — among the Ionians kings of Pylus were reigning of the family of Neleus. If the heroes of Pylus had not conducted the expedition, and had not been the first in battle, they might never- theless have had a prominent share in the successes of the Greeks by wiliness, tact, and wise counsel. The Maenetes from Mount Ossa and Mount Pelion had penetrated farthest with their colonies into the countries of the Lydians and Carians. Northern Magnesia, on Mount Sipylus, lay nearest to the chief city of the Lydians ; southern Magnesia, said to have been the first Greek settlement on the soil of Asia (p. 274), lay farthest inland on the Maeander. The Magnetes must accordingly have formerly sent the bravest and strongest heroes against Ilium. The coasts of the Magnetes, on the opposite peninsula, were taken up by the precipitous cliffs of Mount Pelion ; the shore CHAP. XII.] THE GODS IN THE EPOS. 443 belonged to the sea-nymphs, the Nereids, the daughters of Nereus, the old man of the sea ; to them the coasts were sacred, and sacrifices were here offered to them. 1 Thus the singers might represent the valiant hero of the Maenetes, as himself derived from Mount Pelion ; they gave him Peleus for his father, and Thetis (i.e. she who nourishes by the fruit -giving power of the water), the mightiest of the Nereids, for his mother ; they described him as growing up with the spirit of Mount Pelion, — Chiron. The words of Patroclus to Achilles, in which he blames his inexorable anger, betray the invention of the singers — "Thee the rugged rocks and the blue sea produced." 2 But it was not only in bold attack that the colonists were practised; they had often, and for a long period, to defend them- selves against hostile assaults ; for example, the Achaans on the island before Lesbos and before Larisa (p. 227), the Ionians of Androclus in Samos and at Ephesus, the settlers at Priene. Beside the hero of the bold assault stood the hero of defence, Ajax of Salamis, " the tower of the Achseans," who bears the mighty shield, whose father is Telamon {i.e. the shield- strap) ; whose tribe in Attica called themselves Eurysa- cidse (i.e. broad shieldmen), and worshipped their tribal ancestor Eurysaces, son of Ajax, in a special temple. Still more obvious and definite subjects than the heroes for the singers were the gods who had favoured the voyage and conflict of the Greeks. The king of Argos had been the leader of the army ; consequently Hera, the divine protectress of Argos, must have been friendly to the Greeks and hostile to the Trojans. 1 Herod. 7, 191. Between Pherae and Pharsalus lay the Thetideum (Eurip. Androm. 16-20; Strabo, p. 431). At Pharsalus Peleus is said to have resided. - //. 16, 34. 444 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [ijook ii. Ionians and Pylians had encamped with the Argives before Ilium ; immediately after landing on the conti- nent Androclus had founded a sanctuary to Athena on Mount Coressus (p. 263) ; the other cities of the Ionians in Asia also paid the highest honour to Athena as the guardian of their citadels, like their countrymen in Attica ; consequently Athena was said to have pro- tected the heroes of the Ionians, as Hera those of the Argives. Lastly, as we have seen, Poseidon was worshipped by the Ionians in their new abodes as zealously as beforetime in their ancient home on the shore of the isthmus and at Helice. Therefore Hera, Athena, and Poseidon must have been on the side of the Greeks, and adverse to Ilium. The conflict of the Achaeans of Lesbos against the Teucrians was going on while the singers were sing- ing of the expedition of their ancestors against Ilium. The Teucrian race of the Gergithae maintained itself on Mount Ida till the fifth century B.C. and longer. The ancestors of the princes of that race were represented by the minstrels as the opponents of the Atridse, Achilles, and Ajax. The princes of Scepsis and Gergis are said to have traced their descent to ancient progenitors — to Dares and yEneas ; the Greeks called Dares Hector. 1 These, accordingly, must have been the foremost heroes of the Trojans. Dares received the Greek name Hector, i.e. holder; he was to the minstrels the protector of Ilium ; /Eneas, since the dominion of his posterity, was still in exist- ence, must have been saved out of the battles of that time and in the destruction of Ilium ; likewise 1 Supra, p. 237. In //. 5, 9, the priest of Hephaestus is called Dares; vide Hesychius : Aapeios vrro ILep&iov o tppo vifMos, v—u oe *§?pvy!av jSkto)/). The Phrygian form may have been Dares. CHAP, xil.] TROJAN HEROES. 445 Scamandrius (Astyanax), son of Hector ; the whole nation must not be destroyed, for "the power of y£neas should rule the Trojans, and his children's children." 1 In accordance with this, Arctinus sings more clearly: "/Eneas departed with his own people out of Ilium to Mount Ida, before the city was taken." 2 For the genealogy of the /Eneadae the minstrels had merely a few names that were not Greek at their dis- posal, like Capys and Assaracus ; for that of the ancient royal house of Ilium itself they employed the names of two Teucrian tribes, the Dardans and the Trojans ; the former dwelt on the Hellespont, to the latter Ilium was assigned ; Dardanus was made the tribal ancestor, and the singers made Erichthonius his successor ; i.e. good land — a personification of the fruitful region of Ilium, rich in cattle and horses. From Tros sprang Ilos, and from Ilos (p. 235) Priam, a name which has no interpretation in the Greek language. The name of his son Paris is also not Greek, as the singers them- selves confess in translating it by Alexander, accord- ing to which Paris may perhaps have signified the combatant. The remaining names attributed to the Trojans are, with few exceptions, e.g. that of Palmys, taken from the territory. The sons of Priam, Ceb- riones and Gergythion, manifestly owe their appel- lations to the Teucrian cities Cebren and Gergis ; Scamandrius, Thymbrius, Simoisius, Ascanius, are formed from the names of rivers and towns in the Troad. If it was a great combination of Greek heroes and tribes which had fought against Ilium, the Teucrians 1 //. 20, 307. 2 Phot. Bibl. Cod. 239 ; Steph. Byz. 'Ao-kcuiu. 'Apitrfii). Tu'twos. Strabo, p. 607 ; Dionys. Halic. Atitiq. 1, 47. Sophocles, in the Laocoon, also made /Eneas depart before the taking of the city, but to Phrygia. 446 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook ii. must also have had allies on their side. It the new rulers of Lesbos were especially opposed to these, the people of Cyme found their opponents in the Mysians and Lydians ; the southern Ionians in the Lydians, Carians, and Lycians — -the Lycians siding with the Carians. Thus the Mysians, Mceonians (Lydians), Carians, and Lycians, were represented as the helpers of the Trojans, and the Phrygians from the interior of the country might also be associated with them. The gods whom the tribes of the coasts had wor- shipped at the time of the landing of the Greeks (the Greeks adopted, as we have seen, these cults, in order to win over the ancient tutelary divinities of the citadels and towns for themselves), and who were invoked by the Teucrians on Mount Ida, must have been the defenders and protectors of the Trojans in these wars. On their shores at Cilia, Chryse, and Thymbra, the Teucrians (as before mentioned, p. 235) had called upon a sun-god in whom the Achseans recog- nised Apollo, as the Milesians recognised him in the god worshipped at Didyma by the Carians, and the Colophonians in the god worshipped at Clarus by the Lydians. The Lycians also worshipped with special zeal a god of light. On Mount Ida the Teucrians revered that female deity whose power awakened the impulse of love, who was favourable to birth and generation, but in her other aspect also brought war and death. This was the Ashera-Astarte of the Syrians, whose Semitic name recurs even here. 1 The Ionians had found at Ephesus the worship of a similar goddess in whose cult her warlike aspect first came under the notice of the Greeks : to her they gave the name of their Artemis. The goddess worshipped on 1 Supra, p. 234. chap, xii.] MEANING OF HELEN. 447 Mount Ida especially symbolised the giving of the fruits of the earth. Apollo and Aphrodite had therefore been the protectors of Ilium, and beside them Artemis, in whom the other aspect of the goddess of Astyra in Mount Ida also found recognition in a secondary rank. The question as to what had induced so many heroes of the Achaeans to march against Ilium could not be left unanswered by the legend, especially as the Achaeans had in any case been in the right, and the Teucrians in the wrong. Here, as elsewhere, the mythus came to the help of the legend. In the valley of the Eurotas, on the border of the domain held by the Achaeans till the year 800 B.C., we have seen that there was, on the western declivity of Mount Parnon, at a considerable height, near the ancient Achaean fortress Therapne, a sanctuary of Helen and another of the Dioscuri, over a spot sacred to Phcebus. The name Helen signifies light, i.e. a goddess of light ; which is also indicated by her worship in the neigh- bourhood of the Dioscuri — the first rays of the morning — and also by the festival of the Helenia which was held every year with the Hyacinthia of the great light-god Apollo. We have already seen that the Dorians adopted those cults from the Achaeans when the taking of Amyclae had at last been effected. The beautiful goddess of light bestowed beauty and grace. 1 If the Dioscuri are called the brothers of Helen, if Zeus was their father and hers in marriage with Leda, as he was the father of Apollo and Artemis in marriage with Leto, it is clear that this goddess was distinctly included in the circle of the beings of light. The whole ancient tradition of Laconia turns upon Helen and the Dioscuri, and the 1 Supra, pp. 404, 405. 448 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. L ,i0uK "■ names and forms associated with them. The settlers thought that among the Teucrians a goddess of the same kind must also have been adored; this is indi- cated by the name of the seer Helenus, the son of Priam : prophecy belongs with the Greeks to the spirit of light, who sees through and unveils all things. It is possible that the worship of the warlike Aphrodite (the wandering Astarte, to whom the moonlight belonged), which the Phoenicians can be proved to have brought to Cythera on the coast of Laconia, may also have penetrated into the valley of the Eurotas, to which the union of the Helenia with the Hyacinthia, and the return of Paris to Ilium by way of Sidon, may refer. 1 We have already seen that Astarte, in the form of Artemis, was not alien to the Teucrians ; on these data the goddess Helena became in the legend and for the singers the most beautiful of mortals, a king's daughter, the Queen of Sparta, whom Paris son of the king of Ilium carries off. Aphrodite has guided him from her throne on Mount Ida to her abode in Cythera, and endowed him with such a charm that he is able to beguile and lead away the wife of Menelaus. Even in the Homeric poems the original form of Helen reveals itself, when her house in Sparta shines "as the brightness of the sun or of the moon," when she herself "comes forth like Artemis with the golden arrow ; " and her daughter possesses the beauty of the golden Aphrodite. - 1 //. 6, 292. - Odyss. 4, 14, 122. The later writers were much puzzled to recon- cile Helena the goddess, who still lived on in certain cults, with the adultress who was carried off. To avoid the discrepancy, Stesichorus, in the first half of the sixth century, feigned that Paris had not taken away Helen, but only a phantom of her. Euripides represents the gods as making a false Helen, whom Paris takes to Ilium, while Hermes transports the true Helen to King Proteus of Egypt. According to the chap, xii.] BASES OF THE LEGEND. 449 The Achaeans and Ionians had had to fight long enough before they could firmly establish themselves on the coasts. Much time had elapsed before Androc- lus, passing from Samos to the mainland, had been able to fortify the hill of Coressus, before the Ionians had conquered Chios, before the Cymaeans had come forth from their new fortress and subjugated Larisa (p. 227). So also had their forefathers' war around Ilium lasted long ; they also had been forced to build fortresses here, and to defend their ships with fosses, walls, and towers. The Achaean colonists consisted of two divi- sions — Achaeans from Argos, and Achaeans from Thes- saly. This distinction was transferred to the camp of their forefathers before Ilium. Who had then most dis- tinguished themselves, those from the north or those from the south ? The question easily became the basis of a sharp contrast. The emigrants from the north, the Magnetes, had indeed pressed boldly forward into the country ; we have already seen that their arrival saved the Ionians from great pressure (p. 274). They had not, however, taken Ilium: it was the descendants of the Atridae who were now successfully warring against the Teucrians, and lived and ruled at Assus, Sigeum, and Rhceteum. So also in those days the heroes of the northern Achaeans may have put the Teucrians to flight, broken the power of the Trojans, and lost their opinion of Herodotus, neither Helen nor her phantom was in Ilium ; Paris was sent away with her to Egypt, where King Proteus, angry at the crime, took her away from Paris and detained her. Herodotus honestly regrets that the Trojans did not succeed in convincing the Greeks that Helen was not in their city : " The Trojans would never have been so misguided as to carry on war for ten years about a woman." All these accounts agree in asserting that Menelaus, when he was returning, found Helen in Egypt ; for which story the Egyptian I sis, as in the wandering of Io, furnishes the groundwork ; Stesichor. Fragm. 26, Bergk ; Herod. 2, 119 flf; Eurip. He/. 33 ffi VOL. I. 2 G 450 HIE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. best chiefs ; but they themselves cannot have pene- trated into Ilium. \\ ith these elements were associated ancient Arian traits, frequently recurring in the Epos of the Indians and Germans — of the early death of an invincible young hero, and the destruction of a great princely house after a very hard conllict. On such bases the legend of the war against Ilium grew up in constantly richer and more animated forms. The songs, in which it found expression, doubtless originated with the Achaean minstrels, were carefully preserved by them, and further and further enlarged. When they arrived at the Ionians, the deeds and the qualities of the heroes of Pylus and of Salamis were celebrated, and became united with the songs of the Acheeans. If the war concerning Ilium principally belonged to the Achseans, the Ionians developed the sones about the return of the heroes to their homes. Mimnermus of Colophon, in the first half of the sixth century, still had vividly before his eyes how his fore- fathers, " leaving the lofty citadel of Neleus of Pylus," set sail for Asia (p. 274). It was of the keenest interest to learn how the heroes, after so long an absence before Ilium, had once more regained their homes, and whether, after such severe toils and struggles, they had here been rewarded. We have seen how the Ionians brought the worship of Poseidon, god of the sea, — whom they worshipped on the north- west coast of the Peloponnesus, at Helice, — to their new home, and here again established it (p. 272). An ancient legend, also of their tribe, of a prince who, returning home after a long voyage, finds his house in the power of intruders, and executes vengeance and retribution upon them, they no doubt transported with them to the Anatolian coast. The singers of Ionia chap, xii.] LEGEND OF THE HEROES' RETURN. 451 included the hero of this tradition in the circle of princes who fought against Ilium. The little island of Ithaca in the western sea, not very far from the ancient abodes of the /Egialieis, was represented in the Ionian legend as his home. 1 Accordingly this man became the hero who came from the farthest region against Ilium ; he had also had the longest and most difficult return. His voyage took him round the whole peninsula and Cape Malea, and then northward up the Ionian Sea. This homeward journey verged upon the unknown distances of the west, the kingdom of the setting of the sun. As soon as the Ionians in their new abodes had attained some security against Carians and Lydians, Miletus, Phocsea, and Samos began to apply themselves to navigation ; the stories of the mariners became current among them. The long homeward voyage, and the adventures which might have befallen the ancient heroes in the course of it, excited the more lively interest. Bound by sad recol- lections to the abandoned dwelling-places of the tribe, the ancient home, there were not wanting to the singers of the Ionians, elements for developing, upon this background, the legend of the return of Odysseus, and for giving it a more animated shape than all the songs which were sung about the return of the other heroes, the princes of Argos, Sparta, Pylus, and Salamis. The long series of these songs of the battles of the heroes against Ilium — and their deeds and sufferings — as the interest in individual adventures slackened, 1 The tradition clings to Ithaca and Ccphallenia (Same). Such an insignificant island as Ithaca among the islands of the western sea could only have been made the scene of the legend by the inhabitants of the neighbouring coasts of Dyme and Helice, and brought by emigrants from those cities to the coast of Asia. 45: THE HISTORY OF GREE< 1 [hook ii. -rc\\ into on great epos. A fine poetic intuition perceived in the opposition of the northern and southern Achaeans, in the anger of the greatest hero of the Magnetes against the leader of the expedition, the anger of Achilles, the turning-point of the war against Ilium. With the death of Hector the defence of Ilium was gone, and the final fall of the city, so long fought for, decided ; Hector's fall was brought on by the death of Patroclus, which Achilles had to revenge ; the death of Patroclus was occasioned by the inaction of Achilles, the sorest necessity of the Greeks arose from this inaction, which again was the result of a wrong done to Achilles by the leader of the Achaeans. Thus the wrath of Achilles was the centre in which a portion of the songs were united into a whole, and to which they had to conform and ally themselves, or be discarded ; while, on the other hand, new and previ- ously unutilised situations resulted from it. The features which the songs had given to individual heroes were unchanged in their fundamental character, but they were now uniformly grouped, the uncertainties of the delineation were removed, it was carried out more firmly, delicately, and sharply. The poem is not entirely pervaded with the proud joy of conquest ; it is not filled with exultant rejoicings over glorious deeds achieved, or successes attained, or the rich booty carried off. It celebrates, indeed, with manly joy and manly earnestness, the battle and the victory ; but the labours and sorrows of the Achaeans, the lamentations over so many stately warriors who have fallen, and over the sufferings in store for the survivors in their homes, through new disputes on their return, are heard as the keynote throughout. This mood of the poet seems to show that the youthful freshness of martial chap, xii.] VOYAGE OF ODYSSEUS. 