FRONTISPIECE 
 
 .AfriCfln. 
 
 / 
 
 dnjo-oui-opean 
 
 JAonffofiaia. 
 
 IwiencAn 
 
 SUB-SPECIES OF MANKiKD
 
 uB 
 
 OF THK 
 
 ARTS ^^S: SCIENCES 
 
 eTmnsfakd [rem \ho licrnian o\ \'ko 
 
 BILDER - ATLAS 
 
 ( Iconographische Enc^clopaedie ) 
 
 REVISED AND ENLARGED BY EMINENT AMERICAN SPECIALISTS 
 
 beauhiPuII^ illusbr'ahed wiHj ncapl^ 600 Steel. Wood and 
 Lih^ojrapfpic "^ppinl-s, fpon} hJje Opi^inal 4>lafes 
 wit-lp upward of loo <|>lahes exciusivel;y pre- 
 paped fop l-l?is editioa and erT)bpacin_^ 
 rr)0pet-l2an 12000 sepapafe fi_|upes. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY SPECIAL ARRANGEMENT WITH THE PROPRIETOR 
 
 F. A . BROCKHAUS , 
 
 LEIPZIG. GERMANY. 
 
 Jcono^rapi^ic fuhlishin^ C?, 
 
 Pbiladelpbia.
 
 V. I 
 
 THE 
 
 ICONOGRAPHIC ENCYCLOP/EDIA 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
 
 By DANIEL G. BRINTON, A.M., M. D. 
 
 Professor of Ethnology and Arch-eology at the Academy op Natural Sciences, Philadelphia; 
 
 President of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia; Member of the American Philosophical 
 
 Society, the American Antiquarian Society, the Historical Sucieties of Pennsylvania and New York, etc.; 
 
 Membre de la Societe Ruyale des Antiquaircs du Nord, de la Sociele Americaine dc France, de ta 
 
 Societe d'Anihropologie de Paris, Delegue-General de I'lnstitution d' Ethnographic ; 
 
 Vice-President du Congres Iiitt;rnatii»n:il des Americanistes ; Corresponding 
 
 Member of the Anthropological Society of Washington, etc., etc. 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN OF 
 
 GEORG K. C. GERLAND 
 
 Profbssor in the University op Strasbhrg. Editor op Waitz's " Anthropologib," Author 
 OF "Anthropologische Beitrage," etc., etc. 
 
 Edited by D. G. BRINTON, A.M., M.D. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH 112 PLATES COMPRISING MORE THAN 1200 FIGURES. 
 
 VOL. I, 
 
 piiii.ADEi.rin.\ 
 ICONOGRAPHIC PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 1886
 
 Copyright, 1883, by the ICONOGRAPHIC PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 Westcott & Thomson. Megakgeb Bros., Franklin Printing House. Oldach & Mergenthaler. 
 
 Eitctrotyptrs. Paptrmakers. Printers. Binders. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA.
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 THE present volume is the first of a series which will include in 
 their scope all the principal Arts and Sciences. Such a survey 
 of the attainments of man logically begins with an investigation of Man 
 himself, a discussion of his place in the scheme of nature, an examina- 
 tion into the underlying laws of his intellectual growth, and a description 
 of the varieties of the species, their characteristics, their locations, and 
 their relationships. These are the topics which are included in the 
 sciences of Anthropology, Ethnology, and Ethnography; and to 
 these branches of learning this first volume is devoted. 
 
 The articles on Anthropology and Ethnology have been prepared 
 expressly for the present edition of this work, while that on Ethnog- 
 raphy has been translated from the German of Professor Georg K. C. 
 Gerland, now of the University of Strasburg. Professor Gerland's text, 
 expressing as it does the accepted doctrines of a large school of Euro- 
 pean ethnologists, has been translated with entire fidelity to the views 
 of the distinguished author, even on points where those of the Editor 
 of the volume diflfered widely, as was not unfrequently the case. There 
 are many points in Ethnography which must be considered as belonging 
 to the yet undetermined and debatable domains of that science. 
 
 On the other hand, the ethnographic descriptions of Professor Ger- 
 land will recommend themselves to all by their vividness and accuracy. 
 He has exercised scrupulous care to follow only the best authorities, and 
 by a comparison of various sources to secure exactness where writers 
 difiFered. His linguistic arguments, although somewhat dr>' reading to 
 many persons, merit careful study, as they are the net results of wide 
 philological comparisons. 
 
 It is now universally acknowledged th.at as an educational aid 
 engravings are of the highest value, and that they add greatly to the 
 worth of a publication as a means of instruction in the school and the 
 family, as well as for private readers. Little, therefore, need be said 
 of the illustrations which form so prominent a feature of this work. 
 Their fidelity can be depended upon, and tlie text should be read witli
 
 4 EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 constant reference to them. By appealing to the eye they fix penna- 
 neutly in the mind tlie facts and descriptions to which they relate. 
 
 The orthography of the niimerous proper names occurring through- 
 out the work has presented unusual difficulties, since in many instances 
 they have no recognized English forms. As a rule, that orthography 
 has been adopted which is most accordant with usage, rather than that 
 which specialists have urged as more consonant with the standard alpha- 
 bet generally adopted by linguists. This position is defensible, both 
 because such specialists themselves are by no means in accord, and 
 because in a work intended for general and popular instruction the 
 introduction of the new orthographic methods — as, for instance, Cheraki 
 for Cherokees — would prove confusing. 
 
 D. G. BRIXTON. 
 Philadelphia, Dec, 1885. 
 
 With special reference to the article on Ethnography, the Editor appends a 
 brief sketch of the scientific career of Professor Gerland by way of introducing his 
 work to the English-speaking public : 
 
 Georg Karl Cornelius Gerland was born at Cassel, January 29, 1833. He 
 received his early training at the gymnasium of his native city, and pursued higher 
 studies at the universities of Marburg and Berlin. He then entered upon his career 
 as teacher, being first employed in his native town, and afterward in the Normal 
 School at Magdeburg, where he taught from 1858 to 1870. During this period he 
 took the degree of Doctor of Philosophy with a dissertation on "The Old Greek 
 Dative." His inclination at this time was to strictly philological studies, but through 
 his investigation of the Indo-Germanic and other languages he was led on to the 
 study of Ethnography and Anthropology. In these branches he received excellent 
 instruction from Professor Theodor Waitz at Marburg. On the death of Professor 
 Waitz in 1864, Professor Gerland undertook the completion of his Anthropology 
 of Savage Races. The preparation of this work mainly occupied his time until 
 1871, though he published some essays on kindred subjects, as The Dying Out of 
 Sa7'age Races (Le\\)sic, 1868). In 1870, Professor Gerland was called to the City 
 Gymnasium at Halle, where he remained until Easter, 1875. 
 
 In organizing the University of Strasburg, intended to commemorate the forma- 
 tion of the new German Empire in 1870, it was the aim of the government to call 
 to its service the most eminent scholars and teachers of Germany. For its chair of 
 Geography and Ethnology, Professor Gerland was deservedly selected. In his new 
 position he has devoted himself with renewed zeal to studies in Comparative Plii- 
 lology, Anthropology, and Geography. This last branch he teaches especially as a 
 part of natural science, seeking to free it as much as possible from the usual limits 
 imposed by history and from the burdens of statistics. Among his later publications 
 are Anthropological Essays (vol. i., Halle, 1874); "Atlas of Ethnography," in the 
 Bilder-Atlas (Leipsic, 1876;; and contributions to Behm-Wagner's Geographical 
 Year-Book, 1876.
 
 PUBLISHERS' NOTICE. 
 
 IN presenting to the English-speaking world an Anglicized edition of 
 the great German BiLDER- Atlas, under the English title, "The 
 IcONOGRAPHic ENCYCLOPEDIA," the Publishers are actuated by the 
 conviction that they are supplying a widely-recognized desideratum, 
 and that its publication will fill a notable gap in the encyclopaedic 
 works of the period. 
 
 Notwithstanding the magnitude of the original, which itself is par 
 excellence a work of art, the Publishers have not hesitated to augment 
 its rich store of pictorial representations with an extensive series of 
 additional illustrations, and furthermore to supplement, by valuable 
 additions from the pens of recognized authorities and specialists, the 
 original text as it comes from the hands of the most notable German 
 scholars of our time. In connection with the translations and the 
 copious illustrations which form the basis of The Iconographic, each 
 subject will be presented separately in its most advanced stage of devel- 
 opment, thus supplying in a systematic and attractive manner the 
 increasing demand for works which treat of special subjects. 
 
 The Iconographic embraces those branches of human knowledge 
 whose acquisition can be facilitated and whose principles made clear 
 by pictorial representation. The illustrations are mainly from the orig- 
 inal plates, engraved by the most skilful German artists and unsur- 
 passed in artistic and technical merit. They afford a systematic illustra- 
 tion of the Arts, Sciences, and Industries, and of their historical develop- 
 ment, and they convey accurate information in the most agreeable and 
 impressive manner. In this series of illustrated manuals all details of 
 the subjects are treated according to their natural affinities. 
 
 The following constitute the leading divisions of the work : Anat- 
 omy, Anthropology, Agriculture, Archeology, Architecture, 
 Astronomy, Botany, Building, Chemistry, Engineering, Eth- 
 nology, Geology, History of Culture, Mathematics, Mechanics, 
 Military Science, Mineralogy, Mining, Mythology, Naval Science, 
 Painting, Physics, Sculpture, and Zoology.
 
 6 PUBLISHERS' NOTICE. 
 
 The prot^ress of civilization, natural science, the entire range of the 
 liberal and fine arts, and the higher products of the artisan are treated, 
 not alphabetically, but in their logical sequence. 
 
 The value of this work as a complement to any general encyclopaedia 
 cannot be overestimated. It is indispensable to those who desire to 
 acquire a knowledge of the best practical achievements of mankind, 
 since no other recent work of similar scope is accessible in our language. 
 
 In the family it will prove an endless source of enjoyment and instruc- 
 tion, a medium of practical education and accomplishments. Access to 
 its treasures will give healthful stimulus to curiosity, instructive aid to 
 studies, and refinement to taste. 
 
 Parents and teachers will readily concede that knowledge is more 
 easily imparted and more fixedly retained when convej-ed by means of 
 accurate drawings accompanied by appropriate explanations. 
 
 The student will find in these minute and exact delineations invalu- 
 able aids in his pursuits, and the general reader, who in these days of 
 active life can devote little time to research, will appreciate a production 
 which places before his e\e so inestimable a fund of graphic representa- 
 tions. 
 
 The work is both instructive and entertaining: it is replete with sug- 
 gestions for artists, mechanics, and inventors; and in this age of discoven,' 
 and progress no other agency could be employed which would prove so 
 helpful in giving a practical direction to the aims of life. 
 
 The marked success which the work has achieved, not only in its 
 original German form, but also in its translations into other European 
 langiiages, attests its sterling value as an efficient means of popular 
 instruction. 
 
 By special arrangement with the original publisher, F. A. Brockhaus 
 of Leipsic, the present publication will be the only edition in the Eug- 
 li.sh language. The compendious additions made to the work have 
 enabled the Publishers to present the English edition in a form com- 
 bining a popular rendering of the entire range of the arts and sciences 
 with the style and execution of a work of art; and it is thus presented 
 as a fit receptacle of the great store of valuable information which it 
 contains.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PART I. ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 DEFINITIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGY, E ITINOLOGY, AND ETHNOG- ,^r.^ 
 RAPHY 17- 
 
 Physical Characteristics of Man i3 
 
 Erect Posture, 18. — Lower Limbs, iS. — Feet, iS. — Hands, 19. — Other Anatomical Traits, 
 19. — Teeth, 20. — Brain, 20. — Absence of Tail, 20. 
 
 Psychical Characteristics of Man 21 
 
 Emotions, 21. — Reasoning, 21. — Self-Consciousness, 2:. — Religion, 21. — Language, 22. — 
 Causality, 22. — Manufacture of Tools, 22. 
 
 Unity of the Human Species 22 
 
 Definition of Species, 22. — General Similarities, 23. — Fertility of Crossings, 23 — Parallelism 
 of Development, 24. 
 
 Antiquity of Man, and his First Home 24 
 
 Unity of Species does not Require a Common Ancestr,', 24. — Relation of Man to other 
 Fauna, 24. — Geographical Age of the Earth, 25. — Climate in the Late Tertiar)', 25. — The 
 Glacial Epoch, 25. — First Appearance of Man, 2f) — The Earliest Stone Implements, 26. — 
 Use of Fire, 27. — Drift and Cave Men, 27. — Their Distribution, 27. — Age of the Oldest 
 Remains, 28. — First Habitat of Man, 28. 
 
 The Origin of Man 29 
 
 Theories of Origin: 1. Special Creation, 29; 2. Ilelerogenesis, 29; 3. Evolution, 30, — Argu- 
 ments for Evolution, 30. — Similarities to Lower Animals, 30. — Rudimentary Organs, 30. — 
 Reversions, 31. — Embryology, 31. — Conclusion, 31. 
 
 Influence of Physical Surroundings 31 
 
 Adaptability of the Species, 32. — Effects of Climate on Physical Vigor, 32. — On the Dura- 
 tion of Life, 32. — On the Height, Strength, and Weight, 33. — Effects of Elevation, ^^. 
 
 Limits of Variations in the Species 33 
 
 Variation in Height and Weight, 33. — The Epoch of Puberty, 34. — The Epoch of Com- 
 pleted Cirowth, 34. — Longevity, 35. — Tolerance of Disease, 35. — Fertility in Mairiage, 
 35. — Anatomical Variations, Eyes, etc., 36. 
 
 7
 
 8 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 The Primitive Condition of Man 36 
 
 Popular Opinions on the Subject, 36. — Scientific Opinion, 36. — Arguments for the Latter from 
 Histor)-, 37. — From Archa;olog)^ 37. — I-rom Language, 37. — From the Tendency to Re- 
 trogression, 37. — From Osseous Remains: the Neanderthal Skull; Engis Skull; Jaw of 
 La Naulette, 38. 
 
 The Sub-Species or Races of Men 39 
 
 Antiquity of Races, 39. — Homo Primigenius, 39. — Dift'erences between Races, 40. — The 
 Number of Races, 40. 
 
 Proposed Classification of Races 40 
 
 1. By Location : The Linnoean System, or the Geographical System, 40. 
 
 2. By the Stin : Color, Odor, or Parasites, 41. — Systems of Blumenbach and Cuvier, 41. — 
 
 Causes of Color, 41. — ^Correlated to Exemption from Disease, 42. — Distribution of Colored 
 Races, 42. — \ariations of Color in the Same Race, 43. — Albinism, 43. — Melanism, 43. — 
 Odor of the Skin, 44. — Parasites of the Skin, 44. 
 
 3. By the Hair: Shape, Color, or Abundance, 45. — Shape of the Hair, 45. — Straight-Haired 
 
 and Woolly-Haired Races, 45. — Abundance or Deficiency of Hair, 46. — Classification of 
 Races by the Hair, 46. — Criticisms on this Scheme, 47. 
 
 4. By the Skull, 47. — The Science of Craniology, 47. — Brachycephalic and Dolichocephalic 
 
 Races, 48. — Orthognathic and Prognathic Races, 48. — Classification of Races by Crani- 
 ology, 48. — Criticisms on this Scheme, 49. — Craniological Illustrations, 49. 
 
 5. By Language, 49. — On the Lexical Identity of Languages, 49. — Changes in Words, 
 
 50. — Borrowed Words, 50. — Onomatopoietic Words, 50. — Natural Expressions of the 
 Emotions, 50. — Coincidences, 50. — Their Grammatical Structure, 51. — Classification of 
 Languages, 52. — Polyglottic and Monoglottic Races, 52. — Changes in Language, 52. — 
 Their Rapidity, 53. — Their Causes, 53. — Rise of Dissimilar Languages, 53. 
 
 6. By Social Organisation, 54. — Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity, 54. — Systems of 
 
 Religion, 54. — Occupations, 54. — Results of the Comparison of these Proposed Classifica- 
 tions, 55. — A Modified Form of the Linnaean System the least objectionable, 55. 
 
 Present Relations of the Races 55 
 
 Progressive Obliteration of Race Distinctions, 55. — Effects of the Intermixture of Races, 56. — 
 Probable Destiny of Races, 56. — Disappearance of the Weaker Races, 56. 
 
 PART II. ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 DISTINCTION BETWEEN ETHNOLOGY AND ETHNOGRAPHY. . 57 
 THE "DETERMINATIVE ELEMENTS" OF HUMAN SOCIETY. . 57 
 The Food-Supply 58 
 
 The Natural Diet of Man, 58. — Quality of his Food, 59. — Quantity, 59. — Sources of his 
 Supply, 60. 
 
 I. from Natural Products, 60. — The Educating Influence of the Hunting Life, 60. — Its 
 Migratory Character, 61. — Hunting Weapons, 61. — Bows, 61. — Boomerang, 61. — SUngs, 
 61. — Traps and Calls, 62. — Fishing Utensils, 62. — Anthropophagy or Cannibalism, its 
 frequency, 63.
 
 CONTEXTS. 9 
 
 PAGE 
 
 2. From Cultivated Products, 63. — Influence of Agriculture, 63. — Age and Distribution of 
 
 Food-Plants, 64. — Agricultural Arts, 64. — Domesticated Animals, their Introduction and 
 Use: Horses, Cattle, Swine, Bees, Fowls, 65. — Relation of the Cultivation of Food to 
 the Growth of Society, 65. — To Developing Arts, 66. — To Establishing Classes, 66. — 
 To Public Works, 66. 
 
 3. By Exchange and Commerce, 66. — Arts Necessary to Commerce, 66. — Influence on Social 
 
 Ijfe, 67. — On the Aggregation of People, 67. — On the Prevention of Famine, 67. 
 
 4. Stimulants and Narcotics, 67. 
 
 5. The Preparation of Food, 68. — Preparation of the Cassava (Manioc), 68. — Cooking, 69. — 
 
 The Use of Fire, 6g. — When Discovered, 69. — Cooking Utensils, Pottery, etc., 69. 
 
 The Sexual Relation 69 
 
 The Origin of Sex in Nature, 69. — Primitive Relation of the Sexes, not that of Promis- 
 cuity, 70. — Emotions of Jealousy and Modesty, 70. — Polygamy, 70. — Polyandry, 70. — 
 The Different Fonns, 71. — Monogamy, Various Fomis of, 71. 
 
 1. Forms of Marriage, "jl. — Marriage by Capture, or Bride-Lifting, 71. — Marriage by Pur- 
 
 chase, 72. — Both of these largely Symbolic, 72. — Other Forms of Marriage, 73. — The 
 Highest Form, 73. 
 
 2. Limitations of Marriage, 73. — Prohibitions of Marriage, 73. — Restrictions through Kin- 
 
 ship, 73. — Origin of this Restriction, 74. — Irrational Examples, 74. — Prevalence of the 
 Single Life, 74. 
 
 3. Influence of the Form of Marriage on Population, 75. — Some Errors Pointed out, 75. — 
 
 Premature Marriages, 76. — Their Effect on the Body and Mind, 76. 
 
 4. Laws of Descent, -jii. — Tracing Descent through the Mother, or the Matriarchal System, 
 
 76. — The Patriarchal and Agnatic Systems, 77. 
 
 5. Social Position of Woman, 77. — In Savage Life frequently Equal to Man, 77. — Instances 
 
 of Gynocracy, 77. — Position among some American Tribes, 78. — Affection toward 
 Mothers, 79. — The Grounds of Sexual Attraction, 79. — The Emotion of Love, 79. — Its 
 Prevalence, 79. — Terms of Endearment, 80. — Modes of Caressing, So. — Kissing, So. — 
 Suicide for Love, 80. 
 
 Language 80 
 
 Definition of Language, Si. — Language among the Lower Animals, 8l. 
 
 1. Gesture- or Sign-Language, %\. — .Sign-Language of Deaf Mutes, 81. — Of Neapolitans, 
 
 8l. — Of Indians, 82. — Not caused by Poverty of the Spoken Tongue, 82. — Plan of 
 Thought in Sign- Language, 83. 
 
 2. Inarticulate Language, 83. — Examples of Inarticulate Language, 83. — Philosophy of, 
 
 84. — Emotional Forms of, 84. — Power of, over Afiections, 84. 
 
 3. Articulate Language, 84. — Probable Origin of Articulate Language, 84. — Explanation of 
 
 Articulate Sounds, 85. — Differences between Articulate and Inarticulate Speech, 85. — 
 Influence of a Language on the People Speaking it, 85. — Copious Vocabularies not a 
 Proof of Excellence in Tongues, 86. — Examples of this, 86. — Nor Regidarity of Struc- 
 ture, 86. — Nor Capacity to Express Thoughts, 87. — In what Superiority in a Language 
 consists, 87. — The Progress of Languages, 88. — By Admixtures, 88. — The Value of 
 Jargons, 88. — Example of the Chinese and English, 88. 
 
 4. Recorded Language, 88. — The Influence of Spoken Language on the Methods of Writ- 
 
 ing, 89. — Various Systems of Writing: A. Thought-Writing, 89. — Writing with Pic- 
 tures, 89. — Picture-Writing, 89. — Principles of, and Examples, 90. — Peruvian "Quipus," 
 90. — B. Sound-Writing, 90. — Clrowth of the Alphabet, go. — Chinese System of Writing, 
 91. — Japanese, 91. — Cuneiform, 92. — Ancient Eg)'ptian, 92. — Mexican or Aztec, 93. — 
 Early Semitic System, 93. — Gnjeco-Italic System, 94.
 
 lo CONTENTS. 
 
 PACS 
 
 5. Poetry and Prose, 94. — Universality of Poetr)-, 94.^Distinct Effect from Prose, 94. — 
 Rhyme not Required in I'oelry, 94. — Rhythm in Language, 94. 
 
 Technology, or the Arts 95 
 
 A. The Utilitarian Arts, 95. — Classification hy their Products: i. Tools and Utensils, 
 
 96. — Early Stone Tools, 96. — How Made, 96. — The Hammer, etc., 97. — Metal Tools, 
 97. — Honors to the SmilH, 97. — Copper, 97. — Bronze, 97. — Iron, 98. — Other Mate- 
 rials, 98. 
 
 2. Weapons, 98. — Offensive Weapons, 98. — The Club, 98. — Bow and Arrow, 98. — Spear, 
 
 99. — Sword, 99. — Firearms, 99. — Defensive Weapons, 99. — Shields, gg. — Armor, 
 etc., 99. 
 
 3. Buildings, 100. — Buildings for Shelter, 100. — Man a Nest-building Animal, 100. — Exam- 
 
 ples, loo.- — Uifferences of Nations in this Respect, 100. — Tents, 100. — Brick Buildings, 
 100. — Stone Walls without Mortar, 101. — With Mortar, loi. — The Pillar, loi. — The 
 Arch, loi. — Influence of Domestic Architecture, loi. — Morgan's Views, 102. — Build- 
 ings for Defence, 102. — Primitive Forts, 102. — Walls, 102. 
 
 4. Clothing, 103. — First Prompted by Modesty, 103. — Variations in this Feeling, 103. — 
 
 Examples, 103. — Materials of Clothing, 104. — Skins, 104. — Spinning and Weaving 
 Fibres, 104. — Felting, 104.— Clothing as a Decoration, 104. 
 
 5. Means of Transportation, 105. — Superior Locomotive Powers of Man, 105. — Artificial 
 
 Aids, 105. — Water Transportation : Rafts, 105. — Canoes, 106. — Leather Boats, 106. — 
 Ships, 106. — Means of Propulsion : Poles, 107. — Oars, 107. — Sails, 107. — Steam, 107. — 
 Land Transportation: Beasts of Burden and Draught; The Horse, 108. — Wheeled 
 Vehicles : Chariots, 108. — 0.\ Carts, loS. — Arts Developed by the Desire for Transpor- 
 tation, log. — Aerial Navigation, log. 
 
 6. Weights and Measures, log. — The Conceptions of Number, log. — Nations without 
 
 Numerals, log. — Numeral Systems, log. — The Multiplication Table, no. — Measures of 
 Time: Days, no. — Seasons, 110. — Months, 111. — Weeks, ill. — Calendars, III. — 
 Hours, 111. — Sun-dials, ill. — Clepsydra, ill. — Sand-glass, ill. — Clocks and Watches, 
 III. — Measures of Space: Lineal Measures, 112. — The Lineal Unit, 112. — Geometry, 
 112. — Measures of Direction: The Plumb-line and Level, 113. — Four Cardinal Points, 
 113. — Geodesy, 113. — Cartography, 113. — Measures of Gravity: Er.rliest Units, 114. — 
 Later Developments, 114.— Metric .System, 114. — Common Measures of Force, 114. 
 
 7. Media of Exchange, 1 15. — Earliest Currencies, 115. — Moral Effect of an Established 
 
 Currency, 115. — Shell Money, 116.^" Wampum," 116. — Mexican Coins, 116. — Copjier 
 Money, I16. — The Precious Metals, Gold and Silver, I16. — Paper Money, 117. — Effects 
 of the Love of Money, 118. — Examples of Spain, 118. 
 
 B. The /Esthetic Arts, no. — Classification of the /Esthetic Arts, 119. — Rudiments of, 
 
 in the Lower Animals, 119. — Relation of, to the Sexual Instinct, 120. — Influence of, on 
 Social Life, 120. — The Theory of the Beautiful, 120. 
 
 1. Decorative Designs in Line and Color: Painting the .Skin, 120. — Tattooing, 121. — 
 
 Modern Examjiles, 121. — The Art of Drawing, 122. — PetrogK'jihs or Rock Paintings, 
 122. — Decoration on Potter)', 122. — Greek Patterns, 122. — Perspective and Chiar-Oscuro, 
 122. — Decorations in Textile Materials, 123. — Development of the Color Sense, 123. — 
 The Symbolism of Colors, 124. 
 
 2. Sculpture and Modelling: Earliest Examples, 124. — Egj^itian Sculpture, 125. — Native 
 
 American Sculpture, 125. — Secret of Greek Art, 125. — Prohibitions of the Imitative Arts, 
 and the Results, 126. 
 
 3. Music and Musical Instruments: Vocal Music, 126. — By Vibrating Surfaces, 127. — By 
 
 Wind Instruments, 127. — By Stringed Instruments, 127. — Musical Scales, 127.
 
 CONTEXTS. II 
 
 PAGB 
 
 4. Scen/s and Flavors, 127. — Perfumes in Use in Uncultured Nations, 128. — In Ancient 
 
 Times, 128. — Pleasures of the Table, 128. — Use of Salt and other Condiments, 128. — 
 Disappearance of the Vice of Gluttony, 129. 
 
 5. Games and Festivals, 129. — The Roman Games, 129. — Contrasted with the Olympic 
 
 Games, 130. — The Mexican Game of Ball, 130. — The Passion of Gaming, 130. 
 
 C. The Religious Arts, 131. — Early Appearance of the Religious Arts, 131. — Primitive 
 Idols, I^I. — Charms and Amulets, 132. — Funeral Objects, 132. — Tombs, 132. — Influ- 
 ence of the Religious Sentiment on the Development of the Arts, 132. 
 
 Government and Laws 133 
 
 Development of Goiiernmeiit, 133. — Primitive Society in the White Race, 133. — The r'amily, 
 and what Constituted it, 133. — Lubbock's Theory of Primitive Society, 134. — Morgan's 
 Theory, 134. — Growth of States among the Proto-Aryans, 134. — Among the Quiches 
 of Central America, 135. 
 
 Property and Property Rights, 135. — The Sense of Ownership among the Lower Animals 
 and Savages, 136. — Tenure of Land, 136. — Primogeniture and Allied Customs, 136. 
 
 Laws, 137. — Origin of Primitive Laws, 137. — Definition of Immoral Actions, 137, — Dete- 
 rioration of Laws through Changed Conditions and Religious Influence, 137. — The 
 "Taboo," 137. — Blood-Revenge, and its Abolition, 138. — The Extension of Laws from 
 Individuals to Areas, 138. — Equality before the Law as the Perfected Form, 1 38. 
 
 War, 138. — Unceasing Hostilities of Savage Nations, 138. — Advantages of War, 139. — 
 Effects of National Timidity or Valor on the Community, 139. — War as a Training- 
 School, 140. — The Growth of Castes, 140. — Distinctions of Nobility, 140. — Defensive 
 Institutions, 140. — Standing Armies, 141. — War-Chiefs, 141. — Advantages of Mihtary 
 Governments, 141. — Growth of International Law, 141. 
 
 Religions 141 
 
 Definition of Religion, 142. — A Sentiment Universal to the Race, 142. — Its Psychology and 
 Origin, 142. — Prompted by Fear, but Founded on Causality and a Belief in an Intelli- 
 gent Government of the World, 142. 
 
 Character of Louver Religions, 143. — Prevalence of Terror, 143. — The Beneficent Deities, 
 143. — Simplest Elements of Religion, 143. — Ancient Eg)-ptian Religion, 144. — Doctrine 
 of Animism, 144. — Doctrine of Fetichism, 145. — The Tree, the Seriient, and the Bird 
 as Fetiches, 145. — Worship of Natural Forces : Of Light, 146. — Of Life, or the Repro- 
 ductive Principle, 146. — Of Motion, especially the W'ind, 147. 
 
 The Aim of Religion, 147. — The General Aim is to Obtain a Wish, 147. — Shown in the 
 Forms of Prayer, 147.— Examples, 148. — Motive of Sacrifice, 148. — Divination, Augury, 
 and Prophecy, 149. — Examples, 149. 
 
 Development of Thcistic Conceptions, 150. — Comte's Theor)', 150. — Monotheisms, 150. — 
 Polytheisms, 150. — Good and Bad Divinities, 150. — Examples, 150. 
 
 Differences of Religions in Extension, 151. — Tribal, National, and World Religions, 151. 
 
 Postulates of World Religions, 151. — Their Intolerance, 151. — Spirit of Proselytizing, 
 152. — Necessarily Book Religions: Buddhism, 152. — Christianity, 152. — Mohammed- 
 anism, 152. — Are these Race-Religions? 152. 
 
 Mythology, 152. — What Myths are, 152. — Imix>rtance of their Study, 153. — Influence of 
 Language on Myths, 153. — By Personification, 153. — By Paronymy and Homonymy, 
 >54- — Influence of Linguistic Structure, 154. — Of Natural Environment, 155, — Of Na- 
 tional Imagination, 156.
 
 12 CONTEXTS. 
 
 Characteristics of Special Mythologies, 156. — Ancient Egyptian Mytholog}-, 156. — An-an 
 Mythology, 157. — American Mythology, 157. — Comparison of these with Regard to the 
 Notions of Life and God, 159. — Parallelisms in Mytliologies, 160. — Examples from 
 Greek and Aztec Myths, 160. 
 
 Religious Doctrines, 161. — Doctrine of the Soul, 161. — Ancestral Worship, 161. — Influence 
 of the Belief in Immortality, 162. — Doctrine of Fatalism, 162. — Of the Unreality of 
 Phenomena, 162. 
 
 The Priestlv Class, 163. — Their Number and Power, 163. — Examples, 164. — Mysteries and 
 Secret Orders, 164. 
 
 Religion as an Element of Culture, 165.— Influence of Self-Culture, 165,— In Strengthening 
 the National Bond, 165. — Enforcing the Respect for the Law, 166. — Oaths and Ordeals, 
 166. — Cultivating the Literary Faculties, 166. — As a Teacher of Ethics, 167. 
 
 CIVILIZATION AS THE RESULTANT OF ETHNIC DEVELOPMENT. 168 
 
 What is to be Understood by "the Law of Progress," 16S. — Definition of Prog- 
 ress AND OF Civilization, 168. 
 
 The Stages of Progress 169 
 
 stages Measured by Artistic and Industrial De^'clopment : (I.) The Stone Aye, Paleolithic 
 and Neolithic, 169.— (2.) The Bronze Age, 171.— (3.) The Iron Age, 172. 
 
 Stages Measured by the Sources of the Food- Supply : (l.) The Hunting and Fishing Stage, 
 174. — (2.) The Nomadic or Pastoral Stage, 174. — (3.) The Agricultural Stage, 176. — 
 (4.) The Commercial Stage, 177. 
 
 ^ages Measured by the General Condition : (l.) The Stage of Savagery, 178. — (2.) The 
 Stage of Barbarism, 178. — (3.) The Stage of Semi-Civilization, 178. — (4.) The Stage of 
 Civilization, 179. — (5.) The Stage of Enlightenment, 179. 
 
 Morgan's Subdivision, 180. — Chronological Estimates of the Length of these Stages, 180. 
 
 The Conditions and Momenta of Progress iSi 
 
 Progress as Stimulated by — 
 
 1. The Grozi'th of Wants, 181. — Savage Nations lack Wants, iSi. — Civilization Promoted 
 
 by a Sense of Want, 181. 
 
 2. Racial and A'ntional Endowments, 1S2. — The White Race long in a Barbarous Condi- 
 
 tion, 182. — Slight Differences in Racial Endowments, 182. 
 
 3. Geographical Siirroundings, 182. — Importance of a Fertile Soil and a Protected Situation, 
 
 182. — Examples, 183. 
 
 4. The Commingling of A'ations, I S3. — Examples of Chinese and European Nations, 183. 
 
 5. Influence of Great Men, 183. — Dependent on the Character and Psychology of their 
 
 Nations, 183. 
 
 Concluding Remarks, 184. — Complexity of Social Forces, 184. — Relations of Ethnology to 
 History, 184.
 
 CONTENTS. 13 
 
 PART III. ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 CLASSIFICATION OF SPECIES ACCORDING TO GEOGRAPHICAL p^oe 
 DISTRIBUTION 185 
 
 I. The Oceanic Peoples 1S5 
 
 Subdivision of the Group and Location, 185. — Ethnological Description, 186. 
 
 The Australians, 186. — Physical Characteristics: Stature, 186. — Color, 1S6. — Hair, 186. — 
 Skull, 186. — Domestic Habits, 1S7.— Dwellings, 1S7. — Weapons, 187. — Wars, 187. — 
 Marriage, 188. — Character, 188. — Arts, 188. — Amusements, 188. — Festivals, 1S8. — 
 Government, 189. — Religious Belief, 189. — Burials, i8g. — Social Condition, 190. — 
 Language, 190. 
 
 The Melanesians, 1 90. — Classification, 190. — Physical Characteristics: Stature, 191. — Color, 
 191. — Hair, 191. — Skull, 191. — Dress, 192. — Customs, 192. — Dwellings, 192. — Arts, 
 192. — Musical Instruments, 193. — Amusements, 193. — Literature, 193. — Commerce, 
 193. — Marriage, 193. — Social Life, 193. — Sacrifices, 194. — Cannibalism, 194. — Wars, 
 194. — Weapons, 194. — Religious Belief, 195. — Death, 195. — Burial, 195. — Social Con- 
 dition, 195. — Languages, 195. 
 
 The Polynesians and Micronesians, I96. — Physical Characteristics, 196. — Dress, 197. — 
 Dwellings, 197. — Technical Skill, 198, — Poetry, 198. — Music, 198. — Games, 198. — Fes- 
 tivals, 198. — Wars, 199. — Social Life, 199. — Marriage, 199. — Rank, 199. — Religious 
 Belief, 200. — Idols, 200. — Temples, 200. — Priests, 200. — Burials, 201. — Monuments, 
 201. — Status, 201. — Dialects, 201. 
 
 The Malaysians and Malagassies, 202. — Physical Characteristics, 202. — Complexion, 202. — 
 Hair, 202. — Skull, 202. — Costume, 202. — Architecture, 203. — Temples, 203. — Dwellings, 
 203. — Agriculture, 203. — Food, 203. — Stimulants, 203. — Industrial Arts, 203. — Weapons, 
 204. — Commerce, 204. — Fine Arts, 204. — Musical Instruments, 204. — Vocal Music, 
 205. — Poetry, 205. — Entertainments, 205. — Social Life, 205. — Matrimony, 205. — Gov- 
 ernment, 205. — Warfare, 206. — Character, 206. — Religious Belief, 206. — Superstitions, 
 207. — Burial, 207. — Language, 207. 
 
 II. The Americans 209 
 
 The Aboriginal Inhabitants a Single Race, 209. — Classification, 209. — Location, 209. — Orig- 
 inal Home of the Americans, 210. — Immigration, 210. — Landing, 210. — Dispersion, 
 211. — Unity of Type, 211. — Language, 211. — Physical Description: Skull, 212. — 
 Stature, 213.— Form, 213. — Color, 213. — Hair, 213. — Features, 214. — Intermixtures, 
 215. — Civilization, 215. — Mounds, 215. 
 
 Actual Life of the Uncivilized Americans, 216. — Dress, 216. — Ornaments, 216. — Wampum- 
 Belts, 217. — Signification of Ornaments, 218. — Dwellings, 2 1 8. — Sledges, 219. — Skiffs, 
 219. — Fishing and Hunting Weapons, 219. — Agriculture, 220. — Stock-Raising, 220. — 
 Stimulants, 220. — Utensils, 220. — Industrial Arts, 220.— Painting, 221. — Sculptures, 
 221. — Poetry, 221.— Music, 221. — Social Life, 221. — Games, 222. — Weapons, 222. — 
 Wars, 222. — Cannibalism, 222. — Family Life, 223.— Matrimony, 223. — Government, 
 223. — Death, 224. — Burial Ceremonies, 224. — Religious Belief, 224. — Idols, 225. — Tem- 
 ples, 225. — Priests, 225.— Sacred .Songs, 226. — Hieroglyphics, 226. 
 
 Life of the Civilized Americans, 226. — Character of the Mexicans, 226. — Architecture, 227. — 
 Religion, 228. — Sacrifices, 228. — Industrial Acquirements, 229. — Intellectual Acquire- 
 ments, 229. — Soi'Tii Americans : Costume, 229. — Government, 229. — Religion, 229. — 
 Sacrifices, 230. — Idols, 230. — Pottery, 230. — Utensils, 230. — Structures, 231. — Music, 
 231. — Science, 23 1. — General Conclusions, 232.
 
 14 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 III. The Mongolians 235 
 
 Division by (Jroups, 235. — Unity of Type, 235. — Subdivisions, 236. — Comparative I'hysical 
 Cliaracteristics ; Stature, 236. — Form, 236.— Color, 237. — Hair, 237. — Skull, 237. — 
 Features, 237. — Ethnological Position, 239. — Language, 241. — Monosyllabic Speech, 
 242. — Polysyllabic Speech, 243. 
 
 A. The Monosyllabic Mongolians, 247. — Classification, 248. 
 
 1. The Peoples of Farther India, 247. — Division, 247. — Physical Characteristics : Stature, 
 
 249. — F"orm, 249. — Color, 249. — Features, 249. — Hair, 250. — Costume, 250. — Archi- 
 tecture, 251. — Temples, 251. — Palaces, 251. — Dwellings, 251. — Commerce, 251. — Trade, 
 251. — Art, 251. — Literature, 251. — Intellectual Faculties, 251. — Family Life, 252. — 
 Government, 252. — Slavery, 252. — Soldiery, 252. — Arms, 252. — Religion, 253. 
 
 2. The Chinese, 254. — Physical Characteristics: Stature, 254. — Color, 254. — Features, 
 
 254. — Hair, 254. — Costume, 254. — Architecture, 255. — Food, 255. — Stimulants, 255. — 
 Agriculture, 255. — Literature, 255. — Family Life, 255. — Government, 255. — Warfare, 
 256. — Weapons, 256. — Religion, 256. — Funeral Ceremonies, 256. 
 
 3. The Thibetans, 257. — Groups, 257. — Divisions, 257. — Location, 257. — Physical Charac- 
 
 teristics, 25S. — Costume, 258. — Architecture, 258. — Social Life, 258. — Burials, 258. — 
 Religion, 259. 
 
 B. The Polysyllabic Mongolians, 259. 
 
 1. Ural-Japanese Peoples, 259. — Classification, 259. — Physical Characteristics of the Coreans, 
 
 261. — Japanese, 261. — -Ainos, 262. — Public Life of the Ainos, 262.— Domestic Life, 
 262. — Religion of the Ainos, 263. — Dress of the Japanese, 263.- — Dwellings, 264. — 
 Food, 264. — Stimulants, 264. — Art, 265. — Literature, 265. — Character of the Japanese, 
 265. — Family Life, 265. — Government, 265. — Caste, 266. — Weapons, 266. — Warfare, 
 266. — Antiquities, 266. — Religion, 266. — Temples, 267. — Buddhism, 268. 
 
 2. Ural-Altaic Peoples, 268. — Dress, 268. — Ornament, 268. — Dwellings, 269. — Structures, 
 
 269. — Food, 270. — Stimulants, 270. — Water-Mills, 271. — Wind-Mills, 271. — Agricul- 
 ture, 271. — Art, 271. — Literature, 271. — Intellectual Faculties, 271,. — Character, 272. — 
 Family Life, 272. — Government, 272. — Weapons, 272. — Religion, 273. — Burials, 274. 
 
 3. Isolated North Asiatic Peoples, 274. — Classification, 274. — Physical Characteristics, 275. — 
 
 Dress, 275. — Ornaments, 275.— Dwellings, 275. — Domestic Animals, 276. — Food, 276. — 
 Weapons, 276. — Domestic Life of the Kamchatkans, 276. — Religion, 276. 
 
 4. Peoples of the Caucasus, 277. — Divisions, 277. — Dress, 278. — Ornaments, 278.^Social 
 
 Life, 278. — Dwellings, 279. — Weapons, 279. — Government, 279. — Religion, 279. — 
 Character, 280. 
 
 IV. The Dravidian Peoples 281 
 
 Ethnologic Division, 281. — Classification, 281. — Physical Characteristics, 282. — Color, 283. — 
 Hair, 283. — Features, 283. — Intermixtures, 2S3. — Language, 284. — Costume, 285. — 
 Hair-dressing, 285. — Jewelr)', 285. — Dwellings, 285. — Agriculture, 285. — Stock-Raising, 
 2S5.— Food, 2S6. — Drink, 286. — Naval Architecture, 286. — Domestic Life, 286. — Mar- 
 riage, 286. — Government, 2S7. — Religion, 287. — Superstition, 287. — Sacrifices, 288. — 
 Priests, 288.— Idols, 2S8.— Death, 28S.— Burial, 2S8.— Intellectual Faculties, 288.— 
 Achievements, 2S8. 
 
 V. The Arabic-African Race 291 
 
 Di\nsion by Groups, 291. — Geographical Distribution, 291. 
 
 I. The Koi-Koin, 291.— Peculiarity of language-Sounds, 29I. — Habitat, 292. — Racial
 
 CONTENTS. 15 
 
 Division, 292. — Tribal Divisions, 293. — Physical Characteristics : Stature, 294. — Form, 
 294. — "Hottentot Apron," 294. — Color, 295. — Hair, 295 — Sl<ull, 295. — Features, 295. — 
 Circumcision, 295. — Costume, 296. — Ornaments, 296. — Weapons, 296. — Building, 297. — 
 Manufactures, 297. — Stock-Raising, 297. — Food, 298. — Preparation of Food, 298. — 
 Prohibition of, 298. — Stimulants, 298. — Agriculture, 298. — Hunting, 298. — Fishing, 
 298. — Marriage, 298. — Marriage Ceremonies, 298. — Marriage Restrictions, 298. — Births, 
 299. — Ceremonies at Births, 299. — Maturity, 299. — Inheritance, 300. — Government, 
 300. — Laws, 300. — Wars, 300. — Funeral Ceremonies, 300. — Religious Belief, 301. — 
 Deities, 301. — Myths, 301. — Spirits, 302. — Superstitions, 302.— Musical Instruments, 
 303. — Dances, 303. — Culture, 303. — Character, 303. — Linguistics, 304. 
 
 The Banlu Peoples, 305. — Languages, 305. — Classification, 306. — Similarity of Tribes, 
 307. — Intemiixtures, 307. — Physical Characteristics : Stature, 307. — Form, 307. — Color, 
 308. — Hair, 308. — Skull, 308. — Features, 309. — Disfigurations, 309. — Costume, 310. — 
 Decorations, 310. — DweUings, 311. — Villages, 311. — Household F'urniture, 312. — Uten- 
 sils, 312. — Iron-Smelting, 313. — Weapons, 313. — Hunting, 314. — Fishing, 314. — Agri- 
 culture, 314. — Implements, 314. — Cotton, 315. — Stock-Raising, 315. — Food, 315. — 
 Stimulants, 315. — Art, 316. — Musical Instruments, 316. — Singing, 316. — Dancing, 316. — 
 Domestic Life, 316. — Domestic Habits, 316. — Births, 317. — Ceremonies at Births, 317. — 
 The State, 317. — Laws, 318. — Punishments, 3lS.^-0rdeals, 318. — Wars, 31S. — Deaths, 
 319. — Burials, 319. — Religious Views, 320. — Superstitions, 320. — Magicians, 321. — 
 Political Development, 322. — Moral Development, 322. 
 
 The Peoples of Soudan, 322. — Classification, 322. — Language, 323. — Groups, 326. — 
 Physical Characteristics of the Negro: Form, 329. — Color, 329. — Hair, 330. — Stature, 
 330. — Brain, 330. — Skull, 330. — Features, 330, — Interminglings, 330. — Deviation in 
 Form, 331. — Variations in the Color of the Skin, 332. — Disfigurement of the Body, 
 332. — Hair-dressing, 333. — Costume, 333. — Ornaments, 333. — Dwellings, 334. — Farm 
 Buildings, 334. — Agriculture, 335. — Implements, 335. — Plant Products, 335. — Stock- 
 Raising, 335. — Food, 336. — Stimulants, 336. — Industrial Arts, 337. — Money, 337. — 
 Arts, 337. — Music, 337. — Musical Instruments, 338. — Literature, 338. — Family Life, 
 338. — Sexual Relations, 338. — Forms of Marriage, 339. — Divorce, 339. — Births, 339 — 
 Ceremonies at Births, 339. — Religious Rites, 339. — Festivities, 339. — Children, 340. — 
 Government, 340. — Laws, 341. — Punishments, 341. — Oaths and Ordeals, 342. — Wars, 
 342. — Weapons : Bows and Aitows, 342. — Spears, 342. — Clubs, 342. — Shields, 342. — 
 Battle-Axes, 343. — Trumbash, 343. — Firearms, 343. — Captives, 343. — Military Spirit, 
 343. — Armies, 344. — Cannibalism, 344. — Religion, 344. — Elementary Deities, 345. — 
 Fetiehism, 345. — Guardian Spirits, 345. — Immortality of the Soul, 346. — Superstitions, 
 346. — Theory of Creation, 346. — Future State, 346. — Piniishments for Religious Viola- 
 tions, 347. — Offerings, 347. — Sacrifices, 347. — Priesthood, 347. — Idols, 347. — Secret 
 Societies, 348. — Funeral Ceremonies, 348. — Character, 348. — Condition, 348. — Valor 
 and Humanity, 349. — Slavery, 349. — Social Manners, 349. — Avarice, 349. — Climatic 
 Influences, etc., 350. 
 
 The Semites, 350. — Location, 350. — Classification, 350. — African Semites, 350. — General 
 Considerations, 350. — Asiatic Semites, 353. — Divisions, 353. — Physical Characteristics 
 of the African Semites, 353. — Asiatic Semites, 355. — Skull, 356. — Disfiguration, 
 356. — Life of the Semites: Clothing, 356. — Building, 358. — Domestic Life, 358. — 
 Stock-Raising, 358. — Hunting, 358. — Agriculture, 35S. — Food, 35S. — Stimulants, 35S. — 
 Utensils, 359. — Household Goods, 359. — Technical and Industrial Arts, 360. — Fine 
 Arts, 360. — Architecture, 360. — M\isic, 360. — Musical Instniments, 360. — Poetry, 361. — 
 Weapons, 361. — Warfare, 362. — Family Life, 362. — Parentage, 363. — Government, 
 363. — Constitution, 364. — Chieftainship, 364. — Judiciary, 364. — Religions, 365. — 
 Animism, 366. — Superstition, 366. — Sorcery and Magic, 367. — Eschatology, 367. — Cere- 
 monies at Death, 367. — Offerings, 368. — Burials, 368. — Intellectual Faculties, 369. — 
 Language, 369. — Ethnologic Relations, 369.
 
 i6 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAr.E 
 
 VI. The Indo-Europeans 37' 
 
 A. The Basques, 371. — Classification, 371.— General Characteristics and Social Life, 371. — 
 
 Language, 371. 
 
 B. The Indo-Germanic Family, 375.— i. '!'''( Indians, 376. — Classification and General 
 
 Characteristics, 376.— Physical Characteristics: Hair, 37S.— Sl<ull, 378.— Dress, 378.— 
 Ornaments, 378. — Dwellings, 378. — Character, 379. — Government, 379. — Family Life, 
 379. — Language, 379. — Literature, 379. — Caste, 380. — Religion: Bralimanism, 381. — 
 Buddhism, 38 1. — Superstitions, 382. 2. The Iranian Peoples, 383. — Classification, 
 383. — Language, 385. — Dress, 385. — Architecture, 385. — Civilization, 386. — Religion, 
 386. — Death, 387. — Burial Ceremonies, 387. 
 
 C. The European Indo-Germanic Peopi,f,s, 388. — Deterioration of Type and Language, 
 
 3S8. — Influence of Migration, 38S. — Influence of Natural Surroundings, 389. — Aborig- 
 inal Remains, 390. — Dispersion, 390. — Classification, 39I. — Language, 394. — Civilization, 
 396. — Intellectual Development, 396.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, 
 ETHNOLOGY, AND ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 PART I. 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 OF the various branches of human learning, there are three which 
 make man himself the subject of investigation : these are Anthro- 
 pology, Ethnology, and Ethnography. They are closely allied, 
 but, as they differ both in their methods and in their fields of research, 
 the distinction between them becomes an important one. 
 
 Definitions. — Anthropology (from the Greek dyftpioKo:;, man, and 
 )-6yo:;^ a discourse) deals with man as a zoological species. It defines the 
 differences which distinguish him from other species of the higher ani- 
 mals. It sets forth his physical and mental peculiarities. It treats him 
 as a unit in the series of organic fonns, and catalogues the traits which 
 bind all his varieties into one species, while at the same time they sepa- 
 rate him sharply from the other highly-developed mammals. 
 
 Ethnology (from the Greek l^voc, a people, and ^ojoc, a discourse) con- 
 templates man as essentially a social creature — as bound together in com- 
 munities by ties of mutual protection, of recognized kinship, of a common 
 religion, of a language, of affection, and of government. It studies, not 
 man in general, but men in their various races, nations, tribes, and fam- 
 ilies. It is much more concerned with the mental, the psychical, part of 
 man than with his physical nature, and seeks to trace his intellectual 
 development as the result of his social relations. 
 
 Ethnogr-^phy (from the Greek edvoi;, a people, and Yf>d<fstv, to write) 
 also studies men in communities ; but it differs from Ethnology by 
 confining itself to the collection of facts and the description of actual 
 relations and customs. It does not undertake to explain their origin, 
 their influence, and their sociologic significance. These belong to Eth- 
 nology, in the proper sense of the term. 
 
 Vol. I.— 2 17
 
 iS ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MAN. 
 
 Erect Posture. — In the classifications of zoologists man is stated to be 
 a mammal and to belong to the order of Primates., which also includes 
 the highest species of apes — the gorilla, the chimpanzee, and the orang- 
 outang. But he is at once distinguished from these and all other animals 
 by his adoption of the erect posture in walking. This he is enabled to 
 do by virtue of several marked peculiarities of his anatomical conforma- 
 tion. His head rests on his vertebral column or backbone almost at the 
 centre of the base of the skull, whereas in other animals the point of 
 connection is much more to the rear of the skull. The weight, there- 
 fore, of his head is evenly balanced on its support ; and so systematic is 
 this arrangement that in races, as the African, where the jaws are devel- 
 oped to an uncommon degree forward, the back of the head has a corre- 
 sponding extension backward, so as to compensate for the additional 
 weight in front. 
 
 His spinal column gradually increases in .size toward the base, and is 
 so disposed in cur\-es as to break the effect of shocks, at the same time 
 that the weight above is distributed exactly in the line of the centre of 
 gravity. The weight of the column and the contents of the trunk are 
 supported by a bony pelvis or basin broader and more widely expanded 
 in proportion to the general frame than in any other animal. 
 
 Lozver Limbs. — In proportion to the trunk, the lower limbs of man 
 are longer than in any other mammal, the kangaroo not excepted. Their 
 great length, indeed, prevents him from walking in any other than the 
 erect attitude. They are in marked contrast with the short and bowed 
 legs of the gorilla, chimpanzee, or orang-outang. These apes, which are 
 the highest in the scale of animals below man, rarely attempt progression 
 in the standing position, and when they do they are obliged to support 
 themselves by tising their forearms somewhat in the manner of criitches, 
 placing the right and left knuckles alternately on the ground. 
 
 Feet. — The foot of man is broader, stronger, and larger in proportion 
 to the size of the body than in any other animal, so that man can stand 
 on one leg, which no other mammal can do. The heel is extended behind 
 at right angles to the line of the limb, thus forming a powerful lever for 
 the great muscles of the calf of the leg which raise the body in walking, 
 while the bones of the great toe are proportionately strong and fonn the 
 chief support upon which the body may be raised. By this disposition 
 of parts it results that when a man stands erect a vertical line from tlie 
 top of his head would pass through the junction of the head and spinal 
 column, follow the latter to the pelvis, and be equally distributed between 
 the hips, knees, and feet. This explains why a man can carr}- a weight 
 on the top of his head easier than in any other way, as is readily discov- 
 ered by laundresses and others whose duties oblige them frequently to 
 caxry burdens {pi. i, fig. 8, /J, d\ 
 
 The indirect results of the erect position have been of the utmost
 
 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 19 
 
 importance in favorinq^ the development of man's faculties. A few 
 reflections will ilhistrate this : In the erect postnre the face is placed 
 perpendicnlarly nnder the forehead, so that the planes of both are par- 
 allel. The direction of the orbits of the eyes is thus brought to a hori- 
 zontal line, which secures the widest range of vision, and the direction 
 of the nose thus obtained gives the greatest range to the sense of smell. 
 In proportion to the length of his body, the eyes are more elevated than 
 in other animals, and thus he gains a wider horizon to survey. These 
 were by no means unimportant points of superiority when man had to 
 measure his powers in daily contests with the wild animals of the 
 forests. 
 
 Hands. — But the most valuable advantage man derives from the erect 
 posture is that it exempts the upper limbs from taking any part in the 
 support of the body or in the act of progression ; in other words, it gives 
 him the use of his hands, those "instruments of consummate perfection," 
 as they have well been called, each elaborately framed of twenty-seven 
 bones and numberless fine fibres of muscle and tendon. To the intelli- 
 gent use of his hands more than to any other of his faculties man owes 
 the conquests over the forces of nature on which he has reared the fabric 
 of his civilization. 
 
 The older anatomists were of the opinion that the four feet of the 
 higher apes were, properly speaking, hands rather than feet, and therefore 
 they included them in a class called the Oiiadruuiana., or "four-handed" 
 animals. More accurate dissections have shown this view to be erroneous. 
 These members possess certain muscles peculiar to the human foot and 
 not found in the hand, and are therefore feet in the strict sense of the 
 word, and the so-called group of Quadrumana has no existence. Man 
 alone of animals has a hand. 
 
 Much of the power of the hand to grasp weapons, tools, and the like 
 comes from the position of the thumb, which is "opposed," as it is called, 
 to the fingers ; that is to say, it can be brought into contact with the tip 
 of any one of them. This is also in a less degree the case with the four 
 feet of the higher apes, but the human thumb is longer and more freely 
 acting, and the palm is wider, thus conferring greater prehensile power 
 on the member (//. i, fig. 8, <?, c). 
 
 Other Anatomical Traits. — These are by no means all the points in 
 which man differs in his anatomy from the highest apes. Thus, in most 
 of his varieties he has a smooth almost hairless skin, in strong contrast 
 to their hirsute bodies. With few exceptions this is also the most marked 
 in those branches of the human famih' which are least developed in men- 
 tal powers. Most of the apes have a separate bone of the face called the 
 intermaxillary bone, which never appears in the human skeleton. The 
 conformation of tlie lower jaw is also characteristic. It has been said 
 that man is the only creature which has a chin. It is most distinct in 
 the white race, becomes less marked in the negro, and does not exist in 
 the apes. Although man has the .same number of teeth as the higher
 
 20 AXTIIR OPOL OGY. 
 
 apes, their development differs in several particulars not necessary- to 
 specif)- here. It is well, however, to correct a prevalent error on this 
 point. The conformation of the human teeth has led many to found 
 arguments that man's diet originally was, and should remain, either veg- 
 etable or animal, or of both articles. No conclusion of the kind can be 
 derived from this point of his anatomy. His dentition, indeed, adapts 
 him to eat either animal or vegetable food, and tribes in a state of nature 
 are found living almost exclusively on one or the other ; but the presence 
 of grinding, cutting, and tearing teeth, equally developed, in the jaws of 
 any animal is no proof that it is omnivorous or is confined to a special 
 variety of food. Some monkeys have large canines, yet live on vegeta- 
 bles ; all bats possess well-formed incisors, canines, and molars, yet some 
 are purely fruit-eating, while others live exclusively on animal food. 
 
 Brain. — Much stress has been laid by some on the shape of the skull 
 in man and the amount and character of the brain-substance which it 
 contains. It is true that in these respects there are obvious differences 
 between him and the animals nearest him in the scale of organic life, 
 but the precise import of these differences has not been ascertained. 
 Neither in the absolute weight of his brain, nor in its weight in relation 
 to that of his body, does man stand at all at the head of the list of 
 animals. Thus, the weight of a well-developed human brain is about 
 three pounds, which is scarcely or not at all more than in a dolphin of 
 seven or eight feet in length, and is much inferior to that of the elephant 
 and other large animals. Cohsidered in its proportion to the total weight 
 of the body, the brain of man is as i : 37, which is inferior to that of sev- 
 eral of the American monkeys, where the proportion is as i : 25, or even 
 less than this. 
 
 Writers have therefore sought to discover the signs of the superiority 
 of man in the confonnation rather than in the amount of his brain-sub- 
 stance. They have said that the mental powers are dependent on the 
 amount of gray matter in the brain. This gray matter is the exterior 
 coating of the brain, and of course the more numerous the folds — or, as 
 they are called, the convolutions — of the brain, the larger area of external 
 surface there will be, and consequently the more gray matter. Hence the 
 complexity of the convolutions of the brain has been asserted by some to 
 stand in direct relation to intellectual power ; and it has been triumph- 
 antly pointed out in support of this theory that the brains of the higher 
 apes are much more simple in their convolutions, and therefore have less 
 gray matter, than that of man. This is true, but comparative anatomy 
 has also discovered the opposing fact that the brain of the dog has very 
 much simpler convolutions than that of the sheep, which is notoriously a 
 stupid animal in comparison. 
 
 Absence of Tail. — The apparent absence of a tail in man has often been 
 mentioned as one of the obvious distinctions between him and monkeys, 
 but this is a popular error. Anatomically speaking, man has a tail, as 
 any one can see by looking at a human skeleton ; only it is not developed
 
 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 2 r 
 
 externally, and in this respect he is like several of the higher species of 
 monkeys, which are also usually, though incorrectly, spoken of as tailless. 
 Besides the above anatomical, there are a number of physiological, 
 differences between man and the apes, especially with reference to the 
 laws of his growth, but they need not occupy us here. 
 
 PSYCHICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MAN. 
 
 Emotions. — Although the above-mentioned traits clearly distinguish 
 man from other species of animals, they do not establish any such marked 
 peculiarities in him as to remove him from the chain of organic forms, in 
 which he stands merely as physically the most complete. If he differs 
 radically in kind rather than in degree from his fellow-creatures, it must 
 be not in his physical but in his psychical powers, in his intellect or soul. 
 Yet even here the researches of recent years have materially narrowed the 
 gulf which was once supposed to separate man from beast. It has been 
 proved beyond peradventure that the lower animals have much the same 
 emotions as ourselves. Even such cold-blooded creatures as fishes are 
 found to love and hate, to fear and to be able to conquer fear, with a 
 fervor that bears close comparison with anything the records of our race 
 can produce. 
 
 Reasoning. — The power of reasoning, and especially the faculty of 
 fonning abstract conceptions, were long claimed as the exclusive prerog- 
 atives of man. But there are any number of authentic narratives about 
 the intelligence of brutes which seem to require for their explanation the 
 exercise of both these faculties ; and it becomes impossible, therefore, to 
 deny their presence in some degree in the more intelligent quadrupeds. 
 Every reader must be able to recall many such anecdotes of our household 
 friend the dog, and a close study of so low an organized animal as the ant 
 has revealed even more remarkable display's of intellectual action in the 
 management of its communities. 
 
 Self-consciousness. — Several philosophers have maintained that the 
 power of contemplating one's self as a separate existence, of sclf-con- 
 scioiisness, is enjoyed exclusively by man, and is the secret of his intel- 
 lectual supremacy. The assertion is as difiicult to prove as to disprove, 
 as there is no action which we can name as the exclusive outcome of this 
 feeling. If we accept, as some have suggested, suicide as such an action, 
 then we must extend it to the brutes, for there are undoubted instances of 
 deliberate self-destruction among them. 
 
 A careful survey of the recent studies on instinct and intelligence 
 among the lower animals indicates that in only two directions can man 
 claim to possess intellectual properties wholly beyond the ken of the 
 lower animals : one of these is in his religions., the other in his 
 languages. 
 
 Religion. — Whether we look upon religion as the recognition and 
 worship of an unseen Power who has the ordering of the events of lift-, 
 or whether we confine it to a sense of duty prompting to the perform-
 
 22 ANTIIR OPOL OGY. 
 
 ance of certain actions and to the abstention from others, in either of 
 these comprehensive senses of the term it seems the exchisive perquisite 
 of man, and not in any degree known or felt by inferior species. 
 
 Language. — Language, articulate grammatical speech, is not less the 
 exclusive property of the human race. It is quite true that many of the 
 lower species have the power of communicating information, and this not 
 unfrequently by means of sounds. Such instances are familiar to every 
 one. So has the infant. But the difference between this inarticulate, 
 interjectional mode of utterance and spoken language is a radical one, 
 and vindicates for man the possession of certain powers found nowhere 
 else in nature. As the eminent anthropologist Dr. E. B. Tylor has well 
 remarked : "Alan's power of using a word, or even a gesture, as a symbol 
 of a thought and the means of conversing about it, is one of the points 
 where we see him parting company with all lower species and starting on 
 his career of conquest through higher intellectual regions." 
 
 Causality. — Employing a term drawn from the vocabulary of meta- 
 physics, we may define the fundamental difference between the mind of 
 man and the intelligence or instinct of the lower animals to be that man 
 has and constantly exercises the perception of causality. He recognizes 
 and governs his actions by the observed relations of cau.se and effect. 
 This the highest apes do not attain to in the most simple matters. Thus 
 travellers in Central Africa tell us that in the cool nights there the apes 
 will be seen watching the travellers keep up their camp-fire with sticks 
 of wood, and if the men withdraw the apes will gather around the fire 
 and enjoy the wannth hugely, but they never attain the degree of intelli- 
 gence to lay wood on the fire to keep it burning. The relation of cause 
 to effect in this simple act escapes them. 
 
 Manufacture of Tools. — For the same reason, no brute ever fashions a 
 tool or weapon for its future use. Some, indeed, make use of such when 
 ready to their hand. Thus, a monkey has been known to select a stone 
 of convenient shape for cracking its nuts, and even to hide such a stone 
 to preserve it for future occasions ; the gorilla and orang-outang will tear 
 limbs from trees or pick up sticks to use as weapons ; and other species 
 will hurl stones or nuts as missiles at their enemies ; but in spite of this 
 familiarity with the use of ready-made instruments, no instance can be 
 cited where even the most advanced of the inferior animals fashioned a 
 single tool. When it is remembered that even the very lowest tribes of 
 men make tools of remarkable ingenuity, and that in the most remote 
 geologic age in wdiich we find the slightest traces of man he both knew 
 the use of fire and manufactured weapons, these distinctions mark him 
 ofi" broadly from all other living creatures. 
 
