UC-NRLF C E 52M M4M lt>*':T^'^fi-*: -s-y : :!^|.^y,;^,^^-; ^5 5^•.lt,^%■ Copyright. 1689, €l^e Jpolp f ace* Murphy & McCarthy. t-^SAO Pa ?«S».A $1 SSIp^onsus pQ^BFia bp Eiguori. ^aplambar 2711^^ 1696^ in ilp pnl^iinal ^nsib ni UnriauaHat n^ar 1npb$. lis Fiall^0i[^ J)ott |tiS0jt]^ b^ Jiiguori^ anh i^is mat^$tj, jinn Sall^irin^ SauHK$i|i^ luar^ of iram- jrfnq uirlni}. i^ab gcob tjaason^ for a fall^^r of ll^^ ^oqialij nFl |$$n$, 'I[ranqi$ |Brom^, noui a ^ainl, l^ab pr^- bid^ of i^im: ''l]^i$ t^b luifi i^toma oan| o!b: ^g mi8 not bia bfore i\t 9011^ i|0ar of \k aga. !|i uiiH btom^ a tis^opt anb pgrfot|m gr^at h$H for |0$u$ ii^risi;' ^0 Inotu l^oui lfji$ prabi^lion uia$ fuIEibb. LOAN STACK Cofvmam. 1888. Mum^v ft MoCartky. . inntlu$ llnft0n$n$: ^nvtn ba Jiniiom^ Episcopus, EcclesiiB Knctor et Songregationis SS. :^edBmptort8 Fundator. CoPYRtaHT. 1888, Murphy & McCarthy. 425 ^, ft ^ z as- /TS' b 05 ng-. 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C ^ 9 „ a>aja3«j;^n*s_£i •2 a. £ iS TS «3 -^ C C =►- -^ « « S 5 Q ^ .« — -O — M -»-> rn * — J3 C3J » •— _i} -S CO 35 t; J3 +1 w asJa o^ Z'^ M-^S «;§-§»- Sg« '^^ .£*£§« ^ .S o >» "« Or* „ 10 a r-t Mr -as- I J ^.5 = o J. If- i>^ O OJ '-3' g o m (p '-' G ^ tn „ (^ m,-f» or .^ 03 S >*^ -ri A rST .-f^ (Li "^■rrrr cn -I* <=^ r,rr' O !Li 0) I- o r-»< to 5- C2l i^^j-^ ^ O ;:; u. 5 S a _,':^t^,^ P, 0= to OCT Q w _/ Cw O 03 aj OJ O 03 g -^ > <^ 5 m ^ (XT' CD q "^ - -^ rti. r^ or to 03 Q or r^ rrcj cBj ^r „ (^ §^ ® & 03, ^ 2^ cjs +0 ^ ® TS^ barS 03 "^^ w iT^ CO ST" 03 03 ^ r3 -o pr o ."S ^ "^^ o g 35 « (XT' ' ^ H-^ „ 03 ;i |!-t I!f9 ENTIC PORTRAITS OF THE HOLY FATHERS '•^W FROM St. Peter to Leo the XIII 'IJIYINa THE DATE OF THE CONSECRATION AND THE NUMBER OF YEARS EACH REIGNED. NIURPHY & MCCARTHY, 20 WARREN STREET, NEW YORK. Copyright, 1889. 1 S. Petrus 42-67. 2 S. Linus M. 67-78. 3 S. Cletus I. M. 78-90. 4 S. Clemens I. M. 90-100. 5 S. Anacletus M. 100-112. 6 S. Evaristus M. 112-121. 7 S. Alexander I. M. 121-132. 8 S. Sixtus I. M. 132-142. 9 S. Telesphorus M. 142-154. 10 S. Hyginus M. 154-158. lis. Pius I. M. 158-167. 12 S. Anicetus M. 167-175. 13 S. Soter M. 175-182. 14 S. Eleutherus M. 182-193. 15 S. Victor I. M. 193-203. 16 S. Zepliyrinus M. 203-221. Murphy & McCarthy. 17 S. Callistus I. M. 221-227. 18 S. Urbanus I. M. 227-2a3. 19 S. Pontianus M. 233-238. 20 S. Anterus M. 238-239. 21 S. Fabianus M. 240-253. 22 S. Cornelius M. 254-255. 23 S. Lucius I. M. 255-257. 24 S. Stephanus I. M. 257-260. Copyright, 1889. 25 S. Sixtus II. M. 260-261. 26 S. Dyonisius 261-272. 27 S. Felix I. M. 272-275. 28 S. Eutychiaiius M. 275-283. 20 S. Cajus M. 28:i-296. 30 S. Marcellinus M. 296-304. 31 S. Marcellus I. M. 304-309. 32 S. Eusebius M. 309-311. 33 S. Melcliiades 311-314. 34 S. Silvester I. 314-337. 35 S. Marcus 337-340. 36 S. Julius I. 341-352. 37 Liberius 352-363. 38 S. Felix II. M. 36.3-365. 39 S. Damasus I. 366-384. 40 S. Siricius 384-398. Murphy & McCarthy. 41 S. Anastasius I. 399-402. 42 S. Innocentius I 402-417. 43 S. Zosimus 417-418. 44 S. Bonifatius I 418-423. 45 S. Coelestinus I. 42:3-432. 46 S. Sixtus III. 432-440. 47 S. Leo 1. Masjnus 440-461. 48 S. Hilarius 461-468. Copyright, 1889. 49 S. Simplicius 468-483. 50 S. Felix III. 48;W92. 61 S. Gelasius I. 492496. 52 vS. Anastasius II. 496-498. 63 S. Symniagus 498-514. 54 S. Hormisdas 514-523. 55 S. Joliannes I. M. 523-526. 56 S. Felix IV. 526-530. 57 Bonifacius II. 530-532. 58 Johannes II. 532-535. 59 S. Agapetus I. 535-536. 60 S. Silverius 536-538. 61 Vigilius 539-555. 62 Pelagius I. 555-560. 63 Johannes III. 560-573. 64 Benedictus I. 574-578. Murphy & McCarthy. 65 Pelagius II. 578-590. 66 S. Gregorius I. Magnus 590-604. 67 Sabinianus 604-606. 68 Bonifacius III. 607. 69 S. Bonifacius IV. 608-615. 70 S. Adeodatus I. 615-619. 71 Bonifacius V. 619-625. 72 Honorius I. 625-638. Copyriglit, r889. 73 Severimis 040. 74 Jolianiies IV. 640-642. 75 Theodorus I. 642-649. 76 S. Martin us I. M. 64fW355. 77 S. Eugenius I. 655-656. 78 S. Vitaliaiius 657-672. 79 Adeodatus II. 672-676. 80 Donus I. 676-678. 81 S. Agatho 678-682. 82 S. Leo II. 682-683. 83 S Beiiedictus II. 684-685. 84 Johannes V. 685-686. 85 Conon 686-687. 86 S. Sergius I. 687-701. 87 Joliannes VI. 701-705. 88 Johannes VII. 705-707 Mui'phy & McCarthy. 89 Sisinnius 708. 90 Constantinus 708-715. 91 S. Gregorius II. 715-731. 92 S. Gregorius III. 731-741. 93 S. Zaciiarias 741-752. 94 S. Steplianus II. 752. 95 Stephanus III. 752-757. 96 S. Paul us I. 757-767. Copyright, 1889. 97 Stephanus IV. 768-771. 98 Hadrianus I. 771-795. 99 S. Leo III. 795-816. 100 S. Steplmnus V. 816-817. 101 S. Paschalis I. 817-824. 102 Eugenius II. 824-827. 103 Valentiims 827. 104 Gregorius IV. 827-843. 105 Sergius IT. 844-847. 106 S. Leo IV. 847-855. 107 Benedictus III. 855-858. 108 S. Nicolaus I. Magnus 858-867. 109 Hadrianus II. 867-872. 110 Johannes VIII. 872-882. 111 Marinus I. 882-884. . 112 Hadrianus III. 884-885. Murphy & McCarthy. 113 Stephanus VI. 885-891. 114 Formosus 891-896. 115 Bonifacius VI. 896. 116 Stephanus VII. 896-898. 117 Romanus 898. 118 Theodorius II. 898. 119 Jolianncs IX. 898-900. 120 Benedictus IV. 900-90S Copyright, 1889. 121 Leo V. 903, 122 Christophorus 903-904. 123 Sergius III. 904-911. 124 Anastasius III. 911-913. 125 Lando 913-914. 126 Johannes X. 915-928. 127 Leo VI. 928-929. V28 Stephanus VIII. 929-931. 129 Johannes XL 931-936. 130 Leo VII. 936-939. 131 Stephanus IX. 939-942. 132 Marinus II. 943-946. 133 Agapetus II. 946-956. 134 Johannes XII. 956-964. 135 Benedictus V. 964-965. 136 Johannes XIII. 965-972. Murphy & McCarthy. 137 Benedictus VI. 972-973. 138 Bonus II. 973. 139 Benedictus VII. 975-984. 140 Johannes XIV. 984-985. 141 Bonifacius VII. 985. 142 Johannes XV. 985-996. 143 Johannes XVI 996. 144 Gregorius V. 996-999- . Copyright, 1889. 145 Johannes XVII. 999. 146 Silvester II. 999-1003. 147 Johannes XVIII. 1003. 148 Johannes XIX. 1003-1009. 149 Sergius IV. 1009-1012. 100 Benedictus VIII. 1012-1024. 101 Johannes XX. 1024-1033. 152 Benedictus IX. 1033-1044. 153 Gregorius VI. 1044-1046. 154 Clemens II. 1046-1047. 155 Daniasus II 1048. 156 S. Leo IX. 1049-1054. 157 Victor II. 1055-1057. 158 Stephanas X. 1057-1058. 159 Benedictus X. 1058-1059, 160 Nicolaus II. 1059-1061. Murphy & McCarthy 161 Alexander II. 1061-1073. 162 S. Gregorius VII. 1073-1085. 163 Victor III. 1087. 164 B. Urbanus II. 1088-1099. 165 Paschalis II. 1099-1118. 166 Gelasius II. 1118-1119. 167 Calistus II. 1119-1124. 168 Honorius II. 1124-1130. Copyright, 1889. 169 Innocentius II. 11.30-1143. 170 Coelestinus II. 114:)-1144. 171 Lucius II. 1114-1145. 172 Eugenius III. 1145-1153. 173 Anastasius IV. 115:3-1154. 174 Hadrianus IV. 11.54-1159. 175 Alexander III. 1159-1181. ">76 Lucius III. 1181-1185. 177 Urbanus III. 1185-1187. 178 Gregorius VIII. 1187. 179 Clemens III. 1187-1191. ^ 180 Coelestinus III. 1191-1198. 181 Innocentius III. 1198- 121b. 182 Honorius III. 1216-1227. 183 Gregorius IX. 1227-1241. 184 Coelestinus IV. 1241. Murphy & McCarthy. 185 Innocentius IV. 124.3-1254. 186 Alexander IV. 1254-1261. 187 Urbanus IV. 1261-1264. 188 Clemens IV. 1265-1269. 189 B. Gregorius X. 12/1-1270. 190 Innocentius V. 1276. 191 Hadrianus V. 1276 192 Johannes XXI. 1276-1277. Copyright, 1889. 193 Nicolaus III. 1277-1280. 194 Martinus IV. 1281-1285. 195 Honorius IV. 1285-1287. 196 Jsicolaus IV. 1288-1292. 197 S. Coelestinus V. 1294. 198 Bonifaciiis VIII. 1294-1303. 199 B. Benedictus XI. 1303-1304. 200 Clemens V. 1305-1314. 201 Johannes XXII. 1316-1334. 202 Benedictus XII. 1334-1342. 203 Clemens VI. 1342-1352. 204 Innocentius VI. 1352-1362. 205 B. Urbanus V. 1362-1370. 206 Gregorius XI. 1370-1378. 207 Urbanus VI. 1378-1389. 208 Bonifacius IX. 1389-1404. Murphy & McCarthy. 209 Innocentius VII. 1404-1406. 210 Gregorius XII. 1406-1409. 211 Alexander V. 1409-1410. 212 Johannes XXIII. 1410-1415. 213 Martinus V. 1417-1431. 214 Eugenius IV. 1431-1447. 215 Nicolaus V. 1447-1455. 216 CalUstus III. 1455-1458. Copyright, 1889. 217 Tins II. 1458-1404. 218 Paulus II. 1464-1471. 219 Sixtus IV. 1471-1484. 220 Innocentius VIII. 1484-1492. 221 Alexander VI. 1492-1503. 222 Pius III. 1503. 223 Julius II. 1503-1513. 224 Leo X. 1513-1521. 225 Hadrianus VI. 1522-1523. 226 Clemens VII. 152:3-1534. 227 Paulus III. 1534-1549. 228 Julius III. 1550-1555. 229 Marcellus II. 1555. 230 Paulus IV. 1555-1559. 231 Pius IV. 1559-1565. 232 S. Pius V. 1566-1572. Murphy & McCarthy 233 Gregorius XIII. 1572-1585. 234 Sixtus V. 1585-1590. 235 Urbanus VII. 1590. 236 Gregorius XIV. 1590-1591. 237 Innocentius IX. 1591. 238 Clemens VIII. 1592-1605. 239 Leo XL 1605. 240 Paulus V. 1605-1621. Copyright, 1889. 241 Gregorius XV. 1621-1623. 242 Urbanus VIII. 1623-1044. 243 Innocentius X. 1644-1655. 244 Alexander VII. 1655 1667. 245 Clemens IX. 1667-1669. 246 Clemens X. 1670-1676. 247 Innocentius XI. 1676-1689. 248 Alexander VIII. 1689-1691. 249 Innocentius XIL. 1691-1700. 250 Clemens XI. 1700-1721. 251 Innocentius XIII. 1721-1724. 252 Benedictus XIII. 1724-1730. 253 Clemens XII 1730-1740. 254 Benedictus XIV. 1740-1758. 255 Clemens XIII. 1758-1769. 256 Clemens XIV. 1769-1774. Murphy & McCarthy. 257 Pius VI. 1775-1799. 258 Pius VII. 1800-1823. 259 Leo XII. 1823-1829. 260 Pius VIII. 1829-1830. 261 Gregorius XVI. 1831-1846. 262 Pius IX. 1846-1878. 263 Leo XIII. 1878. HALF - HOURS WITH The Servants of God, WITH A COMPENDIUM OF THE HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH, COMPRISING HALF-HOURS WITH THE SAINTS ; THE INCARNATE WORD AND THE DEVO TION TO THE SACRED HEART; INDIFFERENTISM : OR, IS ONE RELIGION AS GOOD AS ANOTHER ? APPROVED BY HIS EMINENCE CARDINAL GIBBONS AND THEIR EMINENCES CARDINALS MANNING AND NEWMAN, THE MOST REVEREND THE ARCHBISHOPS OF NEW YORK, PHILADELPHIA, EDINBURGH, AND GLASGOW, AND MANY BISHOPS. COMPHSD FROM THE WORKS OF REV. JOHN Mclaughlin, rev. george tickell, s. j., CHARLES KENNY, THOMAS ARNOLD, M. A., REV. W^ILLIAM A. ADDIS, AND OTHERS. EMBELLISHED WITH NEARLY SCO ENGRAVINGS. NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY MURPHY & MCCARTHY, 20 WARREN STREET. COFY OF THE IMPRIMATUR OF HIS GRACE THE MOST REVERENL ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK, APPROVING THE PUBLICATION OF ''HALF-HOURS WITH THE SERVANTS OF GODr Nihil Obstat, D. J. McMAHON, CENSOR DEPUTATUS. APRIL 7, 1891. IMPRIMATUR. T Michael Augustine, ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK. APRIL II. 1891. Cupyrighi, 1S91, bjr MURPHv A McCarthy. CONTENTS. HALF-HOURS WITH THE SAINTS AND SERVANTS OF GOD. Part tbe Sixet. ON GOD, HIS ATTRIBUTES, GIFTS, GRACES, ETC. ORAr. rACB 1. On the Love of God 9 St. Francis of Sales and Father Segneri. 2. On the Holy Fear of God .... 12 Fire Breiteville, Fathers Faber, Noutt, and St. Gregory. 3. On the Holy Will of God .... 15 Fire Nepveu, Massillon, and St. Augustine, 4. On the Word of God 17 Fire de la Porte, Massillon, and SS. Francis and Cyprian, 5. On the Law of God 20 .55. Augustine, Chrysostom, ferome, and Cyp- rian, 6. On the Presence of God .... 23 Fire Nepveu and Father Faber. 7. On the Providence of God .... 25 St, Chrysostom, Fire Croiset, and St. Augustine. 8. On the Service of God 27 Archdeacon Boudon and Father Faber, 9. On the Want of Fervor in God's Service 30 Bourdaloue, Fire Croiset, and St, Augustine, 10. On the Mercy of God ....... 33 Fire de la Colombiire and Father Faber, 11. On God's Mercy in our Illnesses . 35 Father Sfinola, S. M, Fire Nouet, and St, Ambrose, 12. On God's Mercy in Afflictions, etc. 38 St. Chrysostom and P techier. CHAF. VAOfe 13. On the Actual Grace of God . . 40 St. yElred, Massillon, and Bourdaloue, 14. On the Sanctifying Grace of God . 43 Cardinal Bellarmin, Fire Duneau, and St, L»o. 15. On Confidence in God 46 Fires Houdry and De la Colombiire. 16. On Zeal for God 4> Fathers Lambert, Croiset, and Nouet, Part tl)e lt)ccanlr. ON GOD THE SON AND GOD THE HOLY GHOST. 17. On THE Incarnation 51 SS. Bernard, Athanasius, Jerome, and Fire Grenada. 18. On the Divinity of our Saviour Cardinal Berulle and Fire Dozennes. 19. On Belief in Christ our Lord Massillon, Promentiire, and St. Jerome. 20. On the Love of Jesus for Men . Fire Eusibe Nieremberg. 21. On the Nativity of our Lord Fire du Jarry and St. Augustine, 22. On the Circumcision Bourdaloue, Father Faber, and St. Bernard, 23. On the Holy Name of Jesus . . Fire Nouet, S. J. 24. On the Epiphany SS. Augustine, Chrysostom, and Fire Mon^ morel. 54 57 59 61 64 60 11 HALF-HOURS WITH THE SAINTS, ETC. 25. On the Infancy and Hidden Life of Jesus ' 7^ Pires Croistt and Nouet, S. J. 26. On the Transfiguration 73 FatAtr du Pont, S. J. 27. On the Washing of the Feet ... 75 Rev. Pire Houdry, S.J., and St. Lte. 28. On the Passion of our Lord ... 77 Pires De la Colombilre and Nouet. 2g. On Jesus Risen 80 Bourda/oue, 30. On the Sacred Heart ANfa Wounds 83 Cardinal Peter Damien, Pire Biroat, and St. Bernard. 31. On the Mystery of the Cross . . 86 55. Chrysostom and Augustine. 32. On the Ascension 88 Pires De la Colombiire, Le Valois, and St. Bernard. 33. On the Descent of the Holy Ghost 91 St. Chrysostom and Flechier. 34. On the Most Holy Trinity .... 93 Pires Houdry and De la Colombiire. Part X\z Cjjtrt. on the blessed virgin MARY AND OF OUR lady's feasts. 35. On Devotion to the Mother of God 96 Henri-Marie Boudon, Arc/tdeacon, and St. Ber- nard. 36. On the Lmmaculate Conception . 99 Pires Houdry, De la Colombiire, and St. Ber- nard. 37. On the Nativity of Mary .... 102 Pire Verjus. 38. On the Holy Name of Mary ... 105 Pire D^ Argentan. 39. O.v THE Presentation of Mary . . 107 Fere Houdry, S. J. 40. On the Annunciation 109 Bourdaloue and St. Gregory. 41. On the Visitation 112 Fires dujarry and D^ Argentan. 42. On the Purification 114 Bourdaloue and Father Faber. 43. Oy the Seven Dolours 117 Prom " Essias de .Sermons " and Father Faber. CHAP. 'AOB 44. On the Assumption 120 Fire Nouet. 45. On the Holy Rosary 122 Father Faber and Pire Nicolas de Dijon. 46. On our Lady of Mount Carmel Pir* D* la Colombiire. 125 Part t()e Jottrtl). ON OUR HOLY MOTHER THE CHURCH, AND OF THE sacraments administered in the CHURCH. 47. On the Holy Catholic and Apos- tolic Church 127 Fire Texier and Flechier. On the Treasures of the Church Fire Texier. 130 49. On the Ministry of God's Church 132 Flechier and St. Jerome. 50. On Material Churches .... Flechier and St. Chrysostom. 51. On Sundays and Holidays . . . Fire Montmorel and Discours, Chretiennes. 52. On Fastings and Abstinence . . Fire De la Colotnbiire, 53. On the Sacrament of Baptism . St. Chrysostom, Pire Ncpvue, and St. Leo. 54. On the Sacrament of Penance . Bourdaloue and Pire Masson. 135 138 140 142 145 148 55. On Holy Communion Fires Castillo, Vaubert, and St. Cyprian. 56. On the Holy Eucharist as a Sac- rifice 150 Flechier. • 57. On the Holy Eucharist as a Sac- rament 153 Father Faber, Pire Gamier, and St. Cyprian. 58. On the Sacrament of Matrimony . 156 Fire Cordier. Part tl)e JFifti). on the world and sin. 59. On the World and its Dangers St. Augustine, Flechier, and Fire Croiset. 60. On the World and its Maxims . St. Ambrose, Massillon, and St. Augustine. 158 160 CONTENTS. Ill «KAr. PAGE 6i. On the World and its Duties . . 163 St. Chrysostom and P'ere Texier, 62. On the World and its Honors and Dtgnitiks 166 Pire de la Colombilrt and St. Gregory, €3. On Mortal Sin 168 Pires Texier, Berthier, and St. Cyprian. 64. On Vknial Sin 171 Pires de la Colombiire and Segneri. 65. On Habitual Sin 173 St. Augustine, Pire Biroat, and St. Bernard, 66. On Occasions of Sin 175 Massillon and Bossuet. 67. On Frequent Relapses into Sim . 177 Bourdaloue. 68. On Final Impenitence 179 Massillon, De la Colombiire, and St. Chrysostom. Part t!)e Siytl). ON THE vices WE SHOULD FLEE FROM. 69. On Ambition 182 Pires Houdry and Croiset, S. J. 70. On Anger 184 ^5. Basil, Chrysostom, and Ambrose. 71. On Avarice 186 St. Chrysostom and Massillon. 72. On Atheism and Unbelief .... 188 SS. Augustine and Cyprian. 73. On Blasphemy 191 La Morale Chr'etienne and St. Chrysostom. 74. On Calumny and Slander .... 193 Bourdaloue and SS. Chrysostom and Bernard. 75. On Discord, Law-Suits, &c 196 Pire Lejeune, Homelies Morales, and St. Am- brose. 76. On Effeminacy and Sensuality . . 199 Le Pire Haineuve. 77. On Envy and Jealousy 201 SS. Cyprian, Chrysostom, and Basil. 78. On Flattery 204 '■'■Guerre aux Vices," and SS. Basil and Jerom*. 79. On Gambling 207 Pires Giroust and Bourdaloue. ■80. On Hardness of Heart 209 Bishot Mascaron, and Pires Nouet and Nepvue. CHAP. ,^^ 81. On Hypocrisy 211 Bourdaloue and Dictionnaire Morak. 82. On Idleness and Sloth 213 Bourdaloue. 83. On Ignorance 215 Pire La Pont. 84. On Immodest Attire, Fashion, etc. 217 SS. Chrysostom and Cyprian. 85. On Impurity 219 St. Basil, Pires Houdry and De la Rue. 86. On Ingratitude 222 .^5. Chrysostom and Ambrose, and Bourdaloue. 87. On Intemperance 224 Pires de la Colombiire, Houdry, S. J., and St. Ambrose. 88. On Lying and Trickery 227 Pires Houdry, Heliodore, and St. Augustine. 89. On Prosperity of the Wicked . . 229 St. Augustine and Massillon. 90. On Rash Judgments 231 SS. Francis de Sales, John of God, Augustine, and D Abbe de la Trappe. 91. On Scandal 234 Bourdaloue, St. Cyprian, and Pire Houdry. 92. On Self-Love 236 Pires Louis de Granada, Camaret, and St. Augustine. 93. On Theatres, Balls, etc 238 Fenelon, St. Francis de Sales, and Lanetan- tius. 94. On Theft and Larceny 241 Pire Lejeune. 95. On Vain Glory 243 .S^. Chrysostom, Ambrose, and Rodriguez. 96. On all our Bad Passions .... 246 Pires A. Rodriguez, Nepvue, and St. Philip Neri. Part i\t §»ci)entl). on the virtues we should put into practice. 97. On Alms-Deeds 249 St. Chrysostom and Pires Houdry and Faber. 98. On Keeping the Commandments Pire Lambert. 2JI 99. On Conscience 253 Bourdaloue. IV HALF-HOURS WITH THE SAINTS, ETC. CHAP. »AGB loo. On the Conversion of Sinners . 255 Bourdalotu anet Pirt Houdry. loi. On the Employment of Time . . 257 Pires Segneri and Croiset. 102. On Faith 260 Fleehier and Pire La Font. 103. On Friendship 263 SS, Francis of Sales, Chrysostom, and Jerome, 104. On Good Example 265 Plre Texier. 105. On Good Works 267 St. Chrysostom and Plre Segneri. 106. On Holiness and Perfection . . 270 St. Ambrose and Pire D^Argentan. 107. On Human Respect 272 Massillon and St. Gregory. io8. On Humility 274 St. Francis de Sales and Father Faher. 109. On Love of our Neighbor . . . 276 SS. Bernardine of Sienna, etc., etc. 1 10. On Love of our Enemies .... 278 Carranza, Le Plrejoly, and St. Gregory Naz. 111. On Meditation and Mental Prayer 280 St. Francis of Sales, Massillon, and Rodriguez. 112. On Meekness 282 SS. Ambrose and Augustine. 113. On Modesty 284 St. Ambrose and Plre A. Rodriguez. 114. On Mortification 287 Pires Segneri, Croiset, and St. Bernard. 115. On Obedience 290 SS. Francis of Sales, Gregory, and Plre Lambert. 116. On Order and Regularity . . . 293 Le Plre Hatneuve and St. Augustine. 117. On Penance as a Virtue .... 295 Bourdaloue. 118. On Perseverance 297 Plres Antoint de la Porte Croiset and St. PhtltJ) Neri. 119. On Piety and Devotion .... 300 St. Bernard and Plre Croiset. 120. On Poverty, Voluntary, etc. . . 302 Fathers Sarrazin, Faber, and St. Bernard. 121. On Prayer 304 J.S1 Francis, Augustine, Philip Neri, and Peneion. CHAP 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130- 131- 132. On Predestination 307 Plres Houdry and Croiset. On Prudence 309 St. Basil and Plre Giroust. On Purity and Chastity .... 311 SS. Astere and Ambrose. On Religion 313 Bourdaloue, De la Colombilre, and St. Ber- nard. On Retreats 316 SS. Efhrem, Gregory, and Plre le Valois. On Riches — Use and Abuse. . . 319 SS. Chrysostom, Basil, and Massillon. On the Excellence of the Soul . 321 Plres Houdry, Nepvue, Bretteville, and St. Chrysostom. On the Peace of the Soul . . . 323 Father Segneri, SS. Edmond of Canterbury and Augustine. On Salvation 326 SS. Ephrem, Chrysostom, and Plre Nepvue. On Temptations 328 SS. Chrysostom, Francis, Augustine, and Rodriguez. On Vocation to a State of Life . 331 Plrt Nepvue, Massillon, and St. Philip Neri. Part t()e eiffl&tl). on the last four things. 133. On Death — In General .... 335, Fathers Segneri and Faber. 134. On Death — a Good and Bad One 335 SS. Bernard, Philip Neri, and Plres Giroust and Houdry. 135. On the Particular Judgment . . 338 Plres Du Pont and Croiset. 136. On the Last Judgment 340 Bourdaloue and Plre Segneri. 137. On Purgatory 342 On -what the Saints have written on this subject. 138. On .Hell 345 Fathers Biroat and Faber. 139. On Heaven 347 St. Chrysostom and Plres Croiset and Nej^vue. COffTENTS. CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. 1. Antioch the First Centre of the Catholic Church i Antijihon. Apocrisiarius. Apocrypha. 2. History of the Catacombs .... 8 3. History of Canon Law 19 4. History of Peter's Pence .... 26 5. Origin of Schools 28 6. History of Freemasonry .... 33 7. History of Galileo 37 8. History of the Irish Catholic Church 45 Origin and History of the Irish College at Rome. 9. History of the Inquisition ... 58 The Spanish Inquisition Explained. \o. History of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri 63 History of the Devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. History of the Devotion to the Sacred Heart of Mary. The Origin of Bells. 11. Persecutions of the Christians dur- ing the First Six Centuries . 69 12. Stations 72 Stations of the Cross. Stigmata. 13. Stole 76 Dove : Symbol of the Holy Ghost. Doxology, Dreams. 14. Purgatory 81 Communion of Saints. 15. Beatification 89 16. Miracles 94 Missal. Propaganda. 17. Conclave loi Concordat. 18. Commandments of God 106 Commandments of the Church. Mitre. Mixed Marriages. 19. Intercession and Invocation of the Saints 112 Dispensation. Divorce. What a Doctor of *ke Church is. Dogma. CHAP. rAOt 20. Marriage lai Martyr, Martyrology. 21. Antichrist 135 Ash Wednesday. Asperges, Assumption. At- trition. Aureole. Ave Maria. Banns. Ex- communication. Fathers of the Church, Genuflexion, 22. Celibacy 146 Veneration of Images. 23. Meaning of Doctrine of Immacu- late Conception of the Blessed Virgin 151 Season of Advent. What Heresy is. Hermit. Hierarchy. Holy Water. 24. Holy Week 165 In Hoc Signo Vinces. 25. Language of the Church .... 172 Churching of Women after Childbirth. In- cense. 26. Index of Prohibited Books ... 177 27. Vatican Council 181 The Veil. Vestments. Dolours of Blessed Virgin. Domine, non sum Dignus. Chrism. Seamless Coat of our Saviour. The Pope's Tiara. Quinquagesima. Encyclical. Apos- tasy. Coadjutor. Papal Bull. Papal Brief. Acolyte. Pulpit. Benedicamus Domino. Julian and Gregorian Calendar. Whmt an Infidel is. Privileged Altar, 28. Altar 200 Altar-Breads. Altar-Cloths. Ambo. Amen. Amice. Anathema. Catafalque. Catechism, Catechist. Ex Cathedra. What a Cathe dral is. Sanctuary. The Sancius. San dais. 29. Scapulars aio Schism. Beretta. Chalice. Chalice Veil. Chancel. Pyx. Ciborium. Girdle. Man- iple. Humeral Veil. Surplice. Dalmatic, Cassock. Tunic. Corporal. Crib at Beth- lehem. Cope. Crosier, or Pastoral Staff, Chasuble. Frontal. Explanation of Pref- ace of the Mass. Prelate. Why ths Prisst says "Ite, Missa est." Bursa. VI INDIFFERENTISM. INDIFFERENTISM. P>rt tlie /int. CHAT. Introduction rAGS I 1. Refutation of Indifferentism froh Reason 13 2. Refutation of Indifferentism from Revelation 18 3. Indifferentism Shown to be a Com- tradiction of revelation .... 25 4. Refutation of Indifferentism . 44 CHAP. PACK 5. Further Refutation of Indifferent- ism from Revelation 50 Part i\t l^tconti. 1. Unity 59 2. Universality, or Catholicity ... 79 China. India. Ceylon. Antipodes. Nevt Zea- land. Oceanic 1. Africa. The Levant f Syria, and Armenia. America. Conclusion , .... 1 14 THE INGflRNflTE WORD AND THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART. REFKCE. PIRITUAL reading is now so recognized a practice for all who wish to lead a devout life, that it is hardly necessary here to insist on its importance. It is, however, well to remind persons living in these times, that the present multiplication of period- ical literature of every kind is an additional reason for being faithful to the exercise of daily spiritual reading. The variety of subjects brought before the reader, the absence of deep thought or real principles, concealed by an attractive and brilliant style of writing, dissipate the mind, and gradually destroy, not only the habit, but even the power of serious reflection. We, therefore, who live in times of much reading and little thinking, have the greater need to spend some por- tion of our day in reversing this process, in company with some book, which we read slowly, but from which we can gain matter for much after-medita- tion. The demand for spiritual reading for persons varying much in their capac- ity, tastes, and the amount of leisure at their disposal, justifies the multipli- cation of such books. And it is thouGfht that the one now offered to the public has special advantages, which will make it prove a boon to many. In spite of their goodwill, there are persons whose lives are so occupied fchat they can give but little time to serious reading, and even those few moments have to be snatched at uncertain times. For such as these, it is 4 PREFACE. important to have a book which can bear to be so read. The editor of " Half-Hours with the Saints and Servants of God " has effected this, by arranging in short sections, extracts from various writers, all bearing on some one great truth or mystery of our holy religion. It would be well, indeed, to spend a half-hour in such good company, but the sections are so short, that one who has only ten minutes at his disposal would be able to read slowly and '' pausingly^' as St. Philip tells us such books should be read, words that would go far to sanctify the day. The extracts are made from writers of every age, from St. Augustine down to our own Father Faber, and many of the quotations are from books quite out of the reach of ordinary readers. Moreover, the editor has wisely added a short account of the life of the saint, or servant of God, whose work he quotes, and this not only adds much to the interest of the work, but may lead those who have time at their disposal to cultivate a taste for solid read- ing. They will learn the beautiful thoughts of men whom they have hitherto known only by name, and they will become anxious to know more of the history of their times, and of the circumstances in which they wrote. Thus ecclesiastical history and the biographies of the great Christian writers will acquire a new interest in their minds, and who can say how great a blessing a taste for such reading may prove ? Many, whose lives are now full of activity, may have before them, through ill health or old age, long years of enforced inactivity; and a taste for reading will save them from many temptations, and make these years a time not only of tranquil enjoyment but of much profit to their souls. Those who have been faithful in the practice of daily spiritual reading know from experience how great is the fruit derived from it. Thoughts are suggested which prove a safeguard against some sudden temptation which comes to them during the day, or they gain a light which enables them to answer some specious but shallow blasphemy uttered in their presence ; or some cross, which would otherwise have betrayed them into impatience, is welcomed as a gift from God. PREFACE. 5 These " Half-hours w'th the Saints and Servants of God" will thus enable many to profit by the few minutes they can give to spiritual reading, while they will suggest to others, who have more time at their disposal, in what books they may seek for treatises suited to their spiritual needs. The long experience of Mr. Charles Kenny is a guarantee for the literary excellence of the book, — of the spiritual merit of which I have alone been speaking. WILLIAM T. GORDON. 4" i ^i^ tI^ ^B^ ^B^ ^w^ ?i^ ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ ^wF ^F ^^ ^^ w' \^ \ w Hf w W W W W^ ^F w w ?p^ ^ W_W_^I^_i__ eit^©Ii@ Q^uve^ ^i$\©t^, )k "SS — ■ ' ■ — ^^ # CHAPTER I. # V Si''-' \ ©at^©!!© (SRMreB ^igt©!*^. \ A ANTIOCH, W ••• THE FIRST CENTRE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. ► HE city in which the disci- ples of our Lord were first called Christians. It was the chief centre of the Gentile Church, and here the chief apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, and other apostolic men, such as St. Barnabas, labored. Besides this, Antioch had a title to special pre-eminence in the fact that it was for a time the actual see of St. Peter, who founded the Church and held it, according to St. Jerome, for seven years. He was succeeded by St. Evodius and St. Ignatius. Moreover, the civil greatness of the city combined with its traditional glory, as St. Peter's see, to give it a high rank among the churches of the world. It is no wonder, then, that Antioch should have been regarded in early times as the third among the episcopal cities of the Catholic world. The difficulty rather lies in the fact that the third, instead of the second, place was assigned to it, and that it ranked after Alexandria, the see of St. Mark. This apparent anomaly may be explained by the civil superiority of Alexandria, and this is the solution actually given by Baron ius ; or, again, it may be said that St. Peter only fixed his see at Antioch for a time, whereas he placed his representative St Mark as the permanent bishop of Alex- andria. However, the bishops of Antioch did not even maintain their rank as third among Christian bishops, though it was theirs by ancient privilege. At the second and Fourth Councils, they permitted the bishop of Constantinople to assume the next place after the Roman bishop, sa that Antioch became the fourth among the patriarchates. Shortly after the Fourth General Council, Antioch fell lower stilL CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. Anatolius, bishop of Constantinople in St. Leo's time, ordained a patriarch of Antioch, and this infringement of the independence which belonged to Antioch as a patriarchate came to be regarded as a settled custom. The patriarchate of Antioch embraced the following provinces : Phoenicia prima et secunda, Cilicia, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Osroene, Euphratesia, Syria secunda, Isauria, and Palestine. It is doubtful whether Persia was subject to it. Antioch claimed jurisdiction over Cyprus, but the latter asserted its independence at the Council of Ephesus, and at a latter date Anthimus, metropolitan of Cyprus, resisted Peter the Fuller, who claimed author- ity as patriarch of Antioch. Anthimus professed to have found the body of St. Barnabas in the island, and so to have proved the apostolic foundation of his Church. The territory of Antioch was abridged further by the rise of the patri- archate of Jerusalem. At Chalcedon, Juvenal of Jerusalem secured the three Palestines as his own patriarchate. This he did by an agreement with Maximus of Antioch, which was ratified by the council and the Papal legates. The bishop of Tyre held the first place among the metropolitans subject to Antioch ; he was called prototkronos, and he had the right of consecrating the new patriarch, though in the middle of the fifth century, as we have seen, this privi- lege was usurped by Constantinople. The patriarch consecrated the metropolitans ; they consecrated the bishops, though Pope Leo wished that even bishops should not be consecrated without the patriarch's approval. Under the emperors Zeno and Anas, tasius, at the end of the fifth century, Monophysite patriarchs were placed at Antioch, and this Monophysite patriarch- ate lasts to the present day, though the patriarch's residence was removed to Tagrit and later to Diarbekir. There was a Greek orthodox patriarch, who generally resided at Constantinople, but he too fell away in the general defection of the Greeks from Catholic unity. This schismatic patriarchate of the orthodox Greeks still continues. At the end of the eleventh century, the conquests of the crusaders led to the establishment of a Latin patriarchate. At present, besides the Syro-Monophy- site or Jacobite, and the Greek schismatic patriarch, there are — the Latin Catholic patriarch, who, at present, does not really govern any church in the east ; the Greek Melchite patriarch, for the united Greeks, the Syrian patriarch, for those of the Syrian rite who returned in the seventeenth century from Monophysite error to the church; the Maronite patriarch, who has authority over all Maronite settlements. (From Le Quien, "Oriens Christianus," tom. ii. De Patriarchatu Antiocheno ; except the last paragraph, which is from Moroni, " Dizionario," sub voce.) Among the many councils assembled at"* Antioch, special importance belongs (r) to three councils held between 264 and 269 against Paul of Samosata. At the third council, in 269, Paul was deposed ANTIOCH, THE FIRST CENTRE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. and his formula that the Son was of one substance {komoousios) with the Father condemned, probably because Paul meant by it, that the Son pre-existed only as an attribute of the Father, not as a distinct Person, just as reason in man is a mere faculty, not a distinct person. The fathers of the council addressed an encyclical letter to Dionysius of Rome, Maximus of Alexandria, and to the other bishops. Dionysius died that same year, but his successor, Felix I., published a decisive statement of the Catholic faith against the errors of the heresiarch. Paul, how- ever, maintained possession of the epis- copal house ; whereupon the orthodox applied to the emperor Aurelian, who decreed that the bishop's house was to belong to him "with whom the Italian bishops and the Roman see were in communion." (2) To the Synod in enccsniis, held in 341. It consisted of 97 bishops, met to consecrate the " Golden Church " begun by Constantine the Great, whence the name en egkainiois. The majority of the Fathers held the Catholic faith, and had no thought of betraying it ; and hence their 25 canons relating to mat- ters of discipline attained to great authority throughout the Church. But they were deceived by the Eusebian party, renewed the sentence of deposi- tion against Athanasius, and put forth four Creeds, which, though they approach the Nicene confession, still fall short of it by omitting the decisive word " con- BubstantiaL" Apart from its influence