453 life, and consequently the youthful joy in it, was over when the song of the heroes found this matchless consummation. The songs of the journey home have also under- gone a process of fusion into one poem. The point of union was given in that ancient legend of the Ionians, already mentioned, of a prince belonging to them, i.e. to the tribe which applied itself zealously to naviga- tion after settling on the coast of Anatolia. From a still greater distance than the Ionians, from the islands of the west, this prince came to fight against Ilium, as the Ionians themselves had come from the north-west coasts of the Peloponnesus. The longest and most difficult return -journey, the terrible dangers which befell him in the course of it, required some motive. The divinities principally worshipped by the Ionians were Poseidon and Athena. The dangers of the voyage could only have been decreed by Poseidon. The hero must in some way have incurred the wrath of the god, and he could only have escaped these dangers ordained by the lord of the sea through divine help, the help of Athena. This poem, which celebrates the greatest dangers and the most wonderful adven- tures of the return of the expedition in thejate of Odysseus, has supplanted all other songs of the return, and likewise all songs concerning the particular deeds and sufferings of Odysseus ; not because the greatest marvels are contained in it, nor even because in Odysseus the hero of undaunted perseverance, resources, and craft, the master of words, is opposed to the heroes of the stormy onslaught and defensive strength, — the centre of gravity of the poem, pervaded by the fresh sea-breezes in which the Ionians lived, is the longing for home, the picture of the home and the 454 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. princely house, where the king, the husband, and the father is wanting. The kingdom is ruined, but the faith of tlie wife is unshaken, the desire of the son for his father is not at an end, and the sufferer's longing for his land and home is only increased by each new hindrance. On this vividly and sympathetically con- ceived background (to the striking delineation of which the recollection of the unforgotten ancient home prob- ably contributed in the mind of the Ionian singer) the perils and adventures of the hero take place, and in contrast with their darkness house and home shine out the more brightly. The moral fundamental conception is the same in both poems. Anger and punishment follow arrogance, guilt, and crime ; nobility of mind, steadfast courage, unshaken truths are praised by mankind and honoured and rewarded by the gods. The Homeric Epos is the ripe fruit of a long development of an early awakened and fruitful period of Greek poetry. It is the assem- bling together and remodelling, the poetical new birth, of the songs in which the singers of the princes and nobles of the Achceans and Ionians had given expres- sion to the legend of the war about Ilium and the return of the heroes. At the conclusion of a series of numerous songs which had grown up in this period, stand the songs of the Iliad and Odyssey. The work previously done by the singer of the songs of the heroes brought the Homeric Epos to a brilliant conclusion. The grandeur, unity, and force of this poetry have caused all previous songs of adven- tures or conflicts, of particular heroes or incidents of the war. to perish, but not so entirely as that none of these have at a later time been inter- polated in the Iliad or Odyssey, or that later and CHAP, xii.] LATER ADDITIONS TO THE POEMS. 455 more detailed poems have not been combined with earlier son^s. Neither the Iliad nor the Odyssey has come down to us in its original form. The tradition of both these great poems among the descendants, or the disciples of the singers who had sung them, imparted, together with their possession, the desire to make more poetry in the manner and style of the ancestor or the master ; the custom of recitation of parts of these poems by rhapsody (afterwards introduced) may pos- sibly have conduced to the separation and independ- ence of particular pieces. The changes which the Iliad and Odyssey hereafter underwent were not con- fined to the interpolation of particular songs which had been preserved with them, or had been added to them. Interpolations of this kind — such as we find in the Iliad, in the nocturnal adventure in the camp of the Trojans of the Dolonea, in the forging of new armour for Achilles, in the funeral games for Patroclus, and in the catalogue of Ach^eans and Trojans and their allies 1 —are easily to be distinguished ; but it is more diffi- cult to separate the imitations which have found place in both epics. In the Iliad this is shown by the 1 Benedict Niese (Homerische SchiffskatcUog) has shown that the Catalogue was appended to the Iliad when the poem was quite com- plete after the subsequent additions ; that it was compiled after the founding of Cyrene, i.e. after the year 630 and before 600, in imitation of the similar catalogue — the Cypria ; and for the Achrcans, on the basis of a record of the Hellenic cantons, dating from the middle of the eighth century. The enumeration of the cities on the Propontis and on the Black Sea (//. 2, 828-835 ; 851-855), in which Lampsacus (founded in 651) is called by its old name Pityca, can only date from a time when these coasts had become better known through the voyages of the Milesians. The Boeotian origin of the catalogue of the ships appears from the precedence of the Boeotians, from the minuteness with which Bcuotia is treated, and the more accurate knowledge of central Hellas ; it is clear that the Kow, and also the Catalogue, were composed in Bceotia in the second half of the seventh century. 456 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ji. reiteration of motives and situations of the older poem, by the more violent introduction of the world of gods, by a theogony, and by conceptions of a more fantastic and rhetorical cast, but especially by the fact that princes of Doric cities, princes of Crete and of Cnossus, .ire represented as taking part in the conflict against Ilium, 1 a trait which was, and must necessarily have been, alien to the ancient Iliad. The episode, also, which makes Heracles the legitimate heir to the throne of Mycence before Eurystheus must have had a Doric origin, and cannot have been introduced into the Iliad before the middle of the eighth century. 2 The ancient Odyssey represented the hero as returning from Ilium by the coasts of Thrace, and doing battle with the Cicones. As he was sailing round Cape Malea he was driven by the waves and violent winds from Cythera, and arrived after a nine days' voyage at the country of the eaters of the lotus, the enjoyment of which causes men to forget their home. His further adventures are included in the sphere of the mythus, with the Cyclopes, i.e. the round-eyed, in the region of Hades, in the island of Ogygia, " the navel of the sea," with Calypso {i.e. she who conceals), who retains the hero for nine years without inducing him to forget home, or wife, or child, even by the promise of immor- tality ; with the kindred of the Gigantes — the Phaeacians, who beforetime had been the neighbours of the Cyclopes in Hyperea, and in their obedience to law and proficiency in arts were, in the more ancient con- ception, beings as mythical as the Cyclopes in their wild barbarism. The destruction of the suitors, the recognition of Odysseus, and the renewal of the old union with the faithful Penelope, form the conclusion of 1 Bergk, Gr. Ltgsch. i, 552 ff. 2 //. 19, 97-124 ; supra, pp. 215, 216. chap, xii.] GEOGRAPHY OF THE "ODYSSEY." 5 457 the ancient Odyssey. Into this poem another has been interpolated which, like the later portion of the Iliad, is characterised by the introduction of the gods more frequently than is necessary. Odysseus in this later poem has to undergo a number of new adventures. It takes him to the Laestrygones, to the island of ^Eolus, to the island of Circe, to Scylla and Charybdis, to the wandering rocks and the Sirens, it unduly enlarges the representation of the under world in the ancient poem ; and if the blinding of the Cyclopes is there the motive for the wrath of Poseidon, this motive is now repeated, as Calypso is reproduced in Circe, by the offence against Helios through the slaughter of his herds in Thrinacia. The interpolated poem went further, and invented Telemachus' journey of enquiry to Pylus and Sparta, modified and enlarged upon the events in Ithaca after the return of Odysseus in a manner by no means happy, and carried the ancient poem beyond the reunion of Odysseus and Penelope. 1 According to the geographical horizon of the ancient Iliad, in which the broad, endless Hellespont is still the beginning of the eastern sea, the knowledge of whose shores ended eastward in the country of the Phrygians, it may be assumed that this poem was written before the voyages of the Milesians into the Black Sea had begun, i.e. before the year 800 B.C. It likewise results from the horizon of the ancient Odyssey, which in its whole conduct bears the stamp of a later type than that of the Iliad, that at the time it was composed the western sea beyond Ithaca was still wholly dark, the domain of fable and the mythus. It must therefore have been produced before the 1 Kirchhofif, Homerische Odyssce, 2 p. 238 flf, 495 ft": Miillcnhoflf, Deutsche Altertumskumie, 1, 47 fif. 458 NIK HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. voyages of the Ch.ilciclians and Phocojans to the west, to Sicily, i.e. before j$o n.c. These two dates would mark the state of things, later than which it would be impossible to place the ancient Iliad and Odyssey. How much earlier they go back it is hardly possible to determine even approximately. But if, as will be shown further on, the additions to the Odyssey were made before the year 700 B.C., the ancient songs of the Odyssey must have been sung before the institution of the Olympiads ; and as the ancient Odyssey is already acquainted with the participation of the Cretan princes in the expedition against Ilium, 1 the poet must have known the ancient Iliad and the subsequent additions made to it. Poetry could only have represented princes of Crete, Idomeneus, and Meriones as marching to the Trojan War, after the period when Doric settlers had gained fixed abodes in Crete ; they could only have taken part in that war, when the ancient Iliad of the Acha^ans and Ionians had already come to the Dorians in the island, and had awakened in them the desire to see those descendants of the princes, who now ruled in Cnossus, fighting in the great conflict." The colonies of the Dorians beyond the sea were of later date than those of the Achaeans and Ionians ; those of Epidaurus and Trcezen, and of Argos on the south-west point of Asia Minor, followed the settle- ments of the Dorians of Argos at Cnossus and at Rhodes, which, as we saw r , were founded about the year 900 B.C. (p. 326). The subsequent additions to the Iliad mention, be- sides Cnossus (the catalogue of the ships is here left out of the question), the city of Lyctus in Crete, that colony 1 Odyss. 19, 170 ft. - Bergk, Gr. Ltgsch. p. 651. chap, xii.] DATE OF THE "ODYSSEY." 459 of the Achaeans which was only founded in 800 B.C. 1 But if the ancient Iliad was so early known to the Dorians and Achaeans in Crete, that Greco-Cretan princes gained entrance into it through the later additions, soon after the year 800 B.C. (at a later date they would have remained unknown to the singer of the ancient Odyssey), the ancient songs of the Iliad must have been sung a full century after the settlement of the Ionians in Asia Minor, somewhere about the year 850 b.c. The Homeric songs are said to have come from Crete to Sparta. 2 The theory that the ancient Iliad was sung about 850 b.c. would not con- tradict the opinion of Thucydides, who places Homer " long after the Trojan times," 3 and it would agree with the view of Herodotus, who fixes his date four hundred years before his own time, i.e. about the year 850 b.c. 4 The later poetry of the Odyssey has introduced into it the journey of Telemachus to Pylus and Sparta. This shows that Sparta must now have received a place in the songs of the Ionians. King Phintas of Messenia, who reigned over Pylus about the year 750 b.c, sent a sacred embassy to the sacrifice which the Ionians offered to Apollo at Delos (p. 278). Part of the new adventures of Odysseus, added by the later interpolations, are taken from the legend of the Argo, which is described in these very interpolations as "sung by all." The old mythus of the Argo, i.e. the mythus of the land of the sun in the east (p. 156), became transferred to the earth, developed and localised, when the ships of the Milesians became acquainted with the shores of the Propontis and the 1 II. 17, 611 ; supra, p. 421. 2 Plut. Lye. 4. ; Herod. 1, 3. 4 Herod. 2, 53. The Parian Marble places Homer in 907 B.C.. and Hesiod thirty years before Homer ; Ep. 27, 28. 460 run HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook n. Black Sea, which certainly did not take place till after the year 800 n.c. The landing of Odysseus on the peninsula of the Propontis, on which in 755 b.c. the city of Cyzicus was built, near the spring Artacia — in the later poetry of the Odyssey^ is manifestly copied from an adventure which the Argonauts here met with ; the wicked enchantress Circe, the daughter of the sun, is an imitation of the daughter of /Eetes, ruler of JEa., the land of the sun. Medea the sorceress, in the voyage of the Argo, and the announcement of Circe to Odysseus, are taken from the prophecy of Teiresias in the older poem. In the later addition, moreover, Odysseus has to sail through the Planctae, which the Argo by the assistance of Hera escaped, and which, in consequence of the voyages of the Milesians in the Black Sea, were fixed in that sea at the entrance to the Bosphorus. The fact that the voyage of Odysseus in the ancient poem is towards the west, and that the Argo in the mythus, tradition, and poem sailed to the east, did not deter the later poet from ascribing this enterprise to Odysseus. Thrinacia, the land of the cattle of the sun -god, Scylla and Charybdis, and the Sirens, he borrowed from the accounts of the western sea, where the Greeks had also meanwhile extended their knowledee. ' Soon after the middle of the eighth century Chalcis and Corinth founded the first colonies on the west coast of Sicily. The development of the tradition and poetry of the Argonautic expedition can only have taken place between the years 800 and 750 b.c. ; more exact knowledge of the west coast of Sicily cannot 1 Miillcnhoff, Altertumskunde, i, 52 ff. The later poet makes a freedman propose to Telemachus to send Theoclymenus to the Sicilians (Od, 20, 382), and introduces a Sicilian maid (Od. 24, 211, 366, 389) and Sicanians (Od. 24, 307). CHAP, xii.] DATE OF THE LATER "ODYSSEY." 461 have existed on the shores of Anatolia very long before the conclusion of the eighth century. In accordance with all these indications, the later poetry of the Odyssey cannot be dated before the year 750 B.C., but also not more than a few decades later. A poet who desires to be listened to may extend the geographical horizon of his hearers, but he certainly must not venture to narrow the horizon known to his contemporaries. Naxos and Syracuse, Cyme and Zancle, Leontini, Catana, and Megara, were founded between 735 and 728 B.C. (Bk. 3, ch. 8). If these cities had been already standing for several years, it would no longer have been possible to sing of the western waters in the tone of the later poetry ; Egypt, after it had been opened to the Greeks, could not have remained in the obscurity in which that poetry repre- sents it. In the demonstrably latest portion of the Odyssey the last song, the author of which was mani- festly posterior both to the ancient and subsequent poetry of that epic, it is mentioned as a usual custom that men should gird themselves before athletic con- tests j 1 this custom had at any rate been abandoned at the Olympic games in the year 720 B.C. The most ancient evidences of acquaintanceship with the Odyssey, inclusive of the later additions, are to be found in the poet Alcman 2 who sang at Sparta, and in the poet of the Nostoi. The Theogony, and after this the Boat, which bear Hesiod's name (p. 126), and came to a conclusion before the year 600 B.C., are distinctly connected with Trinacria, 3 which belongs 1 Odyss. 24, 88. 2 Alcman, Fragm. 23, 32, Bergk. :; Kirchhoff (Homcrisclic Odyssee) has shown the agreement of the Nostoz with the return of Menelaus in the Odyssey, and with the marriage with the Doule at Sparta, in both poems. That the mention of the wanderings of Odysseus in the Eote, or in the catalogue, presuppose^ 462 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. to the later poetry of the Odyssey. Not long after, the Greeks saw at Olympia on the chest of Cypselus (which Periander of Corinth there dedicated), Odysseus in the cave of Circe, whither the later poetry had first brought him. If this later poetry was composed in the last third of the eighth century B.C., the composi- tion of the ancient Odyssey cannot be placed much after Soo B.C., about the beginning of the Olympia. the existence of the Odyssey, and the knowledge of it at that time, has been shown by the same writer. On the date of the composition of the catalogue, and of the Eoa, in the second half of the seventh century, -•idc infra, Book 3, ch. 14. CHAPTER XIII. ETHICAL AND SOCIAL CULTURE. It was only a meagre account of the fortunes of the cantons of the peninsula after the irruption of the Thessalians into the basin of the Peneus, and of the settlers on the coast of Asia, which could be gleaned from the tradition, even by our minute examination. Little more than the naked facts of the revolution accomplished, and uncertain outlines of the life of the Hellenes at that epoch — only the barest traces of the new ordinances which came into force on the peninsula and in the colonies, can be ascertained. Can this pro- voking hiatus be supplied by the rich picture which the Epos, sung in this period (if we have not incor- rectly determined its origin and dates), draws of the life of its heroes, of their actions, and of the back- ground from which their destinies stand out in relief ? In regard to a poem of another cast sung at the con- clusion of the period, this question might be answered in the affirmative. In regard to the Iliad and the Odyssey it could only be so if proof existed that their authors have described the life and manners of their own time and not of a poetical world which they con- sidered fit for the period of their heroes. More than once in the Epos a distinction is indi- cated between men "as they now are " and those who lived at the time of the Trojan War and the return 464 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. from it. The abodes of the tribes which the Epos assumes both in the original and added portions are not those of the time of the singers. With the exception of two or three incidental divergences, it is the ethnography of a past time which the Epos shows us. Thessalians, Bceotians, and Dorians are as little in question as Eleans and probably /Tiolians. 1 To what circumstance the princes of Crete owed their admission among the combatants before Ilium we have already seen : they are taken for Achaean princes in the Iliad and Odyssey. In certain traits, no doubt, the existing state of affairs is allowed to appear — for instance, where reference is made to the sacrifice to the god of Helice ; 2 and the twelve ships of Odysseus are taken from the fixed number of the twelve Ionian cities. But the Ionians had already offered sacrifices to Poseidon at Helice on the shore of the Corinthian Gulf; and they are said to have already lived there in twelve communities. The poets would not have ventured to narrow the geographical horizon of their time. Who would have believed a singer w ho knew less of countries and peoples than the circle of hearers who were listening to his words? From this circumstance, from the range of the poet's vision, we were able to gain certain data for the time of the composition of the Iliad, the ancient Odyssey, and the later poetry added to both. In the horizon of the Iliad lie the zEgean Sea and the coasts of the Thracians ; the Hellespont is not a narrow strait, but the beginning of the limitless eastern 1 This is naturally irrespective of the catalogue of ships. The Mes- senians {Odyss. 21, 15) belong to the latest part of the additions ; the three sets of Dorians in Crete {Odyss. 19, 177), with the Pelasgians there, to a manifest forgery. //. 5, 710 ; 13, 685 ; 1 1, 671, are diver- gences. - Supra, p. 272. //. 8, 203 ; 20, 404. chap, xin.] ETHICS OF THE HOMERIC POEMS. 