 THE UXITY OF THE HUM.\N SPECIES. 
 
 Definition of Species. — As the above considerations demonstrate that 
 man has a number of traits which mark him off as a wholly distinct
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 23 
 
 species, the question arises, Must we go farther and erect him into a 
 genus, including a number of species? In other words, Is there but one 
 species of man or are there several? 
 
 Some years ago this question assumed a certain degree of political 
 importance in the United States, and several ambitious treatises were 
 published to prove that the white and the negro races belong, zoolog- 
 ically, to different species. The aim of these efforts was, however, rather 
 to defend a theory than to arrive at the truth. 
 
 Owing to the general acceptance of the modern doctrines of the evo- 
 lution and retrogression of organic fonns, the definition of species is by 
 no means so rigid as it was formerly. Indeed, it is no easy task to state 
 precisely what we mean by a species. We can at best say that it includes 
 all members of an organic group who have an obvious similarity between 
 themselves, and who have been, or may be supposed to have been, 
 descended from the same ancestral pair. 
 
 Such general similarity exists to a remarkable degree among all races 
 of men, especially when we reflect to what extremely different food, 
 climate, and surroundings they are subjected, in these respects far 
 transcending any other animal. They agree not only in all those 
 marked traits which have been mentioned above as distingruishine 
 them from other species, but in a vast number of small and unim- 
 portant characteristics, such as we cannot imagine would have been 
 acquired in any other way than by inheritance from some common 
 ancestor. 
 
 This is observable in both physical and mental peculiarities. It has 
 been repeatedly noticed by close observers that the physical differences 
 of races are very much less in infancy and youth than in later life. The 
 hue of the new-born babe in the colored races is much lighter than that 
 of the adult, and in the shape of the head and the features of the face the 
 babes of all races are strikingly alike. The racial differences only grad- 
 ually assert themselves. From the same street in Pekin we could select 
 a full-blooded Mongolian child who would pass in Brazil for the offspring 
 of a native Indian, and another from the same place domiciled in an 
 Irish shanty would be taken for a son of the soil of Erin. 
 
 Every intelligent European who has become intimate with the repre- 
 sentatives of other races, be they of any clime or color, has discovered in 
 them the same sentiments and tastes, the same emotions and passions, as 
 in his fellow-countrymen of the like grade of culture ; wherever he wan- 
 ders, the highest type of man is ever forced to recognize, in all tribes who 
 claim the name, his fellow-beings — men like himself, heirs of the same 
 mental powers, brethren of the same household. 
 
 Fertility of Crossings. — This conclusion is confinned by the well- 
 ascertained fertility in the marriages between different races arid in 
 their offspring. This was long set up as the test of the unity of species. 
 It was maintained that crosses between different species are uniformly 
 barren, or at least that the offspring of such crosses are always sterile.
 
 24 ANTHR OrOL G Y. 
 
 This position has now been abandoned. Though it holds good as a 
 general rule, it is far from being a law of nature. Several of our domes- 
 tic animals are undoubted products of the crossing of several wild species ; 
 for instance, the dog, the hog, and the ox. So far, however, as the rule 
 goes, it is in favor of the unity of the human species. All its varieties 
 blend in fertile unions, and produce offspring who in their turn are as fer- 
 tile as were their parents, when living under equally favorable conditions. 
 The examples which from time to time have been brought forward to 
 support the contrary view have, on investigation, turned out to be errors 
 of observation. 
 
 Parallelism of Development. — The theor}' of unity is also supported 
 by another line of facts whose correct appreciation is of the highest 
 importance, not only to ethnology, but to the histor}- of civilization ; 
 and this is, the parallelism which prevails in the industrial and ethical 
 development of the human race in all ages and in all parts of the globe. 
 Turn where we will in history or in geography, we find nations of the 
 same grade of culture, no matter of what race, presenting the most extra- 
 ordinary coincidences, not merely in their arts, customs, laws, and social 
 arrangements, but even in the toys of their children, their purely imag- 
 inary tales of their gods, their religious symbols, their folk-lore, and the 
 stories they invent for mere amusement. There are yet some authors who 
 strive to explain these coincidences by the hypothesis of historic trans- 
 mission. When they find, for instance, as is the case, the storj- of "The 
 House that Jack Built" in Europe, India, CaflSr-Laud, and Brazil, told 
 in an original version by the natives of each land, they maintain that it 
 must have descended from some remote period when the ancestors of these 
 widely-dispersed tribes were in geographical relations. But this and the 
 hundreds of instances of a similar kind which have been collected by 
 writers are to be attributed to that oneness of mental nature which more 
 than anything else proves that man is of one blood, and in his psycholog- 
 ical processes is everywhere the same. 
 
 ANTIQUITY OF MAX ON EARTH, AND HIS FIRST HOME. 
 
 Having established the probability that man is of only one zoological 
 species, we may next proceed to inquire when and where he first appeared 
 on earth. Not that it necessarily follows that he appeared at one place 
 only. The unity of a species does not require this. Whatever Power 
 brought it into being at one place might have also acted with the same 
 result in several. Naturalists do not insist that all the members of a 
 species shall be descended from one pair of ancestors. Were it to happen 
 that some inventive resident of another planet should devise an aerial 
 car and pay us a visit, and we should find that he was in all respects like 
 one of ourselves, we should unhesitatingly claim him as of the same 
 species, although there could be no talk of community of ancestn,'. 
 
 Relation of Man to Other Fauna. — This consideration renders the 
 question of the whereabouts of man's first appearance somewhat more
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 25 
 
 involved. On the other hand, it is greatly lightened by the acknow- 
 ledeed fact that in the advent of organic forms on earth it is a nniform 
 law that they bear fixed relations to the forms around them. Their 
 existence, indeed, is conditioned by the presence of a number of similar 
 forms anterior to them. Hence we need only look for the first abode of 
 man in some locality whicli was peopled at the time by the highest mam- 
 mals, those placed next to him in the zoological scale ; that is, the man- 
 like apes. The climatic conditions which best suited their life were also 
 such as were most favorable to him in the infancy of the race. 
 
 But this inquiry carries us far afield, for we cannot confine ourselves to 
 the physical geography of the globe as it now is, but must look at it at 
 the period when the earliest signs of man's occupancy present them- 
 selves. 
 
 Here Geology must be asked to the assistance of Ethnology, for the 
 time is past when we can suppose that the period of the existence of man 
 can be measured by a few thousand years. Evidence that cannot be con- 
 troverted proves that tens of thousands of years ago he, or some creature 
 possessing faculties like him, roamed widely over the face of the earth, 
 then under climatic conditions strangely dissimilar from those with which 
 modern geography is familiar. 
 
 A very brief sketch of the doctrines of Geology may make this branch 
 of our subject more easily comprehended. Students of that science 
 divide the rocky strata which make up the earth's crust into Primary, 
 Secondary, and Tertiary strata, the Primary being the oldest, the Ter- 
 tiary the most recent. Some, indeed, consider the Tertiary as reaching 
 down to and including the present age, but most are of accord in calling 
 this latter by a different term. By these the Tertiary age or epoch is 
 subdivided into three minor ages — the Eocene, which is the oldest ; the 
 Miocene ; and the Pliocene, which is the latest. After this is placed by 
 some the Pleistocene, by others the Quaternar}', epoch — terms often used 
 as almost synonymous to designate the period intervening between the 
 close of the Tertiary and the beginning of the Geologic age in which we 
 live, this being known as the Alluvial or Actual age. 
 
 Climate. — The climate of the world differed exceedingly in these vari- 
 ous epochs. Thus in the Miocene and early Pliocene, Greenland enjoyed 
 as mild and as balmy a climate as the Madeira Islands or Southern 
 Florida does to-day. Tropical animals, as the rhinoceros, the elephant, 
 and numerous apes and monkeys, found a congenial home where now the 
 raw climate of the British Isles will not admit of the ripening of Indian 
 corn. 
 
 Glacial Epoch. — But at or near the close of the Tertiary period a tre- 
 mendous change took place, the most extraordinary known in the geologic 
 annals of the world. The genial warmth disappeared, and in place of it 
 vast sheets of ice descended from the polar continents of both the Arctic 
 and Antarctic regions, and covered the greater part of the land to tlie 
 thirty-fifth or fortieth parallel with a solid sheet of snow and ice to a
 
 26 ANTIIR OPOL OGY. 
 
 depth of thousands of feet. The continental areas of the globe were 
 greatly changed ; a land-bridge which had connected North America 
 with Northern Europe was wholly torn away ; the ragged edges of 
 Norway and the coast of Maine remain as proofs of the mighty power 
 of the ice-mass, while the Great Lakes and Prairies of Central North 
 America and the Panipas of South America are so many witnesses to 
 its effect on existing land-areas. 
 
 The ice-sheet was not permanent during its stay. Twice, and perhaps 
 three times, it somewhat capriciously retired to the far north, disappear- 
 ing rather suddenly, and then slowly creeping down again into latitudes 
 which we now call temperate, freezing them with the cold of an Arctic 
 winter which knew no summer. The comparatively mild periods between 
 these visitations are called the "Inter-glacial periods." 
 
 First Appearance of Alan. — The particular interest that these geologic 
 events have to us in this connection is that it was either immediately before, 
 during, or else immediately after this Glacial period that man first appeared 
 on the earth, or at least it is in the strata of this age that we find the first 
 unequivocal traces of his presence. Some, indeed, have maintained that 
 evidence of his handiwork has been taken from strata of the Miocene 
 period, but the most careful writers on the subject have not as yet con- 
 ceded that this is established. There is, moreover, an inherent improb- 
 ability from analogy that any one species has maintained so complex an 
 organism as man's for so long a period. The evidence that assigns him 
 an appearance on earth in the Inter-glacial or the immediately Post-glacial 
 period has received the sanction of the most eminent geologists. 
 
 But when we speak of ' ' man ' ' as then existing, that word must be 
 understood in its widest sense, embracing any animal which had the 
 faculty of building a fire and fashioning ever so rude a tool or weapon 
 from a piece of stone ; for that was all the ability that we can assign to 
 those very early representatives of our species. It is not likely that they 
 had any religious sentiments or that they were capable of articulate 
 speech. An intellectual status as low as this appears to be indicated 
 by the remains of their art and of their bony skeletons which have been 
 discovered. A brief description of these ancient relics will illustrate 
 this. 
 
 The Earliest Stone Implements. — ]\Iost of the earliest specimens of 
 man's ingenuity are of stone ; some few are of bone. Doubtless, he at 
 that time also made use of wood, but his works in that material soon 
 perished. The stones he chose were of a size convenient to hold in the 
 hand, and it seems probable that the hands of these primitive mechanics 
 were smaller than ours, about the size of a boy's. The pieces of flint and 
 argillite selected were rudely chipped by striking one against another, and 
 thus brought to an edge and point. In this fonn they would serve as a 
 more effective weapon, tool, or utensil, for all of which purposes doubt- 
 less they were intended. Frequently one side or one end only is chipped, 
 the others being left in the natural state. Such instruments are called
 
 AXTHR OPOL OGY. 27 
 
 (( 
 
 hand-stones, " or celts. The chips flaked off in their preparation have also 
 been collected, sometimes in considerable quantity, showing that the manu- 
 facture of these implements was carried on with diligence (//. i, fig. 10). 
 
 Use 0/ Fire. — Other evidence proves that these first settlers knew the 
 use of fire. Flints are found that have been subjected to the fire for the 
 purpose of breaking them into small and angular pieces, and even the 
 charcoal and ashes of some of these ancient hearths have been e.xhumed 
 in deposits which competent geologists place as remote in time as the 
 Inter-glacial epochs. In and around the remains of these early camp- 
 fires the bones of animals, some of extinct species, broken to extract 
 their marrow or artificially sharpened to a point, indicate that these 
 primitive tribes were hunters and fishers, that they cooked their food, 
 and that they had some beginnings of a social life. 
 
 Drift and Cave Men. — These earliest tool- and fire-using animals, who 
 are generally included in the species man, although undoubtedly much 
 inferior to any tribe now known to us, are called distinctively the ' ' River 
 drift" and "Cave" men, because their relics are found for the most part 
 in the beds of drift gravel deposited in the ancient river-beds of various 
 streams, as the Ouse in England and the Somme in France ; and also in 
 the caves of France, Belgium, England, and other countries, where they 
 have continued undisturbed and covered with the deposits of later fonna- 
 tions. By some writers the Drift men are considered an older generation 
 than, or even a different race from, the Cave men, but this is not gener- 
 ally accepted. 
 
 This inceptive period of human art is called the PaI<Tolitliic ox "Old 
 Stone" age, or the period of rough stone implements, the characteristic 
 feature of its remains being that they are of rough, utlpolished stone, the 
 simple art of smoothing and sharpening one stone by rubbing it against 
 another being unknown or indifferent to these workmen (//. i, fig. 12). 
 
 Their Distribution. — The most remarkable fact about these Drift men 
 was their extremely wide dispersion over the earth's surface, and conse- 
 quently the great length of time that they must have lived upon the 
 globe. They must have been verj- ill provided with means of travelling, 
 as they had no domestic animals and probably no boats ; yet their charac- 
 teristic relics have been disinterred from the caves and river-valleys of 
 Western Europe, from the old gravel-beds of Palestine and Upper Egypt, 
 from the laterite fonnations at the foot of the Ghaut Hills in Southern 
 India, at a depth of forty feet below the surface in the diamond-diggings 
 at the Cape of Good Hope, at an equal depth under the Post-glacial 
 gravels near Trenton on the Delaware River in New Jersey, in the 
 deposits on the upper terrace of the Mississippi north of St. Paul, a 
 hundred feet below the surface in the auriferous gravels of California, 
 in the Drift and Glacial deposits of Chili and Buenos Ayres, and else- 
 where. Collections taken from these various localities offer so few differ- 
 ences in the specimens that but for the character of the material used 
 they might be attributed to any one of the list.
 
 28 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Age of Oldest Remains. — Tliis extraordinarily wide diffusion of the 
 early race can only be explained on the supposition that it occupied the 
 habitable land of all the great continents for a very long period ; and 
 hence we are obliged to place the first appearance of man at a point of 
 time far, verj' far, beyond the furthest limit of histor)- or tradition. Geol- 
 ogists have not hesitated to make calculations as to when this point was. 
 Supposing it to have been at or about the Glacial period — which for many 
 reasons is probable — the inquiry has been put, Did this unparalleled cli- 
 matic event in the history of the world leave behind it the conditions 
 for certain progressive changes which have been going on ever since, and 
 which we may take as chronometers of geologic time? Several such 
 might be named, the most conclusive of them being the gradual erosion 
 of river-valleys ; as, for instance, the action of Niagara Falls in slowly 
 cutting its deep channel westward from Lake Ontario. This we know 
 must have entirely taken place since the close of the Glacial period, for 
 the chain of Great Lakes themselves is one of the effects of glacial 
 action. There are a number of other examples of the same kind in the 
 two hemispheres which offer the data for such calculations. The conclu- 
 sions reached by different students of the matter have, however, been 
 discrepant. Some place the close of the Glacial age in North America 
 as recent as thirty-five thousand years ago, while an eminent French 
 geologist calculates that in Western Europe its final recession cannot be 
 less than two hundred and forty thousand years from us. To explain the 
 problems of Ethnolog}' we should be better accommodated with a period 
 of the latter length than of the former. Even that would be but a very 
 small fraction of the duration necessarj' to explain the transformations of 
 the earth's crust w'ith which Geology deals. 
 
 First Habitat of Man. — With these facts in mind, we are better pre- 
 pared to approach the question as to the first habitat of man, and whether 
 he had more than one. His traces are found in remotest ages on the areas 
 of all four continents, but not on the oceanic islands. IManj- of these were 
 not peopled at all even within the historic period, as the Azores and Cape 
 Verde, Iceland, the Bermudas, and many in the Pacific. All the great 
 island-world of the latter received its population within a few thousand 
 years, as language and tradition prove. Australia is in the same case, 
 and, moreover, its fauna is in development ver>' much in arrears — more 
 akin to that of the Tertian,' epoch than that of any other area. This is 
 also an objection to supposing that any part of the American continent 
 could have been the birthplace of the race. Its highest mammals, living 
 or fossil, are far behind those of the Old World. For instance, it has 
 never possessed a single monkey with the same number of teeth as man, 
 not one that is without a tail, not one that is classed by naturalists with 
 the anthropoids, or man-like apes. Moreover, the earliest relics of man's 
 industr}- found in America, though not far from the same Geologic age, 
 are certainly a shade higher and indicate a slightly more developed 
 culture than the oldest from European strata. 
 
 &
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 29 
 
 At the period we speak of, just anterior to the Glacial epoch, North- 
 ern Europe, Northern Asia, and Northern Africa (that portion of it now 
 included in the Sahara Desert) were covered with water. The Persian 
 Gulf, the Caspian and Black Seas, were parts of a broad arm of the sea 
 which connected, the Indian Ocean with what is now the Baltic and the 
 North Sea. A continental area connected what are now the territories 
 of the British Isles, France, the Iberian Peninsula, Italy, and Morocco 
 into one region. Its climate was warm and moist ; its fauna and flora 
 were tropical in character ; and among the former man-like apes of large 
 size, taller and stronger than any now in existence, found a congenial 
 home. Their fossil remains, have been exhumed of late years near 
 Madrid, in the valleys of the Pyrenees and elsewhere in France, in 
 Tuscany and other localities in the Italian Peninsula. Within this 
 same region have been discovered those fragments of the human skel- 
 eton which geologists pronounce the most ancient yet brought to light, 
 and anatomists consider the most primitive in character. It seems there- 
 fore probable that man originated somewhere on that fonner European 
 continent, which, it will be observed, differed very widely from modern 
 Europe in size, outline, and climatic conditions. 
 
 As no such connected series of facts has yet been discovered to show 
 a similar development in Eastern Asia or Central Africa, we have no 
 reason to suppose that there was a separate centre of origin in either of 
 those localities. With the light which science at present sheds upon 
 the subject we must conclude that man had but one original abode, and 
 that was in some part of Western ancient Europe (conip. p. 240). 
 
 THE ORIGIN OF MAN. 
 
 Having in a measure defined both in time and space the first appear- 
 ance of man on our globe, we are prepared to go a step farther and inquire 
 how he came there — what natural or divine forces brought him into 
 being. 
 
 The answers to these questions which have been offered may be 
 arranged in three classes : 
 
 The first explains man's presence by a special creation, b}- a direct 
 fiat of the Almighty, which brought him into existence complete in all 
 his faculties. Almost all religions teach this doctrine in one fonn or 
 another. As it removes the inquiry from the domain of research to that 
 of belief, scientific men do not generally rest satisfied with this reply, but 
 suggest other possible theories of man's origin. 
 
 Theories of Origin. — The first of these is by heterogenesis. By this 
 is meant that the parents of one species might bring forth offspring so 
 widely different from themselves that this offspring would become the 
 starting-point of what would be virtually another and a new species. 
 We all know as a familiar fact that no child is precisely like its parents. 
 Sometimes the difference is very marked, both in physical appearance 
 and mental disposition. In many of the lower animals and under certain
 
 30 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 conditions this discrepancy is accentuated to such a degree that we could 
 not believe parents and offspring to be of the same race had their life- 
 histor}' not been traced. It is utterly inexplicable how some men of the 
 most brilliant genius come to be born of a line of most commonplace 
 ancestors. So, it is argued, there is nothing incredible in the supposition 
 that a child capable of inventing a tool and building a fire could have 
 been born to an anthropoid ape ; and these two advantages seem to have 
 been all that the earliest men possessed above the highest mammals. 
 "With them they were qualified, by slow degrees but surely, to conquer 
 the world. 
 
 The second theor\' is that by cvohttion under known laws. This is 
 the "Darwinian Theory," as it is called, and has received a great deal 
 of attention. It is a part of the general theor\' of the evolution of 
 organic forms which Darwin extended to both the animal and vegetable 
 world. As applied to the human race, he developed it quite fully in his 
 celebrated work entitled The Descent of Man, and his suggestions have 
 found favor with many ethnologists. 
 
 Darwin's theor>' is sometimes stated to be that man is descended from 
 the monkey or one of the apes. This is an error which he himself point- 
 edly corrected. His conclusion was that "man is the descendant, with 
 other species, of some ancient, lower, and extinct form." No competent 
 anatomist to-day would maintain that the human species was or could be 
 the offspring, however remote, of any other known species of animal. 
 
 Arguments f<n' Evolution. — The arguments for the development of 
 man from a lower form are drawn from several sources. First, we may 
 obser\-e that the most ancient osseous remains of man, as well as the 
 lowest existing varieties, have more points of similarity with the next 
 highest mammals than have the present highest t}-pes of the race. The 
 skulls exhumed from the ancient undisturbed strata of Western Europe 
 have thick walls, hea\w jaws, the lower half of the face prominent, but 
 the chin and forehead retreating, and the brain-capacit}' small. The tibia 
 or shinbone is flattened instead of triangular, the bone of the arm is per- 
 forated at its extremity, the areas of the insertion of muscles are rougher 
 and more prominent, and in other respects the bones assimilate more 
 closely to those of lower species. It has even been confidently asserted, 
 on the evidence of two ver}' ancient jaws, found one in the cave of La 
 Naulette, Belgium, the other in the Schipka cave, Moravia, that there 
 was such a marked deficiency in the muscular attachment of the tongue 
 that articulate speech could scarcely have been possible to the creature 
 who had such an inferior maxillary. That there has been a positive 
 advance on the structure of these early fonns cannot indeed be denied. 
 
 Rudimentary Organs. — Another argument of the evolutionists is the 
 presence in the human body of a number of so-called " rudimentar}- " 
 muscles and organs. These are structural elements which in man do 
 not ser\-e any purpose, but which are important parts in the economy of 
 some of the lower animals. It is believed that thev have survived in
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 31 
 
 man owing to the laws of transmission, although in an atrophied con- 
 dition and without any application to his present wants. There are many 
 such, as the muscle with which some persons can move their ears and 
 scalps ; the semilunar fold of the eyelids, which is a diminished repre- 
 sentative of the "nictitating membrane" of birds; the venniform appen- 
 dix of the small intestines ; and a number of small muscles occasionally 
 found in the human subject. No plausible explanation of these relics of 
 a lower anatomical structure has been offered except that they are the 
 traces of an inferior ancestry. 
 
 Reversions. — Further evidence of a similar nature is that derived 
 from the expression of the emotions, which presents striking similarities 
 in man and animals, and also in instances of what is called "reversion." 
 The latter includes those cases where children develop the phj-sical or 
 mental traits of brutes, diverging far from the normal standard of the 
 human race. 
 
 Embryology. — Great weight has also been attached to the argument 
 from embrj'ology. At a ver}^ early period of foetal life the human embryo 
 does not differ from that of any other vertebrate animal. Later on, it 
 resembles certain lower forms when adult ; and it is only at quite a late 
 period in its history that the young human being presents marked differ- 
 ences from the young ape. In fact, it is not much of an exaggeration to 
 say that in its uterine e?:istence the human child develops gradually 
 through the various lower orders of organic forms until it reaches the 
 highest. The inference is close at hand that the development of the 
 embryo portrays within the limits of nine months the life-history of the 
 race through the countless ages of geologic time. 
 
 Such, in a few words, are the arguments of the evolutionists. But 
 they are by no means secure from criticism. Although many anomalies 
 in human anatomy have been shown, the "connecting link" between 
 man and any lower species has never been pointed out. It is extra- 
 ordinary, to say the least, that of the millions of families scattered all 
 over the earth, not one has been discovered lacking the true specific 
 qualities of man as laid down on a previous page. Nor has the deh'ing 
 of geologists in the older strata been more successful in this direction, 
 though pursued with the greatest ardor. The facts from embryology and 
 from the presence of rudimentary parts may be capable of an entirely 
 different interpretation, as some able anatomists have pointed out. An 
 unbiassed mind, therefore, while acknowledging that the Darwinian 
 theory is the most plausible hypothesis yet offered to account for the 
 facts stated, will not accept it as a completely demonstrated law of 
 organic life as applied to man. 
 
 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL SURROUNDINGS. 
 Man is not only the most highly organized of all animals, but also the 
 most cosmopolitan of all. So wonderfully adjusted is his structure that 
 he can live and thrive in a range of two hundred degrees of temperature.
 
 32 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Nothing like this can be said of any other vertebrate. He also resides 
 with equal comfort in valleys far below the sea-level, as that of the Dead 
 Sea, and on table-lands and mountain-sides fifteen to twenty thousand feet 
 above the sea, as in Thibet and South America, where even an animal so 
 tenacious of life as the cat perishes. The tribes of some regions are 
 exclusively vegetarians, in others they eat nothing but animal food ; 
 during the bitter winters of Patagonia they go almost naked, and under 
 a tropical sun many are constantly clothed. There is little difference in 
 man's vigor whether he is roaming over the arid plains of the Sahara, 
 where rain never falls, or in the mountains of North-eastern India, where 
 the annual rainfall is nearly three hundred inches. 
 
 Adaptability of the Species. — Owing to man's extraordinary powers of 
 accommodation these diverse conditions of existence exert a remarkably 
 small influence either on his mental or bodily nature. The Eskimo amid 
 his wild wastes of snow, and in spite of the depressing influence of the 
 long polar night, is more cheerful, garrulous, inventive, and happy than 
 many of the tribes of the most favored climes. The school of ethnol- 
 ogists who endeavored to explain man's physical differences, and to trace 
 the course of his civilization, principally by means of climate and his 
 other physical environments, has now fallen to the rear. It is recognized 
 that man is stronger than his surroundings, and that their influence upon 
 him is far from that of master (comp. p. 396). 
 
 Effects of Climate on Physical Vigor. — With regard to climate — by 
 which term is generally meant temperature and moisture — it cannot be 
 said that it exerts any pronounced effect either on the bodily or mental 
 powers after the system has become "acclimated." This process may 
 take, indeed, several ofenerations. It is well known that the children of 
 European parents in India are feeble and short-lived ; but this is not 
 owing to any inherent inability in the European race to support the 
 climate of the country, inasmuch as a large portion of the natives are 
 pure Ar>-ans, descended from the same remote ancestors as the English 
 themselves. The languor and love of idleness which we often associate 
 with a tropical climate are contradicted by the colossal architectural 
 works which we find in the tropics of both hemispheres, and by the 
 exceedingly laborious lives of the inhabitants of many tropical regions. 
 The porters of Calcutta and Madras and the dyewood- and mahogany- 
 gatherers of Central Am.erica are generally men of exceptional vigor, 
 with whom it is no unusual task to labor at their onerous emi5lo)nients 
 twelve to fourteen hours a day with the thermometer at 100° F. in the 
 shade. 
 
 On the Duration of Life. — Nor does climate seem to exert any verj- 
 positive impression on the duration of life or the power of reproduction 
 in the human race. In the hottest portion of the globe, the region lying 
 along the shores of the southern extremit}- of the Red Sea, the natives 
 are generally long-lived and have numerous progeny. It has been 
 asserted that the tribes of the extreme North are less fertile and are
 
 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 33 
 
 rather short-lived, but it appears from more careful observatious that 
 their marriages have an average fertility, though the infaut mortality 
 is excessive, either from carelessness or infanticide, and that want and 
 exposure are the common causes of the death of the aged — all prevent- 
 able causes. 
 
 On the Height^ Sh-C7!gtli, and Weight. — The qualities of height, 
 strength, and weight are also largely independent of climate and sur- 
 roundings. Within the limits of British Guiana we find the tall, sym- 
 metrical, and powerfully-built Carib and the weak and stunted Warrau, 
 both natives of the spot for time out of mind. Many of the Polynesians, 
 hemmed in on their small islands, are described as offering the finest 
 examples of splendid physical form. 
 
 Effects of Elevation. — Elevation probably exerts a more direct influ- 
 ence on the physical structure than climate. The rarity of the atmo- 
 sphere requires a greater expansion of the breast to admit the proper 
 amount of oxygen to the blood, and the unusual development of the 
 thorax leads to corresponding changes elsewhere. A striking example 
 of this is furnished by the tribes which for generations have lived on the 
 hio-h lands of Peru and Bolivia with a minimum elevation of ten thou- 
 sand feet. They are remarkable for their long bodies, broad shoulders, 
 deep and high chest-walls, and disproportionately short legs. These 
 characteristics are transmitted, and remain in their descendants even 
 when for generations they have lived in the lower levels along the 
 seacoast. 
 
 LIMITS OF VARIATION IN THE SPECIES. 
 
 The folk-lore of all nations tells about giants and dwarfs, and up to a 
 recent date sober writers were willing to accept some of these tales as 
 founded on fact. Now, however, it is well ascertained that the limits 
 of variation in the human species are much narrower than those of any 
 species of domestic animal — the dog or the ox, for instance. It is a still 
 later result of investigation that these variations are not characteristics of 
 races or sub-species, but rather of tribes and localities. 
 
 Height and Weight. — This is especially true with regard to height and 
 weight. Thus in South Africa we find the Bushmen, usually quoted as 
 the smallest of the human family, having an average height of only 144 
 centimetres (56.7 inches), while adjacent to them are the Caffirs, of such 
 unusual stature that the average of ten of them was 183 centimetres (72 
 inches), both tribes belonging to the Negro race. The same contrast 
 reappears among the Malayans. The Asiatic Malays are quite short 
 and feeble, their average height being 154 centimetres (60.6 inches), while 
 the Polynesian Malays of some of the Pacific Islands are among the 
 largest of men, running up to the extraordinary average height of 193 
 centimetres (76 inches). The Obongos of the Soudan and the Lapps of 
 Northern Europe are scarcely, if at all, taller than the Bushmen. The 
 Eskimos are also quite short, but it would be a hasty generalization to 
 
 Vol. I.— 3
 
 - 1 ANTHR OPOL O G V. 
 
 infer, with some writers, that the extreme cold of the high latitudes 
 necessarily lowers the stature, as the nation of the white race which 
 has the highest average stature is the Scandinavian ; whereas the Ved- 
 dahs of Ce\-lon, a wild tribe said to be of Ar>-an descent, are small and 
 weak. 
 
 Height, weight, and muscular power can be developed within the 
 limits of anv race by favorable surroundings. During the Civil War 
 in the United States measurements in these directions were taken in 
 over a million subjects belonging to the white, the black, and the red 
 races. The interesting result was obtained that residence on this conti- 
 nent — at least on the northern portion of it — tends to develop all the 
 races in all these respects. The descendants in the second or third 
 generation of European settlers are taller and heavier than the average 
 Englishman, Frenchman, or German ; the recruits from the Mississippi 
 \'alley were taller and stronger than those from the coast ; but both were 
 surpassed in these respects by the native race of the soil, the Iroquois 
 Indians, some five hundred of whom were included in the comparison. 
 The tallest soldiers were from the States of Kentucky and Tennessee. 
 They measured an average of 176 centimetres (69.3 inches), while the 
 Iroquois braves reached to an average of 179 centimetres (70.5 inches). 
 
 All these statistics, it should be remarked, apply exclusively to the 
 male sex. The female sex displays ver\' much less variation. In the 
 shortest and weakest races the females are physically equal to the males, 
 and indeed often surpass them. On the other hand, where the stature of 
 the males is decidedly beyond the normal the female departs little from 
 it. Hence on measurements confined to the female sex alone the limits 
 of the variation of the species in these respects are more circumscribed. 
 
 Epoch of Puberty. — The attainment of the epoch of puberty and of 
 that of completed growth are other points in the first rank of ph}-siolog- 
 ical importance in which there is considerable variation. In general 
 terms, it may be said that puberty arrives in the tropics about three 
 years earlier than in high northern latitudes. That this difference is 
 closely dependent on temperature seems proved by the fact that healthy 
 children of parents from the temperate zones ripen more quickly in the 
 tropics, without regard to race, while the reverse is observed in the 
 negroes brought from Central Africa and domesticated for generations 
 in much colder latitudes. 
 
 Completed Growth. — The epoch of completed growth appears to bear 
 a fixed relation to the height. The taller the individual the longer he 
 will require to attain his full stature. This is not so natural a conse- 
 quence as it may seem at first sight, as the rate of growth is by no means 
 uniform, most of the height being attained long before the growth ceases. 
 B\- a comparison of the statistics obtained during our war with similar 
 European tables, it is shown that in Central Europe the growth generally 
 ceases by the twenty-first year, while in this country it continues to the 
 twenty-fourth }ear, and not rarely to the thirtieth.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 35 
 
 Longevity. — With regard to longevity there is a wide variation in fam- 
 ilies in the same community, in social classes, in the sexes, and in local- 
 ities, but probably not in races. The normal average age of man was 
 calculated by the eminent physiologist Flourens to be about one hundred 
 3'ears. He based his estimate on the relation which the average length 
 of life in the higher mammals bears to the period of utero-gestation, to 
 the time required to complete their growth, and to their attainment of 
 puberty. While thus his conclusion has strong foundation in analogy of 
 other species, it is far from holding true for man— either, as Flourens 
 maintained, because he does not live the life best suited to him, or for 
 some unknown reason. Searching inquiry where careful records ha\-e 
 been kept has constantly reduced the number of alleged centenarians. 
 The average duration of human life is about the third of a century, and 
 this appears to hold good in all races except where interfered with by 
 preventable causes, as habits, unwholesome food, epidemics, and the like. 
 Probably as striking an example of authentic longevity in a community 
 as can be adduced is that recorded by a visitor to one of the missions of 
 Lower California. In a village of about two hundred and fifty souls he 
 found six persons over one hundred years, all in fair possession of their 
 faculties, and their ages guaranteed by the records of the mission. They 
 all belonged to the pure native stock. 
 
 Tolerance of Disease. — In the tolerance of disease there would seem 
 at first sight to be a wide diversity in the races of man. For instance, 
 a disease so little feared in most civilized countries as measles becomes a 
 frightful pestilence among some savage tribes. By it alone in some of the 
 Polynesian islands almost the whole native population has been swept 
 away. Among the Central American tribes it has been more fatal than 
 the smallpox. But medical science explains away this seeming intoler- 
 ance of disease in these lower races. The mildness of these epidemics 
 in civilized communities arises from the fact that through an exposure 
 extending over many generations all those peculiarly prone to their 
 poison have been extinguished, and those who sur\'ived were such as 
 transmitted to their descendants a certain insusceptibility to the poison 
 of the epidemic. That this is the correct solution, and that this toler- 
 ance is not a matter of race, was proved sadly enough in the case of the 
 measles by the example of the Faroe islanders. This remote group to the 
 north of Scotland, peopled exclusively by whites, had never, so far as 
 known, had this disease brought to its shores until in the last century, 
 when it was imported on a fishing vessel. It immediately became epi- 
 demic on the islands, attacking adults and children indiscriminately, and 
 caused a mortality comparable to that which resulted from its introduc- 
 tion among the Maoris of New Zealand. 
 
 Fertility of Marriages. — Finally, with reference to the fertility of 
 marriages it has not been shown that any material differences exist 
 between different races. The prevailing notion that the lower races, 
 as the American Indians, are less productive than the higher, has
 
 36 ANTIIR OPOL OGY. 
 
 arisen from not taking into account the prevalence of abortion and 
 infanticide, tlie marriage of girls of too tender an age, the early 
 exhaustion of women by severe labor, and like incidental causes, 
 which certainly limit the families, but do not tell against the fertil- 
 ity of the race when under favorable circumstances. The American 
 Indians on the reservations have families quite as large as their white 
 neighbors. Even the products of crosses between races are entirely 
 fertile, although the contrary has been repeatedly stated. 
 
 Oilier Variations. — There are other variations sometimes referred to 
 race, but which belong properly to nations, or even to limited branches 
 of a nation. Such is the obliquity of the eye among the Japanese and 
 Chinese. It is esteemed by them a mark of beauty (//. i. Jigs, i, 2, 3, 4). 
 It is, however, neither coextensive with the Mongolian race nor confined 
 to it. The traveller D'Orbigny met a tribe in South America with just 
 such Mongoloid eyes. The shape of the orbit does not cause this pecu- 
 liarity, as it depends entirely on the disposition of the soft parts of the 
 face. 
 
 Not less singular is the extraordinary development of the nates in the 
 Hottentot women, sometimes to such an extent that they cannot rise when 
 in a sitting posture (Sir Andrew Smith), but, like the foot of a Chinese 
 woman (//. i, fig. 5), there is reason to believe this is the product of 
 sedulous cultivation, aided by transmission. 
 
 THE PRIMITIVE CONDITION OF MAN. 
 
 Popular Opinion. — It will be seen, from what has been said, that the 
 general argument of evolution or development, whether this is taken in 
 its zoological or merely in its historical sense, assumes that the primitive 
 condition of man was an exceedingly low one, removed but one step above 
 that of an intelligent brute. 
 
 This is a scientific inference only, as no such condition of man is 
 known to history, and no tribe has ever been found even nearly approach- 
 ing such a low stage of culture. Moreover, it is in contradiction to the 
 generally-accepted opinions on the subject both among cultivated and 
 uncultivated peoples. In the traditions of almost every nation we hear 
 of an Age of Gold, an Arcadian or Saturnian epoch, during which their 
 remote ancestors lived in peace and joy, and were men in all respects of 
 mightier powers than their descendants. From this high estate they fell 
 through some act of disobedience to the supernal powers or through the 
 machinations of some potent enemy. 
 
 When these mythical conceptions had in a measure lost their hold 
 upon the cultivated fancy, they were replaced by the dreams of philos- 
 ophers, who pictured the natural condition of man as one of harmless 
 liappiness, culling the fruits of the forest for his food, and ignorant of 
 laws or morals because it had not entered his mind to go counter to their 
 principles or to injure his fellow-mortals. 
 
 Scientific Opinion. — The assumption of science is very different from
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 2,7 
 
 either of these pictures. It regards early man as a savage lower than 
 the lowest known to lis— a brute without speech, without ambition, with- 
 out religion. He was utterly dependent on his natural surroundings and 
 the slave of his appetites and lusts. Family life he had none, nor the 
 sense of shame, nor the appreciation of the beautiful. Less cleanly than 
 many beasts, far less warm and fixed in his affections than many, he was 
 content with his condition, and felt no inborn longings for anything 
 higher, anything better. 
 
 Argument from History. — The accuracy of this portraiture is guaran- 
 teed by many lines of argument, which may be briefly mentioned. First 
 is the historical. The records of every nation carry it back to a period 
 of barbarism. The story is everywhere one of improvement, beginning 
 with arts which are rudimentary and an imperfect social condition. 
 Continue this universal statement by the method of analogy, and we 
 reach a condition of culture indefinitely low as that of the earliest 
 pre-historic society. 
 
 Arguments fram Archccology. — These results are justified by archae- 
 ology. We have already seen that this begins with a period when a 
 rough stone and a club were the highest expressions of human art. The 
 relics of the Cave men in the caverns of Belgium prove that they lacked 
 the neatness of the fox, as they allowed the remains of their repasts to 
 lie where they fell, not even cleaning the holes that served them as 
 dwellings. The customs of marriage and descent in the oldest and 
 rudest tribes render it probable that the relations of the sexes were at 
 first very loose, that there was not even that permanent pairing seen 
 among most birds, and that unions often began with violence and con- 
 tinued with the slavery of the female. 
 
 Argument from Language. — Investigations into the origin of language 
 testify to the same effect. Wherever commenced, they point back to a 
 period when human speech was a series of cries, each a sentence in itself, 
 without syntax, and limited to the concrete needs of a wholly physical 
 existence. These interjectional cries constitute the radicals or root-words 
 of languages. They are not identical nor numerous, but by a series of 
 extraordinary devices, never the same in any two examples, nations have 
 built upon them all the stately structure of vocal expression. We have 
 even seen that the jaws from the Schipka cave and the Trou de la Nau- 
 lette have been believed to cast doubt on any power of articulate speech 
 whatever in the early ancestors of man. (See p. 30.) 
 
 From the Tendency to Retrogression. — That the natural condition of 
 man was an exceedingly low one seems further to be indicated by his 
 strong tendency to retrogression. History is full of examples where 
 nations, after having gained a certain degree of civilization, lost it 
 far more rapidly than it had been acquired. Their arts and laws were 
 forgotten, and their descendants, as in Asia, Egypt, and Central America, 
 wander through the ruined halls of their ancestral palaces without a 
 glimmer of tradition as to their past greatness. Nor is modern history
 
 38 ANTIIR OPOL OGY. 
 
 lacking- in similar instances. Many of the Spanish and Portugfuese in 
 America have sunk to the level of the lowest natives. St. Hilaire found 
 some in Brazil who had lost the knowledge of money and the taste for 
 salt ; Von Tschudi discovered pure-blood Spaniards in the remote valleys 
 of the Peruvian Andes who had forgotten their native tongue, whose 
 religion had degenerated into the grossest superstition, and who in no 
 respect were superior to the natives about them. The Portuguese of the 
 Gold Coast have become as low as the Negroes in moral qualities, and 
 beneath them in courage ; and it is generally conceded that the Nor- 
 wegian colony in Greenland in the twelfth century was amalgamated 
 and sank into the neighboring Eskimos. 
 
 In this respect there is little difference in races. The fall is almost as 
 rapid in the white as in any other race. The passion for hunting and 
 fishing, even in the most civilized nations, indicates how strong remains 
 the tendency to forsake a cultured for a wild life, and how powerful are 
 the impulses inherited from ancestors who for hundreds of thousands of 
 years, perhaps, subsisted by these means. 
 
 From Osseous Remains. — To support these lines of argument, the 
 oldest bony remains of man indicate an inferiority to the present race. 
 The most authentic of these are — 
 
 1. The Neanderthal Skull {pi. 3, Jigs. 2-4). — This was found in a cavern 
 near Diisseldorf in 1856, in a diluvial stratum, and associated with bone*^ 
 of extinct species and parts of a human skeleton. The character of 
 this skull is most striking. There is no forehead, the superciliary 
 ridges are excessively developed, the bones are thick and heavy, the 
 head elliptical, the sutures are nearly all consolidated, and the occipital 
 region very protuberant. The head is therefore notably long in propor- 
 tion to its width, or "dolichocephalic." The capacity is 1220 cubic 
 centimetres. 
 
 2. The Skull from Engis., Belgium {pi. 2, Jigs. 6, 7). — This is believed 
 to be of later date than that from the Neanderthal cave. It also is 
 markedly oblong, with prominent superciliar}' ridges and prolonged 
 and rather flattened occiput. It undoubtedly belonged to a low type 
 of humanity. 
 
 3. The Jazv oj La Naiilctte {pi. i. Jig. 7). — This was also discovered 
 in Belgium, in the cave called "LaTroudela Naulette," near Dinant. 
 It is a part of a solid and heavy lower jaw, retreating like that of an ape. 
 The molar teeth, instead of diminishing as they proceed toward the 
 angle of the jaw, as in man, increase in size. At the median line of 
 the internal curve of the bone, where in man there is a small protuber- 
 ance sen.-ing for the attachment of an important muscle of the tongue, 
 the genioglossus, there is, instead of this protuberance, an actual 
 depression, as in the monkeys. This has been held to indicate that 
 the owner of this jaw could not articulate any known form of human 
 Speech; and this human bone has been pronounced "the most ape- 
 like that has ever been discovered" (De Mortillet). It was asso-
 
 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 39 
 
 ciated with remains of the elephant and rhinoceros, and belonged 
 therefore to a very ancient type of man. 
 
 THE SUB-SPECIES OR RACES OF MAN. 
 
 If we accept the conclusion which has been offered in the previous 
 pages, that all human beings belong to one zoological species, and are 
 descended, if not from one pair, at least from a small group of similar 
 animals occupying a limited territory toward the close of the Tertiary 
 epoch, we are next called upon to explain the very obvious and perma- 
 nent differences between the varieties of men wliich now exist. 
 
 The distinctions between a negro and a white man are too positive to 
 be accidental, and of too long standing to be explained by any temporary 
 cause. Scarcely less so are those which divide the native American from 
 the white and other inhabitants of the Old World. 
 
 As already remarked, these differences are not sufficient to establish 
 other species, but they are, in the aggregate, so clearly marked that they 
 separate the species into a number of sub-species, otherwise known as 
 Races, Varieties, or Types of Mankind. 
 
 Antiq2tity of Races. — These sub-species are of v^ery ancient date. On 
 some of the mural paintings in the valley of the Nile the negro and the 
 pure white are clearly distinguished from the brown Copt, thus proving 
 that at the dawn of history the racial traits were just as pronounced as 
 they are now. But we can with safety proceed much beyond this. It 
 was pointed out by Agassiz that the areas occupied by the principal races 
 of men at the earliest known epoch corresponded closely to the areas of 
 related fauna as defined by zoological geography. This points very 
 strongly to the conclusion that a particular race developed coevally 
 with the fauna with which it was surrounded, and hence must be 
 approximately of the same age. Grant this, and the division of the 
 races of men must be put back in time to somewhere about the close 
 of the Tertiary epoch, perhaps to the Glacial period, after which tremen- 
 dous catastrophe the surface of the earth slowly assumed its present 
 physical conditions and areas of organic life. 
 
 Ho7no primigenius. — Previous to their dissemination over the globe 
 the primitive representatives of man may have been of several closely- 
 allied species, which by intermixture led to the formation of one type, as 
 in the instances previously mentioned of the domestic dog and ox ; or 
 they may have been at first of but one species. The latter has proved 
 the most acceptable theor}' to recent writers, and it has been proposed 
 to call this precursor and ancestor of man Homo primigenius, "primi- 
 tive man." Others, advocates of positive theories, not satisfied with 
 this vague term, have called him Homo alaiiis, "speechless man," and 
 Homo anlhropopitJieats, "ape-like man." With the inadequate know- 
 ledge that investigations have as yet supplied, it is not worth while, as 
 some have attempted, to go into a detailed description of what this first 
 representative of the race must have been in appearance.
 
 40 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 
 
 Differences betiveen Races. — The differences between the races are 
 exceedingly numerous. They vary in their anatomy and physiology, in 
 location and language, in social customs and mental powers — even in the 
 parasites that infest them. Notwithstanding all this, these variations are 
 so mutable, they so shade off between races, they are, when taken indi- 
 viduall)', so capricious and unstable, that it is impossible to accept any 
 one as a means of classifying the species into its sub-species. To illus- 
 trate this, we may examine the various systems of classification which 
 have from time to time been proposed. 
 
 Number of Races. — These have differed as much in number as in the 
 principles on which they are based. Scarcely any two ethnologists have 
 divided the race alike, which is to be construed as a convincing proof of 
 the uniformity of its type. The zoologist Cuvier was content with the 
 most limited number, grouping all examples under a threefold division 
 into the white, j'ellow, and black races ; but it is acknowledged that in 
 this scheme it is difficult to find a place for the Malays and the American 
 Indians. Dr. Samuel George Morton went to the other extreme, and 
 insisted that there are at least twenty-two anatomically distinct races ! 
 while Mr. Charles Pickering,, long the most prominent ethnologist of the 
 United States, maintained the intermediate number of eleven races. 
 
 PROPOSED CLA.SSIFICATIONS OF RACES. 
 
 We shall now examine in turn the traits on which these and other 
 writers have subdivided the human species, so as to give each its just 
 weight. 
 
 I. By Location: The Linncran System^ or the Geographical Syslc7n. — 
 In this scheme the species is simply divided with reference to the geo- 
 graphical areas which its various tribes inhabit. It is sometimes called 
 the Linnccan classification, as having been suggested by the eminent 
 Swedish naturalist Linnaeus in the last century. The continental areas 
 give their names to the races, thus dividing the species into six — the 
 European, the Asiatic, the African, the American, the Australian, and 
 the Oceanic. 
 
 In spite of the numerous and elaborate systems which have been 
 devised since Linna:us wrote, there is much to be said in favor of 
 retaining this simple and broad division of ethnographic science, espe- 
 cially with a few provisos and modifications. 
 
 One excellent reason is that it commits one to no theory of character- 
 istic and permanent traits. Furthermore, although not strictly identical 
 with the areas of characteristic fauna, the great geographical divisions 
 named certainly approach near to them, and each presents some features 
 peculiarly its own. 
 
 Again, it must be understood that these divisions are to be considered 
 to apply to the location of the tribes of mankind, not as they are now, 
 but at the earliest period known to history or where pre-historic research 
 can confidently locate them. Thus, the European race is now found all
 
 ANTHR OrOL OGY. 41 
 
 over the globe, and at the dawn of history occupied large tracts in West- 
 ern Asia ; but the most modern research renders it almost certain that it 
 was in its origin exclusively European, and that the Persians, the Brah- 
 mans, even the Semitic tribes and the Copts of pure descent, wandered 
 eastward out of Europe at some very remote epoch. The true Negro is 
 found nowhere out of Africa, other than in those countries whither we 
 know he was transported. The same is the case with the American 
 Indian, and it holds nearly as good in the instances of the Asiatic 
 Mongolian and the Malay. 
 
 We find, therefore, that the Linnsan or Geographical method of clas- 
 sification, when properly applied, approaches closely that which has long 
 been the most popular — that 
 
 2. By the Skin: Its Color ^ Odor, or Parasites. — The color of the skin 
 is the most striking feature which impresses the observer, and conse- 
 quently was the first adopted as a means of classification. It is used for 
 this purpose in early Egyptian, Hebrew, and Greek literature, and upon 
 it is based the classification proposed by Blumenbach, Cuvier, and others. 
 The former, who is often spoken of as the founder of scientific anthro- 
 pology, in his celebrated treatise Dc Generis Hitmani l^arietate, proposed 
 a division into five races or varieties, based almost exclusively on the color 
 of the skin (see frontispiece) — to wit: 
 
 1. The White or Caucasian race, the purest types of which he believed 
 could be found among the tribes of the Caucasus or to have proceeded from 
 that locality ; 
 
 2. The Yellow or Mongolian race, of which the Chinese are typical 
 examples ; 
 
 3. The Black or Ethiopian race, embracing the true Negroes of Africa ; 
 
 4. The Red or American race ; and 
 
 5. The Brown or Malayan race, including the Polynesians. 
 
 Cuvier, as has been mentioned, followed Blumenbach in selecting 
 color as the most salient trait in the varieties of the species, although 
 he restricted the shades to three, omitting the red and brown races. 
 These he treated as branches of the yellow race. 
 
 To estimate the importance of the coloration of the skin, its phys- 
 iological origin should be understood. This has been but imperfectly 
 attained. Anatomically, color is not even "skin deep." It arises from 
 a deposit of carbonaceous matter from the blood immediately upon the 
 surface of the dermis or true skin. When by accident, as a scald or a 
 blister, the epidermis or scurf-skin is removed in the Negro or Indian, 
 most of the coloring-matter comes away with it, and the dermis has the 
 appearance of that in a white man {pi. i, fig. 9). 
 
 Causes of OA?;'.— Physiologists have sought to explain the greater 
 deposition of coloring-matter in one individual than in another b\' the 
 difference in the relative activity of the great secretory organs, the lungs 
 and the liver. Where the lungs are fulh' developed and in high func- 
 tional activity, the venous blood is thorough!}- artcrialized in passing
 
 42 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 
 
 through the puhnonic circulation ; that is, the carbon it contains passes 
 off as carbonic oxide into the air. Where the puhnonary action is slug- 
 gish, the liver acts the part of a compensatory organ, the secretion of bile 
 is increased, but the carbon is by no means so completely abstracted from 
 the blood, and, passing into the fine capillaries lining the papillae of the 
 true skin, is deposited on their surface, thus forming the pigmentary coat 
 above described. 
 
 This theory is supported by several observed facts. The arterial and 
 venous bloods of natives of tropical climates, and of Europeans long resi- 
 dent in them, do not present that marked contrast of color visible in tem- 
 perate latitudes, thus indicating deficient arterialization. Furthermore, 
 it has been shown by extensive dissections that the lungs of Negroes are 
 smaller in proportion to the height and weight of the individual than in 
 the white race. That they are also much less efficient organs is shown by 
 the greater liability of the black race to pulmonar}' diseases in temperate 
 and cold climates. 
 
 Correlated to Exemption from Disease. — It has also been argued that 
 the coloration of the skin and this physiological difference in the activity 
 of the lungs and heart are "correlated," as it is termed, with a greater 
 resistance to the effects of prolonged heat and with an immunity from the 
 action of malarial and similar poisons. The Negroes of the West Coast 
 of Africa live in health where it would be death to any European to spend 
 a night. Nor do they feel the prostrating power of the heat in anything 
 like the same degree. Simstroke, though not absolutely unknown in the 
 black race, is exceedingly rare. The blacks are usually proof against 
 yellow fever, and even the half-breed mulattoes can generally expose 
 themselves to it without danger. 
 
 If we suppose that the causes which bring about a black skin also 
 confer these exemptions from disease, we can readily see that by the pro- 
 cess of "the extinction of the unfit" the lighter-colored members of a tribe 
 exposed to a tropical climate would perish more rapidly than the darker, 
 until an entirely dark tribe came to be established. This correlation has 
 not, however, been proved, and there are various reasons rather to believe 
 that the immunity from these diseases is merely one of acclimation with- 
 out reference to color. African travellers — Dr. Nachtigall, for instance — 
 state that when the Negroes are exposed to the malaria of a different dis- 
 trict from that to which they have been accustomed they frequently are 
 attacked by it ; and, on the other hand, the Spanish Creoles of Cuba, of 
 pure white descent, are no more liable to the yellow fever than the 
 Negroes, and they can support the ardors of a tropical sun with equal 
 indifference. 
 
 Distribution of Colored Races. — Onl}' as a general rule, subject to 
 nximerous exceptions, and not as a physiological law, can it be said that 
 color darkens as we approach the equator and becomes lighter toward 
 the poles. The natives of the Arctic regions, the Laplanders, the 
 Tchuktchis, the Eskimos, though belonging to different races, are
 
 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 43 
 
 all dark, quite as brown as the majority of residents within the tropics. 
 The inhabitant of the bleak and damp climate of Tierra del Fuego 
 has just as deep a hue as a Botocudo, whose home is in the tropical 
 forests of Brazil ; while the Abipoue, who lives about midway between 
 them, is several shades lighter than either. Directly under the equator, 
 on the eastern slopes of the Andes, are the Yurucare Indians, whose 
 name means "White People," given to them by their neighbors, the 
 much darker Ouichuas, because of their remarkably fair comiDlexions. 
 The natives of Central Africa are by no means all equally dark. They 
 vary in different tribes from an ebony-black to a chestnut-brown. 
 
 It is further significant, as showing that a deep coloration of the skin 
 is probably an acquired rather than an original character of the race, that 
 the new-born infants of all the dark races are several shades lighter in 
 hue than the adults. Several years are required for their skin to become 
 as dark as that of their parents. 
 
 Variations of Color in the Same Race. — The variation of color within 
 the limits of all the races is equally marked. The most completely white 
 communities are found among the Slavonic populations of Southern and 
 Central Russia. Their hair is colorless, and their complexion so near 
 a "dead white" that one anthropologist (Theodor Posche) has selected 
 the vast Rokitno swamps as the original home of the white race, which 
 he thinks arose by an endemic albinism ! 
 
 The Scandinavians still retain the traits of the "blue-eyed, yellow- 
 haired, fair-skinned, large-limbed warriors" who alone of all men checked 
 the advance of Rome in the plenitude of her power, and excited the admi- 
 ration of the Latin poets. The Romans themselves, like the Greeks and 
 Iberians, and like their descendants to-day, were much darker than the 
 Teutonic tribes ; the Semites of Northern Africa, Phoenicia, and Arabia 
 present a still deeper hue ; until among the Copts, Berbers, and Abyssin- 
 ians, all ranked with the white race, the color shades by imperceptible 
 degrees into a decided brown not distinguishable from the lightest of the 
 pure negro hue. Yet among the Spaniards and Italians examples of 
 pure blondes with light hair occasionally occur. In Spain this is con- 
 sidered a sign of Gothic, in Ital)- of Etruscan, descent ; but it is prob- 
 ably a reversion to the ancient type of the race. 
 
 Albinism. — The processes o{ albinism and melanism occur as patholog- 
 ical conditions in all races, and may materially influence the general hue 
 of a community. Among the Pueblo Indians of Arizona it is not at all 
 uncommon to observe fair skins and blue eyes, and this in families of 
 pure blood. It is explained by the prevalence of albinos among them, 
 whose traits are transmitted by descent. Either partial or complete 
 albinism is frequent in the Negro race. The skin becomes of a dead 
 white, usually retaining small patches of the normal black color, thus 
 presenting a mottled appearance. The tendency is said to be hereditary. 
 
 Melanism. — Instances of mela7tisTn, or turning dark, are frequent in 
 the white race. The areola of the nipple in pregnancy generally
 
 44 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 changes to a decided brown ; freckles and moles are other local 
 instances ; certain skin diseases present the same phenomenon, as also 
 a variety of cancer ; while the degeneration of the suprarenal capsules 
 — organs in no way connected, so far as known, with the functions of 
 the skin — is associated with a bronzing of the entire surface of the 
 body. 
 
 These facts show that color is influenced by obscure physiological 
 changes quite irrespective of climate. There seems reason to believe 
 that this has taken place on an extensive scale within the historic period. 
 The Roman historians describe the Britons as a blond race with yellow 
 hair ; but their descendants, as represented in the inhabitants of Wales 
 and Cornwall, have dark complexions and brown or black hair. The 
 Cherokees of East Tennessee and Northern Georgia are described by the 
 earh' travellers as unusually fair, some of them as much so as South- 
 ern Europeans. At present they are not noticeably fairer than other 
 tribes. Change of food and manner of living may explain these 
 anomalies. 
 
 Taken together, colors ser\'e as an excellent rough-and-ready means of 
 classifying mankind, well marked in their extremes, but in the mean 
 blending so constantly one into another that no hard and fast lines can 
 be laid down, and surely misleading the ethnologist who would depend 
 on these alone as a basis for a system. 
 
 Odor of the Skm. — Closely connected with the color of the skin, and 
 probably dependent upon it, is the odor which it exhales. This is per- 
 ceptible in health in direct proportion to the amount of carbonaceous 
 mat'ter secreted from the blood. Brunettes emit more positive odors than 
 blondes, the Semitic than the Ar}-an nations, and the full-blood Negroes 
 most of all. Their acrid, ammoniacal effluvium is said to have been per- 
 ceived many miles at sea, and in the days of the slave-trade often betrayed 
 the living cargo to the British cruisers. 
 
 Even the most cleanly white person is instantly recognized through 
 the sense of smell by his dog, and the lower races of men with highly- 
 developed olfactor}' pow'ers perceive the odor of the European as distinct- 
 ly as we do that of the Negro. In the dialect of the Chilian half-breeds 
 there is an adjective, catinca^ to express this smell of a white man. Were 
 our olfactory ner\'es as sensitive as those of many animals — as the deer's, 
 for instance, which will scent the hunter a mile away — this would prob- 
 ably be the most positive race-distinction of all ; but, as it is, we can treat 
 of it only as an accessory to the color of the skin. 
 
 Parasites of the Skin. — Upon the ph5'siological constitution of the skin 
 depends another classification of the human race which was suggested by 
 Darwin. Indeed, he advanced it as an evidence of the specific diversity 
 of the species. This is the dijfere?ice in the species of parasites that make 
 their home upon or within the human body. It is a familiar fact to 
 naturalists that the lice and fleas which infest different species of animals 
 are themselves specificallj^ diverse ; and this holds good of some internal
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 45 
 
 parasites of the same generic character. According to the testimony of 
 several investigators, the pediculi which harbor in the hair and skin of 
 the negro are of different species from those on whites, and neither will 
 continue on persons of the other race. The observations, however, on 
 this subject are too scanty to admit of any positive generalizations. 
 Habits and locality have probably more to do with the facts quoted than 
 diversity of race. In communities, as the large cities of the United 
 States, where the white and black races are thrown together under pre- 
 cisely similar conditions, no such difference of parasitic life has been 
 noticed. On the contrary, school-teachers are often made aware of the 
 facility with which the unkempt children of either race will transfer 
 pediculi to the other. 
 
 3. By the Hair: Shape, Color, Abundance. — Some of the most modern 
 classifications of the human race are based almost exclusively on the hair. 
 It is claimed that no other portion of tlie economy is so permanent and so 
 characteristic. Pruner Bey in France, Ernst Haeckel and Friedrich 
 Miiller in German)', are distinguished names which have supported and 
 given popularity to this view. They claim that the human race can be 
 broadly separated into two great divisions, the one marked by woolly, the 
 other by smooth hair, which in turn are capable of several subdivisions. 
 
 Shape of the Hair. — These peculiarities of the hair depend on its con- 
 formation. When the cross-section of a hair is examined with the micro- 
 scope, it is found to be not circular, but more or less oval in shape {pi. i, 
 fig. 6). The less the difference between its maximum and minimum 
 diameters — in other words, the more nearly the cross-section approaches a 
 true circle — the smoother, coarser, and straighter is the hair ; the greater 
 the difference between the diameters — that is, the flatter each hair is — 
 the finer, harder, and curlier it becomes. 
 
 Straight-haired and Jl'oolly-haired Races. — The variations in these 
 respects are very noticeable. The nearest approach to a circular form is 
 found among the South American Indians, where the proportion of the 
 short to the long diameter of the hair is 95 : 100. In most of the American 
 tribes it is about 90 : 100. Next to these stand the Mongolian nations of 
 Eastern Asia, with an average of 85 : 100. In the European race the 
 shorter diameter sinks to about three-fourths of the longer, or 75 : 100. 
 It is further reduced in the Australians to about 70 : 100 ; among the 
 Hottentots and Bushmen, to about one-half, or 50 : 100 ; and finally, in 
 the Papuas of New Guinea, to an average of one-third, or t^t, : 100, some 
 rare cases sinking as low as one-quarter, or 25 : 100. 
 
 When the smaller diameter is less than half the longer, the hair will 
 felt like the wool of a sheep, though in no instance does human hair 
 equal wool in this respect. 
 
 All the tribes having woolly hair originally lived near the equator or 
 south of it ; all were in the Old World, and, except the Papuas, on the 
 continent of Africa ; in all of them the skull, as a rule, is long and 
 narrow (dolichocephalic) ; in all the jaws protrude beyond the vertical
 
 46 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 line of the face (prognathic) ; all have remained on the lower stages of 
 culture, being neither city-builders nor founders of great states ; all are 
 black or dark in hue ; and in them all there are peculiarities of structure 
 which assimilate them more closely to the highest apes than is the case 
 with other varieties of the species. Hence they are considered to have 
 been an extremely early variation of the species, and either to have retro- 
 graded from the original type or not to have shared in an equal degree in 
 the development which it has undergone. 
 
 Woolly hair itself has two modes of growth, which have been taken 
 for ethnological distinctions. Either it is equally distributed over the 
 scalp, like the fleece on the back of a sheep, or it grows in a number of 
 separate tufts or bimches, which have been likened to the arrangement 
 of bristles in a shoe-brush. The Papuas, the Hottentots, and some of the 
 tribes of the Soudan present the latter characteristic, while the majority 
 of Negroes have the fonner. 
 
 A similar twofold distinction is observable in the smooth-haired races. 
 Either they have straight, stiff hair, like the Chinese and the American 
 Indians, or their locks are wa\y or curly, like those of most Europeans. 
 
 Abundance or Deficiency of Hair. — Another peculiarity of the hair 
 which has to do with the distinction of races is its abundance on the 
 person. While the hair on the head grows with great luxuriance in the 
 Mongolian and American races, baldness being very uncommon among 
 them, their beard is almost always very scanty, and they have ver}' few 
 hairs on the surface of the body compared with the European. This is 
 tnie also of the Hottentot and Papuan tribes, and measurably so of most 
 African Negroes. Among the Australians, on the other hand, a full beard 
 is not uncommon. 
 
 Classification of tJic Races by the Hair. — By comparing these peculiar- 
 ities Prof. Friedrich Miiller has proposed the following classification of 
 the human race on the basis of the character of their hair : 
 I. Woolly-haired T\'pe. 
 