as a patriarch- ate and as the meeting place of councils, Antioch also wielded great powers over the Church as a school of theology and of scriptural exegesis. This school already existed in the fourth century, when Dor- otheus and Lucian — who died, as a mar- tyr, in 311 — were its chief ornaments. The Antiochenes were learned and logical, the enemies of allegorical interpretation and of mysticism, but their love of reason- ing and their common sense degenerated at times into a rationalistic tendency, so much so that Theodore of Mopsuestia has ever been regarded as the forerunner of Nestorius. But undoubtedly, Antioch ren- dered great services in the literal interpre- tation of Scripture. Unlike the Alexan- drians, the great scholars of Antioch turned aside from allegorical interpretations and were distinguished for their critical spirit and grammatical precision. Among their foremost commentators were — Diodore, bishop of Tarsus, (-}- about 394), formerly priest at Antioch, whose writ- ings, though vehemently denounced for their Nestorian tendency, and no longer extant, once enjoyed a vast reputation ; John Chrysostom, the greatest of all literal expositors ; Theodore of Mopsues- tia ( +429 ), like Diodorus, inclining to Nestorianism, but gifted with talents which can still be discovered even in the fragments and Latin translations of his commentaries which survive, and known among the Nestorians as "the commen- tator " par excellence ; Theodoret ( -{-about 458 ), whose commentaries on St. Paul CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. are "perhaps unsurpassed" for "appre- ciation, terseness of expression, and good- sense." /\r\tipKorv. The word signifies " alternate utter- ance." St. Ignatius, one of the Apostolic Fathers, is believed to have first instituted the method of alternate chanting by two choirs at Antioch. In the time of Constan- tine, according to Sozomen, the monks Fla- vian and Diodorus introduced it among the Greeks. In the Latin Church it was first employed by St. Ambrose at Milan in the fourth century, and soon became general. But in process of time the word came to have a more restricted sense, according to which it signifies a selection of words or verses prefixed to and following a psalm or psalms, to express in brief the mystery which the church is contemplating in that part of her office. In the Mass, the Introit ( introduced by Pope Celestine I. in the fifth century), the Offertory and the Communion, are regarded as Antiphons. But it is in the canonical hours that the use of the Anti- phon receives its greatest extension. At Vespers, Matins, and Lauds, when the office is a double [Double], the Antiphons are doubled — that is, the whole Antiphon is said both before and after the psalm or Canticle. On minor feasts, the Antiphons are not doubled ; then the first words only are said before the psalm, and the whole at the end of it. Liturgical writers say that the Antiphon means charity ; and that when it is not doubled, the meaning is that charity. begun in this life, is perfected in the life to come ; when it is doubled, it is because on the greater feasts we desire to show a more ardent charity. Except the Alle- luias, few Antiphons are sung in Paschal time, for the joy of the season inflames of itself, and without extraneous suggestion, the charity of the clergy. On most Sun- days the Antiphons at Vespers are taken from both Testaments, but in Paschal time only from the New. The final antiphons of the B. V. M. formed no part of the original Church ofllice ; they came into the breviary later. They are four in number, one for each season in the year. The first, " Alma Redemptoris," sung from Advent to Can- dlemas, was written by Hermannus Con- tractus, who died in 1054. Chaucer's beautiful use of this in the Prioresses Tale shows how popular a canticle it must have been with our forefathers. The second, " Ave Regina," sung from Can- dlemas to Maundy Thursday, was written about the same time, but the author is unknown. The third, " Regina Cceli, Izetare," is used in Paschal time ; and the fourth, " Salve Regina " (to which, as is well known, St. Bernard added the words " O Clemens," etc.), written either by Pedro of Compostella or Hermannus Con- tractus, is sung from Trinity to Advent. Apocrisiarivjs. Ecclesiastical, but chiefly Papal, emis- saries to the Court of the Emperor were designated by this name from the fourth ANTIOCH, THE FIRST CENTRE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. to the ninth century. So long as the civil power persecuted the Church, there was no place for such officials ; but, after the conversion of Constantine, the recog- nition by the Roman emperors of the divinity of Christianity and the claims of the hierarchy gave rise to numberless questions, within the borderland of the civil and the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which it was important for the Popes to press on the notice of the emperors, and obtain definite answers upon, so that a practical adjustment might become pos- sible. The Apocrisiarius, therefore, cor- responded to the Nuncio or Legate a latere of later times, and was usually a deacon of the Roman Church. Gregory the Great resided in this character for three years at Constantinople in the reign of the Emperor Mauricius. After the middle of the eighth century we hear no more of such an emissary, because the adoption of the extravagances of the Iconoclasts by the imperial Court led to a breach with Rome. But, when Charle- magne revived the Empire of the West, similar diplomatic relations arose between him and the Holy See, which again required the appointment of Apocrisiarii. It appears that, under the first Prankish emperors, the imperial arch-chaplain was at the same time Papal Apocrisiarius. Subsequently the name was given to officials of Court nomination, who held no commission from Rome ; and, in this way, the title in its old sense came to be disused, and was replaced by Legatus or Nuntius. ApocrypKa. It corresponds to the Jewish word . . . which the Jews applied to books with- drawn from public use in the synagogue, on account of their unfitness for pubhc reading.^ But the later Jews had also the notion that some books should be with- drawn from general circulation because of the mysterious truths they contained.' The early Fathers used "apocryphal" to denote the forged books of heretics, borrowing, perhaps, the name from the heretics themselves, who vaunted the " apocryphal " ^ or " hidden " wisdom of these writings. Later — e. g., in the " Prologus galeatus " of Jerome — apoc- ryphal is used in a milder sense to mark simply that a book is not in the recognized canon of Scripture ; and Pope Gelasius,* ' in a decree of 494, uses the term apocry- phal in a very wide manner, (i) of hereto ical forgeries ; (2) of books like the " Shepherd of Hermas," revered by the ancients, but not a part of Scripture ; (3) of works by early Christian writers (Arnobius, Cassian, etc.) who had erred on some points of doctrine. "We need scarcely add that the Protestant custom of calling Wisdom, Machabees, etc, " Apocrypha," is contrary to the faith and the tradition of the Church. The name is now usually reserved by Catholics for books laying claim to an 1 Buxtorf. Lex. Chald. et Rabbin, sub voc. 8 4 Esdr. xiv. 46. » Tertull. De An. 2. Clem. Alex. Strom. iiL 4, 29 ; Easeh Hist. iv. 22. * Fleury Hiit. xxx. 35 ; but see also Hefele, Cencilienga tchichtt, ii. iiS. CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. origin which might entitle them to a place in the canon, or which have been supposed to be Scripture, but which have been finally rejected by the Church. In the Old Testament the most important apocry- phal books are — 3d and 4th Esdras, both of which are cited by early writers as Scripture, the latter being also used in the Missal and Breviary ; 3d and 4th Machabees ; the prayer of Manasses, which is found in Greek MSS. of the Old Testament, and is often printed, in a Latin version, in the appendix to the Vulgate ; the book of Enoch {cf. Jude 14), which Tertullian regarded as authentic (it only exists at present in an Ethiopic version) ; a 151st Psalm attributed to David, which is found in Greek MSS., and in the Syriac, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions of the Psalms ; eighteen psalms attributed to Solomon, written originally, according to some scholars, in Hebrew, according to others, in Greek.^ There is a great mass of New Testa- ment apocryphal literature. Some books, such as the " Epistle of Barnabas," the two "Epistles of Clement," and the " Shepherd of Hermas," may in a certain sense be called apocryphal, because, though not really belonging to Scripture, they were quoted as such by ancient writers, or were inserted in MSS. of the New Testament. Some other books men- tioned by Eusebius — viz., the " Acts of Paul," the "Apocalypse of Peter," the " Teachings of the Apostles " {didachai I See Reusch, Einleit. in das A. T. p. 176. ton Apostolon), seem to have belonged to \ this better class of apocryphal literature. Besides these, Eusebius mentions apocry- phal books in circulation among heretics — viz., the " Gospels " of Peter, Thomas, Matthias ; the " Acts " of Andrew, John, and the rest of the Apostles.^ Fragments remain of the ancient Gospels, " according to the Hebrews," "of the Nazarenes," " according to the Egyptians," of the preaching and Apocalypse of Peter, etc., and have been repeatedly edited.^ Later times were no less fruitful in apocryphal literature, and we still possess a great number of these later forgeries, entire and complete. They have been ' edited by Fabricius in the work already named ; by Thilo, " Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti," 183 1, of which work only the first volume, containing the apocryphal Gospels, appeared ; by Tis- chendorf (" Evangelia Apocrypha," 1876, second edition enlarged ; " Acta Aposto- lorum Apocrypha," 1851 ; "Apocryphal Apocalypses," 1866) and by other scholars. This is not the place to attempt an enum- eration of these apocryphal books, but we may mention some which enjoyed a special popularity in the Church, and exercised a marked influence on Catholic literature. A number of apocryphal Gos- pels treat of the infancy and youth of our Lord, and of the history of His blessed Mother and foster-father. Among these the " Protevangelium of James " 1 Euseb. H. E. iii. 2;. 3 By Fabricius, Codex Apocryphus N. T. (1703-/9)1 Grabe, Spicilegium Patrum, Oxoniae ^1700) ', HilgeofelJ, N. T. extra Canonem receptum (1S65). ANTIOCHy THE FIRST CENTRE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. Jjolds the first place. It describes the early history of Mary, our Lord's birth at Bethlehem, and the history of the wise men from the East. This gospel was much used by the Greek Fathers ; portions of it were read publicly in the Eastern Church, and it was translated into Arabic and Coptic. It was prohibited for a time among the Latins, but even in the West it was much used during the middle ages. Other Gospels, such as the Arabic " Evan- jelium Infantiae Salvatoris," contain legend- sary miracles of our Lord's infancy. We have a second class of apocryphal Gospels, which treat of the Passion and Resurrection of Christ. Of this class is the " Gospel of Nicodemus." It is prob- ably of very late origin, but it was a favorite book in the middle ages. The Greek text still exists, but it was also circulated, before the invention of printing, in Latin, Anglo-Saxon, German, and French. Closely connected with this Gospel are a number of documents which have sprung from very ancient but spuri- ous " Acts of Pilate." These ancient Acts, which were known to Justin and Tertullian, have perished, but they called forth several imitations, which still survive. The one which is best known is a letter of Lentulus to the Roman senate, describ- ing the personal appearance of our Lord. It is a forgery of the middle ages. Further, apocryphal literature is rich in *'Acts of the Apostles," and here, as in the apocryphal Gospels, we find early but spurious Acts, revised and enlarged, and so originating fresh forgeries. Thus the "Acts of Paul and Thecla," in their exist- ing form, are the recension of a very early work — forged as early at least as Tertul- Han's time. The fullest of all these "Acts" is the " Historia Certaminis Apostolorum." It can scarcely be older than the ninth century, but it is of con- siderable value, because the author has made diligent use of earlier Acts, some of which have perished. Of apocryphal Epistles we have, among others, a letter of St. Paul to the Laodi- ceans (only existing in Latin), which, though rejected by Jerome, was accepted as canonical by many great Latin theo- logians of a later day, won a place in many copies of the Latin Bible, and for more than nine centuries " hovered about the doors of the sacred canon." We may also mention a letter of St. Paul to the Corinthians, and another of the Corinthians to St. Paul (both only in Armenian); letters supposed to have passed between St. Paul and Seneca (known to Jerom eand Augustine) ; spuri- ous letters of the Blessed Virgin to St. Ignatius, to the inhabitants of Messina, etc. Lastly, we have apocryphal Apocalypses of Paul (called also anabatikon ; see 2 Cor. xii. i), Thomas, Stephen — nay, even of St. John himself. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^W "^ "W" ^ff^ •^l^ CHAPTER II. ' .- t 1* ,.H.„.„.„.„.„.„.,,.„.„.„.„,„.,,.„.„.„.„.M.,,.n.n.n.n.n.,,.M.M.M.n.,,.M..,.n.M.M.„.n.M.,,.M.M.M.n.M.M.,..M.„.M.n.n.,,.n.M.M..,.n.M.,. ..^. \ HISTeRY 0F THE GATAGOMBS. 1 u.i,>.i........i.ii.ii.ii.i>>ii>iiaiian.ii.ii.i>iM>iisn.ii>i>>ii>iiiiiliilliliiliianaiiai>.n.iHi.iii>i.ii.iiiiii.,i....M.iM.M.iiiii«iiniii..aM.i<.M..,.M.>i.M.„. "4» .^IC. .^k. ^^ ^^ ;^^ A^ ■W ■'W^ ^^ ^!^ ^W^ ^^ SKETCH of the present state of knowledge about the Roman catacombs, considering the high religious interest of the sub- ject, may fairly be expected in a work like the present. We shall briefly describe their position, explain their origin, and trace their history ; then, after describing the catacomb of San Cal- listo, as a model of the rest, we shall show, so far as our limits will allow, what a powerful light the monuments of the catacombs supply in illustration of the life, and in evidence of the faith, of Christians in the primitive ages. The word "catacomb" had originally no such connotation as is now attached to it ; the earliest form, catacumbcB {kata, and humbh, a hollow) — probably suggested by the natural configuration of the ground — was the name given to the district round the tomb of Caecilia Metella and the Cir- cus Romuli on the Appian Way. All through the middle ages " ad catacumbas " meant the subterranean cemetery adjacent to the far-famed basilica of St. Sebastian, in the region above mentioned ; after- wards, the signification of the terra was gradually extended, and applied to all the ancient underground cemeteries near Rome, and even to similar cemeteries in other places, at Paris, for instance. The bodies of St. Peter and St. Paul were believed to have rested here nearly from the date of their martyrdom to the time of Pope Cornelius, who translated them to where they are now (Bed. " De Sex MX. Mundi:" "corpora apostolorum de cata- cumbis levavit noctu ") ; it was therefore, most natural, apart from the sacred asso- ciations which the memorials of othe^ martyrs aroused, that for this reason alone pilgrims should eagerly visit this cem- etery. I. Some twenty-five Christian ceme- teries are known, and have been more or less carefully examined ; but there are many others, which, either from their having fallen into ruin or being blocked up with earth and rubbish, remain unex- plored. Those that are known and access- ible are found on every side of Rome ; but HISTORY OF THE CATACOMBS. they are clustered most thickly at the southeast corner of the city, near the Via Appia and the Via Ardeatina. The most noteworthy of all, the cemetery of San Callisto, is close to the Appian Way ; near it are those of St. Praetextatus, St. Sebas- tian, and St. Soteris. Passing on round the city by the east and north, we find the cemetery of Santi Quattro, near the Via Appia Nova, that of St. Ciriaca on the road to Tivoli, the extremely interest- ing catacomb of St. Agnes on the Via Nomentana, and that of St. Alexander, farther out from Rome on the same road. Next comes the cemetery of St. Priscilla, on the Via Salaria. Continuing on, past the Villa Borghese, we ■ come upon the valley of the Tiber, beyond which, on the right bank of the river, we find in succes- sion the cemeteries of Calepodius and Generosa. Crossing again to the left bank, we come upon the cemetery of St. Lucina on the Via Ostiensis, that of SS. Nereo et Achilleo (known also by the name of S. Domitilla) on the Via Arde- atina, and, finally, that of St. Balbina between the last-named road and the Appian Way. II. The origin of the catacombs is now thoroughly understood. It was long believed that they were originally mere sand-pits, arenarice, out of which sand was dug for building purposes, and to which the Christians resorted, partly for the sake of concealment, partly because the softness of the material lent itself to any sort of excavation. This was the view of Baronius and of scholars in general down to the present century, when the learned Jesuit, F. Marchi, took the subject in hand. He made personal researches in the catacomb of St. Agnes, and gradually the true origin and mode of construction of these cemeteries broke upon his mind. His more celebrated pupil, the Commend atore de' Rossi, aided by his brothers, continued his explorations, and has given to the world a colossal work on the Roman Catacombs, which Dr. Northcote and Mr. Brownlow made the foundation of their interesting book, "Roma Sotterra- nea." Padre Marchi drew attention to the fact that among the volcanic strata of the Roman Campagna, three deposits are especially noticeable — a hard building stone, called the tufa litoide ; a soft stone, the tufa granolare ; and a sand-stone of scarcely any coherency, called pozzolana. The sand-pits, arenarice, of course occur in beds of this pozzolana ; and if they had been the origin of the catacombs, the latter would have been wholly or chiefly excavated in the same beds. But in point of fact, the catacombs are almost entirely found in the tufa granolare, which exactly suited the purposes which the early Chris- tians had in view. In the first place, they were obliged by the imperial laws to bury their dead outside the walls of the city. Secondly, they naturally would not place the cemeteries at a greater distance than they could help ; and in fact, all the cata- combs above named, except that of St. Alexander, are within two miles and a half of the city walls.^ Thirdly, the tufa 1 The Walls of Aurelian. lO CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. granolart, being softer than the tufa litoide, the necessary galleries, chambers, and loculi (receptacles for the dead) could more easily be worked in it, while, on the other hand, it was sufficiently coherent to allow of its being excavated freely without danger of the roof and sides of the exca- vations falling in or crumbling away. The pozzolana was softer ; but from its crum- bling nature narrow galleries could not be run in, nor loculi hollowed out, without the employment of a great deal of masonry for the sake of security, as may be seen in the two or three instances of arenaricB turned into catacombs which do exist ; thus greater expense and trouble would arise in the end from resorting to it than from excavating in the tufa granolare. If it be asked why the Roman Chris- tians did not bury their dead in open-air cemeteries, the answer is twofold. In the first place, the Church grew up amid persecution, and the Christians naturally strove to screen themselves and their doings from public observation as much as possible, in the burial of their dead as in other matters. The sepulchral inscrip- tions and decorations, which they could safely affix to the graves of their beloved ones in the subterranean gloom of the catacombs, could not with common pru- dence have been employed on tombs exposed to public view. In the second place, the needs of prayer and the duty of public worship were in this manner reconciled with the duty of sepulture to an extent not otherwise, under the cir-. cumstances, attainable. The relatives might pray at the tomb of a departed kinsman ; the faithful gather round the " memory " of a martyr ; the Christian mysteries might be celebrated in subter- ranean chapels, and on altars hewn out of the rock, with a convenience, secrecy, and safety, which, if the ordinary mode of burial had been followed, could not have been secured. Nor was the practice a novelty when the Christians resorted to it. Even Pagan underground tombs existed, though the general custom of burning the dead, which prevailed under the emperors before Constantine, caused them to be of rare occurrence ; but the Jewish ceme- teries, used under the pressure of motives very similar to those which acted upon the Christians, had long been in operation, and are in part distinguishable to this day. The modus operandi appears to have been as follows. In ground near the city, obtained by purchase or else the property of some rich Christian, an area, or ceme- tery " lot," was marked out, varying in e;xtent, but commonly having not less than a frontage of a hundred and a depth of two hundred feet. At one corner of this area an excavation was made and a staircase constructed ; then narrow gal- leries, usually little more than two feet in width, with roof flat or slightly arched, were carried round the whole space, leav- ing enough of the solid rock on either side to admit of oblong niches {loculi) — large enough to hold from one to three bodies, at varying distances, both verti- cally and laterally, according to the local strength of the material — being exca- HISTORY OF THE CATACOMBS. II vated in the walls. After burial, the lociihis was hermetically sealed by a slab set in mortar, so that the proximity of the dead body might not affect the purity of the air in the catacomb. Besides these loaili in the walls, cubicida, or chambers, like our family vaults, were excavated in great numbers ; these were entered by doors from the galleries, and had loculi in their walls like the galleries themselves. There were also arcosolia — when above the upper surface of a loculns containing the body of a martyr or confessor, the rock was excavated, so as to leave an arched vault above and a flat surface beneath on which the Eucharist could be celebrated — and " table-tombs," similar in all respects to the arcosolia except that the excavation was quadrangular instead of being arched. Openings were frequently made between two or more adjoining aibiaila, so as to allow, while the Divine Mysteries were being celebrated at an arcosolimn in one of them, of a consider- able number of worshippers being present. When the walls of the circumambient galleries were filled with the dead, cross galleries were made, traversing the area at such distances from each other as the strength of the stone permitted, the walls of which were pierced with niches as before. But this additional space also became filled up, and then the fossors were set to work to burrow deeper in the rock, and a new series of galleries and chambers, forming a second underground story or piano, was constructed beneath the first. Two, three, and even four such additional stories have been found in a cemetery. Another way of obtaining more space was by lowering the floor of the galleries, and piercing with niches the new wall surface thus supplied. It is obvious that expedients like these could only be adopted in dry and deeply-drained ground, and, accordingly, we always find that it is the hills near Rome in which the cemeteries were excavated — the val- leys were useless for the purpose ; hence, contrary to what was once believed, no system of general communication between the different catacombs ever existed. Such communication, however, was often effected, when two or more cemeteries lay contiguous to each other on the same hill, and all kinds of structural complications were the result ; see the detailed account in " Roma Sotterranea " of the growth and gradual transformation of the ceme- tery of San Callisto. III. With regard to the history of the catacombs, a few leading facts are all that can here be given. In the first two cen- turies the use of the catacombs by the Christians was little interfered with ; they filled up the area with dead, and decorated the underground chambers with painting and sculpture, much as their means and taste suggested. In the third century persecution became fierce, and the Chris- tians were attacked in the catacombs. Staircases were then destroyed, passages blocked up, and new modes of ingress and egress devised, so as to defeat as much as possible the myrmidons of the law ; and the changes thus made can in many cases 12 CA THOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. be still recognized and understood. On the cessation of persecution, after A. D. 300, the catacombs, in which many mar- tyrs had perished, became a place of pilgrimage ; immense numbers of persons crowded into them ; and different Popes — particularly St. Damasus, early in the fifth century — caused old staircases to be enlarged, and new ones to be made, and luminaria (openings for admitting light and air) to be broken through from the cubicula to the surface of the ground, in order to give more accommodation to the pious throng. These changes also can be recognized. Burial in the catacombs naturally did not long survive the con- cession of entire freedom and peace to the Church ; but still they were looked upon as holy places, consecrated by the blood of martyrs, and as such were visited by innumerable pilgrims. In the seventh and eighth centuries Lombard invaders desecrated, plundered, and in part de- stroyed the catacombs. This led to a period of translations, commencing in the eighth century and culminating with Pope Paschal (a. d. 817), by which all the relics of the Popes and principal martyrs and confessors which had hitherto lain in the catacombs were removed for greater safety to the churches of Rome. After that the catacombs were abandoned, and in great part closed ; and not until the sixteenth century did the interest in them revive. The names of Onufrio Panvini, Bosio, and Boldetti are noted in connection with the renewed investigations of which they were the object ; and since the appearance of the work of the Padre Marchi already mentioned, the interest awakened in all Christian countries by the remarkable discoveries announced has never for a moment waned. IV. Having thus attempted to sketch the origin and trace the history of the catacombs, we proceed to describe what may now be seen in the most important portion of the best known among them all — the cemetery of San Callisto. Entering it from a vineyard near the Appian Way, the visitor descends a broad flight of steps, fashioned by Pope Damasus from the motive above mentioned, and finds himself in a kind of vestibule, on the stuccoed walls of which, honey- combed with loculi, are a quantity of rude inscriptions in Greek and Latin, some of which are thirteen and fourteen centuries old, scratched by the pilgrims who visited out of devotion the places where Popes and martyrs who had fought a good fight for Christ, and often their own kinsfolk and friends, lay in the peaceful gloom, awaiting the resurrection. By following a narrow gallery to the right, a chamber is reached which is called the Papal Crypt ; for here beyond all doubt the bodies of many Popes of the third century, after Zephyrinus (203-217) had secured this cemetery for the use of the Christians and committed it to the care of his deacon Callistus, were laid, and here they remained till they were removed by Paschal to the Vatican crypts. This is proved by' the recent discovery, in and near the Papal Crypt, of the slabs bearing the original inscriptions HISTORY OF THE CATACOMBS. 13 in memory of the Popes Eutychian, Anteros, Fabian, and Lucius. A passage leads out of the crypt into the cubiculum of St. Caecilia, where, as De' Rossi has almost demonstrated, the body of the saint, martyred in the first half of the third century, was originally deposited by Pope Urban, though it was afterwards removed by Paschal to her church in the Trastevere, where it now lies under the high altar. In this cubiculum are paint- ings of St. Caecilia and of our Lord, the latter "according to the Byzantine type, with rays of glory behind it in the form of a Greek cross." But these paintings are late — not earlier than the tenth century. Besides the Papal Crypt and the chamber of St. Caecilia, there are in this part of the cemetery " several cubicula interest- ing for their paintings, chiefly referable to Baptism and the Eucharist, the fish being the principal emblem of the lat- ter. In one of these crypts is a paint- ing of four male figures with uplifted hands, each with his name, placed over an arcosolium ; in another are representa- tions of peacocks, the emblem of immor- tality ; in a third, Moses striking the rock, and ascending to the mount ; in a fourth, a grave-digger {fossor) surrounded with the implements of his trade ; in a fifth, the Good Shepherd, with the miracle of the paralytic taking up his bed ; in a sixth, a banquet of seven persons, sup- posed to be the seven disciples alluded to in the twenty-first chapter of St. John's Gospel. These paintings, as well as the greater part of the catacomb, are referred to the last half of the third century." ^ V. For a detailed answer, accompanied with proofs, to the question, what testi- mony the catacombs bear to the nature of the religious belief and life of the early Christians, the reader is referred to the pages of " Roma Sotterranea," or to the larger work of De' Rossi. He will there find sufficient evidence to convince him of the truth of two main propositions — (i) that the religion of those Christians was a sacramental religion ; (2) that it was the reverse of puritanical ; that is, that it disdained the use of no external helps which human art and skill could furnish, in the effort to symbolize and enforce the spiritual truth. With reference to the first proposition, let him consider how the sac- rament of Baptism is typically represented in the catacombs by paintings of Noe in the ark, the rock smitten and water gush- ing forth, a fisherman drawing fish out of the water accompanied by a man baptizing, and the paralytic carrying his bed (" Roma Sotterranea," p. 265) ; and also how the mystery of the Eucharist is still more frequently and strikingly portrayed by pictures in which baskets of bread are associated with fish, the fish being the well known emblem of Our Lord.^ The second proposition is so abundantly proved by the remains of Christian art of very ancient date still to be seen in the cata- 1 Murray's Handbook of Rome and its Environs. 2 There were other reasons for this ; but the fact that the initials of the Greek words signifying "Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour," made up the word ichthtis, fish, undoubtedly had much to do with the general adoption of the emblem. 14 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. combs, in spite of the havoc and ruin of fifteen centuries, that it would be a waste of words to attempt to establish it at length. Adopting the general forms and methods of the contemporary Pagan art, but carefully eliminating whatever in it was immoral or superstitious, we find the Christian artists employing Biblical or symbolical subjects as the principal figures in each composition, while filling in their pictures with decorative forms and objects — such as fabulous animals, scroll- work, foliage, fruit, flowers, and birds — imitated from or suggested by the pre- existing heathen art. A type for which they had a peculiar fondness was that of the Good Shepherd. The blessed Virgin and Child, with a figure standing near supposed to be Isaias, is represented in an exceedingly beautiful but much injured painting on the vaulted roof of a lociilus in the cemetery of St. Priscilla. De' Rossi believes this painting " to belong almost to the apostolic age " ("Roma Sotterranea," p. 258). Another favorite type of Our Lord was Orpheus, who by his sweet music drew all crea- tures to hear him. The vine, painted with so much freedom and grace of handling on the roof of the entrance to the cemetery of Domitilla, is also, in De' Rossi's opinion, work of the first cen- tury. (" Roma Sotteranea," Northcote and Brownlow ; Murray's '* Handbook of Rome.'";? Bible (from biblion, a letter or paper, and that from biblos, the inner bark of papyrus). A name given to the sacred books of the Jews and the Christians. In itself "Bible" might mean a book of whatever kind, just as its synonym "Scrip- tures" {graphat) means originally writ- ings of any sort. Gradually the Jews who spoke Greek employed the word " Bible " as a convenient name for their sacred books. Thus the Greek translator of Ecclesiasticus, writing soon after 132 a. c, mentions the law and the prophets and the rest of the Bible {ta loipa ton biblioti) ; and a similar instance might be quoted from first Machabees.