465 sea ; behind Phrygia lies the fabled land of the Amazons ; on the other side its knowledge extends to Cyprus and to the Phoenician coasts as far as Sidon. The later portion contents itself with adding the " milkers of mares " to the north of the Thracians. The ancient Odyssey knows only of the coasts of Libya stretching in endless distances opposite Cape Malea : there begins the unknown western sea, the region of the mythus. The range of vision in the later parts of the poem extends farther ; the southern shore of the Pro- pontis is known, and there is mention of the far north beyond the Black Sea ;* the stream yEgyptus, the name and the hundred gates of the Egyptian Thebes, the island of Sicily — all these are introduced (p. 460, note). The poet can venture to depart from the ethical standpoint of his time still less than to circumscribe its geographical horizon. No poet can move the souls of men who would, even if he could, impute to his heroes, in their thoughts and aspirations, their actions and feelings, their counsels and deeds, other motives than those by which he himself is animated : he can only set before them aims and ends which influence him and his age ; which he himself holds to be right and good — the best and worthiest. In his personalities he draws the ethical type which floats before the mind of the many vaguely and unconsciously ; and more clearly, and perhaps more consciously, before his own. In this sphere we may therefore trust the poems, always bearing in mind that the poet represents ethical principles and aims as they ought to be, and not as they were everywhere accepted and realised in his time — that he gives us in fact an ideal picture of 1 In the mention of the shepherds of the La:strygones, if these verses are not interpolated. VOL. I. 2 H 466 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. the prevailing ethics. It is otherwise with the political and social background depicted by him. Here we are uncertain how much he has taken from the con- ditions of his own period, and how much he has added or withdrawn, in order to bring them into harmony with his picture of antiquity. But we may no doubt assume that creations for the most part simple, like those of the Homeric poems, would not have departed very far from the basis of actual conditions. Life in the Epos is founded upon battle and war. Only the man who is warlike, combative, and eager for the fight enjoys full honour. Princes and nobles rule because they are foremost in the battle. In their battles, however, they are to strive, more than for prey or for plunder, for fame among men. They are to prefer a glorious death to a long but inglorious life : each is to try and surpass his fellows in war. Even in serious warfare the trials of strength among the heroes seem to have been in their eyes the chief thing : brave warriors live on in the sono - of the minstrel. Yet it is not cool contempt of death which is required of them by the epic. They are not bound to contend with the strongest adversary or to fight where destruction is certain ; there is no shame in yielding to superior force and withdrawing before it. Clever- ness and cunning in battle are as valuable as aggres- sive valour. A wise courage and presence of mind in battle are the true qualities of the warrior ; therefore, in the Epos, the goddess Athena is a better helper in the fieht than the invincible Ares. These traits with which the Epos endows the Greek heroes may have corresponded with the prevailing temperament in the ninth and eighth centuries ; at any rate they find abundant historical confirmation in later times. chap, xiii.] FAMILY LIFE. 467 Heroic courage and strength, cleverness and dis- cretion, were not the only qualities, however, demanded by the Epos. He who desires to be honoured must call to mind the judgment of men on his actions. This judgment in the poem takes the place of con- science. Revenge is permitted, and vengeance for blood is a sacred duty, but the revenge is not to exceed the injury ; passion must not reign unchecked ; moderation must be observed. Right and custom must be regarded. Punishment will follow every crime and evil deed. Friendship, loyalty, and self- sacrifice between friend and friend, are highly com- mended. The temper of the noble man must be placable and yield to petitions ; prayers are the daugh- ters of Zeus who obtain for the man who hears them a hearing also with the gods. The ties which unite the family and the commonwealth and bind men to home and fatherland are highly extolled by the Epos. It would not be easy to find a more surprising in- stance in any other nation during a stormy epoch, where the picture and the claims of a system of ethics, naive and simple indeed, but humane and deeply felt, and based upon the fully recognised moral instincts of the human breast, were more vigorously brought for- ward than in the Epos of the Greeks. Neither legend nor Epos recognises polygamy among the Greeks. In marriage the husband was to honour his wife and the wife was to keep faith with the husband. Marriage in the Epos rests upon the close and intimate relation between man and wife, on the harmonious disposition of both persons. It is eternal shame for the woman among men to break her marriage vow. To maintain devoted love and unshaken faith to her husband is the wife's fairest 468 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. ornament. 1 These foundations of marriage and of the family which the Epos faithfully emphasizes continued among the Hellenes; but the importance and con- sideration of the wife seem to have been less among the Ionians and the inhabitants of Attica in the later time than in the Ionic Epos. On the loyalty of the husband in marriage the Epos lays less stress than on that of the wife. Far from his home, he may no doubt have had intimacies with women taken in war, or with slaves who pleased him, without thereby trans- gressing against his wife and his marriage ties ; it is not forbidden to the man to have a concubine besides his wife. The sons in the Epos leave the choice of their wives to their fathers ; 2 at the father's command, or according to her own heart, the maiden follows the man. If the daughter was originally purchased from the father, even according to the Epos, the suitor must offer wealth to the father of the maiden, and must woo the bride with gifts and offerings, the father giving his daughter to him who brings the richest presents. In the house the wife is held in high honour ; she rules over the maids and the slaves ; she weaves and spins with them, but she is not shut up with the women ; she appears when guests come to the house, and takes part in the conversation, and her opinion carries weigfht. The sons divide the inheritance of their father by lot, into equal portions ; the illegitimate sons are provided for. The sons follow the rank of their father ; children of a free man by a woman in slavery are themselves free. 3 The children owe love and reverence to their parents, as youth in general willingly accords respect to age ; the curse of the father is the 1 Odyss. 6, 181 ; //. 9, 341. 2 U. 9, 394 ; Odyss. 4, 10. 3 Odyss. 14, 201 ff. chap, xiii.] MARTIAL LAW. 469 heaviest that can light upon the son ; it brings evil even in the third and fourth generation. Against the enemy all is lawful — every artifice, dis- simulation, and outrage ; there is no harm in treating foreign islands and cities in a hostile manner. Piracy and sudden attack upon tribes and cities with whom there is no league of friendship, the acquisition of rich possessions by such plunder, are considered neither wrong nor unworthy. Thucydides has already told us that some tribes of the continent, even in his time, held these actions to be honourable (p. 160). Even the conquered who threw down their weapons were put to death, kept as slaves, or sold into slavery. The prisoners, the wives and children of the conquered are slaves. Even the corpses of enemies were mal- treated. At the funeral piles of fallen countrymen, the Epos shows us that prisoners were slain and burned in revenge. Though all this may be the echo of wild and fierce times of war, the martial law of the Greeks was uniformly cruel ; not only was the most complete devastation of the enemy's country, even to the uproot- ing of trees, considered permissible, but the lives of the prisoners were forfeited to the victor ; even after the fifth century prisoners were more than once slaughtered, man for man. The treaties which are concluded and ratified upon oath with the enemy are, according to the Epos, to be maintained ; the makers of the treaty call to witness Zeus the ruler, the all -seeing sun -god, the streams and rivers, and those who in the lower world punish the spirits of men who have perjured them- selves. White lambs were offered to the celestial gods, and a black lamb to those of the infernal regions. At the libation which followed the sacrifice the prayer 4?o THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. run thus : That the brains of those who broke the oath and the blood of their children should flow to the earth as this wine flows, and that their wives should be dishonoured by strangers. Outside his own state every one is defenceless, even to the herald ; every stranger can be seized, made a slave, or killed, who is not taken by some member of the state under his protection. But the Epos brands it as an evil deed not to protect strangers who come peaceably ; it is considered ungenerous to reject strangers who ask admittance into a house ; it places beggars and strangers under the special pro- tection of Zeus. The Epos likewise describes the conduct that is to be observed towards those in need of protection. It is not seemly to enquire immediately after the name and descent of the stranger. The stranger to whom a man has accorded protection he dismisses with gifts, and he who has taken the stranger under the protection of his house will assuredly find the same protection some day or other in the house of the stranger. Thus hospitality becomes an enduring relation, which is inherited by the sons from the father. The stranger who, praying for help, seats himself in the ashes of the hearth, acquires a definite right to pro- tection. The sitting down at the hearth places him under the protection of the gods of the house ; he has thereby become a member of the household. The master of the house must be the same to him whom he has left on his hearth as to all the other inmates. We must not accept the traits presented by the Epos in regard to the order and life of the common- wealth for a faithful reflection of the conditions sur- rounding the poets, so certainly as we accepted its ethical conceptions for their ethical standpoint, i.e. for chap, xiii.] POLITICAL LIFE. 47i the ideally-conceived standpoint of their times. But there are not wanting signs that the currents which affected the times of the poets influenced their delinea- tions of the political life of antiquity. We know the limitations and the peculiar form given to the princely government in Sparta, even before the year 800 B.C., and we shall find later on that the principalities in the great majority of Greek states and in the cities on the coast of Asia, about the middle of the eighth century, had either submitted to the nobility while preserving certain prerogatives, or else had been entirely super- seded by it; the position of the monarchy might, there- fore, have been already shaken about the year 800 b.c. The relation indeed of Agamemnon to the rest of the princes of the great expedition, as given in the Iliad, presents no picture of the authority of a prince over his people ; and when the young noblemen of Ithaca assume the rule of the island, it is not that the monarchy is dead, but that the king for the moment is wanting ; moreover, the nobles do not wish to subvert the monarchy, but to make one of their own number kinof. Meanwhile there are isolated indications — such as the mention of the evil of a rule in which many share, the emphasis laid upon the authority of " Zeus-begotten, Zeus-sustained" kings, the importance ascribed by the Odyssey especially, to prudence in coun- sel and fluency in speech, the constant bringing forward of the popular assembly in the Odyssey, but, above all, the traces of the partisanship of the singers for the princes — which show that the maintenance of tradi- tional authority was already called in question. We may certainly assume that in the ancient Iliad we have a poetical picture of political life in the middle of the ninth century ; in the ancient Odyssey a representation 47? THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. of political life in the first half of the eighth century ; and in the additions to the Odyssey, of the currents of feeling in the middle of the eighth century. The Epos requires of the prince that he shall be strong and valiant in battle, wise in counsel, and eloquent in the assembly of the people. The gift of eloquence is almost always associated with valour. From the chiefs, especially the princes, it is required that they shall know how to give a right decision in the assembly and to support it with good reasons, that they may find willing obedience and be able to maintain their credit. In the Odyssey the market-place already appears as the central point of the commonwealth. On the other hand, the Epos advises and requires that even wrong- doing on the part of the king shall be borne. 1 Not by his rank, however, but by his power, is the king distinguished from the chiefs. He associates with them as equal among equals, but it is his will that decides. The people appear as an obedient multitude, the individuals of which " are of no account either in war or in council;" they are the insignificant background, from which the actions and speeches of the princes and chiefs in battle and in the council stand out in clearer relief. The prince takes counsel with his nobles, generally at the repast, but he does not willingly bear contradiction ; the people, when the king and nobles have sat in council, are summoned by heralds to the assembly, in the vicinity of the king's house, on the citadel, or in the market-place. The Epos teaches us that the assemblies must be held at the proper time of the day and finished before sunset, and that the people must be sober and without excitement. The chiefs sit on stones around the place of the king ; the people sit 1 Odyss. 4, 690 ff. chap, xiii.] AUTHORITY OF THE KING. 473 or stand about them in a circle. The heralds com- mand silence, and pass to the speakers the staff which constitutes the permission to speak and the sign of the orator. But the assembly of the people only serves in reality for the king to declare his will and to make known his behests. A man of the people may perhaps upon occasion seize the staff of the orator, but clamor- ous speakers must expect blows ; and, though the multitude cannot be forbidden to express its opinion of the will and commands of the king when it has heard them, by cries of approbation or by silence, there ultimately remains nothing for it but to obey. It is a sufficient proof of the wild and uncouth life of a tribe that it possesses no place of assembly and no court of justice. The king has the command in war. According to the position of things he is followed by the chiefs, by volunteers of the people, or by the whole host, which is obliged to obey the orders of the king. 1 For the maintenance of the soldiers contributions are furnished by nobles and subjects. The king receives the best things — the portion of honour — from the plunder taken in war. The remainder he must honourably divide among the nobles, for they too have their rights. The highest duty of the king is to maintain peace in the land. He must rule over his people with gentleness, like the father of a family ; prevent violence, and reward brave deeds. "Where the king, ruling in the fear of God, maintains justice and behaves uprightly, there he has the highest fame ; there the earth brings forth rich fruits, the herds prosper, and the sea swarms with fish." 2 Therefore the king receives the best portions at the sacrifices and at the feast, and therefore do 1 //. 13, 669; 24, 400. Odyss. 14, 238. - Odyss. 19, 109 ff. 474 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook ii. nobles and people honour the king with offerings and gifts. Suicide, tyranny, and death, are to be met with commonly enough in the Epos, which shows that with- out the strong arm of the father and the husband wives and children are helpless and without resource, and that it is difficult for any one to maintain his rights or to protect himself from injustice. This right he had to seek from the king ; and the Epos regards it as a sien of civilisation that each head of a house does not rule separately over his belongings, but that justice is done to all members of the state according to ancient custom. To punish for murder, however, is not the affair of the king. To execute vengeance for a murder is the concern of the blood relations of the slain man. It is the fear of the vengeance of relatives which drives even the powerful man who has shed blood out of the country. The king does not protect the murderer against the avenging of blood ; he lets it take its course. The Epos often mentions such exiles for murder, in order to account for the appearance of a stranger in countries at a distance from his home. To slay the murderer when he has taken him is the duty of the next of kin to the deceased. There is one way, however, of escaping the challenge of the relatives and the venge- ance of blood. A man could buy them off; he could propitiate the relatives of the victim with rich gifts. For such atonement the father would forego his revenge for his murdered son, and the brother for his murdered brother ; the murderer might then remain unscathed in the land. 1 If the murderer and the family of the murdered had come to terms respecting the i //. 9, 632 ff. chap, xiii.] JURISDICTION OF THE NOBLES. 47 5 amount of the atonement, and if it had been paid, the murderer returned to the protection of the king ; the injured family must then leave him in peace, and had no other claim against him. 1 We have already seen (p. 306) what far more serious demands were made at Delphi in the first half of the eighth century for judgment on murder, the atonement for it, and the purification of the murderer. The sentence in law-suits is spoken by the king ; he possesses both in peace and war the full power of punishment. 2 He decides the verdict himself in the popular assembly, 3 but causes it to be spoken by some noble or several nobles : he appoints for this purpose experienced and aged persons, Gerontes, i.e. old men from the midst of the nobles. The accuser and the accused appeared with their witnesses before the Gerontes, who sat on smooth stones in the open space where the popular assemblies were held ; they had often many affairs to decide in one day, and came late to the repast. 4 The people listen to the speeches, take the side of the accuser or accused with loud cries, and can with difficulty be kept quiet by the herald. The judges decide according to precedent or equity. To pervert sacred justice is regarded in the Epos as a deed which must draw down the vengeance of the gods ; Zeus punishes the maladministration of justice by plagues upon the country, and avenges perjury. The favoured and privileged class consists of the possessors of ploughed land and pasture, by the proceeds of which their owners are in a position to devote themselves to arms, the giving of counsel, and awarding 1 n. 1 8, 498. - //. 2, 391-393 ; 15, 348 S. 3 The dyopd and the Oe/juvTes are always named together ; Odyss. 2, 69 ; II. 20, 4. 4 Odyss. 12, 440. 476 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. of justice, while the slaves till the ground and tend the herds. In the colonies this class had arisen from the strangers who had conquered the country and taken possession of it. The Epos is well acquainted with the process of surrounding a new colony with walls and dividing the fields. 1 The warlike landowners who are about the king, his companions in the battle and at the council, appear in the Epos as a class specially favoured by the gods. But the freeman who possesses little can also raise himself by valiant deeds in war to this class. The joys of the banquet occupy a large space in the life of the nobles. Three times a day — early in the morning, at mid-day, and in the evening — there is eating and drinking. The nobles usually assemble themselves at all three meals around the king ; they eat abundantly, and drink wine mixed with water, probably also through the night. Wine is always used ; the Epos knows nothing of the ancient mead. Already different kinds of wine were distin- guished according to their colours and the places which had produced them. The custom of lengthy meals and common drinking bouts in brilliantly lighted halls we find even in later times among the nobles of Lesbos and Colophon, and also among those of Thessaly, in full and even luxurious development. At the feast, according to the description of the Odyssey, the songs of the singers must not fail. In the position assigned them in the Epos, in the honour and esteem there claimed for them on account of their holy vocation, we see that the sacrificial worship of the singers, the religious origin of poetry, is not forgotten. The days of the nobles, besides the time spent during peace in the joys of the feast, are taken up with 1 Odyss. 