 A. Tuft-haired : i. Hottentots ; 
 
 2. Papuas. 
 
 B. Fleece-haired : i. African Negroes ; 
 
 2. Caffirs. 
 II. Smooth-haired Type. 
 
 A. Straight-haired : i. Australians ; 
 
 2. Hyperboreans ; 
 
 3. Americans ; 
 
 4. Malays ; 
 
 5. Mongolians. 
 
 B. Curly-haired : i. Dravidians; 
 
 2. Nubians ; 
 
 3. Mediterranean tribes. 
 
 This classification is supported in some instances by evidence from 
 language. Thus, all the Caffirs speak related dialects, and so do all the
 
 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 47 
 
 Malayan tribes. It is probable that the same is true of the Papuas and 
 the Australians, at least so far as the ultimate grammatical structure of 
 their dialects is concerned. 
 
 Criticisms on lliis Scheme. — On the other hand, there are various 
 exceptions to the general character of the hair-growth which offer 
 serioiis difficulties in accepting this classification as final. Thus, pre- 
 cisely among the straight-haired Mongolians, who are classed as beard- 
 less and with little hair on their bodies, we find the Ainos, who reside on 
 Saghalin and the Kurile Islands, and who are the hairiest people on the 
 face of the globe. Their faces are covered with hair to the eyes, and their 
 bodies equal in this respect any of the European nations. At least one 
 American tribe of pure blood has been observed (by the traveller D'Or- 
 bigny) to wear long and full beards. The tufted character of the hair 
 of the Papuas and Hottentots reappears in a less degree among the 
 Bantu and Bechuanas of South Africa, both of the Caffir stock, and the 
 latter certainly of pure blood. It is also occasionally observed among 
 negroes of the United States, whose ancestors must have been brought 
 from the coast of Guinea. The very considerable diversity in the hair 
 of members of the white race is apparent to every one. We occasionally 
 see persons with it straight, coarse, and black as that of many an Indian ; 
 others with a friz strongly reminding one of a negro. Every museum 
 has its "bearded woman," often with a tolerably thick coat of hair on 
 the body ; while the skin of others is nearly as smooth as that of a youth- 
 ful Mongol. It must be remembered also that most of the smooth- 
 skinned races have for generations sedulously plucked out the hairs on 
 the face and body, which leaves it uncertain how far their present con- 
 dition is the result of natural causes, or of this artificial habit finally 
 leading to a loss of transmission of the hair-follicles. 
 
 4. By the Skull : Science of Craniology. — The science of craniology^ 
 which devotes itself to examining the skull and its component parts, has 
 been zealously cultivated by many ethnologists in the belief that it offers 
 the means of an accurate classification of the human race. To such a 
 pitch of refinement has this study been carried by some of its disciples 
 that they claim that it is necessary to make one hundred and thirty-nine 
 measurements of each skull in order to determine its proper position in 
 the craniological scheme! Most obser\'ers, however, have been content with 
 two imaginary lines drawn through the skull at right angles, one giving 
 its length, the other its breadth, from one external surface to the other. 
 
 These measurements have shown, in the first place, that the circum- 
 ference of the skull is never that of a true circle unless the bones have 
 been subjected to artificial compression ; it is always more or less oval, 
 the transverse being always shorter than the antero-posterior diameter. 
 The extent to which this is the case is the principal basis for the proposed 
 classification. Those skulls whose section approaches a circle belong to 
 the so-called broad-headed, or brachyccphalic^ those which are more oblong 
 to the long-headed, or dolichocephalic, races.
 
 48 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 As these terms are necessarily vague, certain mathematical limits have 
 been adopted. Measuring the transverse or shorter diameter in per cent- 
 ages of the longer, we find the utmost observed limits to be 98 : 100 for 
 the broadest skull known, one obtained from Tartary, and 58 : 100 for the 
 narrowest, a Celtic skull. The majority of the species have skulls in 
 which the proportions of the diameters fall between 74 : 100 and So : 100. 
 All included between these measurements are called vicsocephalic or orl/io- 
 ccpJialic ; while the term brachyceplialic is confined to cases where the 
 transverse is more than ^"^ths of the antero-posterior diameter, and doli- 
 chocephalic to where it is less than yVtr*^^^ °f ^^ antero-posterior. 
 
 The eminent Swedish anatomist Retzius combined the shape of the 
 skull, as shown by its two diameters, with the prominence of the jaws, to 
 erect a fourfold division of the human species. If the bones of the head 
 are examined in profile, it will be observed that in some cases the upper 
 and lower jaws project much more than in others. Such are termed 
 prognathic skulls, while those where the jaws protrude little or not at all 
 beyond the vertical line of the profile are known as orthognathic. By 
 combining these four characters, and after many years of careful research, 
 Retzius completed his scheme of classifj'ing the race, as follows : 
 
 I. Dolichocephalic Type : 
 
 A. Orthognathic, | Germans, English, Celts, Romans, Greeks, 
 
 I Hindoos, Persians, Arabs, Jews. 
 
 B. Proonathic | Africans, Australians, Chinese, Tunguses, 
 
 " ' I Eskimos, some American tribes. 
 
 II. Brachycephalic Type : 
 
 A. Orthocrnathic, -f ^^""^' ^apps, Hungarians, European 
 
 '^ ' \ Turks, Slavs, Basques, Etrurians, etc. 
 
 f Samoieds, Asiatic Turks, Circassians, 
 
 B. Procmathic, \ Afghans, Tartars, Malays, Mongolians, 
 
 * ' I Polynesians, Papuas, some American 
 
 ^ tribes. 
 
 It is quite obvious from an examination of this scheme that it is in 
 violent contradiction with that previously given on p. 46, as well as with 
 familiar facts from other sources. The Chinese are dissevered from the 
 other Mongolians, the Turks in Europe from those in Asia, the Afghans 
 from the Persians, the Slavs from the Germans, etc. ; whereas we know 
 from a mass of other evidence that no such separation is tenable. The 
 extremes of narrowness of skull have been found in Celtic and New Zea- 
 land specimens, which have not the slightest racial connection, and the 
 latter of whom are placed by Retzius among broad-headed races. Among 
 American tribes there are frequent and marked differences in these and 
 all other measurements of the skull. 
 
 Later investigators have conclusively shown that the confident state- 
 ments of Dr. Samuel George Morton in his great work. Crania Ameri- 
 cana.^ where he undertakes to define the specific American types, are
 
 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 49 
 
 altogether erroneous. Furthennore, it has been acknowledged of recent 
 years that in a collection of skulls from Central Germany there is scarcely 
 one that cannot be matched by an analogue in an equally large collection 
 from the Soudan. 
 
 The consequence is, that there has been a growing scepticism about 
 the value of craniometry as a basis of classification. The most that can 
 now be claimed for it is that if a reasonably large number of crania from 
 one locality indicates a marked deflection in either direction from the 
 mean, we may assert with reasonable probability that they did or did not 
 belong to persons of certain nationalities. For example, in a collection 
 of 237 skulls from Germany the transverse diameter of the narrowest bore 
 the proportion 69 : 100, while the average of 66 skulls from Africa pre- 
 sented these same numbers, 69 : 100. 
 
 There is some evidence also that the shape of the skull is transmitted 
 with little alteration. The modern Fellaheen and Copts in Egypt have 
 precisely the same average (71.5 : 100) that was yielded by measuring a 
 series of ancient mummies. On the other hand, the modern Greek head 
 is 2 per cent, broader, and the modern Italian about 6 per cent, broader, 
 than those from ancient graves. This lateral expansion is explained by 
 the introduction of large colonies of broad-headed Teutons and Slavs 
 about the period of the migration of nations. 
 
 Craniological Ilhtsiyations. — On Plate 2 {figs, i^a^b^ c) will be seen types 
 of dolichocephalic, mesocephalic, and brachycephalic crania. Figures 10, 
 II represent the actual difference between a Tartar and a New Zealand 
 skull. Figures 5, a, /?, c, show in profile the orthognathic, mesognathic, 
 and prognathic facial line. The remaining figures, from actual speci- 
 mens, present the traits considered peculiar to certain nations. 
 
 5. /?!' Language . — The methods of classification above mentioned are 
 all derived from the physical structure of man. There are others which 
 are drawn from his mental powers and his psychical peculiarities. Most 
 important of these is language. The value of the forms of speech in 
 determining the relationship and descent of nations has been steadily 
 increasing as the correct principles of its application have been more 
 clearly defined and its positive results recognized. 
 
 The proper comparison of languages must be instituted from two 
 directions — the one, the similarity of their words, or lexical identity ; the 
 other, the similarity of their formation of sentences, or grammatical 
 structure. 
 
 Lexical Identity. — The lexical identity of languages has been greatly 
 misused for ethnological purposes from ignorance and lack of scientific 
 method. It was long supposed to be snfificient to compare a vocabulary 
 of words in one language with those of the same meaning in another in 
 order to decide the question of their relationship. This is a superficial 
 and fallacious procedure. Not only does the same word change both form 
 and signification from one generation to another, but verbal identities fre- 
 quently exist where no relationship is possible. Moreover, words are 
 
 Vol. I.— 4
 
 50 ANTHR OPOL OGY. 
 
 freely borrowed, and pass from one race to another with facility, some- 
 times retaining, sometimes altering, their original sense. 
 
 Changes in JVords. — How a word may change its fonn so as to be quite 
 nnrecognizable is well illustrated by numerous examples in English. 
 Thus, no foreigner hearing them for the first time would imagine that 
 pen and feallier are merely fonns of the same word. 
 
 Borroivcd Words. — The borrowed words may be very numerous, and 
 must be carefully eliminated before instituting comparisons. In some 
 languages, as in English, they may be from the most diverse sources. 
 There is no quarter of the globe that has not contributed more or less 
 to the English vocabulary. But it is too obvious to need emphasizing 
 that because we have such words as barbecue, canoe, hominy, hurricane, 
 etc. from the nati\'e idioms of America, they do not testify to a descent 
 from the races of that continent, nor even to the slightest intennixture 
 of blood. They are merely loan-words^ obtained through commercial or 
 social contact. Such loans occur in every tongue which has come in 
 proximity with another, and they must be omitted in an ethnological 
 scrutiny of the idiom. 
 
 Onomaiopoictic Words. — Another class of misleading terms are those 
 which imitate the sounds of nature, the so-called onomatopoieiic words. 
 A bird or an animal will be named by an imitation of its cry ; the sough- 
 ing of the wind, the roaring of the waterfall, and other natural phenom- 
 ena, from the sounds they make. These sounds do not impress the senses 
 of all hearers alike, or we should find such words the same in all tongues. 
 This is not the case, but there is often such a similarity in the onomato- 
 poietics of the most remote languages that scientific linguists are unan- 
 imous in discarding them from service in ethnological comparisons. 
 
 Natural Expressions of the Einotions. — A third class of words which 
 present deceptive similarities are those which may be called the natural 
 expressions of the emotions. The inarticulate cries of pain or pleasure, 
 fright, surprise, or admiration, which make up the interjections of lan- 
 guage, are not the same in difiFerent races. They are often, however, 
 based on the same vowel sounds, and articulate words formed from them 
 are liable to be quite similar. For example, the first crj' of pain of the 
 new-bom child is always a wail in the first sound of the letter «, as in 
 father. The first articulate words it uses contain this same vowel; and as 
 these first words are in most instances those with which it addresses its 
 parents, papa., mamma, these two terms of consanguinity are very similar 
 in the most radically diverse languages, and have no value in deciding 
 the relationship of nations. 
 
 How many words of the two classes above mentioned there may be is 
 still a debated point, some linguists claiming that most of the radicals of 
 all languages having been derived either from imitation or the psvcholog- 
 ical vocal expression of sensation, they must have a general sameness. 
 
 Coincidences. — To these must be added purely accidental resemblances. 
 They are more numerous than a simple arithmetical computation (as some
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 51 
 
 have attempted) would lead us to suppose. Although the total phonetic 
 elements of articulate speech have been placed by some at about four 
 lumdred, they rarely exceed the tenth of this in any tongue, and in 
 some sink as low as eleven. Many of their combinations are theoretical 
 only, being unsuited to the vocal organs or repellant to the genius of the 
 language. It is safe to say that every language uses very much less than 
 I per cent, of the mathematically possible combinations of its phonetic 
 elements ; even that it uses less than i per cent, of their vocally possible 
 combinations. 
 
 These limitations greatly increase the probabilit}- of fortuitous iden- 
 tities in sound and signification, especially where, as in many tongues, a 
 word is usually a single syllable. With every added syllable the chances 
 of the identity continuing are of course vastly decreased, so that vvdiile 
 an identity of meaning in a monosyllable in two languages has little 
 weight, it is practically impossible that a word of four syllables should 
 by accident mean the same in both. Thus, the Maya of Yucatan, nearly 
 a monosyllabic tongue, has various identities with the English, as Iiol^ 
 hole, /o/, poll (head), even bated., battle, but they are absolutely acci- 
 dental and never extend beyond a dissyllable. In many monosyllabic 
 languages a syllable may have several significations, and this increases 
 the probability of such coincidences. Ta in Chinese has twenty-six 
 different meanings, and hence the chances are twenty-six times greater 
 that it will coincide with the meaning of ta in any other language than 
 if it had but one. 
 
 But all arguments on such lexical identities rest on the erroneous 
 assumption that language is something fixed and its elements per- 
 manent. So far from true is this that when we find a word the same, 
 and with the same meaning, in two tongues not closely related, we may 
 be quite sure that they do not come from a common source and have 710 
 genealogical connection — nothing but an accidental one. The language 
 faculty of man is forever altering, remodelling, working over its pos- 
 sessions. Whatever it receives from another tongue or from an antece- 
 dent generation it invariably stamps with some new device : it adds or 
 omits, it changes quantity or accent, it modifies and substitutes. This is 
 not effected capriciously or intentional!}', but unconsciously and in 
 accordance with fixed laws of utterance. It is the pro\-ince of the 
 scientific linguist to ascertain and expound these laws, and it is only in 
 obedience to them that we can with any safety proceed to compare the 
 vocabularies of different nations. 
 
 Nothing but a deep knowledge of these laws, gained by the prolonged 
 study of many dialects, could have enabled linguists to accomplish one 
 of the most brilliant successes they have achieved, the classification of all 
 the dialects and languages of the Aryan race, and the partial reconstruc- 
 tion of the original speech from which they sprung at an epoch far bej'ond 
 the remotest horizon of history. 
 
 Cranniiatical Structure. — The grammatical stnicture of languages is
 
 52 ANTHROPOLOG Y. 
 
 considered to be greatly more permanent than the forms of words. In- 
 deed, by some of the most profound students of the subject it has been 
 held to be, in its governing principles, unalterable. An analysis of these 
 principles has led to the classification of all the languages of the globe 
 into four divisions. They correspond to a certain extent with the chief 
 continental areas and with the division of the species by the peculiarity 
 of color. They are as follows : 
 
 I. Isolating Languages. 
 Characteristics. — Words are simply arranged in the sentence in ju.xta- 
 position, without change of form or grammatical connection. 
 Spoken by Chinese, Siamese, Burmese. 
 
 II. Inflecting Languages. 
 
 Characteristics. — Each word indicates by its own form its character 
 and relation to the proposition of the idea which it represents. 
 
 Spoken by the Ar3'an nations, the purest types being the Sanskrit, 
 Greek, Latin, and Gothic. 
 
 III. Agglutinative Languages. 
 Characteristics. — The sentence is formed by suffixing to the word 
 
 various terminations modifying and limiting it. 
 
 Spoken by the Finns, Turks, and many northern Asiatic tribes. 
 
 IV. Incorporative Languages. 
 Characteristics. — The leading word is either divided and the modify- 
 ing terms inserted, or they are united to it as prefixes and suffixes, so that 
 the whole sentence assumes the form and sound of one word. 
 
 Spoken by most of the American tribes. Incorporation is regarded as 
 a characteristic of American languages. The Basque has a somewhat 
 similar character. 
 
 Polyglot tic and lifonoglottie Paces. — It will be seen that while these 
 great divisions are, in a general way, peculiar to certain races, they are 
 not absolutely so. Still less is this the case with single stocks of lan- 
 guages. Both the Semitic and Ar>'an peoples belong to the pure white 
 race, but their languages are totally diverse, arid it is next to impossible 
 to believe that they could ever have flowed from the same source. Such 
 races are called polyglottic, while those who speak dialects of the same 
 tongue are monoglottic. The best specimen of the latter is the Malay 
 race. All its members, from Madagascar to Easter Island, make use of 
 dialects unquestionably scions of the same stock. This is also the case 
 with all the Caffir tribes of South Africa, and some aver it of the natives 
 of Australia. 
 
 Changes in Language. — These facts show the great permanence of 
 linguistic forms when not disturbed by violence. In geographical area 
 the Malayan race was the most widely dispersed of any. By it the Poly-
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 53 
 
 nesian islands were inhabited between two thousand and three thousand 
 years ago. They were found by them uninhabited ; therefore since then 
 the language has undergone no other alterations than those caused by time 
 alone. These have proved to be very slight, and dialects which certainly 
 have been dissevered two thousand j'ears remain almost mutually intel- 
 ligible. 
 
 The principal causes of change in language are war and migration. 
 But it has been well said that a nation which loses its language is also 
 quite sure to lose its independent nationality, whether conqueror or con- 
 quered. The Normans entered France as a victorious people, and seized 
 and held the land, but in one or two generations they had lost both their 
 native tongue and national unity. On the other hand, the Jews and the 
 Gypsies, though for centuries wandering over the globe, retained their uni- 
 ty by maintaining through all changes their separate tongues, the Hebrew 
 and the Romany. In proportion as they lose the knowledge of these they 
 dissolve and become merged in the nations among whom their lot is cast. 
 
 Causes. — The forced migration of great numbers of the African race 
 to America as slaves led to the phenomenon of large bodies of the blacks 
 speaking English, French, Portuguese, or Spanish. But in pre-historic 
 times no such extensive transportation would have been possible, and it 
 is safe to say that the simpler the conditions of social life the more accu- 
 rately does similarity in language testify to the kinship of blood. 
 
 Rise of Dissimilar Languages. — The problem of accounting for abso- 
 lutely dissimilar linguistic stocks occurring in the same race, as the Arj'an, 
 Semitic, and Basque in the white race, is perplexing. It is inconceivable 
 that one of these could ever have been derived from either of the others. 
 Nor can we understand how the three could ever have been developed 
 from any one primitive form of speech. 
 
 The modern theory to explain these and similar instances is that the 
 race had definitely obtained and fi.xed its racial characteristics before it 
 had a language at all — before it had emerged from that inarticulate con- 
 dition which, as has heretofore been observed (p. 38), seems to be indicated 
 by some of the oldest osseous remains. When these had become fixed and 
 the race had separated into several branches, living remote from each 
 other, then, and not till then, did these branches severally develop their 
 modes of speech and on entirely dissimilar principles of construction. 
 
 If this view is accepted, an interesting sequence is that the number of 
 distinct linguistic stocks spoken within tlie limits of a race is probably in 
 proportion to the antiquity of that race, as it is evident that its bands were 
 numerous at that remote epoch when human speech had not appeared. 
 Hence an extremely polyglottic race, like the American, would be much 
 more ancient than a monoglottic race, like the Malayan. In these two 
 instances the reasoning is borne out by geologic and historic evidence, 
 and is sufficient to disprove conclusively the theory sometimes advanced 
 that America was peopled by landfalls on its western coast from the Poly- 
 nesian islands.
 
 54 ANTIIR OPOL OGY. 
 
 6. By Social Organisations. — Even a superficial obsen^ation of the 
 species shows that its members differ materially in their capacity for 
 social organizations, both of a civil and religious character. Some have 
 thought that these might ser\e as a basis for distinguishing kinship of 
 blood and forming a classification of nations. 
 
 Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity.— On^ _oi the most ambitious 
 attempts in this direction was that of an American scholar, Mr. Lewis H. 
 Alorgan. He made a voluminous compilation of the systems of consan- 
 guinity and affinity of all tribes and nations, ancient and modern, as far 
 as he was able to obtain them, and where they proved identical in cha- 
 racter his theory was that the tribes were descended from a common 
 stock. 
 
 As usual, exclusive attention to one such trait involved him in conflict 
 both with every previous system and with all historic probability ; which, 
 however, did not shake his faith in his hypothesis. Thus he found that 
 the system of consanguinity of the sub-tribe of Seneca-Iroquois in West- 
 ern New York was identical in many characteristics, wliich he deemed 
 radical, with that of the Tamil people of Southern India ; and, in spite 
 of the enormous distance separating them and their diversity in so many 
 other respects, he declared that the most satisfactory- theory to explain 
 this was to suppose that they were descended from common ancestors, who 
 had been accustomed to this mode of stating the family relations. Few 
 have been found willing to follow him thus far. 
 
 Systems of Rcligioji. — Religions have been regarded by some as race 
 peculiarities. Monotheism has been said to belong to the white race, 
 fetichism to the black, and polytheism to the yellow. While this also 
 has a certain degree of truth in it, inasmuch as certainly these religions 
 are most prevalent among the races assigned to them in the scheme, yet 
 many circumstances go to show that the religion of a race is mainly a 
 matter .of culture and instruction. Mohammedanism, the most mono- 
 theistic of religions, has millions of converts among the blacks of the 
 Soudan ; many of the white race in South America have sunk to a 
 fetichism as low as that of the natives, although it may still be called 
 by the name of Christianity ; and faithful converts to the religion of the 
 Bible are counted in large numbers in every race. 
 
 Occupations. — The distinction between pastoral and hunting tribes has 
 by some been elevated to one of racial division. It is certainly a curious 
 fact, and one most deeply influencing the destiny of races, that some have 
 enjoyed from earliest historic times the power of subjecting lower animals 
 to their use, and that others have never possessed or exercised this talent. 
 Although the African elephant is as docile as that of Asia, and was tamed 
 with great success by the Carthaginians and Numidians of the white race, 
 it has never been brought under subjection by the blacks. It would be 
 difficult to estimate the enormous advantage to intellectual development 
 v.-liich those two animals, the horse and the cow, have been to that por- 
 tion of the human race which domesticated them. Without his trained
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 55 
 
 doo-s it is doubtful if the Eskimo could have established hiuiself iu the 
 reeions of the frozen North. 
 
 In contrast to this it is noticeable that the pure American race in no 
 part of the continent domesticated any animal for draught or burden, none 
 for its milk, and even the dogs which were often found in their possession 
 were rather for food than to aid in the chase. The feeble llama of Peru 
 was the only animal of any importance which was known as a domestic 
 beast, and it was limited to a very narrow geographical area. The pas- 
 toral life, with its flocks and herds, its notions of personal property, and 
 its humanizing care for the lower animals, was unknown throughout the 
 American continent, as it was throughout Australia and in many portions 
 of Africa held by the black race exclusively. 
 
 Results of the above Comparisons. — From this review of the various 
 plans proposed to classify the human species into its several races, it will 
 be apparent that no one of them is entirely satisfactory'. Taken alone, each 
 conflicts with well-marked traits laid down by the others. This is as we 
 might expect from the unity of the species. All that we can aim to do is 
 to group under some general and loose-fitting subdivisions those members 
 of the species which display the greater number of similarities. 
 
 For this purpose it is doubtful if we can have recourse to any better 
 s^■stem than that long since suggested by lyinnseus, and arrange the differ- 
 ent tribes and peoples under the great continental areas which they mainly 
 inhabited at the period when they were first known to histor}', or where 
 sound reasoning from other sources, as from language (see p. 52), would 
 place them. 
 
 In this manner we may with propriety speak of the American race, 
 which includes all the inhabitants of the New World at the period of its 
 discovery, with the possible exception of the Eskimos ; the Oceanic race, 
 which embraces the native tribes of Polynesia, Melanesia, Micronesia, 
 and Madagascar, including representatives of three stocks, the Malayan, 
 the Papuan, and the Australian, and numerous crosses of all these ; the 
 Asiatic or Mongolian, whose home is or was definitely located in Central 
 and Western Asia ; the African or Negro race, pure types of which were 
 found scarcely anywhere outside of that continent ; and, finally, the 
 European, which at a period pre -historic indeed, but easily traceable by 
 archaeology and language, was confined to Europe, the extreme north of 
 Africa, and the extreme west of Asia. 
 
 Present Relations of Races. 
 Obliteration of Race Distinctions. — Within the historic period the rise 
 of great monarchies, which enabled rulers to prosecute extensive foreign 
 conquests, the increase of commercial intercourse, and the enlarged facil- 
 ities of intercommunication have tended to the obliteration of racial dis- 
 tinctions, partly by extensive migrations, partly by originating mixed 
 races. When these connnixtures are of a higher with a lower race, it is 
 almost exclusively of males of the higher with females of the lower, and
 
 56 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 the result is that socially the children of mixed blood sink to the level of 
 their mother's race. This is witnessed in the mulattoes and in the min- 
 gling of Mongolians and Negroes. These are also physically inferior, with 
 less energ}' of spirit and vigor of body to make their way in the world 
 and to resist disease than the pure blood of either stock. A striking 
 example of this is the rapid decay of the Polynesian islanders, the present 
 generation undergoing a steady diminution, although largely influenced 
 by intermarriages with both the white and yellow races ; the children 
 indicate a high rate of mortalit}-, and if they sur\'ive to adult years are 
 inferior to the pure Polynesian stock in physical power. 
 
 The contrar}' is the case where two races on the same plane inter- 
 marr}', possibly one reason being that the women of both races partake 
 in the commixture. Examples of this are the Melanesians, the product 
 of long-continued intermingling of the straight-haired Polynesian with 
 the woolly-haired Papuan. This has developed a powerful and energetic 
 stock, bold warriors and navigators, superior to either of the pure races 
 from which the}- sprang. The same improvement has been observed in 
 the children of marriages between the negro and the Indian in America. 
 They are usually large-limbed, muscular, with an extraordinar\- growth 
 of hair, and become the leaders in the rude communities where they 
 dwell. 
 
 Still more strongly are the advantages of such blendings obser\-able 
 when they take place within the limits of the race itself Thus, of all 
 the Finnish folk the noble and chivalric Magyars take the lead — a people 
 of ver>' mixed descent, a cross between Finns, Slavs, and Gennans ; the 
 most progressive of the German stock are those whose ancestors sprang 
 from crossings either with the Slavs or with the Romance nations of 
 Southern Europe ; most vigorous and energetic of all are the English, 
 and it is more than a coincidence that they are also the product of the 
 most numerous crossings of Celtic, Romance, and Teiitonic breeds. 
 
 Destiny of Races. — It is probable that the pure stock of all the more 
 deeply colored races, the Negroes, the Australians, the Papuas, and the 
 American Indians, is destined gradually to fade out within a few centuries. 
 In the United States the mulattoes already decidedly outnumber the 
 negroes of pure blood ; on some of the Indian reservations scarcely a 
 single pure-blooded child can be found ; on many of the Pacific islands 
 a real Polynesian is rarely to be seen ; and this process is constantly 
 extending through the greater inducements offered by the males of the 
 lighter races and the marked se.xual preference extended them by the 
 females of darker hue. The highest race will, however, always preserve 
 the purity of its blood — not owing to laws or outside pressure, but to the 
 abhorrence of its females to mingling with the lower stock, and to the 
 independence which modern life ensures them to follow their instincts in 
 this respect.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. 
 
 Plate i. 
 
 I. Eye of a Japanese; 2. Eye of a Corean; 3. Eye of a Chinese; 4. Eye of a DyaU (Borneo). 5. Foot of a Chinese 
 woman. 6. Sections of hair highly magnifietl (after Pruner) : a. Japanese ; l>. German ; c. African negro ; <t. Papuan. 7. J;i\v 
 of La Naiilelte, from the Ungual side: a. Lingual depression; b. Lingual prominence; <-. Sublingual depression, with llie 
 cavity of insertion of the genio-glossal muscle. 8. a. Hand, li. Foot, of Chimpanzee (after Vogt) ; c. Hand, <i. Foot, of man. 
 9. Section of negro sUin, nuich magnified (after KoHiker) : a. Dermis, or true skin ; /), c. Rete mucosum ; d. Epidermis, or 
 scarf skin. 10. Neolithic (later Stone Age) implements: a. Stone celt, or hatchet; b. Flint spear-head; c. Scraper; d. Arrow- 
 heads ; e. Flint flake-knives ; /. Core from which flint flakes were taken off; g. Flint awl ; /;. Flint saw ; /. Stone hammer- 
 head. II. Various forms of human pelvlses : a. Of a young German woman; b. Of a Javanese woman; c. Of a negress; 
 (/. Of a liu.shwonian. 12. Palxolithic (curlier Stone Age) flint picks, or hatchets.
 
 ANTHRUl'ULOGY. 
 
 Plate 2. 
 
 Crania. — l. Top view of: a. Negro skull (index 70, dolichocephalic) ; /'. European skull (index 80, mesocephalic) ; 
 c. Samoied skull (index 85, lirachyceplialic). 2-4. Skull from the N'candcrlhal (near Diisseldorf, Prussia). 5. Sii'e view of: 
 n. .'\uslralian skull (proijnalhic) ; /'. African skull (prognathic); <■. European skull (orthognathic). 6, 7. Skull from Engis 
 (Valley of the Meusc, IStlgium). 8. Skull from Kotzcbue Sound (.Alaska), g. ISase of skull of an old Roman. 10. Tar- 
 tar skull. II. New Zcal.iud skull. 12. .Mcutian skull. 13. Caflir skull. 14, 15. Calmuck skull. 16. West Australian 
 skull, with the outhncs of the Xeandcilhal skull.
 
 PART II. 
 ETHNOLOGY 
 
 ETHNOLOGY proper is distinguished from Ethnography. The 
 latter describes the customs, laws, and habits of nations ; the 
 
 former seeks for the conditions which give rise to these habits, the 
 influence they exert on the destiny of commonwealths, and the principles 
 of life which they illustrate. Both of them have to do not with races, 
 but with peoples — with what the Greeks termed ethne {sdnTj), communities 
 bound together by some common tie and separated from other communi- 
 ties by traits peculiar to themselves. 
 
 Determinative Elements. — It is the aim of Ethnography {iduo<;^ "a 
 people," ypdfsiu, "to describe") to depict, of Ethnology to explain, the 
 physical conditions, the stage of culture, and the social life of the various 
 tribes of men, with the final aim of interpreting, by a comparison of such 
 facts, the universal laws of progress of the human species. Ethnology 
 acknowledges the inseparable relations of mind and body, and that man's 
 grandest discoveries and noblest impulses are the late fruits of a long 
 series of humble strivings. Therefore, its comparisons begin with the 
 most rudimentary arts and with the most prosaic and coarsest needs of 
 life. On the manner in which these were satisfied depended in a great 
 measure the position of the community in the scale of development 
 They are, to use a technical form of expression, the " detenninative ele- 
 ments ' ' in the growth and history of nations. The most important of 
 these elements may be classified as follows : 
 
 I. The Food-supply ; 
 II. The Sexual Relation ; 
 
 III. Language ; 
 
 IV. Technology, or the Arts ; 
 V. Government and Laws ; 
 
 VI. Religion ; 
 These, together, make up the sum of human life and human histor>-. 
 We shall take them up one by one, and point out how they exercise 
 their influence on men and nations, and how they have moulded commu- 
 nities into what they have been and are. 
 
 Some philosophers who have analyzed human motives have traced 
 
 57
 
 58 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 them all to two sources, so comprehensive that they embrace the ultimate 
 springs of all conscious action whatsoever. The first of these is the 
 instinct of self-preservation ; the second is the instinct of reproduction; 
 or, to express them in the more direct words of a celebrated writer, ' ' the 
 sense of hunger and the passion of love ' ' (Turgueneflf). These, there- 
 fore, as the primary conditions of all life, whether individual or national, 
 present themselves as the first two elements for examination in ethnic 
 conditions. The first concerns the food-supply^ the second the sexual 
 relation. 
 
 I. THE FOOD-SUPPLY. 
 
 InflueJtce of Quality of Food. — It has been mentioned on a previous 
 page (20) that the structure of the human teeth does not authorize the 
 statement that either animal or vegetable food was ever man's exclusive 
 or ' ' natural ' ' diet. In his different communities he is found subsisting 
 now on one, now on the other, generally on a mingling of both, as oppor- 
 tunity ofiers. Climate and facility of acquisition usually determine his 
 fare. The majority of men eat that which is obtained with least cost, 
 whether it be of labor or money. This is a necessity with many, and 
 the preference of others. The influence of climate in this respect has 
 been exaggerated. The raw flesh and fat in which the Eskimo delights, 
 and the boiled rice and ghee or melted butter which is the favorite dish 
 of the Hindoo, have not been selected by these peoples on account of their 
 greater adaptability to their respective climates, but because they could 
 get nothing else so easily. So it will be found with most national 
 djshes. 
 
 The physiological theor>' that the foods richer in hydrocarbons are 
 unconsciously selected by the residents of cold climates, and those defi- 
 cient in them by the natives of the tropics, is an error in fact. Most 
 tribes near the equator are lovers of meat, and eat it whenever they can 
 procure it, even consuming it when in a nauseating condition ; and recent 
 Arctic explorers have reported that the Eskimos are quite as greedy of 
 canned vegetables as they have been traditionally of tallow candles. Nor 
 is the health of a person in the tropics injured by a moderate use of 
 animal food. On the contrary', the experience of the English in India, 
 and more recently of the French in Panama, has demonstrated that such 
 a mixed diet in hot countries is a safeguard against the diseases of the 
 abdominal organs which are so prevalent in those climates. 
 
 The doctrine, long a favorite with physiologists, that man requires a 
 variety of food for his physical well-being, is another which has not stood 
 the test of ethnological research. The roving Indian of the Plains, who 
 lives exclusively on unsalted meat ; the Polynesian, who was accustomed 
 for eight months in the year to make his meals from bread-fruit ; the 
 Central American natives, whose bill of fare scarcely ever went beyond 
 the preparations of maize ; and the Scotch peasant, who in former times 
 tasted nothing except oatmeal six days out of seven, — were all examples
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 59 
 
 of conspicuous bodily vigor nourished by almost a single article of diet, 
 quite different in each case ; and many more such examples could be 
 added to this list. Such monotony would, however, be keenly felt if 
 adopted by one who had long been used to a diversified fare. He would 
 no doubt suffer in health and strength, but not more so than when those 
 who have been wont to subsist on one article change their food. Alex- 
 ander von Humboldt observed that the South American tribes, wlio had 
 been accustomed to a very limited range of articles of food, suffered 
 severely in health when they removed to other districts where these sub- 
 stances could not be obtained. The greater readiness with which resi- 
 dents of the temperate zones adapt themselves to the extremes of climate, 
 and thus are qualified to become the masters of the world, is partly owing 
 to the changes of the seasons to which they are exposed, forcing them to 
 vary their diet at different periods of the year, and thus to strengthen 
 their digestive powers. 
 
 There can be no doubt that indirectly, in this and other ways, the 
 quality of the food e.xerts a perceptible influence on the physical cajjaci- 
 ties, and therefore to a corresponding extent on the mental faculties. But 
 its influence in both these respects has been greatly overestimated by many 
 recent writers. The distinction between "brain food" and "body food" 
 has little or no foundation in fact ; and the notion advocated by the histo- 
 rian Buckle and his disciples that the chemical constituents of the prin- 
 cipal food-supplies of a nation explain in a great measure its condition of 
 culture and the incidents of its history, is entirely beyond the guarantees 
 of sober science. 
 
 Influence of Qiianlity of Food. — The same, however, cannot be said 
 of the quantity of food. It must be maintained without reservation that 
 an abundant suppl}', a quantity even more than barely sufficient, a slight 
 excess, is essential to the fullest development of the human powers, be 
 they physical or mental. The belief that muscular strength and endur- 
 ance, or intellectual clearness and grasp, are improved by persistently 
 denying the appetite and affording the body a continuous under-supply 
 of nourishment, is a serious error, however much it has been endorsed by 
 philosophers, theologians, and athletic trainers. Ethnology can trace the 
 physical and mental decay of whole nations to a long course of insufficient 
 food. The Bushmen of South Africa have already been quoted as an 
 example of the most stunted and inferior representatives of the human 
 race ; but let it be added that this is true only of those who have for 
 generations lived in a condition of semi-starvation in the unproductive 
 wilds of the Kalahari Desert ; while others of the same stock, whom 
 Livingstone met in the fertile districts south of the Ngami Lake, were 
 quite up to the average stature, finely proportioned, and nowise deficient 
 in intelligence. The Australians in the well-stocked liuntiufr-oTounds in 
 the east of that continent are a type very superior to the wretched speci- 
 mens who eke out a half-famished existence in the inhospitable bush of 
 the west coast. The miserable Fuegians, who are described b)- Darwiu
 
 6o ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 as on tlie lowest plane of the species, deriving a precarious subsistence by 
 picking lip the shellfish and seaweeds of their rocky shores, are a branch 
 of the same parent tree which in the rich forest-lands of Chili produced 
 the bold Araucanians, who for centuries have held their own against the 
 encroachments of the white man, and won his respect by their martial 
 prowess and mental aptitude. 
 
 Similar examples are common throughout historj^ and all over the 
 world. They teach that it is not the quality of food — provided that it 
 contains the elements of nutrition — nor yet the monotony or diversity of 
 diet, but almost exclusively its quantit)-, that exerts an influence on the 
 abilities and historic importance of a nation when studied simply as a 
 question in physiology. 
 
 Sources of the Food-Supply. — But the food-supply has other very 
 important bearings besides the merely physiological one. Nothing has 
 more visibly influenced the progress of culture than the various methods 
 resorted to for procuring, preserving, and preparing food ; and to these 
 points, therefore, we must devote careful consideration in reflecting on 
 the principles of Ethnolog}'. 
 
 All communities obtain their food either (i) from natural products, (2) 
 from cultivated products, or (3) by exchange and commerce, or by a com- 
 bination of these methods. In proportion as one or the other prevails or 
 becomes the sole method, all the other characteristics of the community 
 become altered to correspond to this primal condition of existence. We 
 will examine each of them separately. 
 
 I. From Natural Products. 
 
 The earlier and the ruder tribes have always contented themselves 
 with such food as the vegetable and animal world supplied them ready 
 to their hands. The fruits of the forest and the denizens of the streams 
 and woods sufficed for their wants. Wherever this condition pre^•ails it 
 is impossible for communities to be large in size or to have permanent 
 abodes, for the favored spots where Nature is lavish enough with her gifts 
 to support a large population at all periods of the year are too few, if 
 indeed they anywhere exist, to be other than rare exceptions. Hence, no 
 mere hunting tribe or race of fishermen has ever founded durable states 
 or effected permanent and extended settlements. They are too unstable 
 to allow of the concentration of power, and they are found split up into 
 a number of small septs in a condition of constant war with each other, 
 the usual grievance being the encroachment on each other's rights to the 
 possession of food-localities. 
 
 Although the guiding principle of all the extensive and lasting migra- 
 tions of the human race is the food-supply, this is especially obvious 
 where this supply is limited to the spontaneous products of nature. The 
 earliest inhabitants of a district invariably confined themselves to that 
 portion of it where their wants could be most easily supplied. When 
 the population had so increased that these wants were in excess of the
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 6i 
 
 supph', a portion of the inhabitants moved elsewhere, seeking those spots 
 where food could be obtained with the niininium of exertion. Only when 
 the localities abounding in fruits, game, or fish were forcibly closed to 
 them by stronger hands did they content themselves with the insufficient 
 nourishment afforded by the desert and the tundra. Thus, the investiga- 
 tions of Nordenskjold have shown the Tchuktcliis of the northern shores 
 of Siberia to be a conglomerate of ethnic fragments driven into those 
 inhospitable regions by the pressure of mightier nations, who dispossessed 
 them of the more genial hunting-grounds to the south which they for- 
 merly controlled. Such is the history of all tribes dwelling in deserts and 
 infertile tracts. 
 
 The long-received opinion that the race scattered from some centre 
 over the earth's surface impelled by a desire of novelty or conquest, and 
 in accordance with definite plans, is now out of date. The savage man 
 has no ambition and no curiosity, and lays no plans beyond satisfying the 
 immediate needs of his body. 
 
 Hunting Weapons. — It has been estimated that in the temperate zone 
 it requires on the average sixteen square miles to support one individual 
 by natural products alone. Although any such calculation can only be a 
 loose approximation, this will indicate that even in comparatively favored 
 regions the struggle for subsistence is to the savage a severe one. Hence 
 he was stimulated by the most urgent of needs to develop those arts which 
 would facilitate him in obtaining his food — those relating to hunting and 
 fishing. We may suppose that at first a club and a stone were his only 
 hunting weapons, but he soon acquired more effective means of securing 
 his prey. He leanied to sharpen a stone and affix it to the end of a stick, 
 thus forming a spear or javelin to throw, or with which to thrust. Nor 
 was it long before he discovered that he could greatly increase the force 
 of his dart by using a hurling-stick, as was seen among the natives of 
 Central America and elsewhere, or by projecting it from a piece of wood 
 bent by the sinew of an animal — the first bow and arrow. This import- 
 • ant invention was made extremely early in the life of the race, in times 
 long anterior to the beginning of histor}-, and was so widely known that 
 but few tribes have been discovered entirely ignorant of it. Until the 
 discovery of gunpowder and firearms in modern times nothing was devised 
 to surpass it as an effective aid either in assaults on wild beasts or in the 
 conflicts of men. 
 
 By some tribes the primitive club was ingeniously bent into the boom- 
 erang, a weapon capable of describing such a curve that it will return to 
 the hands of a skilful thrower after it has hit its object. Instead of throw- 
 ing a stone from the hand, it was observed that much greater force 
 could be obtained by projecting it from a strip of skin, and thus the sling 
 came into use — a device independently originated in many nations in the 
 Old and New Worlds. In different portions of the tropics, where the 
 growth of long, straight hollow reeds offered the necessary material, as 
 among the Malays of Melanesia, the tribes of the Upper Amazon, and
 
 62 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 those of Central America, the blow-tube or popgun was developed into a 
 formidable weapon which could hurl its poisoned darts with deadly effect 
 to man or beast. 
 
 Traps and Calls. — These and other similar inventions were originally 
 devised as aids in hunting. But that pursuit educated man in many other 
 directions. He pitted his ingenuit}' in a variety of ways against the wary 
 senses and suspicious nature of the beasts of the forest. He sought to 
 overcome them not merely b)' force, but by stratagem. He devised traps 
 and snares of many kinds, ever seeking some novel deception as the game 
 he was after had become too subtle for his older wiles. One of the earliest 
 of these must have been the pitfall. We can imagine no other device by 
 which the ancient Cave-dwellers of Belgium could have overcome those 
 powerful Carnivora, the cave bear and the sabre-toothed tiger, more for- 
 midable than an\' now on earth. That they did so, and frequently, the 
 numerous bones of these animals in the caverns, cracked for their marrow, 
 leave no room for doubt. Ingenious instruments for imitating the calls 
 of animals and birds, and thus attracting them within the range of the 
 hunter's weapons, are in use among all rude tribes. 
 
 Man}' travellers have recorded the surprising education of iJie senses 
 which the hunting life brings about. The native eye can often detect 
 the species, age, and size of an animal from a few tracks and signs hardly 
 perceptible and absolutely meaningless to the civilized senses. The pur- 
 suit of wild food was also the cause of training certain animals to assist 
 in the chase — notably the dog, the hunting-hawk, and fishing-heron, and 
 perhaps the cat. 
 
 Wherever fish abounded it formed an important article of the food of 
 primitive nations. Indeed, some ethnologists, as Mr. Lewis H. Morgan,' 
 have maintained that this was the main, and often the exclusive, diet of 
 pre-historic nations. Along some watercourses fish are so plentiful that 
 it requires no address to catch them, but usually some mechanical device 
 is essential. Hence in all countries and from the earliest times nets, 
 weirs, and dams have been familiar to the fisherfolk. Spears and gigs 
 belong also to the arts of the simplest tribes. Even the Australians and 
 various American tribes were familiar with the fish-hook, manufacturing 
 it out of the claw of a bird or the crooked bone of a fish. The primewal 
 Lake-dwellers of Switzerland and the anglers of ancient Eg>'pt used a 
 barbed bronze hook not unlike that which is still in vogue among our- 
 selves. 
 
 Both in hunting and fishing it was comm.on for a large number of 
 persons to unite their efforts in carrying out a general battue or in driving 
 fish up a stream or into a dam. In this manner men were taught the 
 advantages of association for a common end and the wisdom of carrying 
 out matured plans. Travellers also state that such nations are usually 
 quite jealous about their rights over their fishing- and hunting-grounds, 
 thus showing that their mode of subsistence had developed their ideas of 
 property rights and of geographical relations.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 6^ 
 
 From this survey it is quite apparent that although the dependence on 
 natural products for food had certain grave disadvantages, it was by no 
 means deficient in stimuli urging man to the acquisition of new powers. 
 
 Anthropophagy. — An exception to this should probably be entered 
 with regard to anthropophagy. There is no doubt that cannibalism pre- 
 vailed extensively down to a quite recent epoch. The loathing which 
 it inspires is not ancient nor was it widespread. The ancestors of the 
 nations of Europe were cannibals at no ver)' remote epoch, as the remains 
 in the barrows of Germany testify, as do also the early traditions of the 
 Greeks and Romans. Throughout America it was met with constantly 
 in one fonn or another, reaching its acme among the Caribs, who smoked 
 and dried the arms and legs of their enemies for provisions on their voj'- 
 ages. It is still carried on to a hideous extent in some parts of Africa, 
 even the bodies of those dying of sickness being consumed ; while the 
 Malay race, as the Feejeeans and New Zealanders, were long notorious as 
 the most familiar examples of man-eaters. 
 
 This custom, so rejDugnant to the feelings of modern life, is not neces- 
 sarily associated with a condition of extreme debasement. The Aztecs 
 fattened and ate prisoners in great numbers, and went to war for the sole 
 purpose of capturing this kind of game, but they ranked in culture among 
 the highest of the native Americans. The Maoris of New Zealand were 
 among the finest specimens of the Polynesian race. The Dyaks of 
 Borneo are described as a noble-hearted, hospitable, and intelligent peo- 
 ple ; they are qiiite literary', all of them knowing how to read and write, 
 and treasuring their books among their most prized articles ; yet they are 
 cannibals of the most pronounced type, not only eating their captives 
 taken in war and the criminals who are condemned to death by their 
 laws, but even killing and eating their own relatives when they fall sick 
 or grow old. It is a matter of histor\' that about the eleventh century 
 the taste for human flesh had gradually increased to such an extent in 
 Egypt that it was sold openly in the cities, and the traflic could only be 
 broken up by the most stringent measures. This seen:s to bear out the 
 popular belief that a taste for this food, once acquired, becomes an over- 
 mastering appetite. 
 
 National culture takes a long stride in advance when the food-supply 
 is drawn no longer from the sparse and uncertain resources of the forests, 
 but is secured, 
 
 2. From Cultivated Products. 
 
 These may be derived from either the animal or vegetable world. 
 The latter gives rise to agriculture, the former to the breeding of 
 domestic animals. 
 
 Agriciilliirc.—h.w. ethnologist of ability, ]\Ir. Charles Pickering, has 
 maintained that the history of the progress of mankind can be distinctly 
 traced by the extension of the areas of cultivated plants ; and the learned 
 work which he published to support this opinion presents an astonishing
 
 64 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 mass of testimony to the influence which a knowledge of such plants has 
 exerted. 
 
 Age and Disii-ibution of Food-Plants. — The beginnings of agriculture 
 are lost in antiquity. Of many of the plants cultivated for food we 
 know neither the original habitat nor the wild form. Rice, for example, 
 was, .according to the annals of the Chinese, extensively cultivated by 
 them two thousand eight hundred years before the Christian era ; barley 
 was familiar to the Egyptians before the earliest recorded dynasties ; rye 
 was sowed and reaped during the remotest epochs of the Age of Bronze 
 in Europe. These grains must have been cultivated food-plants long 
 before the earliest of these dates, as they had already been trained to a 
 character quite different from that natural to them, and had been carried 
 long distances from their native homes. So in America the Zca Mays 
 was found by the first explorers from lat. 45° N. to lat. 45° S., }-et the 
 only plant from which it could have been derived by cultivation is a 
 native of Guatemala. 
 
 Certain food-plants have so long been propagated in an artificial man- 
 ner that they have lost all power of independent reproduction, their seeds 
 having disappeared or changed into fleshy fibres. This is the case with 
 most varieties of bananas and with l\\& Jatropha Matiilwt^ which furnishes 
 the cassava bread. They must be propagated by cuttings, having no 
 lono-er the power of developing seeds. This is almost the case with the 
 date-palm of the Sahara Desert ; it has still the capacity to produce seeds, 
 but has lost that of sexual union, and to assure a crop the male and female 
 flowers have to be brought together by human agency. 
 
 Such facts as these testify to the great antiquity of the agricultural 
 arts. They are also more widely distributed than many have supposed. 
 It is rare to learn of any tribe wholly without some cultivated plant. 
 Most of the so-called hunting tribes of America were agricultural to a 
 limited degree, maize, beans, and pumpkins being known widely over 
 the continent. 
 
 Agricultural Arts. — The pursuit of agriculture even in the most sim- 
 ple manner involves a variety of minor arts. Implements must be 
 invented for clearing the field, for turning up the soil, for weeding, for 
 cutting the stalk, curing the grain, and for grinding or otherAvise pre- 
 paring it for use. Something equivalent to the hoe occurs far back in 
 the Stone Age. Broad and well-chipped hoe-blades, intended to be 
 fastened to wooden handles, were in use in the Mississippi Valley many 
 ages ago. The brush was frequently burned from the ground and the 
 soil scratched by means of a wooden stick. A crooked branch of a tree 
 was no doubt the primiti\'e form of a plough. Dragged at first b}- a man 
 or two, the fanner soon learned to utilize for this purpose the greater 
 strength of the horse or the ox where these animals were known. Wher- 
 ever the cereals were cultivated the sickle, the flail, and the corn-mill 
 were soon invented for the preparation of the grain. Corn-crushers of 
 stone are among the most numerous relics of the Neolithic Age, and
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 65 
 
 large stone mortars, in wliicli the grain was reduced to coarse meal, are 
 seen in most cabinets. The application of water-power to niachiner)- was 
 probably first devised to lighten the labor of grinding corn, and was grad- 
 ually improved and extended to other purposes. 
 
 Domesticated Ani)iials. — Many tribes draw their food-supply chiefly 
 from domestic animals, some being nomadic herdsmen wandering from 
 pasture to pasture, like the Tartar hordes of the Oriental steppes, others 
 remaining stationary and storing up the food for their animals against the 
 cold or dry seasons. We can easily overlook, in the midst of our varied 
 food-supply, the enormous importance of his flocks and herds to the early 
 man. But if we turn to the pages of the Zend Avesta or to the songs of 
 the Rig Veda, we appreciate how all-absorbing to those primitive herds- 
 men was the care of their cows. The gods were likened to them, and in 
 Egypt, India, and elsewhere the animals themsel"\-es were deemed divine. 
 They constituted the principal form of personal riches, and the Latin 
 word for money, peeiinia, ren:iains to testify that they were the measure 
 of value of possessions of all kinds. In the Veda "the cowherd" is a 
 royal title. 
 
 Cattle, horses, dogs, goats, and sheep were tamed in Europe and Asia 
 at a period too distant for calculation. In what is known as the Age of 
 Solutre in France, remote in the Quaternary epoch, the remains of horses 
 are exceedingly numerous, the bones of at least twenty thousand having 
 been discovered at the station of that name, all of whom had been arti- 
 ficially dismembered and evidently slain for food. This has led archreolo- 
 gists to the belief that they were tamed at that time. The kitchen-mid- 
 dens of Denmark disclose the remains of no domestic animals but dogs. 
 The old coast-dwellers probably raised them for the purpose of eating rather 
 than hunting, as did the American Indians. But the relics of the pile 
 dwellings on the Swiss lakes and on the plains of the river Po contain 
 abundant bones of all the other species of the above-named animals. 
 
 Swine are not mentioned in the Avesta or the Vedas ; therefore it is 
 not likely that they were familiar to the Aryans of the earliest times; but 
 in the Homeric poems they are freqiiently referred to; in Egj'pt thej' were 
 tamed in the first dynasties ; and the Mosaic prohibition in reference to 
 their flesh indicates that they had at that date long been an article of food 
 in common use. They constituted the main flesh-diet of ancient Italy, 
 and in different varieties have been and are extensively bred by the Mon- 
 golian and Malayan nations. 
 
 Bees and fowls are of much later introduction. The honey with which 
 the old Gei^nans fermented their mead was collected from wild swarms ; 
 but the natives of Yucatan had learned to gather the swarms at the proper 
 time and place them in hives. Tlie honey and the wax from these domesti- 
 cated bees were among tlie leading articles of commerce of these nations. 
 
 Influence of Agricttlliire. — The influence which the cultivation of 
 products for food exerted on the national life was most profound. Except 
 among the nomads of the Steppes, it promoted a settled disposition, the 
 
 Vol. I.— 5
 
 66 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 permanence of houses, the habits of regulated labor and of foresight, and 
 the preference of peace to war, government to anarchy. By removing 
 man from the necessities of the constant conflict of the chase and its pre- 
 carious results, he was led to rely on the fixed order of nature, to take 
 advantage of it, and to note seasons and their changes. It allowed the 
 congregation of large communities, and ensured the leisure which was 
 necessary to higher intellectual cultivation. 
 
 The tenure of arable land led to methods for its mensuration and 
 regulations for its ownership and transmission. Undoubtedly, the first 
 problems of geometry were solved for the piirpose of guarding the rights 
 of cultivators. The period when each adult, or perhaps only each 
 woman, was obliged to labor in the fields soon passed, and captives were 
 employed as field-hands or persons for hire. In IMexico and Central 
 America many who reaped the benefit of their agriculture operated 
 entirely through gangs of slaves and hired laborers. The patriarchal 
 habits recorded in the Pentateuch and the pictures on Egyptian tombs 
 prove that four or five thousand years ago the gradation of classes was 
 firmly established in agTicultural communities. 
 
 No doubt at first only the most fertile spots were selected for cultiva- 
 tion, and others chosen when these showed signs of exhaustion, as is still 
 the case with the improvident farmers of new countries. But the advan- 
 tages of fertilizing and dampening the soil from time to time were not 
 long in receiving recognition. The enonnous works constructed for irri- 
 gation in ver}' ancient times in the valleys of the Nile and Euphrates and 
 by the Incas of Peru have no equals in modern times. They testify an 
 appreciation of agricultural interests, and an intelligence in fostering 
 them, wliich we are unaccustomed to witness in governments now-a- 
 days. 
 
 The third method of obtaining the food-supply we have stated to be, 
 
 3. By Exchange and Commerce. 
 
 Long before the time when Jacob sent his sons into Eg^'pt to bu}' corn 
 the purchase and sale of food had been a recognized branch of human 
 industn,-. It required no protracted observation to discover that the hun- 
 gn,' man or community will part with his or their choicest treasures to 
 satisfy the demands of the appetite. 
 
 Arts Necessary to Commerce. — To carr}' out this industry many arts 
 must be developed. Not only a surplus of food must be raised, but it 
 must be preser\-ed from decay, means of storing it must be devised, and 
 its transportation to a considerable distance must be provided for. On 
 the other hand, the purchasers must be prepared with desirable objects to 
 offer in exchange for food. Residents in infertile districts are forced to 
 develop what resources they have, to delve valued metals or stones from 
 the mountains, to collect shells and amber from the seashore, or to create 
 manufactures which will enable them to obtain by exchange the suste- 
 nance which their own acreage refuses them.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 67 
 
 Influence on Social Life. — A developed and permanent system of pro- 
 curing food b}' exchange permits men to gather together by millioi:s in 
 great cities, where all are dependent on the distant agricnltnrist, thou- 
 sands of miles away perhaps, for their daily bread. Vast masses of men 
 are born and die in such centres who would not know a field of wheat 
 were thej' to see it. But their time is employed not less usefully than that 
 of the farmer, following as they do one or another of those multifarious 
 vocations demanded by the complicated existence of modern society. 
 The great standing armies of modern times have only been possible by 
 the increased facilities of transporting food — a relation well understood 
 by the military sagacity of the ancient Romans, who extended their 
 admirable system of road-making to the farthest limits of the empire. 
 The impetus given to the growth of cities in the present century is 
 directly attributable to the successful application of steam to the trans- 
 portation of food. When in New York fresh beef is sold which was 
 slaughtered a thousand miles away, the food-supply seems to have 
 reached a maximum of perfection. 
 
 The ordinary' dinner-table offers articles of food from every zone and 
 all continents, the cultivation, preparation, and transportation of which 
 have required the development of an extraordinary number of arts, 
 sciences, and mechanical inventions, the underlying stimulus of all 
 being to satisfy the appetite. 
 
 This system of obtaining food has worked a most desirable improve- 
 ment in human history in one direction ; and that is, in checking the 
 appearance of those destructive famines which in former ages periodically 
 scourged the world. At j^rcsent no such widespread misery could occur, 
 as in all years the average crop of the world will support its population, 
 and the present facilities for its distribution would permit no permanent 
 want to continue. 
 
 4. Stimulants and Narcotics. 
 
 The mere gratification of their physical wants by food and drink has 
 never satisfied the appetites of men. They have unceasingly sought some 
 substance which would act more directly on the nervous system, exciting 
 its sensory powers or modifying the brain action ; and in spite of the many 
 and grievous injuries which this yearning has entailed upon mankind 
 at various times, it has also been a most potent incentive to productive 
 exertion. 
 
 Both the animal and vegetable worlds supply such nervines. From 
 the milk of his mares the Tartar prepares his mildl)- intoxicating koumiss, 
 and from the honey of his bees the Teuton warrior obtained the foaming 
 mead wherewith to fill his horn ; the ' ' barley brew ' ' was famous in 
 ancient Eg>'pt ; the pulque, from the fermented juice of the aloe, was 
 only too popular among the Mexicans long before Columbus ; palm wine 
 is the beverage of Central Africa ; beers from millet, rj-e, rice, and other 
 grains where these are raised ; and cider and perry from apples and pears.
 
 68 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 Tlie fniit of the vine has yielded its ruddy liquor to man in Eastern Asia 
 from ages long before the beginning of history. Those nations who had 
 discovered no alcoholic beverage sought nervines from other chemical 
 series. The Kamchatkan steeps a poisonous fungus in water, a draught 
 which drives him into frenzy and unconsciousness ; the Creek Indians 
 collected the emetic and drastic roots of the cassine or blue flag and by 
 violent vomiting and purging produced a hebetude of the intellect ; the 
 California tribes had discovered how to disorder their brains with the 
 chucuaco ; while tea from China, coffee from Arabia, coca from Brazil, 
 opium from India, and tobacco from America have made the conquest of 
 the world. The distillation of alcohol merely flavored with the organic 
 elements of plants led to the wholesale introduction of the numerous 
 "spirits" which now exert such a disastrous effect on the lives of millions 
 of the highest races. 
 
 Apart from such examples of notorious abuse of these accessories to 
 food, physicians are not of one mind as to their effect on the race at 
 large, although it is one of the most vital questions of modem life. The 
 absolute prohibition of alcoholic drinks by the great religions Brahmanism, 
 Buddhism, and Mohammedanism has driven their votaries to indulgence 
 in hasheesh, opium, and tea, nor has it elevated them to an equality with 
 the adherents of Christianity, which teaches temperance in all things, but 
 not abstinence from anything. The theory that wine, tea, or coffee by 
 stimulating the brain-power has assisted the forces of modern civilization 
 has no serious arguments in its favor ; indeed, more can be said for the 
 reverse opinion, that the extended introduction of tobacco during the last 
 three centuries has deteriorated the nervous systems, aggressive powers, 
 and vital energy of the nations most addicted to it, as the Spanish Amer- 
 icans and the Hollanders. 
 
 So strong, however, has been the attraction of these articles to the race 
 that their cultivation, preparation, and sale have been among the most 
 urgent motives of agriculture, arts, and traffic. Tobacco was known among 
 the American Indians from Chili to Canada. It was a favorite object of 
 barter. The pipes in which to smoke it were elaborately carved, and 
 evidently prized as treasured possessions, among the mysterious Mound- 
 builders of the Ohio Valley. The history of wine, its manufacture and 
 sale, the planting of vineyards, the introduction of the grape in other 
 lands, — all this, if fully set forth, would be a picture in little of the course 
 of Ar\-an civilization. The culture of coffee has led to the reclaiming 
 of millions of acres that would otherwise still be covered with tropical 
 forests. 
 
 5. The Preparation of Food. 
 
 Many of the natural products used as foods are not found in the pre- 
 cise condition in which they can be eaten. A striking example of this is 
 the cassava, ManiJiot ntiHssiiua, which furnishes the staple article of diet 
 for many South American tribes. As the roots are dug up in the woods
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 69 
 
 they are so far from edible that it is a wonder how these wild people ever 
 discovered the tedious process by which they become so. The root must 
 first be peeled, then grated, and then hung up in nets to allow the poison- 
 ous juice which it contains to drain off. The product is then dried, 
 beaten, and sifted to the condition of a coarse meal, which is cooked in 
 thin cakes. The time of the women is principalh' occupied in this toil- 
 some drudgery. 
 
 The agent which man has most constantly employed in the preparation 
 of his food is fire. He is essentially a cooking animal. When he dis- 
 covered this serviceable element is unknown. No tribe has ever been 
 found ignorant of it. Probably it was one of his very earliest acquisitions. 
 In the bone-caves of Belgium, in the river-drift of France in strata dating 
 from the period when the elephant and rhinoceros made that land their 
 home, are found fire-cracked flints and charcoal from the primitive hearths 
 (Mortillet). The wide diffusion of fire shows that it was not so much prized 
 for its warmth as for other us^s. Most savage races are little sensible to 
 cold, and in the tropics its importance in this respect was slight. Its chief 
 purposes were to give light and to cook food. An aversion to raw flesh is 
 common among the rudest people. The Australians, who are often quoted 
 as at the bottom of the scale, prefer to cook the worms and reptiles they 
 are willing to eat. The wild hunting tribes of Eastern Canada distin- 
 guished the shore-dwellers as Eskimos, which means "raw-fish eaters" — 
 a term of opprobrium because they did not cook the fish they caught. All 
 the cultivated cereals require the use of fire in their preparation, and many 
 of the roots, leaves, and fruits of the forest first become nutritious to man 
 when they have been subjected to the action of this element. 
 
 Roasting over the fire and bur)ing in hot ashes are the simplest forms 
 of cooker}', and doubtless were the earliest. Seething in heated water 
 could only be accomplished when appropriate vessels were at hand. 
 These might be made of wood or fine network of grass, as is seen among 
 the Indians of the Plains, the water being heated by dropping in hot 
 stones. Vessels could be chipped out of soft stones, as the soapstone pots 
 of California and elsewhere ; and that a main incentive to the discovery 
 and improvement of potter>' was a desire for more serviceable cooking 
 utensils is obvious from their character. 
 
 II. THE SEXUAL RELATION. 
 Origin of Sex. — The bisexual division of the species into male and 
 female is by no means universal among animals. Some of these, in a 
 rather high stage of development, have but one sex. Wh\' the distinc- 
 tion of the two sexes arose has not been fulh- exjjlained b\' naturalists. 
 Spencer and Darwin suggest that the vitality of a species is strengthened 
 by the crossing of blood. It is doubtless a part of that general special- 
 ization of function which we witness in tracing the e\-olution of organic 
 forms ever>'where. The important process of reproduction is more thor- 
 oughly performed by a division of labor.
 
 70 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 Primilive Rclatioti of the Sexes. — The relation of the sexes in tiie 
 primitive condition of the human species has been supposed by several 
 later writers to have been one of promiscuit}' — that called "communal 
 marriage, ' ' where no tie stronger than caprice existed between the sexes. 
 As Darwin has pointed out, however, this is contrary to the analog}' of 
 many species of animals, particularly the highest mammals. They are 
 generally either monogamous or polygamous, and the males wage bitter 
 conflicts to retain the exclusive possession of the females. Nor do the 
 latter seek other males. 
 