^ Our Lord and His disciples received the Jewish collection of the sacred books with the same rever- ence as the Jews themselves, and gave it the title usual at the time — viz. " the Scriptures." But after an interval there came a change. The apostles and their disciples wrote books professing sacred authority. These writings appeared in. the latter half of the first century, and were quoted within the Church with the same formulas — "it is written," etc. — which had been used before to introduce citations from the law and the prophets. These books of Christian authorship were called, first of all, " the books " or " scrip- tures of the new covenant," and from the beginning of the third century, the shorter expression "new covenant" came into vogue. In Chrysostom and succeeding writers we find " Bible " {biblid) as the familiar term for the whole collection con- tained in either "covenant," or, as we - 1 Ecclus. Praef. ; i Mach. xii. 9. In Dan. l». I, we find en tats biblois, a translation of * • * HISTORY OF THE CATACOMBS. le should now say, in the Old and New Tes- taments.' Under the article Canon the reader will find some account of the way in which, and the authority by which, the list of sacred books has been made, while the nature of their inspiration is also treated in a separate article. Here we take for granted that the Bible consists of a num- ber of inspired books, contained in the Vulgate translation and enumerated by the Council of Trent ; and we proceed to treat of its authority, its interpretation, and of its use among the faithful. I. The Church holds that the sacred Scripture is the written word of God. The Council of Trent, "following the example of the orthodox Fathers, receives with piety and reverence all the books of the Old and New Testament, since one God is the author of each." These words of the council, which are an almost verbal repetition of many early definitions, sepa- rate the Bible utterly from all other books. Of no human compositions, however excel- lent, can it be said that God is its author. And the divine origin of Scripture implies its perfect truth. We know for certain, St Irenaeus argues, that the Scriptures are perfect, since they are spoken by the Word of God and by the Spirit.^ Some few Catholic theologians have, indeed, 1 "The Scriptures of the new covenant," Etiseb. iii. 25 ; "the books of the new covenant," by implicauuii in Melito of Sardis, about 170 A. d. (apud Euseb. iv. 26.) The "new document" and Testament, TertuU. Adv. Marc. iv. i ("novum instrumentum "). We have translated diatheke "covenant." It never means "testament" in the Christian Scriptures, except in Heb. ix. 15-17. 2 Iren. ii. 28, 2. maintained that the Scriptures may en in minimis — /. e. in small matters of his torical detail which in no way effect faith or morals. Nor in doing so do they con- tradict any express definition of Pope or council, thqugh such an opinion has never obtained any currency in the Church; But of course the modern Protestant theo- ries which reduce the historical account of the Bible to mere myths, or again which, while they allow that the Scripture con- tains the word of God, deny that it is the written word of God, are in sharp and obvious contradiction to the decrees of the church. 2. The Church, then, affirms that all Scripture is the word of God, but at the same time it maintains that there is an unwritten word of God over and above Scripture. Just as Catholics are bound to defend the authority of the Bible against the new school of Protestants who have come to treat it as an ordinary book, so they are compelled to withstand that Protestant exaggeration, on the other side, according to which the word of God is contained in Scripture and in Scripture alone. The word of God ( so the council of Trent teaches) is contained both in the Bible and in Apostolical tradition, and it is the duty of a Christian to receive the one and the other with equal veneration and respect. The whole history and the whole structure of the New Testament witness to the truth and reasonableness of the Catholic view. If our Lord had meant His Church to be guided by a book, and by a book alone, He would have taken i6 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. care that Christians should be at once provided with sacred books. As a matter of fact He did nothing of the kind. He refers those who were to embrace His doctrine, not to a book, but to the living voice of His apostles and of FJ is Church. " He who heareth you," He said to the apostles, " heareth me." For twenty years after our Lord's ascension, not a single book of the New Testament was written, and all that time no Christian could appeal, as many Protestants do now, to the Bible and the Bible only, for the simple reason that the New Testament did not exist, and the faithful were evidently called upon to believe many truths for which no strict and cogent proofs could be brought from the pages of the Jewish Scriptures. Further, when the writings of the New Testament were issued, they appeared one by one, in order to meet special exigencies, nor is the least hint given that the apostles or their disciples provided that their writ- ings should contain the whole sum of Christian truth. St. Paul wrote to various churches in order to give them instruction on particular points, and in order to pre- serve them from moral or doctrinal errors to which they were exposed at the moment. Far from professing to communicate the whole circle of doctrine in a written form, he exhorts his converts in one of his earliest epistles, to "hold the traditions which "they "had learned, whether by word or by " his " epistle " ; a few years later he praises the Corinthians for keep- ing the traditions {paradoseis) as he deliv- ered them, and towards the close of his life, he warns St. Timothy to keep the "deposit" of the faith {parathokon), with- out a syllable to imply that this deposit had been committed to writing.^ So, with regard to the gospel records, St. John expressly declares that they were, from the necessity of the case, an incomplete account of Christ's life.^ The Christians who lived nearest to apostolic times believed, as the apostles themselves had done, that Scripture is a source, but by no means the only source, of Christian doctrine. Tertullian constantly appeals to the tradition of the apostolic churches, and lays down the principle on which all his arguments against heresy turn — viz., that the apostles taught both by word and by letter.^ A little before Tertullian's- time, St. Irenaeus actually put the imag- inary case that the apostles had left no Scripture at all. In this case, he says, we should still be able to follow the order of tradition, which [the apostles] handed down to those into whose hands they committed the churches.^ 3. There is a controversy no less vital between Catholics and Protestants as to the interpretation of Scripture. A pop- ular Protestant theory makes it the right and the duty of each individual to interpret the Bible for himself and to frame his own religion accordingly; the Catholic, on the contrary, maintains that it belongs to the Church, and to the Church alone, to determine the true sense of the Scripture. 1 2 Thess. ii. 14 ; i Cor. xi. 2 ; i Tim. vi. 20. 2 John xxi. 25 ; and see Acts xx. 35. ^ Prescript. 21. * Iren. iii. 4, i. HISTORY OF THE CATACOMBS. j; and that we cannot interpret contrary to the Church's decision, or to " the unani- mous consent of the Fathers," without mak- ing shipwreck of the faith. The Catholic is fully justified in believing with perfect confidence that the Church cannot teach any doctrine contrary to the Scripture, for our Lord has promised that the gates of hell will not prevail against His Church. On the other hand, Christ has made no promise of infallibility to those who expound Scripture by the light of private judgment. St. Peter tells us distinctly that some parts of the New Testament are hard to understand. Moreover, the expe- rience of centuries has abundantly con- firmed the Catholic and disproved the *rotestant rule of interpretation. Unity IS the test of truth. If each man received the Holy Ghost, enabling him to ascertain 4he sense of the Bible, then pious Protes- tants would be at one as to its meaning and the doctrines which it contains, whereas it is notorious that they have differed from the first on every point of doctrine. The principle of private judg- ment has been from the time it was first applied a principle of division and of con- fusion, and has led only to the multiplica- tion of heresies and sects, agreed in nothing except in their common disagreement with the Church. Nor does the authority of the Church in any way interfere with the scientific exposition of Scripture. A Catholic commentator is in no way limited to a servile repetition of the interpretation already given by the Fathers. He is not, indeed, permitted to give to any passage in Scripture a meaning which is at variance with the faith, as attested by the decision of the Church or the unanimous consent of the Fathers. But he may differ as to the meaning of passages in Scripture, even from the greatest of the Fathers ; he is not bound to consider that these passages necessarily bear the meaning given them by general councils in the preambles to their decrees ; he may even advance inter- pretations entirely new and unknown before. When, for example, God is said to have hardened Pharao's heart, a Catholic commentator cannot infer from this that the book of Exodus makes God the author of sin, but he may, if he sees cause, give an explanation of the words which differs from that of St. Augustine or St. Thomas, or, indeed, from that of all the Fathers and Doctors of the Church taken together.^ 4. We now come to the use of the Bible, and the Catholic principles on this head follow from what has been already said. It is not necessary for all Christians to read the Bible. Many nations, St. Irenaeus tells us, were converted and received the faith without being able to read.2 Without knowledge of letters, without a Bible in their own tongue, they received from the Church teaching which was quite sufficient for the salvation of their souls. Indeed, if the study of the Bible had been an indispensable requisite, a great part of the human race would have been left without the means of grace till 1 Pallavacini, Hist. Concil. Trident, in Mohler's Symboltk p. 386. 2 Iren. iii. 4, 2. it CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. the invention of printing. More than this, parts of the Bible are evidently unsuited to the very young or to the igno- rant and hence Clement XL condemned the proposition that " the reading of Scripture is for all." These principles are fixed and invariable, but the discipline of the Church with regard to the reading of the Bible in the vulgar tongue has varied with vary- ing circumstances. In early times, the Bible was read freely by the lay people, and the Fathers constantly encourage them to do so, although they also insist on the obscurity of the sacred text. No prohibi- tions were issued against the popular read- ing the Bible. New dangers came in during the middle ages. When the heresy of the Albigenses arose there was a danger from corrupt translations, and also from the fact that the heretics tried to make the faithful judge the Church by their own interpretation of the Bible. To meet these evils, the councils of Toulouse (1229) and Tarragona (1234) forbade the laity to read the vernacular translations of the Bible. Pius IV. required the bishops to refuse lay persons leave to read even Catholic ver- sions of Scripture unless their confessors or parish priests judged that such reading was likely to prove beneficial. During this cen. tury, Leo XII., Pius VIII., and Pius IX., have warned Catholics against the Protes- tant Bible Societies, which distribute versions (mostly corrupt versions) of the Bible with the avowed purpose of pervert- ing simple Catholics. It is only surprising that any rational being could have thought it possible for the Holy See to assume any other attitude toward such proceedings. It is right, however, to observe that the Church displays the greatest anxiety that her children should read the Scriptures, if they possess the necessary dispositions. "You judge exceedingly well," says Pius VI., in his letter to Martini, the author of a translation of the Bible into Italian, " that the faithful should be excited to the reading of Holy Scriptures : for these are the most abundant sources, which ought to be left open to every one, to draw from them purity of morals and of doctrine. This you have seasonably effected .... by publishing the sacred Scriptures in the language of your country, .... especially when you show that you have added explanatory notes, which, being extracted from the holy Fathers, preclude every pos- sible danger of abuse." ^ xxxxxxxxxx «««4S»«««i!}««««4^«««« xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxx ««««««««««««««««« xxxxxxxxxx 8^ ,ROM the earliest times the determinations of the Church received the name of Canons, that is, rules directory in mat- ters of faith and conduct. Thus we read of the Apostolic Canons, the Canons of the Council of Nice, or of Chalcedon, etc. A tendency afterwards appeared to restrict the term Canon to matters of discipline, and to give the name of Dogma to decisions bear- ing on faith. But the Council of Trent confirmed the ancient use of the word, calling its determinations " canons^ whether they bore on points of belief or were directed to the reformation of discipline. Canon Law is the assemblage of rules or laws relating to faith, morals, and dis- cipline, prescribed or propounded to Chris- tians by ecclesiastical authority. The words " or laws " are added to the defini- tion, lest it be thought that these rules are only matters of publication and per- suasion, and not binding laws, liable to be enforced by penalties. The definition shows that the object of canon law is " faith, morals, and discipline " ; and nothing but these is its object. "To Christians"—- that is, baptized persons are the subject of canon law ; and that without reference to the question whether they are or are not obedient to the Church and within her pale. For theologians teach that the character imprinted by baptism on the soul is ineffaceable ; and in virtue of this character the baptized are Christ's sol- diers, and subject of right to those whom He appointed to rule in His fold. The unbaptized (Turks, Pagans, etc. ), speaking generally, are not the subject of canon law. Yet it must not be supposed that the Church has no rights and no duties in regard to such persons ; by the com- mission of Christ she has the right of visiting, teaching, and then baptizing them (^' euntes docete omnes gentes, bap- tizando^'' etc.). " Propounded " — for some of these rules belong to the natural or to the divine law, and as such are not orig- inally imposed by the Church, but proposed and explained by her. " By ecclesiastical authority" — hence canon law is distin- CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. guished from systems of law imposed by the civil authority of States, as being pre- scribed by the power with which Jesus Christ endowed the Church which he founded ( " qui vos audit, me audit ; pasce oves measT etc.). Before we proceed to give a brief sketch of the history of canon law, to notice in parts, ascertain its sources, and describe its principal collections, a preliminary objection, striking at the root of its author- ity, and almost at its existence, must be examined. It is, that the consent of the civil power in any country is necessary to give validity to the determinations of the canon law in that country. This is the doctrine of the " placitum regium^^ or " royal assent " ; it implies, whatever may be the form of the government, that State authorization is necessary before it can become the duty of a Christian to obey the ecclesiastical authority. On this Cardinal Soglia writes as follows: — "If we inquire into the origin of the ' placitum,' we shall find it in the terrible and pro- longed schism which lasted from the election of Urban VI. to the Council of Constance. For Urban, lest the schism should give occasion to an improper use of Papal authority, granted to certain pre- lates that there should be no execution of any apostolic letters in their cities and dioceses, unless such letters were first shown to and approved by those prelates, or their officials. The rulers of European States also began carefully to examine all bulls and constitutions, in order that their subjects might not be deceived by pseudo- pontiffs. But these measures, it is evident, were of a precautionary and temporary character. However, when the cause ceased, the effect did not also cease ; on the extinction of the schism, the placitum did not disappear, but was retained by the civil power in many countries, and gradually extended. At first, says Oliva, the placitum was applied to Papal rescripts of grace and justice given to individuals; afterwards it was extended to decrees of discipline, and in the end even to dogmatic bulls." The Cardinal explains in what sense the celebrated canonist Van Espen, who was prone unduly to magnify the civil power, understood the application of the placitum to dogmatic rescripts, and proceeds : — "It is evident that this theory" (of possible danger or inconvenience to the State if Papal bulls were published without restraint) "arose out of the suggestions- of statesmen and politicians, who, as Zall-,) wein says, out of a wish to flatter and please the princes whom they serve, and to enlarge their own and their masters' jurisdiction, as well as out of the hatred of the ecclesiastical power by which they are often animated, invent all kinds of dangers, harms, and losses, by which they pretend the public welfare is threat- ened, and artfully bring these views under the notice of their masters. ... * If,' pro- ceeds the same Zallwein, ' the ecclesias- tical sovereigns whom Christ hath set to rule over the Church of God, were to urge their " placitum " also, whenever political edicts are issued, which, as often happens, are prejudicial to the ecclesiastic HISTORY OF CANON LAW, 21 cal state, hostile to ecclesiastical liberties, opposed to the jurisdiction of the Pontiff and bishops, and aggressive against the very holy of holies, what would the civil rulers say ? ' Following up the argument, Govart says, ' If a prince could not be said to have full power and jurisdiction in temporals, were his edicts to depend on the " placitum " of the Pope and bishops, and could their publication be hindered by others, so neither would the Pope have full power in spirituals, if his constitutions depended on the " placitum " of princes, and could be suppressed by them. Where- fore if, in the former case, whoever should maintain the affirmative might justly be said to impugn the authority of the prince, so and a fortiori in the second case must the supporter of such an opin- ion be said to undermine with sinister intention the Papal authority, or rather to destroy it altogether.' The sura of the argument is, that ' by the " placitum regium" the liberty of the ecclesiastical " magisterium " and government divinely entrusted to the Church is seriously impaired, the independence of the divinely appointed primacy destroyed, and the mutual intercourse jjetween the head and the members intercepted. Therefore, if the Church, to guard against still greater evils, endures and puts up with the " placi- tum," she never consents to or approves of it.' " From the point of view of the interest of the laity, and the Christian people generally, it is obvious that the lovers of true liberty must disapprove of the "placi- tum." It is impossible that the Church, or the Roman Pontiff as the mouth-piece of the Church, should issue any decree or have any interest inimical to the welfare of the general Christian population in any state. Any obstacles, therefore, which governments may interpose to the free publication and execution of ecclesiastical rescripts cannot arise from solicitude for the public welfare. Whence, then, do they arise, or have they arisen } Evidently from the arbitrary temper of kings, the jealousies of nobles, and the desire of bureaucrats to extend their power. These two latter classes, at least all but the noblest individuals among them, are usu- ally predisposed to hamper the action of the Church and the clergy, lest their own social influence should be diminished rel- atively to that of the latter. This is no interest which deserves to engage popular sympathies, but rather the contrary. Historical. — Jurisdiction is implied in the terms of the commission of binding and losing which Christ gave to the apostles, and especially to Peter. While Christians were few, and apostles and others who had " seen the Lord " still alive, the apostolic authority could be exercised with little help from written documents or rigid rules. As these early conditions passed away, the necessity of a system of law, in order to ensure uniform- ity, equity, and perspicuity in the exercise of the Church's jurisdiction, could not but become increasingly manifest. After the apostles had passed away, having devolved upon the bishops all of their authoritj' 22 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. which was not limited to them in their apostolic character, each bishop became a centre of jurisdiction. In deciding any cases that might be brought before him, he had three things to guide him, — Scrip- ture, tradition, and the "holy canons," — that is, the disciplinary rules which Church synods, beginning with the Council of Jerusalem, had established. Many of these primitive canons are still preserved for us in the collection known as the apos- tolical canons, although, taken as a whole, they are of no authority, Till Christianity conquered the imperial throne, questions of jurisdiction and law did not come into prominence ; after Constantine the case was very different. The Council of Nice, besides its dogmatic utterances, framed a quantity of canons for the regulation of Church discipline, which, along with those of Sardica, were soon translated into Latin, and widely circulated in the West. An important step towards codification and uniformity of procedure was taken at the end of the fifth or early in the sixth century, when Dionysius Exiguus, under the direction of Popes Anastasius and Symmachus, made a large compila- tion of canons for the use of the Latin Church. In this he included fifty of the apostolic canons, translated from the Greek, considering the rest to be of doubt- ful authority ; the canons of Chalcedon, with those of which that Council had made use ; the canons of Sardica, and a large number promulgated by African councils ; lastly, the decretal letters of the Popes from Siricius to Anastasius II. The next collection is that supposed to have been made by St. Isidore of Seville, early in the seventh century. About a. d. 850, a col- lection of canons and decretals appeared, seemingly at Mayence, which were osten- sibly the compilation of lisdore of Seville. In an age of great ignorance, when criti- cism was neither in favor nor provided with means, it is not wonderful that this collection which invested with the spurious authority of recorded decisions a system of j things existing traditionally, indeed, but ' liable to constant opposition, passed speed- ; ily into general recognition and acceptance. Six centuries passed before it was dis- covered that these pseudo-Isidorian or False Decretals as they are now called, were to a great extent forgery. Never- theless, as Cardinal Soglia remarks, the collection contains in it nothing contrary to faith or sound morals ; otherwise its long reception would have been impossi- ble ; nor does the discipline which it enjoins depend for its authority upon this collection, but either upon constitutions ^ of earlier and later date, or upon custom, " qucs in rebus disciplinaribus multum ' valet." Many collections of canons were made and used in national churches between the date of Dionysius Exiguus and that of the author of the " Decretum." In Africa there was the Codex Africanus (547), and the " Concordantia Canonum " of Bishop Cresconius (697) ; in Spain the chapters of Martin, Bishop of Braga (572), beside the work by Isidore of Seville already mentioned ; in France, a Codex HISTORY OF CANON LAW. 23 Canonum, besides the capitularies of the Merovingian and Carlovingian kings. Passing over these, we come to the cel- ebrated compilation by Gratian, a Bene- dictine monk (11 51), which the compiler, whose main purpose was to reconcile the inconsistencies among canons of different age and authorship bearing on the same subject, entitled " Concordantia discor- dantium Canonum," but which is generally known as the "Decretum of Gratian." Having brought our historical sketch to the point where ecclesiastical law, no lon- ger perplexed by the multiplicity of canons of various date and place and more or less limited application, begins to provide her- self with a general code — a " corpus juris " — applicable to the whole Catholic world, we drop the historical method and turn to the remaining heads of the inquiry. Canon law consists of precepts of differ- ent kinds. Hence it is divided into four parts — precepts of the natural law, posi- tive divine precepts, directions left by the apostles, and ecclesiastical constitutions. Upon each of these Cardinal Soglia dis- courses solidly and lucidly in the second chapter of his Prolegomena. With regard to the sources whence these precepts flow, they might, strictly speak- ing, be reduced to three — God, who impresses the natural law upon the con- science, and reveals the truth which men are to believe ; the apostles ; and the Supreme Pontiffs, either alone or in con- junction with the bishops in general coun- cils. Canonists, however, find it more convenient to define the sources of canon law in the following manner: i. Holy Scripture ; 2. Ecclesiastical tradition ; 3. The decrees of councils ; 4. Papal consti- tutions and rescripts ; 5. The writings of the Fathers ; 6. The civil law. On this last head Soglia remarks that "many things relating to the external polity of the Church have been borrowed from the imperial enactments of Rome, and incor- porated in the canon law." The Collections oi canon law, considering it as a system in present force and obliga- tion, commence with the '^Decretum of Gratian " already mentioned. This great work is divided into three parts. The first part, in loi "Distinctions," treats of ecclesiastical law, its origin, principles, and authority, and then of the different ranks and duties of the clergy. The sec- ond part, in thirty-six " Causes," treats of ecclesiastical courts, and their form of procedure. The third part, usually called "De Consecratione," treats of things and rites employed in the service of religion. From its first appearance the Decretum obtained a wide popularity, but it was soon discovered that it contained numerous errors which were corrected under the directions of successive Popes down to Gregory VHI. Nor, although every sub- sequent generation has resorted to its pages, is the Decretum an authority to this day — that is, whatever canons or maxims of law are found in it possess only that degree of legality which they would pos- sess if they existed separately ; their being in the Decretum gives them no binding force. In the century after Gratian sev- 24 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. eral supplementary collections of Decretals appeared. These, with many of his own, were collected by the orders of Gregory IX., who employed in the work the extraordi- nary learning and acumen of St. Raymond of Pennafort, into five books, known as the Decretals of Gregory IX. These are in the fullest sense authoritative, having been deliberately ratified and published by that Pope (1234). The Sext, or sixth book of the Decretals, was added by Boniface VIII (1298). The Clementine^ are named after Clement V., who compiled them out of the canons of the Council of Vienne (i3i6)and some of his own constitutions. The Extravagantes of John XXII., who succeeded Clement V., and the Extrava- gantes Communes, containing the Decre- tals of twenty-five Popes, ending with Six- tus IV. (1484), complete the list. Of these five collections — namely, the Decretals, the Sext, the Clementines, the Extravagants of John XXII., and the Extravagants Common — the "Corpus Juris Ecclesias- tici " is made up. To these a very important addition has to be made in " Jus novissimum " — mod- ern law. Under this head are comprised the canons of general councils since that of Vienna, contained in great compilations such as those of Labbe and Harduin, and the Decretal letters of Popes, published in the form of Bullaria, and coming down (in the case of the great Turin Bullarium of 1857) to the pontificate of Pius IX. The decisions of Roman congregations and of the tribunal of the Rota also form part of this modern law. The rules of the Roman Chancery, first formulated by John XXII. and now numbering seventy two, are everywhere of authority, provided that they do not conflict witk a contrary law, a clause in a Concordat,! or a legitimate custom. Lastly, the Concordats, or treaties entered into by, the Holy See with various countries foi the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs,! constitute special systems of law for those countries. In England, as in other European coun- tries, the canon and civil law were studied together before the Reformation, andl formed a code, applicable not only to spiritual suits but to the large class of mixed cases, which was enforced in the Church courts. Provincial constitutions were passed from time to time by different archbishops of Canterbury, but from their increasing number and the want of a meth- odical arrangement, many of them were gradually forgotten or neglected. A great service, therefore, was rendered to the English Church of his day by William Lyndewode, chaplain to Archbishop Chich- eley and official of the Court of Arches, who collected and arranged (about 1425), under the title of " Provinciale," the con- stitutions of fourteen archbishops of Can- terbury, from Stephen Langton to Chich- eley, classifying them according to their subjects in five books, in imitation of the Decretals of Gregory IX. To this col- lection the constitutions of the legates Otho (1237) and Othobon (1262) were subsequently appended. These English constitutions, and canon law generally HISTORY OF CANON LAW, (except so far as modified by the statutes and canons which consummated the Anglican schism, and raised the reign- ing sovereign — being an Anglican Prot- 25 estant, 1702 — to the headship of the national church), are still recognized as authoritative in Anglican ecclesiastical courts. l^ '' ist^r^ 0f Petsr's Peaee. *^ :f I N annual tax of one penny for every house in England, col- lected at Midsummer, and paid to the Holy See. It was extended to Ireland under the bull granted by Pope Adrian to Henry 11.^ The earliest documentary mention of it seems to be the letter of Canute (103 1), sent from Rome to the English clergy and laity.^ Among the " dues which we owe to God according to ancient law," the king names "the pennies which we owe to Rome at St. Peter's," {denarii quos Romce ad Sanctum Petrum deb emus), whether from towns or vills." It may hence be considered certain that the tax was deemed one of ancient stand- ing in the time of Canute, but its exact origin is variously related. West Saxon writers ascribe the honor (for it was regarded as an honor by our forefathers) of its institution to kings of Wessex ; Matthew Paris, who represents merchant 1 Matt. Paris, ed. Wats, p. 95. But, as is well known, the genuineness of this bull is now disputed (see the last volume of the Analecta Pontificia). 2 Flor. of Wore. a. 1031. traditions, gives it to Offa, king of Mercia. Malmesbury makes Ethelwulf, the father of Alfred, the founder ; so that the same king who instituted tithes would on this view have established " Peter's Pence." But a writer very little later than Malmes- bury — Henry of Huntingdon — attributes the grant to Offa, king of Mercia, who " gave to the Vicar of St. Peter, the Bishop of Rome, a fixed rent for every house in his kingdom forever." Matthew Paris, in his " Two Offas " (printed by Wats), gives the Mercian tradition in an expanded form. Offa, visiting Rome in great state, besides other munificent offer- ings, burdens his kingdom with the " Rom- scot," which is to be paid to the Roman Church for the support of the English school and hostel at Rome. It was to be one silver penny (argentus) for every family occupying land worth thirty pence a year. On the other hand, Layamon, the poet (writing about 1209, among West Saxon traditions), ascribes the institution to Ina, a king of Wessex. No certain conclusion can be arrived at ; but, on the whole, it HISTORY OF PETER'S PENCE. 27 seems probable that the " Rom-scot " owed its foundation to Offa, with whose prosperous and successful reign the initia- tion of the thing would be more in keeping than with the troubled times of Ethel- wulf, although the latter may well have consented to extend that which had been before only a Mercian impost to the West Saxon part of his dominions. The "alms,"^ sent by Alfred to Pope Marinus, who then "freed" the English school at Rome, were probably nothing more than arrears of Peter's pence, the receipt of which made it possible for the Pope to free the inhabitants in the English quarter, and the pilgrims resorting to it for hospitality, from all tax and toll. Geoffrey Gaimar^ is responsible for the curious statement, that in consideration of the Peter's pence (the " dener de la meison " ) given by Canute, the Pope made him his legate, and ordered that no Eng- lishman charged with crime should be imprisoned abroad, or exiled, but should " purge himself in his own land." 1 Sax. Chr. 883. » See Mon. Hist. Brit. p. 821. It is probable that there was at all times great irregularity in the payment of the Rom-scot. It is recorded to have been sent to Rome in 1095, by the hands of the Papal nuncio, after an intermission of many years. Again, in 1123,^ we read of a legate coming into England after the Rom-scot. From 1534 it ceased to be rendered. The tribute, or cess, of 1,000 marks (700 for England, 300 for Ireland), which King John bound himself and his heirs to pay to the Roman See, in recognition of the feudal dependence of his kingdom, was of course wholly distinct from the Peter's pence. After being paid by Henry III. and Edward II., but withheld by Edward I. and Edward III., it was formally claimed with arrears, in 1366, by Urban V. The Peters pence of modern days is a voluntary contribution made by the faith- ful, and taken up under the direction of their bishop, for the maintenance of the Sovereign Pontiff. 1 Sax. Chr on. '^^^^^-^^^ %t5;j^%?:5^s^- CHAPTER V. $: ^: 'i?: %•': iv {•': * * i?> i?> *•?> *•?> ^V ^?> ^?J ^?