6, io. chap, xin.] MODE OF, FIGHTING. 477 councils of the princes, with finding and giving judicial sentences, with transactions before the assembled people, with military and bodily exercises, with draughts and dice, and lastly also with the oversight of the slaves, the herds, and the harvests. The young nobles exercise themselves in choric dances and the use of weapons. They hunt with swift hounds the lion and the boar ; and kill wild goats, hares, and deer. Or the ships put to sea, and are manned ; and a surprise or a plundering expedition is undertaken. The mode of fighting described in the Epos is hardly that of the time in which it was sung ; the poets no doubt wished to give the manner of antiquity, and probably depicted this with great accuracy. That the princes once fought on war-chariots in front of their soldiers, the ancient grave-stones in the circle behind the gate of lions at Mycenae have already shown us (p. 40). It was that mode of fighting which we first encountered at Babylon, in Assyria, and Syria, which was adopted in Egypt after the expulsion of the Hyksos by the Pharaohs, and on the other side was handed on from the Assyrians to the Medes and Persians, and to the Arians on the Indus. That this custom once actually existed and was deeply rooted among the Greeks also (they may have borrowed it from the Carians, whose military equipment they imitated in other respects) is attested not only by the grave-stones at Mycena;, but also by the circumstance that the race with the four-horse chariot was, soon after the beginning of the seventh century, an essential part of the Olympic games, and that the victory with the chariot was celebrated there as the greatest victory ; and also by the custom according to which, at great sacrifices and festal processions, the horses of 478 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. the nobility appeared in parade. The ancient Iliad only recognises the war-chariot with two horses ; the after additions first introduce the chariot of four horses on two or three occasions. 1 Aristotle tells us that " in the old time,"' in Magnesia (on the Majander), in most of the Ionian cities in Asia, and at Chalcis in Eubcea, it was usual to fight on horseback. This custom was probably borrowed from the Lydians. The Epos nowhere mentions fighting on horseback. The bow, which in the Epos is a highly-esteemed and much-used weapon, is absent, like the chariot from the military tactics of the Greeks, after the time that we possess historical accounts of them : shooting with the bow found no place among the Olympic contests : only in the great Persian War was this weapon again temporarily and occasionally adopted. The chief weapon of the heroes of the Epos is the lance, which was principally employed as a javelin. Callinus also, at the beginning of the seventh century, represents the dying warrior as throwing the lance. 2 From the middle of the seventh century onwards we find indeed that fighting on horseback was still in repute among the Ionians in Asia, the Thessalians, and Boeotians ; other- wise fighting on foot with the spear takes the foremost place throughout the wdiole course of Greek history. In the delineation of social and domestic life the singers of the Iliad and Odyssey probably departed little from the conditions of their epoch. The Odyssey shows us the houses of the princes as great walled farms, where, in the outer court, neither stalls nor sheds nor even dung-heaps are wanting. A great hall, the walls of which among the Phacacians are overlaid with bronze plates, with the hearth, forms the centre of the 1 //. 8, 185 ; 11, 669 : 15, 680. - Fragm 1 Bergk chap, xin.] MASTERS AND SLAVES. 479 dwelling-house ; from this hall there is entrance to the women's apartments, the armoury, the treasure- chamber, and the rooms of the male and female attendants. This picture of the princes' house must have been taken from the royal dwellings of the Ionians in the days of the singers. The princes possess innumerable herds, together with fields, vine- yards, and olive-gardens. Their chief wealth consists in herds of horses, cattle, swine, and sheep. Oxen or mules draw the plough ; the ripe grain is cut with the sickle, and bound in sheaves, oxen tread out the corn on the ground made hard by their stamping. Freed- men without property hire themselves out to a master for service in the fields and tending of the herds, for food and clothing, and a certain amount of corn. Service as a hireling was considered endurable with princes and nobles, 1 but a very hard fate if the master were a peasant of small possessions. 2 The relation of princes and nobles to the freed servants and slaves is described as close, and in particular instances affec- tionate. The princes sit down with their herdsmen to meals ; among the v^tolians and Arcadians, who had no purchased slaves, we find even in the fifth century masters and servants at one table. The designation of servants in the Epos as members of the household (otVeVat), and of slaves as the vanquished (Syttwe?), indi- cates that the slaves principally consisted of prisoners taken in war. Besides these the Epos also recognises bought slaves — persons stolen or taken in the way of trade by Greeks, and others of Greek or foreign descent purchased from Phoenician ships. Long and faithful service from a slave was rewarded by a benevolent master with the gift of freedom ; he also 1 Odyss. 4, 644. '- Odyss. 11, 490. 480 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. provided him in that case with house and farm and a piece of land. Slaves who had attempted to escape were visited with cruel punishments, such as mutilation, and death by torture. The wives of the princes, with the slaves, weave garments and tapestry of linen and wool. But we hear also of spinners for hire. Industry and skill in mechanical arts are in full force in the Epos. Forgers of weapons and workers in bronze, who are paid for their labours, carpenters, leather-workers, makers of chariots, and potters, are often mentioned. With regard to navigation and commerce, the Epos evidently does not describe the period to which it owes its origin ; its object is manifestly to present us with a more ancient picture, more in accordance with the times of the Trojan heroes. The ships of the Phoenicians carry on commerce. They bring to the Hellenes objects of art, tin, gold, silver, electrum, ivory, costly garments and utensils. The Greeks sell prisoners of war, wine, and corn ; copper is bartered for iron. The Phoenicians also carry off Greek women, steal Greek boys on the coasts, or persuade some Greek to sail with them in order to sell him in foreign lands. The most beautiful things in the treasure- chambers of the princes — brightly glittering garments, artistic works in brass, the best ornaments of the women, golden necklaces adorned with electrum — are in the Epos the handiwork of Sidonian men and women. Commerce is carried on in the way of barter. Wine is exchanged for skins, cattle, or slaves. Brass, iron, and gold are employed as the means of exchange. The worth of goods, and also the price of slaves is estimated by cattle. One suit of armour is valued at nine oxen, another at a hundred oxen ; one female CHAP, xiii.] NAVIGATION AND COMMERCE. 481 slave is worth four, another twenty head of cattle. Coined gold is not in use. Gold (silver is com- paratively little mentioned) is weighed. The talent (i.e. the weight) signifies in the Epos a not very con- siderable weight of gold. 1 In the ninth and eighth centuries the Phoenicians can scarcely have retained the navigation and com- merce of the y£gean Sea exclusively in their hands ; even in the Odyssey their ships appear only as friendly trading vessels. After the Ionians had colonised the Cyclades, and the Ionians were living on both shores of the v'Egean Sea, meeting their countrymen from this side and that, in spring, at the festival of Apollo at Delos, when Crete and Rhodes were occupied by Greeks, the Phoenicians could not possibly be the only traders in these waters. It is true that even before the period when they had founded their stations on the east coast of Hellas, and after these had been established, the Phoenicians brought their works of art to the Greeks ; it is true also that in the ninth and eighth centuries works in brass came to the Greeks from the Phoenicians, and, both at that period and long afterwards, tissues and coloured stuffs ; but the Greeks, since their residence on the coasts of Asia, had also become acquainted with the artistic skill of the Lydians. Trade and commerce in Greece were long, as the Epos says, merely barter ; value and price were long estimated by cattle ; even in Draco's laws we find certain expiatory payments adjudged according to this standard ; gold and silver long continued to be simply weighed out ; and then when the settlers in Crete had learned the Phoenician weights, and the Ionians had acquired from the Lydians a fixed system of 1 Bccckh, Metrologie, p. 33. VOL. I. 2 I 4S2 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. weights and measures, gold and silver bars weighed and stamped, began to be employed, until the princes of Phocaea first — and afterwards Agamemnon of Cyme and Phidon of Argos — struck coins for the Greeks towards the middle of the eighth century. From quite another standpoint than that of the Epos, and respecting classes of society which the Epos scarcely touches, a poem of a widely different kind, originating in the first half of the eighth century, gives us also some information. However zealously heroic poems were maintained and cultivated among the Ionians even after the time when the ///Wand the ancient Odyssey were sung — however earnestly their singers tried to continue the Homeric poems (Arctinus of Miletus added to the Iliad the battles of the Achaeans with the Amazons before Ilium, the conflict of Achilles with Penthesilea and with Memnon the Ethiopian, the death of Achilles, and the taking of Ilium by the wooden horse 1 ), a singer in the mother- country on the other side of the yEgean Sea, a native of Cyme, carried epic verse, the form of the heroic song, into the events of daily life. This singer did not sing to celebrate the deeds of kings, or the nobles who ruled under them, he gave expression to the events of the narrow circle in which he moved, to the fortunes of his own domestic life, to the labour of the man who must gain his living if he will not starve — to the life, in short, of the peasants. Hesiod was, as he himself tells us, the son of Dios of Cyme, 2 that city which Achaeans and Locrians from 1 Phot. Bibl. Cod. 239. 2 That Hesiod must have been older than Eumelus, Bergk (Grcli. Ltgsch. 1, 937) shows, as it seems to me, by cogent arguments, and in the most perfect harmony with the tradition which makes Hesiod directly follow Homer. Accordingly, I should venture to place Hesiod chap, xiii.] HESIOD. 483 Mount Phricium had founded. Dios took to the sea to support himself, he left the " majestic streets ol Cyme," as the Homeric epigram calls them ;* not leaving behind him " wealth and superfluity," says his son, " but evil poverty which Zeus gives to men, he crossed the distant sea in a black ship, and settled on Mount Helicon at Ascra, the wretched village, where the winter is bad and the summer oppressive." 2 Ascra lay in the region of Thespise. After the father's death the two sons, Perses and Hesiod, divided the paternal inheritance. 3 Not satisfied with his share, Perses went to law with his brother ; the judgment was given in his favour. Still not satisfied even with this success, he threatened Hesiod with a new lawsuit, "having already robbed him of much," as Hesiod assures us. 4 This lawsuit Hesiod tries to avert by serious warnings, which he addresses to his brother, and whereby he endeavours to win him to a laborious, active, and useful life. In what strong language Hesiod declares his opinion that the first sentence was obtained by bribing the judge, what emphatic warnings he addresses to the king not to pervert justice, we have already seen. in the first half of the eighth century, as the poem of Eumelus belongs to the second half. According to Solinus, Hesiod died shortly before the first Olympiad (40, 17); according to Vellejus, in the year 800 (i, 5. 1, 7). I admit that the frequent mention of kings in the Works and Days does not prove that the monarchy still existed in Thespiae — Archons and Gerontes were also called fiao-iXth -but neither does it prove the contrary. Pausanias' statement that the monarchy was done away in Thebes after the death of Xanthus (9, 5, 1 5) proves no more than the supposed abolition of the monarchy after the death of Codrus. In Corinth the monarchy fell in 74 5 : if the Thebans twenty years after had their aristocracy arranged by a Corinthian, I should infer that the monarchy in Thebes did not come to an end before 750 u.c. 1 4, 15, 16. - Opp. et Dies, 630 ff. :; Loc. tit. 37. 4 Loc. tit. 37, 38. 484 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. " Consider, ye kings," he says, " that the gods concern themselves with unjust sentences. Zeus knows what justice reigns in the public mind. 1 Three myriads of spirits, the watchers whom Zeus has set over men, wander enveloped in mist throughout the whole earth, to mark unrighteous judgment and evil deeds. Justice is the maidenly daughter of Zeus; 2 she sighs when 'gift-devouring men' per- vert the holy ordinances to false judgment, and entreats her father that the people may be punished for the wickedness of the king who has administered justice crookedly." 3 Hesiod requires his brother Perses to forego further litigation. It may happen for once that a man gains the victory in it, but in the end right is stronger than wrong. 4 He who knowingly enforces his false testimony with an oath and violates justice, his family shall consume away in darkness ; but the family of him who swore truth shall flourish more gloriously after him ; and to him who speaks justly in the market- place Zeus will give riches. 5 " Hearken therefore, Perses, to the right, and do not heap up the gains of injustice any higher. We will decide our strife in the future according to the even justice, according to the right ordinances, which Zeus has instituted ; 7 we will fight the good fight, the rivalry of labour, as the neighbour vies with the neighbour whom he sees in prosperity. I say to thee fair words, O very foolish Perses ! Wickedness you can very easily gain in a heap ; the way is short, and it dwells nigh thee. Before virtue the immortals have set toil ; long and steep and difficult in the beginning is the way to it. 1 Loc. cit. 269. - Loc. cit. 257. '■'' Supra, p. 314. 1 Op. 218. : ' lb. 280. 6 lb. 213. 7 lb. 35. chap, xin.] THE PIOUS AND VIRTUOUS LIFE. 485 But if thou hast attained to the summit it is after- wards easy." 1 In this manner Hesiod describes to his brother how a pious and virtuous man must live. He dwells upon the duties which are incumbent upon men towards the gods. Labour is no disgrace, but idleness is so. "Work, Perses, that hunger may remain far from thee, and Demeter with the beautiful wreath be friendly ; the immortals love the diligent man. 2 Keep friendship with thy neighbour. Call him to thy repast, and mete out to him more abundant measure than he has measured to thee ; 3 visit him who visited thee ; give willingly to him who gave to thee, but not to him who refused to save to thee. 4 Do not avoid, with sullen mind, the feast of the community ; the expense is small ; the enjoyment in common is among the greatest. 5 Choose thy friend with prudence ; and be careful to keep him ; if thou bargainest with him about payment, let witnesses be present ; confidence as well as mistrust injures many. 6 Be not the first to vex thy friend ; be sincere with him, and if thou hast at any time offended him, be ready to make double atonement to him : if he first extends his hand for reconciliation take it willingly. Evil is that man who has now this person and now that for his friend.' He also is hated of Zeus who injures the stranger begging for protection, who sins against his aged father with contemptuous words, who acts unjustly towards orphan children, who reproaches the poor man with the wretched lot which the gods have decreed for him. s " Do not allow thyself to be deceived by a pleasing 1 lb. 286. 2 lb. 300, 310. :i lb. 342 ff. « lb. 350 ff. 5 lb. 723. 6 lb. 370. " lb. 707 ff. 8 lb. 327. 486 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. woman. He who trusts in woman trusts to a deceiver. 1 But that a son may bloom for thee, who may receive and increase the possession that thou didst inherit, choose for thyself in marriage a maiden, not too long before, and not too long after thy thirtieth year, she herself being in the fifth of her maidenly prime. Seek out an industrious maiden in thy neighbourhood. For as a bad wife is the greatest evil which can befall a man, so he can attain no nobler good than a pious and chaste consort. " Wouldest thou arrive at prosperity through diligent labour, bring thy affairs into a wise order. Look out first for a house and for good servants. The man- servant must be without a wife, the maid-servant with- out children. 2 Procure all the tools that are wanted for work ; let mill and mortar and plough be of dry wood which thou hast ready in the house. Laurel and elm furnish the best wood for shafts ; from the oak take the timber which is made fast with nails to the beam of the plough. Two heifers nine years old, strong and active, are necessary for the plough ; let the forty years old servant follow them, who is bent upon drawing the furrows evenly ; a younger man has not his heart in the work, and gapes after his companions. 3 For breakfast thou must give the ploughman, before he sets out, eight slices of square bread. " When the Pleiades set, to remain hidden for forty nights, that is the time to sow. Let a boy at the sowing go behind thee, and with a rake cover the seeds, that the birds may not carry them off. Joy I promise thee then in the spring ; then thou needest not look to others ; the needy man will hope in thee, and all will wonder at thy harvest. Not so if thou 1 lb. 371 ff. 2 lb. 600. 3 lb. 420 fif. chap, xiii.] LABOURS OF THE HUSBANDMAN. 487 tillest thy fields at the winter solstice ; miserable will be the harvest, and thou wilt bring it home covered with dust. But Zeus does not allow one year to be like another. Mark then the time when the cuckoo first calls from the leaves of the oak, and Zeus rains for three days : perhaps, then, thy seed may prosper, and the late plougher may be equal to the early sower. 1 Even in winter the diligent man increases his store ; quickly he goes to the smithy and passes by the inn. The man who sits the winter long in shelter will not have enough for his living. Provide well against the winter : admonish thy servants also to build huts in the summer. For the north wind blows destructively, which covers the fields with ice, and makes the sea boil up with foam. Then protect thyself with a warm shirt and a soft mantle. Bind sandals of ox-hide, lined with felt, upon thy feet ; take to thee skins of a ram of the first year and tie them with ox sinews, and place thy hat upon thy head, that thy ears may not be frozen when Boreas blows in the morning, and the fog rises from the earth and spreads itself over the field.' 2 The sun appears later, and longer lasts our sleep at night. Then also we require less food. Take good heed of this, and give to the ox likewise only the half of his daily fodder until the earth again brings forth new growth. But when, after the solstice, Zeus has accom- plished the sixtieth day of winter, when Arcturus once more in full brightness rises in the evening from the sacred flood of Ocean, then hasten to cut the vines before the swallow returns. But if the Pleiades arise, and if the bee begins to climb the plants from the earth, then it is time to sharpen the sickle for the harvest ; then it is well to be busy and to shun the morning 1 lb. 480 fif. 2 Ib . 490 ft - 488 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook n. sleep and the shady scat. The morning hour is trebly prosperous, before the sun scorches the skin. Then bring home the fruits of the field. 