 The emotions of modesty in woman and jealousy in man, which are 
 usually found fully developed in savage tribes, indicate that chastity and 
 fidelity are traits of the race. In such communities adultery is, as a rule, 
 severely punished, though it may be differently understood than as among 
 us. Among a certain community of Nubian Arabs the wife is held to a 
 rigid fidelity three days out of four, while on the fourth she is free to act 
 as she likes. During some religious festivals, even among civilized 
 nations, the bonds of marriage have been released bj' a common consent. 
 The Dogrib Indian is of a jealous disposition, and will brutally beat his 
 wife whom he suspects of improprieties, but he will loan her temporarily 
 to a guest without hesitation. In all such cases the theory of morals 
 of a community must first be understood before we pronounce on their 
 views of the sexual relation. 
 
 Undoubtedl)-, the most usual form of marriage has alwaj'S been polyg- 
 amy. The male chose two or more females as his companions, and did 
 his best to prevent any relations arising between them and other males. 
 The number lie chose was limited only by his ability to support and pro- 
 tect them against his fellows. Such was marriage throughout most of 
 the ancient world, and also as it exists now in nearly all non-Christian 
 nations. It is the rare exception to find either the law of the land, the 
 prejudices of societ)', or the dogmas of religion pronounce against it. 
 Darwin relates that an intelligent Kandyan chief, brought up, of course, 
 in the polygamous notions of his tribe, was quite scandalized at the 
 barbarism, as it appeared to him, of living with only one wife until sep- 
 arated by death. "Why," he exclaimed, "it is just like the wanderoo 
 monkeys !" The large and generally intelligent body of the Mormons 
 in the midst of the monogamous population of the United States cling 
 tenaciously to their polygamous doctrines and practices, and defend them 
 with earnest arguments. Their position may be regarded as a reversion 
 to the fonnerly universal practice of the race. 
 
 Polyandry. — A stranger form of marriage is polyandry, where the 
 woman has several husbands living peacefully together. Although this 
 is comparatively rare, some ethnologists have assigned it a high import- 
 ance, and asserted that at one time it was the prevailing custom with the 
 race. These writers (McLennan, Lubbock, etc.) argue that at first the 
 relation of the sexes was that of promiscuity, to this followed polyandr}', 
 and after that either poh-gamy or monogamy. Their order of social
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 71 
 
 development is — first, the tribe ; second, the gens or household ; and, 
 last of all, the family. The household consisted of one wife with her 
 various husbands. These husbands were sometimes unrelated men who 
 agreed among themselves to this arrangement, or they were brethren or 
 near of kin. The latter form of polyandry appears in greatest perfection 
 in some tribes in Thibet, where all the brothers of a family have but one 
 wife in common ; and a closely similar arrangement prevailed, according 
 to Csesar, among the Britons of his time, and continues to-day in the 
 Neilgherry Hills, India, and with the Herero tribe of vSouth Africa. 
 
 Among some of the Eskimos, Aleutians, and Kclushcs of the north 
 and north-west coasts of America a married woman is the wife of all the 
 married men of the tribe, and each married man is husband of all the 
 married women ; but this does not prevent the distinctions between the 
 married and unmarried from being rigidly observed. 
 
 Polyandry can become the prevailing form of marriage only where 
 there is a great scarcity of women, as it is certainly contrary to the feel- 
 ing of proprietorship and the emotion of jealousy seen in all races. Its 
 origin was from the custom of exposing female infants at birth or of sell- 
 ing them as slaves. As in all lands and all conditions of society the 
 births of the two sexes are about equal, and as the male child soon 
 becomes able to assist in defending and supporting the family, he was 
 preserved and the female child destroyed. It is also obvious that in the 
 struggle for existence it is easier for three men to support one woman, 
 than for one man to support three women, with the children that result 
 from the union. 
 
 ]\Ionogainy. — Strictly monogamous tribes among the ruder races of 
 mankind are rare, but not unknown. The Veddahs of Ceylon are an 
 example. Each male takes but one wife, and is true to her alone until 
 separated by death. The same has been said of some American tribes — 
 the Seminoles and Chetimashas — but the evidence is not conclusive. 
 
 Monogamy was the law among the ancient Romans, but its diffusion 
 over the world, and the recognition of its position as the only relation of 
 the sexes consistent with the highest development of the race, are due to 
 Christianity. In the early Church a canonical law dating from 400 A. d. 
 pronounced a marriage indissoluble ; and this is still the doctrine of the 
 Roman Catholic Church ; but most other Christian communities under- 
 stand that monogamy means merely to live with one wife or liusband at 
 one time, and permit divorce and the selection of other mates for reasons 
 sufficient to satisfy the law of the state where one is resident. 
 
 Forms of Marriage. 
 
 The ceremonies attendant on wooing and wedding are indicative of the 
 position of woman in a community and of the influence she exerts over 
 national life. 
 
 Marriac;c by ]'inlcncc. — It has been maintained by some writers that 
 in primitive society women were, as a rule, stolen, and that what the
 
 72 ETHNOLOGY. ■ 
 
 Scotch and English borderers called "bride-lifting" was the customary 
 method of securing a wife. The clan being small and marriages within 
 its limits being prohibited, or the available females having been already 
 monopolized by the system of polygamy, prompted by the zest of nov- 
 elty the youth would sally forth to snatch a bride from the enemy's 
 camp. The old Roman stor>' of the rape of the Sabines seems to point 
 to such a usage, and to this day it is common among the natives of Aus- 
 tralia. When one of these wishes a mate he looks about the camp of 
 some hostile tribe until he sees a girl whom he fancies. At night, when 
 she is sleeping by the fire, he creeps near and winds the point of his long 
 spear in her hair. By gently drawing it toward him she is wakened to 
 discover herself his prisoner. She knows that at the least outcr>' the 
 spear-point will be driven into her neck and the daring brave will escape 
 in the darkness. Therefore she follows without a murmur. Such is the 
 account given by some travellers, but others say that no such bloody 
 intention is present — that this midnight assault is merely symbolic, and 
 to gratify the coquettishness of the dark-skinned belles, who are not will- 
 ing to yield except to this pretence of violence ; just as the Tartar must 
 win his bride by overtaking her when in full gallop on her palfrey, or as 
 in more refined society the ladies wish to be long wooed before they are 
 won. 
 
 Of course, here and there in the world there are instances of kidnap- 
 ping girls or stealing women, but it is rare indeed that this was the 
 accepted fonn of securing a mate. The symbolic ceremonies which have 
 been adduced to prove that at one time it was the universal custom are 
 not survivals of an ancient method, but are to be understood as salves to 
 the modesty and coquettishness of maidens — qualities which are marked- 
 ly prominent in the females of many of the lower species. So far are 
 the Australians from being an example in point that Mr. Huth, who care- 
 fulh- investigated the subject, says in his work on marriage that in Aus- 
 tralia the old men secure most of the girls and the young men have to put 
 up with the discarded wives of their elders. 
 
 Marriage by Purchase. — ^What is called marriage by purchase is the 
 most frequent of all, though in most instances this is not a correct name 
 for it. The examples are rare where an out-and-out sale is effected. The 
 Circassian girls were deliberately sold by their families to the Persians and 
 Turks, and in various patriarchal tribes, where the father was vested with 
 absolute rights over his children, he disposed of his daughters to the high- 
 est bidder with as little compunction as he would one of his domestic ani- 
 mals. This is often said to be the habit of most American tribes ; but 
 Dr. Matthews and other obser\-ers who have had opportunities to examine 
 their social life closely state that the articles of value paid to the parents 
 of the girl are not considered as a price for her, but as a pledge that she 
 will be properly treated and as a proof that the aspirant's affection for her 
 is ardent. They often also require evidence that he is a skilled hunter or a 
 valiant warrior, thus securing the safety and sustenance of their daughter
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 73 
 
 to the extent of their power. Through a misunderstanding of the purpose 
 of these customs they have been represented as of a more debased cha- 
 racter than they really are. 
 
 Other Forms of Marriage. — In some tribes, as among the Shawnees, 
 Osages, and Creeks in America, the girl made her own selection of a hus- 
 band without consulting her family. She bargained for the gifts she was 
 to receive, and rejected such suitors as did not please her. Frequently it 
 was a matter of negotiation between the elders, very much as it is to-day 
 among the noble families of Europe, and with a like disregard of the feel- 
 ings of the parties concerned. Mr. Sanborn states that in ancient times 
 among the Iroquois the old women selected wives for the 5'oung men, and 
 married them with painful uniformity to women several years their 
 seniors. Among the Aztecs there was a special class of matchmakers 
 who negotiated unions between the scions of noble families, and some of 
 their cut-and-dried orations which have been preser\'ed to us by Sahagun 
 would not sound amiss in our best society to-day. 
 
 The highest form of marriage, and the one which alone should obtain 
 in enlightened communities, is that which is based on personal acquaint- 
 ance and intelligent affection. Such a marriage becomes, in the words 
 of an eloquent writer, " the loftiest earthly illustration of crowned and 
 completed love," and is most certain to increase the happiness of the 
 individuals and to develop the noblest qualities of the race. 
 
 Limitations of Marriage. 
 
 Prohibitions of Marriage. — The various prohibitions and limitations 
 of marriage have exercised a marked effect on the condition and history 
 of nations. There is probably little scientific ground for any of these 
 restrictions. They seem all to have arisen either from superstitious fears 
 or from political and social considerations. Absolute prohibition of the 
 sexual relation has been the rule of some communities gbligatory on all 
 members. Necessarily, either this had to be modified, or the connnuuity 
 depended solely on new recruits for its continuance. Several religious 
 associations in the United States have been commenced on this plan. 
 Many creeds enjoin complete or partial abstinence on their ministers of 
 both sexes. The "medicine-men" of the Manhattan Indians were so rigid 
 that not only did they refrain from all contact with women, but they 
 would not partake of a dish prepared by one of that sex. The "Virgins 
 of the Fire " in Yucatan, and those of the Hearth, or the Vestals, of 
 ancient Rome, were condemned to perfect chastity on pain of death. 
 The Buddhist priesthood, numbering hundreds of thousands in Central 
 Asia and Thibet, are under vows of continence; and it need scarcely be 
 added that the nuns and priests of the Roman Catholic Church are sub- 
 jected to equally absolute restrictions in this respect. 
 
 Restrictions through Kinship. — Even among savage tribes the objection 
 to marrying near of kin is curiously pre\-alent. It obtains in an exagge- 
 rated degree among civilized nations, and it has received the strongest
 
 74 
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 support from both religious and political authorities. In a.d. 741, Pope 
 Zacharias iuforined King Pepin of France that marriage was forbidden by 
 the Church wherever any relationship, no matter how remote, could be 
 traced. Although this has not been maintained in its stringency in 
 modern countries, the civil law prohibits marriages between certain 
 degrees of relationship, and sometimes, as in England, where the marriage 
 with a deceased wife's sister is illegal, with connections which are not 
 consanguine. 
 
 The origin of such prejudices is difficult to explain. They could not 
 have arisen from the obser\'ed ill effects of consanguine unions, for even 
 with the facilities of modern investigations physicians are far from united 
 in the opinion that such marriages exert any ill effect; and if the}' do, it 
 is from exaggerating an inherited tendency to disease, to counteract which 
 the prohibition should be not of marriage of kin, but of marriage between 
 persons with such tendencies. Moreover, there are many well-known 
 instances, both of families and tribes, where close interbreeding has devel- 
 oped a ver}- high standard of physical perfection. It is sufficient to men- 
 tion the Polynesians of the small islands of the South Sea forced hy their 
 insular position to marry near relatives for man}- generations; yet all 
 writers agree in assigning to them a marked pre-eminence in physical con- 
 formation, rivalling indeed the finest statues of antiquity. 
 
 The conclusion reached by Mr. Huth in his work on marriage is to 
 the effect that, "as far as a deduction may be trusted from the general 
 customs of men, no marriage is prohibited by nature unless the parties 
 are of an age unsuited to each other." The suggestion is made by Darwin 
 that the objection to such unions arises from the sexual indifference 
 with which }oung persons who have been brought up in the same house 
 regard each other, and the instinctive desire of novelty which prompts 
 the youth to seek a companion elsewhere than in his own home-circle. 
 This feeling, without much rational foundation, became increased by 
 descent, and finally took the form of the pronounced aversion so generally 
 current at present to marriages called incestuous. 
 
 Irrational Examples of Marriage. — That it has little rational founda- 
 tion is evident from the fact that the degrees of affinity are calculated 
 entirely differently in different nations, as in the English case above 
 referred to, and in Gennany, where it is quite customary for the uncle to 
 marry the niece, which in most parts of the United States would be illegal. 
 Moreover, the prejudice against close intermarriages has been by no means 
 universal. In ancient Persia it was esteemed not merely proper, but 
 meritorious, for a man to marr}- his sister or his widowed mother. The 
 Ptolemies of Eg}pt and the Incas of Peru were wedded to their sisters for 
 reasons of state, and there are numerous similar examples. 
 
 Where the system of clan-relationship prevails the prohibition based 
 on relationship often extends to ever\' member of the clan, even where 
 the individuals may be members only by adoption, and therefore no kin 
 whatever. In China there are some villages of about five thousand souls
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 75 
 
 who are all considered akin, and no unions between their members are 
 permitted. The clans of many American and Australian tribes are equally 
 exclusive. Quite in contrast to this, the Druses of Mount Lebanon are 
 said always to marry cousins, and have observed this rule since about 
 1020 A.D. ; and yet they are celebrated as a vigorous people and the males 
 as brave warriors. There is, therefore, no evidence that the restriction 
 of naarriage on the mere ground of kinship arose from observations of its 
 deleterious effects, but rather out of superstitious reasons or the love of 
 variety. 
 
 In highly-civilized communities there are always a large number of 
 unmarried persons of both sexes who are impelled to the single life by 
 social considerations. They are the " old maids" and "old bachelors" 
 who have not had an opportunity to marry to their liking, and hence have 
 refrained from the act altogether. This class is entirely iniknown in 
 savage life, and almost so in the lower strata of civilized society ; as, for 
 instance, among the colored population of the United States. It increases 
 with wealth and luxury and the competition in social life. Juvenal noted 
 it as one of the signs of decay in ancient Rome, and it is a potent element 
 in bringing about the extinction of prominent families. 
 
 Effects on Population. 
 
 Some writers have maintained that the form of marriage in vogue in a 
 nation exerts an influence on the sex of children; that in polygamy more 
 females, in pol)-andry more males, are born, and that thus the average of 
 sexes in a community becomes adapted to the prevailing customs. This 
 has been disproved by statistics from Oriental harems, where the births 
 are found to bear the same proportion of sexes as in monogamous coun- 
 tries. The scarcity of women where polyandry is the rule has been shown 
 to arise from the destruction of female infants and the selling of the girls 
 to other tribes at a tender age. 
 
 The apparentlx- diminished fecundity of savage races is partly apparent 
 only, the small fiamilies observed being attributable to large infant mor- 
 tality, which is often the deliberate result of the neglect and exposure of 
 infants, often the consequence of ignorance and unsanitary conditions. 
 But there are also certain causes at work in the ruder states of society 
 which directly tend to limit the size of families and react injuriously on 
 the race. One of the most potent of these is premature marriage. 
 IMothers of the age of thirteen }ears are not uncommon among the Hot- 
 tentots, and with the Australians wives as young as twelve, eleven, and 
 even nine, years are frequently seen. Such premature demands upon the 
 sexual function lead to its equally premature exlianstion, and the woman 
 loses all appearance of youth before she has reached middle age. Giving 
 birth to children before she has attained her own full de\-elopment and 
 stature, it is impossible that the mother can transmit to them either the 
 full physical or mental average of the race, and the consequence is that 
 very early marriages tend to deteriorate tlie stock. It is not an accidental
 
 76 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 coincidence that these two races, among whom travellers report the 
 custom of excessively early marriages, stand at the -bottom of the scale 
 of humanity. 
 
 Scarcely less injurious is the early marriage or the precocious licen- 
 tiousness of the males. Either brings with it sexual exhaustion and a 
 lowering of the vigor of mind and body. The truth of this was a matter 
 of observ^ion among even savage nations. The most warlike tribe of 
 North America, the Iroquois, required their braves to remain not only 
 single, but chaste, up to the age of thirty years; the Abipones of the Gran 
 Chaco of South America, also celebrated for their hardihood, did not per- 
 mit marriages until both sexes had reached full growth ; and the edicts 
 of the Incas of Peru prescribed twenty-four as the proper age at which a 
 man should contract marriage. 
 
 Early marriages also tend to depreciate the mental culture of a com- 
 munit)' by abbreviating the period which can be devoted to education. 
 The cares and the support of a family are thrown upon young parents 
 who have not had the time to equip themselves in the most effective man- 
 ner for the battle of life. This fact makes itself so apparent in the com- 
 plex society of civilization that a steady rise in the ages of those marrying 
 is observable in enlightened countries. This may proceed too far, and 
 produce either a postponement of marriage beyond its most fitting phys- 
 iological period, or an aversion to the duties which the bearing and 
 rearing of children entail. This seems to have become the case w-ith 
 the white race whose families have for generations lived in the East- 
 ern United States. Statistics show that in the present day the average 
 number of children to each marriage is materially less than it was in the 
 last century. Physicians attribute this to the over-development of the 
 brain and nervous system, to the habit of late marriages in both sexes, 
 and to a repugnance to the annoying cares inseparable from a family of 
 children. 
 
 Laws of Descent. 
 
 Matriarchal System. — With rare exceptions the white race have from 
 the earliest historic times traced relationship principally through the 
 father's line. His name is borne and property descends through him. 
 Even where, as in Spain, the mother as well as the father transmits her 
 family name to the children, that of the father has the pre-eminence. 
 Herodotus mentioned it as a remarkable, and indeed "imparalleled, custom 
 of the Eycians that they traced descent through the mother's line only. 
 Later observation has discovered that this prevails extensively in quite 
 diverse races, especially among the Australians, Americans, and Malay- 
 ans. Pjy their laws a man must seek his wife in some other clan than his 
 own, and the children born to the' pair belong not to the clan of tlie father, 
 but to that of the mother. They bear the name of her family, are subject 
 only to its laws, and if slain the duty of blood-revenge devolves upon the 
 mother's kindred, not, as a rule, on the father or his clan. Theoretically,
 
 ETHNOLOGY. yj 
 
 they arc not related to him, and he has no right to punish them for dis- 
 obedience. The property and the hereditary honors belonging to the 
 father do not pass to his sons, but to his own brothers' or sisters' children. 
 Hence he may find himself opposed to his own children in the conflicts 
 of clans, and filial affection, as we understand it, has no place in such a 
 scheme, any more than paternal authority. 
 
 This has been called the "matriarchal" s}-stem of the family as dis- 
 tinguished from the patriarchal. Though not often carried out to the full 
 extent above depicted, it exists in principle very widely. In their specu- 
 lations on the origin of what seems so unnatural a system of relationship 
 ethnologists have usually attributed it to the uncertainty of paternity in 
 savage communities. They have adduced it as a proof of the general 
 promiscuity of unions in remote times, and have sought to show that at 
 some epoch it was common throughout the world. More probably it 
 was based on the plain facts that the mother brings the child into the 
 world, nourishes and cares for it during infancy, and throughout life 
 watches it with a stronger affection than the father. Hence it was nat- 
 ural for her to be regarded as more directly its parent than the father. 
 
 Patriarchal and Agnatic Systc^ns. — The system of "agnation," in 
 which the relationship is counted through the father's side only, as it pre- 
 vailed in ancient Rome and in the patriarchal communities of the East, was 
 also found in a few of the hunting tribes of North America. Its tendency 
 was to place the woman on a lower plane. She was regarded as little 
 better than a chattel and the slave of her husband. In the Roman 
 agnatic family the woman was always in a state of tutelage, whether 
 married or unmarried — in the latter case from her father, in the former 
 from her husband. The American tribe in the area of the United States 
 which has been said to show the most brutal treatment of wives is the 
 Dakota, among whom there are few clans reckoning kinship through 
 the females. 
 
 Social Position of Woman. 
 
 The position of woman as the representative of the clan, and as the 
 only parent through whom kinship is traced, necessarily confers upon her 
 prerogatives which she would not otherwise enjoy. Property rights 
 become vested in her, and the possessions acquired by her husband are 
 more hers than his. This has been noticed with some astonishment by 
 travellers who did not understand this feature of savage society. A mis- 
 sionary among the Shawnee Indians writes : " The women are the only 
 drudges, and yet they own all the property." Captain Gregg remarks of 
 the Osages of the Western Plains that the "oldest daughter on her mar- 
 riage comes into possession of all the family property." 
 
 Gynocracy in Savage Life. — As a general rule, the woman in savage 
 life wields a greater influence than the superficial observer, who witnesses 
 the constant toil and frequent ill-treatment to which she is subject, is apt 
 to suppose. What Captain W. P. Clark has remarked of the Indians of
 
 78 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 the Plains holds good generally of the social power of the females in 
 uncivilized communities : "Though not as a rule permitted to be present 
 at the councils, and not allovvcd to join the men in the more important 
 feasts, the women exercise a great influence over the warriors. Their 
 shrill songs of encouragement urge on the departing war-party to greater 
 exertions, to braver deeds, and the same shrill voices give them praise and 
 welcome on their return, and, should any have fallen, for days their weird 
 chanting fills the air of the camp with the great deeds of those who have 
 been slain ; and this honor'is dearly prized by the savage heart. In this 
 and many other ways they shape and control the public feeling and 
 opinion of the camp ; and this is the greatest force which controls the 
 destiny of Indian tribes." 
 
 But their power is frequently more positive than this. Among all the 
 tribes of the stock of the Iroquois in the New World, and very generally 
 among the Tartar hordes of Asia, the women took part in the councils, 
 advised openly on matters of public welfare, and often cast the deciding 
 voice on questions of peace or war and in the election of rulers. Nor is 
 it at all an uncommon occurrence to find a female the chief ruler of savage 
 tribes, and all the men belonging to it submissive to her commands. The 
 records of the monarchies of the Old World preserve the memor)' of some 
 famous queens, as Semiramis, Cleopatra, Zenobia, and the queen of Sheba; 
 in Africa, nations much lower in the scale of de-\-elopment than these have 
 been found imder the supremacy of female chiefs; and in America such 
 instances may be said to have been frequent. Thus, among the earliest 
 of the historic figures of the red race is "Anacoana, queen of the Caribs," 
 whose fate has been chosen as the theme of song and story by more than 
 one writer of the day; when Hernando de Soto plunged into the un- 
 tracked wilderness to find the Mississippi River, he was met somewhere 
 near the .southernmost spurs of the ApiDalachian Mountains by the " em- 
 press" of a powerful native tribe, perhaps the Uchees; later, when the 
 French explored the lower waters of the Great River, they came into 
 contact with the Natchez, a tribe of noteworthy culture, who lived under 
 the rule of a woman who bore the title "The Great Sun." Her power 
 was hereditary, but it did not pass to the children of her husband, but to 
 those of her brothers or sisters. The annals of the warlike Aztecs record 
 that when one of their emperors had died without heirs male, his daugh- 
 ter ascended the throne and was au acceptable ruler over his extensive 
 domains. 
 
 The numerous examples of this character which have been adduced 
 by travellers and historians go far to modify the opinion widely enter- 
 tained that the position of woman in the ruder stages of culture is always 
 one of debasement and slaver}^ The most intelligent ethnologists do not 
 entertain this opinion. Thus, Mr. Horatio Hale says in a recent work, 
 " The common notion that women among the Indians were treated as 
 inferiors and made ' beasts of burden ' is unfounded among all tribes of 
 which I have any knowledge. With them, as with civilized communities,
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 79 
 
 the work of the community and the cares of the family are fairly divided. 
 The hunting and fishing, the house-building and canoe-making, fall to 
 the men. The women cook, make clothing, scratch the ground with 
 their hoes, plant and gather the crops, and take care of the children. 
 The household goods belong to the woman. On her death her relatives, 
 and not her husband's, claim them. The children are also hers; they 
 belonged to her clan, and in case of a separation they also went with her. 
 Among the Iroquois she was really the head of the household; and in this 
 capacity her right, when she chanced to be the oldest matron of a noble 
 family, to select the successor to a deceased chief of that family, was 
 recognized b}' the highest law of the confederacy." 
 
 The earliest missionaries bear testimony to the general correctness of 
 this opinion. Thus, one of them informs us that among the Hurons of 
 Canada thirty strings of wampum were generally considered sufficient 
 satisfaction for the murder of a man by one of his fellow-tribesmen, but 
 for a woman forty strings were required, the reasons they gave being that 
 a woman is less able to defend herself than a man; that as her .sex is the 
 source whence the land is peopled, her life is of greater value to the com- 
 monwealth; and that her weakness should have a stronger support in 
 public justice. 
 
 In most such communities the affection of children toward their 
 mother is stronger than toward their father. Among the Hereros, a Cafifir 
 tribe in South-west Africa, the traveller Anderson states that the most 
 solemn oath a native can take is to swear "by the tears of my mother;" 
 and Mungo Park tells of a Mandingo boy who exclaimed, "Beat me if 
 you wish, but do not scold my mother." 
 
 Impressed by facts such as we have just related, some ethnologists 
 have gone to the other extreme and brought forward the hypothesis that 
 in ancient society woman was the stronger sex, that she held man in sub- 
 jection, and that only by a violent revolution could he escape from her 
 bondage! We may pass this by as one of the vagaries of science, but it 
 is worth mentioning, as it indicates how numerous are the evidences 
 that the opinion of her constant subjection in primitive communities is 
 unfounded. 
 
 The Grounds of Sexual Attraction. — The instinct which prompts to 
 sexual selection and marriage is love. As an instinct it is quite marked 
 in monogamous monkeys and birds, and in some of them it is permanent. 
 In man it rises to the dignity of a sentiment — one that is frequenth- both 
 enduring and powerful and demands the attention of the ethnologist. 
 
 What is the foundation of the attraction wliich leads the male to select 
 one particular female rather than another, and which leads her, when free 
 to act, to reciprocate in some instances and not in others, has not been 
 explained. The laws of sexual selection laid down by the followers of 
 Darwin as holding good in the lower species confessedly fail when applied 
 to man. That such mutual attractions do exist, even in the rudest con- 
 ditions of society, cannot successfully be questioned. There are indeed
 
 8o ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 some tribes of limited extent, and nsuall}- corrui:)ted by proximity with 
 other races, whose marriages seem inferior to the pairing of birds; but 
 these are exceptions. 
 
 Terms of Endearment. — The absence of terms of endearment and 
 modes of caressing in certain languages and nations is not to be construed 
 into meaning that the tribes entertain no sentiments corresponding with 
 these acts and expressions. Nations, like individuals, vary widely in 
 their denionstrativeness, and their terms, moreover, may not be similar 
 to those with which the observer is familiar. Nor is there any dearth of 
 terms of endearment in some of such tongues. The Nahuatl, spoken by 
 the Aztecs and allied tribes of I\Iexico, is extraordinarily rich in expres- 
 sions of affection, as may be seen by looking in the appendix of Olmos' 
 Grammar of that idiom. A recent Grammar of the Quichua language 
 of Peru, that spoken by the Incas, traces out and assigns the shades of 
 meaning to six hundred and seventy-five variations of the verb " to love." 
 Several Negro dialects are mentioned as quite rich in similar tenns. 
 
 JModes of Caressing. — Modes of caressing, like methods of salutation, 
 are matters of local custom. Kissing, so familiar with us, was probably 
 unknown throughout America before the discovery, as it certainly was in 
 Australia, the South Sea Islands, New Zealand, and is still in most parts 
 of Central Africa. An English traveller in the last-mentioned region 
 relates that he was presented with a little slave-girl by one of the chiefs. 
 To signify his feelings of kindness for her, he received her with a kiss, 
 but it threw her into a spasm of terror. He learned afterward that such 
 a mark of affection was unknown to her people, and that she had asso- 
 ciated it with the habit of the boa-constrictor to lick its prey before swal- 
 lowing it, and feared that her new protector was about to eat her! 
 
 Suicide for Love. — Positive evidence of the strength of the passion of 
 love in the lower races is given b}' their readiness to destro)' themselves 
 when they cannot obtain the object of their hopes. Of all the aspersions 
 which the fair Rosalind chose to cast upon the male sex, none was less 
 true than that "men have died from time to time, and worms have eaten 
 them, but not for love." Suicide, not unknown among the higher brutes, 
 is frequent for comparatively trivial causes with some varieties of men, 
 and unrequited love is a common motive. Perhaps more frequent are the 
 suicides of females for this cause. Mrs. Eastman, in her description of 
 life among the Sioux Indians, sa}-s that rarely did a season pass without 
 the incident of some young girl destroying herself on account of impedi- 
 ments placed in the way of her affections. 
 
 III. L.'VNGUAGE. 
 On p. 52 the different stocks of languages have been discussed when 
 considered as a means of classifying the varieties of the human race. We 
 turn in the present section to language in its general sense as a motive- 
 power in the development of society-, and shall consider the influence it 
 wields over the destiny of nations.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 8i 
 
 Definition. — In this sense language is not confined to vocal utterance. 
 It includes all means by which emotions are evoked and ideas comnui- 
 nicated. This may be by signs or speech, and speech ma\' be inarticulate 
 or articulate; it may be of "winged words" or it may be in written 
 records ; and either of these may in turn take the form of the measured 
 and intoned lines which we call poetry or the plainer and colder garb of 
 prose. As a nation cultivates one or another of these with assiduity, its 
 character is revealed and its position in the world's history is fixed. 
 
 Language among the Lower Animals. — In this broad meaning lan- 
 guage is not confined to man. Many of the lower animals possess some 
 means of communicating information to each other, and some of them to 
 a degree which it puzzles naturalists to explain. Every one has heard 
 anecdotes to this effect of dogs and birds. The chirps and songs of the 
 latter serve to warn the flock of approaching danger, to call their mates, 
 to cheer their young, and the like. The stoiy of the dog who, having 
 had his own broken leg bandaged by a kind-hearted surgeon, came the 
 next day bringing a canine friend suffering from a similar accident, is 
 authentic. In some way the first dog communicated a considerable 
 amount of information to his friend in the transaction. It seems improb- 
 able that communities so well organized as those of bees and ants could 
 be carried on without rather extended means of imparting knowledge. 
 
 With the human species language is an essential bond of society, and 
 no political organization of importance could have come into being until 
 men had learned to talk. 
 
 I. Gesture- or Sign-Language. 
 
 Much of the intercommunication of brutes is by gestures. The dog 
 will fawn to show his submissiveness, jump and spring around his master 
 to manifest his joy, catch and pull the clothing to induce a person to go 
 in a certain direction, and the like. Certain members of the human race, 
 the deaf-mutes, are obliged to have recourse to the same means to make 
 their thoughts known. B3' judicious cultivation they have developed a 
 sign-language which answers all the purposes of ordinary life, and even 
 reaches to many higher topics. They can thus converse with accuracy 
 and rapidity. 
 
 Nor is it confined to these unfortunate persons. Some nations with 
 well-developed languages cultivate out of preference the use of signs and 
 gestures in ordinary intercourse. The Neapolitans and Sicilians are cele- 
 brated for this peculiarity. Though possessing rich and varied dialects, 
 they constantly resort to gestures to give their words emphasis, and have 
 perfected these to such an extent that they can carry on conversation 
 without the use of words. A traveller mentions that in Naples he visited 
 the opera with a citizen of the town. The latter recognized a friend 
 acrcss the theatre, and exchanged some signs with him, by which, he 
 informed the traveller, he had learned that this friend had been absent 
 three years, during which time he had been married ; had travelled iu 
 Vol. I.— 6
 
 82 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 Austria and France ; had been blessed with a daughter, whom he had had 
 the misfortune to lose; and had returned the day before. By subsequent 
 inquiry the traveller learned that these were the facts communicated. 
 
 To some extent this reliance upon gestures to express the meaning is 
 universal. Even among the studiously undemonstrative Englishmen, 
 with whom, since the condemnation of them by Addison, it has been 
 considered unbecoming to employ gestures even in public speaking, one 
 will observe grimaces and movements of the arms in moments of excite- 
 ment. But probably its most notable example is among the Indians of 
 North America. They have a sign-language of unknown antiquity, 
 understood over a wide area, and in which they are capable of conducting 
 protracted conx-ersation. To a certain extent, this language is the same 
 ever\-where. But these identities are not evidences of derivation from a 
 common centre; they merely show that a number of objects and actions 
 suggest the same simple and obvious signs for their expression. To 
 incline the head and close the eyes, or rest it a moment on the hand, 
 would always suggest sleep ; moving the hands backward and forward 
 with the fingers extended is an imitation of the motions of the feet, and 
 signifies walking; to imitate the bending of a bow to shoot an arrow indi- 
 cates that this weapon is meant. In these and in ver>' many more signs 
 those current in our educational institutions for the training of deaf-mutes 
 are identical with those in use among the Indian tribes of the Western 
 Plains. As has been said above, the obvious explanation of this is that 
 the same signs suggest themselves to all. In this sense, and in no other, 
 are we to understand the expression of Dr. Tylor, that " gesture-language 
 is substantially the same among savage tribes all over the world." 
 
 The development of a gesture-language depends upon the genius of a 
 people and upon the occasion it has to communicate with those of a dif- 
 ferent idiom. The old notion that it indicates poverty of expression in 
 the spoken language is now exploded by accurate observation. The 
 Neapolitan dialect is one of the richest of the Italian group, yet those 
 who speak it delight in gestures. The Shoshonees of the Western Plains 
 are celebrated for their free use of signs, and yet their vocabulary, so far 
 from being meagre, is remarkably copious. The assertion of a Mexican 
 bishop quoted in many books, and the later one of the same tenor pub- 
 lished by Captain Burton, the English traveller, to the effect that there 
 are tribes in North America whose tongues are so imperfect that they 
 cannot converse without the aid of gestures, and therefore cannot talk in 
 the dark, is an absurdity. As Colonel ?.Iallery justly remarks : "All 
 theories based upon the supposed poverty of American languages must 
 be abandoned." 
 
 The value of such a means of exchanging ideas between scattered 
 tribes explains its wide prevalence. By its use treaties are established, 
 commercial intercourse carried on, instruction imparted and received, and 
 the impassable barrier of an unknown tongue cleverly avoided. So com- 
 pletely does it answer the purpose that Captain Clark relates instances
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 83 
 
 where Indians of different tribes had been married for years and had 
 never learned a word of each other's language, their comniunicatiou 
 being conducted entirely by signs. This excites the less astonishment 
 as parallel instances are frequent with deaf-mutes. 
 
 Plan of Thought in Gesture-Language. — The study of the plan of 
 thought in the sign-language is suggestive of that in some of the more 
 primitive forms of vocal speech, especially the isolating languages (see 
 p. 52). The articles, conjunctions, and prepositions are omitted, and* 
 adjectives follow the nouns. Verbs are given in the present tense, and 
 both nouns and verbs appear only in the singular number, the idea of 
 plurality being expressed in some other way. Abbreviation is constantly 
 practised. To illustrate this, Captain Clark gives the following imaginary 
 speech: "I arrived here to-day to make a treaty. I have with me one 
 hundred lodges, which are camped beyond tlie Black Hills, near the Yel- 
 lowstone River. You are a great chief Take pity on me, for I am poor, 
 and I have five children who are sick and without food. The snow is 
 deep and the weather very cold. " The signs used to convey this would 
 be those for the following words : "I — arrive — to-day — make treaty. 
 
 — My — hundred — lodge — camp — beyond — Hills — Black — near — 
 River — Elk. — You — chief — great — to pity — I — poor — my — five 
 
 — child — sick — food — wiped out — . Snow — deep — cold — strong. ' ' 
 
 2. Inarticul.\te Speech. 
 
 The cries of animals and the wails and croonings of infants are exam- 
 ples of inarticulate speech. So also are many of the interjections and 
 emotional expressions of adult men. The vocal sounds produced in ad- 
 dressing animals are generally inarticulate ; that is to say, they are not 
 divided by consonants and vowels into words arranged in grammatical 
 sequence. A dog is called by whistling, swine by a prolonged vowel- 
 sound, horses are urged to a faster gait by vocal clucks. The phonetic 
 elements which appear in inarticulate speech may be entirely different 
 from those in the articulate language of the locality. Thus, in the United 
 States both horses and dogs are admonished by vocal utterances produced 
 by inspiration, while not a single inspirant occurs in any Aryan language, 
 and scarcely in any on the globe, e.xcept the idioms of the Bushmen and 
 Hottentots of South Africa. The half-articulate baby language in which 
 parents among the Iroquois talk to their very 3'oung children contains 
 labials, a class of sounds wholly absent from the adult speech of the 
 tribe. 
 
 The spontaneous expressions of the emotions are generally inarticulate. 
 The scream of pain, the cry of joy, the exclamation of surprise or fright, 
 are not words, but mere sounds, corresponding to the utterances of ani- 
 mals under similar conditions. These have already been referred to as 
 one of the possible sources of true speech (see p. 50). 
 
 How little even the most cultivated nations are removed from those 
 "touches of nature which make the whole world kiu " is seen in the
 
 84 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 meaningless chorus to many popular songs thrown in simply as emotional 
 
 stimulants, as Shakespeare's 
 
 " Heigho ho ! sing heigho ho! Ho! the green holly," 
 
 or the melancholy Jaques' 
 
 " Ducdame, diicdame, ducdame," 
 
 which we may understand as an intentional travesty on immeaning cho- 
 ruses, and which he explains satirically as "a Greek invocation to call 
 fools into a circle." 
 
 There is, however, a certain measure of sound philosophy in them. 
 The emotional nature more readily sways to the gusts of passion when it 
 is wholly uncontrolled by the intelligence. Sounds which are outbursts 
 of feeling only, true " songs without words," are therefore more sure to 
 elicit a response in the bosom of the audience than those which are 
 framed in intelligible words, which occupy the intellect by communicating 
 to it definite ideas. The prima donna who sings wild notes of passion to 
 an audience who do not understand her language is more popular than she 
 who recites the noblest songs of the common tongue. The chants of all 
 rude nations are largely made up of these inarticulate sounds, sometimes 
 altogether so. The Comanche dance-song is a monotonous repetition in 
 the minor key of the syllables 
 
 He ya! a! he! 
 He ya! a ! he ! 
 He ya ! a ! he ! etc. 
 
 The war-song of the Iroquois runs — 
 
 We yo hi yo we hi an, 
 We yo hi yo we hi an, etc. 
 
 In neither instance have the syllables any meaning. The}' are used solely 
 to excite and maintain a certain emotional condition. 
 
 The language of affection approaches this inarticulate condition by 
 dropping or altering the consonants of the usual speech, lengthening to 
 an extraordinary degree the vowels, and indulging in frequent repetitions. 
 The most celebrated example of this in the English language is Swift's 
 correspondence with "Stella" and "Vanessa," but it is everywhere 
 familiar to lovers and to "baby-talk." Even among the Tchuktchis of 
 Siberia, Nordenskjold relates that the girls when they would show their 
 affection lisped in a softened and altered speech. 
 
 3. Articulate Speech. 
 
 From the above we have seen that gesture and grimace on the one 
 
 hand, and inarticulate cries on the other, make up very effective means 
 
 of communication, and that the latter is in some respects a more efficient, 
 
 and therefore to this day a more popular, avenue to convey and excite the
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 85 
 
 emotions than any other. For a long time probably they sufficed for the 
 wants of the human race. But sign-language has one great drawback : 
 it requires the light for its exercise, whereas it is especially in the loneli- 
 ness of the night and darkness that man yearns for companionship and 
 the exchange of thoughts. This as much as anything else was probably 
 the motive that urged him to cultivate with particular assiduity his vocal 
 organs and to train them to articulate speech. As has previously been 
 suggested, this was at first principally by imitation, either of natural 
 sounds or of his own inarticulate cries. An eminent authority on the 
 subject, I^rofessor W. D. Whitney, remarks: "Spoken language began 
 when a cry of pain, wnmg out by real suffering, was repeated in imitation, 
 no longer as a mere instinctive utterance, but for the purpose of intimating 
 to another ' I am suffering ;' when an angry growl, the direct expression 
 of passion, was reproduced to signify disapprobation and threatening ; 
 and the like." 
 
 Articulate differs from inarticulate speech both in the phonetic laws on 
 which it is based and in the faculties to which it is addressed. Articulate 
 sounds are made up of a succession of vowels and consonants, the former 
 emitting a continuous sound, which the latter cut and break in a variety 
 of ways, thus forming what we call syllables. These, either standing 
 alone or combined, make up trords, each representing some perception or 
 idea of the intellect. This is the meaning or signification of the word, 
 and when it is uttered the same idea is evoked in the mind of the hearer, 
 provided he has already been taught the connection between the two. 
 In most instances, as has been intimated, this connection is wholly arti- 
 ficial, and its knowledge is a matter of education. The sound represents 
 the thought, but the association is an imaginary and factitious one. Were 
 it otherwise, were the relation between the two real and permanent, there 
 would be but one language on the globe, and it would be unchangeable. 
 
 From this statement it will be apparent that while inarticulate lan- 
 guage addresses exclusively the emotional nature, articulate speech is 
 directed primarily and solely to the intellectual faculties ; and this consti- 
 tutes a second and fundamental difference between the two varieties. 
 
 Influence of a Language on /hose Speaking it. — The importance of a 
 study of languages for the purposes of ascertaining their relationship and 
 tracing them to their common ancestral stock, and thus under certain re- 
 strictions demonstrating the affinities of nations, has already been adverted 
 to (p. 49) as a prominent branch in the science of Ethnology. But this 
 is by no means the only service which linguistics is prepared to furnish 
 that science, perhaps not the most important one. The far more abstruse 
 but vital question remains to be considered : What influence has the lan- 
 guage of a nation on its thinking powers, and through these on all its 
 capacities and fate? 
 
 Let it be remembered that the sounds, the genius, and the forms of a 
 language are mainly traditional and hereditary ; they are heirlooms handed 
 down from anterior generations ; and the national mind is chained to
 
 86 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 them by fetters which it cannot break, and does not seek to, because it is 
 not aware of their existence. All its thoughts are cast in the moulds 
 thus inherited, nor is it capable of receiving the conceptions of tongues 
 which have wider schemes of linguistic life. For example, in many 
 lower languages there is no passive voice, and no substantive verb ex- 
 pressing abstracth- the notion "to be." It is quite certain that individ- 
 uals who have grown to adult j'ears in the use of such tongues only, can 
 never be brought to a clear comprehension of the ideas which we express 
 by the grammatical forms mentioned. 
 
 Where such differences between languages are numerous, and where 
 they include conceptions which are essential to the higher flights of the 
 intellectual faculties, it is evident that the nation lacking these qualities 
 in its language is put to a serious disadvantage in the progressive march 
 of the race. It may, in fact, be by this condition absolutely incapacitated 
 from reaching the higher levels of culture as long as it preserves its nati\'e 
 tongue unchanged. So important did this aspect of linguistics appear to 
 one of the profoundest writers of this century, Wilhelm von Humboldt, 
 that he devoted the last and greatest work of his life to a demonstration 
 of the influence which the structural differences of human speech exert 
 on the mental development of the race. 
 
 Copious l^ocabitlarics not a Proof of Excellence. — Although in that 
 work Humboldt laid down with clearness the principles of this branch of 
 ethnological science, many erroneous opinions still prevail on the subject. 
 Thus it is often stated in writings of scientific pretensions that rude lan- 
 guages have limited vocabularies, and that a copious supply of words and 
 synonymous expressions is one of the characteristics of a superior tongue. 
 Both statements are quite erroneous. One might as well say that the 
 interminable gabbling of some men is a proof of superior intellectual 
 gifts. It is usually just the reverse. So it is with nations. Within the 
 range of their ideas savages have frequently far more copious vocabularies 
 than civilized nations. Thus it has been estimated that the natives of 
 Tierra del Fuego, one of the lowest tribes of this continent, have a vo- 
 cabulary of thirty thousand words, but it is all within the limits of the 
 most concrete ideas, and is an exhausting catalogue of petty distinctions. 
 The Eskimos have twenty words to signify fishing for particular kinds of 
 animals, as seals, walrus, whales, etc., but have no word signifying "to 
 fish" in general. So, many American dialects possess words with the 
 meanings "to eat hard things," "to eat soft things," "to eat meat," 
 " to eat fruit," etc., but no general word " to eat." Such apparent rich- 
 ness is actual poverty, and the student would be led widely astray who 
 should quote it as a proof of the superiority of these tongues. It is not 
 the mere extent, but the range and character of the vocabulary that are 
 decisive in such cases. 
 
 Regiilarily of Structure. — Nor does regularity of structure or an abun- 
 dance of grammatical forms offer any guarantee that a language belongs 
 among those of the highest rank. On the contrary, both these traits are
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 87 
 
 more common in tongues of a low order of development. Wliere all 
 verbs are regular and have but one conjugation, as is tlie case in various 
 South American dialects and in others in India, it is indicative of a lack 
 of picturesqueness and force in the language which reacts injuriously on 
 its speakers. The very abundance of forms is a clog to the intellect, 
 diverting the attention from the main and central thought of the proposi- 
 tion to occupy it with a quantity of useless accessory details. This is 
 markedly the case in many American languages. To illustrate it we may 
 quote the example given by Major J. W. Powell in his Introduction to the 
 Study of Indian Languages: "A Ponca Indian, in saying that a man 
 killed a rabbit, would have to say, ' The man, he, one, animate, standing, 
 in the nominative case, purposely, killed, by shooting an arrow, the rabbit, 
 he, the one, animate, sitting, in the objective case ;' for the form of a 
 verb, to kill, would have to be selected, and the verb changes its form by 
 inflection and incorporated particles to denote person, number, and gender 
 as animate or inanimate, and again as standing, sitting, or lying, and case as 
 nominative, objective, etc. ; the form of the verb would also express whether 
 the killing was done accidentally or purposely, and whether it was done 
 by shooting or by some other process, and, if by shooting, whether by 
 bow and arrow or with a gtm ; and the form of the verb would in like 
 manner have to express all these things relating to the oljject ; that is, 
 the person, number, gender, and case of the object ; and from the multi- 
 plicity of forms of the verb ' to kill ' this particular one would have to 
 be selected. Perhaps one time in a million it would be the purpose to 
 express all these particulars, and in that case the Indian would have the 
 whole expression in one compact word ; but in all the remaining cases in 
 the million all of these particulars would have to be thought of in the 
 selection of the form of the verb, when no valuable purpose would be 
 accomplished thereby." 
 
 Capacity to Express Thojights. — Nor can we accept the capacity of a 
 language to express thoughts as an evidence of its excellence. It is a 
 fact proved by the records of missionary labors in savage lands that the 
 mysteries of religion, which are among the most recondite of all medita- 
 tions, can be conveyed in the forms of any tongue yet discovered, though 
 new words may have to be introduced. It is not at all certain, however, 
 that those native born to these tongues understand the j^hrases as do their 
 teachers. But the fact remains that the forms of the most barbarous lan- 
 guages are such that they may be developed to admit the expression of 
 any kind of idea. 
 
 True Superiority of Language. — The true superiority of a language is 
 .shown not in one but in several particulars. Its tones, the phonetic ele- 
 ments which make up its aljihabet, must be clear, positive, and harmoni- 
 ous; its grammatical structure must present the leading elements of the 
 proposition in their simplicity, unencumbered by superfluous detail, and 
 permit the secondary elements to be grouped around them in subordinate 
 positions with a correct sense of linguistic perspective.
 
 88 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 A language which lias these characteristics will correspond most pre- 
 cisely in its expressions with the logical processes of thought, and will 
 thus favor clear and progressive thinking and prompt comprehension. It 
 will therefore act on the national mind as a stimulus and an incentive to 
 intellectual pursuits. 
 
 Progress of Language. — Language being a faculty natural to man, it 
 is, like all his faculties, capable of constant improvement, and has steadily 
 advanced along with his other powers. The leading principle of its 
 growth and improvement is strictly ethnological. It is found in the cross- 
 ing of bloods on a large scale by the repeated intermixture of nations 
 speaking different tongues. Those forms of speech often looked upon 
 with contempt, the jargons, dialects, and mixed languages, are in reality 
 the strong and healthy shoots put forth from an ancient stock, proving its 
 \'igor; and in the end these scions will be green and vigorous when the 
 ancient tree is withering in a dry rot. As an eminent linguist has elo- 
 quently said, "The seemingly aimless and confused intenninglings of 
 primitive tribes sowed the seed for the flowers of speech and song which 
 flourished in centuries long posterior" (Wilhelm von Humboldt). 
 
 Admixtures. — If it be asked in what manner the admixtures of lan- 
 guages lead to their improvement, the reply is, That they are thus obliged 
 to drop all unnecessary accessor}- elements in a proposition; that the rela- 
 tions of ideas must be expressed by conventional and not significant syl- 
 lables, thus defining the distinction between the material and the merely 
 formal parts of a sentence; and that the limitations of thought imposed 
 by the genius of a language are violently broken down, and the mental 
 powers are allowed full sway. Furthermore, the vocabular}' is en'riched 
 by new words, and with these words come new ideas. 
 
 As examples to illustrate opposite conditions of language in these 
 respects we may mention the Chinese and the English. The former 
 has remained without crossings and without important intermixture for 
 four thousand years; the latter is an extremely composite product of recent 
 growth. The Chinese were a civilized and literary people when the ances- 
 tors of the English were wild savages; but the Chinese, uninfluenced by 
 external influence and tied down to the limits of a singularly inexpressive 
 language, sank into a state of mental torpidity, until now they have been 
 left far behind by all the more mobile nations of the Western World. 
 
 Undoubtedly, up to a certain point a tongue can be cultivated within 
 its own limits by enriching its vocabulary, separating and classifying its 
 grammatical elements, fixing the meaning of current compounds, and by 
 forming new ones according to the genius of its structure; but this will 
 only earn- it a limited distance, where it will lag and become inert unless 
 vivified by au admixture of foreign elements both in words and forms. 
 
 4. Recorded Speech. 
 A striking illustration of the influence which the genius of different 
 languages has exerted on the destiny of nations and their position in the
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 89 
 
 sca]e of civilization has been the effect whicli the structure of idioms has 
 had on the discovery and development of the art of writing. We need 
 not emphasize what a powerful lever this art has been in lifting nations 
 from savagery to civilization. It is not too much to say that civilization 
 in its higher sense is impossible without it. History has no existence, 
 and the brightest examples and noblest actions are soon lost in oblivion, 
 except by the intervention of this "art preservative of arts." Yet such 
 are the extreme difficulties which languages of the incorporating and 
 isolating classes (see p. 52) present to the application of a phonetic alpha- 
 bet, that it is the opinion of most linguists that had all tongues come 
 under these classes the alphabet, as we understand it, could never have 
 been devised. 
 
 Most nations, indeed, not on the very lowest planes of savagery, have 
 devised some means of recording ideas for temporary and immediate ends. 
 There have also been several independent discoveries in different parts 
 of the world of what, using the term in a broad sense, we may call "writ- 
 ing," including in this term any method which conveys ideas by the sense 
 of sight. 
 
 Various Systems of Writing. — All forms of writing come under one of 
 two categories: (i) the thought is either conveyed directly, or (2) it is con- 
 veyed by evoking in the memory the sound of the spoken word express- 
 ing the thought. This leads to the fundamental distinction of " thought- 
 writing" and "sound-writing." 
 
 A. Thought-Writing. — The oldest and simplest form of all writing is 
 a picture. It is independent of language and is understood by all men. 
 An Indian once called at a settler's house in Western Pennsylvania and 
 asked for food. The settler drove him away with abuse. In a few min- 
 utes the Indian returned with a shingle on which he had rudely drawn in 
 charcoal an Indian driving his tomahawk into the brain of a white man, 
 the latter being distinguished by his clothes. The meaning of the mis- 
 sive was significant enough, and the son of the forest promptly obtained 
 his repast. 
 
 Picture-Writing. — Such a method maybe called "writing with pic- 
 tures." True "picture-writing" is something much more complicated. 
 In it there is no attempt to represent in line and color the transaction as 
 it did or might take place, but the figures are symbols only of the ideas 
 for which they stand. While the meaning of the picture is intelligible 
 at once to any one who is acquainted with the circumstances to which it 
 relates, this is not the case with the elements of picture-writing. They 
 must be learned, and the connection of the symbol with the idea under- 
 stood, before its meaning becomes obvious. To take a few examples from 
 the American tribes, we may instance the sinuous horizontal line among 
 the Mexicans, which meant water. It was intended to suggest the rip- 
 pling surface of a stream or pond. The picture of an arrow-head meant 
 "warrior;" of a particular headdress, "noble," bccau.se only the noble 
 classes were permitted to wear it; with the Algonkius, a square stood for
 
 90 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 the earth, because they believed it to be a vast square plain; a circle sig- 
 nified a divinity, apparently becaiise it is complete in itself; a zigzag line 
 was rain, because it is often accompanied by lightning, which has that 
 form, etc. It will be seen from these few examples that the connec- 
 tion between the symbol and the idea is often so remote that it requires 
 a close knowledge of the customs and beliefs of the nation in order to 
 discover it (see //. 53, fig. 9). 
 
 Picture-writing of this general cliaracter was in common use among 
 most of the tribes of North America, and rose to considerable perfection 
 among the nations of Mexico and Central America. It can also distinctly 
 be traced in the oldest inscriptions of China and the valley of the Nile. 
 Its separate figures are called "ideograms," and they have never been 
 entirely superseded by any other system. During the Middle Ages they 
 constituted the foundation of the heraldic art, and to this day the Arabic 
 numerals, many marine signals, and various conventional signs used in 
 commerce attest the recognized superiority of ideograms for certain pur- 
 poses. Indeed, the numerous efforts made to invent a universal written 
 language, one which, like the numerals, will be intelligible to all nations, 
 all agree in contemplating a system of picture- or thought-writing as 
 the ideally perfect one. 
 
 Qiiipus. — We must include in this form of writing the plan pursued 
 by the ancient Peruvians in their quipits. These were series of knotted 
 cords, var}-ing in size, length, color, and thickness. Each of these pecu- 
 liarities, as well as the forms of the knots, had a recognized signification, 
 so that, the general sense of the whole being known, the details could be 
 ascertained from the quipu itself. Not only were the accounts of the 
 kingdom, the reports of the taxes, and the number of fighting-men thus 
 kept with accuracy, but also the past history of the nation, the verses of 
 songs and dramas, and the mj-tlis of their religion. Although nowhere 
 else developed to such a system, a similar method of recording ideas was 
 observed among some of the natives of Siberia; and the frequent habit 
 with some among ourselves of tying a knot in the handkerchief to recall 
 an idea or fact to mind is a familiar proof of how naturally it would sug- 
 gest itself for the purpose (see pi. 53, fig. 12). 
 
 B. Sound-V/riting. — The progression from thought- to sound-writing 
 was a gradual one, and was greatly favored by the phonetic constitution 
 of certain languages. It came about, in the first place, by the simple 
 method of the rebus, still familiar as a puzzle among the games of chil- 
 dren, and by the presence in a tongiie of a number of homophonous words 
 — /. c. those having the same or nearly the same sound, but with different 
 meanings. 
 
 The difference between the rebus and picture-writing is that the former 
 refers to the sound and the latter to the idea. Thus in picture-writing the 
 concept " pencil " could be conveyed by the actual picture of that object, 
 or symbolically by a V-shaped mark, representing its sharpened point ; 
 while by the rebus we should have the figure or symbol of a pen and that
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 91 
 
 of a sill, these two, in sound, forming pen-cil, although any other relation 
 between a door- or window-sill and a pencil is as remote as possible. 
 
 This method was common in the heraldry of the Middle Ages, and was 
 that most familiar to the Aztecs. The English family of Bolton carried 
 as their arms the device of a crossbow shaft, a bolt^ driven through a cask, 
 a titn. The complex figure by which the name of the emperor Monte- 
 zuma is represented in the Aztec codices is composed of a part of a trap, 
 the head of an eagle, a lancet, and a band. In the Nahuatl language the 
 words corresponding to these (their terminations omitted) are mo-cauh-20- 
 via^ which closely appro.ximated the Nahuatl pronunciation of the name. 
 The old hieroglyphic script of Egypt, which was just emerging from the 
 condition of picture-writing, displays, especially in some of the cartouches 
 recording proper names, a utilization of the same simple device. 
 
 Let us proceed a step forward, and suppose that such a method of 
 writing the two sounds "pen-cil" had become general. Soon it would 
 be noticed that the figure for the sound pen represented as many mean- 
 ings as that sound had in the spoken language — in English not only/^v/, 
 an instrument used for writing, \>vl1 pcn^ a small enclosure for beasts, and, 
 dialectically, a headland. All these would, for the sake of simplicity, be 
 grouped under the same symbolic figure. Where such homophones were 
 very numerous, as is the case in monosyllabic languages like the Chinese, 
 in which the same syllable may have a score of totally diverse meanings, 
 sonre sign would be added to designate which was intended. This is 
 secured in the script of that tongue b)' what are called determinatives^ 
 accessory signs indicating to what class of objects the main sign refers. 
 
 Cliincse and Japanese Systems. — The genius of the Mongolian tongues 
 did not favor a further differentiation of their phonetic elements. Those 
 idioms are largely monosyllabic and isolating, and they distinguish the 
 different meanings of a monosyllable by pronouncing it with a rising, a 
 falling, an intermediate, or a varied inflection of the voice not capable 
 of reproduction in an alphabetic notation. Hence they never developed 
 an alphabet, and do not find it convenient to employ any that have been 
 proposed. They still content themselves with their unwieldy apparatus 
 of nearly eighty thousand characters (including the combinations), though 
 it requires a lifetime to learn tlie half of them. 
 
 When in the third century of our era the Japanese became acquainted 
 with the Chinese system of writing, the influence upon it of their poly- 
 syllabic and more or less inflected language soon became evident. Al- 
 though they retained a certain number of its ideograms, they analyzed 
 most of its complications down to a limited number of syllables. As 
 every syllable in Japanese must be "open" — that is, must begin with a 
 consonant and end with a vowel — their number was limited, especially as 
 the old Japanese had but ten consonants and five vowels. Omitting cer- 
 tain combinations which do not occur in the spoken language, it is found 
 that the seventy-two syllabic signs which constitute the modern Japanese 
 alphabet render the language in an eutirel)- satisfactor}' manner.
 
 92 
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 Cuneiform. — Another form of s>-llabic writing, independently devel- 
 oped in all likelihood, was that preserved in the cuneiform inscriptions 
 of the valley of Mesopotamia. The nation using it was known as the 
 Accadian, but their relationship has not been ascertained. Some faint 
 resemblances to the Finnish and allied tongues have been pronounced 
 inconclusive by the best authorities. The cuneiform writing is extremely 
 difficult from the absence of fixity in the sounds represented. Thus, a 
 sign may mean either a closed or an open syllable containing the vowel 
 (/. c. one ending with a consonant or a vowel), and it may convey quite 
 different consonantal values. For example, the sign for the syllable kn 
 stands also for the syllables tits., /""', and diir ; the sign for li \x\z.y also be 
 pronounced gip and Jiim (Friedrich Miiller). With such obstacles as this 
 to contend with, and the language and all its descendants being extinct, 
 it is one of the marvels of modern science that the study of the cuneiform 
 inscriptions has conquered so wide a field of positive results as has been 
 the case. 
 
 Ancient Egyptian. — An analysis of speech to its ultimate phonetic 
 elements — in other words, an approach toward an alphabet of letters — was 
 first achieved in ancient Egypt, but, as we shall soon see, not there in its 
 puritv. The Egyptians began with picture-writing, and soon advanced 
 to svllabic writing. But, unlike the Chinese, the spirit of their language 
 did not lead them to stop there. The ancient Coptic was a language of 
 inflection (see p. 52); it possessed a series of syllables which served to 
 express the relations of ideas and the position of each idea with reference 
 to others. It was also a language possessing many homophones. B\' the 
 latter it offered the facility for extending the signification of the figure 
 representing a sound. By the former certain sounds were recognized as 
 belonging to the formal parts of the language, and soon became separated 
 from the others. To quote the example offered by Prof. F. IMiiller, we 
 may take the word for "brother," in Coptic son: son-t., sister; son-u^ 
 brothers ; pa-son., the brother ; ta-son-t, the sisters ; son-a^ my brother ; 
 son-k, thy brother ; son-/, his brother ; son-a)i, our brother, etc. These 
 suffixes and prefixes are repeated with every word as the sense demands, 
 and the ancient scribe would soon be led to have separate figures not only 
 for the syllables /(7, ta, an, but for the single elements /, n, a, k, f, thus 
 making a long stride toward a true alphabet. He would find that the 
 same sign would answer for the sound a whether it was a prefi.x or a 
 suffix, whether it was a whole word or a mere particle added or inserted. 
 
 To this extent the Egyptians had carried their system of writing at an 
 early date, and its different steps are plainly perceptible in their inscrip- 
 tions and manuscripts. The figure of a house, in Coptic per, stands for 
 the syllable /cr/ the figure of a ram, ba, for the s\'llable ba ; and so on. 
 This is indeed only a kind of syllabic picture-writing. But in the same 
 inscription we may find true alphabetic writing, as when the figure or 
 symbol of an owl, in Coptic nnilag, stands for the letter ;;/ / that of the 
 mouth, 7-0, for the letter r ; of the lion, laboi, for the letter // and the like.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 93 
 
 Afcxicnn or Aztec. — The ancient Mexicans had carried their system 
 ahnost to the same extent. They not onh- had pictures expressing certain 
 syllables, but some defining particular letters, and they combined them to 
 spell words. Thus, the Aztec hieroglyph of the great plateau of Apan 
 was the sinuous line for water, in Nahuatl all., or, the termination dropped, 
 simply rt', and the figure of a banner, paiilli ox pan. Here the first repre- 
 sented a single letter, the latter a closed s)llable. 
 
 But neither the Egyptians nor the Aztecs learned to avail themselves of 
 the full advantages of the system which they had carried to this point with 
 such inventive skill. Alongside of these true phonetic elements they 
 retained many ideograms, and even actual pictures ; they made use of 
 "determinatives," as described in the Chinese s)'stem (see p. 91); and they 
 did not confine one sign to one sound, and thus carr)' a fixed phonetic 
 principle through all their system of writing. It was reserved for other 
 groups of nations, under the stimulus of wideh--difrerent linguistic struc- 
 ture, to overcome these difficulties, and to give to the method of recording 
 thought its final requirements to adapt it to the needs of civilization. 
 
 Early Seinilic. — First of these groups in point of time were the Semitic 
 nations, especially those of Babylonia and Phoenicia. There can be no 
 reasonable doubt that their oldest scripts were learned from "the wis- 
 dom of the Egyptians" and were syllabic in nature. But as such they 
 were by no means suited to the genius of the Semitic languages. These 
 have certain traits in which they stand alone among all languages of 
 men. They are built on a series of so-called "verbal roots," each of 
 which consists of three consonantal sounds. The changes of meaning, 
 which in most Aryan tongues are obtained by affixes, are in the Semitic 
 dialect produced by altering the vowel inserted between these three con- 
 sonants. To show this by an example, we may take the three consonants 
 k — / — b. In the Semitic dialects this arrangement conveys the idea of 
 "writing" or the act " to write," indefinitely. Placing the vowel a after 
 each consonant, ka la ba, it means, "he has written ;" substituting an 11 
 for the first a — thus, ku la ba — we have " it has been written ;" lengthen- 
 ing the first a and alt-ering the last to an ?^, ka la bti, gives the present 
 participle "writing;" and so on. 
 
 Evidently, to a nation with a language fotmded like this upon conso- 
 nants, and whose vowels appeared or disappeared obediently to fixed laws, 
 it was practically sufficient to express the consonantal soinids, but it was 
 most important to accomplish this with the utmost precision. Hence, in 
 modifying the Egyptian writing to suit their needs they rejected all its 
 vowel elements, and confined their borrowing to just enough signs to 
 express each definite consonant of their tongue. , 
 
 Such remained the character of the various Semitic alphabets for many 
 generations. The books of the Old Testament, the inscription on the Moab- 
 ite Stone, and inscriptions from Carthage and Phoenicia and other localities, 
 were all written in consonants only and without marks for vowel-sounds. 
 Custom, the sense of the passage, and tradition were supposed to be sufli-
 
 94 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 cient to suggest the proper vowels to the inind. But in time these were 
 found to be inadequate to the purpose. The rendering of the ancient books 
 became obscured; even the correct pronunciation of the sacred name 
 Jehovah fell into discussion among the doctors of the law; so that tlie 
 employment of vowel-sounds became indispensable. They were not, 
 however, placed in the word, on an equality with the consonants, but 
 above or below them, as of secondary importance, and were not develop- 
 ments of an ancient form of writing, but an artificial device of scholars. 
 