> * ••• •!•; {•; {•; •!•; 'S* '.*': •?• i?j •!•; •?•' •?• •?•' *•?• *•?• "S* •?•* •?•* *•?• BOY is usually sent to school in order that he may obtain, with greater ease and fewer inter- ruptions than would be pos- sible at home, knowledge which would be serviceable to him in after life. This is a motive which acts on parents independently of State insti- gation ; it filled the school of Flavins at Venusia with " big boys, the sons of big centurions,"^ and took Horace to that superior establishment at Rome which received the sons of "knights and sen- ators." To these voluntary schools, which doubtless existed in every part of the Roman empire, and were closely connec- ted with the movement of Pagan society, it does not appear that Christian parents in the first three centuries sent their sons. The earliest Christian school of which we have a distinct account — that of Pantaenus at Alexandria (a. d. i8o) — was one for religious and catechetical instruction {hieron logon katechesedti)? The earliest 1 Hor. 5a/. I. 6, 73. a Eus. His . Eccl. State provision for secondary instruction was made by the Emperor Vespasian,^ who established a group of "imperial schools " at all the great provincial towns ; Besan- con, Aries, Cologne, Rheims, and Treves are particularly mentioned. In these schools rhetoric, logic, and Latin and Greek literature were well taught, and many a Christian apologist owed to them the mental culture which he employed after his conversion in the service of Christ. When the empire had become Christian, these schools still retained the old methods and subjects of instruction, and even, to a great extent, the old spirit. St. Jerome, who had himself been educated in one of them, was alive to the perilous nature of this influence, and interdicted the reading of the Pagan authors to ali those under his direction who were in training for the religious life. Every bish- op's residence was from the first more or less definitely a school, in which clerics were trained for the ecclesiastical life. Similarly, after the commencement of the 1 J. B. Mullinger, TheSchools of the Great (1877), p. 12. 28 ORIGIN OF SCHOOLS. 29 monastic life under St. Antony and St. Hilarion, the monastery, besides subserv- ing the ends of self-discipline and continual intercession, became a school for training monks. This was especially seen in the monasteries in Gaul which followed the rule of the Abbot Cassian of Marseilles. Early in the fifth century, the invasions of the barbarians began ; for four centuries Western Europe weltered in chaos, and the institutions of civilized life perished. In the cities of Gaul, as the Franks pressed southwards, the old municipal schools — the schools of the Rhetoricians and the Grammarians — dwindled and were dispersed. Lay life became barbar- ous ; and the arts of barbarism — which chiefly fighting, destruction, and do not stand in the need of schools. But in the wreck the episcopal and monastic schools survived, and, through the degradation of lay life, became ever more attractive. In the island of Lerins, the abbot Honoratus, about 400, founded a celebrated monastery, the school of which was known as the Studiuin Insiilanum. Ireland, soon after its conversion by St. Patrick, was dotted over with monastic schools, in which such learning as was then accessible was prose- cuted with remarkable success. The suppression of the schools of Athens by order of Justinian (529) sounded the knell of the educational institutes of antiquity. These schools were, in fact, a university, although that name was of later introduction. They had never been able to shake off the Pagan ire coarse indulgence modes of thought which gave birth to them, and now the advancing tide of Christian ideas engulfed them, without being able for a long time to supply their place. A few months after the suppres- sion, St. Benedict founded the abbey of Monte Cassino, and the schools for the erection of which his rule provides were soon spread over Western Europe. These gradually produced a race of teachers and students whose higher and wider views suggested the resuscitation of academic life. It is sufficient to mention the names of lona, Lindisfarne, Canterbury, York, Fulda, Rheims, Corbie, Fleury, and Seville — not as being all of Benedictine origin, but as among the best schools to be found in the troubled period from the fifth to the tenth century. The great organizing mind of Charle- magne endeavored to make use of educa tion, as of all other forces within his reach, for restoring civilization in the West. He invited Alcuin, the Scholasticus of York, as the best known teacher in Europe, to his court at Aix-la-Chapelle, and gave into his charge the palace school. Conscien- tious and painstaking, Alcuin was yet essentially born^\ there is something cramped and unsatisfactory in his way of handling all the subjects of his narrow curriculum. The age of universities was not yet. Charlemagne, and his son after him, were perpetually urging the bishops to improve their schools. Rabanus Maurus, a pupil of Alcuin, made the school of Fulda illustrious ; that of Corbie, in the same age, produced Paschasiu« 30 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. Radbert. The trivium and quadrivium — the invention of which is ascribed by some io Martianus Capella, a Carthaginian professor of rhetoric, by others to St. Augustine — supplied the cadre of the most advanced instruction for several centuries. Between 850 and 1000, the inroads of the Normans and Danes again made havoc of all that had been hitherto done in France and England to promote education. The Normans, however, when once solidly converted, became the most active propagators of all civilizing ideas that the world has ever seen. The Norman school of Bee, founded in the eleventh century by the Abbot Herluin, :iumbered among its teachers Lanfranc and St. Anselm. In schools of this class, where knowledge was sought at first hand, and philosophy disdained conventional methods, university ideals began to emerge. In the twelfth century, at Paris, commences the history of modern univer- sities. After the establishment of these foci of superior teaching, the secondary school became, in theory, on the one hand a stage of preparation for the university, on the other a place of the final training for those who had to begin work early. But for a long time first of these two aspects of a secondary school overpowered the other. William of Wykeham, bishop of Winchester, founded there, in 1373, the school which still exists, expressly in order to feed the college (New College) which he was establishing at Oxford. The Winchester foundation was for a warden and ten fellows, three chaplains and three clerks in orders, an informatut or head master, a hostiarius or second master, seventy scholars who were to be "poor and in need of help," and sixteen choristers.^ Imitating this example, Henry VI. founded the school at Eton in 1440, as a nursery to King's College, Cambridge. The later public schools of England — Westminster, Rugby, Harrow, etc. — have been founded, speaking gene- rally, upon the model of these two, but without the same close connection with the universities. Towards the end of the seventh century, the necessity of separating primary or elementary instruction from secondary began to make itself felt. The greater complexity and variety of employments, and the increased application of science to all the useful arts, make it desirable, if not indispensable, that the laboring class also should at least be instructed in letters and in the art of calculation. Primary instruc- tion on a large scale was first tried (1684) by the Ven. de la Salle, the founder of the Christian Brothers. The new grade had its two aspects — that by which it was a stage of preparation for the secondary school, and that by which it gave a final training. Up to very recent times the former aspect was little regarded ; but, at present, the advantage of making free and easy communications by which the best scholars can pass from the primary to the secondary, and from that to the superior grade of instruction, is clearly perceived by educationists. 1 The Public Schools, 1867. ORIGIN OF SCHOOLS. 3i All English schools before the Refor- mation had a Catholic character. That being withdrawn from them by the change of religion, and the laws prohibiting the erection of new schools under Catholic teachers, those who adhered to the old faith were put to great straits for several generations in order to get their children educated under any tolerable conditions. A single sample of Protestant legislation will show what difficulties had to be faced. By the ii and 12 Will. III. c. iv. "if any Papist, or person making profession of the Popish religion, shall keep school, or take upon himself the education or government or boarding of youth, he shall be adjudged to perpetual imprisonment in such place within this kingdom as the King by advice of his Privy Council shall appoint."^ Unless foreign education were sought, obscure private schools, such as those of which we obtain a glimpse in the accounts of the early life of Pope, were the only available resort. The first school of a higher class was that established at Sedg- ley Park (it had previously existed in a humble way at Newcastle-under-Lyne) by Bishop Challoner in 1763. Ushaw, which, as Crook Hall, was founded in 1794; Stonyhurst, dating from the same year ; St. Edmund's, founded in 1795 ; Down- side, in 1798; Oscott, in 1808; and Edgbaston, in 1858 — with Ampleforth, Beaumont, and Woburn Park — are our principal Catholic secondary schools at present. 1 Hook's Church Dictionary, " Schools." The monitorial system of Bell and Lan- caster, by means of which it was con- sidered that primary instruction could be much extended at little expense by setting the elder children as "monitors" to teach the rudiments to the younger, was brought out in 1797. The primary schools of Prussia, organized under Hardenberg with great skill and thoroughness, drew general attention; and in 1833 the first public grant, 20,000/., in aid of the elementary education of the people, was voted by Parliament, and its administration con- fided to a Committee of the Privy Council, The system of aiding local efforts thus introduced has received an enormous development and undergone numerous changes of detail, but in its substantial features it remains unaltered to the pres- ent day. In the Anglican communion, the organ through which State help was dispensed was the " National Society for the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church," founded in 18 12. The corresponding organ for the Dissenters was the " British and Foreign School Society." For Catholics was established, in 1847, ^^^ "Catholic Poor School Committee," which, by maintain- ing efficient training-schools for masters and mistresses, enables Catholic managers to obtain their fair share of the Parliamen- tary grant for elementary education. In Ireland the penal laws rendered the erection of Catholic schools impossible until about a hundred years ago, when the ill success of the war against the Ameri- can colonists compelled certain relaxa- 3» CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. tions. A secondary school for forty- boarders was founded at Burrell's Hall, Kilkenny, in 1783, under Drs. Lanigan and Dunne.1 It throve exceedingly, and was transformed in 1836 into St. Kieran's College, under which name it still exists. Of more recent foundation are Carlow and Thurles Colleges, and the Jesuit Colleges of Clongowes and Tullabeg. These insti- tutions, though without State aid or inspection, are already more flourishing than the Royal and Charter Schools — founded in the bad times in order to pre- serve and extend Protestant ascendency — could ever boast of being. The National Board of Education — in the schools of which a combined literary instruction was to be given to children of all creeds during certain hours in the day, while separate religious teaching might be given to those whose parents desired it before or after those hours, and also on one particular day of the week — was organized through the exertions of Mr. Stanley, Chief Secretary for Ireland (after- 1 Trans, of the Ossory Archceological Society, i2>Z2, vol. i. part 2. wards Earl of Derby), in 1831. The bishops accepted this arrangement, not as the best, but as the best obtainable, meas- ure ; and under it, notwithstanding the difficulties caused by extreme poverty, elementary school training has penetrated into every corner of Ireland. An Act for the enforcement of general education, and authorizing the formation of School Boards, and the levying of rates, in all places where voluntary effort should appear to be insufficient for the need, was brought in by Mr. Forster in 1870, and became law. Great efforts have been made by the Catholic body in England, and hitherto with a large measure of suc- cess, to provide schools under certificated teachers (and therefore qualified to partici- pate in the educational grant) sufficient for the reception of all the Catholic children in the country. Whether these efforts will prevail, or the Board schools, from which definite religious teaching is excluded, will more and more bring the elementary instruction of the people under their control, is a question still uncertain. ^ "^1^ CHAPTER VI. Ifistoiiy o]| 5i|eemasoni|y. REEMASONRY is the system of the Freemasons, a secret order and pantheistic sect, which professes, by means of a symbolical language and certain ceremonies of initiation and promotion, to lay down a code of morality founded on the brotherhood of humanity only. Some writers apply the term Freemasonry not only to Aie Free- masons proper, but also to all secrc.i organ- izations which seek to undermine Christianity and the political and social institutions that have Christianity for their basis. The origin of Freemasonry is disputed. The Freemasons themselves, in the lan- guage of their rituals, assume the sect to have begun its existence at the building of Solomon's Temple : but serious Masonic writers, as well as all writers of repute, declare this to be merely a conventional fiction. Nor is any more value to be attached to the attempts that are occasion- ally made to find a link between the Pagan mysteries and Freemasonry. Some writers trace Freemasonry to the heresies of Eastern origin that prevailed during the early and middle ages in certain parts of Europe, such as those of the Gnostics, Manicheans, and Abigenses, some of whose mischievous tenets are, no doubt, apparent in the sect. The suppressed order of the Knights Templars, too, has been taken to have been the source of the sect ; and this theory may have some countenance in the facts that a number of the Knights in Scotland illicitly maintained their organ- ization after the suppression, and that it was from Scotland that Freemasonry was brought into France at the beginning of the last century. But it seems more in consonance with many known historical facts to trace the sect to the mediaeval guild of stonemasons who were popularly called by the very name of Free Masons. During the mid- dle ages the various trades were formed, with the approbation of the Church, into guilds or close protective societies. In 34 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. general no one was permitted to follow a trade for wages or profit, as apprentice, journeyman, or master, until he had been made free of the guild representing that trade. Each guild had its patron saint, and several guilds, it is certain, had each its peculiar ritual, using its own tools and technical language in a symbolical way in the ceremonies of initiation and promotion — that is to say, in entering an apprentice, and at the end of his time declaring him a worthy fellow-journeyman or craftsman, etc. The guild of Free Masons was sin- gular in this ; that it was a migratory one, its members travelling under their masters in organized bodies through all parts of Europe, wherever their services were required in building. When first referred to, they are found grouped about the monasteries, especially about those of the Benedictines. The earliest form of initia- tion used by the guild is said to have been suggested by the ritual for the reception of a Benedictine novice. * The South of France, where a large Jewish and Saracenic element remained, was a hotbed of heresies, and that region was also a favorite one with the guild of Masons. It is asserted, too, that as far back as the twelfth century the lodges of the guild enjoyed the special protection of the Knights Templars. It is easy in this way to understand how the symbolical allusions to Solomon and his Temple might have passed from the Knights into the Masonic formulary. In this way, too, might be explained how, after the suppres- sion of the order of the Temple, some of the recalcitrant Knights, maintaining their influence over the Free Masons, would be able to pervert what hitherto had been a harmless ceremony into an elaborate ritual that should impart some of the errors of the Templars to the initiated. A docu- ment was long ago published which pur- ports to be a charter granted to a lodge of Free Masons in England in the time of Henry VII., and it bears the marks in its religious indifference of a suspicious like- ness between Freemasonry then and now. In Germany the guild was numerous, and was foimally recognized by a diploma granted in 1489 by the Emperor Maxi- , milian. But this sanction was finally revoked by the Imperial Diet in 1707. So far, however, the Free Masons were ''■ really working stonemasons ; but the so- called Cologne Charter — the genuine- ness of which seems certain — drawn up in 1535 at a reunion of Free Masons gathered at Cologne to celebrate the open- ing of the cathedral edifice, is signed by Melanchthon, Coligny, and other similar ill-omened names. Nothing certain is known of the Free Masons — now evi- ■ dently become a sect — during the seven- teenth century, except that in 1646 Elias Ashmole, an Englishman, founded the order of Rose Croix, Rosicrucians, or Hermetic Freemasons— a society which mingled in a fantastic manner the jargon of alchemy and other occult sciences with pantheism. This order soon became affili' ated to some of the Masonic lodges in Germany, where from the time of the Reformation there was a constant found- HISTORY OF FREEMASONRY. 35 ing of societies, secret or open, which undertook to formulate a philosophy or a religion of their own. As we know it now, however. Free- masonry first appeared in 1725, when Lord Derwentwater, a supporter of the expelled Stuart dynasty, introduced the order into France, professing to have his authority from a lodge at Kilwinning, Scotland. This formed the basis of that variety of Freemasonry called ■ the Scotch Rite. Rival organizations soon sprang up. Charters were obtained from a lodge at York, which was said to have been of very ancient foundation. In 1754 Marti- nez Pasquales, a Portuguese Jew, began in some of the French lodges the new degree of " conens," or priests, which was afterwards developed into a system by the notorious Saint-Martin, and is usually referred to as French Illuminisw. But it remained for Adam Wefsnaupt, Professor of Canon Law at the University of Tngol- stadt, in Bavaria, to give a definiLr shape to the anti-Christian tendencies of Free- masonry. In 1776, two years after the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Univer- sity, he brought together a number of his pupils and friends, and organized the order of the Illuminati, which he established on the already existing degrees of Free- masonry. The avowed object of the Illuminati was to bring back mankind — beginning with the Illuminated — to their primitive liberty by destroying religion, for which this newest philosophical inven- *ion was to be substituted, and by re shaping ideas of property, society, mar- riage, etc. One of the Illuminati, a Sicilian, Joseph Balsamo, otherwise Cag- liostro, organized what he called Cabalis- tic Freemasonry, under the name of the Rite of Misraim. He it was who in 1783 predicted, as the approaching work of the Freemasons, the overthrow of the French monarchy. Indeed, Freemasonry was very active in the French Revolution, and assisted in bringing about many of the calamities which accompanied the great upturning of society. Freemasonry in the meantime had split up into numerous sects, or " rites," all working to the common effort of destroy- ing a belief in the divine revelations of Christianity. In 1781 a great assembly of all the Masonic rites was held at Wilhelmsbad, in Hanover, under the presidency of the Duke of Brunswick, which refused to recognize Weishaupt's system, but at the same time permitted the most mischievous tenets of Illuminism to be engrafted on the higher degrees of Freemasonry, especially of the so-called Scotch Rite. About this time the Scotch Rite was established at Charles- ton, S. C, by some officers of the French auxiliary army. The York rite had been introduced into the United States by Eng- lish colonists. Freemasonry in Continental Europe has been the hatching-ground of most of the revolutionary societies, many of which were affiliated to the higher Masonic degrees. In France the sect was officially recognized by the government of Napoleon III., but advanced Freemasons bore this 36 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. unwillingly, as it involved restraint. An avowed belief in God was required for initiation, but this requirement, through the efforts of M. Mac6, of the University, was finally abolished in the convention of Freemasons held at Paris, Sept. 14, 1877. A recent French writer maintains that Freemasonry is unknown to most of the craft — managed by five or six Jews, who bend its influence in every possible way to the furtherance of the anti-Christian movement that passes under the name of Liberalism. Throughout Continental Europe, in the Spanish-American States, and in Brazil, Freemasonry has of late years again become very active. The war against the Catholic Church in Germany had no more bitter supporter than Free- masonry. If the Culturkampf was not direct from the lodges, at least nearly all its leaders were Freemasons. Dur- ing "the Commune" of Paris, in 1871, Masonic lodges took part as a body in the insurrection, marching out to the fight with their red banners. In France and Belgium the lodges have officially com- manded their members to assist the Ligue de r Enseignement — a league intended to bring about the complete secularization of the primary public schools. In the English-speaking countries, how- ever. Freemasonry has hitherto protested its respect for government and established society, and it has not had any immediate action on politics, its members being usually found as numerous in one political party as another. But it has never failed indirectly to use its influence for the advancement of its members over others. English-speaking Freemasons have usually been accustomed to regard the pantheism of their rituals as an amusing mummery rather than as a reality. These Free- masons usually disown for their order any aims but those of a convivial and mutual benefit society, but no one can fail to see that indifferentism in religion at least is one of the necessary results of English-speaking Fremasonry at its best. But the constant influx into the English- speaking countries of Jews and Continen- tal Freemasons must necessarily impreg- nate the order with all the poison of the Continental sect. Freemasonry is essentially opposed to the belief in the personality of God, whose name in the Masonic rituals veils the doc- trine of blind force only governing the universe. It is also essentially subversive of legitimate authority, for by professing to furnish man an all-sufficient guide and help to conduct, it makes him independent of the Church, and by its everywhere ridiculing rank in authority it tends, in spite of its occasional protests of loyalty, to bring all governments into contempt. The sect has been repeatedly con- demned by learned and respectable men of all countries, Protestant and Catholic. Five bulls have been directed against it by name, viz. : " In eminenti," Clement XII., 1738; "Providas," Benedict XIV., 175 1 ; " Ecclesiam Jesu Christi," Pius VII., 1 821; "Qui graviora," Leo XII., 1826; "Quanta cura," Pius IX., 1864. CHAPTER VII, HISTORY Of eAl2ll2EO. ^ i^ HE object of the present article is, not to write a Life of Galileo, but to give an account, as clear as our limits will permit, of the two con- demnations of the doctrine of the immobility of the sun and the rotation of the earth, pronounced by the Congre- gations of the Holy Office (Roman Inqui- sition) and the Index, with special refer- ence to the teaching and writing of Galileo m 1616 and 1633. After the most material facts have been narrated without comment, it will be necessary to examine three separate points : i. What was the precise nature of the condemnation pro- nounced ? 2. What was the character of the considerations which appeared to the Pope and the cardinals to justify them in pronouncing it ? 3. Was Galileo, as some writers have maintained, really put to the torture ? In 161 3 the great astronomer, who had long inclined to the heliocentric^ system 1 The terms "heliocentric" and " geocentric," as denoting the systems which assume the sun or the earth respectively to be the fixed centre round which the planets revolve, are borrowed from two articles in the Dublin Review (believed of Copernicus, published a letter ad- dressed to his friend the Padre Castelli, in which he says that it is not the object of God in the Holy Scriptures to teach us science and philosophy, and that the received Ptolemaic system could no more be reconciled to the text of Scripture than the Copernican. Some time afterwards, in 161 5, he wrote a much longer and more important letter to the Grand Duchess Christina of Tuscany, in which he is said ^ to have endeavored to accommodate to the Copernican theory the various passages in Scripture which seem to be inconsistent with it. This letter was not published till 1636, but its tenor appears to have become known to many persons. Galileo visited Rome towards the end of 16 15, and was shortly summoned before the Congregation of the Holy Office. The original minutes, showing exactly what occurred, have been published by M. de I'Epinois.^ On Feb- ruary 25, 161 6, Cardinal Milan reported to be by Dr, Ward), of which we hare made free use in the present paper : one is headed " Copernicanism and Pope Paul v." (April, 1871); the other, "Galileo and the Pontifical Congregations" (July, 1871). 1 Hallam, Lit. of Europe, iii. 413. 2 Les Piices du Proces de Galilee, Rome, Paris, 1877. 37 38 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. to the Congregation that the Pope (Paul V.) had ordered that Cardinal Bellarmine should call Galileo before him, and should " warn him to abandon the said opinion [of the immobility of the sun, etc.], and if he refused to obey, the Father Commis- sary . . . was to lay a command upon him to abstain altogether from teaching or defending a doctrine and « opinion of this kind, or from dealing with it [in any way]." If he was refractory, he was to be imprisoned — " carceretur." The min- utes of the following day show how all this was done, and an injunction, as above, laid upon Galileo; "in which command the said Galileo acquiesced, and promised to obey it." The prohibition of the Pope was identical in intention ^ with that con- tained in a decree of the Congregation of the Index dated a week later, March 5, 16 16. This decree first condemns five theologico-political works, and then goes on to say that it has come to the knowl- edge of the Sacred Congregation "that the well known doctrine — of Pythagorean origin and wholly repugnant to the sacred Scriptures — concerning the mobility of the earth and the immobility of the sun," formerly taught by Copernicus and Diego of Astorga, " was now being spread abroad and embraced by many ; . . . therefore, lest such an opinion should insinuate itself any more, to the destruction of Catholic truth, it gave sentence " that the books of 1 This is certain ; for Bellarmine, in the certificate which he gave to Galileo in 1616 — of which we shall again have occasion to speak — says that " the declaration made by the Pope, and published by the Sacred Congregation of the Index [italics ours], was notified to him," etc. Copernicus and Diego " should be sus- pended [from circulation] till they were corrected," that the work of a certain Foscarini upholding the same opinion should be altogether prohibited and con- demned, " and that all other books teach ing the same thing were to be similarly J prohibited." That this decree was sanctioned and confirmed by the Pope it is impossible to doubt. The writer of the article Galileo in the "Encyclopaedia Britannica" main- tains that its responsibility rests with a disciplinary congregation in no sense rep- resenting the Church, and that it was never confirmed by the Pope. This view is untenable in view of the fact that in any decree of one of the Sacred Congre- gations confirmed and ordered to be pub- lished by the Pope, it is the Pope himself who speaks — not the cardinals merely — if not always in his capacity of Universal Doctor, yet always in that of Supreme Pastor or ruler. That the decree was not confirmed by Paul V. there is not, so far as we know, the smallest shred of evidence for maintaining ; and the onus probandi rests on those who make an assertion so improbable. Galileo was thus estopped by a decision in which he had acquiesced, and which he had promised not to infringe, from publish, ing anything more on the Copernican theory. Some years passed ; Urban VIII. ascended the Papal chair in 1623; he was an enlightened man, of considerable learning, and, as Cardinal Barberini, had had much friendly intercourse with Galileo. The HISTORY OF GALILEO. 39 philosopher visited Rome in 1624, and was received with great warmth and kindness by the Pope. Soon after this he began to return to the forbidden subject ; in an essay on sun-spots he assumed the fact of the sun's immobility. In his famous Dialogo on the " System of the World," published at Florence in February, 1632, he spoke out still more plainly. The dialogue is carried on between three persons, Salviati, Sagredo, and Simplicio ; the last being a well-meaning ignoramus, who supports the Ptolemaic side by argu- ments manifestly futile. At the conclu- sion of the work the question is in words left open ; but the whole effect of the treatise is said to be that of a powerful and vehement defence of the Copernican theory. The book reached Rome at the end of February, 1632, and caused great excitement. The Pope was very angry; he said that Galileo had been ill-advised ; that great mischief might be done to religion in this way, greater than was ever done before.! Riccardi, the Master of the Apostolic Palace, whose license Galileo had obtained for the printing of the book by representations which do not seem to have been quite straightforward, com- plained that arguments which Urban him- self had used to Galileo against the Copernican theory were in the Dialogo placed in the mouth of Simplicio, a ridicu- lous personage. The authority of Aris- totle was in that age inconceivably great, and Aristotle had believed the earth to be immovable. The Peripatetics — so his 1 L' Epinois, La Question de GaliU*, p. 114. followers were called — flocked around the Pope, urged against Galileo the breach of his promise, and the insulting neglect of the prohibition of 1616, and pressed for the condemnation both of the book and its author. Urban, still desirous of keeping the case out of the Inquisition, appointed a commission of theologians to examine and report on the book. Their report was submitted in September, 1632; it was highly unfavorable to Galileo. The Pope then wrote to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, in whose service Galileo was at the time, saying that the case must go before the Inquisition, and that the accused must come to Rome and stand his trial. After a considerable delay, which produced a stern letter from Urban (December 30, 1632) to the effect that if Galileo could travel at all he was to be sent up to Rome in chains, the philosopher departed from Florence and arrived in Rome about the middle of February, 1633, taking up his abode at the Tuscan embassy. The trial came on in April ; for ten days after its commencement Galileo was committed to the house of the fiscal of the Holy Office ; but on his complaining that from his feeble state of health he could ill bear the confine- ment, he was allowed to return to the Tuscan embassy. The minutes of the Holy Office show that Galileo was examined on April 1 2 and 30, May 10, and June 21. The report of the commissioners, one of whom was Melchior Inchofer, told heavily against him. Melchior said that the author of the Dialogo did not put the case in favor 40 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. of the immobility of the sun " hypothetice," but "theorematice," and that his having written in Italian, so that "vulgares etiam homines " might read it, made the matter worse. The disobedience to the command issued by the Holy Office in 1616 was also much dwelt upon ; to which Galileo could only reply by putting in the certificate which he had obtained at the time from Bellarmine,! and pleading that as the latter had not in this expressly referred to the injunction not to write any more on the question, he had forgotten all about it. It is probable that this was not believed, and that some intention other than one purely scientific was ascribed to him, as account- ing for his open disregard of the prohibi- tion of 16 16. We read in the minutes for June 16, 1633, that the Pope ordered that Galileo should be questioned " concerning his intention, a threat even of torture being used to him ; and that if he persisted in his statement (e^ si sustinuerit) his abjuration having been first taken, he was to be condemned," etc. On June 21 he was examined according to this instruction. Being asked whether he had not held the opinion [of the immo- bility of the sun] since the decree of 161 6, he said, " I do not hold and have not held this opinion of Copernicus since it was intimated to me by authority {con precetto) i The certificate ends thus — after stating that Galileo had made no abjuration, nor been put to penance — " but only the declaration made by the Pope and published by the Sacred Con- gregation of the Index was solemnly notified to him, in which it is contained that the doctrine attributed to Copernicus that the earth moves around the sun, and that the sun remains in the centre of the world without moving from east to west, is con- trary to the Sacred Scriptures, and therefore cannot be defended or held. In testimony whereof," etc. that I must abandon it ; for the rest, I am here in your hands ; you must do what yoi please." He was then warned to spea the truth, otherwise the torture would applied. He answered, " I am here to! make my submission, and I have not hel^ this opinion since the decision was giver as I have said." He was then allowed t(j withdraw. The sentence was pronounce the next day in the convent of the Mil erva. A full narrative of what passed maf be read in a letter addressed by the Care nal di S. Onofrio on July 2, 1633, to tl Inquisition of Venice.