1 Hut when the thistle blows and the cricket sings its cheerful song, then rest thy heated body in the shade of the rock, and strengthen thyself with wine of Naxos, mixed with clear water from the spring, and with goats' milk, with barley bread, and meat from the firstlings of the cow and of the goat." As soon as Orion appears, command the servants to get the sheaves trodden out on the well- stamped barn floor in an airy place, and collect the measured store in well-preserved vessels. Straw and fodder, as much as is needful for the sustenance of the beasts, bear into the barn. Keep also sharp-toothed dogs and feed them well, that they may guard thy store from thieves. Then thou canst unharness the oxen and let the servants rest until Orion and Sirius ascend the heavens in the midst, and Arcturus appears with the dawn. That is the time for gathering the grapes. Bring them in and lay them for fifteen days in the open air ; ten in sunshine, five in shadow ; then put the gift of the beneficent Dionysus into vessels. Hut when the autumn rains descend and the leaves fall, then cut wood before the new sap rises in the trees and make for thyself good trunks." 3 Of Hesiod's life we know little beyond what is extracted above from his poem. As to his death, there was a legend, as Thucydides tells us, among the i lb. 564 ff. - lb. 580 ft. '■'• The genuineness of the nucleus of the Works and Days is un- doubted. The least altered portion (I say nothing of the manifest forger)' of the fable of Pandora) is the first part of the poem, which is composed in a lively and individual style ; the second has plainly under- gone many additions, and has been extended to a sort of calendar. On the interpolation of the funeral games of Amphidamas of Chalcis, and Hesiod's victory there, vide infra, Book 3, ch. 8. chap, xiii.] DEATH OF HESIOD. 489 Ozolian Locrians that Hesiod had come to his end among them. 1 Here, at Oenium, so ran the story, he had been thrown into the sea by the sons of his guest- friend Ganyctor, who regarded the poet as the seducer of their sister. The body was borne to shore by dolphins ; the murderers were punished by drowning, in retribution for their crime, but the bones of the poet were buried on the spot. These are said to have been subsequently transported by the command of the god of Delphi to Orchomenus, whither the Ascra^ans had fled after the destruction of their city by the Thespians. In the market-place of Orchomenus stood a monument to the poet ; the Thespians likewise erected a memorial pillar afterwards to their fellow- countryman of Ascra, which also stood in the market- place. 2 1 Thucyd. 3, 95, 9°. 2 Bergk, Grch. Ltgsch. 1, 923 ; Friedel, Die Sage vom Todc Hesiods. It is curious that the guest of Oenium, in Eratosthenes and Pausanias, should be called Ganyctor, as well as the son of Amphi- damas of Chalcis, who prepares the funeral games at which Hesiod is said to have won the victory with his song. CHAPTER XIV. NEW AND OLD ELEMENTS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF. The religious possessions of the Greeks which we have examined in the previous pages had been aug- mented long before the period of the migrations by those cults which the Phoenicians brought to the shores of the Hellenic cantons; by the worship of Zeus Laphystius, i.e. of El, to whom belongs the first- born ; by the worship of the Syrian goddess whom the Greeks sometimes call Aphrodite, sometimes Artemis or Athena- Hellotis and Aphrodite-Areia, with her Amazons and Hetaerse ; by the worship of Baal- Melkarth, i.e. of Heracles and Melicertes, and of Baal- Moloch, i.e. of the bull of Marathon, of Eurygyes and of Hyacinthus, i.e. of Adonis. The Greek settlers had found worships, some of a similar kind, and some identical with these, on the islands and coasts of the /Egean Sea, among the Teucrians, Lydians, and Carians, in Crete and Rhodes ; the worship of the sun- god in Troas, in Lydia, and at Rhodes ; of Sandon, on the coasts of Lydia, in whom they recognised, on the one hand their Heracles, and on the other their Apollo ; also the worship of a goddess who was some- times fruit-bestowing and sometimes destructive ; and in Crete and Rhodes the worship of the angry bull-god. 'We have seen that to the Greeks the divinities, whose worship they found on the islands and coasts which chap, xiv.] DEITIES OF THE ISLANDS AND COASTS. 491 they conquered, were the rulers and lords of these places ; they would not have considered themselves secure in their new possession if they had not paid reverence to its protectors, or had not been able to gain their favour. So they transferred the worship of the sun-god and his oracles at Didyma to Miletus and to Clarus near Colophon ; l from the worship of this god by the Termilse, their country acquired among the Greeks the name of the light-land (Lycia) ; the clear and mild climate of Lycia and its eastern situation made the Greeks suppose that Apollo remained during the winter in this brighter land. In Samos the Ionian colonists (p. 263) found the worship of a goddess, who, being married to the god, gave fruit and blessing ; it is that mythus of Astarte, who finally yields to Melkarth ; of Omphale, who finally yields to Sandon ; of the marriage of Melkarth and Astarte in the far west, in the Hesperides, from which life and blessing flow. The colonists recognised their Hera in this goddess. Her sanctuary at Samos stood near the town, below it, on the shore at the mouth of the Imbrasus ; the sanctuaries of the Syrian goddess, who bore fruit from moisture, were situated near ponds, or on the seashore. Every year the new lords of the island celebrated the holy marriage, as the colonists in Crete celebrated the marriage of Zeus and Europa (p. 429). At Samos the image of the goddess dis- appeared at this feast out of the temple (as that of Astarte did at Sidon), was found again and brought back to the sanctuary adorned as a bride for her marriage with Zeus.' 2 Of the worship of the warlike Artemis, who was at the same time the goddess with many breasts, whom the Ionian colonists 1 Supra, p. 279. • Welcker, Gbtterlehre, 1, 364. 492 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. transferred to Ephesus, we have already spoken {sup. p. 2 So). Of still greater importance than these additions to their world of gods, for the religious consciousness of the Greeks was the growth of the heroic song — the Epos — side by side with the hymn. The Epos cele- brated, strongly and copiously, the deeds of the heroes. The gods must not be behind the heroes. Thus the singers of the Epos were unconsciously impelled to emphasize the old intuitions — the sensuous and poetical, but still shadowy conceptions of the gods, created by the hieratic poetry — more sharply ; to draw those large and grand but hazy outlines of ancient times more firmly ; to give the forms of the gods flesh and blood. They were obliged to shape the gods according to the measure and pattern of the figures of the heroes, to translate their operations and qualities into actions and events, if the life of heaven was not to be inferior to the heroic life. Thus by degrees there came more fixed lines into the fantastic world of gods of the Hellenes, and the numerous spirits who had peopled heaven and earth were developed into visible personalities of definite and plastic forms. The imagination of the Hellenes is not inferior in capacity to that of the Indians. On the Ganges, in the midst of the grandest scenes of nature, and a con- templative and inactive life, the Indians had annihilated the earth in favour of the gods. Among the Greeks in Asia, under a mild sky, in a constantly active life of conflict and colonisation, the flight of imagination found in this tangible work a powerful counterpoise. The fancy was prevented by the force and extent of real life from becoming transcendental. It could not develop its pictures into an exclusive world of heaven, and CHAP, xiv.] ORIGIN OF THE GODS. 493 isolate this from the world of fact. The world of the gods and that of men, of fancy and of reality, rather counterbalanced one another in a certain equality, and interpenetrated one another, to form a poetry full of active life. The forms of the gods in the Homeric poems have not lost the significance of the natural forces, natural phenomena, and appearances of the heavens, of which they were the personifications and incarnations ; they still reign as before over and in the physical world : but side by side with this natural signification, which remains the background of their essential character and nature, the old ethical signification — that of the spirits of light — was more strongly emphasized ; the ethical powers by whom the Greeks, in the ninth century, felt themselves governed, were placed in the forms of the gods, and, together with the natural aspect, were moulded and coined into very characteristic personalities. The ethical impulses which held together the family, the commonwealth, and the state, were now embodied in the gods. It is, as we have seen, an ancient Arian conception which we find in the Epos when Oceanus, the water of the sky, which became to the poets the stream encir- cling the earth, is said to be the "origin of the gods and of all existence " (p. 168). Among the Greeks like- wise fruitfulness and prosperity were to be had neither in their old nor their new territories without water ; from the stream of life — of water — all life and existence must have their origin ; out of Ocean arises the morn- ing light, from it Helios emerges, in it the stars bathe themselves ; it is the fountain of all rivers and streams and of the sea. 1 The ancient notions of the conflict between the spirits of light and the spirits of darkness 1 //. 14, 201, 302 ff ; 21, 195 : 7, 422 ; 8, 485. 494 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. have receded into the background ; in the Homeric poems the battle has been already fought out; the dark powers have been hurled back into the darkness, to the ends of the earth, under the earth. From those cults of the highest crod of heaven of the Phoenicians — of El, to whom belongs the first-born — which the settlers found in Crete, and in the place of which they substituted the worship of their god Zeus, there grew up the idea that Cronos had ruled before Zeus, that the dark powers had reigned before the light-gods, and therefrom arose further the notion of the derivation of Zeus from Cronos, as we find it in the Homeric poems (p. 432). If Zeus assembles the thunderclouds around him, in order afterwards to come forth from this veil, from the mantle of clouds, as the god of light ; if Pallas Athene broke forth from the dark and tempestuous sky in ever new and victorious clearness ; if Helios-Apollo, the light of every day, sprang from light and twilight, the dark powers may well have reigned before the powers of light, and the latter have arisen from the former. The " crooked-souled " dark Cronos, in the Homeric poems, is overcome by his bright son, and imbedded deep under the earth, in Tartarus. The mountain of the gods in heaven, on which, according to the old Arian conception, the beneficent light spirits dwell in eternal brightness, to which no fog, no snow, and no dark clouds can penetrate, the Epos brings down to Mount Olympus, which was already in ancient times sacred to the gods. Here dwells Zeus with the blessed gods (who, when once a genealogy had been given to Zeus, were likewise placed in a genealogical connection), like a king upon earth, with his companions, in perpetual enjoyment and daily feasting, till the sun sinks, and each goes to rest chap, xiv.] CHARACTER OF THE GODS. 495 in his habitation. The gods feed upon ambrosia, i.e. immortal food (amrita), and drink nectar, the drink of life and of forgetfulness, from the heavenly spring at the table of Zeus ; they enjoy the music of the lyre which Apollo plays, in the songs and dances of the nymphs of the springs of Olympus — the Muses, and refresh themselves with the odour of the sacrifices which are burned to them. The fortunes of nations and cities, the adventures of heroes, these engage the sym- pathy and activity of the gods. As the chiefs assemble themselves in council, so Zeus calls the gods together to direct human destinies and to declare his decisions to them. The gods love the pious, brave, and prudent man ; they cast down to destruction the man who is arrogant and wicked. But they also, according to their inclinations, help one mortal and are hostile to another. A particular hero is protected by this divinity and persecuted by that ; Athena loves one chief, and Poseidon some other. The gods are swayed by human passions — by love and hate, friendship and jealousy, anger and envy. So sings in loyal simplicity the ancient poetry ; the later represents the gods as engaging in disputes and quarrels, and attempts to outwit and deceive each other. The gods love to be near the heroes in their deeds. Like Mitra, Surya, and Indra, like the princes, the gods have their chariots. The "lightning-loving" Zeus, when Eos appears in yellow and red garments, harnesses his bronze-footed steeds with golden manes to the chariot, puts on his golden robe, and drives with his golden whip the coursers which carry him midway between the heaven of stars and the earth to Mount Ida. There he halts, seats himself on the summit, and looks down on the city of the Trojans and the ships of the Achseans. 496 THE HISTORY OF OREECE. [BOOK II. Opposite to him Poseidon plunges with his team of horses from the salt flood — from his glittering palace in the depth of the sea at /Kga; — and takes his place on the summit of the lofty forest mountain of the island of Samothrace. Only the power of Zeus is sufficient to rule from afar by his mandates. The other deities can merely bring their influence to bear by means of the a:gis, the bolt, their waves and winds ; they must therefore descend in their own, or in some assumed form, if they would interfere in the destinies of men. Above the gods stands that which is assigned to each man — his destiny ( Aisa, Mcera). Sometimes this destiny is identical with the will of the gods, sometimes Zeus has to weigh and ascertain the destiny by the scales ; and the gods must then carry it out even against their wills. Extraordinary efforts of the heroes, or the wild uproar of the elements, may, however, cause some things to happen in opposition to destiny. Zeus is not only called the father of gods, but also the father of men, i.e. of the heroic races. From the sons begotten by him in marriage with mortal women — from Perseus, y£acus, Heracles, Perithous, Minos — the races of the kings have sprung, the divinely descended, divinely protected princes of the earth. From the king of heaven the kings of the earth have their honour and their right ; Zeus it is who presides over order and justice, he punishes perjury, awards victory or defeat in the battle, gives to men riches or poverty. The god of the fountains and streams, and of the sea — Poseidon — "the oldest and best of the gods" (p. 187), whose altars were raised upon the tongues of land, the promontories, the isthmuses, as well as on the sandy stretches of the shore, is the pro- tector of navigation, a horse-tamer, a knightly god, a chap, xiv.] ZEUS AND POSEIDON. 497 builder of walls. Poseidon binds the waves, the horses of the sea; and as the training of horses for the chariot- fight was then indispensable, Poseidon became the di- vine patron of equestrian exercises. The swiftest horses before Ilium, those of Achilles, were given to Peleus by- Poseidon ; the Harpyia Podarge, i.e. the sea-storm with the white feet, the white foam crests of the billows, had borne them. In contemplating their sea-girt terri- tories, the notion had grown up among the Greeks, as we have seen, that Poseidon had raised the islands and cliffs out of the sea ; thus Poseidon was now regarded also as the god who raised and fortified the rocky walls of the cities. Poseidon consequently became a founder of cities. As a military god of battles he is, together with Zeus, a progenitor of heroes, an ancestor of kings. He is the father of Pelias of Iolcus, of y£geus of Athens, of the Thesidse, and of the Melanthidae ; from him descend the kings of the Ionian cities in Asia. The Ionians had worshipped him in their old home on the shore (yEgialus) ; Neleus of Miletus built an altar to him after their landing, upon the strand ; the Ionic cities brought him common offerings at Mycale. Con- sequently, as we have before observed, his attitude in the Epos was favourable to the Greeks and hostile to the Trojans. The god of the morning wind, Hermes, possesses still his staff of blessing and abundance ; but in the Epos he is for the most part merely the swift and good messenger of Zeus. He guides men on their way, and bears souls to Hades ; and the messengers of the king are under the protection of the mess- enger of heaven. In the spirit of fire, Hephaestus, the Epos recognises only the skilful smith, who knows how to make for the heroes impenetrable armour, shields, and vol. 1. 2 K 498 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. greaves. To the princes and military chiefs mechani- cal work was a base occupation, however necessary and skilful it might be. According to this view, Hephaestus became in the Epos a good-natured and vigorous handicraftsman. He limps round to fill the cups of the gods on Mount Olympus, beginning at the right hand. And when these songs place Aphrodite or one of the Charites beside the lame smith, this is to indicate the beauty and charm of the art which prospers in the sooty hands of Hephaestus. But the poem has not forgotten that fire has come down in the lightning from heaven to earth. Zeus has once thrown Hephaestus from heaven to earth when he opposed him ; his fall lasted a day, until he descended in Lemnos. In Lemnos there smoked a great fire- emitting mountain ; the island, an abode of the ancient Phoenician settlers and arts, worshipped the god whose workshop was in their cliffs, and whose trade was carried on here. So Lemnos must have been the place of Hephaestus' descent. As to the gods of agriculture and of the fields, or Demeter, the singers of the heroic deeds of antiquity of the princes and chiefs had no occasion to speak of them. The exclusively agrarian divinities scarcely emerge from the background ; Hestia, to whom the Greeks at every sacrifice offered the first gift (p. 183), is not even named. The spirit of the libation of orgiastic devotion, the giver of inspiration, of exalted life, is hardly alluded to. The goddess of the heavenly water, of the tempest, the conqueror of the daemons — Pallas, main- tains in the Epos the high position which was hers in the most ancient conception of the Greeks next the god of heaven ; only that, in the case of this goddess chap, xiv.] ATHENA AND APOLLO. 499 also the agrarian side remains altogether unnoticed. She has become in the Epos the masculine daughter of Zeus. From the god of heaven, who guides the destinies of men, she is endowed with the highest wisdom and the wisest counsel ; her bright counte- nance (the blue sky) and her kindling eye have become the expression for clear and penetrating intelligence. She is the wisdom emanating from heaven, the prudent counsel, the well-considered deed, the helper, the best protectress in the conflicts and troubles of life. No doubt she also continued in the Epos to be the mighty female warrior, who bestows strength and courage ; but the Homeric poets, especially, love to bring forward the contrast of her tactics, the superiority of her fighting — the superiority of well- practised, discreet warfare, over the wild onslaught, over Ares. Ares is in the Epos a powerful giant ; but the wild rush, the battle-cry, the rude and dis- orderly combat, yield to the calm force of Pallas, which is guided by discretion. The shape of the light-god is unchanged in the Epos. Numerous as were the cults of the Anatolian sun-god, in which the colonists recognised their Apollo, alien as many forms of worship may have been which were transferred from these cults, he still remained the " king," the ruler Apollo, pure and sacred as his light, who does not suffer impurity and defile- ment, and punishes the sinner with his arrows. Once Apollo kept the oxen of heaven, i.e. the bright, transparent, golden, glittering clouds ; in the later con- ception of the Epos he keeps the herds of Admetus of Pherse, and the oxen of Laomedon of Ilium ; the aspect of the god in which he ripens the seeds, is foreign to the Epos. On Mount Olympus the deity who leads 5 oo THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK n. the seasons up and down in orderly rhythm, rejoices the gods with his song, as the poets sing at the banquets of the kings of the earth. Alone of all the gods, Apollo, in the Epos, is propitiated by poems and choric songs ; to him, as to Athena and Poseidon, hecatombs, i.e. great sacrifices of oxen, sometimes a hundred, sometimes twelve, are offered. The " fair - crowned " "cow-eyed" Hera, whose genesis has been enquired into above (p. 190), is seated in the Epos on a golden throne beside the god of heaven ; she shares the dominion with him, holds her protecting hand over marriages among them, and gives them prosperity. As the tribes desired, and were supposed to be descended from the princes and heroes whom Zeus had begotten in marriage with nymphs and mortal women, a motive herein was furnished to the Epos for the jealousy of Hera against her husband ; this is often introduced ; the later poems indeed do not even shrink from allowing Zeus to enforce the right of chastisement. 