 Grceco-Italic. — Finally, the GrjEco-Italic nations, receiving the Semitic 
 alpliabet b3' the way of Phoenicia and the trading ports of Tyre and Sidon, 
 supplied it at an earlier date than histor\' records with the vowels which it 
 lacked in order to render it a proper exponent of vocal expression. The 
 vowel elements were placed, not as inferior, but as equal to the consonants, 
 and inserted in the word in the order in which they are heard by the ear. 
 This also was a necessary step forced upon them by the inflectional struc- 
 ture and polys}'llabic character of their languages, thus illustrating again 
 the profound influence which the diversity of linguistic structure has 
 exerted on the development of the intellectual nature of man. 
 
 5. Poetry and Prose. 
 
 Poetry has been called "the nati-\'e language of the human race." 
 Certain it is that no nation has been disco\'ered so brutish or so forlorn 
 that it did not stimulate its emotions and cheer its hours of gloom with 
 song of some kind. The Eskimos of the dark and frozen North are 
 devoted lovers of singing and music. When one feels himself insulted 
 by another, he does not seek some bloody revenge, but challenges him to 
 a combat of song, where each sings satirical verses reflecting on the other, 
 and they separate with their honor as well satisfied as two French editors 
 who have met in a duel, the sword having drawn from one or the other 
 some drops of blood. 
 
 Poetry appeals to the emotional, prose to the intellectual, nature; the 
 former aims to stir the imagination, the latter to enrich the intellect. As 
 one or the other is predominant in the spoken or written literature of a 
 nation, its ambitions and actions are directed by cool calculation or by 
 passion. 
 
 Poetry is intimately connected with the art of music. The chants of 
 the humblest tribes are accompanied by some rude instruments which 
 serve to beat time; and the latest analysis of the accents and feet of the 
 lines of the ripest poets seems to demonstrate that they are in accord with 
 the principles of musical notation (Sidney Lanier). 
 
 Rhyme in Poetry. — Rhyme does not constitute a general feature of 
 poetry. In most languages it is unknown, and in some it would be 
 impossible or nearly so. It was unfamiliar to and disregarded by the 
 masters of verse in classical Greece and Rome. The quantity of the 
 vowels in their stately idioms was sufficient to their ears, although the 
 mediaeval Latinists proved how readily that tongue lends itself to rhythmi-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 95 
 
 cal effects. In modern times it has different principles in tongnes of near 
 relationship. The charming assonance of the Spanish cannot be imitated 
 in other Romance dialects, still less in intractable English. The allitera- 
 tion which is agreeable in Anglo-Saxon is nnbearable in modern French 
 and distasteful beyond very moderate limits in English. 
 
 These and like peculiarities depend upon the structure of languages, 
 and react directly or indirectly on the life of nations. We must be con- 
 tent with giving them a passing reference to indicate how worthy they 
 of the attentive study of the ethnologist. 
 
 IV. TECHNOLOGY, OR THE ARTS. 
 
 Art in its widest sense may be defined as " Knowledge applied to the 
 modification of the natural condition of objects." It has been styled 
 "the main force ot culture," and the endeavor has been made to classify 
 all nations and to subdivide all history with reference to industrial art 
 alone (Hittell). Though to concede to it such an all-jjowerful influence 
 as this is to overlook the claims of the other elements in national life, 
 the condition of the arts in any community does indeed serve as a con- 
 venient, obvious, and generally accurate measure of its advancement. 
 
 Classification. — For purpo.ses of ethnological study the arts may be 
 classified luider three categories, with reference to the object they are 
 intended to produce, and the needs, real or fancied, of the human mind 
 which promoted their development. These are — 
 
 1. The Utilitarian Arts; 
 
 2. The .5)sthetic Arts; 
 
 3. The Religious Arts. 
 
 This arrangement is probably also that of the order in which they 
 arose, the demands of utility preceding those of decoration, and the relig- 
 ious inspirations of art arriving subsequent to both the others. 
 
 I. THE UTILITARIAN ARTS. 
 
 There could have been no time in the history of the race when man 
 was ignorant of all the arts, nor has any nation been discovered which has 
 not achieved very positive conquests in some of them. Indeed, several of 
 them are familiar to many of the lower species, and are practised either in 
 obedience to instinct or through knowledge to a remarkable degree. To 
 take familiar examples: we have all witnessed the judgment and skill 
 with which birds locate and construct their nests, and the ability of the 
 beaver and the ant in this direction is proverbial. The hog wallows in 
 the mire in order to cover himself with a coating of mud and thus defend 
 himself against the heat and the insects, and the native of the Upper 
 Amazon daubs himself with similar moist clay, his only clothing, for the 
 same purpose. 
 
 Classification by Prnrliic/s. — We may arrange the different arts of 
 utility in a scheme which will approximately be that of their historic 
 origin and of their indispensability to man, as follows:
 
 96 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 1. Tools and Utensils; 
 
 2. Weapons of War and the Chase; 
 
 3. Buildings; 
 
 4. Clothing; 
 
 5. Means of Transportation; 
 
 6. Weights and Measures; 
 
 7. Media of Exchange. 
 
 I. Tools and Utensils. 
 
 The tool is not the end or aim of art, but its means; it is a prerequisite 
 to further steps in the march of invention, and is devised to enable man 
 to overcome the resistance of the material which he wishes to bring under 
 his control and apply to the satisfaction of his wants. Early and rude 
 tools serve many purposes. The sharpened flint of the savage ciits and 
 shapes his arrow, carves and skins the animal which is slain, dresses 
 its hide and scrapes its sinews into strings and its claws into ornaments, 
 and takes the place of all the thousand implements in modern work- 
 shops. But here, as elsewhere in nature, the general law of progress, 
 which is none other than the application of the principle of "differentia- 
 tion and specialization," came soon into play, and tools were devised for 
 limited and special purposes. 
 
 Early Stone Tools, — Such a sharpened flint or other hard stone was 
 probably the first of tools fashioned by the pre-historic man, and to this day 
 has not fallen out of use. As a "flesher" to flay cattle just such a stone 
 implement as is excavated from the Ohio mounds is itsed now-a-days in 
 some of the great meat-packing houses of the Western United States. 
 Nothing better adapted to perform the work neatly and expeditiously 
 has been devised. 
 
 The stone axes, chisels, and celts of the earlier strata of Europe and 
 Asia approximate closely in form to those in use by the American 
 Indians at the period of the discovery. This does not demand for its 
 explanation that the one nation borrowed from the other, but that simply 
 this was the most convenient and appropriate shape of the tool, and as 
 such it suggested itself spontaneously everywhere to the primiti\-e artisan. 
 That these seemingly rude tools are more effective than we are apt to sup- 
 pose was illustrated a few years ago by a Danish antiquary, who placed 
 some of these stone implements from the Danish kitchen-middens in the 
 hands of ordinary workmen, and with them, the}' constructed a well- 
 finished and even picturesque log cabin. 
 
 The Alamifactiire of Stone Tools. — From some remains in very ancient 
 strata in France the opinion has been advanced that the first method of 
 making such stone tools was by placing large masses of flint in the fire, 
 which would si^linter its surface into sharp-edged spalls (]\Iortillet). But 
 striking two stones together to bring one of them to a cutting edge is so 
 simple a procedure that we may well suppose it was coeval with the most 
 primitive manufacturing. Only a long time subsequently do we find speci- 
 
 4
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 97 
 
 mens the edges of wliicli present neat parallel cliippings and symuietrical 
 forms. The arts of grinding, polishing, and boring came slowly into use, 
 but were brought to a singular degree of perfection. They were carried 
 out b\- the aid of sharp silicious sand — the boring by twirling a hollow 
 reed, its point being supplied with this sand moistened with water. 
 These simple devices, backed by an unlimited supply of patience, enabled 
 the native artisan to turn out some pieces of work which have excited the 
 surprise of civilized experts. Thus, a specimen of Aztec work in hard 
 stone is preserved which represents a coiled snake, through the length of 
 whose body, following each sinuosity, runs a clean, well-cut i^erforation. 
 
 The Haiiiiner, etc. — For pounding and beating, a stone so shaped that 
 it could conveniently be grasped in the hand was the implement offered 
 by nature. Its power was greatly increased by fastening it with a withe 
 or cord to the end of a stick or perforating it with a hole for the handle. 
 This formed the hammer, and so clearly is its origin preserved in its name 
 that the word hammer^ in Old German hamar, is considered by some et}'- 
 mologists a derivative of the Sanskrit word for stone. 
 
 Knives, scrapers, chisels, hoes, adzes, drills, awls, gouges, and numer- 
 ous other tools were deftly chipped or pecked from stone, and in Mex- 
 ico long, keen-edged obsidian flakes were even employed as razors, and 
 answered the purpose quite well. (See Stoxe Age and illus. Vol. II.) 
 
 Metal Tools. — The discovery of metals was, however, that which gave 
 the greatest impulse to the industrial arts, especially the compound of 
 copper and tin known as bronze, and later iron and steel. The ancient 
 nations fully appreciated what a wondrous boon these had been, and hon- 
 ored correspondingly the labor of the surith, assigning a position among 
 the highest gods to the patron and founder of the art of working metals. 
 Thus, among the Greeks Hephrestos, among the Latins Vulcan, and 
 among the ancient Germans Thor, were represented with their hammers, 
 and the myths related wonders of their skill at the anvil. The old Norse- 
 men dreamed of no nobler employment for their gods than the creative 
 art-work of the smithery. Thus their ancient song, the " Voluspa," tells 
 how 
 
 " The Aes,Ti' come together on the Ida field ; 
 
 Houses ami havings hiijh they heap up. 
 
 Unearthing iron, beating the bronze, 
 
 Forge they the forceps and the tough tools." 
 
 The earliest of the metals employed for tools was generally copper. 
 It is abundant, and often found of such purity that it can be hammered 
 into shape without heating. Of such beaten native copper are the knives, 
 chisels, and scrapers exhumed in quantities from the mounds of the Ohio 
 and IMississippi Valleys. For many purposes it is too soft, but the dis- 
 covery was early made, both in the Old and New Worlds, that a small 
 amount of tin, from 2 to 10 per cent., adds greatly to its hardness, fonn- 
 ing what is known as ttroiize. Although tin is a scarce metal, there were 
 a few localities — notably Cornwall iu England and the province of Tlachco 
 Vol. I.— 7
 
 98 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 in Mexico — where it was abundant, and from these sources it was widely 
 dispersed bj- commerce, so that bronze was common throughout Central 
 and Southern Europe and the Aztec dominions of Mexico at the dawn of 
 history. (See Broxze Age and illus. Vol. II.) 
 
 Iron, wliich has been said to have "conquered the world," although 
 so abundant in many parts of America, had never become known to its 
 inhabitants for practical uses ; whereas it was perfectly familiar and in 
 large use among the Egyptian and Semitic nations in the remotest ages 
 of which we have any record. From its names in both these linguistic 
 stocks, it appears to have been brought originally from Persia (Schrader). 
 
 Bone, Horn, etc. — Other materials for tools were bone and horn, shells 
 and wood. All these date back to the highest antiquity, and the skill 
 with which they were used would surprise the modern mind. So accus- 
 tomed are we to numerous and carefully adapted tools that we scarcely 
 understand how much can be accomplished with those of the rudest pat- 
 tern. In a previous paragraph (p. 62) it has been stated that the Ca\-e 
 men of ancient Europe captured the most ferocious Carni\-ora in pitfalls. 
 They doubtless excavated such in the simple manner observed among the 
 Indians of Pennsylvania by a traveller in the last century. These selected 
 long poles and sharpened the ends in a fire. They then plunged them 
 into the soil, and with their hands scooped out the earth thus loosened. 
 Repeating this procedure, they had soon excavated a deep pit. 
 
 2. Weapons. 
 
 These may be classed as they are designed for offensive and defensive 
 purposes. Of offensive weapons, the oldest are doubtless the stone and the 
 club, the former for hurling from a distance, the latter for the hand-to- 
 hand conflict in which the heroes of vore took grreat delieht. 
 
 The Club. — The club — at first the rough limb of a tree, as that knottv 
 cudgel of wild olive-wood which, according to Homer, was the mighty 
 weapon of Herakles — became later more of the nature of a hammer, like 
 those "rough-headed stones held in iron swathes " which O'Curr}- describes 
 as forming the war-clubs of the ancient Celts. They were in common use 
 far down in the Middle Ages, and Froissart describes a doughty man-at- 
 arms in Brittany who wielded one weighing forty pounds. 
 
 The Bow-and-Arrow. — The bow-and-arrow, though demanding con- 
 siderable ingenuity to devise, was widely known in both continents and 
 was invented far back in the Stone Age. The "darts " or "arrow-heads" 
 chipped by the hunters and warriors of times not long Post-glacial are 
 exhumed in abundance in both Europe and America (see above, p. 26). 
 Yet the cultivated people of Peru, warlike as they were, made little or no 
 use of the bow. But this may not have been through ignorance. The 
 early Roman legionaries rejected the bow, and relied exclusively on the 
 sling, the javelin, and the sword. 
 
 In the Middle Ages the bow developed into the powerful crossbow with 
 its short bolt. But to this day the simple original form is in frequent use
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 99 
 
 among the natives of the American continent and some parts of Asia and 
 Africa. 
 
 The Spear. — The spear was at first merely a sharpened stick hurled 
 point foremost against the foe. To render it more effective, a tip of horn, 
 bone, or chipped flint was added. With a short shaft it formed the jav- 
 elin, a favorite missile in the classic days of Greece and Rome; and with a 
 longer shaft, the lance, which the Northmen warriors used for both hurl- 
 ing and thrusting. Both varieties recur in America, the Iroquois and 
 Algonkins knowing only the short spear, usually with stone tip and locust- 
 wood shaft, while the natives of Guatemala fought with very long lances 
 of straight reeds with copper and stone tips. The cavalry of some 
 European armies — notably the Cossacks — still prefer the lance for their 
 encounters. 
 
 The Sivord. — The sword gradually grew from the stone knife, as the 
 names it bears testify. The "Saxons" means the "swordsmen," and 
 j("(7.r, the name of the sword in Anglo-Saxon, is akin to the Latin saxiim^ 
 stone. Like the dagger, like the short sword of the Roman soldier, and 
 that still in use for duelling, it was intended to thrust with. A weapon 
 swung like the modern broadsword was also in early and extended use. 
 In ]\Iexico the handle and blade were of wood, the latter edged with keen 
 chips of obsidian, while in the Pacific islands the saw-like teeth of the 
 shark offered an equally appropriate material to render the weapon of 
 murderous efficacy. 
 
 Firearms. — The discovery of gunpowder revolutionized the methods 
 of offensive warfare, and with it was introduced a variety of new weapons 
 far surpassing those mentioned above, which gradually have been falling 
 into desuetude. 
 
 Defensive weapons have always kept pace with those for offence, and 
 in some eras have surpassed them. Their beginning is seen in the 
 straight stick with which the naked Australian wards off the spears of his 
 assailants. The shield of leather or of wood is referred to in the earliest 
 records of the Old and New Worlds. The helmet and cuirass, or breast- 
 plate, were protections familiar to nations of a riper cultivation. In the 
 armies of ancient Asia they were of leather or metal ; in those of Central 
 America, of quilted cotton, the latter so thick and cumbrous that they 
 impeded flight and gave the Spaniards easy victories. 
 
 Ar7nor. — From these beginnings were developed the plate and chain 
 armor of the INIiddle Ages with its graceful outlines and artistic flutings. 
 It reached perfection in the fifteenth century, at which date the defensive 
 weapons had so far outstripped those of offence that it is matter of history 
 that in Italy two armies fought from nine o'clock in the morning until 
 four in the afternoon not only without loss of life, but without a wounded 
 man on either side ! The introduction of firearms .soon put a stop to this 
 agreeable but indecisive mode of war. So potent ha\c mi.ssiles now 
 become that the reverse condition has been reached and personal defensive 
 armor of all kinds has been thrown aside as useless. What is retained in
 
 loo ETIIXOLOGY. 
 
 some European armies — the helmet and tlic breastplate of the German 
 cuirassiers, for example — is for ornament only, a mere reminiscence of 
 the past. 
 
 3. r.UILDINGS. 
 
 Tlie structures which man erects are intended to subserve one of two 
 purposes : they are either shelters from the weather or they are defences 
 against his foes ; the one or the other character prevailing to such an 
 extent as to decide on the form, material, and location adopted. 
 
 Primitive Shelters. — We may suppose there was a period when the 
 creature called man did, as the poets would have us believe, dwell in 
 caves and hollow trees. But communities have never been found of 
 whom this was literally true, nor does the analogy of nature require it. 
 Man, like the beaver, the squirrel, and the birds, belongs to a home- 
 building species, and probably always buildcd. The savages who peopled 
 Buenos Ayres when the great ice-sheet had scarcely disappeared from the 
 surface of its vast plains, and wlio were coeval with the fossil horse, col- 
 lected the thick armor-plates of glyptodons, and with them constructed 
 shelters against the storms (Florentine .^meghino). The naked Botocudos 
 of the Brazilian forest and the " blackmen " of Australia know how to 
 bend saplings together and thatch them with leaves as a protection against 
 the tropical sun and showers (see pi. 5, Jig. 4; comp. //. 45, Jig. 6). 
 
 It is instructive to note how strongly nations differ in this art. 
 Some are persistent builders, utilizing whatever material they have at 
 hand, while others seem unable to avail themselves of the most obvious 
 hints of nature. This is seen within the limits of the same race. Thus, 
 the ancient Peruvians, of different tongues but of similar characteristics, 
 constructed edifices of wood and stone, of bricks, concrete, and thatch 
 with equal facility as one or the other material was abundant ; while the 
 tribes east of the Mississippi, several of them of signal intelligence, never 
 in any instance rose to the level of laying stones to form a wall. In an- 
 cient India the Dravidian tribes offered examples of the same contrast of 
 dispositions. In the Arctic zone the Eskimo with admirable ingenuity 
 builds his dome-shaped winter-house of blocks of snow, and reserves his 
 skin tent for summer ; but the Lapp and Samoied have for ages been 
 exposed to a similar climate and never developed this skill. 
 
 A skeleton of poles covered with skins, leaves, or mats was in most 
 climates the first artificial shelter, and long survived in the "osier huts" 
 of the English peasantry. As they were of such perishable material, 
 they left no traces. Nomadic tribes still cling to the tent of skin or 
 woven stuff, which they can readily fold and carry to their next camping- 
 ground. Agricultural occupations demanded more permanent residences. 
 They were at first usually of wood. Where this was scarce, clay was 
 kneaded and baked in the sun to form adobes, or sun-dried bricks, which 
 could be laid firmly in the wall by a mortar of the wet clay itself All 
 the so-called brick building in ancient America was of this character. 
 Hardening the bricks by "kiln-drying" was unknown.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. loi 
 
 Stone JFalls without Mortar. — Stone walls were at first " drv walls," 
 the separate pieces laid to<,^ether as they would fit most securely. Such 
 were the "Cyclopean" or Pelasg-ic walls of Greece, the constructors of 
 which are lost in the night of time ; and such were the walls of those 
 equally obscure and far more wonderful remains on Lake Titicaca in Peru. 
 Nowhere else was this system carried to such perfection as in the last- 
 mentioned country. Many of the " Inca walls" remain as marvels to 
 this day. The stones, often of gigantic size, are so accurately jointed and 
 adapted one to the other, without the use of any cement, that not even a 
 knife-blade can be inserted between them ; and this after the lapse of four 
 or five centuries since they were laid in the wall (see //. 52, figs. 2, 8). 
 
 Sloue Walls with Mortar. — The mingling of lime — at first obtained 
 from burnt shells — with sand to form mortar led to a further development 
 of building. It was an independent discovery in different localities. In 
 America its northern geographical limit is marked by the "cliff-houses" 
 of the cafious of the Colorado. These birdnest-like dwellings, perched 
 on the sides of lofty precipices, are of stones laid in a gray and exceed- 
 ingly tenacious mortar. In some specimens from ancient Eg}'pt and 
 Rome the stone or brick itself will give way before the cement in which 
 it is laid. 
 
 Elements ofi Architecture. — Of the elements of architecture, the pillar 
 and the arch are the most noteworthy. The pillar was doubtless sug- 
 gested by the trunk of the tree, which supports its branching foliage, and 
 the "roof-tree" was the central object in the halls of our Indo-European 
 ancestors, against which the roof was laid from the walls. Both square 
 and circular pillars, .sometimes with developed capitals, were common in 
 Central American architecture, and occurred occasionally in that of Pcni, 
 more rarely in Mexico. In ancient Greece, as is well known, the pillar 
 attracted the most earnest attention of builders, and upon its different 
 styles was founded their scheme of the "orders of architecture." 
 
 The arch was doubtless suggested by the lodge-poles, leaned one 
 against the other and touching at the top. This forms the angular or 
 pointed arch, and in its likeness the most primitive stone arches are 
 formed by laying stones one on another, each .slightly overlapping or 
 "corbelling inward," so that ultimately the opposite walls meet at the 
 top. This is the plan of the Eskimo snow-huts, of the "treasuries" of 
 Mycenae and Tiryns, and probably of all the so-called arches of Mexico, 
 Central America, and Peru. The true arch, "a curved structure sup- 
 ported by its own curve," was probably not known to any nation of the 
 New World, nor to any extent to the Eg>ptians, but was a discovery of 
 the ancient Assyrians, from whom it was learned by the Etruscans, and 
 through them passed to the Romans. Its modification by the Lombards 
 into the Gothic arch with its flying buttress and rich decorations led to 
 the construction of the most impressive monuments of man's handiwork. 
 
 IiifiiiC7ice of Domestic Architecture. — Building for shelter — by which 
 term wc mean house-architecture — has an ethnological importance far
 
 I02 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 beyond its application to elucidate the history- of culture. It stands in 
 intimate relationship to the institutions, usages, and customs of a people, 
 and is powerfulh' instrumental in deciding upon their status in the scheme 
 of civilization. This has been ably demonstrated by an eminent Ameri- 
 can ethnologist, Mr. Lewis H. Morgan, who has set forth his arguments 
 in a work published by the Government entitled Houses and House-Life 
 of the American Aborigines^ but intended in its scope to be explicative 
 of the domestic relations of ancient society in general. His view is that 
 the primitive family — using this term to include as many persons of both 
 se.xes as could live together in friendship — constructed and occupied one 
 large dwelling, in which they resided with a community of goods and 
 often with a promiscuity of sexes. These are called "communal" or 
 "joint-tenant" houses. Good examples of them are offered by the long 
 cabins, sometimes three hundred feet long by twenty wide, of the Indians 
 of New York (Iroquois and Algonkins), of Vancouver Island (the Hai- 
 dahs), and of the Babanus (the Arawacks); by the huge adobe structures 
 of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico — sometimes large enough to accom- 
 modate five thousand souls; and by the so-called "palace" of the king 
 of Tezcuco, more than twelve hundred feet square. j\Ir. Morgan even 
 carries his theory so far as to explain the religious structures of Central 
 America as communal houses. 
 
 Although it is probable that in some directions his explanations will 
 not be justified by future research, his suggestions of the relations of 
 domestic architecture to social life are most deserving the attention of 
 the student of early man; for upon these relations depend the notions 
 of property, the system of relationship, the position of the sexes, and the 
 form of government. 
 
 Buildings for Defence. — The methods of building for defence began 
 with the rude barricade of branches and logs or of loose earth and stones 
 which the savage drags or throws up for a protection for his house against 
 wild beasts and human foes. Such is the humble origin which is marked 
 on our word town^ which meant originally any place enclosed with a hedge 
 or branches; and when we speak oi political bodies, we employ a word wdiich 
 means a community protected by a wall of thrown-up earth (Schrader). 
 
 Primitive Furts. — The simple forts of the tribes of the eastern coast 
 of North America, as described by early travellers, were circular embank- 
 ments of earth a few feet in height, upon which was erected a palisade of 
 upright logs woven together with withes and branches (Ettwein). This 
 description answers also for the " rings " of the Tartar hordes who invaded 
 Europe in the fifth and sixth centuries; and the extensive embankments 
 of the Ohio Valley, containing millions of cubic feet of earth and con- 
 structed by some long-extinct nation, are finer examples of the same 
 character. They bespeak for erection the labor of a large body of work- 
 men directed to the carrying out of a matured plan of defence. 
 
 Walls of Defence. — In later and more cultivated ages the primitive 
 mound, earth embankment, and external ditch were replaced by the
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 103 
 
 city-wall of cut stone, with its moat, its bastions, and its massive towers 
 and gates. Sometimes such works were of colossal dimensions, as the 
 wall which Adrian built to keep at bay the Picts and Scots, or that great- 
 est of all which for centuries protected the northern frontier of China 
 aeainst the hordes of Turanian nomads. 
 
 At the period of the introduction of gunpowder defensive architecture 
 was so perfected that many a town and castle could bid defiance to every 
 means of capture save famine. The introduction and improvement of 
 cannon and the art of springing mines, thus shattering the thickest walls, 
 changed all that. Now-a-days the great mediseval cities have razed their 
 walls and filled their moats; even the massive fortresses of the last century 
 are perceived to be of no avail against modern ordnance; and, by a curious 
 reversion, the most skilled military engineers have gone back to the low 
 earth embankments of the primitive savage as the surest defences in war. 
 
 4. Clothing. 
 
 Unlike all the man-like mammals, man himself is almost devoid of 
 any protection in the nature of hair or fur on his body. To explain this 
 has been a puzzle to evolutionist philosophers, and it must be acknow- 
 ledged that they have not offered any satisfactory solution. Whatever its 
 cause, one of its consequences undoubtedly was that very early in his his- 
 tory he sought for some means to " hide his nakedness." This, and not 
 protection against the cold, was probably what prompted him first to 
 devise apparel. By custom man becomes exceedingly indifferent to 
 changes in temperature. Some of the Indian tribes of Canada went 
 nearly naked throughout the year. In the damp, cold climate of South- 
 ern Patagonia the natives care little for wraps of any kind. Of course in 
 warmer latitudes they are altogether superfluous. As related in the earl- 
 iest Hebrew records, it was the sense of modesty that first prompted 
 human beings to frame for themselves garments. Modesty, however, is 
 by no means the same all the world over: those portions of the body which 
 the people of one nation consider the most indelicate to display are by 
 others shown without a thought of impropriety. 
 
 Variations in the Feelings of Modesty. — Curious contrasts exist between 
 nations in this respect. The wonren of parts of Arabia and Egypt do not 
 hesitate to bathe in public places if only their faces are veiled; while in 
 Europe that is the only portion of her person which a lady can display 
 uncovered. The Hottentot women often appear naked except the head, 
 which on no account would they uncover; while to remove the hat is the 
 ordinary salutation of a European gentleman. The natives of the Philip- 
 pine and Navigator Islands think it most indecorous to allow the navel to 
 be visible, but they attach no importance to concealing any other part of 
 the person. When Captain Speke was approaching the kingdom of 
 Uganda in Central Africa his guide doubted whether the white traveller 
 would be admitted to His Majesty's presence on account of the indecent 
 attire of pantaloons, the court ceremonial being absolute that every male
 
 I04 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 must appear, on pain of death, in flowing garments, concealing his legs, 
 although the female attendants of the king went naked. To speak of or 
 to look at the small foot of a Chinese lady is a gross breach of decorum; 
 and in some Bedouin tribes the most insulting request to a woman would 
 be that she should remove the cap from the back part of her head (Peschel). 
 
 These and other examples illustrate how artificial are the directions 
 taken by the sense of modesty; but they also prove its wide appearance as 
 a part of human nature. Few if any tribes have been found wholly devoid 
 of it, and it generally is directed to the concealment of those portions of 
 the frame whose functions are disagreeable to others. 
 
 Materials of Clothing. — The first material of clothi:ig may have been 
 the traditional fig or other leaves, but the skins of animals must rank 
 almost coeval with them. Far back in the Stone Age we come across 
 punches and awls evidently intended for perforating hides to allow the 
 insertion of strings, thus fitting them into garments. Even in the rein- 
 deer caves of France bone needles are found with an eye in their head for 
 carrying the thread. This was a long step in advance of the punch or 
 awl, though the latter still holds its own in the hand-sewing of the ma- 
 terial for which it was first invented — skins or leather. Bronze needles 
 of excellent workmanship turn xip amid the remains of the Swiss Lake- 
 dwellers. They, and with them the art of sewing, remained practically 
 the same from pre-historic times to our own day, when the inventive 
 genius of Howe took the next stride in the art of clothing by placing the 
 eye in the point instead of in the head of the needle, and thus rendered 
 possible the completion of the sewing-machine. 
 
 No long time could have been required for the early tribes to note that 
 their aprons of leaves or of bark depended for their strength on the fibres 
 they contained. These could be separately drawn out into strings, and a 
 bundle of such fastened to the belt still constitutes the gala dress of many 
 an African belle. The example of twisting the fibres to gain strength, 
 and of plaiting them to secure breadth, is offered by natural growths, and 
 probably suggested the simplest forms of spinning and zvcaring. 
 
 Felting is also to some extent a natural process, dependent on the close 
 curl and split ends of the fibres of wool. It is in a measure simulated in 
 the vegetable kingdom by the readiness with which the fibrous leaves of 
 some plants — notably the aloe and the papyrus — can when macerated be 
 beaten into a continuous sheet. Such observations led to the search for, 
 and cultivation of, fibrous plants, as cotton, flax, hemp, and jute, and the 
 domestication and breeding of sheep and goats ; as well as to steady 
 improvements in the machinery for curing, spinning, and weaving their 
 products. 
 
 Clothing as a Decoration. — A powerful lever was added when clothing 
 came to be regarded not merely as a satisfaction to the sense of modesty 
 and a means of protection, but as a decoration and a mark of distinction. 
 This, more than either of the other two motives, has conceded it the 
 enormous influence it has exerted on the development of mankind. Well
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 105 
 
 might the philosophic author of Sartor Resarlics, when he set about 
 writing a summary of the nature of man, name it " a treatise on clothes " ! 
 The pomp and majesty of kings, the gallantry of warriors and the charms 
 of fair ladies, the insignia of rank and the ostentation of wealth, have 
 ever sought their chief expression in modes of apparel. Its gaudy colors 
 have been brought from the deep sea and the far-off forests ; its designs 
 have tasked the genius of artists ; its texture has been refined to the deli- 
 cacy of the spider's web ; and its ever- varying form and drajjing have 
 been the constant thought of tirewomen. Intimately associated with 
 national life and history, the apparel as oft betrays the ethnic character 
 and descent as it does those of the individual. 
 
 5. Means of Transportation. 
 
 Man surpasses all other land animals in the perfection of his natural 
 means of locomotion. Though many surpass him for short distances in 
 speed, they are sure to yield in endurance. He can walk down the deer 
 and wear out the horse, as has been repeatedly shown in long overland 
 journeys. He is far more indifferent than any other animal to changes 
 in climate and elevation. The traveller in crossing the Andes must 
 change horses several times, those of a lower altitude not being able to 
 bear the rarefied air of the upper levels. But the Alpine tourist for mere 
 amusement scrambles to a far greater height than even the chamois 
 ventures. 
 
 With practice, man becomes scarcely less at home on the water. Some 
 of the South Sea islanders have been known to spend a day and a half in 
 the ocean, floating and swimming by turns. This natural facility he 
 learned, while still in the rudiments of culture, greatly to increase. 
 Bladders and light woods aided him in swimming ; to prevent his limbs 
 sinking in the soft deep snow he invented the suowshoe, or, as in Norway, 
 the long straight runners they call ski ; while the shifting sands of the 
 Landes of France suggested the use of stilts, which, for some unknown 
 reason, were also in vogue with the Mayas of Yucatan and are j^ortrayed 
 in their manuscripts. 
 
 The native habitat of man was along the shores and watercourses. 
 The Darwinians, indeed, will have it that he is the descendant of some 
 amphibious, seal-like ancestor. At any rate, the streams and lakes fur- 
 nished him both food and drink, and thus came to be the highways of his 
 migration. 
 
 IValcr Transportation. — Ver\' early in his life man must have essayed 
 some plans of navigation. Beginning, like the Australian savage of 
 to-day, with a simple log, on which he was seated astride and which he 
 propelled with his hands, the next step would be to tie two or more logs 
 together and thus form the raft. This elementary craft is still in tise in 
 many parts of the world. The balsas of the Peruvian coast are formed 
 of five or six logs lashed together with withes. They are floored with 
 bamboos or split palms, ujjou which huts are built, and there the family
 
 io6 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 live all the year round. In the interior of that country, on the cold and 
 lofty plateau around Lake Titicaca, there are no trees suitable for the 
 balsas ; so, instead of logs, the natives tie the rushes which grow along 
 the shores into long bundles, lash them together, and thus have floats 
 sometimes large enough to accommodate fifty or sixty persons. Indeed, 
 many of the ancient inhabitants lived altogether on these reed-rafts, 
 moving them from place to place on the lake as their fancy dictated 
 (Herrera). The maritime Feejeeans and other tribes who were more desi- 
 rous to accomplish their journeys than to live on their crafts, discovered 
 that two logs connected by a raised platform could be impelled through 
 the water more swiftly than a solid raft of the same breadth, and tlius 
 laid the foundation for the invention of the catamaran and the outrigger. 
 
 The canoe or " dug-out" is merely the log hollowed out. The obser- 
 vation that a concave and water-tight object of any material will float on 
 water could not escape the least acute savage. Hence the canoe may be 
 supposed to have been invented independently in many localities. Its 
 original construction was simple: a trunk, felled by the wind, was burned 
 across in two places ; small fires were built upon it ; the charred wood 
 scraped off with stones ; and the process rej^eated until the excavation 
 was sufiicient. The perfection of canoe-building was reached by the 
 natives of the north-west coast of America, a region abounding in mag- 
 nificent timber. Some of their canoes, hewn out of a single trunk, 
 measure over fifty feet in length and will carry a hundred persons. 
 
 Where trees were scarce or where other materials offered themselves, 
 the canoe was of some water-tight substance stretched over a frame. 
 Birch bark is admirably suited to the purpose, and the light and graceful 
 birch canoe of the Iroquois and Algonkins is an ancient proof of their 
 skill. The Eskimo's kayak is made of the skins of marine animals stretched 
 over a frame of whalebone, and in it he can with safety ride out the most 
 violent storm of the Arctic seas. Much more rude is the pclota of the 
 Patagonian— a skin of a guanaco stretched on a square wooden frame. 
 On it he places his portable property, and pushes it before him as he swims 
 the streams. The Welsh coracle was also a leathern boat, in which the 
 adventurous fisherman fared boldly out to sea. 
 
 Ships. — The construction of vessels of split or sawed planks fastened 
 to ribs was unknown to the natives of the New World, but is portrayed 
 on the most ancient paintings of the Egyptian artists. The Egyptians, 
 however, were not sailors. Their commerce was carried on by the sturdy 
 Phoenicians, the mariners of Tyre and Sidon, who founded colonies far 
 west to the Pillars of Hercules and beyond. These taught the Greeks 
 and Etruscans the art of shipbuilding, and converted the "barren biine," 
 as the sea was called by the Homeric poets, into the poii/os, the pathway 
 (as the word literally means), of nations. 
 
 We need not follow the development of marine architecture from 
 the beginning of history till to-day, when, singularly enough, one of 
 the least buoyant of all substances, iron, is the chosen material for con-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 107 
 
 structing the gigantic craft which ply to and fro on the ocean-ferries of 
 the world. But it will be profitable to glance at the means of propulsion 
 employed. 
 
 Alcaiis of Propulsion. — The earliest was the /o/f , with which the raft 
 was pushed or very slowly impelled by dipping it in the water, as is to this 
 day the means employed by the unprogressive natives of Lake Titicaca. 
 By expanding one or both ends of it, we have the single- or double-bladed 
 paddle, the former that most common in savage conditions, though the 
 latter is used by the Eskimo and some others. 
 
 Oars and sails were late inventions. The oar, moving on a fulcrum, 
 more noisy than the paddle (which in skilful hands is quite noiseless), and 
 requiring the oarsman to look in the opposite direction from that in which 
 he is going, is unsuited to the requirements of savage life, and is an 
 outgrowth of a comparatively cultivated condition. It was nowhere 
 seen in America, though it must have been known to the Aryan fam- 
 ily before its disiDcrsion, for the word oar is common to all branches 
 of it. 
 
 The word sail., on the other hand, is not a joint possession of Aryan 
 tongues, and therefore it is believed that the invention of this means of 
 propulsion was unknown to their common ancestors; yet in America it 
 was familiar to several nations. When Pizarro was approaching the coast 
 of Peru he encountered one of those balsas we have described, with a largre 
 sail set and bowling before the wind. Nor is this the only instance of the 
 kind, as the historian Prescott thought it was. The sea-loving Caribs of 
 the coast of South America impelled their canoes with sails of cotton 
 cloth; and, in the Maya paintings on the walls of Chichen Itza in 
 Yucatan, barks under sail are faithfully delineated. 
 
 The introduction of sails led to the construction of masts and spars, 
 ropes and tackle, and the multifarious odds and ends of the shipwright so 
 mj'sterious to the landsman. 
 
 With the introduction of the mariner's compass from the far East in 
 the twelfth century transportation by water achieved an independence 
 of the shore and the darkness, and the way was open for those wonderful 
 discoveries which have led a modern writer to declare that the deeds of a 
 single navigator have had more important consequences for human society 
 than the creations of any artist, the victories of any conqueror, or the doc- 
 trines of any founder of a religion (Peschel). When the application of 
 steajH further liberated the navigator from dependence on wind or cur- 
 rent, the complete mastery of man over the watery element was nearly 
 attained. 
 
 Land Transportation. — Turning now to land transportation, man's 
 first recourse was to his own back and limbs. Some nations, especially 
 the Africans, carry their packs on their heads, even heavy, filled water- 
 jars being poised with extreme nicety. The Mongolians load their backs 
 and shoulders. The natives of Mexico and Central America largely- made 
 use of a bag or net suspended by a band, the niccapal, across the forehead.
 
 io8 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 Beasts of Burden and Draught. — Except fi^tf^.? in the extreme northern 
 portion of America, the natives knew no beast of burden or draught ani- 
 mal. This was for tlie simple reason that there was none suited for these 
 purposes. The horsc^ the ass., the ox, the camel, the dro7nedary\ and the 
 elcp/iant, all subjected to man's control and submissive to his dictates from 
 bej'ond the beginnings of history in the Old World, were unknown in 
 the fauna of America even b}' any near species. The part they acted in 
 unfolding the drama of civilization on the great eastern continents was 
 of the first importance. In war and peace, through the desert and the 
 steppe, by caravans and trading-trains or by mounted squadrons and 
 moving armies, they brought about that close and constant commingling 
 of nations and languages on which, as we have before shown, the advance 
 of civilization depends. If one reason more than another can be assigned 
 wh\- the American race was, as has been stated by some writers, three 
 thousand years behind that of Asia, it is that it lacked the services of 
 beasts of burden and draught. This is pictured in the languages of 
 Europe, where chevalier, caballcro, "horseman," is a title of honor and 
 nobility, and bayard — literally the "oxherd" — is equivalent to that of 
 prince. 
 
 Although the horse was known to the Indo-European family before its 
 separation, it was probably not applied to domestic uses at that early date. 
 Riding, indeed, was so late an accomplishment to its members that it was 
 unfamiliar to the poets of the Rig Veda or the Homeric songs. The 
 heroes of the Trojan war are not cavalr}-men, but go forth to the con- 
 test in chariots of war. 
 
 Leading authorities now are of opinion that at least eight varieties of 
 the wild horse were domesticated, two in Asia and six in Europe (Pietre- 
 ment). One of the Asiatic breeds was introduced into Egypt by the 
 Shepherd Kings (about 2200 B. c), and from this all the African horses 
 descended. They were soon highly prized, especially for the increased 
 efficiency they gave the armies. Plutarch relates that the god Horus 
 was once asked by his father Osiris, "Which is the most useful of ani- 
 mals?" His reply was, "The horse, because it enables a man to over- 
 take and slay his enemy." Both chariots and horsemen are frequently 
 represented on Egyptian monuments later than the middle dynasties. 
 
 Ulicclcd I 'chicles. — The ox-cart and ivar-chai-iot, ver>- early inventions, 
 were familiar to the Assyrians, Semites, and early Greeks. The native 
 Britons encountered Julius Ccesar in their esseda, two-wheeled war-chariots 
 drawn b)- fierv steeds. This proves that the application of the mechanical 
 principle of the wheel had at that time become the property of many 
 nations, and with this arose the necessity of bridges and of roads much 
 broader, more level, and kept in better condition than the trail which 
 •would suffice for the pedestrian or equestrian. 
 
 The first wheels were a mere narrow section of the trunk of a tree, 
 the axle turning with them ; and it is one of several curious examples of 
 reversion that the most modern invention for car- wheels, both in plan and
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 109 
 
 material, goes back to this antique pattern, for it joins wheel to axle, ami 
 the wheel is of "paper pulp," principally consisting of wood-fibre. 
 
 It is needless to specify in how many directions the requirements of 
 transportation have developed the industrial arts as well as the abstract 
 sciences. They have demanded the excavation of canals and docks, and 
 the construction of quays, harbors, roads, and bridges. They have been 
 the practical purjjoses which have originated the sciences of geography 
 and astronomy, and they have led nations to unite in friendly legislation 
 for the furtherance of common in.terests and for banishing banditti from 
 the highways and pirates from the ocean. 
 
 Aerial Navigation. — The water and the land thus brought under 
 peaceful subjection to man, the mountains perforated with his tunnels, 
 and the seas imited by his artificial water-ways, the air alone has resisted 
 his repeated endeavors to render it the medium of his motions. From 
 the day that Da;dalus fastened wings to his son Icarus and bade him fly 
 across the Cretan Sea, into which he fell and was drowned, inventor after 
 inventor has spent his life on the problem of aerial navigation with no 
 greater success, and often with like unhappy result. The daily spectacle 
 of the flying birds, however, proves that the problem is no unsolvable one, 
 and we may confidently look to the time foretold by the poet when the 
 "pilots of the purple twilight" shall "drop down with costly bales." 
 
 6. Weights and Measures. 
 
 The extent of a nation's conquest over the forces of nature is accurately 
 indicated by its system of weights and measures. On these depend the 
 perfection of its tools and the range of its industrial activities. Art in all 
 its branches is inseparably connected with the ideas of equality and pro- 
 portion. 
 
 Conceptions of Number. — At the base of these ideas are the conceptions 
 of niunber. Nations, like individuals, vary remarkably in their arithmet- 
 ical powers. It would seem impossible that there should be a language 
 without any numerals, yet such is the Chiquito of Eastern Bolivia. Count- 
 ing is quite unknown to the members of the tribe. The word which is the 
 nearest to one means "itself" or "the same;" tzvo ox u\ox& is indicated 
 by "much "or "many." The tribes on the grassy plains of Northern 
 Buenos A}Tes, called El Gran Chaco, are scarcely better provided in this 
 resjDect. A recent traveller (Pelleschi) relates that an influential chief was 
 unable to count the number of his own fingers. It would be impossible 
 for tri1:)es thus deficient to make any important advances in the con- 
 structive arts. 
 
 Yet there was a time when none of the human race surpassed them in 
 this respect. This is proved by the systems of numeration and the names 
 of the units in many languages. They are usually of the quinary- cha- 
 racter; that is, they count by fives, the second and later series of fives 
 being modifications of the first. This indicates that they were first rep- 
 resented to the mind by counting the fingers of the hand. Sometimes the
 
 no ETIi::OLOGY. 
 
 word for five means also ' ' hand, ' ' or was derived from it. Tlie two hands 
 furnished ten digits, and from this arose the decimal system — not at all a 
 necessar)' one, and according to some arithmeticians not so convenient as 
 either that b}' eights or that by twelves (octals or duodecimals). Adding 
 the number of the fingers and toes together gives us twenty, and the sig- 
 nificant name of this number in the ]\Iaya dialects of Central America is 
 hun viiiak, "one man." The IMayas and many other tribes chose this 
 number as the unit for their higher calculations, relics of which custom 
 are preser\-ed in our own habit of reckoning by scores or twenties, and 
 in the French numeration between sixty and a hundred — soixante-dix- 
 neiif^ qiiatrc-viugt^ etc. 
 
 Tlie Alultiplication Tabic. — Both in Aztec and Maya writing the higher 
 units, multiples of twenty, were indicated by special signs, and both 
 these nations had invented a' multiplication table not more cumbrous 
 apparently than that of the ancient Romans with their alphabetic letters 
 in place of numerals. The convenient notation of the Arabic numerals, 
 so called (though probably an East Indian invention), was rendered possi- 
 ble by the introduction of the zero or naught sign, "0;" an invention 
 which, as Dr. Tylor forcibly remarks, "was practically one of the great- 
 est moves ever made in science." Simple as the multiplication table 
 appears to us, it was brought about only by the intense application of the 
 brightest minds of many nations through a long series of centuries. So 
 inapt is the human intellect to frame clear ideas of number that there is 
 perhaps not a single dialect of the widespread Malayan family which has 
 a word for one. The expression for it signifies "the same," or something 
 of that kind, and must be qualified with another word to convey the idea 
 of mathematical unity (F. Miiller). 
 
 Classification. — On these numerical conceptions are founded all those 
 comparisons for practical purposes which we call denominations of weights 
 and measures. We may classify as follows those which have the greatest 
 ethnologic importance : Measures of Time; Measures of Space; Measures 
 of Direction; Measures of Gravity. 
 
 Measures of Time. — The alternations of light and darkness resulting 
 from the revolutions of the earth bring about the division of time which 
 most strongly impresses the human mind. Nations, however, reckon it 
 differently. After the manner of the ancient Semites, the book of Genesis 
 speaks of " the evening and the morning" as making up the day. The 
 Indians of the Eastern United States were wont to count by nights, not 
 by days; those of Central America, by "dawns;" the astronomer begins 
 his day at midnight, the sailor at high noon; the New Englander at 
 sunset ; elsewhere the people in the United States at sunrise. 
 
 Seasons. — In almost all climates the year is marked by the recurrence 
 of contrasting meteorological conditions defining it as measure of time. 
 These are the "seasons," and by one of them, rather than by any more 
 abstract term, the year is usiially spoken of in primitive dialects. Thus 
 with the northern tribes of America the years were counted by winters.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. iii 
 
 whereas in the poetic phraseology of our comfortable life they are spoken 
 of as summers. The ancient Aryans counted also by winters, and had no 
 word for year (Pictet). The divisions of the seasons increased in number 
 as the tribes dwelt nearer the equator and the contrast was less marked 
 between the extremes. Instead of merely winter and summer, there were 
 winter, spring, summer, late summer, and autumn (Grimm). In tracing 
 their migrations this has profitably been called in to ascertain the oldest 
 centre of a group of languages. 
 
 Months and Weeks. — Another subdivision of the year, that into iiioiitJis 
 by the waxing and waning of the moon, though not universal is nearly so. 
 Of course, it lacks much of being accurate, and our months — nwoucths — 
 are far from corresponding to the changes of the eai'th's satellite. The 
 subdivision of the mouth into weeks of seven daj's no doubt was a quadri- 
 partite division of the lunar month. It extended over the Old World from 
 the Babylonian and Assyrian monarchies, and in the New was familiar to 
 the Cherokees, Peruvians, and perhaps some other nations. The usual 
 American week was of thirteen days, and this too was probably derived 
 from the lunar month by dividing it as nearly as practicable into halves. 
 
 Calendars. — On the divisions of time above referred to were constructed 
 the calendars by which nations sought to fix in time the events of their 
 history and to frame a chronology. One of intricate construction, but of 
 considerable accuracy for short periods, was the common property of sev- 
 eral Mexican and Central American nations. Neither its origin nor the 
 details of the principles on which it was applied have as yet been fully 
 explained by archaeologists. Our own calendar is the net result of a 
 series of approximations extending over several thousand years, and, though 
 sufficiently accurate for practical purposes, is not precisely correct. 
 
 Sundials^ e/c. — -The measurement of time within the space of the day 
 has called forth some of the most admirable results of human ingenuity. 
 The observation that the position of the shadows indicates how far the day 
 has advanced must have been a primitive one, and have suggested the 
 earliest horologe or hour-measurer, giving rise to the sundial. Its origin 
 we do not know, but from the reference to "the degrees on the dial of 
 Ahaz " in 2 Kings xx. 11, it must have been familiar to the Hebrews in 
 their early da)-s. It is highly probable that the so-called "sun-pillars" 
 and "sun-circles," recurring with singular similarity of structure among 
 the Druidic remains of Western Europe, in Northern Asia, in Peru, and 
 elsewhere, were erected as a sort of standard measure of the motions of the 
 sun both in his daily and )-earl\' journe}-s. 
 
 Clepsydra and Sand-Glass. — An improvement on the dial, as allowing 
 the measurement of shorter periods of time, was the clepsydra or zvater- 
 cloclc^ in which the regulated dropping of water from a vase checked off 
 the flight of time. The sand-glass., acting on the same principle, was 
 not introduced until about the beginning of the Christian era. The burn- 
 ing of candles was a device of King Alfred for the same purpose; but this 
 and all the other expedients mentioned have given way in modern times to
 
 112 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 the action of a spring or weiglit exerted directly on the motion of wheels, 
 or through the regulated motion of a pendulum. The marvellous pitch 
 of exactness to which the recent methods of time-measuring have been 
 brought was the essential condition of many of the most valuable applica- 
 tions of modem science. 
 
 Measures of Space. — Beginning with the simplest dimension of space, 
 that of length, we find that the primitive linear measiires of all nations were 
 derived from parts of the human body, as our own words " foot," "span," 
 " finger' s-breadth," etc. remain to testify. The cubit., measured from the 
 point of the elbow to the tip of the outstretched fingers, equal to 20.63 
 inches, was the standard for the ancient Egyptians and probably for the 
 early Hebrews. The ell (whence el-bow) was the length of the whole 
 arm, roughly supposed to be double the cubit, and probabh- measured 
 from the upper edge of the breastbone. It was in use among most of the 
 Teutonic tribes. The distance between the extremities of the outstretched 
 arms was the fathom, calculated as twice the length of the ell. The lower 
 extremity furnished the foot as a measure to many nations, which is still 
 current among civilized communities, varj-ing little in length from that 
 in use in Greece and Rome. Applying to it the quinary system of num- 
 bers, the Romans reckoned five feet to a step or pace (J>assi/s), and a 
 thousand of these to a mi/e {inillia passition). 
 
 All these and many more measures derived from the human body were 
 found in current use among the natives of ^Mexico, Yucatan, and Central 
 America by the early explorers. They applied them in their architect- 
 ure and other arts of life, nor did they, any more than the Eg3-ptians or 
 Romans, rest content with the varying lengths which the proportions of 
 different persons would give, but settled upon a fixed average standard, to 
 which the government forced all to pay respect. In the city of Tenoch- 
 titlan — as the ancient city of Mexico was called — and elsewhere, officials 
 were appointed whose duty it was to see that these standards, and no 
 others, were used at the fairs and markets. Their longer measures of 
 distance were estimated by "resting-places ;" and here again was a par- 
 allelism with European words and customs, for the "league," equivalent 
 to three miles or thereabout, is from the same root as to lay (German 
 liegen), and refers to the distance after travelling which one should lay 
 himself down and rest. 
 
 The lineal unit is also that for breadth and thickness ; in other Avords, 
 for all the dimensions of space. Applied to land measure, which must 
 have been at an early date in the history of agriculture, it developed the 
 science of geometry — at first on its purely practical side, that of the men- 
 suration of superficies ; later came the theoretical proofs of its theorems. 
 For the latter we have to thank the lucid intelligence of the ancient 
 Greeks ; for although they themselves professed to have learned geometry 
 from the Egyptians, modern research has shown that the dwellers in the 
 Nile Valley did not go beyond the merely empiric demonstration of the 
 problems of plane geometry.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 113 
 
 Measures of Direction. — -These include those relating to a person's 
 position and to his horizon. The norm of the former are the true vertical 
 and horizontal lines, and the usual instruments to determiiie them are the 
 phtiuh-line and the Icrcl. Without these it is not possible to carrv out 
 the finer works of architecture and engineering. Yet there is no evidence 
 that either of them was known to the ancient inhabitants of America, 
 although they erected monuments of commanding size and impressive 
 designs. Close study of the remains of these show that their lines were 
 determined by the use of long and straight reeds, by the eye, and other 
 methods lacking in the correctness of the plumb and level. The archi- 
 tects of the Old World had the assistance of such contrivances from an 
 age coeval with that of the older Egyptian dynasties. 
 
 Cardinal Points. — The measures of terrestrial direction have been the 
 same in all ages and countries, though the accuracy with which they have 
 been located varies with the mathematical instruction of the people. 
 They are the four cardinal points. North, South, East, and West. That 
 these four should alwa}-s have been selected depends on the conformation 
 of the human body and its necessary relations to its terrestrial environ- 
 ment. The anterior and posterior planes of the body, the right and left 
 hands, suggest the fourfold relation of space, which is borne out by the 
 celestial points defined by the rising and the setting sun and by the revo- 
 lution of the starry heavens around the fixed pole-star. A wanderer in a 
 trackless desert with no guides but these, no wonder that the primitive 
 .savage took constant note of their bearings, and as he grew in wisdom 
 was governed by them in his weightiest undertakings. This we see the 
 world over in the religions, the arts, the social life, and the forms of gov- 
 ernment of men. Long after man had emerged from the condition of sav- 
 agery their influence remained. The ancient monarchies of Egypt, S^ria, 
 China, Mesopotamia, and India in the Old World, and in the New those 
 of Peru, Araucania, the Muyscas, the Tlascalans, and others, were organ- 
 ized in the form of tetrarchies, divided in accordance with, and in some 
 instances the divisions named after, the cardinal points. Their chief 
 cities were frequently quartered by streets running north, south, east, and 
 west. The chief officers of the government being four in number, the 
 whole social organization assumed a quadruplicate form. The official 
 title of the Inca of Peru and of the emperor of China was " lord of the 
 four quarters of the earth," the terrestrial plane being conceived as a 
 vast level with four sides and four corners. 
 
 Most of the important monuments of ancient architecture are built 
 with careful reference to the cardinal points, their doors, their angles, 
 and their sides being adjusted by them. Often this was connected with 
 religious sentiments, as that the temples should face the rising sun or 
 look toward the warm south. 
 
 Geodesy and Cartography. — The earliest astronomy was directed 
 toward finding accurate measures of direction for these points on which 
 so much else depended. The apparent motions of the sun in the ecliptic 
 
 Vol. I.— 8
 
 114 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 cast an uncertainty on the precise location of east and west on the hori- 
 zon to rectify which demanded long observation. In later days, when the 
 magnetic needle offered a means constantly at hand to ascertain the north, 
 its local and secular variations led to the study of the magnetic meridians 
 and the phenomena of terrestrial magnetism, which has yet far from 
 unfolded its meanings. Geodesy and cartography have only risen to the 
 position of sciences since the measures of direction invented within the 
 present century have reduced to an unimportant minimum the errors of 
 observation. 
 
 Measures of Gravifv- — To "heft" an object is so natural a way to 
 test and compare its quantity that one is surprised to find that even the 
 most cultivated nations of the New World do not appear ever to have had 
 a recognized unit of weight. Their records speak of a " load of maize," 
 as much as a man could conveniently carry, but all goods were sold by 
 bulk or number or measure, never by weight. The balance and the scales 
 were totally unknown. Yet on very ancient paintings of the Egyptians 
 the merchant is seen with his scales carefully weighing his wares, and in 
 China they have been in use from the dawn of history. The unit of 
 weight was frequently taken from a grain of a cereal, as the word "grain," 
 granuni, and the Old English "barleycorn," indicate. The discovery of 
 specific gravity, attributed to the philosopher of Syracuse, Archimedes, 
 led in later times to many applications of measures of gravity of high 
 importance. 
 
 Alctric System. — We need not pursue the recent development of the 
 methods of measuring and weighing ; it has been only by their assiduous 
 cultivation, and by the extraordinary perfection which they have in con- 
 sequence attained, that modern science has reached the height at which 
 we see it. At the close of the last centur>' the French devised the met- 
 ric system, in which a supposed natural unit, a fraction of the diameter 
 of the earth, was taken as the base. Later researches have shown that 
 the computation was erroneous, and that the base of the metric system 
 is as artificial as any other. But the convenience of its details has led 
 to an effort for its general acceptance by civilized peoples. 
 
 Afeasin'cs of Force. — Men of science are well aware that much still 
 remains to be done in this direction. It is only by reaching some common 
 measure of all the expressions of force that we can hope to master the 
 highest problems of physics. Thus, expansive force can be expressed in 
 lineal measure by " foot-pounds," this being the amount of force required 
 to lift a poimd the vertical height of one foot. Heat is measured in many 
 ways, chiefly by its expansive action on the column of mercim' in the 
 thermometer. Light is estimated in the photometer by "candle-powers," 
 and electricity by the measure of its resistance to tension, as "ohms." 
 The influence of such studies in bringing the forces of nature under the 
 control of man, and thus shaping the character and destiny of races and 
 nations, cannot be overestimated.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 115 
 
 7. Media of Exchange. 
 
 The advantage which an established medium of exchange has proved 
 to the development of nations has been fully recognized by those who 
 have given their attention to historical questions. Money, using the word 
 in its widest sense, has been called by one writer "the instrument of 
 human association" (Lea), and as such has been stated by another to have 
 been " the means to which modern life has been indebted for its civiliza- 
 tion " (Storch). 
 
 Earliest Crtrretta'cs. — The ruder forms of commerce can be and are 
 carried on by a system of trading or barter, the surplus of one locality 
 being exchanged for the surplus in some other line of production of 
 another. The first approach toward a currency was when such products, 
 valuable in themselves, but not those desired by the purchaser, were 
 accepted as an equivalent of the value of other goods, or were taken for a 
 standard of comparison, as when the Newfoundlander, trading skins for 
 powder, estimates each as worth so many codfish, the article which he 
 generally has to sell. Our word peauiiary refers in its derivation to such 
 a condition of commerce, as it is from pcciis^ cattle, which in ancient 
 Italian days must have been accepted as the standard of value and the 
 general representative of wealth in a pastoral people. 
 
 Tradition says that later, instead of sending the cattle bodily, v/hich 
 would at times have been inconvenient, merely a piece of a hide was sent, 
 upon it being painted or stamped the number of head agreed upon ; and 
 hence the Latin name for money, pccunia. By presenting this voucher 
 the purchaser could obtain the cattle themselves. 
 
 This was a wonderful step in advance, and established a medium of 
 exchange fulfilling its essential condition — that its value must not be 
 intrinsic, but merely a matter of agreement between the contracting 
 parties. The less its real value, the more perfect a currency does it become. 
 This was long ago noted by Aristotle, who defined money as " that which 
 derives its value through law and custom, and not by nature " — a distinc- 
 tion not unfrequently overlooked by later philosophers. 
 
 When the ancient Italian drover accepted the strip of painted leatlier 
 for his fat bullocks, he exliibited a confidence in the uprightness of the 
 purchaser, or a faith in the laws of the state to protect its citizens, in the 
 highest degree creditable to the moral and social condition of his day. 
 Such transactions can take place, such purely conventional values can 
 be assigned to media in themselves of little worth, only when men and 
 nations recognize and respect the rights of others ; and the more frequent 
 these transactions, the higher becomes the cultivation of the sentiments 
 of justice and fiiir dealing, the respect for law, and the desire for uniform 
 and established systems of government. To the extent that such a repre- 
 sentative of value is accepted as good the intercourse of mankind is facil- 
 itated, and those crossings of blood, language, and culture are encouraged 
 upon which, as we have previously said, the intellectual evolution of the
 
 ii6 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 species depends. Hence it is that in ethnology a study of the media of 
 exchange current in a nation must always claim a prominent position. 
 
 These media have been, and are, very various. We have spoken of 
 the leather money of ancient Ital)-, whence it extended to the Carthagin- 
 ian provinces of Africa or else was borrowed from the latter. 
 
 Probably the substance which first furnished a currency in the proper 
 sense of the word was shell. It had no intrinsic value, but came into 
 notice as a means of personal decoration, and from this passed to a widely- 
 recognized medium of exchange. The primitive Chinese coins, dating 
 back perhaps four thousand years before our era, were pieces of tortoise- 
 shell, which was cut into slips or disks, perforated, and strung on strings. 
 Shells of other species of marine animals were cut into pieces of uniform 
 size, polished, and employed in the same manner by the inhabitants of 
 the Micronesian Archipelago in the North Pacific, by their southern 
 neighbors the Welanesians, by the Indians of California, New Mexico, 
 and Yucatan, and by those of the eastern coast of North America. 
 Among the Algonkin tribes of the latter stock this native money was 
 known as zcampum^ and in the early days of the colonies it became the 
 accepted currency of the white settlers of New England. In it they 
 made their bargains and paid their taxes to the government {pi. 36). 
 
 Small shells in their natural fonn, especially those of the Cyprca 
 nwncia, have for ages been the currency of numerous tribes in Southern 
 Asia and Western Africa. Some conception of the extent of their circu- 
 lation may be formed from the fact that not long since the imports of 
 these cowrj'-shells from India into England for reshipment to the African 
 coast, where they are used for buying ivory and palm oil, amounted to a 
 thousand tons a year. The Doitalium^ a small shell found on the north- 
 west coast of North America, is prized by the natives, and has been 
 employed in exchanges so long and over so extended an area that speci- 
 mens of it have been disinterred from the Mound-builders' constructions 
 in the upper valley of the Ohio. 
 
 Alexican Coins. — In Mexico and Central America commerce was 
 active; every city held its fairs, and the merchants were an active and 
 most respected class, in some districts (Acatlan) the most successful trader 
 being elected as the ruler. Their principal m.edium of exchange was 
 cacao-beans, themselves a valued article of food, but passing at a conven- 
 tional value. They are said by some antiquaries to have had a copper 
 coinage, thin plates of that metal, cut into semilunar pieces of equal size, 
 having sometimes been found in hoards in large numbers. If this were 
 established, it would be the nearest approach to a metallic currency known 
 among American tribes, although the natives of Vancouver Island and 
 the adjacent shores have for ages possessed plates of native copper, ham- 
 mered into sheets six to twelve inches square, and appear to recognize 
 them as units of value in barter. 
 
 The Precious Metals. — What are called the precious metals have, as 
 metals, a minor value in the arts of utility. The estimate put upon them
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 117 
 
 from remote times and in so many nations is almost wholly artificial. 
 That it is ancient, we know from the Egyptian paintings, where mercliants 
 are represented weighing out gold and silver in exchange for goods, and 
 from the references in the book of Genesis to Abraham paying "shekels of 
 silver, current money with the merchant," for the land he bought (Gen. 
 xxiii.). In those days, and for a long time subsequent, weight alone was 
 the measure of the shekels or other units applied to metallic money. 
 Practically, it is so to this day, as is seen in the Bank of England, which 
 neither pays nor receives coins except by weight. This method, however, 
 is so inconvenient in the pressure of ordinary business that some inven- 
 tive genius in ancient Lydia or Phrj-gia bethought him of dividing the 
 metal into pieces of equal weight and alloy and stamping alike those of 
 the same value. These were the coins in clcclnnii, five-sixths gold and 
 one-sixth silver, said to be the first ever manufactured. The idea was 
 well received, and in a few centuries had not only extended throughout 
 the civilized world of that date, but had been carried to a degree of per- 
 fection which, from its artistic side, has never since been equalled. The 
 Greek coinage of the age of the Macedonian conquerors for beauty of 
 design and execution stands peerless in the history of numismatics. 
 