^ The sentenc opened with the words, " Whereas thoi Galileo," etc., and after reciting the pre ceedings of 161 5 and 1616, stated that the Holy Office appointed theologians on that occasion as qualificators, who reported tc this effect : — 1. That the sun is the centre of the world and immovable is a proposition| absurd and false in philosophy, and for* mally heretical, as being expressly contrarj to Holy Scripture. 2. That the earth is not the centre oi the world, nor immovable, but that 11 moves even with a diurnal motion, is like manner a proposition absurd and fals^ in philosophy, and, considered in theology| at least erroneous in faith. The accuse is reminded that, after Bellarmine had advised and admonished him, the thei commissary of the Inquisition told hii that he could not defend nor teach thai doctrine any more, either orally or i»| 1 Printed in Venturi's Memorie e Lettere Ineditt (Modems i \ 1818). HISTORY OF GALILEO. 41 writing. In publishing the Dialogo he had manifestly disobeyed the precept, and in consequence of the publication, the tribunal understood, the said opinion was spreading more and more. He had acted disingenuously in saying nothing about the precept when he applied for the license to print. Mistrusting him, the tribunal had thought it right to proceed to the rigorous cxamen (" rigoroso esame") in which he had answered as a Catholic should (" ris pondesti cattolicamente "). " We therefore," [ proceeds the tribunal, " say, pronounce, I declare, etc., that you, Galileo, have made [ yourself vehemently suspect of heresy to i this Holy Office — i, e. of having believed and held a doctrine false and contrary to the sacred and divine Scriptures." He i had therefore incurred all the usual pen- ialties; nevertheless the tribunal would absolve him if he abjured and detested the said errors. But as a warning to others, i they ordered: i, that his Dialogo should be prohibited ; 2, that he should be " for- mally " imprisoned ^ during the pleasure of the Holy Office ; 3, that he should say once a week for three years to come, the . seven penitential psalms. Galileo then abjured the condemned opinion,^ and swore never to promote it in future, and to denounce to'the Holy Office any whom he might find maintaining it. Harsh as this sentence sounds, the fact is that Galileo was treated with little that 1 Under restraint, but not in a material prison. - The clever fiction which makes him say at this pointy Eppur si muove (" And yet it [the earth] does move "), first appeared, according to the writer in the Enc. Brit, in an Historical Dictionary published at Caen in 1789. can be called severity for the remainder of his life. He resided at first at Siena, afterwards in his own villa at Arcetri, near Florence. He was so far under restraint that he was not allowed to go into the city, nor to remove elsewhere without permission ; but within his own house and grounds he seems to have been left entirely free. Milton visited him at Arcetri in 1638 or 1639. " There [I e. in Italy] I found and visited the famous Galileo, grown old, a prisoner to the Inquisition."' Perhaps Milton did not mean to mislead, but the common inference drawn from his words has been, that he found Galileo immured in the dungeons of the Inquisi- tion,2 instead of living as a private gentleman in his own country house. The philosopher died at an advanced age at Arcetri in 1642. Such, in brief outline, were the facts of this celebrated condemnation. Before considering the motives actuating those who pronounced it, let us examine what the sentence itself amounted to. Did the Roman Pontiff, at any stage of these proceedings, pronounce «r cathedra that the theory of Copernicus was wrong, and that the earth was the fixed centre of the world 1 The writer in the " Dublin Review " already referred to, appears to us to make it quite plain that the Roman Pontiff did nothing of the kind. Whether the decrees of Pontifical congregations on matters of doctrine, in which there is a 1 Areopagiiica. 2 Thus Dr. Johnson says in his Life of Milton, " He had perhaps given some offence by visiting Galileo, tAen a prisoner in the Inquisition f italics ours] for philosophical heresy." 42 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. clause expressly asserting the Papal sanction, are or are not to be regarded as ex cathedfa and infallible judgments, is a point, according to the reviewer, on which theologians are not entirely agreed ; but no one, he adds, has ever doubted that decrees not containing this clause are not to be regarded as decisions ex cathedra. Now, the decree of the Congregation of the Index of March 5, 1616, does not contain the clause ; it cannot, therefore, be regarded as defining ex cathedra. What, then, does the decree decide or do ? It decides that the theory of Copernicus is " false " and " entirely contrary to Scripture," and that the books which teach it are to be prohibited. To this must be added the language used by the Holy Office in the preamble of their sentence, as given in a previous paragraph. It is abundantly clear that both Pontifical congregations held that the opinion about the earth's motion now universally received was false and contrary to Scripture, and that no Catholic could hold it without falling into heresy. The reviewer main- tains that it was natural and inevitable that they should so regard it, seeing that the obvious sense of Scripture is unques- tionably opposed to the Copernican theory, and only "some overwhelming scientific probability" (p. 159) could render it legitimate to override the obvious in favor of an unobvious sense. Later researches have supplied this overwhelming proba- bility, and consequently all Catholics now "admit that the Holy Ghost for wise purposes .... permitted the sacred writers to express themselves in language which was literally true as understood by them^ but was figurative in the highest degree as intended by Him.'' {lb) The reviewer moreover contends that, although all Catholics were bound to assent to the decrees, they were not thereby obliged to hold the geocentric theory as an article of divine faith — z. e. with an assent excluding all doubt. To maintain the contradictory of this propo- sition would be absurd, since the heliocen- tric theory was allowed to be proposed hypothetically, but the Church would never for a moment allow even the hypothetical maintenapce^ of an opinion contrary to an article of faith. For instance, what impos- sibility is greater than that, since 1854, the Church should allow any Catholic theologian to maintain, as a hypothesis, that the doctrine of the Immaculate Con- ception is untrue? But that the helio- centric theory might be hypothetically propounded after the decree of 161 6 is indisputable. For, first, Galileo deposed before the Holy Oflfice in 1633^ that in 1616 Cardinal Bellarmine spoke approvingly, both as to him and Copernicus, of their holding the opinion of the movement of the earth ^^ ex suppositione and not abso- lutely." Secondly, the same Bellarmine declared in 1620, "that if a scientific proof of Copernicanism were discovered, Scripture should then be Copernically interpreted "^; and the theologian, Amort, 1 Except for the purpose of a reductio ad absurdum^ which of course is not here in question. 2 L'Epinois, Les Piices, etc., p. 6a 8 Dub. Rev., vol. Ixix., p. 164. HISTORY OF GALILEO. 43 writing in 1734, expressed himself to the same effect.^ Thirdly, the report of Mel- chior Inchofer speaks of " the reasons by which Galileo assertively, absolutely, and not hypothetically . . . maintains the motion of the earth " ; whence it may be inferred to maintain it hypothetically would not have been censurable. '^ II. The meaning and effect of the decrees being what we have described, the ques- tion arises. Was there any urgent, and at the same time justifiable, motive for issu- ing them at all .'' After all, it may be said, the opinion condemned by the decrees has come to be universally believed ; was it not therefore a mistake, to say the least, to attempt thus to suppress it } Has not the logic of events proved that course to be wrong } Such questions as these will be differently answered, according to the varying estimates which people may form of the value of a stable religious convic- tion. The Pope and the cardinals believed, in 1616, that if every one might freely teach, at universities or by printed books, that the earth revolved round the sun, a great weakening of religious faith would ensue, owing to the apparent inconsistency of such teaching with a number of well- known passages in the Bible. They might remember that Giordano Bruno, an ardent Copernican, had also taught panthe- ism with equal ardor. The standing dan- ger on the side of Protestantism was, they might think, sufficiently formidable, with- out the addition to it — while it could still ^ lb., p. 162. 2 L'Epinob, p. 76. be staved off — of a danger on the side of physical science. At the present day the youth of Italy listen to infidel lectures and read bad books without restriction ; one single book of this kind, Kenan's Vie de JhuSy is said to have caused loss of faith to innumerable readers in Spain and Italy. With loss of faith there comes too often, as we all know, a shipwreck in morals. Are the young Italians of to-day, whom no one thinks of shielding from the knowledge of attacks on Christianity, mor- ally purer and intellectually stronger than their partially protected predecessors of the seventeenth century } We are not in a position to answer the question ; but those who believe that the case is not so, but much otherwise, may well approve the solicitude of the rulers of the Church at the former period — when the repression of bad books was still possible — to pro- tect the Christian faith of the rising gen- eration of Italians. Few Catholics would hesitate to say, even now, that it would have been to the unspeakable advantage of Euro- pean society and individual souls, if the bad book by Renan just adverted to had been summarily suppressed at its birth, and the writer imprisoned, at least "formally." Far be it from us so to disparage the honored name of Galileo as to suggest for a moment that the two cases are parallel. Galileo was a Christian all along, and could no more have written the sentimen- tal impieties of the Vie de J^sus than could Urban VIII. himself. Still there can be no doubt that the Pope and cardi- nals, beside thinking his personal behavior 44 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. censurable, because he had broken a dis- tinct promise and disregarded a solemn warning, believed that the interests of religion required that Copernicanism should be no otherwise taught than as a scientific hypothesis. The decrees, it is true, say nothing as to a hypothetical pro- pounding ; to them the Copernican theory is simply false. But this is the usual style of all disciplinary tribunals. The words of Bellarmine, before quoted, leave no doubt as to the Church's mind, and an important step towards their realization was taken when, in 1757, — the Newtonian philosophy, which involves the centrality of the sun, having been favorably received at Rome, — Benedict XIV. suspended the decree of the Congregation of the Index above described.^ III. One more question remains — whether Galileo was or was not tortured in 1 There need be no question as to the sincerity of the Pope and cardinals in repudiating Copernicanism. So far as was then known, the appearances of nature might be equally well explained on either theory, and Scripture in its obvious mean- ing agreed with one and not with the other. Neither Bacon, nor Tycho Brahe, nor Descartes, accepted the Copernican theory. Milton, in the " Paradise Lost," wavers between the two systems. the course of his examination. It is extremely painful to read of torture being even threatened to a man so warmly loved by a host of friends, and to whom science was under such profound obligations. However, one may feel reasonably confi- dent that it was no more than a threat. M. L'Epinois {La Question de Galilee, p. 104) enters fully into the question, and shows (i) that no one in the seventeenth century ever said or thought, so far as appears, that Galileo had been actually tortured ; (2) that a special " interlocutory sentence" of the judge must have been given before the application of the torture, and that of such sentence there is no trace ; (3) that even if such sentence had been given, Galileo might have legally appealed against it on the ground of age and ill-health, and that his appeal must have been allowed. For these and several other reasons which we have not space to analyze, L'Epinois considers that it is scarcely possible to doubt that the torture, though threatened, was not actually administered. Copyright, ltS9. Murphy & McCarthy, €f)e Cruciftjrion CHAPTER VIII. WWW Hi^tofJ of the Ifi^h CathoIiG dhiii^ (Fl^^^-** 'N the fifth century Ireland was divided, as it was for centuries afterwards, into several small kingdoms. Some unknown preachers must have found their way into the country even before the mission of Palladlus, and converted some of the natives to the faith of Christ, for St Prosper in his chronicle (published about 434), writes that Palladius was sent by Pope Celestine in 431 "ad Scotos in Christum credentes^^ to the Scots believing in Christ. The terms Scotia and Scots originally belonged to Ireland and the Irish. This mission of Palladius, who was deacon of the Roman Church, did not last long, and bore little fruit. So much we learn from the Book of Armagh (written before 700), with the additional fact that Pal- ladius died in Britain on his return from Ireland. The general conversion of the Irish nation was reserved for St. Patrick, who was probably born at the place now called Kilpatrick on the Clyde,^ whence he was carried as a slave into the north of Ireland while still a youth. The degradation and darkness of the inhabitants profoundly impressed his pure and generous heart, and from the time when he regained his liberty, at the age of twenty-one, he devo- ted himself to the divine service and the task of spreading the doctrines of salvation. After going through a course of study at Marmoutier and Lerins, he repaired to Rome. We next hear of him as accom- panying St. Germanus and St. Lupus on their anti-Pelagian mission to Britain. Being selected by St. Germanus to preach the faith in Ireland, he went first — if we may accept the testimony of Probus^ — to Rome to obtain the apostolic blessing. Celestine dying soon after, Patrick left Rome and journeyed towards Ireland. Hearing on his way of the death of Palla 1 Dr. Moran, Bishop of Ossory, who formerly leaned tj the opinion that the place was near Boulogne in France, hai lately written convincingly in favor of the Scottish site. 2 Probus wrote a Life of St. Patrick in the tenth century; see O'Curry's Materials of Ancient Irish History. 46 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. dius, he went to St.. Amatorex, who ordained him bishop. Landing in Ireland in 432, he attended the assembly of the Irish kings and chieftains held on the hill of Tara in that year. His reception was not very encouraging ; however, he con- verted several, and among others the father of St. Benignus, his immediate successor in the see of Armagh. St. Patrick fixed his principal residence at Armagh, which became the primatial see of the island. In the course of his long career, extending beyond sixty years, he visited and converted the greater part of Ireland, and established bishoprics in all the provinces. Among his chief com- panions and assistants were Auxilius, Isserninus, and Secundinus. The Irish people received the gospel with extraordi- nary readiness. St. Patrick left few writ- ings behind him ; his " Confession," a kind of autobiography, is his chief work. We have also his circular letter against Coroticus, and the canons of a synod which he held with Auxilius and Isserninus, about 453, to regulate church discipline. In his " Confession," he does not mentioa the Pope or the Holy See, and Beda, in his " Ecclesiastical History," is silent about St. Patrick's mission. Hence Prot- estant writers have inferred that he had no mission from Rome, and preached a Christianity of his own, distinct from that of the Popes ; in short, that he was a kind of Protestant. This hypothesis has been exploded by Dr. Lanigan, Bishop Moran, and others, who show that although St. Patrick, having a special object in view when he wrote the "Confession," says nothing in it about Rome, yet the history of the early Irish Church is unintelligible unless we assume a close and filial rela- tion to the Holy See to have existed from the first. Within a century after St. Pat rick, St. Columbanus, the great Irish mis- sionary of the sixth century, said to the Pope, " The Catholic faith is held unshaken by us, as it was delivered to us by you, the successors of the holy apostles."^ Another theory was put forward by the learned Usher, the Protestant Archbishop of Armagh : it was that Ireland did not owe her Christianity to Rome, nor even to St. Patrick, since she already possessed a hierarchy at the time when the saint arrived. But when the names of the bishops supposed to have belonged to this hierarchy — Ailbe, Declan, Ibar, Kieran, etc. — came to be examined. Dr. Lanigan was able to prove that they were all pos- terior in date to St. Patrick.^ With respect to Beda, alrtiough it is true that he does not mention St. Patrick in his Ecclesiastical History, the circum- stance — singular as it must be admitted to be — may perhaps be explained on the ground that he chose to confine himself strictly to the religious concerns of the Angles and Saxons. It is impossible to infer from it that Beda passed over the conversion of Ireland in silence, because he, a zealous adherent of Rome, disap- proved of a work effected independently of Rome. Had he so felt, he would have 1 Moran, Essays on the Early Irish Church, p. 4. '^ Ibid., p. 40. HISTORY OF THE IRISH CATHOLIC CHURCH. 47 studiously avoided speaking of St. Patrick in his other writings, as well as in his history. But the fact is that in both his " Martyrologies," Beda does give the name of St. Patrick. In the prose one, under March 17, he says, " In Scotia, the birthday of the holy Patricius, bishop and confessor, who first in that country preached the gospel of Christ." In his metrical martyrology, under the same day, he says, "Patricius, the servant of the Lord, mounted to the heavenly court." The death of the apostle of Ireland occurred in 493. The present sketch of the history of the Church in Ireland from that time to our own day will be divided into three periods : i, that of sanctity, learning, and missionary energy (493-8CXD) ; 2, that of invasions and usurpation (809- 1530); 3> that of persecution (i 530-1829). The period commencing at the last-named date will be regarded by our descendants, if present appearances may be trusted, as an era of restoration. I. The Irish saints are divided by the national hagiographers into three classes. In the first, which consists of those of the earliest Christian age down to about 530, the principal figures are those of St. Pat- rick himself, St. Brigid of Kildare, St. Ibar, St. Declan, and St. Kieran. The second class, from 530 to 600, contains St Coem- man or Kevin, the two Brendons, Jarlath of Tuam, and the great St. Clumboa or Columbkill. The third class, whose period is from 6cxD to about 660, contains St. Maidoc, the first bishop of Ferns ; St. Colman of Lindisfarne, Ultan, Fursey, etc. The first class, in the words of the ancient authority quoted by Dr. Lanigan,^ "blazes like the sun, the second like the moon, the third like the stars .... the first most holy, the second very holy, the third holy." That learning, in all the branches then known, was eagerly followed by Irish stu- dents from the time of the conversion, is a fact of which there is abundant evidence. A copious literature sprang up, consisting of monastic rules, tracts on ritual and discipline, homilies, prayers, hymns, gen- ealogies, martyrologies in prose and verse, and lives of saints. This literature, as was to be expected, was partly composed in the vernacular and partly in Latin ; but the bulk of it was in the Gaelic. The extant remains are still considerable ; that they are not yet more copious is explained by Professor O' Curry in a remarkable passage, which will be cited in a different connection further on. The English Beda bears ungrudging testimony to the high character of the Irish missionaries who had labored in Northumbria, and to the general belief in the excellence of the Irish schools. " The whole solicitude of those teachers," he says, "was to serve God, not the world; their one thought was how to train the heart, not how to satisfy the appetite."^ The special excellence of the Irish schools was the interpretation of Scripture ; thus about 650, Agilbert, a French bishop, resided a long time in Ireland, " for the sake 1 History of the Church of Ireland, \\. 330. 2 Hist. Eccl. iii. 26. 48 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. of reading the Scriptures."^ Some years latter (664) it became a common practice with the Northumbrian Thanes to visit Ireland, either with a view to greater advance in the spiritual life, or for the sake of biblical knowledge, ''divines lectionis.'" These last would go from place to place, attending the cells of the different masters ; and so generous were the natives, that they provided for them all, " their daily food free of cost, books also to read, and gratuitous teaching. "^ The missionary energy of the Irish Church, commencing with a little island off the coast of Mull, which it made a basis for further operations, ended by embracing France, Switzerland, and Italy within the scope of its charity. St. Columba, of whom Montalembert in his ^' Monks of the West," has given to the world a graphic portraiture, founded the monastery of Hy or lona in 563, chiefly with a view to the conversion of the Picts dwelling in the north of Scotland. For more than 230 years lona continued to flourish, and was a centre of pure religion, education, art, and literature to all the surrounding countries. Here, as in a "sacred storehouse,"^ rest the bones of not a few Irish, Scottish, and Norwegian kings. It was devastated by the Danes in 795, and the monks were dispersed a few years later. From lona the monk Aidan, at the invitation of king Oswald, came into Northumbria, the Angles of which 1 Ibid. iii. 7. * Ibid. iii. 27. 8 Shaksp. Macbeth, Act II. sc. 4. were still mostly Pagans, and founded in 633 a monastery on the isle of Lindis- fame, of which he became the first bishop. To him and his successors the conversion of the northern English was chiefly due. Lindisfarne in its turn became a great school of sacred learning and art, and its bishopric ultimately grew into the palatine see of Durham. In East Anglia the Irish St. Fursey assisted Felix the Burgundian in the conversion of the natives ; in Wessex the Irish Maidulf founded the great convent of Malmesbury. In the sixth and seventh centuries Irish mission- aries were active in France ; Fridolin restored religion at Poictiers, and recov- ered the relics of St. Hilary ; St. Fursey founded a monastery at Lagny ; St. Fiacre settled at Paris ; and Columbanus founded in Burgundy the historic monas'^ tery of Luxeuil. In Switzerland the name of the town and canton of St. Gall perpet- uates the memory of an Irish anchorite, who in 613 planted a cross near a spring in the heart of a dense forest, south of the lake of Constance, and by despising the world drew the world to him. Bobbio, in Italy, was the last foundation and resting- place of St. Columbanus. In Germany, the Irish Fridolin, the hero of many a tender Volkslied and wild legend, was probably the first apostle of the Alemanni in Baden and Suabia.^ The well-known controversy respecting the right observation of Easter, which raged in the seventh and eighth centuries between those who had received a Roman 1 Art. " Fridolin," by Hefele, in Wetzer and Welte. HISTORY OF THE IRISH CATHOLIC CHURCH. 49 and an Irish training respectively, turned on the fact that the Irish Church, from its isolation in the far west, and the diffi- culties of communication with the centre of unity, had fallen somewhat behindhand in ecclesiastical science, and not adopted the improved methods of calculation which had come into force in Latin Christendom generally. ^ After there had been time for a full discussion and comparison of views, the Irish gradually came round to the better practice. At a synod held at Old Leighlin, in 630, a letter having come from Honorius I., the Roman cycle and rules for computing Easter were adopted in all the south of Ireland.^ At lona and in the north of Ireland the necessary change was deferred for many years. Adamnan, Abbot of Hy, labored hard between 701 and 704 to introduce the Roman Easter, and met with considerable success. But the deci- sive adoption of it at Hy is said to have been due to the persuasions of St. Egbert about 716.' II. Period of Invasions. — The Danes (called " Ostmen " by the Irish), appeared on the Irish coasts about the end of the eighth century. Wherever they came they desecrated churches, burnt monasteries, destroyed books, pictures, and sculptures, 1 The erroneous practice was not that of the Quartodeci- mans [ Easter Cycle], for the Irish always waited for Sunday before celebrating the feast ; it consisted in keeping Easter from the fourteenth to the twentieth day of the month, instead of from the fifteenth to the twenty-first ; the consequence being that when Sunday fell on the fourteenth, Easter began to be kept on the evening of the thirteenth day, that is, before the occurrence of the Paschal full moon. 2 Lanigan ii. 389. 8 Bed. Hist. Eccl. 5. 22. murdered priests, monks, and poets. To the ferocity of the wild beasts they joined the persevering energy of the Teuton ; their arms were better than those of the Irish, and perhaps they had more skill in handling them. Confusion and lamenta- tion were soon in every part of the island. Men, after a while, seeing the continued success of these odious Pagans, began to doubt of Providence, and to grow slack in faith. Sauve qui petit became the general feeling, and the generosity towards the Church of the" converts of the age of St. Patrick underwent a selfish but not unnat- ural reaction in their descendants. " When foreign invasion and war had cooled down the fervid devotion of the native chiefs, and had distracted and broken up the long established reciprocity of good offices between the Church and the State, as weU as the central executive controlling power of the nation, the chief and the noble began to feel that the lands which he himself or his ancestors had offered to the Church, might now, with little impro- priety, be taken back by him, to be applied to his own purposes, quieting his con- science by the necessity of the case."^ The beautiful Glendalough, founded by St. Kevin about 549, being near the sea, was peculiarly exposed to Danish assault; but not one of the principal monasteries — Armagh, Kildare, Clonmacnc'se, Slane, etc., — escaped destruction at one time or other. Dublin — of which the Irish name is "Ath-cliath" — became a Danish city. From time to time the invaders were 1 O'Curry, Materials, etc p. 343. 50 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. heavily defeated — as in the battle of Clontarf (1014) when the victorious Brian Boru fell in the hour of victory. Gradu- ally they adopted Christianity, lost their national language, and were blended with the natives, never having, as in England, succeeded in subjecting the whole island to their rule. In the course of the twelfth century, the power of the O' Neils of Ulster, who had for a long period been overlords of the whole of Ireland, declined, and the O'Con- nors of Connaught attempted to take their place. But it was a weak and wavering sovereignty, and the kings of the five petty kingdoms were continually plotting, combining, and making war one against another. A state of general insecurity and lawlessness was the natural result ; and though the faith of the people remained intact, moral disorder in every form was rampant, and the discipline of the Church was often set at nought. The clergy, probably for the sake of greater stability and safety, tended to cluster together under some monastic rule ; and the laity, abandoned to themselves, fell a prey to gross superstitions and excesses. The Popes, by sending legates, and writing admonitory letters from time to time, attempted to reform the state of society. In the first half of the twelfth century a power- ful influence for good was exerted by the admirable sanctity of St. Malachy, who died at Clairvaux under the eyes of St. Bernard, in 1 148, and whose life was writ- ten by his great friend. The state of things at Armagh, when Malachy was elected to the primacy in 1125, is a good illustration of the disorder which pervaded the Irish Church. A certain powerful family had for more than two hundred years claimed the primatial chair as a hereditary posses- sion ; for fifteen generations they had made good their claim ; and of these fifteen occupants of the see only six were in holy orders, the rest being married laymen, who, though they did not presume to exercise the Episcopal functions, enjoyed the title and emoluments of the bishopric.^ Celsus, the last of the series, being a good man, procured the election of St. Malachy as his successor ; but the family resented this intrusion on their " rights," and pre- sented to the see one of themselves, Murchadh by name, upon the death of Celsus. For the sake of peace St. Malachy waited for five years before enter- ing Armagh ; on the death of Murchadh, in 1 1 33, he was peaceably installed. In 1 138 the saint visited Rome, where Pope Innocent II. received him with the highest honor, and appointed him his legate in Ireland. His zeal, but still more his saintly example, effected a salutary change in the northern parts of Ireland, where, having obtained leave to resign the pri- macy, he spent the last ten years of his life as bishop of the small see of Down. At the beginning of his reign, Henry II. had obtained the approbation of Pope Adrian IV., an Englishman, for his project of entering Ireland, ostensibly with a view to extirpating vice and ignorance among the natives, and attaching the island more 1 Lingard, Hist, of Eng. ii. 89. HISTORY OF THE IRISH CATHOLIC CHURCH. 51 closely to the see of St. Peter. Of this bull Henry made no use for many years, and the actual invasion of Ireland by Strongbow and other Norman knights was in a manner accidental. For several gene- rations things went on much as before ; the English power was confined to the " Pale " or strip of country on the eastern coast ; in the rest of Ireland the native princes, though they often recognized an ill-defined overlordship in the English kings, reigned practically after their own fashion. Out- side the Pale, Brehon, not feudal law, pre- vailed. One benefit, at least, resulted : the Normans were great builders ; and noble churches of stone soon covered the land. It is true that in this reform they were preceded by St. Malachy, who had built a church of stone at Bangor, near Carrickfergus, to the great amazement of the natives, who had, till then, seen only their own ingeniously constructed edifices of timber and wickerwork. Three great Irish synods were held in the twelfth century. At the first, that of Kells (11 52), at which a Roman cardinal presided, the metropolitan dignity of the three sees of Cashel,^ Dublin, and Tuam was solemnly recognized ; but the primacy over the whole island was still reserved to Armagh. At the second, that of Cashel (1172), held immediately after the inva- sion, Church property was declared to be exempt from the exactions of the chief- tains, the regular payment of tithes was 1 Cashel was already regarded as a metropolitan see as early as 11 11, and its bishops exerted corresponding powers to 8 jme extent; in 1140 it was formally recognized as such by Innocent II. at the request of St. Malachy (Lanigan, iv. 20). enjoined, and it was ordered that all mat- ters of ritual should be arranged in future "agreeably to the observance of the Church of England" — in other words, according to Roman usage. The third synod, that of Dublin (1186), passed sev- eral canons of ritual; it is chiefly noted for a sermon, preached before it by Gerald de Barri, or Cambrensis, in which, while praising the orthodoxy and the continency of the Irish clergy, he lamented that too many of them were addicted to intem- perance. Many of the English and Normans who settled in Ireland after the invasion adopted by degrees the dress, customs, and laws of the natives, and became no less intractable than they in their attitude towards the English government. An effort was made to stop this process by the Statute of Kilkenny (1367), which made it treasonable for those of English descent to marry, or enter into the rela- tion of fosterage, or contract spiritual aflfinity with the natives ; and forbade to the same class, on pain of forfeiture of property, the adoption of an Irish name, or the use of the Irish language, dress, or customs. But this statute was to a great extent inoperative, and from the date of its enactment to the time of Henry VIII. there were two parties in continual oppo- sition to the government, the "English rebels," and the " Irish enemies." The demarcation between English and Irish, which the civil government thus did its utmost to maintain, was partially intro- duced, and with the most unhappy results. 