1 If Hera became to the Greeks the house-wife of Zeus, they thus exalted the Syrian goddess of birth — who was worshipped with prosti- tution ; whose worship the colonies of the Phoenicians had brought to Cythera, to Acrocorinth, and to Attica ; whom the Greeks found at Cyprus ; to whom belonged (among the Syrians) the fruitful water, fishes and doves — to be the goddess of pleasure, of the irresist- ible charm of love. The goddess who had once descended from the ships of the Phoenicians, and was worshipped at Cythera, now in the imagination of the Greeks arose at Cythera from the foam of the sea. A hymn, composed in the Homeric tone, narrates very beautifully how the goddess was borne by the west 1 //. I, 586 ft"; 17 ft". chap, xiv.] HERA AND APHRODITE. 501 wind and the waves from Cythera to the coasts of Cyprus and how the Hours of the spring adorn her, and conduct the violet- crowned "goddess to the immortals." 1 The changed tendency, in regard to the conception of the gods, which had begun with the heroic song, and had attained in the Homeric hymns to propor- tionate development, had deep roots in the religious notions of the Greeks. It was not only that the ancient intuitions were enriched by new elements and motives ; all these spirits had become animate forms, whose activity was directed at least as essentially to the deeds and destinies of men as to the movement of natural life. The human aspect had won the victory as completely over the natural aspect of the gods as over the vague and shifting form of the ancient intuitions. The gods were now inextricably bound up with ordinary life, — with the legends of the country, with the history of the royal houses. The many names and forms of the gods, which were as multifarious and abundant among the Greeks as the. hymns of the Veda represent them to have been in the ancient period of the Indians, had given abundant material to the heroic poems for increasing the number of ancient heroes. Old and now unintelligible appella- tions of the gods, with their deeds — i.e. the myths which were the basis of these names — were separated by the Epos from the forms of the gods, and made into inde- pendent heroic figures : even the divine forms of antiquity themselves became heroes, and now animated the legends of the territories in which as gods they had been principally worshipped. Thus the Acvins, the Dioscuri, are warlike heroes, and princes of 1 Hymn. Horn. 5 ; Theogony, 188 ff. 5 o2 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK n. the districts which worshipped them : the Dioscuri of Therapne are Castor and Polydeuces ; those oi Messenia, Idas and Lynceus ; those of Attica the Anaces ; those of Thebes the Princes Amphion and Zethos ; Apollo-Perseus became the hero Perseus of Argos ; Apollo-Bellerophontcs a hero of Corinth. As a deity resembling Apollo was also zealously worshipped in Lycia, Bellerophontes must go to Lycia in order to conquer hostile powers there. An episode inserted into the Iliad then made Bellerophontes the ancestor of the kings of Lycia. It was a poetical religion at which the Greeks had arrived through their heroic poetry and its telling con- clusion in the Homeric Epos. The habitual custom of the recitation of these poems by the singers at the feast of princes and nobles, and subsequently by the rhapsodists on the festival days of great sacrifices, the dramatic effect of all this on the susceptible tempera- ment of the Greeks at these solemn and exciting assemblies, must have been of an extraordinary kind. The shapes of the gods and heroes could not be brought before a people in a more impressive and living manner. The picture of Olympus which the Epos has drawn must have worked upon the mind and feelings of the Hellenes, and exercised a decisive influence upon their religious notions. In this sense Herodotus is undoubtedly right in his assertion that Homer and Hesiod had created their gods for the Greeks. The religion of the Hellenes had received a poetical canon. It was the fruit of the separation steadfastly maintained between the sacrificer of offer- ings and the singer of hymns ; of the circumstance that the families of the priests did not leave the circle of political life, and, in consequence of the divided chap, xiv.] PRACTICAL RELIGION. 503 nature of the cantons, never became a community ; and it then further contributed to prevent the formation of an exclusive priestly class among the Greeks. The heaven of this canon was a world such as might exist, among men, sketched with naive simplicity. Man was not in opposition to heaven. With open glance, with upraised head, he stood over against these ideal types of his own nature ; he worshipped them with a cheerful and joyful heart, not with anxiety and dread, nor with ascetic self-denial. There was no question, as with the Arian on the Ganges, of man's crushing out his corporeal nature in order to be justified before these gods : nor was it supposed that man should mutilate or wholly deny one side of his nature, whether physical or spiritual, to conform to their will — i.e. to their nature. Nothing was required of him but to live out his nature in its nobler impulses, to follow the good promptings of his heart : he must only moderate the fire of his senses, the heat of his passions, and keep them under the intelligent rule of wisdom. The moderation of natural impulses, the moderation of sensations and passions — that is all that the ethics of the Epos require of man. The Epos presupposes that natural feeling, the immediate moral instinct teaches men to honour the bond of marriage, the ties of friendship, of the brother- hood, and of the state ; it is the natural sense of honour which places the brave man above the coward, and the strong man above the weak ; a right amount of self-respect gives the rule that a man must return the blow that he has received, but that hate and revenge must not be pushed further than the injury extended. These ethics of healthy sensation, of immediate moral feeling — this naive humanism — were sanctioned by the religion of the Epos. 504 NIK HISTORY OF GREECE. [book ii. It would, however, be a serious error to suppose that the religion of the Hellenes consisted solely of the poetical picture of Olympus, described in the Homeric poems. Over against the sacrifice and liba- tion in these poems, by which the gods were bidden to the feasts of men, and a part of the food was reserved for them which the men were eating (pieces of the haunch of the animal and bones covered with fat), stood the traditional worship in its full extent, with usages consecrated by age, with numerous local cults, with intuitions of the nature of the gods, power- fully operating on the religious feelings through the ceremonial and rites of the festival, though not perhaps actually expressed. There were certain aspects of the essential character of the gods, belonging to nature or to ethics, which the cultus accentuated and maintained. It has been rightly observed that the Epos of the Greeks, greatly as it affected their conceptions, at no period and in no place attained to a determinate in- fluence and currency in their worship. The counter- poise formed by the traditional worship, as against the religion of the poets, grew stronger, in proportion as, beside the ancient sanctuary of Dodona, the temple at Delphi, the sanctuaries of Didyma at Miletus and of Clarus at Colophon, acquired special veneration, and when these, on the strength of that veneration, were able to exercise a priestly influence over a wider or narrower sphere of Hellenic life. Great as was the influence of the Homeric poems on the religion of the Greeks, it was far from exhausting that religion. It was not merely that the agrarian gods and the agrarian worships stood side by side with the gods of the Epos : a glance at the calendar of tribes, at the ancient ritual of the numerous festivals of the gods, at the rites for chap, xiv.] PURIFICATION. 5°5 purification, will suffice to show the power which was exercised by the practical religion, beside the poetical. How definitely the intuitions of ancient times lived on in the minds of the people we see from the poem of Hesiod of Ascra, the Works and Days, written in the first half of the eighth century (p. 482) ; not only in the clear mention of old notions, but most of all in the rules for purification there given. To these ancient intuitions belongs, as before noticed (p. 482), the description in this poem of the first race of men, living without labour and toil, to whom miserable old age came not near, and for whom the ground bore fruit of itself; of the golden age, from which the poem leads down through the silver age, when boyhood still lasts a hundred years, but godlessness and strife reign ; through the warlike age of the iron race which destroys itself with its own hand ; lastly, through the heroic age, when there was the war about Thebes and Ilium, to the iron age, in which, by day and by night, trouble and sorrow and heavy cares will never cease, but in which goodness and nobleness are also intermingled with these evils. To the notions of antiquity belongs likewise the statement that the spirits of the men of the first race wander according to the will of Zeus, clothed in air, over the earth, as guard- ians of mortals, whose good and evil deeds they watch, and, exercising the office of kings, bestow wealth (p. 484). The Greeks were little less anxious than the Arians on the Indus and in Iran to preserve them- selves from pollution. With them also the opinion was held that the darkness, and with the darkness impurity, uncleanness, and confusion, belonged to the evil spirits and gave them power over men. In the 506 THE HISTORY OF GREECE, [hook m. Homeric poems no one goes to the sacrifice without having purified himself and put on clean garments for solemn prayer; to pour libations of wine to the gods with unwashed hands, to pour them to different gods out of the same vessel, before the vessel had been newly washed, was a sin. 1 According to the Works and Days wine in the early morning should not be poured out to Zeus and the immortals with unwashed hands ; no one should approach the hearth uncleansed, nor pass through the stream before he has prayed to the flood. Every morning and evening the gods are to be worshipped with libations and incense. The poem further describes when the marriage-bed is to be avoided, how and where natural necessities are to be satisfied, so that roads, water, and streams, may not be polluted, with scarcely less care than the law of Manu and the books of ritual of the Brahmans. Even in much later times we find anxious attention to a great number of observances in regard to purification. On recovery from sickness, which was regarded as a defilement, washings with sea-water must be under- gone ; the clothes which are polluted by sickness must be destroyed ; they were thrown into the sea. Before the women celebrated the festival of the Thesmo- phoria, they were obliged for a certain time to forego the marriage -couch. Cohabitation, childbed, contact with a corpse, entrance into a house where a dead person lay, with the Greeks, as with the Arians in Iran, caused defilement. After a funeral all the belongings of the dead must undergo purification. Before every house of death stood vessels of consecrated water, which were to be brought from another house, and with this water those leaving the house must 1 //. I, 314 ; 6, 266; 16, 228. Odyss. 4, 750; 22, 478 ft". chap, xiv.] WASHINGS AND FUMIGATIONS. 507 sprinkle themselves. Graves must lie far from the sanctuary ; dying persons defiled the temple. Contact with a woman after childbirth was avoided. Her purification, and the purification of those who had assisted her during the birth, as well as that of the new-born child, took place on the fifth or ninth day after the event ; the woman, however, must keep away from the temple still longer — for forty days. At the entrance of the holy precincts of the gods vessels of purification with water were set for those who went in ; the water was purified by plunging a firebrand into it from the altar. Animals, especially dogs, were excluded from the holy places. It was a sin to spit or to blow the nose in rivers or streams and in the holy precincts of the gods. Only in new, or newly- washed clothes, unstained, with shining skin, reconciled and purified, with a pure body and a pure mind, must men come before the pure gods, and tread, first with the right foot, the floor of the temple. Every pollution prevented intercourse with the gods. Greater purifi- cation was insured by salt water than by water from the spring, and it was still further strengthened by the mixture of salt or of sacrificial ashes from the altar. Other means of cleansing consisted in fumigations with incense, or different kinds of wood suitable for the purpose, especially laurel wood ; the ancient purification, through fumigation by sulphur, was parti- cularly efficacious. On this account sulphur was itself called "the Divine." 1 After this purification there was to be a sprinkling, if possible, with the pure running water of streams, or with salt or sea -water. The most potent cleansing was effected by a laurel- bough which had been dipped in the water of purifica- 1 Eurip. Electr. 792 ft": Theocrit. Idyll. 24, 94. 508 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book II. tion, particularly a twig from the laurel -grove of Apollo at Delphi ; to this was attributed a special power of atonement (pp. 293, 306, 3). In difficult cases of purification the process must be strengthened by sacrifices for sin and cleansing. Young sucking-pigs were the animals usually offered in cases where impurity, which might be offensive to the gods, had to be wiped out ; if, however, the anger of the gods had to be averted, i.e. if a proper sin- offering was to be brought, it was mostly a ram, and this was generally offered to Zeus. No feast was begun, no assembly was opened, before any unclean- ness which might be present had been taken away. In Athens sucking-pigs were offered for this purpose, and the place was sprinkled with their blood, to which was ascribed the power of removing impurity. For not only individuals but states had to be careful about their purity ; they might be polluted by the fault of those belonging to them, and exposed to the wrath of the gods. There were regular festivals of atonement held, at which the fleece of a ram sacrificed to Zeus (Aio? kcoSlov) was carried round, in order to do away with all uncleanness. Extraordinary crimes and sins could only be atoned for by extraordinary purifications and expiations of the land in which they had been committed. The worst defilement was that of blood shed by murder (p. 305). It not only gave the aveng- ing spirits power over the murderer, but he had polluted his country and his people. Even in the fifth century the Spartans demanded of the Athenians that they should banish the posterity of those who, more than a century and a half previously, had polluted Attica through wicked murder, and thereby restore the purity of the country. chap, xiv.] PURITY OF FIRE. 509 In the anxiety of the Greeks about preserving the purity of fire, old Arian notions are likewise perceptible. A death in the house polluted the fire of the hearth. An invasion, an encampment of the enemy in the land, polluted the fire of the country. The emigrants carried holy fire from the Prytanea of the mother cities into their new abodes. In Lemnos all fires were annually put out, because they were polluted by the sins of the year, and new fire was brought from the altar of Apollo at Delos. The Spartan army took fire from their altars at home with them into the field. The torch-races served for the kindling of new altar fires for the use of festivals. It was prescribed what kinds of wood the special fire at the offering of this or that god required ; at Olympia only the wood of the white poplar might be used ; and the sacred lamp of Athena in the Erechtheum at Athens mio-ht onlv be fed with the oil of the olive - trees belonging to the goddess. When Delphi had become the chief seat of the worship of Apollo, the altar of the pure god there afforded the best and purest fire. 1 The very detailed usage of sacrifice which we find in force among the Hellenes, the exact observances of the nature and quality of the animals offered, were in part traditional, and in part seem, as in the case of the inspection of the entrails, in which the liver of the animal was chiefly concerned, to have received their developed form from Delphi. From Delphi too the custom may also have been derived of crowning the sacrifices, which placed those offering them under the protection of the divinity to whom the sacrifice was brought — a custom alien to the Homeric poems. The signs of the offering were very anxiously observed, and it was considered absolutely 1 Plut. Aristid. ch. 20. 5io THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. necessary in important undertakings, and immediately before battle, to go on sacrificing until favourable omens were obtained. Plato requires for his pattern state that in regard to purifications the rule of Delphi should be followed. 1 Laws, p. 685. CHAPTER XV. THE TRIBAL GROUPS. However isolated and individual, according to the divisions of their country, was the shape assumed by the life of the Hellenes, — however firmly the same character was impressed upon the new commonwealths on the islands and coasts of Asia through the manner in which the spread of the Hellenes across the yEgean Sea and to the western shores of the opposite continent had been accomplished, — the conflicts and storms of the migrations had nevertheless created new disposi- tions of the tribes, and common destinies had brought the populations of separate cantons nearer to one another. There were likewise other relations which drew groups of cantons and cities more closely together, and founded a sort of commonwealth within these groups. Not only did the sacrificial leagues of Anthela and Calauria on the peninsula, those of the Ionians in Delos, the common sacrifices of Ionians and Dorians on the coasts of Asia Minor and Mycale, and on the Triopium, bind together (loosely enough, it is true) larger circles of commonwealths, but com- munity of descent and community of dialect held together groups of states and cantons in a closer con- nection, and gave them a point of union with other groups of a similar kind. From very ancient times the tribes which occupied 5 i2 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. L 1!OOK "■ the south of Biuotia, Attica, Eubcea, and the north coast of the Peloponnesus, had been designated by a common name, that of the Ionians. Subsequently the Thessalians, and the inhabitants of a mountain district, the Dorians, very considerably strengthened indeed by warriors of a different origin, had founded a whole series of independent communities of greater or lesser extent. Before them, portions of the ancient popula- tion of Thessalia, Bceotia, and Peloponnesus, and the Ionians, fled across the sea to the islands of the /Egean and the coasts of Asia Minor. Finally, also, portions of the new populations of the Peloponnesus, a section of the Dorians, passed over the water, settled in Crete and Rhodes, colonised the islands opposite the southern coast of Caria, and then erected cities on that coast itself. There now lay on the west coast of Asia Minor, and on the islands in front of it, colonies of the Peloponnesus and the ancient populations that had emigrated from the centre and north of Hellas ; colonies of the Ionians who had emigrated from Attica, and settlements of the Dorians, side by side in three groups. The cities of the Ionians and Dorians were more closely united by community of origin and dialect, and by the common sacrifices which the Ionians offered to Poseidon at Mycale, and the Dorians to Apollo on the promontory of Triopium. The colonies of the Ionians and Dorians bore the names of the tribes in the mother country from which they had emigrated ; the northern colonies were inhabited by Achaeans from the Peloponnesus and from Phthiotis, by Magnetes from Mount Pelion, and by Locrians. Beside the Ionians and Dorians this third neighbouring group must not be left without a general designation. The settlements in the north received the name of the cities chap, xv.] THREE BRANCHES OF THE HELLENES. 