 Gradually all other metals gave way as currency to those first chosen 
 by the Oriental coiners — gold and silver— or at least became restricted to 
 narrow, local usage. Tin — which in ancient times was coined among the 
 Romans, Sicilians, and Britons — is still emjjloyed for small denominations 
 in Holland. Leaden coins, once not uncommon among the Mediterranean 
 nations, now linger only in the distant kingdom of Burmah in Farther 
 India. Iron, which in the form of spikes and bars was once the coinage 
 of Greece and Britain, no longer passes current except among some rude 
 African tribes. In modern times platinum in Russia and nickel in the 
 United States have had limited application in mints, but neither seems 
 destined to general popularit)'. 
 
 Paper Motley. — Gold and silver are, and are likely to remain, the chief 
 materials of currency and the standards of value. Although, as has been 
 said, of no signal practical service to man, they are of some intrinsic 
 worth. Therefore it was a decided advance in the true theory of the 
 medium of exchange, although nothing more than a re\'ersion to the first 
 form, the painted strip of leather, peciiiiia, when an emperor of China in 
 the eighth century stamped a certain \-alue on a piece of mulberry-bark 
 and issued an edict that any of his subjects who should refuse to accept it at 
 this value should be forthwith decapitated! This was in strict accordance 
 with the Aristotelian definition of money — "something that has its value 
 by law and not by nature" (see p. 115) — and is the first historic example 
 o^ paper money., which has now obtained such wide acceptance throughout 
 the world. That medium of exchange will, however, be always the stand- 
 ard, governing all otliers, which is most widely recognized as suc]i; and 
 therefore at present gold alone is and must long remain that by which 
 others are appraised. Paper money can only be a valuable currency to
 
 iiS ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 the extent that it can be converted into gold. The idea of a " national " 
 currency is a delusion and an impossibility. 
 
 Effects of the Love of Money. — The introduction of widely-recognized 
 media of exchange, like gold and silver, developed to an extraordinary 
 extent the notions of personal property and individual ownership — senti- 
 ments almost unknown to the savage condition, where all property belongs 
 to the fanaily. The " thirst for gold " and the "hunger for riches " {aitri 
 sacra fames) are frequent themes of reprobation by the writers in classical 
 ages, both sacred and profane. The "love of money" is condemned by 
 the apostle as " the root of all evil." In the New Testament the chances 
 of the rich to inherit the kingdom of heaven are placed little above zero. 
 These references prove that the evil passions stimulated by the liberty of 
 personal acquisition had deeply seared the ancient world at the period of 
 the Roman empire. The prevalence of such passions in a nation, their 
 advantages and disadvantages to it and the race, are the questions which 
 must occupy the ethnologist in his study of this branch of his subject. 
 
 A striking modem example may be selected in the Spanish monarchy. 
 At the period when the discovery of Columbus opened to the Spanish 
 nation the teeming storehouses of the New World the final overthrow 
 of the j\Ioors had left the Peninsula filled with brave and energetic sol- 
 diers of one faith and language, but cursed with a contempt for peaceful 
 labor and an insatiable desire for wealth. 
 
 The hunt for gold, and no higher object, inspired Columbus; and the 
 troops of cruel and greedy adventurers that descended like a flock of vul- 
 tures on the feeble communities of the Western continent cared for noth- 
 ing but to extort by any and every means this precious metal from th.e 
 wretched natives. When Pedro de Alvarado tore with his own hands the 
 gold rings frona the lips and ears of the chief of the Cakchiquels, who had 
 received him with hospitality, and the bleeding native prince wept before 
 him, it was a picture of the general attitude of the two races; and when 
 the Nicaragnans seized a Spanish goldhunter and poured the molten metal 
 down his throat, it was symbolic of how they regarded his nation and a 
 portent of its fate. 
 
 The continent was ransacked for gold from Oregon to Patagonia; the 
 most fertile tracts were disregarded, or cultivated only by the cruellest 
 exactions of slave-labor; the mines were worked in a manner equally 
 reckless of economy and human life. Illiterate soldiers of fortune, like 
 Pizarro, destroyed ruthlessly the results of centuries of nascent civiliza- 
 tion, while more scholarly but not more scrupiilous adventurers, like 
 Cortes, could boast of what "jolly corsairs" they had been in their 
 Western life. The fertile slopes of the Appalachians, the green prairies 
 and rich bottom-lands of the Mississippi Valley, now supporting tens of 
 millions of prosperous inhabitants, were marked on the Spanish maps 
 "lands of no account" {ticrras de ningiiii provccho), because they yielded 
 no gold. 
 
 And what was the result? When looking on a previous page (38) for
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 119 
 
 the most deteriorated specimens of the white race, we found none others 
 so low as the American descendants of the proud Castilians. Nor did the 
 gold they got benefit the mother-country. It is a standing puzzle with 
 historians how the Indies poured their auriferous stream for generations into 
 Spain and left it as poor as ever — far poorer, for not only was its currency 
 debased, but its ancient energy, its valor, its spirit of enterprise and prog- 
 ress, had been bartered and lost for the gold which was no longer its 
 own. 
 
 II. THE -ESTHETIC ARTS. 
 
 Classificatio7i. — The aesthetic arts are those designed to give pleasure. 
 Their aim is primarily to affect the senses in an agreeable manner, and by 
 association the emotions and the intellect. Hence a philosophical exam- 
 ination of them could with propriety classify them in a physiological 
 scheme as they are addressed to one or other of the senses, sight, hearing, 
 taste, smell, or touch, in the forms of color, tone, flavor, odor, or tact; 
 and this has been adopted by some writers; but for the present study it 
 will be more convenient to arrange them under their objective expres- 
 sions, as, 
 
 1. Decorative Designs in Line and Color; 
 
 2. Sculpture and Modelling; 
 
 3. ]\Iusic and Musical Instruments; 
 
 4. Scents and Flavors; 
 
 5. Games and Festivals. 
 
 These are the "arts of pleasure" with which man seeks to intensify 
 the sense of existence by bringing into enjo)'able activity the various 
 faculties with which he is endowed. The effort is by no means confined 
 to the human sj^ecies, though in none other does it approach the devel- 
 opment there observed. The germs of most of the arts named are easily 
 recognized in numbers of the lower animals. So many examples to this 
 effect have been furnished by those who have studied the development of 
 mind in the inferior species that it is needless to go into detail on this 
 point. The domestic cat illustrates the love of games and frolic common 
 to the young of most of the higher animals, and in its fondness for the 
 taste and scent of valerian it seeks a stimulation of its gustatory and 
 olfactory nerves for the sake of pleasure only. Not only the birds, but 
 some species of mice and monkeys, have a correct musical ear, and sing 
 in strict accordance to the rules of harmony. In the homes of the house- 
 building rodents and the mud-wasps there is an attention to proportion 
 and to smoothing and trimming the outside of their structures which has 
 no obvious impulse except in a sense of the harmony of related parts. 
 Many quadrupeds manifest not merely a perception of colors, but strong 
 preferences and aversions for them, as in the common example of the irri- 
 tating effect of a red rag on a bull. The gorgeous plumage of the peacock 
 is most obviously appreciated by himself and his fellows; and some of 
 the bower-building birds tastefully ornament the "pla\ing-passagcs"
 
 I20 ETHNOLOGY. • 
 
 they construct by fastening bright feathers and gaudy leaves along their 
 walls (Darwin). The scent-bags possessed by various species of animals 
 emit odors agreeable to their own kind. 
 
 Their Relation to Sexual Instiitet. — ]Many of these developments of the 
 sesthetic powers are intended, according to naturalists, especially as allure- 
 ments to the opposite sex. Whatever their ultimate aim, their proximate 
 object is to excite pleasurable sensations in the sense to which they are 
 addressed. Most of the "arts of pleasure" to which man devotes himself 
 are also indirectly ministers at the same shrine. The ideal of beauty 
 which inspires the painter and sculptor, the figures of dances, and the 
 vibrating tones of music have most frequently direct reference to the love 
 of man to woman, the devotion of woman to man. They are stimulants 
 to the emotions, but they nearly all revolve around the central emotion of 
 the sexual passion. 
 
 Their Iiifiitoice on Social Life. — It is from this intimate natural and 
 genetic association with the laws of the continuance of the species that 
 they become of such moment to the stud}- of history and ethnology. The 
 arts of pleasure, properly cultivated, increase the happiness of a commu- 
 nity and favor its life and growth, but misapplied, or pursued as ends in 
 themselves, bring about the decadency of nations. The relations of 
 testhetics to ethics are altogether too extensive to be discussed in this 
 connection; but whoever has studied the history of the fine arts must 
 acknowledge that when their products have been signally impure it 
 was alwa)-s during the decline of national vigor, and that their grand- 
 est triumphs have been in nations struggling nobly for freedom and 
 power. 
 
 Tlie Tlieory of the Beaittifnl. — The ethnologist will also note national 
 and race characteristics in other tendencies of art than where it touches 
 morality. The theory of the beautiful is not altogether one of caprice, 
 as some philosophers would have us believe. There are certain laws 
 underlying the proportions of the human body which define what is sym- 
 metry and what is not, within close limits. They are not inflexible, like 
 those of geometry, but adaptable, like all those of organic life. 
 
 These laws were intuitively perceived in their greatest clearness by 
 the ancient Greeks, and the models of art wrought by that nation have 
 ever served as prototypes to later generations. The remains of their art 
 contrast forcibly with the products of Mongolian workmen, usually inclin- 
 ing to exaggeration and caricature ; with the examples from ancient 
 Egypt, characterized by conventional elements ; and with those of most 
 uncultivated peoples, which are generally aimed to incite terror or laughter 
 rather than to cultivate the conception of beauty. 
 
 I. Decorative Designs in Line and Color. 
 Probably the first canvas on which man exercised his taste for decora- 
 tion was his own skin. To the naked savage, painting his face and body 
 takes the place of clothing, both in its useful aspect as a protection against
 
 ETHNOLOGY. i2i 
 
 the weather and the attacks of insects, and in its more important purpose 
 of adding to his beauty and dignity. Humboldt tells us that among the 
 Indians of the Orinoco their expression for the most abject poverty is, 
 "The man has not enough to paint half his body;" and adds that their 
 more esteemed paints are so costly that the wages of a fortnight's labor 
 are required to purchase sufficient for one toilette. 
 
 The choice of colors and the designs varied with the nation, the age, 
 and the rank. The colors were obtained both from vegetable and mineral 
 sources, red, blue, and white clays being especially sought after. They 
 were transported for long distances, and rubbed and mixed with great 
 pains. The numerous " mullers " and paint-pots found among the 
 remains of the Stone Age in all parts of the world — especially, perhaps, 
 in America — furnish abundant testimony to the zeal with which the art 
 was carried on. 
 
 The custom was found in every continent, and still remains among 
 many uncultivated tribes. Survivals of it, indeed, are noticeable in 
 nations of considerable cultivation. Most of the Malays color their 
 teeth, others stain the finger-nails, and the belles of Paris and their 
 imitators dye their hair, tint the eyebrows, darken the under lid, and the 
 like, with the same motive that the Mohave girl draws a broad band of 
 red paint across her face (comp. //. 12, Jigs, i, 2). 
 
 Tattooing. — Closely akin to this is the custom of tattooing. Here the 
 paint is fixed indelibly in the skin by pricking the surface with a sharp 
 thorn or needle. . Scarcely more than a thousand years have passed since 
 this barbaric decoration was so common in Great Britain that one of its 
 native tribes, the Picts {picti, "painted"), is believed to have derived its 
 name fron: the tattooed skins of its warriors. 
 
 The object aimed at is usually to increase the personal impression. 
 The woman desires to make herself attractive, like the New Zealand 
 belle, who is considered repulsive unless her lips are carefully tattooed 
 black ; the warrior wishes to strike terror into the hearts of his foes by his 
 grisly visage. Accessory purposes are, that the tattooed designs answer 
 for permanent records of the individual's noteworthy deeds, or when, as 
 in the South Sea islands, the figure of the personal divinity or "guardian 
 angel" is pricked into the skin, and is thus sure to be always present with 
 its protecting power (see pi. 15, Jig. 5; pi. 16, Jg. 3; //. 19, Jgs. 7, 9). 
 
 This custom is by no means extinct. Probably the ancient world 
 offered no finer specimen of tattooed skin than that of the Albanian who 
 for a number of years has travelled in Europe and America exhibiting 
 himself. It is curious to note how the elaborate and artistic designs con- 
 vey the effect of clothing and remove the impression of nudity. Sailors 
 deljcrht in this decoration, and few will be found who have not designs on 
 their arms and legs. Indeed, among the minor industries of the great 
 cities professors of the art still flourish, as came prominently to the know- 
 ledge of the public in Philadelphia recently through one of them inocu- 
 lating about forty of his patrons with a specific disease. He was accus-
 
 122 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 toined to moisten the tip of his needles in his mouth before inserting 
 them, and thus conveyed the poison to their systems. 
 
 Art of Draxviii^. — Decoration by lines and the art of drawing had 
 already attained considerable advancement at a period when the reindeer 
 and the hairy mammoth sported over the fields of France. That region 
 was then occupied by a nation of such surprising artistic capacities that 
 the remains of its drawings, scratched on bones and stones, excited 
 when first discovered the incredulity of antiquaries. But later research 
 removed all grounds of scepticism, and we must recognize in that early 
 folk a people of about the plane of culture and capacity of the present 
 Eskimos. 
 
 Rock-Drawings. — One of the most common purposes of primitive 
 drawing is to convey information by pictures. The " petroglyphs, " or 
 rock-inscriptions, which occur abundantly in Northern Asia and in many 
 parts of North and South America, are drawings, more or less rude, com- 
 memorative of the exploits of warriors or of the migrations of tribes. 
 Their general drift may sometimes be recovered by comparing them with 
 the conventional figures of other nations in the same stage of culture, and 
 with those elements of the gesture-language which are the common 
 property of the race (comp. //. 32, fig. 2). 
 
 Decoration on Pottery. — When pottery was invented the soft clay 
 offered a favorable surface for receiving and retaining the designs of the 
 native decorators. For the study of the principles of primitive line-work 
 no class of relics offers such a field as a collection of savage ceramics. 
 When specimens from localities wide asunder are compared, the frequent 
 similarities in the ornamentation testify forcibly to the narrow limits of 
 man's inventive capacity. The lines are usually straight, meeting at 
 angles, recurring in set patterns, and produced by similar agencies, as a 
 sharp-pointed stick or the finger-nail. Curves are rare, and actual figures 
 belong to a comparatively late period. Greek patterns, or "grecques," 
 where the lines are broken to form angular figures, repeated one after 
 another, are to be classed among the earliest compositions. They are 
 seen on the rough earthenware of the New Jersey Indians, as well as on 
 the finer products of the Mexican ceramists. Their utmost development, 
 indeed, is preserved in the latter country in the ruins of the ancient city 
 of Mitla, where over twenty such designs were counted on the facade of 
 a single building (Ayme) (see //. 43, fig. 8). 
 
 Elements ofi Drazving. — A graceful Greek story relates that drawing was 
 first invented by a girl in outlining the shadow of her lover as it was cast 
 upon a wall ; and it is not impossible that the figure formed by the shadow 
 supplied suggestions to the early learners for perfecting the proportions 
 of their figures " in the flat." Certain it is, however, that their progress 
 was very slow. Those indispensable elements of the higher pictorial art, 
 perspective and chiar-oscuro, were unknown in ancient Eg)pt, in Bab}'- 
 lon, or Assyria, and are to this day in China and Japan. We need not add 
 that no nation of lower culture had achieved them. Although we have
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 123 
 
 no nearer specimens of old Greek art in this line than some probably 
 third-rate copies recovered from the buried city of Pompeii, yet they are 
 sufficient to show that these principles were recognized by that gifted 
 people. Forgotten in the Dark Ages, they were recovered at the revival 
 of learning, and in modern times have been cultivated to a degree of 
 mathematical accuracy. 
 
 Decorations in Textile Materials. — The invention of textile material 
 offered another fertile field to the passion for ornamentation. The coarse 
 rush mats which the Indian women wove from the stalks and leaves of 
 the sweet-flag and from the split bamboos of the tropics bore generally 
 traces of designs and colors. When such material came in use as clotli- 
 ing, its decoration was vastly richer. The mummy-cloth from Peruvian 
 graves exhibits extraordinary variety and intricacy of patterns. To pro- 
 duce and vary them required a constant exercise of ingenuity, an atten- 
 tion to nice mechanical adjustments, and to harmonies of proportion and 
 color which found their ultimate expression in such wonders of taste, 
 inventive genius, and patient endeavor as the Jacquard loom, the Gobelin 
 tapestries, and the modern designs for dress goods. 
 
 The Color Sense. — In connection with this branch of our subject a 
 physiological question of much ethnologic interest must be mentioned 
 — that is, the development of the color se/ise. Many writers have argued 
 that the perception of the finer distinctions of color is quite a modern 
 acquisition of civilized people, that the savage races are incapable of it, 
 and that even in tlie early historic times, as at the period of the composi- 
 tion of the Homeric poems and the books of the Pentateuch, many shades 
 now easily distinguished were confounded. Neither in the pages of those 
 early records, it is argued, nor in the languages of savage nations, can 
 there be found words indicative of a developed sense of color comparable 
 to that which we now enjoy. 
 
 There is a certain degree of truth in this view. In none of the Cen- 
 tral American languages of the Maya stock, for example, are there original 
 words for blue and green. They are designated by the same word, with 
 modifjing aflSxes. Therefore there must have been a period when the 
 ancestors of these people, looking upward, did not distinguish in language 
 between the colors of the green leaves of the forest and tlie blue of the 
 sky beyond. But it does not necessarily follow that they did not have the 
 perception of the difference. Language develops only as it is required. 
 In many American languages there are no separate radicals for blue and 
 yellm\ so that there must have been a time when these perceptions were 
 blended in language, however widely apart they seem to us. The Nez 
 Perci^s of the North-west, a rather unusually intelligent tribe, appear to 
 distinguish but three colors in the rainbow, as they name only that num- 
 ber. The Aryan tongues bear traces of a similar absence of color nota- 
 tion at some remote period. The pairs gray and g}'een, blue and black, are 
 derived each from a single radical, so that our Aryan ancestors expressed 
 no difference between them.
 
 124 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 But such evidence is not conclnsive. From other aspects these dialects 
 appear superfluously rich in words denoting color. In many there will be 
 two, three, or more for the same tint as it appears on different objects. 
 Thus, in the Klamath there are three radically different words for blue — 
 one as it appears on beads; a second, on flowers; and a third, on garments. 
 Again they will distinguish shades which are important to them, as the 
 changing color of game animals, with an extraordinary particularity 
 which goes far beyond our vocabulary. A scientific traveller who pro- 
 vided himself with a chromatic scale of twenty colors, and discussed it 
 with members of seven different tribes of Indians in the Western United 
 States, reached the conclusion that they "distinguish as many, if not 
 more, shades of color than we do" (Gatschet). This interesting ethno- 
 logic question may therefore be considered one demanding further inves- 
 tigation. 
 
 The Symbolism of Colors. — Decorative tints must engage the ethnolo- 
 gist from another direction — that of their meaning.^ the doctrines of color 
 symbolism., which presents many cujious features. In primitive art the 
 color is more significant than the design, and this extended far down in 
 the history of picture-writing, as is seen in the Aztec manuscripts. The 
 messages transmitted by belts of wampum and painted sticks between the 
 tribes of Northern America told their story not by their figures, but by 
 their color, the meaning of which was fixed over wide areas. When they 
 were intent on a visit of peace to a neighboring tribe, they sent a blue 
 girdle and painted their 'faces of the same color (Loskiel); but when the 
 message was one of war, they sent the belt of red wampum and the ' ' war- 
 paint" was of red earth. " White," says Adair, speaking of the Creeks 
 and their neighbors, "is their fixed emblem of peace, happiness, pros- 
 perity, and holiness ;" and the priests of the pacific deities of Peru and 
 Mexico clothed themselves in white robes. 
 
 The instances here cited from America could be paralleled with 
 numerous others from ancient and modern art all over the world ; but 
 it will be sufficient merely to throw out this suggestion of the important 
 bearings of this feature of decorative art. 
 
 -'&'' 
 
 2. Sculpture and Modelling. 
 
 The earliest indications of the imitative art of the sculptor come down 
 to us from the "reindeer period" of Western Europe. They are repre- 
 sentations of this and other animals rudely chiselled from pieces of its 
 Korns. Probably the oldest of all known human figures is a little stat- 
 uette of this material in the collection of Vibraye, and it is significant 
 of the inspiration of art through all time, to which we have already 
 alluded (see p. 120), that it is the figure of a female, so distinctly pro- 
 nounced that it has received the classical appellation, " I'eniis impiic/iciis.'''' 
 The passage from this rude and obscene little image up to the noble pro- 
 portions, the discreet drapery, and the godlike expression of the Venus of
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 125 
 
 Milo, marks the progress of the sculptor's art, ever impelled by the hauiit- 
 iug dreams of womanly charms. 
 
 Egyptian Sculpture. — The way was long, and many cycles and many 
 nations had to run their careers before its goal was reached. Thousands 
 of years elapsed before the artist could free himself from the fetters of the 
 material in which he worked. The prohibition of innovations in ancient 
 Egypt probably checked what would have been brilliant' progress there, 
 for the finest examples of their work are the oldest. The celebrated 
 "wooden man" preserved in the museum of Boolak is believed to have 
 been carved nearly four thousand years before the Christian era, and yet 
 the body is admirably modelled and the head life-like. In later Egyptian 
 works it is not equalled, and although the artists acquired surprising 
 efficiency in carving stone, the limbs of their statues were not developed 
 as independent members, but remained attached throughout a part or the 
 whole of their length to the body or to the matrix. This is also the cha- 
 racter of the Assyrian and early Cypriote work. Anatomy was little 
 regarded, and grace of position not at all. Only in the hands of Greek 
 sculptors did the art reach the degree of perfection which satisfied the 
 trained aesthetic sense. 
 
 Native American Sculpture. — The highest development of this art in the 
 New World did not attain the level of that of Egypt in its earliest recorded 
 dynasties. There has been no statue of any material discovered in America 
 equal on its artistic side to the "wooden man" above mentioned. With 
 cousiderable skill in technique, the Americans fell far away from the higher 
 ideals of art, even when, as in modelling in clay, they had entire command 
 of the material. This is nearly as true of the most cultivated nations as of 
 those of ruder lives. The severe judgment of the Carthusian, De Salazar, 
 who spent several j-ears in Mexico about 1550, when numerous remains of 
 its native arts were extant, is almost borne out b)' the collections of archae- 
 ologists: "Of all the carvings and images I saw among those Western peo- 
 ples, whether in wood or stone or gold or silver or bone or any other sub- 
 stance, I have not seen one but was disagreeable, ugly, and, to speak 
 plainly, diabolical; although I am by no means insensible to the beauties 
 of the equally heathen statues of the ancient Greeks and Romans." When 
 in our own century such an eminent critic of art as Wilhelm von Hum- 
 boldt expresses himself of the Aztec productions in words almost as sweep- 
 ing, we are obliged to deny to those nations the gift of the conception of 
 ideal beauty and harmonic proportion. 
 
 Secret of Greek Art. — Plastic art, be it remembered, in its highest 
 expressions does not mean mere superior technical skill, nor simph' exact 
 and faithful imitation of nature. Its products must possess something 
 which brings the observer into unison with the mood of the artist in his 
 moments of creation, thus establishing a sjinpathy of soul based on uni- 
 versal and ever-living sentiments. This was the secret of Greek art, and 
 this is why it holds its sway over the cultured mind when the more math- 
 ematically accurate productions of modern studios leave it cold. In the
 
 126 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 psycholog}' of nations there are few more instructive contrasts than are 
 presented by their relative appreciation of art in this its higliest definition. 
 Pi-ohibitions of Artistic Studies. — Plato tells us that the Egj'ptian 
 designers "were forbidden to select any new subjects or to invent any 
 new methods;" and we have seen how completely these restrictions 
 blighted the opening flowers of plastic and glyptic art in that nation. 
 But it was not merely dwarfed, it was wholly rooted out, in several of 
 the most intelligent communities of the ancient world. The command, 
 "Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image, nor the likeness of any 
 fonn that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in 
 the water imder the earth" (Ex. xx.), came to the Israelites with the most 
 solemn surroundings of a divine mandate; and though it is not easy to recon- 
 cile it with the practice of placing the figures of the cherubim in the temple 
 and with the work of artists, such as ' ' Bezaleel the son of Uri, ' ' cunning ' ' in 
 cutting of stones for setting, and in carving of wood, to work in all manner 
 of workmanship" (Ex. xxxi.), unquestionably this nation was prevented 
 from any general practice of modelling or carving. The Persians, who also 
 regarded all images of a religious character as evidences of impiety, retro- 
 graded from the height attained by the Assyrian sculptors, and their pro- 
 ductions, always of a secular character, were never marked by taste nor 
 bv an improved technique. Inheriting or adapting the Hebrew hatred of 
 idol-worship, Mohammed extended the prohibition against images even to 
 painting, and throughout the varied nations which in time adopted the 
 religion he founded there are no representations of animal forms by any 
 means known to art. The iconoclastic sects which have at times arisen in 
 the Christian Church, and the influence of the widespread Greek ritual 
 and doctrines forbidding statues (although permitting pictures), have 
 acted as serious drawbacks to this beautiful expression of the sesthetic 
 sense exerting its legitimate influence on the development of the race. 
 
 3. Music and Musical Instruments. 
 
 We have previously referred (p. 94) to the love of singing, which is as 
 much a part of the nature of man as it is of some species of monkeys and 
 birds. To increase the effect of the tones of the voice even,' nation, no 
 matter how rude, has called in the aid of some sort of resonant instru- 
 ment. This brings about a division of the subject into vocal and instru- 
 mental music. 
 
 local Music. — Nations are by no means alike in their singing powers. 
 Even divisions of the same nation differ widely in this respect. To a 
 certain extent, this depends upon the language and the dialect. The 
 muffled and nasal sounds of the Otomi language could not possibly equal 
 in melody those of its immediate neighbor, the sonorous Nahuatl; the 
 harsh Catalan dialect of Spain is of itself much less musical than the 
 Castilian; the guttural German less than the vocalic Italian. Long ago, 
 Johannes Diaconus, the biographer of Gregory the Great, expressed his 
 de.spair of the Germans ever singing the Gregorian chants to suit a
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 127 
 
 refined ear; and, though their instrumental music captures the plaudits 
 of the world to-day, it is Italian and not German opera that holds the 
 r.ta;4e. A traveller of musical taste reports that the singing of the 
 Chinese is jarring and cacophonous, while that of the Siamese is pleas- 
 ant to the European ear (Diefenbach). The voices of the Indians of the 
 Plains have in singing a peculiar metallic ring (Clark), and those of Cen- 
 tral America a depressing harshness (Haefkens). 
 
 The musical intonation of national songs is a recognized expression 
 of the national spirit, as is also the facility of expression in verse. The 
 traveller Laing relates that in approaching some negro tribes he was 
 greeted with improvised and jojous chants; and "merry England" re- 
 ceived this title on account of the number of ballad-singers who used to 
 entertain its population, but whose vocation was destroyed by the gloomy 
 religious sects which arose in the sixteentli and seventeentli centuries. 
 
 Instrumental Music. — Instrumental music has been divided into three 
 kinds, as it is produced by vibrating surfaces, wind instruments, or those 
 sounding by strings. Examples of the two first-mentioned varieties were 
 in use all over the world. Some species of sonorous drum or gong early 
 took the place of the rattle or the sticks clashed together, which were 
 still more primitive devices for making a noise. Almost any tube a few 
 feet long, as the stem of the cane or bamboo, will sound the successive 
 notes of the common chord and furnish the most important of the 
 musical intervals. Such flutes or trumpets were popular with most 
 savage nations, and educated their ears to the correct scale of notes. 
 The "Lydian airs" played on the pipe of Pan were in the ancient five- 
 note scale. Pleasant-sounding flutes were manufactured in earthenv/are 
 by the Mexicans, and the blasts of horus and conchs were frequent in 
 their ceremonies (see pi. 53, fig. 11). 
 
 Stringed instruments do not seem to have been known anywhere in 
 America, although a certain Aztec manuscript represents what appears to 
 be a harper with his instrument. At least, they were very rare. In 
 ancient Egypt they were common, as well as a variety of other musical 
 contrivances. Some have alleged that Pythagoras, who was the first to 
 teach the mathematical relations between the vibrations of strings and 
 the musical notes they prodiice, learned this from the "wisdom of the 
 Egyptians." Both Chinese and Siamese have from the dawn of history 
 possessed a guitar, whose soft sounds are in agreeable contrast to the 
 clangor of their general orchestra. 
 
 Our musical notation is a remote descendant from that of ancient 
 Greece, but independent systems have been devised by other nations; 
 as, for instance, the Abyssinians, wlio express the notes by the arrange- 
 ments of fifty-three letters of the Amharic alphabet. 
 
 4. Scents and Flavors. 
 A passion for strong odors is frequently obser\-ed among .savage tribes. 
 Members of the African race especially have this taste developed, and
 
 128 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 c:nploy various vegetable preparations to anoint and perfurne themselves. 
 The ancient Mexicans, according to the historian Sahagun, collected large 
 numbers of sweet-scented flowers and aromatic plants, which they mixed 
 with gimis and resins, and burned as pastilles or employed as lotions and 
 unguents. In that and in many other lands "the burlaiug of sweet 
 incense" was regarded as an act particularly acceptable to the gods, 
 and fonned a prominent feature in the rites of the temples. The early 
 Egyptians prepared perfumes for toilet purposes and for their process 
 of embalming. Some of them were so pungent that they are yet easily 
 perceptible on mummies thousands of years old. Some of these were 
 obtained from Arabia; others, even at a very early day, from so remote 
 a country as India. 
 
 In later days the Greeks became distinguished for their skill in com- 
 pounding perfumes, and during the period of the Roman empire most of 
 this trade was in their hands. One of the principal streets of Capua was 
 made up altogether of shops devoted to this branch of the arts. An idea 
 of the extent to which it was carried may be derived from the Natural 
 History of the elder Pliny, who gives a full account of the extraordinary 
 number of artificial odors popular in his day. They were collected from 
 all parts of the then known world, and for many of them fabulously high 
 prices were paid by the luxurious aristocracy of Rome. 
 
 Pleasures of the Table. — But the extravagance of the wealthy of that 
 day found its chief field in the search for new and pleasing flavors. The 
 pleasures of the palate seem at all times to have exerted a most powerful 
 attraction on the race. Merely to supply the needs of the s}-stem has ever 
 been but a minor part in the art of preparing food. Spices, condiments, 
 and sweet and luscious flavors have in all conditions of society urged men 
 to undergo unwonted exertions for their enjoyment. This is prominently 
 seen in the use of salt. Though certain tribes have been found who did 
 not know it, as a rule it is highly prized by all races. Travellers state 
 that a child in the Soudan will suck a piece of rock salt with the same 
 zest that one with us will enjoy a stick of candy. The numerous remains 
 of thick earthenware evaporating-pans around the "salt licks" of Illinois 
 and Kentucky testify to the industries this taste developed among the 
 aborigines of the United States. So highly prized was it in ancient 
 Mexico that quarrels about the salt-supply were frequent causes of war 
 between the Tlascalans and Aztecs (Jourdanet). Throughout tropical 
 America the red pepper was scarcely less esteemed, and to this day is an 
 invariable accompaniment of the native dishes. 
 
 The lice of Gliittouy. — In the Old World the Eg^'ptians, Greeks, and 
 Romans were all devoted to the pleasures of the table — to such an extent, 
 indeed, that the severest strictures of the ancient moralists were directed 
 against this form of indulgence. A Roman proverb ran to the efiect that 
 glutton)- killed more persons than war — -plus occidit gula quam gladiiis. 
 The extravagance of the Romans in this respect knew no bounds. The 
 famous epicure LucuUus gave dinners to a small circle of guests which
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 129 
 
 would cost as much as $Sooo ; but his expenditure was completely thrown 
 in the shade by that of the emperor Vitellius, who in tlie one year in 
 which he enjo}-ed the imperial dignity is said to have disbursed for his 
 culinary expenses alone nearly a hundred million dollars, and to have sat 
 down to single dishes of meats so rare that they cost forty thousand dollars 
 apiece. 
 
 It is instructive to note that in modern times, at least in nations of 
 European descent, there has been a steady decrease in the vice of glut- 
 tony, although attention to the rational pleasures of the table has not 
 diminished. As late as the middle of the last century instances of excess 
 in eating must have been frequent, judging from the denunciations they 
 called forth. Now, however, in spite of a more rigid code of social ethics, 
 condemnations of such indulgence are rarely heard, because it has almost 
 ceased to exist. 
 
 5. G.\MEs AND Festivals. 
 
 The summary of the arts of pleasure is expressed in the phrase "to 
 play." It is that alone which the human being does spontaneously and 
 willingly and without ulterior motive. The philosopher Bain, in study- 
 ing the various manifestations of the will in man and other animals, 
 found none that does not presuppose a "controlling motive" except the 
 exercise of the muscles "for the fun of it," as in the gambols of lambs 
 and the sports of children. To play, therefore, is the natural business of 
 man, and would occupy all his waking hours were he not driven by wants 
 and appetites to work. What is it that makes " the solemn brood of care 
 plod on " ? The hope that in time the period of recreation may arrive, the 
 ardently-desired pla^'time. 
 
 The Roman Gi7w«.— Ethnologists have rarely given to this subject the 
 attention it deserves. The pastimes of a people are eminently character- 
 istic of their mental disposition, and the amount of time they devote to 
 play and to work is, it need scarcely be said, quite as decisive as to their 
 destiny as any trait we could name. When the historian could write the 
 following description of a people it would ask no prophetic power to fore- 
 tell its fate: "The Roman people considered the circus as their home, 
 their temple, and the seat of the republic. The impatient crowd rushed 
 at the dawn of day to secure their places, and there were many who passed 
 a sleepless and anxious night under the adjacent porticos. From the 
 morning to the evening, careless of the sun or rain, the spectators, who 
 sometimes amounted to the number of four hundred thousand, remained 
 in eager attention, their eyes fixed on the horses and charioteers, their 
 minds agitated with hope and fear for the success of the colors which 
 they espoused ; and the happiness of Rome appeared to depend on the 
 event of a race " (Gibbon). 
 
 The Olympian Games. — The games of the circus were those of blood 
 and brutality, and by the unanimous testimony of the early Christian 
 writers nothing in the economy of the great city worked more disastrously 
 
 Vol. I.— 9
 
 I30 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 to corrupt its life and to prepare the \va}' for the destruction of the mighty 
 empire of which it was the heart. In contrast to these scenes of butchery 
 let us depict the character of tliose games which the Greeks celebrated 
 every four years for more than ten centuries in the sacred grounds of 
 Olympia. No combats were allowed with any kind of weapon, but only 
 wrestling, running, leaping, hurling the quoit, and competing in feats of 
 dexterity and strength. No one could enter the lists whose lineage and 
 whose character were not equally blameless, nor until he had taken a 
 solemn oath to deal fairly with his opponent. No reward of base lucre 
 was promised the victor, only the wreath from the sacred olive tree ; but 
 that brought with it glory that would descend to and shed perennial lustre 
 upon liis posterity, his name would be inscribed among the heroes of 
 Greece, and poets would vie in singing the praises of his prowess. When 
 the games were about to take place a month of truce was declared through- 
 out the land, and any armed invasion was declared a sacrilege. From the 
 remotest shores of Greece and from the isles of the sea princes and people 
 thronged to Elis — poets to declaim their verses, sculptors and painters to 
 exhibit the products of their industry, philosophers to compare their solu- 
 tions of the imiverse. Who can estimate the influence for good which the 
 Olympic games, conducted for more than a thousand years in this spirit, 
 exercised on the mobile and receptive Grecian mind ? 
 
 Mexican Game of Ball. — Such great national games were by no means 
 confined to the Aryan race or to classical antiquity. We may change 
 the scene to the empire of the Montezumas, and we encounter in all parts 
 the favorite tlacJttli, a game of ball. Every town and city had its court 
 with walls, nobles and populace were alike devoted to it, and in the excite- 
 ment of the contest the most reckless wagers were offered and accepted on 
 the results. -Men would bet their houses and lands, their children, their 
 own liberty ; it is even said that more than once the emperor risked his 
 royal power on the success of his favorite players {pi. 38, fig. 4). 
 
 The Passion of Gaming. — The passion of speculating on the unknown 
 result here alluded to is one of the strangest and also one of the strongest 
 in human nature. With all our boasted civilization, it is only by the most 
 stringent and universal laws that it can be prevented from working the 
 most disastrous consequences on the whole fabric of modern society. The 
 pleasure of the gambler cannot be explained by the desire of gain. 
 Charles James Fox, himself a famous example of the class, well under- 
 stood that when he said, "The next best thing to winning at cards is 
 losing." The love of gambling is as strong in the breast of the savage 
 as in that of the most persistent habitue of Parisian clubs. The Indian 
 of the Plains will sit up all night over the sticks and pebbles which answer 
 for his cards. The ]\Iongolian coolie dreams of no higher delight than to 
 risk his hard-earned wages on his favorite game. Cards and chess, 
 invented thousands of years before the Christian era in far-oif Hindo- 
 stan, had spread all over Eiirope long before any useful knowledge con- 
 tained in the lore of the Indian sages had reached their distant relatives
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 131 
 
 on the shores of the Atlantic. Both were originally imitations of the 
 conflict of armies in the field, but now have become so refined and so 
 remote from this significance that few players think of it. 
 
 In these and in many other respects into which we have not space 
 to go, the games, amusements, and festivals of nations merit the close 
 attention of the ethnolos^ist. 
 
 III. THE RELIGIOUS ARTS. 
 In the foregoing pages we have classified the art-products of man with 
 reference to the motives which led to their manufacture and the purpose 
 for which they were designed, whether for use or to give pleasure. But 
 this arrangement omits an active branch of artistic industry which min- 
 isters to neither of these purposes — to wit, the religious arts. These are 
 inspired by the religmis sentiment^ a part of the psychological nature of 
 man which will come up for examination later, and have throughout all 
 historic time and in all branches of the race claimed a larre share of the 
 
 o 
 
 industrial activity of man. 
 
 Their Early Appearance. — Although traces of religious arts appear in 
 remains long anterior to the beginnings of recorded histon.', they are not 
 discovered in those of the earliest dates. Nothing has been exhumed, for 
 example, among the relics of the Drift men of France and England which 
 has any resemblance to an amulet or charm or other religious object. 
 There is no indication that they dispo.sed of their dead in any manner 
 which would lead us to believe that they were given to the worship of 
 ancestors or expected a life after death, ideas frequent in the rudest 
 religions. 
 
 After these Drift n:en, contemporaries of the mammoth, had disap- 
 peared along with this huge animal, the Belgian caves were inhabited by 
 a hardy race whom we have referred to as successfullj- combating the cave 
 bear and the sabre-toothed tiger (see pp. 38, 62). Here we find for the 
 first time what may be construed as indications of objects used for relig- 
 ious purposes. There was found among the bones, ashes, and stone 
 implements around one of their hearths, and is still preserved in the 
 Royal Museum of Brussels, the huge thigh-bone of a mammoth. That 
 animal had long been extinct, and this bone had evidently been found 
 somewhere, brought to the cave, and kept there for some purpose. It is 
 not worn or chipped, as would have been the case if it had subserved 
 some useful end, as a block, seat, or primitive anvil. Therefore, antiqua- 
 ries have concluded that it was a "fetich," that it w^as revered as the 
 relic of some mighty and divine Being, and was carried to the cave to 
 become its guardian and protector. 
 
 Pi'imith'e Idols. — The earliest idols of many nations were just such 
 massive bones or some rough stone, which for some peculiaritv in color, 
 shape, or position had attracted the attention of the horde. Thus, until 
 a late day the Egyptians preserved certain bones at Sais alleged to be 
 those of Osiris (Herodotus), and at Athens those of CEdipus were among
 
 132 ETHXOLOGY. 
 
 the sacred treasures. Saturn is said to have been worshipped by the 
 Saba;ans under the form of a black stone (Gorres), and the Holy Kaaba 
 in ]Mecca appears to be nothing more than such an unhewn block. The 
 inhabitants of the Ladrone Islands adore a prominent rock as the ancestor 
 of their race (Ellis); and such instances could be multiplied indefinitely. 
 
 These superstitious associations early led the worshippers to shaping 
 and adorning the "stocks and stones" which were or which represented 
 their gods. The Indians of the United States were observed by the early 
 travellers to adorn certain rocks with "crowns of oak and pine branches," 
 to daub them with their paints, and sometimes to chip them with their 
 stone hammers into a resemblance of a man or animal, at first merely 
 increasing an accidental similarity of shape (Kendall, La Hontan). This 
 was the beginning of painting and sculpture applied to the religious arts. 
 
 Charms and Amulets. — Among rude tribes many minor articles are 
 found which have exercised the ingenuity of their makers with none 
 other than a religious purpose. Such are the charms, amulets, "medi- 
 cine-bags," votive offerings, and fetiches which in some way are supposed 
 to protect the wearer or to aid him in his undertakings. They are often 
 among the most elaborate and laborious products of native art. 
 
 Funeral Objects. — All objects connected with funeral ceremonies or 
 used in the disposal of the dead are understood by antiquaries to belong 
 to the religious arts. Were the mental horizon of a nation absolutely 
 bounded b)- the present life, there would be no motive to take the slight- 
 est care of the dead other than for sanitary reasons, which would not 
 apply any more to human bodies than to those of other animals. But 
 almost universally the corpse is the object of special and often elaborate 
 attentions on the part of the survivors. Even when nothing more formal 
 in the way of funeral ceremony is carried out than that of a tribe of 
 Lower California, who were wont to tie a pair of moccasins on the feet 
 of the deceased and leave the body in the woods (Bogaert), it indicates 
 that there is some obscure, half-recognized notion of a life hereafter and 
 a journey to some other sphere of action. It is the beginning of those 
 theories which were so materially construed by the Egyptians and Peru- 
 vians, who devised laborious and costly methods of preser\-ing the body 
 against decay, and whose mummies by millions are preser\'ed after the 
 lapse of many generations as perfect almost as when placed in their 
 tombs (see //. 50, figs. 5-8). 
 
 Tombs. — The tomb itself is always a religious symbol, and, with 
 temples, altars, shrines, sacred enclosures, and holy structures of all vari- 
 eties, finds its motive uot in the direction of use or pleasure, but in the 
 satisfaction of the sentiments of piety. 
 
 Influence of Religious Sentiment on the Dez'cloptncnf of the Arts. — 
 These sentiments, as we shall see on a later page, differ both in kind and 
 degree in races and nations, and correlatively with them does the atten- 
 tion paid to arts of religious purpose. The result is conspicuous, and 
 offers some extremely difficult problems in the study of the evolution of
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 133 
 
 the arts in general. Indeed, it has been, and remains, an undecided point 
 in the history of art whether its association with religions aspirations has 
 benefited or retarded it. On the one hand, we liave the school of those 
 who point to the bloom of Greek Art in the age of Pericles and of Mod- 
 ern Art in the da\-s of Raphael and Michelangelo, and claim that sncli 
 work as was then produced could only arise out of the deep aspirations 
 of religion and from meditation on glories and beauties beyond those of 
 earth; while, on the other hand, we have the school at the head of which 
 stood the great Goethe, who proclaimed that the true impulse of art is the 
 universal in humanity^ that it is above all state policy or religious doctrine, 
 and that it is derogatory to its claims to bind it to the promulgation of 
 any creed or theory. Art for its own sake, l^ art pour I'' art, is the motto 
 of that school. 
 
 The question is still open. It cannot be decided by assertion or by a 
 priori reasoning. Its answer lies in the past history of art studied in the 
 light of the psychology of races and nations. It is with art as it is with 
 language: there are no laws of its de\'elopment which hold good in all 
 ages and throughout all nations. Each instance must be studied by itself. 
 Associations which with one nation advanced artistic culture in another 
 may have impeded it. Religions — eminently so Christianity itself — 
 which have at certain periods favored art have at others used their utmost 
 endeavors to vitiate or destroy it. 
 
 V. GOVERNMENT AND L.WVS. 
 
 Development of Government. — From the earliest period in which men 
 lived together in communities they must have had some recognition of 
 each other's rights, some sort of an expressed or tacitly understood "social 
 contract." What this was at the outset has attracted the attention of anti- 
 quaries and students of jurisprudence; and the inquiry is not an idle one, 
 for from this primitive compact, which it is assumed did not differ very 
 widely among mankind, all later forms of law and government must have 
 slowly emerged. 
 
 These researches have as yet not led to a unity of opinion as to the 
 status of primitive society, or else they force us to the conclusion that no 
 such unity of form as has been assumed can be shown to have existed; 
 and to claim that it did so exist, and advance only theoretical reasons for 
 tlie belief, is contrar\- to the methods of exact science and sound historical 
 investigatit)n. 
 
 The Family and W'liat Constitutes It. — Thus, wlien bv the aid of com- 
 parative linguistics wc carry such researches in the Aryan funnily through 
 its most ancient representatives, the old Indians and Persians, the Greeks, 
 Italians, Germans, and Slavs, we find that the first and simplest com- 
 munity revealed to us is "a family," which simply meant all living 
 together in one dwelling (y?r;«///(? from the Oscan /<"?«/;/«, "house"). They 
 were women, children, captives, and dependants of one kind and another, 
 and were all unde^r tlie recognized rule of the "house-master." Marriajre
 
 134 
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 was a distinctly recognized formality, and our word "wedding," which 
 is almost the same form as then in use, preserves in its radical letters tlie 
 intimation that the bridegroom went forth — "wended" his steps else- 
 where — to seek his bride in some other household, and brought her home 
 (Schrader). 
 
 Lubbock'' s Theory. — We have no means whatever of tracing the social 
 organization of the Aryan stem beyond this condition. But this would 
 not at all satisfy the theories of Sir John Lubbock, I\Ir. J. F. McLennan, 
 and others of their school. As has been mentioned on a previous page 
 (70), they claim that in the order of social development the tribe came 
 first, a rude concourse, where the sexes lived in promiscuity; the gens or 
 clan next, tracing its kinship through the female side, on account of tlie 
 still prevailing uncertainty of paternity; and onl^' after these did the fam- 
 ily proper arise, tracing its descent through the male line, the purity of 
 woman having become reasonably assured. 
 
 Morgan's TJicory. — An American ethnologist of eminence, the late Wr. 
 Lewis H. Morgan, has developed this theory with much particularity. 
 He undertook to demonstrate that the family had progressed in ancient 
 society through five successive forms, corresponding to as many stages of 
 development of government and lav.'s. These were as follows: 
 
 1. The Consanguine Family., founded upon the intermarriage of bro- 
 thers and sisters in a group. 
 
 2. The Pttiialuan Family, where several sisters marrj^ each other's 
 husbands, and all form one household. 
 
 3. The Syudyasmian or Pairing Family, where there are temporary 
 marriages between single pairs, but no fidelity is observed. 
 
 4. The Patriarchal Family, where one man takes several wives, and 
 claims their exclusive allegiance. 
 
 5. The Monogamian Family, where single pairs unite, and each party 
 claims the exclusive allegiance of the other. 
 
 These fonns, I\Ir. ^Morgan claimed, " sprang successively one from the 
 other, and collectively represent the growth of the idea of the family." 
 
 Against all such theorizing it may be urged that neither in history nor 
 in geography has any tribe been discovered living in sexual promiscuit}-, 
 and that it is contrary to the analogy of nature (see above, pp. 70, 71); 
 that the second and third of ]Mr. Morgan's forms of family life are only 
 exemplified in local customs, which are rather those of authorized licen- 
 tiousness than of progress; and that the uncertainty of paternity need not 
 be assumed as the origin of the tracing of descent through the mother, as 
 that custom prevails in some tribes whose women are conspicuously vir- 
 tuous. Moreover, these views have not been accepted by those most 
 friendly to such theories. For instance, Mr. McLennan, whose own theory 
 has been referred to, mentions ]\Ir. Morgan's work as " that wild dream — 
 not to say nightmare — of early institutions!" 
 
 Grozvth of States. — Leaving mere hypotheses aside — which, however, 
 it seemed necessary to mention on account of the attention they have
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 135 
 
 received — the farthest pre-historic period of the i\r}-an race to which we 
 can attain by linguistic anal)sis shows us, as above stated, the "family" 
 as a group of related or unrelated persons under the control of a master. 
 Several of these families living together for the sake of protection, the 
 heads of each claiming relationship to the heads of the others either 
 through blood or usage, form the "clan," styled in Latin the gcns^ this 
 word meaning "of common birth;" in Greek, i\\e phra/ry [(/'oi/zola) or 
 brotherhood, and in the old Vedic poems the sad//a, from which last has 
 lineally descended the Lombard and Saxou-Euglish "thorp," a hamlet 
 or small town. 
 
 As every such thorp, using the word in its original sense, must have a 
 ruler, such a one was chosen from and b^' the heads of the families. He 
 was called the "king," which very ancient title is not allied, as the older 
 etymologists thought, to the verb can, to be able, or /:irn, to know, but 
 with jj-cns (Greek yevoc), stock, descent, and meant one who represented 
 in himself the whole and ptire lineage of the leaders of the community. 
 
 A combination of several such thorps for mutual protection or defence 
 led to the formation of the tribe or city {tn'biis, ciz'ilas, Tiuh:;). Its leader, 
 chosen probably by election or indicated by the history- of the combination 
 itself, was called the ruler — Latin, rex. It was natural that he should 
 often seek to retain and strengthen the power during his life and transmit 
 it in his own clan. In this way were formed the hereditary chieftaincies 
 which were in vogue among the Aryan race when it first came within the 
 ken of history. The later aspects of their governments belong to the his- 
 torian, and need not detain us here. 
 
 It is claimed by some writers that the development of the principles 
 of government in the Malayan and American races was quite different 
 from this. But a careful examination will disclose the fact that these 
 differences are much less than lia\'e been supposed. For instance, the cus- 
 tom of tracing descent through the female line and the law of marriage 
 outside the clan did not at all impair the devotion of the individual to his 
 clan, and left its boundaries just as clearly defined as the patriarchal system. 
 If we take a developed American state with a histon.-, such as the Quiches 
 of Central America, we can trace its governmental evolution through much 
 the same stadia of growth as we have depicted in the Proto-Aryans. 
 
 The Quiches had thirteen clans or calpiilcs, and the head of each clan 
 was an independent chieftain within its limits, subject only to such duties 
 to the commonwealth as ancient custom had laid upon him. The chief 
 power was hereditary in one of the clans, limited, however, by the 
 national council, made up of the heads of all the clans and certain 
 priestly and other officials. Such a social conformation strongly resem- 
 bles the German gaii as it appears in early mcdiceval history, and in its 
 general principles arose in all likelihood in a similar manner. 
 
 Properly and Property Riglils. — Some writers have assumed that the 
 idea of property was very slowly formed in the human mind. According 
 to Mr. Morgan, it required " innnense periods of time to devcloji its
 
 1^,6 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 'o 
 
 germ." But the genns of the ideas both of territorial and personal prop- 
 erty, and the privileges they confer, are certainly plainly evident in the 
 lower animals. The dog knows wdiat belongs to his master, and will pro- 
 tect it ; he will carr}- off and bnr>' an unfinished bone with as distinct an 
 impression that it is his as has the miser when he locks his gold in his 
 strong-box; and both cats and dogs manifest decided resentment at others of 
 their species encroaching on the limits of their territories. In their own 
 way, and in matters which are of importance to themselves, savages have 
 very positive ideas of property. One of the most frequent causes of their 
 wars is the act of trespassing on each other's lands. The assertion of 
 Mr. Morgan that the consideration of a common territorial area forms no 
 part of the primitive form of government, but that this derives its respect 
 solely from claims of personal relation, will not bear examination. For 
 instance, at a certain treaty held in the last century- in Pennsylvania the 
 natives on one side of the Delaware consented to the stipulations ; and 
 when the)- were reported to those on the other bank they were accepted — 
 not on the ground of personal kinship, but on that of territorial unity, or 
 as one of the chiefs said, " Because we drink of one water." 
 
 Personal Property. — Property of any kind and in all classes of society 
 is held in common so long as it is more than sufficient for all; but as soon 
 as it falls short of this, it is claimed by whoever can hold it; and this alike 
 in all conditions. The real and only difference is that the savage's wants 
 are few and he is indifferent to the future. Where scarcity prevails he 
 shows the common nature of man well developed in this respect. A 
 traveller in the arid wastes of Australia stopped to drink of a brook, but 
 a native hastened to warn him that that portion of the brook was his, and 
 that he did not allow others to drink there (Waitz). The surliest English 
 landholder could scarcely go beyond this. Among the tribes of the Ori- 
 noco a cultivated field is recognized as the private property of the person 
 who cultivates it, but the fisheries and hunting-grounds belong to the 
 tribe at large (Gilii). A proof that the most valued objects among savage 
 nations were regarded as strictly personal property is given in the wide- 
 spread custom of burying such with the dead, that he or she may not be 
 deprived of the use and enjoyment of them in the other life. 
 
 Tenure nf Land. — Land as a general thing, though b)- no means uni- 
 versallv, was supposed to belong to the clan, and later more especially to 
 the head of the clan — not individually, but as the representative of its 
 interest. He was to hold it for the common benefit, and as many were 
 to live on it as chose. From this came the law of primogeniture, and 
 also the theory of the Turkish government that the sovereign is the owner 
 of all the land in his realm. Possession by the village or community as 
 a bod^■, such as exists with the jnir in Russia and with many communities 
 in India, is but another branch of the same theory, only the title is not 
 vested in an individual. 
 
 Where the extent of land was insufficient not only for the clan, but 
 even for the famih- in its narrow sense, the opposite custom from primo-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 137 
 
 g'eniture arose — that termed in Great Britain borouq-h English — in which 
 the older sons were portioned off or went forth to seek their fortunes, and 
 tlie real property passed intact to the youngest son. The hitest great 
 bod}' of laws, the Code NapoIco)i^ recognizes tlie rights of children to the 
 property of their parents, and by forbidding the alienation of any large 
 part of it to other hands acknowledges to some extent the correctness of 
 the earlier theories of property as not wholly of the individual. 
 
 Lazes. — Applied to social life, the definition of a law is "a rule of 
 action," and it is a serious error to suppose that even the most barbarous 
 community does not recognize many such rules. They are not the edicts 
 of a master or a governing body, but the results of the necessary respect 
 for each other's rights which have been dictated by social contact. They 
 are the customs and habits, consiietudincs ct mores, of the community, 
 and they vary with the particular needs of each tribe. To violate them 
 is deemed contra bonos nioirs, against good habits, or immoral. 
 
 At the outset every civil law is of this character, and has a sufficient 
 and recognized reason for its existence. But this condition could never 
 last long. Two causes have been always at work in every community to 
 establish an artificial and unreal code of action, not necessary to the com- 
 mon welfare and often seriously opposed to it. 
 
 Precedents. — One of these is the strength of habit and the weight 
 of precedent in matters of custom. A law originally established for suffi- 
 cient cause continues to be enforced long after the circumstances which 
 justified it have passed awa\'. An instance in point is the surviving law 
 of primogeniture in some European countries, whose origin is explained 
 above. At present it completely fails of its original purpose and works 
 injustice to the children. 
 
 Religions Infliieucc. — The second cause is the claim of religions to 
 , establish laws governing social relations. This extension of the religious 
 sentiment into the domain of legislation has in many instances completely 
 overridden all other agencies affecting the social compact. The laws of 
 Mann in India, of Menes in Egypt, and of Minos in Crete (if, indeed, the 
 three are not reminiscences of the same mythical culture-hero) were all 
 handed down as the edicts of divinity itself deciding on the rights of 
 persons. The Pentateuch was the "Book of the Law" governing the 
 tribes' minutest social relations ; and at this day in all Mohammedan 
 countries there is no other civil law than the divinely-inspired Koran and 
 its commentaries. 
 
 The Taboo. — The beginning of this condition of legislation is seen in 
 the capricious and insensate taboo, or prohibition, which in the Pacific 
 islands the priest would lay upon certain places, things, articles of diet, 
 or persons. The natives fully believed that a violation of it would bring 
 about instant death. Not less influential arc the shamans of Siberia and 
 the so-called "medicine-men" among the American Indians. Their 
 commands were often wholly unreasonable and injurious to the tribe, but 
 they were obeyed without questioning. Property was squandered, the
 
 138 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 tillage of the fields neglected, the virtue of women sacrificed, at their 
 behests. Missionaries and travellers are nigh unanimous that their influ- 
 ence has been one of the most serious drawbacks to the development of 
 the red race. 
 
 Whether in the Old or New World, the result has been the same when 
 founders of religions or sects undertook to impose their own dreams or 
 theories on their fellows as rules of action in affairs of daily life; and it is 
 a necessary result. An artificial code of morality was established, differ- 
 ent and generally contradictory to that required by the circumstances of 
 the comnninit}', and a long conflict arose, ending either in the gradual 
 deterioration of the nation or in the subversion or insensible alteration of 
 the religious code. 
 
 From these two causes there are always a number of statutes, written 
 or unwritten, in every commonwealth which are inapplicable to the exist- 
 ing conditions, or they are relics of religious enactments which never had 
 a sufficient reason. The most cultivated of modern nations are far from 
 having thrown them off". 
 
 Blood-Revenge. — In noting the milestones which mark the positive 
 advance in legislation we may first mention the abolition of blood-revenge. 
 In barbarous conditions of society, as among the Algonkin tribes of the 
 United States, when a person was murdered the duty devolved upon his 
 clan to avenge his murder by slaying one of the clan or tribe of the mur- 
 derer — not specifically the criminal himself, but one of his kin. This 
 miscarriage of justice was one of the dissolving elements of early society. 
 No firm government over several tribes could be established with indis- 
 criminate assassination going on. For this reason one of the first steps 
 taken by the enlightened chieftain who founded the Iroquois Confederacy 
 was to abolish blood-revenge, and to make murder an offence against the 
 state, punishable on the murderer by the agents of the state. 
 
 Geographical Foundation of National Unity. — Another step was the 
 general recognition of a geographical rather than a consanguine unity of 
 the state. We have seen that the germs of this are found in very rude 
 conditions of society; but it took a long time to secure legislation for 
 areas, such as counties, demes, or wards, instead of for certain families 
 or tribes. 
 
 lyong after such had apparently been the case, it was so but partially. 
 The laws of the district did not apph- equally to all the inhabitants. 
 There were "privileged classes" who were exempt from them to a 
 greater or less degree; and there were abject classes, such as slaves and 
 " adscripts of the glebe," who were deprived more or less of legal immu- 
 nities and protection. When the enactments for a legislative district 
 came to be applied without distinction to its inhabitants, when all stood 
 "equal before the law," a signal victory for justice had been achieved. 
 But over what a small part of the earth's surface is this the case! And 
 how recent is its advent there! 
 
 War. — The usual condition of savage nations is to be in conflict with
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 139 
 
 one another; nor can this condition be said to be confined to the lower 
 stages of culture. Long after a considerable degree of cultivation was 
 reached, it was looked upon as a matter in the ordinary course of events 
 for nations to fight and men to be warriors. 
 
 Though the cruelties committed and the miseries inflicted by war have 
 been the theme of innumerable writers, and with justice, yet it would be 
 unfair to leave out of siglit the powerful element it has been in estab- 
 lishing governments, instituting laws, and improving individual and 
 national life. 
 
 Nations, like individuals, differ widely in valor and the love of con- 
 tests. In some instances their timidity preserves them, as when they 
 submit without resistance to a powerful foe; in others it leads to their 
 destruction, and they are cut to pieces by a mei'ciless enemy. Either of 
 these results may occur also with a notably warlike people, but from other 
 reasons. They may save themselves by a valorous defence of their lives, 
 or their readiness to take up arms may lead to their extermination. The 
 Susquehannocks, whom Captain John Smith saw and admired on the 
 Chesapeake in 1609, were a tribe of fine frame and tireless in war, but 
 they were completely exterminated in a few generations, while their 
 neighbors, the peace-loving Lenape, still survive in considerable numbers. 
 
 The Advantages of War. — The beneficial influence of war is seen both 
 on the individual and the state. The warrior or soldier must subject his 
 appetites to the rigid discipline of the camp; he must train his muscles 
 and his senses to their highest degree of efficiency; he must task his 
 inventive powers for means to circumvent his enemy; he must accustom 
 himself to act in concert with others in carrying out matured plans; and 
 he must learn the salutary lesson of prompt and entire obedience to orders. 
 All this is required in the forays of savages as much as in the campaigns 
 of modern arnries. 
 
 The guerdon of the successful warrior compensates for the toils of bat- 
 tle. In all ages he has been the t)-pical hero of the race. His name 
 becomes illustrious, nations and their kings delight to do him honor, the 
 wealth of the world is at his feet. 
 
 Aside from these potent incentives to self-discipline and energy there 
 is the delight in the contest itself. This presents in its most concentrated 
 form the pleasure of games to which we have previously referred (p. 129). 
 Many of the most popular amusements are imitations of the great game 
 of war, but all fall short of the keen intensity of the reality. 
 
 " 'Twere woith ten years of peaceful life, 
 One hour of such a day." 
 
 This applies more forcibly to the contests of primitive races, which were 
 carried on man against man, than to those of our own day, where hand-to- 
 hand conflict is rare. 
 
 The lujlucnce of IVar. — The influence of war in developing the imen- 
 tion of weapons and the construction of defensive edifices has already been
 
 I40 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 mentioned. The nation at large, as well as the individual, feels its bene- 
 ficial effect. Nothing so much consolidates a community as the menace 
 of a common foe. The earliest tribes and confederacies had no other 
 origin. The ambition of the conqueror, which leads him to gather war- 
 riors from all directions, brings together in a mutual bond diverse nations 
 and races, and lays the foundation for peaceful intercourse in after ages. 
 And although the track of such a conqueror may be one of blood and fire, 
 he brings about that intermingling of nationalities which is essential to 
 the intellectual growth of the race. In a remarkable passage in his 
 Kosmos^ Alexander von Humboldt has traced the advantages to learning 
 derived from the Asiatic campaigns of Alexander of Macedon ; and in a 
 less degree all conquerors before and since have contributed in a similar 
 manner to the progress of ideas. 
 
 Origin of Castes. — The social distinction of castes is nearly always an 
 outgrowth of war. The conquered nation were either reduced to a condi- 
 tion of serfdom or slavery, while the conquerors remained among them as 
 masters. Hence the difference of castes is usually ethnologic as well as 
 political. Such a relationship was, in England, established between the 
 Danes and Britons, and later between the Normans and Saxons ; but 
 nowhere was the line more sharply drawn than in India, where the white 
 Indo-Aryans conquered the brown Dravidian tribes, and in order to pre- 
 serve purity of blood established barriers which have lasted four thousand 
 years or more. Its origin is distinctly conveyed in the native name for 
 caste, varna., the color of the skin. 
 
 Caste or rank within a nation has also its usual origin in distinction 
 gained in war. Nothing else is so immediately recognized as a well- 
 founded claim to superiority. Even ver>' rude tribes acknowledge degrees 
 of rank. The Polynesians were always found to be divided into nobles 
 and commons, and many minute distinctions were in vogue. On the 
 Oregon coast the nobles were entitled to an artificially flattened shape of 
 the skull, which was sedulously cultivated. In Peru the higher class per- 
 forated and stretched their ears to an inordinate length, whence they were 
 called Orcjones by the Spaniards. Among the Abipones of South 
 America the missionaries found as much pride of blood as they had left 
 behind them in Europe. Poor and wrinkled old women would boast of 
 their " line of long descent" with all the haughtiness of a Lady Clara 
 Vere de Vere, and insist that they sliould be addressed in a form of the 
 language where suffixes are added to the words to indicate respect (Dobriz- 
 hoffer"). Such a dialectic variation employed in speaking to those of 
 higher rank has also been observed in Nahuatl, Choctaw, and other 
 American idioms. It illustrates how deeply the regard for rank is 
 implanted among those who, we are too apt to imagine, live on a com- 
 mon plane of barbaric equality. 
 