52 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. into the administration of Church affairs. In the counties of the Pale it was scarcely possible for an ecclesiastic of Irish race to obtain preferment. The invasion by the Scots under Edward Bruce, in 13 15, though ultimately defeated, caused great confusion, and called forth during its con- tinuance many tokens of sympathy from the Irish clergy. This, says Mr. Malone, was made a pretext for " throwing off the mask,"^ and under color of disloyalty Irishmen were excluded from all the higher dignities and benefices. Yet it would appear that this exclusion could not have extended much beyond the Pale ; for if we examine the lists of bishops occupy- ing the Irish sees in 1350, we find that out of thirty-three names, eighteen are certainly Irish, thirteen English, while two may be doubtful. All through this time of confusion and disunion a strong religious feeling was abroad, animating the men of both races alike, and directing them to common objects. In the thir- teenth century we hear of 170 monas- teries being founded; about 55 in the fourteenth, and about 60 in the fifteenth. Two unsuccessful attempts were made to found universities, — one at Dublin (1320), by Archbishop Bicknor ; the other at Drogheda, by the parliament which sat there in 1465. III. Period of Persecution. — By the aid of Brown, the Archbishop of Dublin, an Englishman who had embraced the Lutheran opinions, Henry VIII. had some success in imposing his doctrine of the 1 Church History of Ireland, ch. ix. royal supremacy on the Irish clergy. Under Mary all progress in this direction was reversed. Soon after the accession of Elizabeth, in 1560, a packed Parliament was convened at Dublin which passed an Act of Uniformity, declaring the royal supremacy over the Church, and imposing the Protestant Prayer-book. By many Protestant writers ^ it has been maintained that the bishops, with the exception of two, either approved of or acquiesced in the new order of things, and that the people for many years frequented the churches where the English service was performed. The falsehood of all such statements has been exposed by the Bishop of Ossory.2 The real state of the case appears to have been this. The Archbishop of Dublin, Curwin, conformed to Protestantism, and O'Fihel, Bishop of Leighlin, did the same. The conduct of four bishops (Ossory, Ferns, Cork, and Clonfert) is more or less suspicious. The remainder of the Irish hierarchy, viz., the Archbishops of Cashel and Tuam (the see of Armagh was vacant), two bishops holding sees in the Pale (who were deprived by the government), and sixteen other bishops of suffragan sees, remained faithful to their canonical obligations. As these bishops died, or as, in the course of the Elizabethan wars, the government was able to consolidate its power in the remoter parts of Ireland, the cathedrals, Church lands, and other Church property 1 Bishop Mant, Dean Murray, etc. 2 Episcopal Succession in Ireland. See also an article » the Contemporary Review^ for May, 1880, on " Dr Littledale,* etc HISTORY OF THE IRISH CATHOLIC CHURCH. 53 were made over to Protestant bishops and ministers appointed under the Act of Uni- formity. The Catholic Bishop of Kil- more, Richard Brady, was expelled from the sec so late as 1585. The Holy See did all that it could to support the oppressed Church of Ireland, and animate the clergy to meet their sufferings with an unbending fortitude. A nuncio was sent to reside at Limerick, money and arms were liberally provided, the intervention of Spain solicited, and Irish ecclesiastics visiting Rome welcomed and assisted. Except in the case of Dublin, the seat of the Anglo-Irish government, where the see was left vacant for many years from the absolute impossibility of any prelate residing there in safety, the successions of bishops in all the Irish sees appear to have been regularly maintained through all the period of persecution. The cause of learning, to which the Irish Church has been ever devoted, could not but suffer in this prolonged conflict. Before the change of religion in England there had been some encouraging signs of progress in the reconciliation of the races through the influence of a common inter- est in intellectual pursuits. Among the distinguished Oxford students of the first thirty years of the sixteenth century, a considerable proportion were Irishmen,^ and it is impossible to doubt that had peace and religious unity been preserved, this resort to the English universities would have gone on increasing until it bore its 1 See the list in Wood's Athenot Cxon. Wood does not go farther back than 1500. natural fruit in the establishment of a great university on Irish soil. The change of religion in England cut off the supply of Irish students ; Catholicism became a persecuted creed ; and the effect on learn- ing — its professors, seats, implements, and productions — may be understood from the following vigorous passage: "From about the year 1530, in the reign of the English king Henry VIII., to the year 1793, the priests of Ireland were ever subject to persecution, suppression, dispersion, and expatriation, according to the English law ; their churches, monas- teries, convents, and private habitations were pillaged and wrested from them ; and a vandal warfare was kept up against all that was venerable and sacred of the remains of ancient literature and art which they possessed. When, therefore, we make search for the once extensive monuments of learning which the ecclesiastical libra- ries contained of old, we must remember that this shocking system continued for near 300 years ; and that during all that long period the clergy — the natural repos- itories of all the documents which belonged to the history of the Church — were kept in a continual state of insecurity and transition, often compelled to resort to the continent for education, often forced to quit their homes and churches at a moment's notice, and fly for their lives, in the first instance to the thorny depths of the nearest forest or the damp shelter of some dreary cavern, until such time, if ever it should come, as they could steal away to the hospitable shores of some 54 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. Christian land on the continent of Europe."^ Under James I. and Charles I., the Catholic clergy having been now stripped of all their property, and the laity of a considerable portion of theirs, some tol- eration was extended by the government to Catholic worship. The terrible rising of 1 64 1 was the commencement of a war of eleven years, ending with the surrender of Galway in 1652. Innocent X. sent the Archbishop of Fermo (Rinuccini) as his nuncio to Ireland in the autumn of 1645, with considerable supplies of arras and money. Unfortunately dissension arose in the national ranks ; a moderate section of the clergy, with most of the Catholic gentry and laity, were for aiding the king against the Parliament, and not exacting from him very stringent conditions ; but the bulk of the population, supported by the nuncio and the inferior clergy, were for turning the war into a struggle for complete religious freedom and national independence. Cromwell transported his victorious army to Ireland in 1649, and by several successful sieges, followed by bloody military executions, broke the strength of the resistance. The conquest of the island was completed by his lieuten- ants. The sufferings of the Irish clergy during, and still more after, the war, were indescribable. Bishop O'Brien of Emly was executed by Ireton's order (165 1) after the fall of Limerick. Bishop Egan of Ross was murdsred by Ludlow's sol- diers in 1650. In the same year Bishop 1 O'Curry's Materials, etc., p. 355. McMahon of Clogher, being in command of a body of Irish troops, fell into the hands of the Puritans, and, though quarter had been promised, was hanged. A letter of Dr. Burgatt, afterwards Archbishop of Cashel, written in r667, says that in the persecution begun by Cromwell " more than 300 [clergy] were put to death by the sword or on the scaffold . . . . ; more than looo were sent into exile, and among these all the surviving bishops," except the Bishop of Kilmore, who was too old to move.^ The Puritan sol- diers put every priest to death whom they fell in with; and yet so close a tie of affection bound the clergy to their native land and their people, that even in 1658, about the worst time of all, there were upwards of 1 50 priests in each province.^ The regular clergy were no better off; the Acts of the General Chapter of the Dominican Order held at Rome in 1656, mention that out of 600 friars who were in the island in 1646 not a fourth part 'were left, and of forty-three convents of the order, not one remained standing.^ All these horrors the Puritans pretended to justify, as done in retaliation for the mas- sacre of Protestants in 1641. That a great number of persons were cruelly put to death at the time of that rising is unde- niable ; but, as Lingard points out,* the main object pursued was not the murder of the Protestants, but the recovery of the 1 Moran, Hist. Sketch of the Persecutions under CromweR (1862)/. 82. 2 lb. p. 98. 8 Moran, of. cit. p. 74. * Hist, of Eng. vii. app. note nnn. HISTORY OF THE IRISH CATHOLIC CHURCH. 55 confiscated lands. He significantly adds, " That they [the Irish] suffered as much as they inflicted cannot be doubted." The exiles, both priests and laity, were cast on the French coast in a state of such utter destitution, that, but for prompt and ample relief, many must have perished. Happily a saint was at hand to help them. St. Vincent of Paul, filled with compassion for these victims of war and fanaticism, collected money and clothing for them, and provided them all with homes and shelter ; he even sent considerable sup- plies to Ireland.^ The Bishop of Ossory also gives detailed proof of the unwearied solicitude of the Holy See, for many years after the Cromwellian invasion, in pro- curing succors of every kind for the Irish Catholics, and itself aiding them with money to the utmost of its power.^ The Act of Settlement (1660) legalized the Cromwellian spoliations ; but the Catholic worship was tolerated all through the reign of Charles II. At the Revolu- tion, the Irish espoused the cause of their king, who, whatever quarrel the English might have with him, had done Ireland no wrong. Neither the letter nor the spirit of the constitution enjoined that the Irish Parliament and people should change their king whenever it might suit the English people to change theirs. But, in the absence of effectual aid from abroad, the 1 Moran, op. cit. p. 52. 2 About 1688, 72,000 francs a year were supplied by Rome for the support of the Irish secular clergy and laity. In 1699 the Pope seat to James II., at St. Germain's, 58,000 francs for the Irish eclesiastics exiled that year. From about 1750 to iSoo the Popes sent the Irish bishops a hundred Roman crowns a year in aid of Catholic poor schools. superior resources of the stronger nation crushed the resistance of the weaker ; and I a period commenced ior the Irish Church and people sadder than any that had pre- ceded it. The writings of Burke, and — among recent publications — Mr. Lecky's "History of the Eighteenth Century," paint in detail the picture of Ireland ruined and outraged by the penal laws. Whatever iniquitous law and crafty administration could devise to destroy the faith of the people was tried during the gloomy century which began at the Revolution, but all to no effect. The ill success of the American war compelled the English government to propose the first relaxation of the penal laws in 1778. From that time the Irish Church has been step by step regaining portions and fragments of the rights of which she was deprived in the sixteenth century. The Protestant Church was dis- established in 1869. The last twenty years have seen the island covered with beautiful religious edifices — cathedrals, parish-churches, convents, colleges, etc. Of such a people it may be justly said, " In much experience of tribulation they have had abundance of joy, and their very deep poverty hath abounded unto the riches of their simplicity."^ The following is a list of the Irish sees, of which four are metropolitan and twenty- four suffragan : — Province of Armagh. Armagh. Meath. Derry. Clogher. Dromore. Raphoe. Down and Connor. Ardagh. Kilmore. 1 X Cor. viii. 2. 56 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. Dublin. Province of Dublin. Ossory. Ferns. Kildare and Leighlin. Province of Cashel. Cashel and Emly. Waterford and Lismore. Cork. Cloyne. Killaloe. Limerick. Ross. Kerry. Province of Tuam. Tuam. Elphin. Achonry. Galway. Kilmacduagh and Kilfenora. Killala. Clonfert Mitred Abbot : The most Rev. the Abbot of Mount Melleray, Cappoquin. (Lanigan, " Ecclesiastical History of Ireland," 1829; Plowden, "Historical Review of the State of Ireland," 1803 ; Malone, "Church History of Ireland," 3d edition, 1880; Moran [Bishop of Ossory], " Spicilegium Ossoriense " ; " Essays on the Origin, Doctrine, and Discipline of the early Irish Church," 1864; "Historical •Sketch of the Persecutions suffered by the Catholics of Ireland under Cromwell and the Puritans " [1862].) Origir\ arvd History of tKe IrisK College at Rome. The munificent Pontiff to whom the English College owed its foundation — Gregory XIII. — contemplated a similar institution for Ireland ; but on mature consideration he judged that whatever portion of the Papal revenues could be spared to aid that injured people would be better spent in sending them money and arms, at a time when they were engaged in a deadly struggle with their English oppressors, than in any other way. His original desire was, however, carried out by his nephew, the Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisio, who in 1628 founded a college near the Piazza Barberini for the instruc- tion of Irish theological students, who were afterwards to return to their own land, and do their best to keep alive the flame of religion among their persecuted country- men. The celebrated Irish Franciscan^ Fr. Luke Wadding, the historian of his order, was the first rector of the college, which opened with six students, and a a dotation of fifty scudi per month. Car dinal Ludovisio by his will bequeathed to it a large vineyard at Castel Gandolfo, and a thousand scudi of annual rent ; he further directed that its management should be transferred to the hands of the Society of Jesus. A permanent site for the college was found near the convent of the Dominican nuns of the Annunziata. The students attended lectures at the CoUegio Romano [Roman College]. The college remained under Jesuit man- agement till 1773, when the order was sup- pressed ; from that time to the date of the French invasion — when it shared in the general ruin which fell on all the Roman colleges — it was governed by an Irish rector assisted by three or four secular priests of that nation. In 1826 it was restored by Leo XII, , who placed it in a suitable building near the church of S. Lucia de' Ginnasi, with Mgr. Blake for its first rector. Soon afterwards it was arranged that the Cardinal Prefect of Propa- ganda pro tern, should always be the pro- HISTORY OF THE IRISH CATHOLIC CHURCH. 57 tector of the college. Card, Cappellari, afterwards Gregory XVI., who thus became their protector, conceived a singu- lar affection for this Irish community, and loaded it with favors. In 1836 he paid a formal visit to the college, while Paul Cullen, afterwards Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin, was rectcr ; and in the same year, he made over to it the monastery and church of S. Agata alia Suburra. As another proof of his regard, he granted to the students the privilege of carrying in the annual procession of Corpus Christi the staves of the baldacchino under which the Pope carries the Blessed Sacrament, from the end of the colonnade in the piazza of St. Peter's to the great gate of the Accoramboni palace. J 1 ^^ Qjtee\jvO '1^^^ ++++ + + 4-+++++ + ++++++++ + + ++++ +++++++++-*-4-* ■ ••« ••-• ••-• ►"!. '»■» ^ ^ :^ ^k:. ;^kt :^ ^1^ "^ ^ W ^ W CHAPTER X. S Histarv sf the Oraterv sf St. Bhilip •• •■■iisiia'i«iiaiiBiifliiaiiitii(tBiiBiiaiigitBiiaiiBiiaMBiiaiiaMiiiaiiBiia(tBiiiiiBiisitBiiBnBiiaiirfiiMtiiBiiBiiBMMMtMBiiiMijiininanaMiiinnBt Meri. 1 ^ jj^ -jjfc. j^ ^ ^ ^" "W ^^ "^ ^5?^ ^^ .HILIP NERI, a native of Florence, remarkable from his childhood upward for the sin- gular beauty and purity of his character, came to reside at Rome, at the age of eighteen, iw 1533' For some years he was tutor to the children of a Florentine nobleman living in Rome. His Hfe was one of habitual self-denial, penance, and prayer. A thirst for doing good consumed him ; and by degrees he gathered round him a number of men, young and old, whom he animated by his discourses to a greater zeal for God and hatred of evil, and to a more exact regularity of life than they had known before. This he did while still a layman ; but on the advice of his con- fessor he received holy orders, and was ordained priest in 155 1. For a short time after his ordination he received in his own chamber those whom he had won to God, and instructed them on spiritual things ; then, during seven years, in a larger room. Out of these colloquies was gradually perfected the plan of evening exercises, which is to this day practised by the congregation, — plain sermons being preached, hymns sung, and popular devotions used, in a regular order, on every week-day evening except Saturday, The number of persons attending the exercises still increasing, he obtained (1558), from the administration of the Church of St. Jerome, leave to build over one of the aisles of that Church a chapel, to which he gave the modest name of an " oratory," whence arose the name of the congregation. About this time many persons afterwards eminent in the church and the world joined him, among whom were Caesar Baronius, the ecclesiastical historian, and Francis Maria Tarugi, afterwards Cardinals, Lucci, Tassone, etc. Six years later, the Florentines living in Rome having requested him to undertake the charge of the Church of St. John the Baptist, which they had just built, the saint (1564) caused Baronius and others of his followers to remove thither and to receive ordination. From this date the commencement of the congregation is 6j. CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. reckoned. Their numbers increasing, it seemed desirable to the Fathers to have a house of their own. The old church of the Vallicella, situated in the heart of Rome, was ceded to them in 1575 ; and St. Philip at once caused the present magnificent church, called the " Chiesa Nuova," to be commenced on the site. The Fathers removed to the Vallicella in 1577 on the completion of the church; St. Philip joined them in 1583, Gregory XIII. had approved and confirmed the erection of the congregation in 1575. The constitutions of the society — which St. Philip desired should be composed of simple priests, without vows, but agreeing to a rule of life — ■ were approved by Paul V. in 1612. St. Philip died in 1595, was beatified in 161 5, and canonized in 1622. The rule of the congregation from the first was that each house should be independent, the only exception being made in favor of certain Italian oratories (Naples, San Severino, and afterwards Lanciano), which were at first admin- istered by the mother house at Rpme. The Oratory was introduced into Eng- land in 1847 by Dr. (now Cardinal) New- man, who, during his long sojourn in Rome following upon his conversion, had studied closely the work of the holy founder and become deeply imbued with the spirit of his institute. The first house was at Mary Vale, i. e. Old Oscott, and was transferred, after a temporary sojourn at St. Wilfrid's, Staffordshire, to Alcester Street, Birmingham, in January, 1849. A short time later a house was opened at King William Street, Strand, London, by F. Faber, with several other Fathers who belonged to the Birmingham congrega- tion, and were still subject to Father Newman. In October, 1850, the London house was released from obedience to Bir- mingham, and erected into a congregation with a superior of its own. It was finally transferred to Brompton, where it is now erecting a large domed church. The Ora- tory at Birmingham has remained under the direction — ever since his elevation to the purple — of its illustrious founder, and has become a great centre for the midland counties of Catholic preaching and educa- tion. The following passage embodies a por- tion of the cardinal's conception of St. Philip's work. "He was raised up," writes Cardinal Newman, " to do a work almost peculiar in the Church." Instead of combating like Ignatius, or being a hunter of souls like St. Cajetan, " Philip preferred, as he expressed it, tranquilly to cast in his net to gain them ; he preferred to yield to the stream and direct the cur- rent — which he could not stop — of science, literature, art, and fashion, and to sweeten and sanctify what God had made very good and man had spoilt. And so he contemplated as the idea of his mis- sion, not the propagation of the faith, nor the exposition of doctrine, nor the catechel- ical schools ; whatever was exact and systematic pleased him not ; he put from him monastic rule and authoritative speech, as David refused the armor of his king. No ; he would be but an ordinary individ- HISTORY OF THE ORATORY OF ST. PHILIP NERI. 65 ual priest as others ; and his weapons should be but unaffected humility and unpretending love. All he did was to be done by the light, and fervor, and con- vincing eloquence of his personal charac- ter and his easy conversation. He came to the Eternal City and he sat himself down there, and his home and his family gradually grew up around him by the spontaneous accession of materials from without. He did not so much seek his own as draw them to him. He sat in his small room, and they in their gay worldly dresses, the rich and the well-born as well as the simple and the illiterate, crowded into it, . . . And they who came remained j^'azing and listening till, at length, first one and then another threw off their bravery, and took his poor cassock and girdle instead ; or, if they kept it, it was to put hair-cloth under it, or to take on them a rule of life, while to the world they looked as before." ^istor^ of tHe ©euotloH t© t^e ^Qersd ^eiart ©f Jesas. The special and formal devotion to the Heart of Jesus, which is now so popular in the Church, owes its origin to a French Visitation nun, the Blessed Margaret Mary Alacoque, who lived in the latter part of the seventeenth century. Her biogra- phers relate that our Lord Himself appeared to her and declared that this worship was most acceptable to Him ; and her director, the famous Jesuit, Father de la Colombi^re, preached the devotion at the Court of St. James, and zealously propagated it elsewhere. The most popu- lar book in defence of the new devotion was that of Father Gallifet, S, J., "De Cultu SS. Cordis Jesu in variis Christiani orbis partibus jam propagato." It was published with a dedication to Benedict Xni, and with the approval of Lambertini (afterwards Benedict XIV,) ; the French translation appeared in 1745, at Lyons. On February 6, 1765,1 Clement XIII, permitted several churches to celebrate the feast of the Sacred Heart, which was extended in 1856 to the whole church. It is generally kept on the Friday after the Octave of Corpus Christi. In Eng- land, Italy, France, Netherlands, Germany, Spain, and Portugal, indeed, throughout the Catholic world, the devotion and the feast found a ready and enthusiastic acceptance. However, the worship of the Sacred Heart encountered keen opposi- tion, particularly from the Jansenists. They who practised it were nicknamed " Cardiolatrae," or " Cordicolae," and were charged with Nestorianism, as if they worshipped a divided Christ, and gave to the created humanity of Christ worship which belonged to God alone. The Jansenist objections were censured as injurious to the Apostolic See, which had approved the devotion, and bestowed numerous indulgences in its favor by Pius VI. in his condemnation of the Jansenist synod of Pistoia. This condemnation was issued in the bull "Auctorem fidei," bear- 1 The Congregation of Rites had refused to sanction "^t feast in 1697 and 1729. 66 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. ing date August 28, 1694. A further approval of the devotion was implied in the beatification of Margaret Mary Ala- coque in 1864. The bull " Auctorem fidei " contains the following explanation of the principle on which the devotion rests, an explanation which is at once authoritative and clear. The faithful worship with supreme adora- tion the physical Heart of Christ, con- sidered "not as mere flesh, but as united to the Divinity." They adore it as " the Heart of the Person of the Word to which it is inseparably united." It is of course absurd to speak of this principle as novel ; it is as old as the belief in the hypostatic union, and it was solemnly defined in 431 at the Council of Ephesus. All the members of Christ, united to the rest of His sacred humanity and to the eternal Word, are the object of divine worship. If it be asked further, why the heart is selected as the object of special adoration, the answer is, that the real and physical heart is a natural symbol of Christ's exceeding charity, and of his interior life. Just as the Church in the middle ages turned with singular devotion to the Five Wounds as the symbol of Christ's Passion, so in these later days she bids us have recourse to His Sacred Heart, mindful of the love wherewith He loved us "even to the end." Nothing could be made of the fact, if it were a fact, that the devotion actually began with Blessed Margaret Mary, for though the doctrine of the Church cannot change, she may and does from time to time introduce new forms of devotion. But the special devotion to the Heatt of our Saviour is as old at least as the twelfth century, while early in the sixteenth the Carthusian Lansberg recommended pious Christians to assist their devotion by using a figure of the Sacred Heart. ^ (An account of the theology of the devotion will be found in Card. Franzelin, " De Incarnatione," and of the propagation of the devotion in the admirable Life of Blessed Margaret Mary by F. Tickell, S. J. Both the doctrines and the history are exhaustively treated by Nilles, '' De Rationibus Festorum Sacratissimi Cordis Jesu et Purissimi Cordis MaricB^ 1873.) ^aered l^eart ©f ipar^j. The principles on which the devotion rests are the same {mutatis mutandis) as those which are the foundation of the Catholic devotion to the Sacred Heart Just as Catholics worship the Sacred Heart because it is united to the Person of the Word, so they venerate (with hyper- dulia) the heart of Mary because united to the person of the Blessed Virgin. In each case the physical heart is taken as a natural symbol of charity and of the inner life, though of course the charity and virtues of Mary are infinitely inferior to those of her Divine Son. 1 See F. Ryder's quotations {Catholic Controversy, pp. 148, 149) from the Vitis Mystica, a series of meditations printed among the works of St. Bernard, c. iii. 8, and from Laa»' pergius, Divini Amoris Pharetra, ed. 1572, p. 78. DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART OF MARY. 67 The devotion to the Immaculate Heart was first propagated by John Eudes, founder of a congregation of priests called after him Eudistes. Eudes died in 1680. The Congregation of Rites in 1669, and again in 1726, declined to sanction the devotion. However, a local celebration of the feast was permitted (but without proper Mass and office) by Pius VI. in 1799 ; and in 1855 Pius IX. extended the feast — which is kept with a special Mass and office, either on the Sunday after the Octave of the Assumption or on the third Sunday after Pentecost — to the whole Church. The Arch-confraternity of the Immaculate Heart established sorne twenty years earlier at the church of Notre Dame des Victoires, in Paris, did much to spread the devotion and make it popular. {Nilles, " De Rationibiis Festorum SS. Cordis Jesu et Purissimi Cordis Marice") TKe Orig'iA of Bells. Nothing certain is known as to the date of their introduction, which has been attributed sometimes to St. Paulinus of Nola, sometimes to Pope Sabinian. During the heathen persecution it was of course impossible to call the faithful by any signal which would have attracted public notice. After Constantine's time, monastic com- munities used to signify the hour of prayer by blowing a trumpet, or by rapping with a hammer at the cells of the monks. Walafrid Strabo, in his celebrated book on the divine offices, written about t?U; middle of the ninth century, speaks of f;hc use of bells as not very ancient in his time, and as having been introduced from Italy However, we learn from the history of St. Lupus of Sens that church-bells were known in France more than two centuries before Strabo's time.. For long the Eastern Church employed instead of bells, clappers, such as we still use on Good Friday, and bells were not known among the Orientals till the ninth century. Even then their use cannot have become universal among them, for Fleury mentions the ringing of church-bells as one of the customs which the Maronites adopted from the Latins on their reunion with the Catholic Church in 11 83. The classical words for bell are, kodon and tintinnabu- lum. From the seventh ceptury onwards, we find the names campana (from the Campanian metal of which they were often made)^, nola (from the town where their use is said to have been introduced), and clocccB (French cloche). Originally, church- bells were comparatively small. Large ones of cast metal first appear in the eleventh and twelfth centuries ; those of the greatest size, in the fifteenth. In the tenth century the custom began of giving bells names. Before the Church sets aside bells for sacred, she blesses them with solemn ceremonies. The form prescribed in the Pontifical is headed " the blessing of a bell," though it is popularly called " the baptism of a bell," a title by which the office is mentioned as early as the eleventh 68 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. century. The bishop washes the bell with blessed water, signs it with the oil of the sick outside, and with chrism inside, and lastly, places under it the thurible with burning incense. He prays repeatedly that the sound of the bell may avail to summon the faithful, to excite their devo- tion, to drive away storms, and to terrify evil spirits. This power of course is due to the blessings and prayers of the Church, not to any efficacy superstitiously attribu- ted to the bell itself. Thus consecrated, bells become spiritual things, and cannot be rung without the consent of the ecclesi- astical authorities. Hitherto, we have been treating of the large church-bell. Small bells are also used during Mass, and are rung by the server at the Sanctus and Elevation. The object of this rite is to excite the attention and devotion of the faithful The practice of ringing the bell at the Elevation was introduced after the custom of elevating the Host had become common in the Church. The Elevation bell is mentioned by William of Paris. This bell is not rung when Mass is said before the Blessed Sacrament is exposed, nor again in private chapel of the Apostolic palace if the Pope says or hears Mass. I- Copyright, 1889. Murphy & McCarthy. ^u ftanti^ f abier. N exhaustive essay, " Christen- verfolgungen," etc., on this subject has lately appeared in the " Real - Encyklopadie of Christian Antiquities," edited by Dr. Kraus. The limits of the present work permit us only to give a brief general outline of the principal facts. During the first century Christianity was to a great extent confounded with Judaism in the eyes of the Roman officials, and since the latter was a religio licita, the former shared the same privilege. The persecutions under Nero and Domitian were local and occasional ; no systematic design of extirpating Christianity dictated them. Gradually, partly because the Jews took pains to sever their cause from that of the Christians, partly because, in pro- portion as Christianity was better under- stood, the universality of its claim on human thought and conduct, and its essential incompatibility with pagan ideas, came out into stronger relief, the antagonism grew sharper, and the purpose of repres- sion more settled. Charges, various in their nature, were brought against the Christians ; they were treasonable men {majestatis ret) who denied to the empe- rors a portion of their attributes and dignity ; they were atheists, who, so far from honoring the gods of the empire, declared that they were devils ; they were dealers in magic ; lastly, they practised a foreign and unlawful religion (^religio peri- grina illicita). Possessed by such concep- tions, a high Roman official, especially if he were a man of arbitrary or brutal character, or if Christians were indiscreet, could not lack pretext in abundance for persecution, even before any general edict of proscription had appeared. The rescript of Trajan (98-117) directed the policy of the government for a hundred years. " Search," he said, " is not to be made for Christians ; if they are arrested and accused before the tribunals, then if any one of them denies that he is a Christian, and proves it by offering sacrifice to our gods, he is to be pardoned." The implica- tion was, of course, that those who avowed 70 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. their Christianity and refused to sacrifice were to be executed, as the adherents of an unlawful religion. All through the second century, the popular sentiment, whenever a Christian was put on his trial, raged against the accused ; the mob, still for the most part pagan, believed every wild and monstrous calumny that was afloat against the sect. "If the Tiber overflows," says Tertullian, "if the Nile does not overflow, if there is a drought, an earthquake, a scarcity, or a pestilence, straightway the people cry, 'The Chris- tians to the lions.