513 of the yEolians, i.e. of the various, the mixed ; their population was descended from different tribes and different cantons. In the Works mid Days, Hesiod tells us that his father had left the ^olian Cyme ; and an ancient poetical fragment in the Homeric tone calls Smyrna a city of the " ./Eolians." * We are therefore certain that this name was in use about the middle of the eighth century for the group of northern colonies, and therefore had doubtless been employed since the beginning of that century. When it had become customary to see the Hellenes divided into three distinct branches, side by side with one another, it was easy and obvious to transfer these groups and divisions to the peninsula and to the whole nation. The Ionians had maintained Attica and Eubcea in the mother country, but at the same time had settled themselves in the Cyclades and on the Anatolian coast ; the Dorians, from small beginnings, had greatly extended themselves ; they ruled in Corinth and Sicyon, in Argos, Laconia, and Messene, and, like the Ionians, had their colonies on the islands and coasts of Asia. Over against these two great groups of states and cities derived from uniform roots, stood, as was the case of the Dorians and Ionians of Asia in regard to the Asiatic communities of other origin, the totality of the tribes on the peninsula who were not Doric and not Ionic. They were the populations of the mother country most nearly related to the Eolians of Asia. The dialects of the Thessalians, Boeotians, Phocians, Locrians, and /Etolians, did not differ so noticeably from one another that they might not seem also to have a tribal connection. Thus it came to pass that the entire mass of the inhabitants of the Greek peninsula, 1 Opp. et Dies, 636 ; Epigr. Horn. 4, 6. VOL. I. 2 L 5 M THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [hook 11. so far as they were neither of Doric nor Ionic race, came to be alike designated as TEolians. As the col- lective name under which the Hellenes described the ancient period, and their forefathers in that period — the name Pelasgians — remained attached to one tribe, the Pelasgiotes of the lower valley of the Peneus, and to the territory once belonging to them and once inhabited by them there — so the collective name, which before the time of the emigration was in use for the tribes of the Hellenes, that of the Achaeans, clung; to two tribes which at that time were, or were said to have been, foremost in importance, namely, the old population of Argos, which, driven out from thence, had occupied the north-west coast of the Peloponnesus (subsequently named after them) and the Phthiotes of the mountain districts in the south of the basin of the Peneus (p. 289). The application of the Achaean name to these two tribes and districts caused a fourth race, that of the Achaeans, to be associated with the three great races. " There dwell," says Strabo, " many tribes of Greeks without (northwards of) and within (to the south of) the isthmus ; generally speaking, however, only as many as there are dialects, and of these there are four. All without the isthmus, with the exception of the Athenians, the Megarians, and the Dorians of Mount Parnassus, are still called yEolians. And as the /Eolian people predominates without the isthmus, those within it were also called /Eolians ; for the Ionians from Attica who had settled on the coast were soon driven out again by the Achaeans, a branch of the /Eolians, before the interminglement that took place when the Heraclidae led back the Dorians who founded Megara and the greater part of the common- CHAP, xv.] GROWTH AND CHARACTER OF THE DORIANS. 515 wealths in the Peloponnesus. Thus there were now two tribes in the Peloponnesus, the Doric and the JEoYic, for the Eleans are of JEoYic descent. The Dorians were also JEoYic in their descent and language ; but as there were few of them, and they inhabited the most rugged land, and did not mix with the rest, they changed their speech and customs less than the others. The same thing happened to the Athenians. They had always occupied their land, and remained uninvaded, and this was evidently the reason that they, though not numerous, became a people with another mode of speech and other customs. The Ionic speech, I maintain, is the same as the ancient Attic ; for the inhabitants of Attica at that period were called Ionians, and from Attica came the Ionians who settled in Asia, and who now use the dialect, called Ionic, of the tribes within (to the south of) the isthmus ; the Arcadians and Eleans speak the Doric dialect ; the rest a mixture of the Doric and yEolic, some approximating more and some less to the yEolic ; almost every commonwealth has even now a different dialect. It seems that they all adopt Doric in conse- quence of the predominance of the Dorians." 1 Strabo's opinion leads us to suppose that from the totality — from the ^Eolians (the common name by which the Greeks were henceforth to be called in place of the earlier collective designations of Pelasgians and Achreans) — the two tribes of Ionians and Dorians had separated themselves by particular circumstances and a special development ; and so indeed it was. Though they came from one canton the Dorians certainly did not remain unmixed. In the long storms and conflicts of the migrations, warriors of other descent 1 Strabo, p. 333. 5 16 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book 11. had become allied with them, as the name of the third Doric tribe — that of the Pamphyli — the mixed settle- ments of the Dorians, especially at Halicarnassus, and the auxiliary expedition of the ALgldx sent by Thebes to Sparta, have already proved to us. But they were engaged in the Peloponnesus in a number of common or similar enterprises ; common or similar destinies might here effect, primarily at least, an analogous development. On the sea, too, the Dorians were scarcely inferior to the Ionians ; the naval power of Argos, which maintained itself in Cythera and ^gina, and was allied with the Doric colonies in Crete and Rhodes, with Cos and Cnidus, with Melos and Thera, must then have been of great importance. The Dorians had shown their prowess in successful warlike expeditions ; they could boast of an imposing array of settlements on the continent and on the sea ; but they had appropriated to themselves in Crete and at Argos elements of culture, which then forthwith became the property of all the tribes of the Greek nation. If Argos took the precedence not only in power but also in culture, there was already formed for one of the neighbouring Doric states an organisation which might secure to it a brilliant future. If anything could be inferred from the character displayed by the settle- ments of the Dorians on the coasts of Asia, and subsequently by the colonies of the Dorians on the western sea, the seafaring Dorians developed a more versatile genius than those on the continent. On the other hand, the Dorians in Crete and on the peninsula are characterised by a hard, overbearing, masterful disposition, which indeed must have been the natural result of the successes of their arms, and their position as lords among the states founded by them, combined chap, xv.] CHARACTER OF THE IONIANS. 517 with more or less genius for military discipline and fixed regulations, an aristocratic pride which sometimes clung to the ancient simplicity, and sometimes did not disdain to enjoy abundantly the fruits of a privileged position. In spite of a certain sluggishness, the Dorians could display quick comprehension, mother- wit, and sound judgment ; they were distinguished by capacity of intelligence rather than by original pro- ductiveness. Territories adjacent to one another, Bceotia, Attica, Eubcea, and the northern shores of the Peloponnesus, had been before the migration inhabited by closely- connected branches of one tribe. When these had been thrown back upon Attica, when /Egialieis, Eubceans, and inhabitants of Attica had together occupied the Cyclades, founded their cities beyond the sea, and celebrated common festivals at Delos, the old local names of the separate branches must have given place to the collective name, that of the Ionians ; only the branch which had been united and retained its ancient habitation, the inhabitants of Attica, kept the territorial name together with the collective designa- tion. The Ionians are distinguished by the most open and receptive genius, great versatility of mind, a poetic and productive spirit, and a lively impulse towards the independent shaping of life. They avoid war and fighting as little as the Dorians, and the dangers of the sea still less ; the reward of their toils and deeds they find in the free enjoyment of life, in cheerful intercourse and joyful feeling of community ; their ethics, for a longer period than those of the Dorians and /Eolians, remained simple, instinctive, and uncon- scious. Thus Dorians and Ionians could vie with one another in the unfolding of the national life, and could 5 1 3 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [BOOK II. further it by supplementing one another. The Ionians might well place their settlements in the Cyclades and in Asia in juxtaposition to those of the Dorians ; the impulses which they received in these new abodes enlarged the conceptions, the spiritual wealth, of the Greek nation, for which the Dorians in Crete gained the art of writing. The heroic song arising out of the hymn had just produced among the Ionians the freshest and most imperishable bloom. On the other hand, the /Eolians, i.e. the Achaeans in Asia, had deposited the germ of this growth, had planted the tree, which had now grown up among the Ionians. The battles of the yEolians on the north-west coast of Asia Minor, on the soil of the Teucrians, had caused old legends to grow into full life, and had given to the Greeks the heroic song which the Ionians had then brought to a final climax in their heroic songs. The religious league which the yEolians of the peninsula, with the advent of more peaceful conditions in the northern districts, had renewed around the sanctuary of Demeter at Anthela, and then extended to the abode of the oracle at Delphi, the common sacrifice, first brought by the Eleans, in conjunction with their nearest neighbours, to Zeus and Hera on the Alpheus, were at last to bear good fruit in the national feeling, the consciousness of unity, of the people now spread far and wide on both sides of the ^Egean Sea. The dialect of the Cohans has preserved the most ancient forms ; with some local distinctions, it has nevertheless retained the original Greek stamp more strictly than the dialects of the Dorians and Ionians, and has consequently remained more akin to the Italian languages. The y£olic dialect is most closely approached by that of the Dorians ; its rude though chap, xv.] DIALECTS — WRITTEN CHARACTERS. 519 strong and full sounds give an impression of greater breadth and heaviness. The dialect of the Ionians possesses softness and flexibility ; instead of the monotonous vocalism of the Doric idiom, it has an abundance of vowel combinations of sound, which give it the distinguishing characteristics of compre- hensiveness, fluency, and richness of form. We have seen above that the knowledge of writing, the imitation of the Phoenician letters, came to the Greeks from Crete. It must have been the Dorians of Cnossus who learned in this formerly Phoenician city the writing of the Phoenicians. They retained the succession of sounds, and for the most part the Phoe- nician designation for them, and have never altered the characters of the letters nor the direction of the writing. The alphabets of Crete, Thera, and Melos are deficient in the signs for the Greek double conson- ants, which were unknown in the Phoenician language (p. 427). From Crete this alphabet must first have passed to Argos, the mother city of Cnossus. The first beginnings of the use of writing among the Hellenes must lie not much before the year 800 B.C. ; in the course of the eighth century the first catalogues of the genealogies of princes, of the priests of celebrated sanctuaries, of the victors at the Olympic games, of the changing magistrates of the aristocracies, were made. The oldest inscriptions that have been preserved do not extend earlier than the middle of the seventh century. If the Dorians brought the alphabet to the Hellenes, it was the Ionians of Asia who invented the characters added to it for the sounds wanting in the Phoenician alphabet. The Dorians of Argos, Corinth, and Megara alone in the peninsula^ adopted the four new characters with the same significance. The most 520 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. [book n. ancient Attic inscriptions, such as those of Naxos, Faros, Siphnos, and Ceos, change cf> and ^ in the manner of the Ionians, but express | and yjr by x a { K(T ) and a (7rRV I »F GREECE. protector of ships, tio; Phoebus, 173 f ; flight and purification of, 303 Arachtkus, river, 26 Arcadia called Pelasgia, 16 dwelt in the centre of P< 1' •■ ponnc -11-, 33 Architecture, in Greece, 57, 58 M . 4.82 Argivt tribes, 31S ; territory, extent of, 319 ; league, 320 ; confederation, 320 . voyage of the, its meaning, 156 ; Arian origin of the mythus, 157 . legends of, 77, 94 ; temple of 1 ;. . dan Apollo at, 79, 85 ; the In- achid.v rulers of, 79; the Danaidac, So: I o wandered from, 80; Argives called Danai by Homer, 81 ; early development of agriculture in, 94 ; reunion of, 1 62 ; predominant from the tenth to the eighth century B.C., 316; Heracles in, 316; early kings of, 317; origin of the hatred between, and Sparta, 401 Arian mythology, 433 Arians, eastern and western, how in- fluenced by their country and climate, 1 ; original abode of the, 9 ; language of the, 9, 10, 13-15 ; route of their immigration into Europe, 10 ; did not early achieve great architectural works, 48; practised burial, burning, and exposure of their dead. 49 ; Arian ideas in Greece, 143 Aristodemus, story of, 337 Am, cans, earliest abodes of the, 30 ; expelled from Thessaly, 209 ; settled in ISieotia, 30S Arrephoria, festival in the Erechtheum at Athens, 104 Artemis, as deity of the moonlight, emphasised as Selene or Helena, 177 ; of Ephesus, 281 Ashcra- Aslarlc, worship of, as the armed Aphrodite in Greece, 60; as Aphrodite, 100; as Artemis, 63, 68; legend of Melkarth and, 71, 72 ; traces of her worship in Thessaly, 76 ; Io and the horned Astarte, 80 Asia, contract of eastern and western, in natural conditions, I . / ia Minor, colonies in, traced to Athens, 274 ; monarchy in, 274 Athamantida of Ilalus and Orcho- menus, 157 ; the. at Ilalus, 288 Athena, her worship at Athens on Acropolis, no; called TritO, 17O' birth of, 171 ; its signification, 171 ; her other attributes, 172; -ll< 308 Athens, oldest doeks of, on I'.ay of Phoron, 109 ; worship of Athena, Poseidon, and Demeter at, 110, 114 Atrid.c, tombs of the, 43, 56, 154; genealogy of the, 89 ; at M) 199, 204 Attia, autochthony of, 16; kings of, 102 ; legends of, 105 ff; differences let ween north and south, 112; four tribes of, 1 16; early history of, 1 13 ff, 161 ; union of, 115; dates of early kings of, 132 ff; organisa- tion of, 161, 162 ; at the time of the migrations, 240 ; genealogy of the kings of, 242 ; attacks of the Dorians upon, 243 ; exiles and fugi- tives who took refuge in, 246 B Baal-Moloch, traces of his worship in Attica, 66 ff, 68 Babyka, older name for the river Tyasa, 3'89 Blood, atonement for, 304 Babeis, Lake, position of, 5 Baotia, common sacrifices of, 31 1 ; ancient population of, 312; con- querors of, 313 Baotians, kings of the, 309 ; com- munities of, subject to Thebes, 310 . Mount, 26, 2S Branchida, the, 279 Cadmus landed in Euboea, 69 ; built Thebes, 71 f, 154; invented letters, armour, arts of building and mining, 73 ; derived from Phoenician god Melkarth, 71 Calendar, the Greek, 520 Calydonian boar, legend of the, 28 Carians, islands of the .Egean early inhabited by, 13 ; other traces of the, 32 ; burial customs and music of, 51, 52 Catacautcr, 422 Catalogue of ships in Homer, 455 Cecrops, king of Athens, the earth- INDEX. 5: born, 102 ; burial on the Acropolis, 102 ; his supposed immigration from Egypt, 103 note ; his daughters, 103 ; place in Attic tradition, 1 1 7 Ceraunian mountains, position of the, 2, 12 Cerberus is the (^abala of the Veda, 195 Chaonii, earliest abode of the, 26 Chariots, war, used by early Greeks, 151 Charmuias sent from Sparta to Crete, 423 Chittim, in Genesis, signifies Cyprus, and afterwards all the Mediterranean islands, 35 Chrysothemis of Crete, hymn of, gained the first victory at Pytho, 303 Cithceron, Mount, where situated, 3 Clazomeinc, founding of, 267 C ni Jits, founded by the Dorians, 328 Ciiossiis, formerly called Karath, 321 ; in Greek legend the abode of Minos, 322 ; colonised by Dorians, 322 ; bull of, derived from Phoenicians, 66 Codrids at Phocaea, 273 ; in Asia Minor, 274 Codrits, worship of, in Athens, 253^ burial-place of, 252, 253 ; legend of, 244 Coinage of Cyme and Phocrea, 239 Colonies, condition and character of the Greek, 437 Colophon and Smyrna, 275 ; founding of, 268 Commerce, early, in Greece, 481 Confederacies in Greece, 511 Copes, Lake of, in Bceotia, 5 Corinth, first called Ephyra, 98 ; kings of, 98 ft"; Sisyphus built citadel of, 99 ; worship of the sun-god at, 98, 101 ; Prcetus of Tiryns concprers, 99 Cos colonised by the Dorians, 330 ; worship of Heracles at, 330 ; indus- tries carried on at, 330 Crete, dominion of the Phoenicians in, 321 ; colonisation of, 421 ; Minyae in, 422 ; Phoenicians in, 424; insti- tutions of, 425 ; forms of worship in, 428 ; alphabet in, 427 ; weights and measures derived from, 428 ; Zeus in, 429 ; holy places in, 434 Cronos, 194 ; interpretation of the myths of, 431 ; (El) legend of, 429 Crypteia, not instituted by Lycurgus, 322! Cyclades, early inhabitants of the, 13 ; colonisation of the, 258, 277 Cyclopean walls at Tiryns, 37, 56, 57 ; at Nauplia, 45 Cyclopes, 456 Cydonians, 424 Cyme, kings of, 238 Cyprus, when colonised by Phoenicians, 141, 332; legendary connection of Teucer with, 332 ; early Greek settlers in, 333 ; Greek inscriptions m > 333 > worship of Aphrodite in, ^^ ; ancient alphabet of, 334 ; supremacy of Assyria over, in the eighth century B.C., 335 Curaliits, river, 308 Citreles, 434 D Dixdalns, 109 Danae, legend of, 83 f Danai dwelt around the Gulf of Argos, 33; Greeks called, in Homeric poems, 81 Danaus, legend of, 80 Dardanns, 445 Defilement and purifications, 507 De'iphontes, son-in-law of Temenus, 214, 219 Deities of foreign nations adopted by Greeks at Didyma (Ashera of Ephe- sus, Sandon- Apollo) and Clarus (Her- acles), 279-281 ; Phoenician, adopted by the Greeks in Crete, 429 ; in Asia Minor and the islands, 491 ; of light, 494 Delos, consecration of, 278 Delphi, shrine of Apollo at, 292 ; anti- quity of the oracle of, 295 ; oracle of, consulted by Iphitus, king of Elis, 295 ; oracle of, its wide reputation, 299 ; sacrifice of peculiar solemnity offered to Apollo at, every eighth year, 301 ; importance of, in ques- tions of homicide, 306 : of royal succession (Thessaly), 2S5 ; in regard to the Calendar, 307 ; in founding new constitutions (Sparta), 372, 380 Demeter, called Pelasgic Demeter, 17; Thesmophoros, worship of, 77 ; wor- shipped at Anthela, 15S ; at Eleusis, 162 ; at Argos, 192 ; a name for Gsea, 191; ordinances of, 192 Demophon, Apheidas, Oxyntas, 241 526 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. Deucalion, legend of, among the Locrians, 30 ; took the place with the Greeks of Varna or Yima among the Indians, 104 ■'/,;, temple at, 279 Dionysus, significance of, 1S5-1S7 Dioscuri, the. 447 ; equivalent to the Acvins on the Indus, 177 Dodona, sanctuary of, by whom founded, 17; its antiquity, 27; where situated, 27 ; cult of, 169 Dorians, migrations and conquests of the, 210 sqq. ; expulsion of the lonians from the north of Pelo- ponnesus by, 217 ; appropriate the legend of Heracles, 215 ; probable date of their occupation of the Peloponnesus, 223 ; migration and conquest of the, 291 ; three tribes of, 381 ; settlements of the, 512 Dryopcs, ancient abodes of the, 30 ; migration of the, 291 ; cities of the, 319 ians, Phoenician intercourse with, 53 Elimiotes, tribe of the, 28 Elysian plain, the, 434 Eou, poem of the school of Hesiod, 126 Epeans, 32 Epic legends, growth of, 450 Epos, composition of the, 452 ; moral conception of the, 454 ; historical value of the, 464 ; ethics of the, 465 ; family life in the, 467 ; cus- toms of war in the, 469; the stranger in the, 470 ; political life in the, 471 ; kings in the, 472; punishment of murder in the, 474; Gerontes in the, 475 ; meals, etc., in the, 476 ; mode of fighting in the, 477 ; social life, etc., in the, 479 ; navigation and commerce in the, 480; religious conceptions changed in the, 492 ; deities of the, 492, 495 ; Zeus, 496 ; Poseidon, 497 ; Hermes, 497 ; Hephaestus, 498 ; Pallas, 49S ; Apollo, 499; Hera, 500; — religious influence of the, 502 Ercckthcus, " the earth-born," king of Athens, 100 ; temple of, at Athens, 102; legend of, 103-105 ; origin of this legend, 106 Erinnyes, sacrifices to the, 305 Ery three, founding of, 465 Eteocretes, ancient inhabitants of Crete, 1-4 •, Phoenician settlements in, 69, 70; copper and purple shell, first found there, 69; abode of l.inus, 70 Ei unci pus, 439 Euphrates, character of valley of the, 1,6 Eurysthenes, descendants of, 348 Family life in the Epos, 467 Festivals, Thesmophoria, 23, 192 ; Hvacinthia, 60, 403 ; Hellotia, 61 ; Agrionia, 74; Panathenrea, 115; Thargelia, 174 ; Apaturia, 265 ; Olympic, 393 f; Hellenia, 404 purity of, 509 ; Prometheus, Hepha-stus, and Hestia forms of the fire-spirit, 182; worship of, by the Arians, 183 Fravashis, spirits of ancestors among the Iranians, 193 <, Geography of the Homeric poems, 457 Gerontes, council of the, in Sparta, 383 ; judicial functions, 3S5 Gerousia, proceedings in the, at Sparta, 385-337 Golden Age, the, 433 Greece, extent of, 2 ; geography of, 2-4 ; climate and soil of, 5 ; influence of climate on the inhabitants of, 7, S; contrasted with Syria, 6; ancient monuments in, 37 ff; early chrono- logy of, 124 ff Greeks, Arian origin of, 9 ; immigration of, from Asia, 10-12, 142 ff ; words common to Indians and, 13-15; called Pelasgians, Achaans, and Hellenes at three successive stages of their history, 26 ; earliest certain division of the, in the peninsula, 26 ; wrote poetry long before history, 34 ; oldest foreign testimony about the, 35 ; practices in regard to their dead, 48, 49, 51 ; earliest written records of the, 125 ; pastoral and agricultural INDEX. 