 Defettsiz'e Institutions. — Living in the constant anticipation of warfare, 
 the necessitv for providing against it has alwaj's modified the forms of 
 human society. In some nations, as the Japanese, one of the castes
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 141 
 
 looked forward to no other occupation than fighting, while the others 
 expected to devote themselves to peaceful pursuits except in emergencies. 
 Wherever there are large standing armies this nmst be the case to a great 
 degree. In a condition of society where a state of war is more frequent 
 than one of peace tliis has its advantages ; but where the reverse is the 
 case, as in modern Europe, the diversion of a large share of the best 
 intelligence of the nation into the army detracts heavily from the general 
 efficiency of the people. 
 
 In the American tribes there were generally two rulers — one for war, 
 the other for pacific conditions. The latter was hereditary or elective 
 from a limited number of families, but the former was chosen from the 
 boldest, most skilful warriors, without other regard than to his efficiency. 
 Sometimes two war-chiefs were selected, either that one might replace the 
 other without delay in case of death, or that the one might serve as a 
 check on the ambitious designs of the other (Iroquois). Traces of this 
 sagacious plan are found in most parts of the continent. 
 
 Military Govcrnutciiis. — The effects of war on government reach their 
 highest point in the establishment of military despotisms. These are far 
 from being unmixed evils. On the contrary, they are better than a con- 
 dition of freedom where each clan acts independently of the others, and 
 personal liberty has that wide signification which was the rule among the 
 northern tribes of America. What men most need to learn is labor and 
 obedience, and these can usually be taught them only by a tyranny. As 
 the learned ethnologist Waitz observes, in many conditions of society it is 
 of much less importance that the limits of the government be defined, or 
 that its conduct be in accord with the precepts of justice, than that it be 
 strong and stable. By these traits men are accustomed to obey the laws, 
 and to order their lives in accordance with a plan which embraces all the 
 interests of the nation. The destructive consequences of exclusive self- 
 seeking and ill-founded ambition are checked, and, following the direction 
 assigned by one mind, the full force of the nation makes itself felt in the 
 conduct of great affairs. 
 
 Groivth of International Law. — Finally, we may mention international 
 law as largely an outgrowth of war. Negotiations for the exchange or 
 redemption of captives and treaties to effect peace and adjust differences 
 led to the establishment of modes of intercourse and usages between 
 nations, and finally to mutual legislation. Indeed, the old term for what 
 •we now call international law was " the law of war and peace, "_/'«,? belli 
 et pads, which sufficiently indicates its origin. Its initiatives are visible 
 in the customs of savage nations, where it was very generally deemed an 
 outrage to injure a messenger of peace, and symbols were recognized as 
 indicating his character, as the calumet among the North American tribes. 
 
 VI. RELIGIONS. 
 We have already adverted to the intimate connection which has widely 
 existed between the religious sentiment and the growth of arts (above, p.
 
 142 
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 132) and forms of government (p. 137). These were but subordinate indi- 
 cations of its all-embracing activity in moulding the lines and shaping the 
 destinies of individuals and nations. A general review of the directions 
 of this part of man's nature, though necessarily brief and incomplete, 
 will illustrate how indispensable its attentive study becomes to the eth- 
 nologist. 
 
 Di-fiiiition and Sources of Religion. — In ethnologic science the word relig- 
 ion must be understood in a much v/ider sense than in ordinary language. 
 Usually it is confined to divine worship as conducted by civilized nations, 
 and is placed in contrast to superstition or idolatry. But all forms of 
 superstition, even the grossest, are expressions of the religious sentiment 
 of man, and in a scientific study of the subject must be included quite as 
 much as Christianity itself A misunderstanding on this point has led 
 many writers, notably Sir John Lubbock and those of his school, into 
 serious error in the discussion of primitive society. Because they did not 
 find religious manifestations, such as they were accustomed to see, among 
 low tribes, they have denied that these possessed any religion. 
 
 Although there are reasons, heretofore stated (see p. 131), to believe that 
 man in the earliest Stone Age had no religion, and though no satisfactory 
 signs of it have been detected among animals, it may be considered as 
 established that nowhere on the globe have tribes been discovered devoid 
 of a comparatively extensive mythology and religious cult. A recent 
 German writer, Gustav Roskoff", in a work on The Religions of the Rudest 
 Peoples., has conclusively disproved all the assertions to the contrary by 
 Lubbock and others. 
 
 Psychology and Origin. — If we ask the psychological origin of this 
 sentiment which we see is thus universal to the race, we are urged by the 
 general verdict of the anah'sts of human nature to accept the opinion of 
 the Roman poet who attributed it to fear: 
 
 " Piimus in orbe deos fecit timor." 
 
 But only a superficial student of the subject, such as the dilettante noble 
 M-ho was the reputed author of that line (Petronius Arbiter), would stop 
 here. The emotion of fear is exceedingly prominent in the lower ani- 
 mals and yet in no instance has it led them to the performance of acts 
 which can be deemed religious. Something else, therefore, something 
 peculiarly human, is demanded to explain the notion of things divine. 
 
 Causality. — This is found in the idea of Causality — in the instinctive 
 belief that there is an Order in the universe, producing effects by causes, 
 even if the cause is no more than the caprice of a tyrant, for that caprice 
 is itself the effect of a motive, and falls along with everything else under 
 the dominion of Law. The most rigid demonstrations of science have in 
 their last analysis no other support than this instinctive, unproved, and 
 unprovable belief in order and cause (Bain); and we need not attempt, 
 therefore, to go farther in search of the foundation of religious faith. 
 
 But the bare assumption of Cause, sufficient for science, does not sat-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 143 
 
 isf}' the religious sentiment, and could never have inspired its creations. 
 These demand the further postulate that the order in things shall be one 
 controlled by intelligence — intelligence not alien in kind, however much in 
 degree, to that of man himself This gave him his gods, and without this 
 assumption tlie heavens would never have opened to his dreams. What 
 grounds he has for this assumption does not concern us here; we have only 
 to do with its results. 
 
 Character of P}'imitive Religions. — Returning to fear as the immediate 
 emotional prompter of religious expressions, we find it, as we might an- 
 ticipate, a marked characteristic of the lowest forms of faiths. They are 
 frequently little beyond abject terrorisms. There may be an acknowledg- 
 ment of the existence of beneficent deities, but these are not the objects 
 of adoration; they would at least not hurt man, and he could dispense 
 with their aid; but the malignant gods must be placated by assiduous 
 attentions. So the Texas Indians informed the early explorer Joutel that 
 there was a good god, but that they worshipped him not, as he let them 
 alone; but the beings who injured them they had to appease. Travellers 
 generally speak of the rites of savages as directed rather to allay the anger 
 or cajole the malevolence of their gods than to thank them for favors con- 
 ferred. This is strengthened by the general doctrine among such tribes 
 that all misfortunes are the effects of resentment. In many American 
 languages there is no word corresponding with " to die;" it is always " to 
 be killed." Sickness and death are not looked upon as events in the 
 course of nature, but as punishments, inflicted by an animate agent. 
 Hence the grounds of fear ai'e greatly increased. 
 
 But it would be unjust even to such primitive faiths as these to sup- 
 pose that gratitude was absent or that the kinder gods were altogether 
 overlooked. There are everv where men "who dare to strive with orods," 
 and who revolt from a base subjection to malicious beings. Von Pertz 
 tells of a tribe of Cafllirs who refused any further attempts to pacify their 
 persecuting gods because pestilence and hunger did not cease among them. 
 Tlie .\ndaman islanders defy the god of the storm, and shoot tlieir arrows 
 into the air that they may pierce him. On the other hand, even Australians, 
 counted by some among the lowest of the race, have their kindly divin- 
 ities, as Koyan, who hunts up lost children and restores them to their 
 motlier, and guards the camps at night; and Motogon, who causes the water- 
 streams to flow through their arid lands. Their Kobong is the patron of 
 the clan, and is regarded as an ever-present protector and adviser. Indeed, 
 both with them, and verj; widely in America, the belief in a beneficent 
 protective deity for the clan and in a personal or guardian spirit for each 
 individual, working constantly for his welfare, is a refutation of the state- 
 ment sometimes made that such religions arc those of fear only. Tlie 
 arts in vogue auu)ng these people, their knowledge of medicines, and the 
 introduction of what food-plants they possess are attributed to these kindly 
 guardians. 
 
 Simplest Elcmoits of Religion. — Reducing religion to its lowest terms,
 
 144 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 we find tliat it consists in a belief that the order of nature is controlled by 
 vii)id ; and this is likewise indispensable to its most exalted expression. 
 The difference between the two consists in removing the action of mind 
 farther and farther from the immediate event. 
 
 We are so accustomed to associate other ideas with religion — as, for 
 instance, those of the continuance of personal life after bodily death, or 
 the conception of a Creator or God — that we are apt to reject that as a 
 religion where neither of these is perceptible. Yet various examples 
 prove that they are not necessary in even highly developed religions. 
 The Hebrew faith does not require the belief in the life after death, 
 and one of its important branches, the Sadducees, distinctly disavowed the 
 existence of either "angel or spirit." The ancient Italian religion was 
 apparently equally materialistic. Buddhism, now the most widely 
 accepted of all doctrines, in its original form denied the existence both 
 of God and an immortal soul. When Hardy asked a Ceylon Buddhist to 
 whom he prayed, he answered, "Only to myself." 
 
 Where a god is recognized, it is rarely under an immaterial fonn, and 
 it may be an inanimate object or a living person. The monarchs of 
 ancient Egypt were not merely rulers by divine right, but were esteemed 
 divine themselves. The king was not merely a god, but the god. In the 
 autobiography of Saneha, a servant of Amenemha I., he addresses his 
 royal master in these words : "I live by the breath which thou givest ; I 
 love Ra Horos fondly, the image of thy noble shape ; the power of thy 
 arm extends over all lands" (Tiele). No other nation has equalled the 
 Eg}'ptians in their worship of the lower animals, dogs, cows, monkeys, 
 and crocodiles. But it would be a serious error on account of these, to 
 us, repulsive and debasing ideals of divinity to conclude that their wor- 
 ship was either lowering or unprogressive. On the contrary'. Dr. Tiele 
 writes : "The Eg\"ptian religion was the first civilized expression of faith 
 in the imlimited sovereignty of the Deity." 
 
 Doctrine of Animism. — It will readily be seen how the belief that 
 every event is the immediate expression of intelligence led to the corol- 
 lar)- that all objects possess an intelligence, soul, or spirit. This has 
 been called by Dr. Tylor the doctrine of souls, or animism ; and by this 
 word he explains the character of primitive religions. Animism is, how- 
 ever, just as much the doctrine of manj' of the highest faiths as of those of 
 savages ; only the former remove the soul of the universe more remotely 
 from the event, and suppose that it acts through laws and secondary 
 causes. Primitive beliefs — those of men who had acquired no knowledge 
 of the natural forces — constnied all their manifestations as intelligential. 
 Did a stone roll down a hillside, it was the spirit of the stone which 
 impelled its leaps along the ground; the bubbling of the fountain was 
 the sporting of the water-spirits ; the wind in the treetops was the mur- 
 muring of the dr}-ads. So far from being godless, the lowest races are 
 those which are oppressed by the multitude of their divinities. The 
 Eskimos — whom Sir John Lubbock and others adduce as a people quite
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 145 
 
 devoid of religion — by the testimony of Cranz, Egede, and Riuk, people 
 the air, the water, and the earth with conntless imaginary beings of su2:)er- 
 natural powers, some friendly, some hostile, to man. 
 
 Doctrine of Felichism. — From this will be seen the origin oi feticJiisui^ 
 a term derived from a Portuguese word, fcitiqo, applied to the material 
 objects, animate or inanimate, worshipped by the natives of Western 
 Africa. These objects are not revered for themselves, but for the influence 
 they are supposed to exert through the unseen intelligences connected 
 with them. Fetiches are generally articles of unusual shape or appearance. 
 In Australia and Central America the rock-crystal is a favorite fetich, its 
 symmetry and transparency marking it as something extraordinary. 
 Bones have alwaj's been favorite objects of this character (see above, p. 
 131), and in some African tribes a house-owner will secure protection for 
 his possessions by suspending a cla\-icle o\'cr his door. 
 
 Fetichism is by no means confined to these ignorant barbarians. The 
 curious in such matters can find ample traces of it iu civilized life. 
 Charms and amulets are pojjular among the common people everywhere. 
 The horseshoe, which in a half-serious mood so many hang over their 
 doors, is a fetich. The chestnut or potato, carried in the pocket as a cure 
 for rheumatism, is another. All these objects, it is believed, exert some 
 other than their known natural powers, and this shows that they are sur- 
 vivals of the fetichistic period of religious thought. 
 
 Certain natural objects, on account of some prominent peculiarities, 
 have been selected with singular unanimity all over the world as objects 
 of adoration in this sense. Such are trecs^ scrpen/s^ and birds. In the 
 myths or cult of nearly every religion on the globe these will be found to 
 reappear as objects possessing mysterious power and in some way con- 
 nected with the nature of divinity. The "tree of life" figures among 
 those of the Garden of Eden in ancient Semitic records, and before they 
 rose to a civilized condition the Accads of IMesopotamia gave to their chief 
 city, afterward Babylon, the name Tin-tir-ki, "Place of the Tree of Life" 
 (Lenormant). Painted on the sarcophagi of the Chaldees, it intimated 
 the immortality of the soul; and the juice of its fruit was the magic bev- 
 erage which would stay the hand of death. Compare this with the wor- 
 ship of their sacred tree by the Abnakis of Maine. It stood by the sea- 
 shore, and its boughs were constantly laden with their offerings. They 
 said it could never die, and was the good genius who granted them their 
 wishes (Lafitau). Such examples could be quoted by scores. 
 
 The serpent and the bird must have first attracted attention b)- their 
 singular powers of locomotion — one, without legs, upon the ground, the 
 other through the air. Even wise King Solomon counted among the four 
 matters which were too wonderful for him " the flight of an eagle through 
 the air, the path of a serpent upon a rock;" and to this day mathematics 
 has not solved the problems of motion they present. The venomous bite 
 of many serpents and the melodious voices of some birds increase the nns- 
 tery of their power. Hence everywhere we find thcui associated with the 
 
 Vol. I.— 10
 
 146 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 symbolism, and often constituting the centre, of religions life — sometimes 
 representing the beneficent, at other times the maleficent, deities. Exam- 
 ples are so familiar that it is needless to quote any. 
 
 In all such cases it was the mere myster}^ that surrounded the object, 
 not any eSect that it had upon his life, that led man to select it for the 
 object of his adoration. He witnessed the use of pow-ers and faculties 
 different from those he possessed; he knew not their nature or extent, 
 and willingly supposed that they were far wider-reaching than his limited 
 abilities. 
 
 Worsliip of Natural Forces. — But those writers who have asserted that 
 fetichism is the exclusive form of the religion of the lower tribes have 
 been misled by a superficial stud}^ of savage life. When the votary 
 fixes his attention no longer on the object itself, but on the influence 
 which it exerts, he has advanced from fetichism to a recognition of 
 natural forces, and has learned to esteem them as manifestations of the 
 divine — a great stride. This adyance is found among many, even the 
 rudest, nations. 
 
 Perhaps the earliest as well as the most itniversally recognized of all 
 such forces was ligJit. The simplest myths, the most pristine rites, deify 
 light, and surround it with coimtless holy associations. It is the har- 
 binger of tlie day, the father of the dawn. By it sight is made possible 
 and men can ply their busy arts. It shows man his path through the 
 forests and stimulates his observation and his reason. Therefore it was a 
 miiversal god to the race; their imaginations were tasked to invent the 
 myths of the conquest of day over night and of the coming of the dawn. 
 From it arose the worship of the sun and fire, with their widespread asso- 
 ciations. They are both secondary to the light and merely its ministers. 
 
 Another great and ever-present mystery was the force of life, exempli- 
 fied in the reproduction of animal and vegetable organisms. This was too 
 intimately connected with man's own existence and with some of the 
 strongest impulses of his nature to escape his early contemplation. It 
 led to those genesiac cults which recur with marked similarity of m)-th 
 and ritual the world over. Arising from feelings and obser\-ations com- 
 mon to man everywhere, they naturally present close parallelisms, which 
 by some have been supposed to point to the same historic origin. Fre- 
 quently their rites degenerated into licentious orgies, and to modem cul- 
 ture nothing could be more "irreligious" than their teachings and their 
 artistic expressions. But they had no such debasing significance in primitive 
 ages. The Pawnee woman, when she has planted her patch of corn, waits 
 until the dusk of the evening has arrived, then strips herself and walks 
 naked around the field, thus, she believes, imparting a share of her 
 fecundity to the grains in the hills (Schoolcraft). So in ancient Greece, 
 when the com was sown, the house-master brought forth the image of the 
 sacred phallus and bore it aloft over the fields, while his daughters and the 
 maidens of his house danced around it and sang songs to the gods of the 
 harvest. We may be sure that in neither case did a thought of impro-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 147 
 
 priety enter the minds of the participants in these holy rites. In India, 
 among the sixteen million worshippers of Siva, whose symbol is the lin- 
 gam, it is matter of record that unchastity is far less prevalent than 
 among most sister sects of the Hindoo faiths (Fergusson). Bnt when, as 
 in "Babylon, mother of harlots," it was enjoined on every woman to 
 vield herself, at least once in her life, for monev to a straneer in the ear- 
 
 - ' '-00 
 
 dens of the goddess Melitta, we see how certainly such a religion would 
 lead to the depravation of woman, and with that to the degradation of the 
 nation. 
 
 A third natural force which everywhere attracted the devotional 
 instincts of the primitive man was motion. It is, indeed, the common 
 resultant of all force, bnt this is the last word of modern science, not 
 the early observation of man. It is most abstractly typified in the wind^ 
 which seems to be incorporeal force in motion. "Whence it cometh and 
 whither it goeth " was the unanswerable question which in the book of 
 Job the Almighty is represented as putting to man, and from earliest 
 times it occupied his intellect and imagination. He could see that it 
 brought the clouds, the cold, the changes of the weather, and the seasons 
 — matters that in his naked and defenceless condition touched him most 
 nearly. His scanty harvests depended upon them, and the most terrif)-- 
 ing exhibition of power he ever saw, the deafening thunder and the forked 
 lightning, came upon "the wings of the wind." Hence in all early faiths 
 meteorological phenomena occupy a prominent position. 
 
 The Aim of Religions. — All these objects of reverence — be they fetiches 
 or natural forces typified under one or another symbol — interested man 
 solely as they concerned his welfare — his own or that of his tribe. Those 
 who would attempt to explain early religions as a kind of natural philoso- 
 phy devised to account for the existence of things have no idea of the lack 
 of curiosity among savages, and their prevailing indifference to what does 
 not concern their bodily comfort. Any such application was a much later 
 one in the history of religious thought. That idol or fetich attracted his 
 worship who, he believed, could help him the most effectively. Thus 
 atnong the Fantees of Africa it is common to buy fetiches, and one is let 
 out on trial to the purchaser, like a horse, to be returned after a certain 
 time if it does not prove effective (Waitz). The Neapolitan peasant will 
 cuff or stamp upon the figure of his saint (which is nothing but a fetich) 
 if he misses the lucky number in the lottery, and even if he wins he may 
 cheat his patron out of the promised taper {passato il periclo, gabbato il 
 sanio). The Peruvians seized the idols and gods of the nations they con- 
 qtiered, and, carrying them to Cuzco, shut them up so that they cotild do 
 no harm, but were afraid to injure them. All siich actions show that the 
 first impulse and the sustaining motive of religion is a desire, a ■zcis/i, 
 either to obtain or to avoid somctliing, not any recondite instinct of rev- 
 erence nor any haunting sense of divinity, as many writers of the mystical 
 school have argued. 
 
 Prayer a>id Sacrifice. — This becomes still more plain!)- manifest when
 
 148 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 we critically examine tlie sources of two most important and universally 
 prevalent expressions of the religious sentiment — Prayer and Sacrifice. 
 
 " Prayer," wrote the thoughtful Novalis, " is to religion what thought 
 is to philosophy; the religious sense prays with like necessity that the rea- 
 son thinks." It always has relation to supplying the wants of the peti- 
 tioner. In the Psalms the Lord is spoken of as the one who " satisfies the 
 desire" of every living thing; the favorite title of Buddha is Sidartha, 
 "the accomplisher of the wish." All prayers of primitive people and of 
 uncultivated minds show this in its naked materialism. They are pretty 
 much all summed up in one which occurs in the Rig Veda: " O Lord 
 Varuna! grant that we may prosper in getting and keeping.''^ To be 
 relieved from pain and death, to enjoy life — these exhaust the tenor of 
 all the petitions of lower forms of religion and of nine-tenths of those of 
 the highest. They are all of the general drift of the naive prayer which 
 the missionary Brebeuf heard his Huron cauoeman ofier to the presiding 
 deity supposed to dwell in one of the rocks of a perilous rapid. The 
 native laid some leaves of tobacco on the rock and said, "O thou god 
 who dwellest in this spot, accept this tobacco; help us on our voyage, 
 save us from shipwreck, defend us from our enemies, give us a prosper- 
 ous trade, and bring us back safe and sound to our village." 
 
 This is not a whit inferior in its tenor to the model of prayer which is 
 set up by Xenophon in his Economics as that of the cultivated Greek. He 
 says, speaking in the person of Ischomachus, "I seek to obtain from the 
 gods by proper prayers strength and health, the respect of the community, 
 the love of my friends, an honorable tennination to my combats, and 
 riches the fruit of honest industry. ' ' The higher religions, as Christian- 
 ity and Mohammedanism, took a long step in advance when they taught 
 — at least in theory— that all such material benefits are unworthy objects 
 of prayer, and that it should be wholly directed to obtaining spiritual 
 enliofhtenment and resignation to the will of God. Confucius and Buddha 
 went still farther, and in their own teachings discarded prayer altogether. 
 But, properly speaking, neither of these sages set oiit to teach a religion, 
 but rather the vanity of all religions. Buddha taught that the perfected 
 sage will have extingiiished all desire, and hence is above any favor which 
 the gods, if there are an}', can confer; while Confucius advised his disci- 
 ples to limit their wishes to the attainable, as thus they could avoid dis- 
 appointment and need ask no aid of unknown agencies. 
 
 Along with the prayers of a nation its sacrifices should receive atten- 
 tion. They are strongly indicative of the national character and the 
 religious thought. The motive of sacrifice is always to pacify or persuade 
 the gods into some action pleasing to the worshipper, either that they will 
 refrain from injuring him or do him some good turn. The sacrifice is 
 alwa}-s of the nature of a gift, and its value is not the intrinsic worth of 
 the thing given, but the pain it costs the giver to part with it. Measured 
 by motive, this reasoning is natural and correct. The African Bushmen 
 are often seen with one or more joints of their fingers lopped off ; they
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 149 
 
 have sacrificed tliein to appease the envious divinities, just as Polj'crates 
 threw his choicest jewel into the sea lest the gods should be jealous of 
 his constant good fortune. The rite of circumcision, recurring among 
 the Israelites, the ancient Egj'ptians, and various American tribes, was 
 a symbol of the completer sacrifice which induces some African tribes to 
 submit to semi-castration (Bastian), and led the devotees of Cybele to 
 become eunuchs. 
 
 Religions are apt to demand the renunciation of the dearest. The 
 bloody sacrifices of the Aztecs were chiefly confined to captives taken in 
 war, but the Norse Sagas tell us that in time of famine beasts were first 
 sacrificed; if that failed, men of the tribe were slain; and if the dearth 
 still continued, the king himself was obliged to die, that the gods might 
 be persuaded to send food (the Ynglynga Saga). The Mexican culture- 
 hero Quetzalcoatl is traditionally reported to have set his face against 
 bloody sacrifices of all kinds, and to have taught that flowers and incense, 
 the first-fruits of the harvests, and the brilliant feathers of birds are such 
 articles as the gods love (Sahagun); and the Hebrew teacher expressed the 
 idea in its highest sense when he declared that the only sacrifice accept- 
 able to the Lord is a pure spirit and a contrite heart. Between this 
 elevated conception and the finger-lopping of the poor Bushman is 
 stretched the whole scale of religious development, which, like the 
 ladder seen by Jacob in his vision, is "set up on the earth, and the 
 top of it reaches to heaven." 
 
 Divination. — A prominent part of all primitive religions, and inti- 
 mately connected witli the fruition of the wish wliich is their common 
 basis, was the prediction of future ez'ents. ■ In its simpler forms it appears 
 as augury and divination by various means, and when more complete as 
 prophecy. How much weight was attached to the dicta of the official 
 augurs, haruspices, oracles, and the like in the classic days of Greece and 
 Rome, and how often they decided the fate of armies and cities, no reader 
 needs to be informed. As is remarked by Dr. Tiele, the power of the 
 Hebrew prophets and seers was such that it virtually modified the royal 
 power of Israel, in theory an absolutism, into a constitutional monarchy. 
 Nothing lent such aid to Cortes and his handful of soldiers in destroying 
 the powerful state of the Aztecs as the prevalence of an ancient prophecy, 
 derived from the light-myth of Quetzalcoatl, that some day a white and 
 bearded hero should come from the east and claim the land as his own. 
 The proper word for war in a Central American dialect (the Cakchiquel) 
 is labal, literally sign or omen, no contest being initiated unless the native 
 seers had found the omens favorable. In Peru there were about sixteen 
 classes of soothsayers, each practising a special branch of the art — one 
 forecasting events by tlie sliape of grains of maize, another by the ribs 
 on tobacco leaves, a third by the forms of smoke-clouds, and so on. 
 
 So vigorous are the survivals of these primitive notions, and so eager 
 remains the desire in the mind of man to lift the veil that shrouds the 
 future, that it is matter of common knowledge that in all the great cities
 
 I50 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 of Christendom man}' persons of both sexes gain their living by minister- 
 ing to this passion of the credulous vulgar. Now-a-days it has little 
 connection with religion, but in more primitive conditions the prognos- 
 tication of the future is essentially a part of the priestly function. 
 
 Development of Tlicistic Conceptions. — The philosopher Augusta Comte, 
 in one of his triplets which has gained a certain amount of vogue, 
 explained the growth of the idea of divinity as beginning in fetichism, 
 advancing to polytheism, and reaching its acme in monotheism; and lie 
 classified the religions of the race in accordance with this view. 
 
 Monothcis7n and Polytheisjn. — We have already seen that the lowest 
 religions known are by no means mere fetichisms, and it is equally tri:e 
 that the highest are not monotheisms. Even the nearest approach to a 
 pure monotheism, that founded by Mohammed, admits the existence of 
 numberless genii and angels who are active as ministers of the divine will. 
 The old Hebrew faith, though maintaining that Jehovah alone was God 
 and there was none other, did not deny the existence of other supernat- 
 ural beings, such as the "gods of the heathen," Baal, Moloch, and the 
 rest, and distinctly taught, as in the books of Genesis and Job, the pres- 
 ence amid the spiritual cohort of "the adversary" Satan and his assist- 
 ants. The same doctrine was recognized by the early Christian Church, 
 which taught that the deities of other religions were really existent, but 
 that "the gods of the heathen are devils." Milton in his Paradise Lost 
 carries out this doctrine in poetic fulness, and most forms of Christianity 
 to-day inculcate a belief in saints, angels, and devils as efficient and imme- 
 diate actors in the affairs of daily life. This is as far from true monothe- 
 ism as possible. 
 
 Good and Bad Divinities. — The primary- segmentation of the theistic 
 conception was into kindly and unkindly deities. The germs of this we 
 have seen in the most savage states (see above, p. 143). It is a mistake to 
 call these "good" and "bad" deities, as is often done, imless we confine 
 those words to their most material sense, and exclude from them ever)-- 
 thing of a moral character. The distinction is simply that they are gen- 
 erally favorable to the wishes of the individual or his tribe, or the reverse. 
 The loftiest and most beneficent deity of the Algonkin Pantheon, he whom 
 they looked upon as their father and guardian, was familiarly called " the 
 Liar" and "the Cheat;" not that they were deficient in moral sense, but 
 that he was represented in their myths as overcoming his foes rather by 
 deceit and wiles than by force. 
 
 Few divinities, however, were wholly kindly or hostile. Usually the}' 
 were capricioxis, resented neglect, and required to be cajoled. This is the 
 obvious character of most of the Homeric gods, and hence the origin of 
 the elaborate rituals supposed to coerce them. Gradually, as the influence 
 of one and another became more popular or more apparent, there grew up a 
 fixity of character and an antagonism of action not known in younger faiths. 
 We may suppose that it reqiiired a nation remarkable for deep s\-mpathies 
 and strong emotions, and with a checkered career, to develop this antag-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 151 
 
 onism into the sharp contrast presented by the divinities in the Zend 
 Avesta. Here the kindly gods headed by Ormnzd (Ahura Mazda) find 
 their plans for man's welfare ceaselessly checked and spoiled by the hostile 
 legions nnder the control of Alirinian (Anya-Main)ns). Through the 
 Manichean doctrines of the early Christian Church — doctrines which were 
 partially borrowed from Persia, partially independently developed — this 
 dualistic conception of divinity has left its trace on many of the creeds 
 of later Christianity. Nor has it lacked the approval of deep thinkers. 
 John Stuart Mill, looking at religions from the outside, has maintained 
 that it is the only doctrine which reconciles the presence of pain and suf- 
 fering with the existence of a wholly beneficent deity. 
 
 DiJJeroices of Religions in Extension. — The fetich and the guardian 
 spirit belong to the individual. They are his personal tutelaries and pro- 
 tect him against his neighbor. So the family gods, the Lares and Penates, 
 were supposed to confine their wardship to the household. The gods of one 
 nation were not those of another; indeed, they were supposed to be antag- 
 onistic, and when the opposing cohorts met in conflict on the earth, the 
 native gods joined battle in the upper air. All primitive religions are thus 
 local and personal or national. It was quite a step in advance when the 
 Latins thought that in the Greek Herakles and Hephsstos they recognized 
 their own Hercules and Vulcan, although in fact there were scarcely any 
 points of contact. 
 
 National and World Religions. — National intercourse multiplied such 
 pretended identifications; it was policy in conquerors to respect the relig- 
 ion of the conquered, as when Darius sent a hundred talents to buy the 
 Egyptians another bull in place of their taurine god Apis which had 
 died. Foreign divinities were imported, as was frequent in the later cen- 
 turies of Rome. Priests, anxious to magnify the powers of the divinity 
 they reverenced, claimed its identity with those worshipped in other 
 nations; and philosophers, looking beneath the symbol to the general 
 truth which it expressed, proclaimed that the power of the gods was 
 coextensive with nature and man. These various opinions, joining 
 ground each in its own sphere, tended to destroy the isolation of tribal 
 and national religions and to pave the way for the universal or world 
 religions — -those which were aimed by their founders to spread over the 
 earth and include all men. 
 
 Such a limitless claim involved several postulates which have pro- 
 foundly modified the human race, and pa\-ed the way for the most sudden 
 and vital changes in the history of mankind. It is evident that if any 
 religion has a right to be the sole and universal one, it must have the 
 monopoly of religious truth, and that compared with it all others are 
 false, and therefore dangerous. Hence i)ilolerancc has been the trait of 
 all world religions. In national religions it has found little place. Their 
 votaries would say to the citizens of another nation, as did the Indian 
 to the missionary, "Your religion is best for you; mine is best for 
 me." Not so with those who claim the only truth. It becomes their
 
 152 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 dutv bv evety means in their power to extinguish all other creeds and 
 rituals. 
 
 From this it follows that a world religion must necessarily be prose- 
 lytising. The duty of its believers is unfulfilled if they neglect to extend 
 its swav by such means as they have at command. Whether by the sword 
 or by persuasion, they must proclaim the truth which has made them free. 
 
 Freedom, indeed, within such a religion is as essential to its teachings 
 as is absolutism without. The truth which is for the whole world must 
 know no distinction of color or caste, of family or rank. As in the full 
 development of government all men must be equal before the law (see 
 p. 13S), so in the theory of the universal religion all men must stand equal 
 before God. What is wrong or right to one must in similar circumstances 
 be wrong or right to the other. 
 
 As the truth is one, so the doctrine must be one and the same through- 
 out a universal religion, at least in its es.sential features. This, however, 
 it would be impossible to maintain, even in appearance, unless the doctrine 
 were recorded in writing. Verbal transmission alone could never preser\-e 
 its requisite uniformity. Hence all world religions must be book religions. 
 They must have the record of the divine communication on which they 
 can fall back to establish their unity. 
 
 Biiddhistn, Christianity, and Mohannncda7iism . — Such are the neces- 
 sary- features of all religions claiming universality. They are three in 
 number — in the order of their appearance. Buddhism, Christianity, 
 Mohammedanism, which is also the order of their success, measured by 
 the number of their professed adherents. Taken altogether, they nomi- 
 nally include considerably more than three-fourths of the human race, and 
 geographically they control nine-tenths of the earth's surface. Practi- 
 cally, tlierefore, they have driven from the field all tribal and national 
 religions, and rem^jin alone to struggle for the mastery. 
 
 By some writers their histor)- has been explained as an ethnologic 
 phenomenon, and it has been sought to accoimt for their distribution by 
 their relative suitability to different races. For this there seem no suffi- 
 cient grounds. All three were founded by members of the white race — 
 one, the oldest and the most widely extended, by the Indo-Aryan Buddha or 
 Sakya Muni; the others by Seinitic teachers. Buddhism counts equally 
 faithful and active votaries in Ceylon and China, and both Christianity 
 and Alohammedanism have supplanted many of the older faiths of Africa 
 and ^Malaysia. Doubtless there are bitter animosities and mutual charges 
 of irreligion in all three of these great creeds, as is illustrated in the Sun- 
 nite and Shiite schism of Mohammedanism, but they all agree in those 
 traits which we have above described as characterizing world religions. 
 However apart and contradictory the sects may seem, all Buddhists justify 
 their doctrines from the Dhammapada, all Mussulmans from the Koran, all 
 Christians from the Bible. 
 
 Mythology. — We have seen that the foundation of religion is a wish 
 or hope, the fulfilment of which is believed to depend on some unseen,
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 153 
 
 snpernatural beini^. The notions that man formed to hnnself about such 
 beings, their names, their supposed doings and relations, constitute myth- 
 ology. Myths are accounts of the gods. They are not stories spun by 
 the fancy, nor fictions devised by priests to deceive the people, nor theories 
 evolved by philosophers — each of which views has been at times advanced 
 — but they are unconscious growths of the mind under the promptings of 
 the religious sentiment. 
 
 The Study of Myths. — Their study is a most important branch of eth- 
 nology. In the opinion of many able writers, nothing more sharply char- 
 acterizes a nation than its religion, and mythology is the expression of 
 religion in language. "A people," says Schelling, "can only be said to 
 e.xist when it has determined itself with regard to its mythology," and 
 Professor ]\Iax Miiller, in quoting this saying, adds : "It is language and 
 religion that make a people, but religion is even a more powerful agent 
 than language." 
 
 The study of Comparative Mythology, therefore, in its ethnologic 
 bearings, closely approaches in importance the study of Comparative 
 Linguistics. It teaches us the coincidences and contrasts of the intelli- 
 gence of nations on those topics which lie nearest their hearts, and those 
 great questions of the origin and destiny of man which even the rudest 
 savage cannot wholly escape. 
 
 Lijliicncc of Language on Myths. — The study of language is an indis- 
 pensable preliminary' to the comparative mythologist, for, as we have said, 
 the myth is the expression of religious thought in language, and the 
 modelling and shaping action of language on the thought expressed is of 
 the most extensive character, often leading to a complete concealment of 
 the original idea. In so many directions does the plain, naked statement 
 of the primitive myths 
 
 *' Channje 
 Into something rich and strange," 
 
 through the transformations unconsciously wrought by the laws of lan- 
 guage, that these as applied to mythology become the only keys to its 
 mysteries. Some of the more prominent of these laws we may briefly 
 enumerate. 
 
 The first and most general is that of personification {prosopopeia of the 
 grammarians). By it an inanimate thing is represented as animate, as in 
 the phrase, " The oak tosses his mighty arms against the sky ;" or irra- 
 tional beings may be spoken of as persons, as in the stories of Reynard 
 the Fox. Even actions and qualities may be thus introduced as individ- 
 uals, as in many characters in Bunyan's Pilgrim'' s Progress. As a resource 
 for literary' effect orators and poets have frequent recourse to this figure of 
 speech ; but in the early history of language and religion it led to the 
 literal acceptance as a person of the thing or action .so spoken of When, 
 instead of saying, "The stin rose," the savage said, "The sun left his 
 lair," he had begun a myth of the sun as an animate being leaving his 
 couch, somewhat as a beast his lair, etc.
 
 154 
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 Another linguistic peculiarity rich in mythological growth was the 
 similarity or sameness in the sounds of words of different meanings {pa- 
 ronyniy and hoiHoiiynn). We have already referred to the effect of these 
 peculiarities on the development of written speech (see above, p. 90). 
 Suppose a name capable of several senses, as in the case with many root- 
 words, was applied to a deity. At first there would be little liability to 
 confusion, but in a few generations no one could remember in which of 
 the senses it was originally intended, and a story would be invented suit- 
 able to each. This has repeatedly happened. In the Nahuatl language 
 the root-word coa has three entirely different meanings — to wit, a serpent, 
 a guest, and twins. Now, this word enters into the name of various 
 divinities, especially of the Mexican culture-god Quetzalcoatl, and there 
 were myths about him derived from each of these three disconnected 
 meanings. Which of them was originally intended we cannot positively 
 say. 
 
 When dialectic differences came to pass in a tongue, or when one 
 nation only imperfectly caught the words of another, such tranfers of 
 myths and growths of new myths became yet more frequent. The old 
 Romans heard the Greeks relate the beautiful and striking myths of 
 Herakles, the sun-god, his twelve labors, and the like. Having a local 
 god of their own with a name sounding something similar, Hercules, 
 they transferred to him all this mythological apparatus, and added it to 
 his original and far humbler story as that of the god of enclosed fields 
 {hereto). 
 
 Proper names of deities proved stimuli to the myth-making faculties 
 in another way. In the sense defined by John Stuart Mill there are no 
 proper names in any primitive tongue. He says that such names must 
 " as their characteristic propert}- be destitute of meaning.^'' There are no 
 words, proper names or others, without meaning in such tongues. Such 
 meaningless sounds are contrary to their character, and could not easily 
 be accepted. Hence when by force or peacefully a foreign mythology 
 is introduced, importing the names of foreign deities, the linguistic sense 
 of the nation endeavors to assign these meaningless sounds a signification 
 from some word resembling them in the existing speech. This accom- 
 plished, a myth inevitably starts tip to explain and justify the meaning 
 attributed to the imported foreign name. Thus, the very ancient Grecian 
 deity Pan was at first a field-god whose name and cult were introduced 
 from Asia IMinor ; his name had no meaning in Greek, but that tongue 
 has a word of the same sound, signifying " the whole," " all." This led, 
 in later days. Pan to be represented as the whole organic world, and in the 
 "Hymn to Pan" he is sung as the child of Air and Water, Heaven and 
 Earth. 
 
 Effect of Lingiiistic Structure. — The character of the langjiagc appears 
 to react upon mytholog)^ Tongues which are monosyllabic and isolating 
 tend to a jejune and scanty growth of the religious imagination. The 
 constructive elements which we have above noted have less play in idioms
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 155 
 
 of that character than in those which are agghitinative or inflective. This 
 is ilhistrated in the exuberance of Aryan mythology compared with the 
 poverty of the Chinese. Of the latter Professor Max Miiller observes : 
 "We find in China an ancient, colorless, and unpoetical religion — a 
 religion that we might almost venture to call monosyllabic, consisting of 
 the worship of a host of single spirits, representing the sky, the sun, 
 storms and lightning, mountains and rivers, one standing by the side of 
 the other without any mutual attraction, without any higher principle to 
 hold them together." The Semitic languages, with their well-defined 
 radicals, each of three consonants, were scarcely more favorable to imagi- 
 native theology. Although generally idol-worshippers and polytheistic, 
 their mythology is barren, and their gods are rather lay figures represent- 
 ing some quality than the living beings which the Greeks delighted to 
 portray. To quote again from Professor M. Miiller : " The names of the 
 Semitic deities are mostly words expressive of moral qualities ; they mean 
 the Strong, the E:;alted, the Lord, the King ; and they grow but seldom 
 into divine personalities, definite in their outward appearance, or easily to 
 be recognized by strongly marked features of a real dramatic character. 
 On the other hand, we find the gods of the Aryan pantheon assume an 
 individuality so strongly marked and permanent that with the Aryans a 
 transition to monotheism required a powerful struggle, and seldom took 
 effect without iconoclastic revolutions or philosophic despair. These 
 three classes of religion are not to be mistaken, as little as the three 
 classes of languages, the Turanian, the Semitic, and the Ar)an. They 
 mark three events in the most ancient history of the world — events which 
 have determined the whole fate of the human race, and of which we our- 
 selves still feel the consequences in our language, in our thoughts, and in 
 our religion." The differences here brought out must be attributed more 
 to the contrasts in the structure of languages than to any other one 
 cause. 
 
 Iiijlneuce of Natural Environment. — Undoubtedly, other causes were 
 also at work in the building of mythologies. Of these, the natural envi- 
 ronment has by some been deemed of great weight. The historian Buckle 
 considered it the most potent of all, and undertook to show that where 
 earthquakes and other violent and destructive exhibitions of the natural 
 forces occur, the religious sentiment becomes excited and its imagina- 
 tive creations more numerous. To a certain extent there can be no ques- 
 tion about this. In proportion as men's lives and fortunes depend on the 
 blind forces of nature they become superstitious. Sailors are notoriously 
 so. Travellers in the Andes, where terrible thunderstorms are frequent, 
 report the natives as overwhelmed with fright at their approach and 
 resorting to all manner of charms and vows. The god of the tropical 
 cyclone in the West Indies, by name Iluracan (whence our word liiirri- 
 cane)., was the chief divinity over a wide area. The earthquake and the 
 volcano were intensely dreaded by the natives and placated by the crudest 
 sacrifices. Every year in Nicaragua maidens were selected from the vil-
 
 156 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 lages and hurled alive into the boiling crater of the active volcano of 
 Managua. 
 
 Every mytholog}' bears the impress of the natural scenes in which it 
 was developed. The nature-worship of the Greeks, with its thousands of 
 tales representing the histor}' of the rich vegetable life of their fertile and 
 sea-bathed peninsula, was impossible in the arid and monotonous deserts 
 of Arabia. The solar myths which the Indo-Aryans devised in the sun- 
 smitten southern valleys would be incomprehensible to the residents of 
 the Arctic zone. 
 
 Influence of National Imagination. — There is also a marked contrast 
 between nations in the strength of their imaginatiott. Some are stor}'- 
 tellers and poets from the cradle ; others are sober and prosaic in all their 
 conversation. The Mongolians as a race have little ideality, and their 
 mythology is sterile. The ancient Italian religion was overladen with 
 divinities, often with the most trivial distinctions ; for instance, there was 
 a god for ploughing the furrows straight, and another for cross-ploughing! 
 But mythology there was none. The Oscan and Latin people were hope- 
 lessl}' prosaic. During her long history Rome never produced an artist 
 of the first class, never a lyric poet that did not draw his inspiration from 
 Greece. The creative power was denied to that nation, and the figures of 
 its native pantheon are thin, vapid, and unreal. 
 
 Char.\cteristics of Speci.\l Mythologies. 
 
 Egyptian Mythology. — The religion of ancient Egypt held a middle 
 position between that of the Semitic and Aryan nationalities. The cen- 
 tral myth was that of Osiris, or, as he was otherwise called, Ra. The 
 stor}' told in man}' versions was that he was slain, and that the child 
 Horns, aided by Isis, the wife of Osiris, brought him to life again. This 
 myth unquestionably sprang from the soil of nature-worship. Osiris is the 
 sun, or the sun-god, who may be said to die daily, and to fall a prey to 
 the demon of darkness; but the night, represented by Isis, the moon- 
 goddess, and the young dawn, the child Horns, again bring on the sun, 
 another, yet the same. 
 
 This was the physical background of the myth, but before the earliest 
 remaining monuments of the Nile Valley had been set up the myth had 
 assumed an ethical signification. Osiris had become the type of man 
 whose soul is immortal, and, though he seemingly die, yet shall revive 
 again; and of organic nature, which, though it wither and fade away in 
 the season of cold or drought, shall yet bloom again and carpet the earth 
 with green. The unchanging life amidst the ever-changing phenomena 
 was what caught and fired the Egyptian's intellect. This one central 
 idea revealed itself to him, whether he meditated on the daily death and 
 birth of the sun, on the recurring seasons, or on the annual ebb and flow 
 of his great river. Hence his abstractest term for God was "He who ever 
 renews himself;" and as the unity of life thus became manifest through 
 the analysis of its infinite revelations, he reached a monotheism which,
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 157 
 
 though reserved for the illuminated, was none the less positive in its 
 expression. 
 
 Aryan Mythology. — The Aryans pursued other paths and reached other 
 conclusions than the nations of the Nile Valley. They were far more 
 migratory; they were brought into contact with more varied surround- 
 ings; their language was more supple and ductile than that of the sub- 
 jects of the Pharaohs. Though solar myths are common in their relig- 
 ions, the story of the sun had not a commanding position. The earliest 
 Aryan god was the sky, the bright upper heaven, called Dyaus, Zeus, 
 Jove. The contrast between day and night impressed itself broadly on 
 them, not as the individual history of the sun-god. They lived in lands 
 where the seasons contrasted sharply and the weather was marked by 
 extremes. Hence many phenomena of little prominence in Egypt 
 attracted their attention. The winds and the storms, the thunder and 
 the lightning, the clouds and the rain, the fountains and the sea — all 
 claimed and received recognition in their composite mythology. Their 
 pantheon was filled with varied forms, its history rich in dramatic inci- 
 dent, its characters vivid and substantial. For the poet, the dreamer, the 
 field was teeming with suggestive combinations. 
 
 But for religious philosophy it was sadly sterile. There was no such 
 sense of all-pervading, ever-renewed life as we have seen in Eg>pt. On 
 the contrary, the shadow of death lies like a pall over all the Aryan creeds. 
 Not merely was there a dark hopelessness about the fate of the individual 
 himself, but over the whole of nature — ay, over the bright gods themselves 
 — there was creeping that black shadow of extinction. We see it in the 
 gay Olympian gods who "stand chid before the eye of Fate," and whose 
 destinies are as fixed by the implacable Moiroe as are those of man; we see 
 it in the Ragnarok of the Edda, the " Doom of the gods," in whose murky 
 twilight Odin and all his crew shall vanish; we see it in Persian myth, 
 where beyond all the dust of the conflict of Ormuzd and Ahriman stands 
 the unmoved and eternal Zeruana Akerana, before whom even these great- 
 est of gods are but "children, sons of fleeting time;" and finally, in the 
 Brahmanism of India, where Kala, time, is the infinite abyss which shall 
 finally swallow gods, mortals, and matter alike. 
 
 Nor did Aryan mythology tend to lift its votaries from the slough of 
 polytheism. We find most rarely any clear glimpse of that truth taught 
 so positively by Mohammed: 
 
 " God is alone ; 
 God is eternal ; 
 
 Begetting not, neither begotten, 
 His like is not." — Koran, Siua xix. 
 
 In these respects, in its feeble gfrasp on the notion of life and its fail- 
 ing conception of the unity of deity, we see how inferior were the Aryan 
 mythologies. 
 
 American Mythology. — Most writers have spoken of American m)th-
 
 158 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 olog^' as a mass of confused and childish fables without coherence and 
 with no leading principles. Researches, however, carried out in accord- 
 ance with the methods of comparative mythology above laid down, have 
 conclusively shown that, so far from this being the case, the myths of 
 most of the nations of the red race thus far examined have a striking 
 family character and indicate a well-marked growth of the religious sen- 
 timent. 
 
 The typical American myth, which is at the centre of all the developed 
 religions of the continent, selected for its symbol of the highest divinity, 
 not the sun, as did the Egyptians, nor the sky or day, as did the Proto- 
 Aryans, but Light. This was personified under strictly human form as 
 the early guide and teacher of their nation, often as their first ancestor 
 and as the creator of the animate world. With striking uniformity the 
 story of this culture-hero was told in many tribes — how he brought the 
 cultivated food-plants and pointed out the herbs salutar}- as medicines ; 
 how he framed their social laws and established their religions rites ; how 
 he conquered the enemies which arose against them ; and how under his 
 mild sway their ancestors enjoyed peace and prosperity. When the time 
 came for his work to close he did not die like ordinary mortals, but went 
 forth, going on a distant journey, and leaving with them tlie promise that 
 he should return at some future day and restore the happiness of that 
 primeval time. 
 
 Often the myth represents him as born of a virgin, as being one of 
 twins or of four brothers born at a birth, with whom he has long contests, 
 and his birthplace is usually in the far east ; and thither he journeyed 
 when he forsook his chosen people under the pressure of some mighty 
 motive which admitted no choice. 
 
 Like all primary' mytlis, this was originally a plain narrative of natiiral 
 occurrences. The culture-hero was the light which comes from the east — 
 that is, from one of the two principal or four cardinal points of the horizon. 
 So long as the light lasts man sees and learns; he can exercise his powers, 
 and prospers. But the light bom of the early dawn — -in many mythologies 
 spoken of as a virgin — is transitory. It is dimmed in the fading day as 
 the sun sinks toward the west. The Egyptians represented the sun-god 
 as attacked by Set, the midday, and by Apep, the darkening west, and 
 finally slain. Not so the American mind. It did not acknowledge the 
 triumph of death. At night the light has, indeed, gone, but it v.-ill re- 
 turn; its rays will again shine forth from the eastern sky, and man shall 
 rejoice in his strength and knowledge. When, in the course of time, the 
 natural basis of the myth was lost in its personifications, when the story 
 of the light was regarded as the narrative of an actual occurrence in 
 remote history-, the hope of a return of the happy days took a concrete 
 form, and the nations expected a restoration to some condition of supposed 
 pristine joy. As among the brown men of Egypt and among the dark- 
 haired, swarthy Greeks the god of light was represented of fair complex- 
 ion and with flowing golden locks, so among the Red Indians of America,
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 159 
 
 who had never seen a memlaer of the white race, these culture -heroes 
 v/ere usually spoken of as fair in hue and with abundant flowing hair and 
 beard. These were the types of the white light and its widespreading 
 rays. 
 
 If we put to the American religions the same inquiries that we 
 did to the Aryan and Egyptian myths as to what they teach of Life 
 and God, they have an answer different from either of the others. 
 The full acceptance of death as the portal to renewed life, which the 
 worship of Osiris expresses so plainly, or the recognition of death as 
 the inevitable end of all, gods and nature and man as well, which is 
 the dark background of Ar\an mythology, was alike alien to the native 
 American mind. It did not allow the existence of death at all. What 
 we call death they taught is but a change of the sphere of activity. The 
 soul lives and passes on to the "happy hunting-grounds," to the land of 
 the sun, thence to return to earth in human or other form, or it may pass 
 directly into another being. The early missionaries and travellers noted 
 all over the continent the prominence of this vitalistic faith. "The 
 belief the best established among our Americans," wrote the Jesuit mis- 
 sionary Charlevoix early in the last century, "is that of the immortality 
 of the soul." It was understood in a direct and material sense. La 
 Hontan tells us that among the Abnakis, when some distinguished chief 
 was dying, the women of the village gathered around that his spirit might 
 pass directly to their wombs and be bora again in their offspring. Among 
 the Kolushes of the north-west coast, when an asred native is suflerine 
 from tlie infirmities of years, he will ask to be slain, in order that his soul 
 may enter some unborn child and enjoy youth again. Gagern relates that 
 the Zacatecas and other tribes of Mexico hoard and conceal every piece 
 of silver they can earn, nor can the threats of the priest nor the tears of their 
 families induce them, even in their dj'ing moments, to disclose its where- 
 abouts: they are so certain of a return to life on earth after a short period 
 that they resolutely determine to save their treasure for their wants at 
 that time. Scores of such examples prove that the idea of death in the 
 sense of the total cessation or extinction of life scarcely existed in 
 America. 
 
 The conception of the unity of deity was not easih' de\-eloped from 
 the character of American mythology, and was opposed by the prevailing 
 structure of American languages, which usually associate the idea with 
 numerous accessories (see p. 87). Yet there are distinct traces of its 
 gradual approach in the Aztec prayers as preserved by the missionary 
 Sahagim. A god is addressed as the .sole creator and governor of the 
 universe, the one master of life, etc. ; but this is to be explained by what 
 Professor Max Miiller calls hnwllicism — that is, the mental process in 
 which the idea of any one divinity fills the mind of the votan,- to the 
 temporary' exclusion of all others, a supremacy, however, which is merely 
 conceded by the passing emotions, not permanently recognized by the 
 intellect.
 
 i6o ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 Probably the only clear recognition of tbe nnity of divinity to be 
 found on the continent was among the Peruvians, and there it is as evi- 
 dent, certainly, as in the esoteric doctrines of the ancient Egyptian priests. 
 The more intelligent natives of Peru worshipped their divinity of light, 
 Viracocha, as the creator of all things and as the sole, ever-present, 
 efficient god ; he alone answered prayers, he alone helped in time of need. 
 All prayers to the sun, to the deceased kings, or to idols were directed to 
 them as intercessors and mediators only, not as independent deities. This 
 is clearly stated by several of the best-informed and earliest writers on 
 Peru. 
 
 Parallelisms in Mythology. — It will be seen that the three extensi^•e 
 mythologies which are compared above in a few of their salient traits are 
 founded upon closely related natural occurrences — to wit, the diurnal 
 change from day to night and the weather. These interested primitive 
 man deeply, for they intimately concerned his comfort and his daily life. 
 Hence they were ver}' widely introduced into his mythologies. This sim- 
 ilarity of origin led to marked analogies in the subsequent development 
 of his myths, which is the more important to note and to allow for, as not 
 a few ethnologists, misunderstanding the nature of such analogies, have 
 brought them forward as proving some historic relationship or community 
 of descent between widely-remote nations. An inference to this effect 
 must be drawn with the utmost caution, and, standing alone, cannot be 
 accepted as of any weight in ethnology. The human mind is so much 
 the same in all races, and in its progress proceeds in paths so nearly par- 
 allel, that frequently the results of its labors are almost identical, although 
 no historic contact is credible. Such similarities meet the reader at every 
 turn, and are to be construed as proofs of the psychologic unity of the 
 species, not as pieces of historic evidence. 
 
 Examples from Greek and Aztec Myths. — To select one out of the many 
 examples which are at hand, we may compare the opinions entertained by 
 the Greek Aryans as to the fate of the soul after death with those accepted 
 on the same subject by the Aztecs of Mexico. 
 
 The Greeks taught that after death the soul descended into a realm 
 below the surface of the earth, whose ruler was Hades, which means "the 
 all-receiver," as, at -last, death gathers all that exists. The entrance to 
 this realm was guarded by savage dogs, which the soul must pacify if it 
 would pass be}-ond. Be^-ond these guardians stretched a broad desert 
 which the soul must cross in order to reach the shores of the river of the 
 under world, sometimes spoken of as Acheron, and often referred to as 
 divided into seven or nine branches. The silent ferrs-man, Charon, 
 received such as had been provided at death with an obolus to pay their 
 fare, and this coin was carefully buried with the deceased. The river 
 crossed, the soul appeared before its judges, who either condemned it to 
 wander in darkness or sent it onward to the Elysian Fields. 
 
 The Aztec realm of the dead was also in an under world, ruled by Mic- 
 tlantecutli, " the lord of those who are slain," or have died. Its entrance
 
 ETHXOLOGY. i6r 
 
 was through a narrow defile where lay in wait a serpent and a huge lizard, 
 which the soul must coax into good-humor. Bejond lay deserts and steep, 
 cold mountains, and at their farther limit a broad and dark stream called 
 " the Nine Rivers." To cross its current in safety the soul must cling to 
 a red dog, and to provide such an animal and solemnly slay it at the grave 
 was an essential feature of the Aztec funeral ceremonies. On the other 
 bank the location of the soul was settled, principall}- \>\ the manner of 
 death, some passing to "the Nine Abodes of the Dead," and others to the 
 paradise, Tlalocan, where they remained for a few j'ears and then returned 
 to life among men, chiefly in the form of singing-birds. 
 
 The similarities between these two myths are not accidental, neither 
 are they historical, but are the results of the mind acting in parallel lines 
 of thought on the same materials. 
 
 Religions Doctrines. — Besides the general form of a religion and the 
 creations of its mythology, the theoretic doctrines which it teaches often 
 wield an imperious sway over the lives of its votaries and decide the 
 actions and destinies of nations. Such doctrines seem also at times to be 
 the outgrowth of the national temperament, and their extension is largely 
 governed by racial peculiarities. Hence they merit the attention of the 
 ethnologist as much as that of the historian. A few of the most promi- 
 nent of these doctrines ma}' be mentioned. 
 
 The Doctrine of a Son!. — .\s already said, the belief of a life after 
 death is not essential to religion (see p. 144). In many, where it exists in 
 a shadowy form, it is not an efficient motive of the religious life. A tribal 
 religion, like that of the ancient Israelites or of the Romans, limits its 
 thoughts and plans, its rewards and punishments, exclusively to this life. 
 Neither Confucius nor the founder of EuddhLsm taught the immortality 
 of the soul. The former when asked about it replied: "There is no 
 present urgency about the matter. If the. dead live, you will find it out 
 for yourself in time." vSakya Muni, though he devised a theor}' of trans- 
 migration, ended it in Nir\-ana — Nothingness — as its goal. 
 
 Ancestral Worship. — On the other hand, memory in waking hours and 
 dreams during sleep persuaded men ver\- generally that tho.se the)- had 
 known had not passed away for ever. Their interests had not ceased and 
 their influence was not lost. Hence arose that frequent form of early 
 religion, ancestral worship. Although by no means what Herbert Spen- 
 cer has called it, "the universal first form of religious belief," it wf.s 
 early and it was widespread. How early it appeared among the ancient 
 Romans, and how deep-rooted it is to-day throughout the millions of 
 China, need not be insisted upon. Its traces occur in the rudest races. 
 A Tasmanian who had been taken captive and made his escape attributed 
 the success of his flight to the aid of his father's spirit (Bonwick). The 
 Caribs, Nanticokes, and other American tribes cleaned the bones of their 
 ancestors and carried them along in their migrations, belie\'ing that thus 
 the ancestral spirits would accompany and protect them. The Crees, who 
 lived on Nelson River in Canada, were accustomed to strangle their aged 
 VuL. I.— u
 
 i62 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 parents, but their most sacred feticli was a bunch of feathers called their 
 " father's head," and which represented his spirit (Robson). Much of the 
 Peruvian ritual consisted in prayers and ceremonies addressed to the 
 ancestral spirits; and the Australian kobong, the American toteni^ often 
 seems to be the spirit of the traditional father of the clan. 
 
 Influence of Belief in Immortality. — The confident belief in i/nmortal- 
 ity possessed by some nations has profoundly modified the course of history 
 by giving them a contempt for death which assured them the victor^' in 
 conflict with those of feebler faith. The ancient Gennans had a most 
 vivid belief in the life hereafter. They knew that those who died the 
 "spear-death " on the field of battle would at once be transported by the 
 Valkyrie to the hall of Valhalla, where they would quaff the foaming 
 mead with the great heroes who had gone before. So real was this 
 expectation to them that they would lend money to be repaid when debt- 
 or and creditor should meet on the Aesar-field (Holtzmann). As Gibbon 
 remarks, the earl)- Christians "were animated by a contempt for their 
 present existence and a confidence of immortality, of which the imperfect 
 faith of modern ages cannot give us any adequate notion." So likewise 
 IVIohammed succeeded in instilling into his followers such an unquestion- 
 ing faith in their immediate transfer at death to the joys of heaven that 
 they entered the battle with the certainty of winning either one of two 
 equally glorious prizes — victory or Paradise. 
 
 Against men and nations under the control of doctrines of this cha- 
 racter, the sceptical Greek, the materialistic Roman, and the effete Persian 
 were as certain to succumb as though their downfall had been written on 
 their temples by a divine hand. 
 
 Doctrine of Fatalism. — The doctrine of fatalism.^ or predestination, 
 was familiar to the Greek mind, and was advocated by Lucretius as a 
 philosophic theory, but as a religious doctrine received its complete 
 development at the hands of Mohammed. It seemed to him a neces- 
 sary deduction from the doctrine of an omnipotent and omniscient 
 Deit}'. Its effects on human action are complex. While fostering disre- 
 gard for danger and fortitude under suffering, it lames endeavor, arrests 
 progress, and breeds indifference. Where it is deeply rooted in a com- 
 munity intellectual advance becomes impossible. For this reason the 
 Mohammedan nations are, and alwa^-s must be, unprogressive themselves 
 and impediments to the progress of their neighbors. 
 
 Doctrine of the Unreality of Phenomena. — The unreality of phenomena^ 
 a doctrine deeply centred in the teachings both of Brahmanism and pure 
 Buddhism, is not less fatal to national growth. Its philosophical basis 
 rests on the distinction between the absolutely and the relatively true — 
 an antinomy which profoundly impressed the Oriental sages. Their solu- 
 tion of it in favor of the absolute led them and their disciples to a con- 
 tempt for the events and existences of this world as mere appearances, vain 
 shows, "for man's delusion given," fleeting ripples on the infinite sea of 
 life. The sage, they taught, interested himself not in such transitory-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 163 
 
 tilings, but sought utter repose, the shanti of the Brahman, the nirvana 
 of the Buddhist. 
 
 This doctrine is obvionsly disastrous to individual and national culture, 
 and therefore the energetic nations of Western Europe have more sym- 
 pathy with the latest of all religions, which takes the other horn of the 
 philosophic dilemma, and under the name Positivism denies altogether 
 that there is such a thing as absolute truth, and sets up as the object of 
 its cult the purified social instincts of humanity. 
 
 The Priestly Class. — The cultivation of the religious sentiment has led 
 in all communities to the formation of one of the most powerful classes in 
 social life — the priesthood. Among nations of the lowest status we find 
 this vocation represented by the shamans, magicians, or "medicine-men." 
 They claim to be the intimates of the deities, to be able to modify their 
 decisions with reference to human affairs, to be gifted with the power to 
 foretell the future and the knowledge of the cure of disease. In many 
 nations they thus exercise the functions of the physician, the priest, and 
 the fortune-teller. This is the case with the Australian sorcerers, with 
 those among the Lapps, with the shamans of Asiatic Russia, and with 
 those of the Karens of Indo-China. Quite early, however, these func- 
 tions become divided. Among the Algonkin Indians there are different 
 ceremonies and different professors for curing and causing disease — the 
 two go together — and for bringing rain, foreseeing events, charming ani- 
 mals, and such purely supernatural procedures. The traveller Cavazzi 
 describes the subdivision of the priests among the Negroes of the Congo 
 River. Some of these give their exclusive attention to ensuring their 
 patrons against the effects of lightning ; others predict the termination of 
 ■maladies ; others protect the growing crops against worms and animals ; 
 others prepare charms which guard the granaries against the devastations 
 of rats and mice ; others are ready to discover the whereabouts of lost 
 articles and the localities of buried treasure ; others possess the ability to 
 confer success in the chase ; and so on. 
 
 Power of the Priests. — It is instructive to observe how the whole lives 
 of many of these Negro tribes have been brought under the domination 
 of the priests through the assiduous cultivation of their superstitious ten- 
 dencies. The site of a hut must not be selected until the sorcerer has 
 pronounced the spot favorable, and a lucky da}- must be chosen for laving 
 the foundation. When the building is completed a ceremony must be 
 performed to drive away the evil spirits before the residence is occupied. 
 Every event of importance in life, as marriage, pregnancy, birth, the 
 entrance to the age of puberty, setting out on a journey, and the like, 
 demands the assistance of the magician. 
 