* " This popular aversion is noticed in the reports of the persecution in Asia Minor, in which St. Polycarp suf- fered (probably about 155, under Antoni- nus Pius), and of the terrible slaughter of Christians at Lyons and Vienna under Marcus Aurelius. In 202 Severus issued a formal edict forbidding conversions either to the Jewish or the Christian religion under heavy penalties. The persecution which ensued lasted ten or eleven years ; but from about 212 to the reign of Decius (249-251) was a time of comparative peace, and Christians multiplied in every direc- tion. Even upon the general population an impression was by this time made ; and the attitude of the mob, in the perse- cutions of Christians which happened after the middle of the third century, was at first apathetic, then respectful, finally, even compassionate. Under Decius, who was an enthusiast for the ancient glories of the republic and empire, the systematic general persecutions began, which aimed at stamping out Christianity altogether. Fabian, the bishop of Rome, and St. Agatha in Sicily, were among the victims of the Decian storm. Fortunately it was short ; but when it had passed over, the number of the lapsi, or those who in various degrees had given way under the pressure, was found to be very great. Under Callus there was peace, but Vale- rian (257) renewed the persecution. The martyrdoms of St. Lawrence, St. Cyprian, and St. Fructuosus of Tarragona, date from about this time. Again., from 260 (in which year an edict of Gallienus declared Christianity to be a legal reli- gion) to 300, the government left the Christians undisturbed except ire a few months (270) under Aurelian. In 303, the terrible persecution of Diocletian was ushered in by the destruction of the great church at Nicomedia. On the next day appeared an edict, ordering that all build- ings used for religious worship by the Chris- tians should be destroyed, and that their sacred books should be given up to the authorities and burnt. Christians them- selves were declared to be outlawed and civilly dead ; they were to have no remedy in the courts against those who did them wrong ; and they were to be subject, in every rank, to torture. A second edict ordered that all bishops and priests should be imprisoned ; a third, that such prisoners should be compelled by every possible means to offer sacrifice to the gods. The extreme violence of this persecution did not last beyond two years, but in that time the blood of martyrs flowed abun- dantly in Palestine, Italy, Gaul, Spain, and PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHRISTIANS. 71 Britain. A detailed account of the suffer- ings of the Christians in Palestine may be read in the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius. For some years after the abdication of Diocletian (305) civil war desolsied the empire ; but, after the fall of Maxentius, Constantine, and Licinius, about the beginning of 313, was published the famous edict of Milan, by which complete toleration was given to the Christians, and Christianity was placed on a footing of perfect equality with what had been till now the State religion. This edict was published some months later at Nicomedia, so that both in East and West the period of martyrdom was closed. The persecution of Julian (361--363) — although martyrdoms were not wanting, e. g. those of SS. John and Paul — con- sisted rather in a studied exclusion of Christians from the favor of the Court and government, together with a prohibi. tion of teaching rhetoric, literature, and philosophy *;ba» 'n ">ctual Taeasures o' coercion. The cruel persecution of the Catholics in Africa by their Vandal conquerors, under Geiseric {Genseric), Hunneric, and his successors (439-523), was motived partly by the hatred and contempt which these Teutons bore to all of Roman blood or nurture, partly by the inevitable antag* onism between the Arian heresy which they professed and the Catholic creed, and partly by the policy of humbling and weakening those whom they could not hope to attach sincerely to their govern- ment. The persecutions of the Spanish Catho- lics by the Arian Visigothic kings, Euric and Leovigild, in the fifth and sixth centu* ries, were of no great intensity. -^ xxxxxxxxxx ««««««««««««««««« xxxxxxxxxx f xxxxxxxxxx «««««««««««*«««♦« xxxxxxxxxx 8«-- V ^ CHAPTER XII. ■=^8!'==::::^ -4^ STATIONS. 4- '--SSss*^*^ c^g^i^iS"^' NAME given to the fast kept on Wednesdays and Fridays, In the Roman Church the fast was one of devotion, not of precept, and it ended at none — i. e. three o'clock (TertuU. "De Jejun." 2). Tertullian ("De Orat." 19) explains the word from the military usage ; the Stations were days on which the Christian soldiers stood on guard and "watched in prayer." It was charac- teristic of the Montanists to prolong the fast of the Stations till the evening (" De Jejun." 10). Prudentius (" Peristeph." vi. 52 seq) relates of the martyr Fructuosus that he refused the cup offered him because it was a Station, and the ninth hour had not come. In the East, on the other hand, the fast of the Stations was obligatory (" Apost. Const." v. 20; "Canon Apost." 69'^; Epiphan. "Haer." 75 n. 3). In the West the fast on Wednesdays, 1 We follow Thomassin in his interpretation of the fourth canon. The passage in the Constitutions {pasan tetrada kai pasan paraskeuen frostassomen hutnin nesteuein) is, as it seems to us, decisive against the view of Hefele {Concil. vol. L p. 821) and others. Tetras often means " the fourth day." never obligatory, died out altogether, while that on Friday became obligatory about the end of the ninth century. The Greeks, on the other hand, still maintain the fast of Wednesdays and Fridays. (Thomassin» "Trait6 des Jeunes," P. ii. ch. 15.) (2) The word, in another sense, still holds its place in the Roman Missal. Many of our readers must have noticed the words ^' Staiio ad S. Petrum, ad S. Mariam majorem,^^ etc., before the Introit of certain Masses. Mabillon (" Museum Italicum," tom. ii. p. xxxi.) explains the term as meaning either a fast or " a con- course of the people to an appointed place — i. e. a church in which the proces- sion of the clergy halts on stated days to say stated prayers. It is an ancient cus- tom in Rome that the Roman clergy should on particular days meet for prayer in some one church where Mass and other divine services are performed. The pro- cession of the Roman clergy to these Stations is either solemn or private; the latter when individuals betake themselves privately to the appointed place, the 78 STATIONS. n former when the Pope and the rest solemnly proceed thither, singing litanies and other prayers." The gathering of clergy and people before this procession, Mabillon continues, was called collecta, and the name was then given to the prayer said over the people before the pro- cession started from one church to the other in order to make the Station. "It was St. Gregory who regulated the Sta- tions at Rome — i. e. the churches where the office was to be performed daily in Lent, on the Ember days, and on the solemn feasts ; for the feasts of the saints were celebrated in the churches which contained their relics. St. Gregory then marked these Stations in his Sacra- mentary, as they are now in the Roman Missal, and attached them chiefly to the patriarchal and titular churches ; but, although the Stations were fixed, the Archdeacon did not fail, after the Pope's Communion, to announce the next Station to the people" (Fleury, "H. E." livr. xxxvi. § 17). In the Easter of 774, Charle- magne assisted at the Station of Easter Sunday at St. Mary Major, of Easter Monday at St. Peter's, Tuesday at St. Paul's — the same Stations still noted in our Missal (Eginhard, apud Fleury, xliv, §5). Statior\s of the Gross. A SERIES of images or pictures represent- ing the different events in the Passion of Christ, each Station corresponding to a particular event. Usually, they are ranged round the church, the first Station being placed on one side of the high altar, the last on the other. The Stations are among the most popular of Catholic devotions, and are to be found in almost every church. Sometimes they are erected in the open air, especially on roads which lead to some church or shrine standing on a hill. The devotion began in the Franciscan order. The Franciscans are the guardians of the holy places in Jerusalem, and these Stations are intended as a help to making in spirit a pilgrimage to the scene of Christ's sufferings and death. Innocent XII., in 1694, authentically interpreting a brief of his predecessor, Innocent XL, in 1686, declared that the indulgences granted for devoutly visiting certain holy places in Palestine could be gained by all Franciscans and by all affiliated to the order, if they made the way of the cross devoutly — i. e. passed or turned from Station to Station meditating devoutly on the various stages of the history. Benedict XIII., in 1726, extended these indulgences to all the faithful ; Clement XII., in 173 1, permitted persons to gain the indulgences at Stations erected in churches which were not Franciscan, pro- vided they were erected by a Franciscan with the sanction of the ordinary. At present the connection of the Stations with the Franciscan order is almost forgot- ten, at least in England, except as a mat- ter of history. Our bishops can, by Apostolic faculties, erect the Stations with the indulgences attached to them, and they constantly delegate this b 74 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. faculty to priests. The English bishops received faculties to this effect, provided there were no religious in the neighborhood to whom the privilege belonged, in 1857. In 1862 these faculties were renewed without this limitation. The faculties are quinquennial. (Cone. Prov. Westmonast. II. Append. I. Concil. IV. Append. II.) There are fourteen Stations — viz. (i) the sentence passed on our Lord by Pilate ; (2) the receiving of the cross ; (3) our Lord's first fall ; (4) His meeting with His mother; {5) the bearing of the cross by Simon of Cyrene ; (6) the wiping of Christ's face by Veronica with a handkerchief ; (7) His second fall : (8) His words to the women of Jerusalem, " Weep not for Me," etc. ; (9) His third fall ; (10) His being stripped of His garments ; (i i) His cruci- fixion ; (12) His death; (13) the taking down of His body from the cross ; (14) His burial. In the diocese of Vienna the number of the Stations at the end of the last century was reduced to eleven. On the other hand a fifteenth Station has been sometimes added — viz. the finding of the cross by Helena. These changes ture unauthorized. Stigmata. The word occurs in Gal. vi. 15 : *' I bear the marks of Jesus in my body." Such brands or marks {stigmata) were set on slaves who had run away, or slaves consecrated to the service of a heathen God, rarely on captives, and some- times soldiers branded the name of their general on some part of their body. Probably St. Paul's metaphor is taken from the second of these customs. He regarded the marks of suffering in Christ's cause as consecrating him the more to his Master's service. The Latin versions retain the word " stigmata," but no Catho- lic commentator of repute, so far as we know, ever dreamt that St. Paul received miraculous marks of Christ's passion. Neither St. Thomas nor Estius allude to ' such an interpretation, and Windischmann only mentions it to dismiss it. Still, the idea that miraculous wounds on^ the hands, feet, and side, like these borne by our Lord, were a mark of divine favor, certainly existed in the mediaeval Church independently of St. Francis, for in 1222, at a council in Oxford, an impostor who claimed to have stigmata of this kind con- fessed his guilt and was punished accord- ingly (Fleury, " H. E." Ixxviii. § 56). Only two years later — i. e. 1224 — St. Francis of Assisi (d. 1226) was on Mount Alvernus to keep his annual fast of forty days in honor of St. Michael. One morn- ing, says St. Buonaventure, about the I4tb of September, the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, Francis saw a seraph flying towards them. There was a figure of a man attached to a cross between the wings. After the vision disappeared, the hands and feet of the saint were found to be marked with nails, and there was a wound in his side. The wounds were seen by some of the friars and by Alexan- der IV. during the lifetime of the saint, and after his death by fifty friars, St STIGMATA. 75 Clare and a multitude of seculars. St. Buonaventure assures us that he has the testimony of Alexander IV. from the Pope's own lips. The Church keeps a feast of the Stigmata of St. Francis, insti- tuted by Benedict XII. The Dominicans claimed a similar dis- tinction for one of their own order, St. Catharine of Sienna (1347-1380). They appealed to a letter from the saint to her confessor, Raymond of Capua, in which she states that our Lord had impressed the stigmata upon her, but had at her own request made them invisible to others. They also quoted the testimony of St. Antoninus and the hymn which alludes to the stigmata, inserted in the Office of St. Catharine with the approval of Pius II. The Franciscans, who maintained that the privilege was peculiar to their own founder, carried the matter before Sixtus IV. in 1483. The Pope (himself a Fran- ciscan) forbade, under severe penalties, any one to paint images of St. Catharine with the stigmata. (See Fleury, "H. E." Ixxix. § 5, cxv. § 103.) Still the fact of her stigmatization is recorded in the lireviary office, and a special feast in commemoration of it was granted to the Dominicans by Benedict XIII. In a work on the subject Dr. Imbert-Gourbeyre enumerates 145 per- sons, twenty men, the rest women, who are stated to have received the stigmata. Of these eighty lived before the seventeenth century. Some are canonized, others beati- fied, others simply persons of reputed holi- ness. More than one is still living. The work just referred to ("Les Stigmatis^es"^ was published by Palm^in 1873. CHAPXBR XIII, '^• STOl-E. ^ NARROW vestment made of the same stuff as the chasuble, and worn round the neck. The Pope always wears the stole. Bishops and priests wear it at Mass — the priest crossed over his breast, the bishop, who has already the pectoral cross on his breast, pendant on each side. They always wear it whenever they exercise their orders by administering sacraments or by blessing persons or things. In some places it is, in others it is not, worn in preaching, and the custom of the place is to be followed (S. C. R. 12 Nov. 1837, 23 Maii, 1846). Deacons wear it at Mass, or at Benediction, etc., when they have to move the Blessed Sacrament, over the left shoulder, and joined on the right side. Stole — i. e. s^oli in classical Greek — in the LXX and New Testament means a robe of any kind, sometimes (e. g.) in Mark xii. 38, (Luc. xx. 46) a costly or imposing garment. In Latin sfo/a was the upper garment worn by women of position. The conjecture of Meratus (on Gavant. torn. i. P. ii. tit. i.) that our stole is the Roman stola of which only the ornamental stripe has been left, is very unlikely, con- sidering that the stola was, almost exclu- sively, a piece of female attire. The stole is never mentioned by that name before the ninth century. Theodoret (" H. E." ii. 27) speaks of " a holy stole " {Aiera stole) given to Macarius by Constantine, but he only means a *' sacred vestment " in general ; and Germanus of Constantinople, at the beginning of the eighth century, identifies the stole with the phelonioii or chasuble, and distinguishes it from the orarion or stole according to our modern usage (Galland. " Bibliothec." torn. xiii. p. 226). This word orarium belongs to the later Latin, and means a cloth for the face, a hand- kerchief. It was also used " in favorem,''' to applaud at theatres, etc., and sometimes worn as a scarf. The first mention of it as an ecclesiastical vestment occurs about the middle of the fourth century, when the Council of Laodicea (can. 22 and 23) for- bade clerics in minor orders to use it. A T6 STOLE. 71 t^ermon attributed to Chrysostom, and probably not much later than his time, compares the deacons to angels, and the "stripes of thin linen on their left shoulders " {tats leptais othonais tais epi ton aristeron omoti) to wings (" Homily on the Prodigal Son," Migne, vol. viii. 520). In the West for a long time after, orarium was used for a common handkerchief or napkin (Ambros. "De Excess. Sat." lib. i. 43 ; August, " De Civit. Dei," xxii. 8 ; Hieron. Ep. lii. 9 ; Prudent. " Peristeph." i, 86 ; Greg. Turon, " De Gloria Mart." i. 93 ; Greg. Magn. Ep. vii. 30. So the Council of Orleans in 511). It is in the Spanish Church that we find the earliest traces of the orarium or stole as a sacred vestment among the Latins. The Coun- cil of Braga in 563 (can. 9) speaks of the orarium as worn by deacons ; a Council of Toledo in 633 recognizes it as a vest- ment of bishops, priests, and deacons (can.. 28 and 40). Another synod of Braga in 675 mentions the present custom accord- ing to which priests wear the orarium crossed over the breast (can. 4) ; while the Synod of Mayence in 813 (can. 28) requires priests to wear it not only at Mass but habitually, as the Pope does now, to mark their sacerdotal dignity. Several of the Ordines Romani (the third, fifth, eighth, ninth, and thirteenth), also mention the orarium. Hence we may conclude that from about the time of Charlemagne the orarium or stole was generally adopted throughout the West as a vestment of bishops, priests, and deacons. The Greeks have always regarded the orarium as a vestment peculiar to deacons. The epi- trachelion or peritrac he lion of priests differs both in form and in the manner it is worn from the orarium of deacons. The Syrian Christians have adopted the same word orro, ororo, but with them the orro is worn by clerics of all the orders. Readers among the Maronites wear the orro hang- ing from the right shoulder, subdeacons in all the Syrian rites round the neck, deacons on the left shoulder, priests round the neck and in front of the breast. The Syrians also use the same word for the ojnophorion or pallium of bishops. (See Payne Smith, "Thesaurus Syricus," col. \o\,\02^ sub voc. c . . .) Hefele says it appears from ancient pictures that down to the twelfth century the deacon's stole hung over the left shoulder, and was not, as now, fastened together on the right side below the breast. Till a late period the stole was worn outside the dalmatic, as now by the Greek deacons over the stich- arion. Hefele finds the earliest notice of a deacon's stole worn under the dalmatic in a Salzburg Pontifical of the twelfth century, and in the fourteenth Roman Ordo, compiled about 1300. Bishops, however, wore the stole over the alb and under the tunicella and dalmatic as early at least as Rabanus Maurus ( " De Cleric. Instit." i. 19, 20) — i. e. about '^\^. The same author {loc. cit) speaks of the orarium which " some call stole." This is the first certain instance of the use of the latter word, for its place in the Gregorian Sacramentary may be one of the many interpolations to which the 78 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. liturgical books are peculiarly subject. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries stole became the common word (so, e. g. the Synod of Coyaca, in the diocese of Oviedo, anno 1050, can. 3.) The oraria on ancient pictures are exactly like our stoles, resembling the pattern known as Gothic. They were often adorned with jewels, bells hung from them, and letters or words were worked in. Hefele acknowledges his failure, after much search, to find the reason why the word " stole " came to be used for orarium. The vestment has been taken as a symbol of the yoke of Christ (pseudo-Alcuin), of Christ's obedience (Innocent III.). The prayer in our pres- ent Missal evidently refers to the original meaning of the Greek stole. " Give me back, O Lord, the stole or robe of immor- tality," etc. DoVe. Symbol of tKe |1ol\j QKost. Dove is frequently used as a symbol of the Holy Ghost, who appeared at Christ's baptism under that form. The custom of depicting the Holy Ghost in this form is mentioned by St. Paulinus of Nola, and must have been familiar to Eastern Chris- tians in the sixth century : for the clergy of Antioch in 518, among other complaints made by them to the see of Constantino- ple against the intended bishop Servius, accuse him of having removed the gold and silver doves which hung over the altars and font {kolumbethra) and appro- priated them on the ground that this symbolism was unfitting.^ The dove as a symbol of the Holy Ghost is often placed in the pictures of certain saints — e. g. of Fabian,^ Hilary of Aries, Medard of Noyon, etc. It is also a figure of inno- cence, and so, e. g. the souls of SS. Eula- lia and Scholastica are represented as flying to heaven in the form of a dove. Lastly, the dove serves as a figure of peace and reconciliation (see Gen. viii. 11). A vase in the form of a dove {peristerion, peristeriuni) was in the East and in France suspended over the altar and used as a repository for the Blessed Sacrament. This custom is mentioned by the author of an ancient Life of St. Basil, by St. . Gregory of Tours, and in several ancient French documents. Martene mentions that even in his time such a tabernacle was still in use at the church of St. Maur des Foss6s. The custom probably came to France from the East, for it never seems to have existed in Italy.^ D 0x0 logy. The greater doxology or " ascription of glory," is usually called, from its initial words, the " Gloria in excelsis." It is not mentioned by the earliest writers, but it is found nearly, though not quite, as we now have it in the Apostolic Constitutions (vii. 47), so that it can scarcely have been composed, as is asserted in the " Chron. 1 Hefele, Concil. ii. p. 771. 2 For the origin of this see Euseb. H. E. vi. 29. 8 See Chardon, Hist. des. Sacr. vol. ii. p. 24a. DOXOLOGY. 79 Turonense," by St. Hilary of Poictiers, and the real author is, as Cardinal Bona says, unknown. It was only by degrees that it assumed its present place in the Mass. In Gaul, according to St. Gregory of Tours, it was recited after Mass in thanksgiving. St. Benedict introduced it into lauds ; while it was also recited on occasions of public joy — e. g. in the Sixth General Council. It was sung at Mass, according to the use of the Roman Church, first of all on Christmas day, during the first Mass in Greek, during the second in Latin. It was of course on Christmas night that the first words of the "Gloria in excelsis" were sung by the angels. Afterwards bishops said it at Mass on Sundays and feasts, priests only at the Mass of Easter Sunday, as appears from the Gregorian Sacraraentary. This rule lasted till the eleventh cen- tur}^ At present it is said in all Masses, except those of the dead, of ferias which do not occur in the Paschal season — (it is said, however, on Maundy Thursday) — Sundays from Septuagesima to Palm Sunday inclusive. It is not said in votive Masses, except those of the Angels, and the Blessed Virgin on Saturday. II. Lesser doxology — i. e. "Glory be to the Father," etc., recited as a rule after each psalm in the office and after the " Judica " in the Mass. Forms resem- bling it occur at the end of some of the Acts of the Martyrs — e. g. those of St. Polycarp. St. Basil (" De Spiritu Sancto ad S. Amphilochium," which work, how- ever, is of doubtful authenticity) defends the formula " Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost," con- tends that its antiquity is attested by early Fathers, Clement of Rome, Irenaeus, etc., and that it is at least as ancient as the Arian form, " Glory be to the Father in '* or "through the Son," etc. Anyhow, the former part of the Gloria must date as far back as the third or fourth century, and arose, no doubt, from the form of bap- tism. The concluding words, " As it was in the beginning," are of later origin. The Galilean Council of Vaison, in 529, ordered their use, adding that they had been already introduced in Rome, Italy, Africa, and the East, against heretics who denied the Son's eternity.^ And the rule of St. Benedict contains directions for the recital of the Gloria after each psalm. (Benedict XIV. "De Missa,'* Kraus, art. doxologid). Dreams. Dreams arise, according to St. Thomas (2 2ndae, qu. 95, a. 6), from interior or exterior causes. Among the former he enumerates the thoughts which occupied the mind in waking hours, and the state of the body. Among the latter, the effect produced on the bodily organs by material things — e. g. cold and heat, sound or light, etc. — and also the influence of good or evil spirits. It is reasonable to believe that God may speak to the soul through dreams, for the influence of God extends to sleeping as w«ill as to waking hours; 1 Hefele, Concil. iu p. 742. 8o CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. and that God has used dreams as a means of revealing His will is fully attested by the Old and the New Testament (see Gen. XX. 3, 7, xl. 5 ; Num. xii. 6 ; Matt. ii. 12, xxvii. 19). Accordingly, to regard dreams proceeding from merely physical causes as indications of a future with which they have no natural connection, is superstitious and therefore sinful. It is also, of course, unlawful to seek or accept signs of future events in dreams from demons. But, on the other hand, if there are grave reasons for doing so, we may lawfully believe that a dream has been sent by God for our instruction. But it is to be noted that a disposition to trust in dreams is always superstitious, for in the Christian dispensation there is a strong presumption against their use as means of foretelling the future. Even in the Old Testament the greater number of predic- tive dreams were given to those outside the Jewish covenant. If given to God's ser- vants, they were given to them, as a rule, in the period of their earliest and most' imperfect knowledge of Him. In the New Testament, often as we read of ecstasies and visions, dreams are never mentioned as a vehicle of revelation, and they rarely occur in the lives of the saints. ^I^fl^f^f^f '^'^^^^^;:?^^^-^>%t><^%?:5<'^=<-^ CHAPTER XIV. t PURGKTORY. I ^•>J?'* ijj J?> '.•': '.•': '.•': '.•': •.•': \V \»': '.•': '.•': •.•: ••• •:•• •:;> •:•> {i} PLACE in which souls who depart this life in the grace of God suffer for a time because they still need to be cleansed from venial, or have still to pay the temporal punishment due to mortal sins, the guilt and the eternal punishment of which have been remitted. Purgatory is not a place of probation, for the time of trial, the period during which the soul is free to choose eternal life or eternal death, ends with the separation of soul and body. All the souls in Purgatory have died in the love of God, and are cer- tain to enter heaven. But as yet they are not pure and holy enough to see God, and God's mercy allots them a place and a time for cleansing and preparation. At last Christ will come to judge the world, and then there will be only two places left, heaven and hell. The Councils of Florence ("Decret Unionis ") and Trent (" Decret. de Pur- gat." sess. XXV. ; cf. sess. vi. can. 30, sess. xxii. " De Sacrific. Miss." c. 2 et can. 3), define " that there is a Purgatory, and that the souls detained there are helped by the prayers of the faithful and, above all, by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar." Fur- ther the definitions of the Church do not go, but the general teaching of the theolo- gians explains the doctrine of the councils, and embodies the general sentiment of the faithful. Theologians, then, tell us that souls after death are cleansed from the stain of their venial sins by turning with fervent love to God, and by detestation of those offences which marred, though they did not entirely destroy, their union with Him. St. Thomas and Suarez hold that this act of fervent love and perfect sorrow is made in the first instant of the soul's separation from the body, and suffices of itself to remove all the stain of sin. (See the quotation in Jungmann, "De Novissi- mis " p. 103.) Be this as it may, it is cer- tain that the time of merit expires with this life, and that the debt of temporal punishment may still be paid. The souls in Purgatory suffer the pain of loss — i. e. they are in anguish because their past sins exclude them for a season from the sight 82 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. of God, and they understand in a degree previously impossible the infinite bliss from which they are excluded, and the foulness of the least offence against the God who has created and redeemed them. They also undergo "the punishment of sense " — i. e. positive pains which afflict the soul. It is the common belief of the Western Church that they are tormented by material fire, and it is quite conceivable that God should give matter the power of constraining and afflicting even separated souls. But the Greeks have never accepted this belief, nor was it imposed upon them when they returned to Catholic unity at Florence. The saints and doctors of the Church describe these pains as very terrible. They last, no doubt, for very different lengths of time, and vary in inten- sity according to the need of individual cases. It is supposed that the just who are alive when Christ comes again, and who stand in need of cleansing, will be purified in some extraordinary way — e. g. by the troubles of the last days, by vehe- ment contrition, etc. ; but all this is mere conjecture. In conclusion, it must be remembered that there is a bright as well as a dark side to Purgatory. The souls there are certain of their salvation, they are willing sufferers, and no words, accord- ing to St. Catherine of Genoa, can express the joy with which they are filled, as they increase in union with God. She says their joy can be compared to nothing except to the greater joy of Paradise itself. (See for numerous citations, Jungmann, *' De Noviss." cap. i, a. 6.) This may suffice as an account of theo- logical teaching on the subject. It must not be supposed that any such weight belongs to legends and speculations which abound in mediaeval chronicles (see Mas- kell, " Monument. Rit." vol. ii. p. Ixxi.), and which often appear in modern books. The council of Trent (sess. xxv. Decret. de Purgat.), while it enjoins bishops to teach "the sound doctrine of Purgatory, handed down by the holy Fathers and councils," bids them refrain "in popular discourses " from those " more difficult and subtle questions which do not tend to edification," and " to prohibit the publica- tion and discussion of things which are doubtful or even appear false." Scripture, it may be justly said, points to the existence of Purgatory. There is no fellowship between the darkness of sin and selfishness and God, "in whom there is no darkness at all," so that the degree of our purity is the measure of our union with God here on earth. Perfect purity is needed that we may see God face to face. When God appears " we shall be like Him, for we shall see Him as He is." "Every man who hath this hope in him purifieth himself, as he is pure" (i John iii. 2, 3) Without holiness "no man shall see the Lord" (Heb. xii. 14). This work of inner cleansing may be affected by our corre- spondence with grace. vVe sow as we reap : deeds of humility increase humility ; works of love deepen the love of God and man in the soul. Often, too, God's mercy in this life weans the soul from the love of the world, and affliction may be a special PURGATORY. 83 mark of His compassion. "Whom the Xord loves He disciplines, and He scourges every son whom He receives " (Heb. x. 6). He disciplines us "for our good, that we may participate in His sanctity" (/(^. 