527 life of early, 144 ; arts of war among early, 145 ; priests and singers among the, 146 ff ; cults derived from the Phoenicians, 155 ; religious feeling of the, 1 50 ; conquests and migrations of the, 199 ff; computa- tion of time among the, 302 Gyges, at war with Smyrna, 276 Gymnetes, 319 11 Haliaanon, river, situation of, 3 Halicarnassus, founding of, 328 ; lists of the priests of, 329 Halotia, the, where celebrated, 377 Halus, sacrifices at, 76 Haoma, or Soma, 167 ; compared with Greek sacrificial mead, 184 Harmonia at Thebes, 312 Ilebreivs, testimony of the, the oldest about the Greeks, 35 Hector of Chios, 273 ; called Dares, 444 Helen, signification of, 447 Helenus, son of Priam, 448 Helios, special form of Apollo, 176 Hellas, 1 6 ; see Greece Hellcn, sons of, 118 Hellenes, see Greeks Hellotia, feast of, 61 Helots, regulations respecting the, 409 ; condition of the, 416 Helns, conquest of, 343 Hep/uestus, worship of, 182 ; in the Epos, 498 Hera, temple of, with graves near Mycence, 44 ; catalogue of priestesses of, 128 ; Greek worship of, 190 ; relation with Astarte, 191 ; in epic poetry, 443, 500 ; of Samos, 491 Hcraeles is the Phoenician Melkarth, or Archal, 62, 63, 65 ; worship of, at Melite, 68 ; at Mount Oeta, 75 ; at Marathon, 88 ; at Olympia, 90 ; legend of, and Eurystheus, 86 f ; victory over Augeas, 90 ; date of, according to Herodotus, 127; legends and deeds of, 200 ff ; elements and motives of legends of, 206 ff; at Thebes, 312 ; in Argos, 316 Heraelidu, expulsion and return of the, 201-20S ; legend of the, invented by Dorians, 215 Hermes, worshipped as wind - spirit, founded on Vayu, wind-spirit of the Indians, 179 ; and the Maruts, storm- spirits, 180, 194; in the Epos, 497 Hesiod of Ascra, Theogony of, 125 ; poems of, 314; date of Works and Days, 483 ; legend of the gods in, 430 ; and Perses, 484 ; death of, 489 Hestia, Greek worship of, compared with that of Agni in India, 183 Hesticea, founding of, 284 Hesliceans, ancient abode of the, 30 ; migration from Thessaly to the south, 209 Hissarlik, excavations at, 235 Homeric poems, geography of the, 457. See Iliad, Odyssey Husbandry, precepts of, in Hesiod, 4S6 f Hyacint/iia, festival of the, its signifi- cance in Spartan history, 345 Hyle, Lake, 5 Hy litis, son of Heracles, 202 Hymns, contests of, at the sacrificial feasts, 303 ; to the gods, 439 Hymetko, 318 I Idomeneus, 425 Iliad, later additions to the, 455, 458 ; date of the, 459 Ilium, ruins of (Hissarlik), 235 Inachus, first ruler of Argos, 79 ; his dynasty, 79 ; worship of, the river- god, in Argos, 94 Indra, 165 Iolcus, sacrifices at, 75 Ionians, names and abodes of the tribes of the, 31 ; sea of the, 32 ; Phoeni- cians came chiefly in contact with the, 36 ; legends of the, 96 ; boasted of kings Autochthones, 102; migra- tions of the, 254 (account of Pau- sanias, 255 ; of Strabo, 256) ; — of Attica founded Miletus, 260 ; Samos and Chios Ionian colonies, 265 ; organisation of Ionian colonies in Asia, 269 ; chronology of the Ionian migrations, 269 ; struggles of Ionian colonists with Carians and Lydians, 271 ; community of feeling among the Ionian settlements, 272 ; a common name for the people of cer- tain districts, 512 ; general character of the, 517 Iphiclus, story of, 324 5:8 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. Iphitus of Elis, 393 ; quoit of, 398 >v./, 433 J Jason, meaning of the legend of, 151 Javan in Genesis signifies the Ionian, 35 Lacedamon, kings of, 385 ; kings of, mourning for, 3S6 ; the assembly at, 3SS ; kings of, leaders in the as- sembly, 389 Laeedcanonia, ancient condition of, re- lated by Thucydides and Herodotus, 357 ; division of territory in, 405 Laconia, mountainous character of upper, 336 ; upper, first possessed by Dorians, 336 ; early history of, related by Ephorus, 338; by Poly- pus, 339; by Plutarch, 339: by Herodotus, 340 ; legends of, their origin and tendency, 343 Lctrisa, name for ancient fortified places in Thessaly and Argos, 94, 145 Lekges, Carians anciently called, 13 Lemnos, enmity between Athens and, how explained by tradition, 250 ; table of the descent of the Minyse of, from the Argonauts, 251 ; ancient inhabitants of, 234 ; custom as to fires in, 509 Linus, inventor of the dirge, dwelt in Euboea, 70 /.viiii, Apollo abode in winter in, 101 Lycttis, in Crete, founded by Pollis, 421 Lycurgus, his response from the 1'ythia, 357 ; constitution given by, to Sparta, 357 ; temple to, in Sparta, 358 ; date of, according to Xenophon, 35S; tradi- tions concerning, related by Ephorus, 358 ; by Aristotle, 358 ; by Hera- clides of Pontus, 359 ; by Polybius, 359 ; hy Trogus, 359 ; by Plutarch, 360 ft"; said to have visited Egypt, 362 ; instituted the council of the Gerontes, 363 ; divided Laconia among the Peril eti in 30,000 lots, and the Spartans in 9000, 363 ; instituted bars of iron, instead of gold and silver, for money, 364 ; forbade the Spartans to travel, 364 ; prescribed common repasts and a rtain number of dishes, 364 : It of Alexander on, 364; his laws not written, 365 ; views of. mi education, 365 ; Crypteia, according to Plutarch, not instituted by, 365 : various accounts of the death of, 366 ; elements of the legend of, 367 ; genea- logy of, 369 ; supposed ti> have intro- duced the laws of Crete into Sparta, 370 ff; legend of, how far founded on fact, 373 ; directions given to, by the oracle for his new state, 3S0 ; value of his constitution, 390, 391 ; at the Olympian games, 393, 396. Locriaus, earliest abode of the, 30 ; treachery of the, and consequent proverb, 204 ; settlements of the, 229, 230 ; of Opus, founders of Cyme and Smyrna, 291 ; Patroclus and Ajax, sons of Oileus, heroes of the, 291 ; character of their communities, 292 I.yJia, coinage of, 233 LyJiau catalogue of kings, 134 Lydians, their commerce with the Phoenicians, 233 M Magnesia, founding of, 231 ; on the Aheander, 274 Magneto, abode of the, 29 ; the, inde- pendent, 288 ; their observance of ancient customs, 291 Ma rat/ion, bull of, how derived from Phcenician rites, 66 ; Phoenician derivation of, 62, 68 ; meaning of its conquest, 114, 152; fountain of, 62 Medea, connection of, with Corinth, 100 Meleager, legend of, 28 Mclite, name of a part of Athens, derived from Phoenicians, 6S Melkarth, Phoenician god, 61, 65 ; warm-springs sacred to, 70 ; myth of, and Astarte, 71 ; is the ( Melicertes, 61 ; Makar, Apollo, 63, 67, 69 ; Heracles, 64, 70 ; Cadmus, 71, 72 ; worship of, 78, 87 ; pillars of, discovered about IIO B.C., 140 Mi ins, colony of Phoenicians in, 419 Menidi, ancient graves at, 45 Minos in Crete, 321 f Minotaur, legend of human sacrifices to the, based on Phoenician sacrifices of children to Baal-Moloch, 66 INDEX. 529 Minyce, ancient abode of the, 31 ; and Lacedaemonians, 341 Minyas, treasure-house of, at Orcho- menus, 47, 56 Mithra, deity of the Arians, becomes Apollo with the Greeks, 1 73 Molossi, earliest abode of the, 26 Monarchy in Asia Minor, 274 ; in Thessaly, 286; in Sparta, 391 ; in the Epos, 471 Muscehs, 439 Mycale, sacrifice at, 273 ; removal of the sacrifice from, 277 Mycence, remains of, 38 sq. ; gate of lions, 39 ; contents of graves, 40 ; theories respecting constructors, 55, 56; legends of, 83, 85 ff; connec- tion of Pelopidse with, 95, 153 ; princes of, 153 Myrtilus, charioteer of Oenomaus, 89 ; murder of, by Pelops, 89, 93 Mysians, 234 Murder, expiation of, 305 N Mature-deities in Greece, 493 Nauplia, ancient graves at, 45 ; reason for supposing them of Phoenician construction, 54 ; Phoenician station at, 64, 95 Nessonis, Lake, position of, 5 Nile, character of the valley of the, 1,6 Obes, institution of, in Sparta, 382 ; how represented in the Gerousia, 387 Oceanus, " Origin of the gods and of all existence," 168, 493 ; " horn of Oce- anus," 168 Odysseus, legend of, 451 Odyssey, the, 453 ; later additions to the, 455, 459 ; date of the, 461 Ocncus, King, legend of, 28 ; Dionysus gave the vine to, 187 Oenomaus, treacherously killed by Pelops, 89 Oeta, Mount, situation of, 3 ; Heracles burned himself on, 75, 86 Olympic games, first chronicle of 776 B.C., 125 VOL. I. Olympic festival, renewal of the, 393 ; description of the, 394 ; date of the, 396 ; early Olympic victors, 397 Olympus, situation and height of, 3, 4 ; in Greek mythology, 167 ; heaven of the Greeks, 195; 494 Ophelias, 309 Orchomenus, ancient sepulchres and remains at, 46 ff ; architectural mag- nificence, 54 ; theories respecting their construction, 48, 55 ff; princes of, 154; fall of, 309 ; sacrifices and feasts of, 311 Orestce, the, ancestors of the Macedon- ian race, 28 Orneatce, 318 Orpheus sang in Pieria, 29 ; legend and meaning of, 146, 439 Ossa, Mount, 29 Othrys, Mount, situation of, 3 Pallas, ancient worship of, 113; in the Epos, 498 Pamisus, river, 4 Panathencea, instituted by Theseus, 115, 116 Pandion, father of /Egeus, king of Athens, 102 ; Daedalids drive out, 109 Parnassus, situation and height of, 3. 4 Paros, marble chronicle of, 134, 135 Pelasgiati plain, the, 285 Pelasgians considered by Greeks their first ancestors, 15, 16; opinions re- specting, of the Greek poets and historians, 15-21 Pelasgicum, building of the, 249 Pelasgiotis, situation of, 17, 285 Pelasgus, King, the earth-born, 15, 78 ; Larisa, daughter of, 94 Peleus, father of Achilles, 443 Pelion, Mount, 29 Peloponnesus, physical geography of the, 5, 6 ; derivation of the name, 89 Pelops, legend of, 88 f ; throne of, on Mount Sipylus, 92 ; gave name to the Peloponnesus, 89 ; connection of Mycenre with the Pelopidae, 95 ; golden lamb given to the Pelopidaj by Hermes, 92, 153 Peneslce, the, 287 2 M 53° [Hi: HISTORY OF GREECE. Peneus, valley of the, > Periaci provide revenues for Lacedae- monian kings, 385 ; condition of the, 408 309 Perrhubians, abodes of, 29 ; preserved their independence, 288 Perseus, legend of, 83, 84, 87 ; worship of -Apollo in Argos, 84, 85 Pharsahts, ancient burial -chamber at, 46 Phoeaa, situation and origin of, 268 ; coinage of, 239 ; admitted to the sacrifice at Mycale, 273 Phocians, ancient abode of the, 31 ; dominion of the, 292 ; most im- portant communities of the, 292 Phoenicians, Carians preceded the, in Greece, 41 ; have left no account of Greece, 35 ; arts derived by Greeks from, 53, 57, 78, 141, 154; graves of the, 53 ff; driven from Hellas, 56 ; early settlements in Greece, 59, 77, 78, 148 ff; cults of the, in Greece, 60 ff, 78, 152; expulsion of, from Attica, 114 ; probable date of their arrival and departure, 14 1 ; products sought by, in Greece, 148 ; traces of worship of the, in Asia Minor and Lesbos, 234 ; traces of the, at Del os, 279 Phrygius, story of, and Pieria, 262 Phthiotes, the, preserved their inde- pendence, 288 ; relations with the Thessalians, 289 Phthiotis, Hellen, king of, 25 Pierian tribes on north-east slope of Olympus, 29 Pimlus, watershed between Adriatic and /Egean, 2, 26 Pisata, ancient abode of the, 32 Poetry much older than history among the Greeks, 34 ; early religious, 438 ; epic and hieratic, 440 ; growth of epic, in the colonies, 442 Pollis founded colonies in Crete, 421 Pollution, dread of, in Greece, 505 Porphyrion, legend of King, 109 Poseidon, register of priests of, at Ilali- carnassus, 129 ; ancient worship of, 158 note; significance of, 187-190; in the Epos, 497 Pottery found at Mycenae, 39 ; Orcho- menus, 48 ; in Crete, 424 Pram, 445 Procles, descendants of, 349 Prometheus, compared with Agnii Purification, mode of, 305, 507 Purple, Tyrian, mentioned by Kzekiel, 35 Pylagoree, representatives of the twelve tribes at the Ampliictyonic Council, 298 Pylians, 32 Pylus, citadel of, taken by the Dorian,, 213 Pyrrhus, king of Thessaly about 800 B.C., 286 Pytho, derivation of the word, 204 Quoit of Iphitus at Olympia, 393 Religion of the Greeks, 164 ; oldest Greek authorities on, 164 ; deities of light, darkness, water, storm, moonlight, dawn, the morning, wind, fire, the libation, the sky, the earth, the abodes of heaven, common to Indians and Greeks, 165-195 ; tradi- tional, of the Greeks, 59 Religious ideas of the Greeks, 501 '■'■Return," legends of the heroes', 450 Rharian field, near Eleusis, 1 1 2 Rhodes, successively colonised by Car- ians, Phoenicians, and Dorians, 322, 323 ; traces of the Phcenicians in, 325 ; three Dorian commonwealths in, 326 ; date of Greek colonies in, 326; princes of, 327 Rodanim in Genesis signifies Rhodes, 35 Sacrifices, traces of Phoenician, of children at Corinth, 61, 100 ; in Bceotia, 74 ; on Mount Pelion, 75 ; at Halus and Iolcus, 76 ; common, at Calauria, at Helice, at the Isthmus, 158, 199 ; human, 31 1 ; importance of fire in, 509 Sandon- Apollo and Heracles, 281 Sculpture in Greece, 57, 58 Sicyon, chief place of the /Egialieis, 96 ; INDEX. 53i Prometheus brought thither fire from heaven, 96 ; here the first sacrifice offered, 96 ; kings of, and their war against Thebes, 97 Singers, early, 439 Sipylus, Mount, landslip on, origin of, legend of Tantalus, 93 Sisyphus, legend of, its origin, 100 Smintheus, a sun-god, worshipped on the Scamander and in Rhodes, 235 Smyrna, founding of, 23 1 ; captured by Colophon, 275 Sparta, lists of kings of, 136 ff; date of the founding of, 222 ; early history of, involved in fable, 342 ; double monarchy in, 35 1 ; wars of, in Arcadia and Argos, 350; the two royal races in, how named, 351 ; these names how accounted for, by Ephorus, 352 ; by Polysenus, 352; two communities in, symbolised by the two royal houses, 355 ; ultimate union of the two com- munities in, 356 ; constitution of, its probable date, 376 ; unity of, 417 Spata, ancient graves at, 45 ; reasons for supposing them of Phoenician construction, 54 Spercheus, river, situation of, 3 Syria, climate of, 6 ; Phoenician cities in, 334 Syssilia, military institution at Sparta, 392 ; custom of the, 41 1 Tantalus, father of Pelops, 88 ; talents of, Greek proverb denoting bound- less wealth, 92 ; crime and punish- ment of, 93 ; origin of the legend of, 93 Taygetus, Mount, situation and height of, 4 Tegeata, their defeat of the Lacedaemo- nians, 377 ^ Teleclus and Nicander, 399 Temenus, king of Argos, 316, 317 Teucer, legendary connection of, with Cyprus, 332 Teucrians, 233 Teucrian territory invaded by Greeks, 237 Thebes, legends of, 71 ff ; conquest of, 310 ; Boeotian communities under, 310; deities of (Harmonia, Hera- cles), 312 ; the yEgidae of, 312 Thera, colony of Cadmus, 420 Theseus, son of ^Egeus, 106 ; his exploits, reign, and death, 107, 108 ; and the Amazons, 281 ; and the Minotaur, 282 TJiesmophoria, festival to Demeter, 23, 192 ; taught to the Argive women by the Danai, 32, 94 ; and Apaturia celebrated in Miletus, 260 ; cele- brated at Ephesus but not the Apa- turia, 265 Thcsprotians, earliest abode of the, 26 Thessalian migration, date of, 284 Thessalians, conquests and migrations of the, 208 f, 283 ; in Thessaly, 283 ; dominion of the, 289 ; power of the, 290 ; customs of the, 290 ; admission of the, to the Amphicty- onic Council, 299 Thessaliotis, 284 Thessalus, a descendant of Heracles, 285 Thessaly, four districts of, 286 Tiryns, remains of, 37, 3S ; Alcaeus king of, 83, 85 Tomarus, Mount, 4 Tribal unions, growth of, in Greece, 512 Tribes, division into Ionian, Dorian, and yEolian, 512, 514. Triopiutn, common sacrifices of the Dorians at, 331 Triphylia, situation of, and origin of the name, 402 Trcezen, formerly called Poseidonia, 10S, in Trojan heroes, 444, 446 Trojan \V\xr, the, 450 Twins, legend of the, at Sparta, 392 W Water of heaven, 167 Weights and measures of the Phoeni- cians and Greeks, 520 Wine, introduction of, into Greece from Syria, 186 f; worship of Dionysus, god of, 187 Works and Days, date of, 483 ; pre- cepts in, 484 f Worship, poetical and traditional dis tinguished, 504 THE HISTORY OF GREECE. r, conception of, with Aiians on Zeus, called Pelasgic Zeus in Homer, the Indus, 193; dugs of, 194 16; derivation of, 165; comparison Year, length of the Hellenic, 301 ; the of, with Indra, 166 ; sender of v. great, 301 169 ; worship of, at Dodona, 170 ; in Yima, conception of, with the Arians the Epos, 496 of Iran, 193 END OF VOL. I. Printed by R & R. Clark, Edinburgh. NOTE OF MISPRINTS OR SUGGESTIONS FOR CONSIDERATION IN ANY FUTURE EDITION OF PROF. DUNCKER'S HISTORY OF GREECE. VOLUME I. The publishers will be obliged if the reader will return this leaflet with note of any misprints which may have escaped the eye, or suggestions for any alterations should the work be reprinted. PAGE LINE FROM TOP CONTINUED FROM OVER-LEAF. Date 1 8 The above were noted by of This leaf to be returned to RlCIIARD BENTLEY & SON, 8 New Burlington Street, London, IV. Duncker's History of Greece, Vol. I.] SLIPS for insertion in the Reference Catalogue of Libraries and Institutions, etc. GREECE — The History of Volume I. — (a) The Greeks in their Earliest Age ; {b) Their Conquests and Migrations. By Prof. Max Duncker, translated by S. F. Alleyne, and edited by Dr. Evelyn Abbott. In demy 8vo. Vol. I. (1883) pp. xx.— 532. Room Case Shelf. DUNCKERS (Prof. Max) HISTORY OF GREECE. Translated by S. F. Alleyne, and edited by Dr. Evelyn Abbott. Volume I. — (a) The Greeks in their Earliest Age ; (b) Their Conquests and Migrations. By Prof. Max Duncker, translated by S. F. Alleyne, and edited by Dr. Evelyn Abbott. In demy Svo. Vol.1. (1883) pp. xx.— 532. Room Case Shelf. ALLEYNE'S (S. F.) Translation of Prof. (Max) Duncker's History of Greece, edited by Dr. Evelyn Abbott. Volume I. — (a) The Greeks in their Earliest Age ; (b) Their Conquests and Migrations. By Prof. Max Duncker, translated by S. F. Alleyne, and edited by Dr. Evelyn Abbott. In demy Svo. Vol. I. (1883) pp. xx.— 532. Room Case Shelf. {ADVERTISEMENT. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. In Six Volumes, demy &vo, each 21s. THE HISTORY OF ANTIQUITY in- PROFESSOR MAX DUNCKER. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY DR. EVELYN ABBOTT. * Egypt — The Semitic Nations — Assyria — Phoenicia — Israel — Babylon — Lydia — Ancient India — The Arians — The Medes and Persians. Vol. I. (1877) pp. xvi. — 581. Vol. II. (1S79) pp. viii. — 328. Vol. III. (1879) pp. iv.— 459. Vol. IV. (1880) pp. viii.— 557. Vol. V. (188 1) pp. viii. — 393. Vol. VI. (1882) pp. viii.— 408. 1WYERSITY OF CALlFOKAi^ AT LOS ANGELES LIBRARY University of California, Los Angeles Ullll i| I .. Ml : L 006 176 607 7 iiSiSiSS!iSr AL LIBRARY fac,lity AA 000 860 860 6