10). Now, it is plain that in the case of many good people this discipline has not done its work when death overtakes them. Many faults, e. g. of bad temper, vanity, and the like, and infirmity consequent on more serious sins of which they have repented, cleave to them still. Surely, then, the natural inference is that their preparation for heaven is completed after death. By painful discipline in this world or the next God finishes the work in them which He has begun, and perfects it "unto the day of Jesus Christ " (Phil. i. 6). We would appeal to those general princi- ples of Scripture rather than to particular texts often alleged in proof of Purgatory. We doubt if they contain an explicit and direct reference to it. St, Paul (i Cor. iii. 10) speaks of some who will be saved "yet as through fire," but he seems to mean the fire in which Christ is to appear at the last. He himself, he says, has established the Corinthian church on the only possible foundation — viz. Jesus Christ. Others have built it up from this foundation, or, in other words, have devel- oped the Christian faith and life of its members. These teachers, however, must take care how they build, even on the one foundation. " Each man's work will be made manifest, for the day will show it, because it [the day of judgment] is revealed in fire, and the fire will test each man's work of what kind it is: if any man's work which he has built up [on the foundation] remains, he will receive a reward ; if any man's work is burnt down he will suffer loss — [i. e. he will forfeit the special reward and glory of good teachers] but he himself will be saved, but so as through fire." The man who has built up with faulty material is depicted as still working at the building when the fire of Christ's coming seizes it and he himself escapes, but only as a man does from a house on fire, leaving the work which is consumed behind him. St. Paul, if we have caught his meaning, speaks of the end of the world, not of the time between death and judgment, and so, we think, does our Lord in Matt. xii. 32. The sin against the Holy Ghost, he tells us, will not be for- given, either " in this age " {en touioi tot aioni) — i, e. in the world which now is, or in the future age {en toi mellonti) — i. e, in the new world, or rather new period which is to be ushered in by the coming of the Messias in glory. There is no hope of forgiveness here or hereafter for the sin against the Holy Ghost, but it does not follow, and, granting our interpretation, it would be inconsistent with Catholic doctrine to believe, that other sins may be forgiven in the age to come. Thus, "the age to come" would have precisely the same sense as the corresponding Hebrew words ( — see, e, g., " Pirke Avoth," cap. 4, and for many other instances Buxtorf, " Lex Rabbin, et Chald." suh voc. . . .), which is in itself a strong argument, and the manngei 84 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. we have given is fully supported by New Testament usage (see particularly tou aionos eheinou tuchein, Luc. xx. 35, and sun- teleia tou aionos, Matt. xiii. 39, 40, 49, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 20— decisive passages, as we venture to think). Maldonatus decidedly rejects the supposed allusion to Purgatory in Matt. V, 25, 26. "Be well-disposed to thine adversary [i. e. the offended brother] quickly, even till thou art on the way with him [i. e. it is never too soon, and never, till life is over, too late, to be recon- ciled], lest the adversary hand thee over to the judge, and the judge hand thee over to the officer, and thou be cast into prison. Amen. I say unto thee thou shalt not go out thence till thou shalt pay the last farthing." Maldonatus fol- lows St. Augustine in the opinion that the " last farthing " will never and can never be paid, and that the punishment is eter- nal. Just in the same way it is said of the unmerciful slave (Luc. xviii. 34), that he was to be handed over to the torment- ors "till he should pay all the debt." Yet a slave could never pay so enormous a sum as 10,000 talents. " Semper solvet, sed nunquam persolvet^' " He will always pay, but never pay off," is the happy com- ment of Remigius (and so Chrysostom and Augustine ; see Trench. " Parables," p. 164). The reader will find the various interpretations of these texts fairly dis- cussed in Estius and Maldonatus or in Meyer. Dollinger, however (" First Age of the Church," p. 249), sees an " unmis- takable reference" to Purgatory in Matt, xii. 32, V. 26. In two special ways, writers of the early Church, as Cardinal Newman points out ("Development," p. 385 seq.), were led to formulate the belief in Purgatory. In the articles on the sacrament of Penance, we have shown the strength of primitive belief in the need of satisfaction for sin by painful works, and in the article on Penance the rigor with which satisfaction was exacted. Indeed, the belief in Pur- gatory lay dormant in the primitive Church to a certain extent, just because the fer- vor of the first Christians was so vehe- ment, just because the severity of penance here might well be thought to exclude the need of purifying discipline after death. But what was to be thought of those who were reconciled on their death-bed before their penance was ended or even begun, or in whom outward penance for some cause or other had failed to do the whole of its work ? Clement of Alexandria supplies a clear answer to this question : " Even if a man passes out of the flesh, he must put off his passions, ere he is able to enter the eternal dwelling through much dis- cipline, therefore stripping off his passions, our faithful man will go to the mansion which is better than the former, bearing in the special penance which appertains to him {idioma tes metanois) a. very great pun- ishment for the sins he has committed after baptism " ("Strom." vi, 14, p. 794, ed. Potter). He speaks of the angels " who preside over the ascent " of souls as detaining those who have preserved any worldly attachment (iv. 18. p. 616), and with at least a possible reference to Pur- PURGATORY. 85 gatorv. of fire as purifying sinful souls (vii. 6, p. 85 r). The genuine and contem- porarj,' Acts of St. Perpetua, who suffered under Septimius Severus at the very begin- ning of the third century, plainly imply the belief in Purgatory. The saint, accord- ing to the part of the Acts written by herself, saw in a vision her brother who was dead, and for whom she had prayed. He was suffering and she went on praying. Then she beheld him in another and more cneerful vision, and " knew that he was translated from his place of punishment " {de poena ; Ruinart, "Act. Mart. S. Per- pet." etc., vii. viii.). Cyprian ( Ep. Iv. 20), in answer to the objection that the relaxation of penitential discipline in the case of the lapsed would weaken the courage and stability which made martyrs, insists that after all the position of one who had fallen away and then been admitted to mar- tyrdom would always be much less desirable than that of a martyr. "It is one thing for man to be cast into prison and not to leave it till he pay the last farthing, another thing to receive at once the reward of faith and virtue ; one thing to be tormented long with sorrow for sins, to be purified and cleansed for a long time by the fire, another to purge away all sins by martyrdom." Cardinal Newman urges that these words, especially **missum in carcerem," "purgari dm igne,"" "seem to go beyond" a mere reference to a penitential discipline in this life, and the Benedictine editor is of the same mind. Next, we can prove the early date of belief in Purgatory from the habit of pray- ing for the dead, a habit which the Church inherited from the Synagogue. The words in 2 Mace. xii. 42 seq. are familiar to every- body. Judas found hieremata, or things consecrated to \^o\%, under the garments of those who had been slain in battle against Gorgias. Whereupon he made a collection of money and sent to Jerusalem, "to offer sacrifice for sin, doing very well and excellently, reasoning about the dead. For unless he had expected those who had fallen before [the others] to rise again, it would have been superfluous and absurd to pray for the dead. Therefore, seeing well \emblepdri\ that a most fair reward is reserved for those who sleep in piety, his design was holy and pious, whence he made the propitiation for the dead that they might be loosed from sin."^ This passage implies a belief both in Purgatory and the efficacy of prayers for the departed, and takes for granted that this belief would be held by all who believed in the resur- rection. This is not the place to discuss the canonical or even the historical charac- ter of the book. It represents a school of Jewish belief at the time, and we know from XV. 37 that it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem. Second Macca bees was composed in Greek, but we have the fullest evidence from Hebrew and Chaldee sources that the later Jews prayed for the dead and recognized the need of purification after death. Weber (" Altsy- nag. Palast. Theol." p. 326 seq.) thus sums 1 This sentence is, of course, ungrammatical ; but so is the Greek. A part of 2 Mace is m»re like rough notes than a finished composition. 86 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. up the Rabbinical doctrine : " Only a few are sure of [immediate] entrance into heaven ; the majority are at their death still not ripe for heaven, and yet will not be absolutely excluded from it. Accord- ingly, we are referred to a middle state, a stage between death and eternal life, which serves for the final perfecting." Those who were not perfectly just here suffer "the pain of fire, and the fire is their penance." The "Pesikta," a very ancient commentary on sections of the law and prophets, composed at the begin- ning of the third century after Christ, describes the penance as lasting usually twelve months, of which six are spent in extreme heat, six in extreme cold. The common Rabbinical doctrine that Israelites, except those guilty of some special sins, do at last enter heaven, and the fantastical shapes which the Jewish doctrine of Purgatory has assumed, do not concern us here. But it is well to observe that the Jews have never ceased to pray for their dead. The following is from the prayer said at the house of mourners, as given in a modern Jewish prayer-book, issued with authority : " May our reading of the law and our prayer be acceptable before Thee for the soul of N. Deal with it according to the great mercy, opening to it the gates of com- passion and mercy and the gates of the garden of Eden, and receive it in love and favor ; send thy holy angels to it to conduct it, and give it rest beneath the Tree of Life." (* * * " Meditation of Isaac," a Jewish prayer-book according to the German and Polish rite, pp. 336, 337.^) Against the Jewish custom and doctrine Christ and His apostles made no protest, though both custom and doctrine existed in their time. Nay, " St. Paul himself [cf. 2 Tim. i. 16-18 with iv. 19] gives an exam- ple of such a prayer. The Epbesian Onesiphorus, mentioned in the Second Epistle to St. Timothy, was clearly no longer among the living. St. Paul praises this man for his constant service to him, but does not, as elsewhere, send saluta- tions to him, but only to his family ; for him he desires a blessing from the Lord, and prays for him that the Lord will grant he may find mercy with Christ at the day Oi! judgment." The words in inverted commas are from Bollinger's "First Age of the Church," p. 251 ; but many Protestant commentators, among whom we may mention De Wette and Huther, who is eminent among recent commentators on the Pastoral Epistles, lean to the same interpretation. All this considered, it cannot seem strange that every ancient liturgy contains prayers for the dead. To understand the strength of this argument we must remem- ber that these liturgies are written in many different languages, and represent theprac- tice in every part of the ancient world. The very first Christian who has left Latin 1 The * * * is recited at morning and evening prayer for deceased parents during eleven months of the year of mourning. Formerly it was said for the whole year. It is one of the few prayers in the Ritual which are in Chaldee instead of Hebrew, but there are internal signs that it comes from » lost Hebrew original. PURGATORY. 87 writings, speaks of " oblations for the dead" as a thing of course (Tertull. "De Coron." 3). It is often said that prayers for the dead do not necessarily imply belief in Purgatory, and this is true. The words, e. g. in the Clementine liturgy, " We offer to Thee for all Thy saints who have pleased Thee from ancient days, patriarchs, prophets, just men, apostles, martyrs, con- fessors, bishops, presbyters, deacons, sub- deacons, readers, singers, virgins, widows, laymen, and all whose name Thou knowest," do not imply that those for whom the sacrifice is offered are in a state of suffering. But Tertullian (" Monog." 10) connects prayer for the dead with Purgatory when he says of a woman who has lost her husband that " she prays for his soul and supplicates for him refresh- ment \refngerium\ and a part in the first resurrection, and offers on the anniversa- ries of his death [dofmitionisy So, too, St. Cyril of Jerusalem (" Mystagog." 5) : "If when a king had banished certain who had given him offence, their con- nections should weave a crown and offer it to him on behalf of those under his vengeance, would he not grant a respite to their punishments 1 In the same manner we, when we offer to Him our supplications for those who have fallen asleep, though they be sinners, weave no crown, but offer up Christ sanctified for our sins, propitia- ting our merciful God, both for them and for ourselves." Still the doctrine was not fully established in the West till the time of Gregory the Great. Some of the Greeks conceived that all, however perfect, must pass through fire in the next world. So, e. g., Origen, "In Num." Horn. xxv. 6, " In Ps.xxvi." Horn. iii. i. St. Augustine had indeed the present doctrine of Purga- tory clearly before his mind, but had no fixed conviction on the point. In his work "De VIII. Dulcitii Qusestionibus " (§ 13), written about 420, he says it is "not incredible" that imperfect souls will be "saved by some purgatorial fire," to which they will be subjected for varying lengths of time, according to their needs. A little later, in the "De Civilate," he expresses his belief in Purgatory as if he were certain (xxi. 13), or nearly so (xx. 25), but again speaks doubtfully (xxi. 26, " forsitan verum est ") and in the "Enchiridion" (69). Very different is Gregory's tone : " ante judicium purga- tortus ignis credendus est" ("Dial." iv. 39)- GorT\rT\\jr\ior\ of 5air\ts. Communion of saints is mentioned in the ninth article of the Apostles' Creed, where it is added, according to the Roman Catechism, as an explanation of the fore- going words, " I believe in the holy Catholic Church." The communion of saints consists in the union which binds together the members of the Church on earth, and connects the Church on earth with the Church suffering in Purgatory and triumphant in heaven. (i) The faithful on earth have com- munion with each other because they partake of the same sacraments, are under I 88 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. one head, and assist each other by their prayers and good works. Even the personal merits of a just man profit his brethren, because the greater his goodness, the greater the efficacy of his prayer for others, the more fitting it is that, as he does God's will, so God should deign to do his by increasing the graces or converting the souls of those for whom he prays. Catholic commentators understand St. Paul to refer to this communion in good works when he encourages the Corinthians to help their needy brethren at Jerusalem. ** Let your abundance," he says (2 Cor. viii. 14), " supply their want, that their abundance also may be the filling up of your want " — i, e. that you may share in their spiritual, as they have shared in your temporal, riches. ^ Again, God spares His people for the sake of the saints among them, just as He was ready to spare Sodom had ten just men been found in it ; or forgave Job's firiends at the sacrifice and prayer of Job himself; or so often restrained His wrath against His people for His servant David's sake. Of course, also, many graces are given primarily for the edification of the Church. (2) We communicate with the souls in Purgatory by praying for them. 1 See Estius, ad loc. Meyer, who attacks this interpre- tation, admits that it is the traditional one ; and it has bee» adopted by eminent Protestants, e. g. by Bengel, HE act of declaring a person or persons deceased, whose vir- tues have been proved by suffi- cient testimony, and whose power with God has been demonstrated by miracles, to be among the number of the blessed. To pay honor to the dead whom the general voice declares to have lived well is an instinct of human nature. Roman citizens brought the images of their dis- tinguished ancestors into their villas ; under the empire they recognized the far- reaching power and august majesty — sometimes the beneficence — of their rulers by deifying them after death ; in China, the worship of ancestors is to this day the most living portion of the popular religion ; among ourselves, the numbers of monu- uments in our public places everywhere, though in many cases rather attesting the vanity of the living than the merits of the dead, prove the universality of the impulse. A modern writer of note^ has said that everything depends on how a people "does 1 Mr. Carlyle. its hero-worship." The Church, divinely founded and divinely guided as she is, so far recognizes this view that she encourages us to distinguish with singular honor certain of her children who have gone before us in the Christian warfare, bids us reserve this honor for those whose virtue reached the "heroic" level, and that we may not be deceived, establishes a careful and deliberate process whereby to test the truth of facts and probe the moral signifi- cance of actions. Her judgments and her processes need not fear a comparison with those of public opinion. The State, which modern religion invites us to regard as a moral agency, the fiat which is not to be appealed against, has also modes of con- ferring honor, and does not wait for their death before it rewards its servants. It has peerages, baronetcies, orders, stars, money, offices. If we examine on what grounds these distinctions are dispensed, we find that it is for rare intellectual ability — usually attended by the gift of expression — for the capacity of amassing money, for courage with direction, and for simple 89 90 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. courage ; a certain degree of ' patriotic devotion being supposed to be present in each case. In this way, and on these grounds, the modern State honors its heroes. To the Church, the more or less of ability possessed by those whom she recommends for our veneration is a matter of no concern. She is as willing to raise a St. Isidore, the gardener of Madrid, to the ranks of the Blessed, as an Augus- tine of Hippo, or a Thomas Aquinas. The proof of eminent virtue is all that she demands, and as a conclusive and com- pendious test of the presence of this high order of virtue, she requires the authenti- cation of miracles wrought by, or through the intercession of, the person whose virtues are under debate. Such are, in her estimate, the only sound bases of a popular cultuSy and when these conditions have been complied with, such a cultus has been never known to be discredited. The possession of virtue rising to the heroic level, and the illustration of that virtue by miracles, are matters of fact, which must of course be established by testimony. The witnesses, in most cases, can be no other than the countrymen and countrywomen of the reputed saint, for only they can have seen his life from so near at hand as to be competent to speak with certitude respecting it. In the early times, individual bishops, and afterwards metropolitans acting upon this local testi- mony, and sifting it in the best way they could, declared the blessedness of certain persons, and proposed their memories for the veneration of the faithful. But it is notorious that local testimony is rarely free from bias, that national and provincial sympathies, or even antipathies, are apt to disturb the judgment, and that for this reason the universal Church could not safely endorse without injury even the unanimous judgment of his own countrymen on the virtues of a reputed saint. Earl Waltheof, put to death by William the Conqueror, was regarded by the English as a martyr, and miracles were said to be worked at his tomb ; the same thing happened in the case of Simon de Montfort ; but it may reasonably be doubted whether antipathy to the Nqrman and the foreigner was not a substantial factor in these reputations for sanctity. Considerations of this kind prevailed, many centuries ago, to cause the inquiry into reputed sanctity to be reserved to the central authority in the Church, the Holy See, and to recommend the wisdom and necessity of the decision that without the sanction of that see no religious cultus may lawfully be paid to the memory of any holy person, however eminent for virtue or notorious for miracles. As early as the fourth century, in the case of Vigil- ius, bishop of Trent, we find the authority of Rome invoked to recognize a martyr or confessor as such, and sanction his being honored in the liturgy. The pro- cedure to be observed was gradually reg- ularized, defects remedied, and safeguards supplied ; and in the tenth century we meet with the complete process of a can- onization, of which the object was St. Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg. Still, how- BE A TIFICA TION. 91 ever, through the inordinate fondness with which those of a particular country or religious order regarded holy persons of their own blood or profession, instances of abusive cultus sometimes occurred; and accordingly we find Alexander III., in 1 1 70, publishing a decree in which it is declared unlawful to honor any person publicly as a saint, however celebrated for miracles, without the consent of the Roman Church. Still more important is the bull of Urban VIII. (1634), in which the form of procedure in cases of canoni- zation is minutely prescribed, and various abuses condemned. In this bull, however, the Pope declared " that he did not wish to prejudice the case of those [servants of God] who were the objects of a cultus arising either out of the general consent of the Church, or a custom of which the memory of man ran not to the contrary, or the writings of the Fathers, or the long and intentional tolerance of the Apostolic See or' the Ordinary." (Ferraris, Cultus Sanctorum ) It remains briefly to explain in what manner the duty, thus reserved to the Holy See, of testing the evidence offered in proof of sanctity, is discharged. The celebrated treatise of Pope Benedict XIV. [on Heroic Virtue (of which a translation was published some years ago by the Eng- lish Oratorians) is the standard authority on the subject. There are three recog- nized degrees of sanctity — that of Vener- able, that of Blessed, and that of Saint. On the first and third we shall speak more fully under the head of Canonization; it is with the title of Blessed, given on the completion of the process of Beatifica- tion, that we are at present concerned. At the present time, Beatification is nearly always a stage on the road to Canonization ; the same rigorous proof of eminent virtue and the working of miracles is demanded in one case as in the other. But whereas the cultus of a canonized saint belongs to the universal Church, and churches and altars can be freely erected in his or her honor, and images, pictures, or statues of him or her displayed without special permission, in the case of one of the Blessed it is other- wise. The honor and veneration which are authorized in their regard are limited and partial ; and because the cultus of one of them is permitted to one country, or city, or order, or branch of an order, it does not follow that it should be practised elsewhere, and the attempt to extend it without special permission is condemned. Nor is it lawful, without such permission, to display their pictures or images in churches, nor, under any circumstances, can Mass be said or the breviary recited in their honor. Thirteen or fourteen different steps may be distinguished in the process of Beatifi- cation ; the general object of all these slow and lengthy inquiries — extending always over many years, and sometimes from one century to another — being to unite the credibility and authenticity which can only be founded on the reports of witnesses locally and personally cog- nizant of the facts to the authority of a 92 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. juridical investigation conducted by trained and impartial intellects. It must be remem- bered that the character and behavior of the reputed saint are subjected to the severest possible strain ; that the " fierce light which beats upon a throne" is nothing to that which so minute and protracted an inquiry turns upon the everyday life of the person submitted to it. " The person who is to be beati- fied must have practised in the heroic degree, chiefly, the three theological vir- tues, Faith, Hope, and Charity, and the four cardinal virtues, Prudence, Justice, Courage, and Temperance, with all that these suppose and involve ; nor is it enough to show that these have been practised to this degree of perfection under certain circumstances : numerous acts, a permanent and habitual practice, principally of charity, are required ; and, with regard to the cardinal virtues, the habit of that virtue which was the proper and distinguishing excellence of the per- son's calling. Thus justice and temperance are required in statesmen and prelates ; in Popes, zeal „ for the defence and propaga- tion of the Catholic faith ; in kings, loyal attachment to the Church and the Holy See ; in married women, gentleness and devotion," etc.^ The first step of the process is a formal inquiry instituted by the bishop of the j diocese as to the fact of the reputation of the person whose beatification is demanded for virtue and miraculous power. This being accomplished, either the same 1 De Moy in Wetzer and Welte. bishop or a Roman official inquires into the fact of non-ciiltus — that is, whether the bull of Urban VHI. (supposing the case not to be included among the excep- tions thefore specified ) has been hitherto scrupulously complied with. Thirdly, the acts or minutes resulting from these two inquiries are sent to Rome, to the secre- tary of the Congregation of Rites. [Roman Congregations.] Before this body the process is now opened, at the request of t]\Qpostulators, or supporters of the beati- fication. The fifth step is the nomination of a promotor fidei ( called in popular lan- guage the " devil's advocate "), whose duty it is to point out any flaws or weak points" in the evidence adduced, and raise all kinds of objections. Sixthly, the Con- gregation examines, if the person were an author, all the works, printed or in man- uscript, which were ascertained to be of his composition, and draws up a formal report on them. If this be favorable, the seventh stage is reached, that of the intro- duction of the apostolic process ; for Rome, so to speak, now makes the cause its own, and gives a commission to the Congrega- tion of Rites to try it, investigating, not only the notoriety, but the reality and nature of the virtues and miracles ascribed to the beatificandus. This com. mission, without a special Papal dispensa- tion, is never issued till at least ten years have passed since the first transmission of the acts to the secretary of the Congrega- tion. The next step is the appointment by the Congregation, under what are called littercB remissionales, of a delegation BE A TIFICA TION. 93 of three bishops, or other high function- aries, to deal with the case systematically, and examine witnesses in respect to the reputed virtues and miracles. The acts of this delegation, which are often extremely voluminous, are, as the ninth stage, sent to the Congregation, by which they are examined, and arguments heard, pro and contra, from the postulators and the promotor fidei. If the result is favor- able to the beatificandiis, a second and still more searching inquiry into the real and inmost nature of all that has been deposed respecting him is committed to a new delegation ; this is the tenth stage. The process, being returned to the Con- ,gregation, is finally considered by them, ^both as to its form and as to its substance ; and the virtues and miracles are separately the subject of debate in three successive assemblies or congregations, at the last of which the Pope himself is present. After having sought to know the will of God by prayer, the Pope makes known his judgment to the secretary of the Con- gregation. A new general congregation is then held, at which is considered whether the beatification may be proceeded with without further delay; if the decision be favorable, the Pope appoints a day for the ceremony, and orders a brief, setting forth the apostolic sentence, to be prepared. The final stage of this long process, the beatification itself, takes place in the Vatican church ; it includes the public reading of the brief, the chanting of the Te Deum, the unveiling of the image or picture of the newly beatified on the altar, the incensing of the image, the reading of the new collect, etc. By an " equipollent beatification " is meant the Papal authorization of the public cultus of a confessor or martyr, founded on the proof of one or more of the exceptional conditions stated in the bull of Urban VIII. II CHAPTER XVI. > -. A-. ■< i ^<^.-...-..i!^^.' .S l>. .A .. .v<^^ . -<% ■v'^O , ^■1',. ■<^^. ..j y^ ^/. .^■^^■ ■s'^ ^. ■<;%, .s^y. .i ^^. .v-^,. .jft t. .jj^,, ,.<^<-^, ^<^,, .A-^s>^^^ # "<^ '■'^•■•viak -^^ -#-> ,<»- -;ft> -<»- -.^O. ■-«>. -v^x ■>«> s*!.. ^-^-^ vN*-. ^'♦- ^^% <^*> <«^ ^ c^ <^ . tion to a small committee of two or three members of the body. Scrutiny is the ordinary mode, and, although since the thirteenth century elections have usually been made by this mode with reasonable dispatch, yet in times of disturbance, the difficulty of obtaining a two-thirds major- ity has been known to protract the pro- ceedings over a long period, as in the celebrated instance of the conclave of 1799, described in Consalvi's Memoirs, which lasted six months, resulting in the election of Pius VII. (Ferraris, Papa; Zoepffel, "Die Papstwahlen," GottingeUj 1871.) Gorvcordat. Concordat ( Lat. concordaia, things agreed upon). A treaty between the Holy See and a secular State touching the conservation and promotion of the inter- ests of religion in that State. It were to be wished that Christendom did not require concordats, for a treaty between two powers implies some felt divergency of sentiment and principle, which, having already resulted in opposi- I I04 CATHOLIC CHURCH HISTORY. tion and contention more or less serious, dictates to the contracting parties the necessity of coming to an understanding as to the limits beyond which neither will give way to the other. Such divergency of sentiment only arises, speaking gener- ally, when the secular State aims at excluding the Church from its rightful share of control over human affairs — an aim which familiar experience shows to be eminently pernicious and disastrous. When Ethelberts ^r St. Louises rule in temporals, we ^s '.',ot hear of concordats with the Holy Se^, for such rulers desire to see religion more, not less, in the ascendant among their subjects. Never- theless, considering the actual condition of things in Europe and America, it is generally a subject of congratulation when the Pope concludes a fresh concordat ; we know that at any rate for a time, religion and its ministers will be treated with some justice and moderation in the treaty- making State ; that if the Church has been robbed there in time past, some modicum of a yearly grant will now be given by way of restitution ; and that the churches and convents will be made over to her — at any rate till the next revolu- tion. Among the more celebrated concordats of former times are the following : — I. That of Worms in 1122, between Calixtus II. and the Emperor Henry V., by which the abusive right of appointing bishops and abbots " by ring and crosier," long usurped by the emperors, was resigned, and only the investiture by the sceptre, in token of the grant of their temporalities, retained. On the lines of this concordat the question of investiture was settled throughout Europe in such a way as to leave intact in theory the uni- versal pastorate of the successors of Peter, however seriously it may have been here and there compromised in practice. 2. That of Frankfort or Vienna (1446-8), called the Concordat with the German Nation, by which the Popes Eugenius IV. and Nicholas V., employing Nicholas of Cusa and ^neas Sylvius as negotiators, agreed with the emperor Frederic III. to divide in a particular manner the patron- age of ecclesiastical dignities in Ger- many, and as to the payment of first fruits and other matters. 3. That of 15 1 5, between Leo X. and Francis I., by which the latter agreed to abolish the pragmatic sanction of Charles VII. (limiting appeals to Rome, and pre- tending to set a general council above the Pope), and the former resigned to the crown of France the norrsination to vacant bishoprics and abbeys, with the proviso that the persons named should be accept- able to the Holy See. In later times, the concordat of 1801, between Piiis VII. and the first Napoleon, restoring to the French nation the public practice of the religion of their fathers, which the detestable wickedness of the revolutionists had proscribed since 1790, is a treaty of primary importance. Under its terms the Holy See agreed to a new demarcation of the boundaries of French dioceses, reducing their number from over CONCORDAT. 105 100 to about 80, and declared (art. 13) that neither the reigning Pope nor his successors would molest the purchasers or grantees in the peaceable possession of Church lands alienated up to that date. On the other hand, the French Govern- ment agreed to the free and public exer- cise of the " Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman " religion in France ; consented (art. 4, 5,) to the canonical institution by the Pope, under the ancient discipline, of the bishops whom the Go^'ernment should nominate ; promised (art. 14) a suitable annual grant for the support of the French bishops and clergy ; and undertook to facilitate (art. 15) fresh endowments on the part of any French Catholics desiring to make them. These were the principal articles of the concordat signed by the Papal envoys on behalf of the Holy See. The Government of Napoleon soon after- wards added to the concordat a number of clauses called " organic articles," the tenor of which was of course highly Erastian, and by which it has been often maintained by the French and other pub- licists that the French clergy are bound. This, however, since the Holy See never ratified the "organic articles," is not the case. In an interesting supplementary article in vol. xxvi. of Wetzer and Welte's Dictionary on Concordats, the text of several modern conventions of this kind (with Russia, 1847; with the republic of Costa Rica, 1852; with Austria, 1855) is given in full. (Ferraris, Concordata; Soglia, i. 4, De jure novissimo : Mohler's " Kirchenges- chichte.") ..J^,Qr-'y.J>«. A::^ J 1 4■4.4■^|^4■^^|^4■^|l■4■4.jj^4.4■4■■»4.4■■»■»s!t4■4■4■■»■»■^»^»^i!•^»^»■»^»^»■*^■»^»■»^i■ H^*Hj(..4.+-^^-ijt-iit-f •*•■*■* ■*■ sj!- ■» ^4- -j!- -» <»■■»■»■»■»■» 4- 4- 4- ■»■»•» V^ "