 Armed with sucli powers, it is not surprising that in some instances 
 the priests have attained a degree of control which throws into the shade 
 the most absolute of monarchies. In some of the tribes near Fernando 
 Po the high priest selects and anoints the king and instructs him as to what 
 line of action he is to take in all affairs of moment. Certain poisonous
 
 i64 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 serpents which are kept in a pit are supposed to be the advisers of the 
 holy man, and to transmit to him the will and decrees of the gods, of 
 whom he represents himself as merely the minister and mouthpiece. But 
 the chiloine or chief priest of one of the Congo tribes illustrates most 
 vividly the sacerdotal power. He is revered not merely as an agent of 
 divinity, but as divinity itself. He sends the harvest and the rains, and 
 can withhold them ; the life and death of the people are in his hands ; 
 therefore no one strives with him, and if he strikes or slays a person no 
 one dreams of holding him accountable ; the king undertakes no act of 
 war or diplomacy without his consent, and every appointee to a post of 
 trust or profit must first have the approval of the chitome ; nor does he 
 give this as a matter of form : the aspirant must prostrate himself in the 
 dust and weep and cry, and especially he must bring presents fully com- 
 mensurate to the profits he expects from his position, before the haughty 
 priest will, after kicking and otherwise maltreating the suppliant, finally 
 accord his assent. 
 
 In some nations the kino;s have claimed for themselves the hio-hest 
 prerogatives of the priestly function. This is the case with the king of 
 Loango and others in Africa. In America a marked instance was the 
 Inca of Peru, who was head of the sacerdotal as well as the civil govern- 
 ment. This at times brought with it inconveniences. In one of the 
 tribes of the Upper Nile the king is also high priest and rainmaker-in- 
 chief He is supposed to summon the clouds by whistling for them. But 
 he must exercise this function with due caution, for if he whistles for them 
 and they come not, he is looked upon as an usurper and is forthwith led 
 out and knocked on the head. 
 
 For many dynasties the priesthood of ancient Egypt was wholly sub- 
 ser\'ient to the ruling king, who was its acknowledged head and recognized 
 as the vicegerent of God on earth. This union of powers was one of the 
 strongly consolidating features of the Pharaonic government. When 
 about the twentieth dynasty the function of the priests became hereditary 
 in families, and the sacerdotal class separated from the laity on the one 
 side and on the other became independent of the royal control, with ofii- 
 cials of their own, a change had been introduced fatal to the permanence 
 of the royal house and highly injurious to the culture of the people at 
 large (Tiele). 
 
 Mysteries and Secret Orders. — In all instances the weight of a priest- 
 hood is cast in favor of exclusiveness and conservatism. The priests claim 
 to possess private knowledge and powers, which they naturally seek to 
 keep from the profane multitude. This led to the establishment of secret 
 orders, learned guilds, and mysteries. Those of Eleiisis, patterned largely 
 on Eg>'ptian models it is believed, are familiar to all readers of the classics. 
 Similar organizations are found in the rudest tribes. The Algonkin In- 
 dians have their "Big IMedicine Lodge," which introduces the neophvte 
 to mysteries doubtless quite as impressive as those at Eleusis. The Dako- 
 tas have a number of secret societies presided over by their tribal sorcerers,
 
 ETIIXOI.OGY. 165 
 
 each supposed to have knowledge of a number of roots and plants and 
 other substances possessing magic power. 
 
 Religion and Self-Ciiltiirc. — In this brief su!nmar>' of the main features 
 of religions we have incidentally referred several times to the part they have 
 played in the history of national culture. We shall now sum up with equal 
 brevity the various influences which are at work in every religion, no matter 
 how rude, tending to foster the growth of the better nature of man. 
 
 Influence on Self-ailtiire. — In one of his pregnant lines the poet Tenny- 
 son sums up the forces of individual culture in the words "self-reverence, 
 self-knowledge, self-control." All religions demand at least the last of 
 these, and none more than those of the rudest stamp. The Eskimo, the 
 Indian, or the Laplander who would secure for himself a guardian spirit 
 must seek some deep solitude, and deny himself food and drink until lack 
 of nourishment disorders his brain. The initiation to the religious m)-s- 
 teries of savages is usually connected with self-torture of the severest kind, 
 ■which must be borne without a murmur. In the Aztec temples there was 
 always provided a store of the sharp thorns of the maguey, with which the 
 votaries were expected to pierce their ears, tongue, lips, and other sensi- 
 tive parts of their persons. Those who aspired to the priestly office car- 
 ried this self-mortification to a ghastly extent. A bas-relief discovered by 
 Charnay in one of the Yucatan cities represents the priest passing a jagged 
 rope through his tongue. The priestly vocation frequently laid restric- 
 tion on the sexual life of its members, the males vowing chastity, the 
 females seclusion; while the restrictions on marriage within the clan, in its 
 origin of a purely religious nature, taught the savage to govern his desires 
 in this their most uncontrollable direction. Although in themselves tliese 
 acts of self-denial were generallv absurd, thev taught the inestimable 
 lesson of self-government, and it came to be transmitted as an acquired 
 element of culture to later generations. 
 
 Religion a7id National Unity. — As has been shown, most primitive relig- 
 ions are tribal, and the chief gods are the ideal representatives of the clan. 
 In uniting to pay them homage all the members of the community tacitly 
 repeat their acknowledgment of a solidarity of interests and blood. The 
 stranger who is taken into the tribe becomes a member of it by wor- 
 shipping at the tribal shrine. "Thy people shall be my people, and thy 
 God my God" (Ruth i. 16), was in effect the formula of all adoptions. 
 The religious festivals which collected the scattered members of the 
 band together at stated times maintained the alliance of blood and the 
 recognition of common interests. The feeling that a nation should be 
 under some one divine patron, who should be to it both a guardian of its 
 folds and a defender of its cause, lived long after Christianity had become 
 the prevailing religion of Europe. The war-cries of "St. George for 
 England!" and "St. Denis for France!" rang out on many a stricken 
 field 
 
 ** When Rpears were Hnwn, 
 Aiul steeds were wliile with fo;\m." — Arnold.
 
 t66 ethnology. 
 
 Religion and tltc Respect for Laze. — The very absurdity and unreason- 
 ableness of many of the mandates of early religions had an educating effect 
 on the rude populations to whom they were addressed. It taught them the 
 habit of passive and prompt obedience to law, and thus formed a habit of 
 mind essential to the preservation of the civil state. The taboo which the 
 priest of the South Sea islands would lay on certain articles of diet, on 
 places, even on the utterance of particular words, had to be observed on 
 pain of death, and accustomed that race to a circumspect regard for edicts 
 of all kinds. Legislators and magistrates have in all ages perceived the 
 aid in the administration of justice which they can obtain by calling to 
 their assistance the religious sentiment. Their main object being to reach 
 the facts of a transaction, they have very generally brought in some relig- 
 ious solemnity to compel witnesses to speak the truth, if not out of respect 
 to the human, then for the sake of divine, law. They may be of the most 
 varied character: the Siberian Ostyak will bite a boar's head; the China- 
 man will cut off the head of a live chicken; the Brahman will take to 
 witness the holy river Ganges; the Scotchman will raise his open hand 
 toward the sky; the Englishman will kiss the cover of his sacred book: 
 all these, and a hundred more intrinsically absurd and purposeless cus- 
 toms, are means of calling the wrath of the gods down upon the speaker 
 if he tells either more or less than truth. They all indicate how law avails 
 itself in some of its most valuable functions of the aid of religion. 
 
 Religion and the Literary Faculty. — The oral memorials of uncultivated 
 nations are far more frequently occupied with the fancied doings of the 
 gods than with the chronicles of past time. The primitive poets draw 
 their inspiration rather from the rewards they expect to gain from chant- 
 ing the praises of the living gods than in recalling the deeds of prowess 
 of departed heroes. The formulas and rituals of worship had an inherent 
 sanctity, and had to be repeated precisely according to precedent. These 
 considerations became the motives for the establishment of methods and 
 schools of literary culture. Such are found in all ages and strata of civ- 
 ilization. Caesar states that the noble youth of Gaul were sent across the 
 Channel to Albion to be educated in the far-famed Druidic colleges there. 
 They were principally instructed in religious verses, of which they were 
 obliged to commit to memor}' many thousand. The Zuiii Indian who 
 would be admitted to one of the religious orders must be able to repeat 
 a mystic chant several hundred lines in length, observing accurately the 
 intonation and archaic forms of the words. The Aztecs had long orations, 
 prayers, and poems, which were taught by the priests in colleges called cal- 
 mecac, and were delivered on solemn occasions and in the various festivals. 
 
 To put these on record was one of the earliest motives which led to 
 the invention of a system of writing. Like the Egj-ptian, most of the 
 earlier alphabets start with a hieratic script. The oldest documents extant 
 are the books of the divine commands as accepted by one nation or another, 
 and much more than half of all that has ever been committed to writing 
 by human hands has been in the nature of explanations, glosses, couimen-
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 167 
 
 taries, versions, or discussions about these books. We have but to recall 
 the enormous mass of literature which centres around the books of L,ao- 
 tse and Confucius in China, of Sakya Muni in Ceylon, Thibet, China, and 
 Japan, of the Avesta in Persia, the Veda in India, the Koran in Moham- 
 medan countries, and the Hebrew Bible and Greek Testament in the nations 
 of Christendom, to perceive how active and ceaseless has been the train- 
 ing of the literary faculties by the demands of these eight leading book- 
 religions, which are, after all, but a portion of the literary religions of 
 the globe. To this should be added the stimulus imijarted to the study 
 of language by the preservation and necessary analysis of the archaic 
 forms in these records; the schools, universities, and learned orders or 
 societies founded for their exegesis; the translations of them into other 
 tongues either for the sake of proselytizing or of polemics; the fact that 
 printing, like writing, was first invented for the purpose of disseminating 
 religious works; and many allied facts of this nature, — and we cannot fail 
 to acknowledge that religion has contributed most potently and in all its 
 stages to the intellectual development of the race. 
 
 As a Teacher of Ethics. — The position has been assumed by most eth- 
 nologists that there is no necessary connection between religion and 
 morality, and that the faiths of the lower races have not as a rule or at 
 all acted as a lever lifting them toward a higher ethical life. This must 
 be regarded as a hasty and unwarranted conclusion. It is true that most 
 of their teachings seem to our enlightened minds either indiflferent or 
 destructive to morality. But that is an unjust measure to apply to them. 
 The education of the conscience is in itself a great deal, and even if its 
 commands are barbarous, as when it requires the Hindoo widow to mount 
 the suttee pyre and be burned alive with the corpse of her husband, the 
 strong sense of duty there apparent is in itself an ethical education. 
 
 When, as is the case with many even primitive religions, there are 
 beneficent as well as malicious deities, the reverent gratitude which 
 inspires the worship of the former is calculated to develop the benev- 
 olent emotions generally. We may be sure that religion would not so 
 early and in so many instances have become associated with government 
 had it not been observed that the duties of man to man within the tribe 
 jjained in observance through this connection. 
 
 Finally, the ideals which religion is wont to hold up to its votaries for 
 admiration and imitation are usually the personification of what the 
 national mind thinks loftiest, noblest, best; and it is incredible that a 
 nation should ever strive to imitate that which is its best and not actually 
 grow toward something which is really better. Such ideals are by no 
 means confined to the faiths of cultivated nations. They are not repre- 
 sented only by the worldly-wise Confucius, the austere, self-centred 
 Sakya Muni, tlie ardent, God-intoxicated Mohammed, and the other 
 founders of the great religions of the world; they are as well charac- 
 terized and appear with not less noble features in the forests of the New 
 World. The Aztec culture-hero Quetzalcoatl nuiy be taken as the type
 
 i68 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 of many of them. He was represented as the patron and instructor of 
 artificers in stone and metals and feathers; in life he was chaste and tem- 
 perate, judicious in council, generous of gifts, kindly to the weak, 
 opposed to wars and to bloody sacrifices, a framer of wise laws and 
 merciful in their enforcement. This was the ideal which their religion 
 held up for imitation to millions of the inhabitants of ancient Mexico. 
 Could it be possible that such an exemplar, framed by the religious 
 dreams of the race, did not elevate its moral sense? Such a conclu- 
 sion would be contrary to all we know of human motive; and the ver- 
 dict of the early missionaries was with all positiveness that tire people 
 who had this religious ideal was a nation of decidedly high ethical prac- 
 tices; as one of these witnesses says: "A good people, attached to virtue, 
 urbane and simple in social intercourse, shunning lies, skilled in the arts, 
 pious toward their gods" (Sahagun). We must acknowledge, therefore, 
 that in all its grades and fonns religion aids in training the sense of duty, 
 in cultivating sentiments of gratitude, and iu enforcing to a greater or less 
 degree the enactments of morality. 
 
 CIVILIZATION AS THE RESULTANT OF ETHNIC DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 Were we to select any one of the elements of national life which we 
 have been considering — the food-supply, the sexual relation, government, 
 religion, arts, or language — and study in detail the part it has played in 
 raising man from a savage to a cultured condition, we should be apt to 
 think that it alone had been the efficient cause of his improvement — that 
 it alone is the golden strand in the cord which has lifted nations from the 
 unconscious abasement of their primitive state to the conscious enlighten- 
 ment of the present age. But a broader study of the nature and the his- 
 tor}- of man will correct this impression; ethnology- will teach us the error 
 of those who, dazzled by the power of some one faculty of mind, have 
 attributed to it alone the progress of the race. 
 
 All the faculties and all their expressions are to a great degree cor- 
 relative. Each demands for its cultivation that the others shall not be 
 neglected. Those who dream that all the ills of society are to be cured 
 by a perfected social rule will be shown not less in error than those who 
 see in the arts — the useful or the fine arts — the one guide through the 
 labyrinth of life; and both will be led into an equal fallacy should they 
 believe that the time has come, or ever will come, when the cultured 
 nations of the world may profitably dispense with religion. All these 
 represent and are the expression of essential parts of the psycholog}' of the 
 species; only by their symmetrical development can a nation advance, in 
 accordance with the laws of progress, up to a complete civilization. 
 
 Dcfitiition of Progress and Civilization. — These words, progress and 
 civilization., may with advantage arrest our attention. 
 
 Persons often speak of the "Law of Progress" as if it were one of the 
 fixed laws of nature which the race is bound to follow. There is nothing 
 to justify this view. Some nations are progressive, some are not; some
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 169 
 
 ages have witnessed a rapid growth of man's powers, others have seen 
 them withering. Neither history nor ethnology authorizes the assump- 
 tion that man will continue indefinitely to advance in his conquests over 
 nature. On the other hand, geology points out many species which have 
 manifested extreme viability for a period and extended themselves over 
 wide areas, and then by some change of conditions or in themselves have 
 lost this energy and have become wholly extinct. Chemists inform us 
 that a very slight change in the constitution of our atmosphere would 
 work disastrous consequences to our health and life. Such considerations 
 teach us that it is quite unscientific to assume an indefinite continuance of 
 advancement for the race. We should content ourselves in the study of 
 the past, and discard applying its lessons to any distant future. 
 
 In its historic sense we may define progress to be the development of 
 the energies and resources of a nation, and the condition of civilization to 
 be where all these energies and resources are developed s}-nimetrically and 
 to a high degree. 
 
 It is evident from this definition that we cannot separate civilization 
 from those conditions which approach but fall short of it, by any sharp 
 distinctions, by any hard and fast lines. The process is a growth, whose 
 separate stages blend one into the other, and do not pennit us to put our 
 finger on a dividing-line, and sa}'. On this side is civilization, on the other 
 is its absence. Nevertheless, the recognition of stages of progress is so 
 indispensable to the ready understanding of History and Ethnography 
 that they have very generally been adopted in both these sciences. They 
 have been based on different features of social life, usually either on (i) the 
 artistic development, (2) the mode of subsistence, or (3) on the general con- 
 dition. Nations in almost all these stages exist at present on the earth, 
 and there is not the slightest doubt that even the most civilized began 
 at the lowest; and this not very long ago, compared with the epochs of 
 geologic time. 
 
 I. THE STAGES OF PROGRESS. 
 
 Stages of Artistic Development. — Scientists have selected as the most 
 available test of the advance of industrial art the material most commonly 
 in use in a nation or epoch yflr the matuifactitrc of cutting instruments. For 
 reasons which will be obvious, all sorts of handiwork bear a close relation 
 to the facility with which material can be di\-ided; hence the propriety of 
 this selection. These materials have been three in number, and give rise 
 to the divisions into 
 
 1. The Stone Age; 
 
 2. The Bronze Age; 
 
 3. The Iron Age. 
 
 I. The Stone Age. 
 
 As has been mentioned on a previous page (96), the period when 
 
 man had no better implements than he could manufacture out of wood, 
 
 stone, or l)one appears to have extended o\-cr most of the earth's surface 
 
 for a far greater length of time than has elapsed since the discovery of
 
 lyo ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 metals. It has been divided into two parts — the first, in which chipped 
 stones exchisively were employed, being known as the Pal(Folitliic\ or Older 
 Stone Age; the second and later, when many of the implements were fin- 
 ished by grinding and rubbing them to a smooth surface, receiving the 
 name of the Neolithic Age, or that of Polished Stone (//. i, figs. lo, 12). 
 
 No nation has been known to scientific observation which corresponded 
 to the condition of life in the palEeolithic period. That age was contem- 
 porary in Europe with the time when the cave-bear, the mammoth, and 
 later the reindeer, inhabited the forests of what is now France and Ger- 
 many. Instruments quite characteristic of it have been exhumed in Spain, 
 Portugal, and both Northern and Southern Africa. The vicinity of Cairo 
 in Lower, and of lyuxor in Upper, Egypt has disclosed them. In Pales- 
 tine and in several locations in India explorers have come upon them, 
 while in America the Trenton gravels, the glacial deposits of the Upper 
 Mississippi, the California gold-bearing deposits, and the mud-beds of the 
 Pampas have all furnished chipped stone implements of the character of 
 those of the palaeolithic beds of Europe. Of course, others like them have 
 been found in later strata, but the peculiarity of palceolithic "finds" is 
 that no polished implements are discovered with them, and their forms are 
 always few in number and simple in design. 
 
 From a study of such specimens it is deduced that in this, the earliest 
 and universal condition of the human race, its members were exclusively 
 hunters or fishermen or subsisted on natural products ; agriculture was 
 totally unknown, and no animal, not even the dog, was domesticated ; 
 religion and government, if they were organized at all, were of a lower, 
 more imperfect character than any now known to us. Buildings were 
 mere temporary shelters, leaving no trace upon the soil. The population 
 was scanty and little inclined to wander beyond limited precincts. 
 
 But even then the traces of positive and constant, although slow, 
 progress are clearly visible. In the oldest stations of the Palseolithic Age 
 there is not found a trace of ornament nor a sign that the tribes then 
 living knew the simplest of the mechanical powers. In the later deposits 
 we discover small stone mortars, evidently used for mixing paints for the 
 body ; fragments of peroxide of iron which yield a red coloring-matter, 
 and which have seen service ; teeth of animals, shells, and bits of horn, 
 perforated and plainly destined for ornaments ; needles and awls of bone, 
 indicating that clothing was made and worn ; a few rude figures cut from 
 horn, and others engraved on fragments of bone ; and the like, — all going 
 to show that by that time there had grown up a fixed society and a taste 
 for decorative art. Such a people could have been little inferior to the 
 lower tribes of savages of the present day. 
 
 The Neolithic Age was introduced into Western Europe apparently by 
 an incursion of tribes from the east or north-east. Its appearance is sig- 
 nalled by a superior variety of stone implements, frequently polished ; by 
 the traces of agriculture, the rearing of domestic animals, the art of 
 making clothing from vegetable fibre by spinning and weaving, the
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 171 
 
 manufacture of pottery, and sucli simple arts. The inhabitants at that 
 time corresponded in point of culture about to the Indian tribes of the 
 United States at the era of the discovery. They lived in towns and 
 cleared the forests. The oldest of the lake-dwellings, built on piles in 
 the water, occurring in the Swiss lakes and in the plains of the Po, belong 
 to this period and stage of development. (See Stone Age and illus. Vol. II.) 
 
 2. The Bronze Age. 
 
 Although many implements of pure copper have been exhumed both 
 in America and the Old World, that metal is too soft in its pure state ever 
 to have been of much value as a material furnishing a cutting edge, and 
 hence it added little to man's power over nature. When, however, copper 
 is fused in an alloy with tin, forming bronze, or with zinc, forming brass, 
 the product acquires a very firm texture and is well adapted for tools and 
 weapons. Both these alloys were known in the Orient in the dawn of 
 history, but bronze was that which came most extensively into use. 
 
 The Egyptians were well acquainted with the use of bronze at a period 
 coeval with their earliest monuments. They manufactured it into weap- 
 ons of war and tools for various trades, and succeeded in devising processes 
 to give it exceeding hardness. Their principal source for copper was 
 among the mountains of the peninsula of Sinai, and the mines of Wady 
 Magarah in that locality are thought to have been worked as early as the 
 second dynasty, which was more than three thousand years before the 
 Christian era. Where they obtained their tin has not yet been ascer- 
 tained. 
 
 The Assyrians and Babylonians of the earliest historic ages were also 
 familiar with bronze, and it is probable that from them the Egyptians 
 derived their knowledge of it through the Semitic merchants. 
 
 This is the remotest date to which we can trace the knowledge of the 
 alloy. If we interrogate through linguistic analysis the condition of the 
 Proto-Aryans, we find them wholly in the Stone Age at the time of their 
 separation into European and Asiatic Aryans. They were, indeed, 
 acquainted with native copper, and probably ocoasionally hammered it 
 into ornaments or ceremonial weapons, as did the Indians around Lake 
 Superior; but they were equall}' ignorant of smelting or alloying it. The 
 terms for all the paraphernalia of the smithery and all working in metals 
 are quite different in the great groups of Aryan languages, proving that 
 these arts were developed independently after their splitting up into vari- 
 ous nations (Schrader). 
 
 Tl;e Greeks in the days of the Homeric poems were already skilled 
 ■workers in bronze, and so doubtless were the Trojans, although Schlie- 
 mann fouiul the oldest remains on the hill at Ilissarlik to be entirely of 
 the Stone Age. The Greeks did not claim to ha\'e discovered the alloy, 
 but acknowledged to have received it from those mysterious ancient 
 nations of considerable culture in Asia Minor, the Lydians and Phryg- 
 ians. They could not assign a date to its introduction, but agreed that
 
 172 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 it was ver^' remote. In Italy also, among the Etruscans, it was, at nn 
 indefinitely ancient date, the common material for cxitting instruments. 
 
 From Greece and Italy the use of bronze extended northward along 
 the great trading-lines. The oldest specimens in the remains of the 
 Swiss lake-dwellings have been assigned by some archaeologists an antiq- 
 uity of three thousand years before the Christian era, although generally 
 not more than about two thousand are allowed for the commencement of 
 the Bronze Age north of the Alps. In that period the extension of even 
 such a useful art was slow, and it is quite consistent with this date that 
 Mr. Evans does not consider the Bronze Age to have begun in Great 
 Britain much anterior to 1400 B. c. The knowledge of the alloy may 
 have come through the Carthaginians, who about that time began their 
 trading voyages to the southern coast of England, the chief merchandise 
 they v.'ere after being the tin of Cornwall, which they employed in the 
 manufacture of bronze. 
 
 In America the Bronze Age was well represented in IMexico and Peru. 
 The natives of both these countries were well aware of the hard alloy 
 resulting from the admixture of copper and tin, and employed it largely 
 for tools and weapons. In Mexico copper is abundant, and tin was 
 obtained from the mines in the province of Tlachco, where that metal 
 was so plentiful that it was employed as a circulating medium. Along 
 the coast of Peru bronze agricultural implements are found in vast num- 
 bers, and have for generations been collected and sold to dealers in old 
 metal "by the ton" (Squier). The alloy was run into thin but stiff 
 plates, and the instruments cut from these and ground to a sharp edge. 
 Bronze swords, daggers, knives, and lances are seen in collections from 
 these localities. (See Bronze Age and illus. Vol. II.) 
 
 3. The Iron Age. 
 
 The most useful of metals, iron, was known to man long before he 
 attained the art of manipulating it to his advantage. In the mounds 
 of the Ohio Valley antiquaries have discovered thin sheets hammered out 
 of meteoric iron and applied as a coating to ornaments (Putnam). Tubal 
 Cain, who in the book of Genesis is put as the seventh in descent from 
 Adam, is mentioned as "an instructor of every artificer in brass and 
 iron;" and the book of Job, also one of the most ancient of Hebrew 
 records, speaks of "iron taken out of the earth" as one of the metals 
 then in familiar tise. 
 
 In view of these quotations, we shall not be surprised to learn that the 
 Chinese annals state that iron supplanted bronze for swords in the reign 
 of Kung Kin, 1897 b. c, or that many j-ears before that date the Assyr- 
 ians manufactured numerous tools of iron. Although the Egyptians 
 knew the metal and sparingly employed it in their arts, they preferred 
 bronze, and it was not till as late as about the seventh centur}- B. c. that 
 the latter can be said to have been supplanted. The vSemitic peoples 
 were quicker to see its vast utility, and all of them have a common term
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 173 
 
 for iron, barzcl — Arabic yfr--// — showing that they had known and named 
 it before their primitive stock separated into the later branches. From 
 the latter form of it, fir-zil^ in the opinion of some etymologists, is 
 derived the Latin word for iron, fcrriim^ which would indicate that the 
 primitive Italian tribes learned the use of the metal from the traders of 
 the Ph(jenician or Carthaginian ports. In the days of Homer the use of 
 iron was just commencing, most of the weapons the poet names being 
 specified as of bronze; but in the age of Hesiod iron had become cheaper 
 than bronze, and was employed much more widely (Gladstone). From 
 an investigation of the older Greek writers it has been deduced that iron 
 was known in that countrj' ten or twelve centuries before our era, although 
 it long continued a rare metal; by the fifth or sixth century c. c. it had 
 practically superseded bronze both for tools and weapons (Evan.s). 
 
 The metal soon extended into Northern Europe. Linguistic evidence 
 indeed shows that it is probable that the Letto-Slavs and Celto-Ger- 
 mans of the North learned to forge iron before they became acquainted 
 with bronze (Schrader). The German warriors who destroyed the legions 
 of Augustus were armed with iron swords, and their lances were tipped 
 with the san:e metal. The Cotti, on the right bank of the Rhine, had 
 the metal in abundance, and Julius Csesar describes the Gauls of the 
 north of France and of Belgium working large iron-mines by tunnelling. 
 He also mentions ingots and rings of iron as in use for money among 
 the Britons of his day. The Iron Age in Western Europe must have 
 begun, therefore, two or three centuries before our era. 
 
 Although, as has been already mentioned, the American tribes were 
 not entirely ignorant of iron, and even hammered it into thin sheets for 
 decorative purposes, they never learned the arts of smelting and forging 
 it, and therefore made no practical applications of it. Neither was it 
 within the acquisitions of the Australians. But in Africa it has been 
 everywhere employed from the earliest times of which we have any 
 knowledge. The tribes of the Soudan, the Caffirs, even the Hottentots 
 and Bushmen of the southern extremity of the continent, are now, and 
 have been for time out of mind, perfectly acquainted with the exploita- 
 tion of ferruginous ores, with the forging of v/eapons and utensils with a 
 cutting edge, and with the preparation of ornamental objects of the 
 metal. 
 
 This fact illustrates the truth that the mere acquisition of some one art, 
 even if it be so cardinal a one as the mauufaclure of iron, is utterly insuf- 
 ficient to lift a nation from barbarism, or even jierceptibly to ele\-ate it. 
 vSonie of these African tribes, celebrated locally for their skill in metal- 
 work of iron and steel, are examples of tribes almost as low in the scale 
 as the Australians, and very much inferior to the average American 
 Indians. Hence is manifest the error of those who would take progress 
 in the industrial arts alone as the test of the growth of civilization. 
 
 As iron and steel still continue to be the materials preferred for obtain- 
 ing a cutting edge, the "Age of Iron " is considered to include that in which
 
 174 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 we live, and to apply to the civilized nations of the present world. (See 
 Iron Age, Vol. II.) 
 
 The second classification of the stages of progress to which we have 
 referred has reference to the source of the food-supply. It is divided into 
 the following heads : 
 
 1. The Hunting and Fishing Stage ; 
 
 2. The Nomadic or Pastoral Stage ; 
 
 3. The Agricultural Stage ; 
 
 4. The Commercial Stage. 
 
 1. The Hunting and Fishing Stage. 
 
 In this condition of life much the greater part or all of the food-supply 
 is obtained from the products of the forest and stream without the exer- 
 cise of care or cultivation. As a rule, little provision is made for the 
 future, the stores laid up for periods of dearth being less in proportion 
 and less providently cared for than those of the squirrel or the ant. As 
 the life of such people is generally migratory, they do not build perma- 
 nent residences nor establish durable social institutions. They are with- 
 out history, an existence of ceaseless change and struggle for the neces- 
 saries of subsistence soon extinguishing the memories of the past. Their 
 arts are confined to those most essential to the pursuit of game and self- 
 defence. 
 
 Nevertheless, as has been pointed out on a previous page (62), the exi- 
 gencies of the life of the hunter are educational to the race. Pitted against 
 the superior strength, the wonderful instincts, and the subtle senses of the 
 brute, he must train his faculties to the utmost to make himself the 
 master. Unprovided himself with fangs or claws, wings or fins, not even 
 sheltered with a coat of hair, man was forced to enter into the unequal 
 struggle for life with formidable Camivora, with the fleet deer, the soar- 
 ing bird, the darting fish, and had to devise means to capture and conquer 
 all these in order to preserve himself. The labor was not light, and so 
 far from feeling any disdain for the arts of the rudest tribe, the ethnologist 
 will look upon them with profound respect, and astonishment that so 
 much was ever accomplished by a being physically so ill prepared for the 
 conflict. 
 
 Probabl)' all the ancient tribes of the Palaeolithic Age (see p. 170) were 
 in this stage of development. The Australians, many of the South Sea 
 Islanders, the natives of Canada, of Brazil, and of Patagonia and Tierra 
 del Fuego are examples of hunting tribes in recent times. They are 
 rapidly disappearing, the pressure of races of higher culture forcing them 
 to other modes of life or to extinction. 
 
 2. The Nomadic or Pastoral Stage. 
 
 The domestication of animals offered man a means of subsistence far 
 less uncertain and less toilsome than the chase. Hence where there were 
 species of animals capable of easy domestication it became in remote ages
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 175 
 
 a favorite source of livelihood. In many respects it was a notable im- 
 provement on the hunting state. The herdsman tames the wild animal 
 by kind treatment ; he must care for it and protect it in order to keep it 
 alive ; he must find food for it, and shelter when necessary. Thus his 
 attention to the brute educates his benevolent sentiments toward his fel- 
 low-man. It becomes a cogent argument that he who will aid his ox or 
 his ass when it falls into a pit should do as much for his neighbor. More- 
 over, the increased security of the food-supply allows larger masses of men 
 to join in communities, and by this respect for social law is established, 
 the nucleus of the State is formed, the sense of family ties is accentuated, 
 and leisure for artistic development is increased. 
 
 No pastoral life was found either in Australia or America, as the fauna 
 of neither of these continents contained any animal which could easily 
 and profitably be domesticated in sufficient numbers to become a depend- 
 ence for food. On the other hand, both Asia, Africa, and Europe offered 
 various species of cattle, horses, sheep, goats, and asses, which readily sub- 
 mitted to the control of man, and in their milk and flesh provideij a per- 
 manent and suflBcient supply of food. Hence long before the beginning 
 of history in each of these continents vast tracts were occupied by tribes 
 who wandered with their flocks and herds from pasturage to pasturage, 
 and placed their ideal and measure of wealth in the abundance of their 
 domestic animals. We have heretofore mentioned how our word pcai- 
 niary carries with it the traditions of this ancient epoch (see p. 115); and 
 the pages of the most venerable documents of human lore, of the Rig 
 Veda, the Avesta, and the book of Genesis, bear unanimous testimony to 
 the high honor in which the herdsman was held, the extraordinary care 
 bestowed on the flocks, and the influence which they conferred on their 
 possessor. 
 
 A pure nomadic life is still led by some of the Tartar tribes of Central 
 Asia and by the CaflSrs of South Africa ; but the growing demands of 
 other vocations have materially lessened its extent within historic times. 
 It is probable that the Aryan nations who at a pre-historic period overran 
 Southern and South-western Europe, driving before them the Iberians and 
 Cave-dwellers and founding the villages in the Swiss lakes, were largely 
 pastoral in their habits, or soon became so. Their remains indicate the 
 possession both of cattle and horses. They continued substantially no- 
 madic quite down to the fall of Rome, and are so described by Strabo, Taci- 
 tus, Caesar, and other writers. 
 
 Nomadic tribes are usually migrator}'. They must ever be on the look- 
 out for "fresh fields and pastures new." Relying on the spontaneous prod- 
 ucts of the soil for the food of their flocks, they must move from one 
 locality to another as the seasons demand. This tends to prevent the 
 establishment of pcnnancnt settlements and enduring social relations, 
 and limits the benefits which the pastoral life brings with it. For this 
 rea.son no pastoral nation has a history, nor has played any continuous 
 part in the drama of the world.
 
 176 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 3. The Agricultural Stage. 
 
 The general introduction of agriculture as a source of the food-supply 
 marks the turning-point in the development of national growth. Agri- 
 culture puts a stop to the restless wanderings of the hunter and the nomad; 
 it accustoms man to the salutary discipline of regular labor; it teaches him 
 to work for the distant future; it fosters the sense of fixed property; it 
 favors the congregation of individuals in large permanent communities; 
 it allows leisure by offering facilities for the use of the labors of others. 
 In tliese and in many other directions it introduces the conditions essen- 
 tial to a rapid industrial and intellectual development. The history- of a 
 nation begins when it relies mainly on agricultural products for its food. 
 
 In neither the Old nor the New World can we assign the date of the 
 introduction of the cereals. That it was far in the past is shown by the 
 difficulty experienced by botanists in discovering the wild forms from 
 which the domesticated food-plants were derived. In America the maize 
 was the principal and the only important cultivated food-plant of wide dis- 
 tribution. Starting from Central America (see p. 64), it extcrided north 
 and south as far as the climatic conditions permitted its profitable cultiva- 
 tion. Nevertheless, the number of American tribes was not great which 
 relied upon the culture of the fields as their main food-supply. Such was 
 the case with the Peruvians, the Mayas of Yucatan and Guatemala, the 
 Aztecs and some of their neighbors in Mexico, and with the Mound-build- 
 ers who once occupied the Ohio Valley. The Algonkins, Iroquois, and 
 other tribes east of the Mississippi were in a transition state, cultivating 
 extensive plantations of maize and other food-plants, but not yet weaned 
 from their migratory habits, and still largely addicted to the chase for their 
 food. The unfortunate fact that they had no domesticated animals on 
 which the}- could depend for meat forced them to seek it exclusively 
 from the wild denizens of the forest and the stream. 
 
 The Aryans, as far back as the Stone Age, must, as their languages 
 show, have cultivated in some rude manner barley and millet, which 
 were also leading crops in Egypt long before the oldest extant monu- 
 ments. Rye and oats extended through Europe at a later date, but 
 were cultivated in the Bronze Period. Bronze sickles have been found 
 in great abundance in some of the settlements on the lakes of Switzerland 
 and in Savo)*, and in less numbers, but }-et frequently, in German}', the 
 British Isles, and Scandinavia. ]\Ir. Evans is even of opinion that a some- 
 what similar form of flint implement was manufactured for the same pur- 
 pose, and points to the cultivation of cereals during the Stone Age in 
 England. The tillage of the soil was the foundation of the monarchies 
 of Assyria and Egypt, and was always held in high esteem. In China 
 rice was the most nutritive cereal, and its systematic cultivation began at 
 least four thousand years before our era. Down to a late date, and per- 
 haps yet, the emperor of China performs once a year the ceremony of 
 sowing a field, to indicate the high importance attached to agriculture.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. '■ 177 
 
 4. The Commerciai. Stage. 
 
 From some of tlie above examples it will be seen that agricultural 
 nations may linger a long while in this stage, deriving their sustenance 
 from field crops, yet making little headway beyond the satisfaction of 
 their immediate needs. This was long ago observed by the historian 
 Thucydides, who pointed out the necessity of commerce to a developed 
 civilization. "In ancient times," he writes, "the land was cultivated 
 merely sufficiently to suj^ply the food required by the family, nor were 
 orchards set out nor riches accumulated, because there was no commercial 
 intercourse between nations. Travelling either by sea or land was peril- 
 ous, and strongholds had not been erected as places of refuge and secure 
 deposits for the overplus. Therefore they cared little for their homes, and 
 were constantly wandering from place to place." 
 
 Agriculture must yield a surplus beyond the annual requirements of 
 the nation, and this surplus must find its way through the medium of 
 trade, partly to other nations, partly to other classes of the same nation, 
 before the benefits derived from it are fully experienced. When tliis is 
 accomplished, a portion of the population can confine themselves to other 
 vocations without anxiety for the future, men can congregate in large 
 cities, and the dreadful results of famine need not be apprehended. Noth- 
 ing but an extremely perfect system of suiDplying food by commerce would 
 allow the existence of cities like New York or London, in which probably 
 on no day during the year is there sufl!icient food stored to supply the 
 inhabitants one week. 
 
 Stages by General Condition. — Although both the above classifications 
 of the stages of progress — the one based on the ai'tistic development., the 
 other on the sources of the food-supply — are useful in certain branches of 
 science, especially archaeology and political economy, it is evident that 
 neither fully satisfies the requirements of the ethnologist. He asks for 
 a more detailed and comprehensive picture than either of these single ele- 
 ments of national growth, or than any one element whatever, can supply. 
 Therefore it is more fruitful in this science to retain the old classification, 
 based on general conditions, which divided the stages of progress as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 1. The Stage of Savager}'; 
 
 2. The Stage of Barbarism; 
 
 3. The Stage of Semi-civilization; 
 
 4. The Stage of Civilization; 
 
 5. The Stage of Enlightenment. 
 
 The general characteristics of each of these stages can be clearly 
 enough assigned, premising, of course, that they are artificial distinc- 
 tions, established merely for the purpose of aiding us to grasp with greater 
 facility the details of the steady and often scarcely perceptible rise of a 
 nation from the lowest to the highest place on the scale. The one con- 
 dition merges into the other without abruptness, and the higher constantly 
 retains traces of its ruder predecessors. 
 
 Vol. I.— 12
 
 178 ■ ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 1. The Stage of Savagery. 
 
 In this condition of society the nation depends for its food on natural 
 products; marriage is polygamous and temporary, and there are no for- 
 malities connected with its celebration; language is rudimentary, con- 
 crete, and deficient in formal and syntactic elements; weapons and tools 
 are of stone, bone, or wood, and of rough construction; the houses are 
 mere temporary shelters, and the clothing is of skin or bark; the govern- 
 ment is tribal and unstable, and there is little notion of property rights; 
 and the religion is principally the incantation of evil spirits. 
 
 The whole race during the Pal^Eolithic Age was in this condition, and 
 such existing tribes as the Australian blacks, the Fuegians, the Botocudos 
 of Brazil, and the Tinne of British America are examples of its continu- 
 ance to our own times. 
 
 2. The Stage of Barbarism. 
 
 This is reached when the food-supply is no longer wholly dependent 
 on spontaneous natural products, but these, still regarded as essential, are 
 supplemented by domestic animals and by agriculture; marriage is recog- 
 nized and is often a solemn ceremony, and the selection of a wife is governed 
 by rigid customs; the structure of language is syntactic, and the significa- 
 tion of words figurative; pottery is invented, copper and iron may be in 
 use, but stone continues to be the leading material for weapons; penna- 
 nent houses are grouped together in villages, and the clothing of woven 
 stuff indicates that the simpler modes of weaving have been discovered; 
 the laws, though unwritten, are recognized and respected, and the govern- 
 ment is often hereditary; a mythology has grown up, religion is polythe- 
 istic, and its rites are conducted by a priestly class. 
 
 At the present day the pastoral tribes of Central Asia are in this con- 
 dition, as are also most of the pure Negro tribes of Africa. Other exam- 
 ples were the American Indians of the Eastern United States at the epoch 
 of the discovery, the Caribs of the West Indies, the Gauls, Britons, and 
 Teutons of Ccesar's time, and the ancient Iberians. In the archaeology 
 of art it corresponds to the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. 
 
 3. The St.\ge of Semi-Civilization. 
 Cultivated animals and plants become now the chief source of food ; 
 the rights of woman are more fully acknowledged, and sexual love is an 
 emotion, and not merely an appetite ; language is polished by the growth 
 of literature, which now becomes possible by the invention or adoption 
 of a more or less perfect system of writing ; several metals are in use, and 
 the construction of buildings of stone and mortar and the manufacture of 
 bricks are in progress ; the resthetic arts are cultivated with ardor ; gov- 
 ernment is theocratic, aristocratic, or monarchial, and society is divided 
 into castes ; religion has grown distinctly moral, but is not yet specialized 
 as separate from government, and is still in essence national and mytlio- 
 logic.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 179 
 
 The whole of Europe during the Middle Ages was in this state of 
 semi-civilization ; it is applicable to the condition of ancient Egypt, 
 Assj'ria, and Palestine ; most Mohammedan countries approach it ; and in 
 the New World the states of Mexico, Majapan, and Peru furnish other 
 examples. 
 
 4. The Stage of Civilization. 
 
 Here the means of subsistence are obtained as largely through com- 
 merce as through agriculture ; the influence of woman is felt and acknow- 
 ledged as almost equal to that of man ; education is general, and the 
 growth of polite literature has established the canons of good taste and 
 enriched the capacities of the language ; iron has taken the place of other 
 metals for tools and weapons ; an established currency and widely-recog- 
 nized system of weights and measures facilitate the exchange of com- 
 modities ; the civil law is digested, and is clearly separated from religious 
 edicts ; the rights of property are secured by an equitable administration 
 of justice ; the reins of government are in the hands of one or a few 
 families in the state, who are held to a more or less strict accountability 
 by the remainder of the community ; religion is recognized as of universal 
 application, both geographical and with reference to classes, but is still 
 bound down to certain formulas, creeds, or dogmas, the acceptance of 
 which is deemed imperative. 
 
 This, it will readily be seen, was in its main features the condition of 
 Greece and Rome in their best days, and is now of a great part of modern 
 Europe. Modern civilization began with the revival of learning in the 
 fifteenth century — an ei^och marked by the discovery of the New World, 
 by the invention of printing, by the application of gunpowder to war 
 and engineering, and by an unparalleled activity in the fine arts. It 
 extended to the last quarter of the eighteenth centurj', when the estab- 
 lishment of the republican governments of the United States and France, 
 followed shortly by the rise of the natural sciences and the application of 
 steam to transportation by sea and land, marked the beginning of 
 
 5. The Stage of Enlightenment. ' 
 
 We are, indeed, but in the beginning of this period, but its conquests 
 have been rapid and its lines of development are already clearly marked out. 
 We may look securely forward to the time when improved methods of 
 agriculture and transportation will render impossible any general famine, 
 and will permit the aggregation of mankind ill indefinite numbers ; 
 marriage, already monogamous, will be on entirely equal terms, and 
 woman will be held in all respects entitled to the rights and privileges 
 of the other sex ; by the study of comparative and philosophic grammar, 
 language will be brought closer and closer in accordance with the pro- 
 cesses of logical thought ; the indtistrial arts will no longer be experi- 
 ments, but, prosecuted under tlie demonstrable laws of science and with 
 the knowledge of the fundamental unit)' and intimate correlation of all
 
 i8o ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 forms of force, -u-iil win conquests over nature which at present it would 
 be temerity to estimate ; the fine arts, guided by purified canons of the 
 beautiful, will minister more fully even than in ancient Greece to the 
 ennobling pleasures of life ; with the recognition of the equality of all 
 men before the law, and the right of every people to govern itself, the 
 forms of monarchy and aristocracy will yield to republican governments ; 
 international law and arbiters will do away with wars and the necessity 
 of maintaining standing armies ; and, finally, in religious matters the 
 lines drawn by sects and dogiuatism will disappear, and, whatever the 
 organization of local denominations, all will recognize that the only 
 article of faith essential to a true religion is that so admirably worded by 
 the Chevalier Buusen : "A belief in a universal order, iu wdiich the True 
 is the only Good, and the Good is the only True." 
 
 Morgan'' s Subdivisions. — These are the main stages in the psycholog- 
 ical evolution of the human race. Some writers, as ]\Ir. Lewis H. Mor- 
 gan, have attempted to introduce yet more minute divisions, separating, 
 for instance, the status of savagery into three subdivisions, the first cha- 
 racterized by an ignorance of fire and of fishing, the second by a know- 
 ledge of these arts, the third by the discovery of the bow and arrow. 
 His remaining divisions all have reference to the growth of industrial arts. 
 We have already pointed out that it is incorrect to select any one element 
 of culture as the common measure of all ; moreover, it is now generally 
 recognized that man knew the use of fire even in the late Tertiar\- ; and 
 as for the bow and arrow, it was a local invention, it being the opinion of 
 some able antiquaries that the Peruvians did not know it. Hence Mr. 
 Morgan's classification is both inadequate and incorrect. 
 
 Chronological Conclusions. — Many calculations have been ventured as 
 to the relative length of these stadia of human progression. The results 
 have been widely diverse, but we may take that of the eminent French 
 antiquary, Gabriel de IMortillet, as representing approximately the mean 
 of the several estimates. All agree that the first or Paljeolithic Age was 
 ver)' much the longest. The deposit of alluvium by rivers and the ero- 
 sion of their channels have been the chronometers most relied upon. 
 This method, applied to Europe, Western Asia, and Northern Africa, 
 gives the following figures 
 
 Years. 
 
 From the date of the oldest stone implements to the close of the Palaeolithic 
 
 Age 222,000 
 
 From the beginning of the Neolithic Age until the dawn of history 12,000 
 
 From the dawn of history' to the present time 6,000 
 
 Total 240,000 
 
 Of course this is intended merely as a rough approximation, but it is 
 probably as accurate as observations at present allow, aud is not altogether 
 wide of the mark.
 
 ETHNOLOGY. i8i 
 
 II. tut: cnNniTioNS and momenta of progress. 
 Reviewing the facts above stated, we find that the whole of the hnman 
 race remained for an enormously long time in a condition of complete 
 savagery, and when this began to disappear before the growing day of 
 civilization, the progress of different races and nations was by no means 
 the same, some remaining scarcely above the pateolithic savage, while 
 others have progressed far on the road to complete enlightenment. The 
 problem is thus presented to the ethnologist to ascertain what were the 
 conditions which led some nations to advance and others to stand still, 
 and what impulses or momenta have led or driven forward those of high- 
 est culture. The answer could not be a brief one, for it embraces the 
 whole philosophy of history ; nor could it be a simple one, for the motive- 
 forces of civilization are highly complex and manifold, and those which 
 have instigated one nation have not been the same for all. Nevertheless, 
 there are a few general conditions and impulses which have been almost 
 universal in their action, which we may select for particular consideration 
 here. They are as follows : 
 
 1. The Growth of Wants ; 
 
 2. Racial and National Endowments ; 
 
 3. Geographical Surroundings ; 
 
 4. The Commingling of Nations ; 
 
 5. The Influence of Great Men. 
 
 The first two of these may be regarded as impulses from within, the 
 remainder as acting from without. 
 
 I. The Growth of Wants. 
 
 In an essay on "Civilization considered as a Science" an English 
 writer, Mr. George Harris, has remarked: "Whatever produces want or 
 occasions the perception of it has a tendency to promote civilization." 
 What savage nations have lacked to impel them toward culture is not 
 power, but stimulus. This is in a measure proved by the ability shown 
 by many of them to receive as good an education as the whites, and also 
 by their indifference to many of the pleasures and luxuries which they 
 can now obtain by labor, but which they do not seek. Instances are fre- 
 quent where children of the lower races have been educated, but returned to 
 savagery when grown to adult years. An English traveller was astounded 
 to see a half-naked Australian guide pick up and read one of his Latin 
 books. On inquiry, he found the native had been trained in England for 
 a missionary, but when he returned to his native land the attractions of 
 the wild life were too powerful for him. The anthropologist Waitz has 
 maintained that there is reason in this — that neither the sum nor the 
 intensity of the joys of civilized life equals those of the savage condition, 
 and its pains are more numerous. 
 
 The wants which educate must extend beyond the mere satisfaction of 
 the appetites. Man must seek beauty and love variety ; he must be 
 touched by the sacred fire of glory, and be goaded to heroic action by
 
 i82 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 the spur of ambition ; tlie taste for adventure and the thirst of knowledge 
 must be in his breast in order to drive him forward in the path of progress. 
 Tlie desire of power, the greed of gold, the love of ostentation, and the 
 noble passion for doing good, all in their several ways call forth his ener- 
 gies and act as stimuli to his efforts. 
 
 2. Racial and National Endowments. 
 
 Many anthropologists have attached great weight to the supposed 
 natural capacities of the w'hite race for culture as compared with the 
 others. It is true that the African race, although for thousands of years 
 in contact with the civilization of Egypt, has never developed a nation 
 with a history, but it is also to be remembered that the Mongolians were 
 almost a civilized people when nearly all the Aryans were savages of the 
 Stone Age. Scarcely more than a thousand years ago the local ancestry 
 of the English of to-day were partly tribes of painted and tattooed canni- 
 bals. The Veddahs of Ceylon are believed to belong by descent to the 
 Ar}-ans, but in culture they are little above the Australians. 
 
 It should also be remembered that there is no evidence going to show 
 that in the long pre-historic period the white race showed any signs 
 of superiority over the black or the red races. Only in what is com- 
 paratively a very short time has it manifested those greater abilities on 
 which it prides itself. That these are attributable to any innate pre-emi- 
 nence there is nothing except perhaps language to lead us to believe. 
 
 3. Geographical Surroundings. 
 
 Of far more obvious influence on the growth of civilization, especially 
 in its infancy, are the soil, the climate, and the other physico-geographical 
 surroundings of a nation. These are most promising when they offer 
 conditions favorable to agriculture in a well-watered and fertile plain pro- 
 tected from the incursions of foes by mountain-ranges or deserts. Where 
 localities of this description have been discovered by man, he has generally 
 started on his career of progress without reference to the race to which he 
 belonged. Thus, in China we find that the three great and fertile valleys 
 of the Hoang-Ho, the Yang-tse-Kiang, and the Tschu-Kiang were peopled 
 by the Alongolian race at a period extremely remote, who there developed 
 a ripe culture entirely independent of any to the west, with its own fonns 
 and producing its own religion and philosophy, in theor)', at least, still 
 unsurpassed by any elsewhere. 
 
 South of the almost impassable chain of the Himalayas were several 
 fertile and well-protected vales in Upper India. They also were the 
 scenes of an independent culture, which, beginning in distant ages, 
 spread itself southwardly over the peninsula and far into the island world 
 to the east and south-east. The broad and rich Mesopotamian plain, 
 watered by the majestic Tigris and Euphrates, presented a favorable spot 
 for the growth of the higher life, which was eagerly carried out by the 
 Accads, a nation of unknown affinities, possibly Ural-Altaic or Turanian,
 
 ETHNOLOGY. 183 
 
 and later by Aryan and Semitic tribes. From this centre the knowledge 
 of arts and laws extended west to the shores of the Mediterranean Sea 
 and along its northern and sonthern coasts, in time qnite to the Pillars of 
 Hercnles. Of eqnal age and independent in origin was the venerable 
 culture of the inhabitants of the Nile Valley, a brown people, but believed 
 to be an ancient offshoot of the white race. 
 
 In America the elevated tropical valley of Mexico, the fertile and 
 isolated peninsula of Yucatan, and the lofty plains and productive valleys 
 of Peru and Cundinamarca provided the requisite soil and security for 
 centres of civilization, and were utilized by nations of the red race wholly 
 asunder in language and affinities. The bottom-lands of the Mississippi 
 and its tributaries offered ample soil of the richest character, but the 
 needed security was lacking, and the promising beginnings of culture 
 there established by the Mound-builders were extinguished by the incur- 
 sions of savage enemies from the north. 
 
 4. The Commingling of Nations. 
 We have referred several times in other connections to the advantao-e 
 
 o 
 
 which nations derive from an intermingling of languages and blood, 
 whether by warlike or peaceful measures (see pp. 53, 88). Isolation is 
 beneficial only up to a certain point, and then the necessity for inter- 
 course becomes apparent. The nation fossilizes and progress is checked 
 unless new blood, new words, and new ideas are imported from abroad. 
 The typical example of this is the Chinese state. Its geographical con- 
 ditions, which we pointed out as so eminently favoring its early advance- 
 ment, became in later times barriers to its progress, and led its arts and 
 literature to fall into a state of quiescence, in which they have remained 
 for nearly two thousand years without perceptible improvement. The 
 wonderful growth which has been witnessed in Europe and America 
 within the last generation is largely attributable to the unequalled 
 extent of national intercourse brought about by the application of 
 steam-power to transportation. 
 
 5. Influence of Great Men. 
 
 Some writers have measured the advance of the race by the great men 
 who from time to time have made their mark on the history of their times. 
 Such "hero-worship" has at all times been popular, for, as the statesman 
 Machiavelli observes, there is a strong tendency in the mind of the multi- 
 tude to personify all great social changes under some one individual. 
 
 No one will question the personal power wielded in life, and by the 
 memory of tlieir deeds after death, by such conquerors as Alexander of 
 Macedon and Julius Caesar; by such founders of religions as Sakya Muni 
 and Mohammed; by such artists as Phidias and Raphael; by such philos- 
 opliers as Plato and Bacon; by such poets as Homer and Shakespeare. 
 But the best of seeds will perish if cast on a barren soil; and to make the 
 labors of these men effective there must have been a readiness to respond
 
 i84 ETHNOLOGY. 
 
 in the national and racial mind at the time — a receptivity to great thoughts 
 and ambitions which these heroes did not create, but of which they merely 
 availed themselves. Such characters are in part the product of their age 
 and nation, and our estimate of their influence is apt to be exaggerated 
 by concentrating in their prominent and familiar individualities the effects 
 wrought by the combined powers of their epoch. 
 
 CONCLUDING REMARKS. 
 Such are the complex forces which have lifted man from the position, 
 scarcely above that of the beasts, in which his early remains prove that 
 he so long existed, up to the height of intellectual and moral enlighten- 
 ment in which we find the best examples of his race to-day. We need 
 scarcely emphasize how such a broad survey as this tends to expand our 
 notion of history, and to release the mind from that narrow view which 
 would seek the secret of progress in one or another of the single spheres 
 of intellectual activity. The lesson that Ethnology teaches is that only 
 by a symmetrical development of the powers of individuals can they work 
 to the greatest advantage for the mass. Not the thoughts or actions of 
 one, so much as the concerted labor of many, has reared enduring monu- 
 ments of human welfare. In the past this has been accomplished at hap- 
 hazard, without appreciation of the ultimate results, almost unconsciously. 
 Often, indeed, our predecessors "builded better than they knew." It has 
 remained for the science of Ethnology to comprehend man in the aggre- 
 gate as a unit, and, "looking before and after," to prove from a general- 
 ization extending through all ages known to the race, and embracing all 
 the inhabited areas of the globe, that "all men's good should be each 
 man's rule," and that with this as the guiding law of life the Golden 
 Age may indeed become something more than the dream of the poet.
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 ETHXOdH. 
 
 OKerro 
 
 UufsraiiMivrarioii 
 Sfm-k 
 
 Dia^iini of tlie 
 OCEAXrC RACES 
 
 ficrvrditu/ totftrititrst rfsfarrhfs. 
 
 AUSTILVLLOfS.
 
 'I lie MAP. 
 
 PLATE ///.
 
 PART III. 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 IN accordance with the views now generally adopted (see pp. 40, 55), 
 we shall describe the various races, tribes, and nations of men with 
 reference to the grand continental and insular areas which they occu- 
 pied when they first came under the intelligent observation of travellers 
 and historians. In other words, we shall classify the species according to 
 the geographical distribution of its members. 
 
 Such a classification affords the following six grand divisions (see Map) : 
 I. The Oceanic Peoples; 
 II. The Americans; 
 
 III. The Mongolians; 
 
 IV. The Dravidian Peoples; 
 V. The Arabic- African Race; 
 
 VI. The Indo-European Race. 
 
 I. THE OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 This group is subdivided into the following six main divisions: 
 
 1. The Malaysians, from the peninsula of Malacca and the Andaman 
 Islands to Formosa, the Philippines, and the Molucca Islands. 
 
 2. The principal peoples of ^Madagascar, the Malagassies, the Sakalavas, 
 and the Hovas, besides a number of other subordinate tribes. 
 
 3. The Micronesians, the inhabitants of the islands from the Philip- 
 pines eastward to the Marshall and Gilbert groups. 
 
 4. The Polynesians, who, widely distributed in space, spread from New 
 Zealand to the Hawaiian Islands, and from several islands of the Solomon 
 group eastward as far as Waihu (Easter Island). 
 
 5. The Melanesians (Papuas, Negritos), from New Guinea (Papua) 
 to New Caledonia and the Feejee Archipelago. 
 
 6. The inhabitants of the continent of Australia and the island of 
 Tasmania. 
 
 Several of the divisions manifest a closer relationship to one another, 
 such as the first and second — the Malaysians and Malagassies — and likewise 
 the third and fourth, the Micronesians and Polynesians. On the other 
 hand, they divide within themselves into a number of smaller subdivis- 
 
 1S5
 
 i86 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 ions. Thus, in Polynesia, every larger island-group constitutes a dis- 
 tinctly characterized branch of the race; the same appears in Melanesia, 
 as shown, for instance, on the Feejee Islands; the Australians are divided 
 into three groups, the northern, southern, and western tribes, to which 
 the Tasnianians may be added as a fourth. Particularly numerous, and 
 varying with the nature of their territon,', are the races of Malaysia. 
 First, the inhabitants of Malacca, the Malays proper, are to be dis- 
 tinguished; next, those of Sumatra; then Java, Borneo, Celebes, each 
 with its smaller neighboring islands; further the Philippines, together 
 with Fonnosa, the Moluccas, and finally the little south-eastern island- 
 groups which constitute the transition to the Melanesians. The Negritos, 
 who are found in several parts of the archipelago, we shall more partic- 
 ularly allude to in connection with the Melanesians. 
 
 We will now proceed to the ethnological description of these races, 
 beginning with the most uncivilized. 
 
 I. The Australians. 
 
 Physical Characteristics : Stature and Color. — The races of the north 
 are physically and intellectually better developed than those of the 
 south, east, and west; they are tall (often six feet) and well fonned, while 
 the latter are for the most part smaller in stature and of puny figure, 
 with thin, weak extremities, and, in consequence of large quantities of 
 innutritions food, have the abdomen unduly enlarged. The physical 
 strength of the Australians is throughout slight, but their dexterity and 
 agility are actually astonishing. The color of the skin is seldom fully 
 black, being for the most part a lighter or darker brown, and often cop- 
 per-colored. 
 
 The hair is generally dark-bro-«ni, in some cases coarse and straight 
 ^P^- AifiS- S)i again waxy and quite curly or bushy; in general, coarse, 
 but in some cases of a silky softness. The hair of the Tasmanians, who 
 are now nearly or quite extinct, is always curly, in some cases short, in 
 others falling in ringlets, and at times tufted (//. 6, figs. 2-4), the beard 
 and the hair of other portions of the body being profusely developed. 
 The e}'es are small; frequently somewhat oblique, and the upper lid as 
 if swollen, their color being always dark. The nose is depressed at the 
 ridge, broad at the apex, even when, as at times, it is beak-shaped in 
 form. The lips are generally thick, the mouth is large, the teeth are 
 well grown; the third upper back tooth is always triple-rooted, and the 
 eye-teeth are often strongly developed. 
 
 The Skull. — The crania, which are sometimes artificially shaped, are, 
 especially in the southern portion of the continent, remarkably thick — 
 dolichocephalic (breadth index, 70 ; /. e. proportion of width to length of 
 skull as 70 to 100; see p. 48) — and at the same time quite high (//. 2, 
 fig. 15). The countenances are for the most part quite repulsive and wild 
 in expression (//. \yfigs. i, 4); often, however, among the more favorably 
 situated races, they are comely and attractive.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 187 
 
 Dojucsiic Habits. — The Australians are by no means of a cleanly 
 habit, the Tasmanians being somewhat superior in this respect. Both 
 races for the most part live in a nude state, though the males are often 
 provided with a covering of opossum-skin; to them, likewise, all orna- 
 ment is reserved, such as feathers, chains of shells and of the teeth of ani- 
 mals, and tufts and cords of human hair artistically woven (//. 5, Jig. 11), 
 which are plaited into their own hair; the tails of animals are likewise 
 so utilized, generally in connection with the beard {pi. ^,fig. i). Both 
 sexes, and particularly the women, are wont to carr>- their worldly goods 
 in a sack, which is often of artistic workmanship {pi. 5,_^g. 22), and which 
 is thrown over the shoulder and fastened by a band around the head; in 
 this manner, also, they carry their infants, which, wrapped in a pelt, rest 
 upon a straw mat {pi. 5, ^g. 17), thus preventing them from beating 
 against the back of the bearer. They rub their bodies as often as pos- 
 sible with fat and with ochre or earth, or they paint themselves with 
 gay colors. They often display upon the arms and breast the scars of 
 wounds, which they inflict upon themselves with great ceremony {pi. 4, 
 _pgs. I, 2); this practice prevails mostly among the men. 
 
 Dwellings.— \n the south and south-east they build no houses; 
 wherever they rest they erect some temporary' protection against the 
 weather, made of the twisted twigs and bark of trees. In the north and 
 in the interior of the continent, likewise often in Tasmania, they have 
 round, hive-shaped huts composed of interwoven twigs, which rest upon a 
 foundation of logs, and which are made water-tight by means of earth and 
 bark (//. 5, Jig. 4). Larger huts are also to be found, and in the northern 
 portion even villages are to be met with in wJiich every dwelling has a 
 sleeping-hut attached {pi. ^.,Jig. 4); even artificial wells and bridges have 
 been noticed in these districts. This indicates a more settled mode of life 
 ill the north than that wliich prevailed in the southern portions and in 
 Tasmania, in which regions only wandering tribes without settled habita- 
 tions were to be met with. These latter were forced to this mode of exist- 
 ence by the sterility of the country, wliich, less generous than in the north, 
 compelled the southern aborigines to wander about for a subsistence. By 
 this, however, their agilit)- in climbing trees and stealthily securing their 
 game was remarkably developed. They generally carrj- fire with them in 
 their wanderings, or kindle it by friction; very little of their food is eaten 
 raw. They have a variety of hooks, nets, and other fisliing implements, 
 traps for birds, etc. Others of their simple utensils are depicted on Plate 5 
 {Jigs. 14, 16, 20). They have been found to possess canoes simply con- 
 structed from the bark of trees {pi. 6, fig. 7), and in the north e\en make 
 boats from the hollow trunks of trees. 
 
 Weapons and Wars. — Plate 5 shows a number of their weapons,- only 
 two of whicli are worthy of mention — the boomerang (//. 5, Jig. 8) and 
 the hurling-stick {pi. 5, fig. 6), the latter being used for the purpose of 
 giving a more forcible impulse to the spear. Their wars, though frequent, 
 are not sanguinary, consisting, as they do for the most part, of yells and
 
 i88 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 opprobrious epithets. Indeed, the first blood generally ends the conflict. 
 Cannibalism was at one time practised, though not extensively; the fat 
 lying around the kidneys of the fallen foe was eagerly sought after. They 
 frequently mangled the corpses and used the skulls as drinking-cups (//. 5, 
 Jig. 15.) This was also a custom in the case of near relatives, whose 
 bodies were often partly or wholly devoured. 
 
 Marriage. — Brides are generally obtained by forcible abduction; this, 
 however, in many places is mere ceremony, as the man always looks to 
 another clan for his wives, to whom no numerical limit is set save his 
 ability to support them. Strict chastity is expected only from the mar- 
 ried women, not from widows or maidens. The married women are the 
 absolute property of their husbands, and are compelled to do all the work, 
 such as building the huts, lighting fires, and providing food; and they do 
 all the carrying — even their husbands' spears, and, of course, their chil- 
 dren. Notwithstanding all this heav}^ work, they are frequently ill-treated, 
 and receive onh- the broken bits from the tables of their lords. But all 
 transmission of relationship is the exclusive province of the women, and, 
 despite the frequent practice of infanticide, there is often considerable 
 family attachment between man and wife and parent and child. 
 
 Cliaractcr. — As a whole, the character of this race is by no means bad — 
 at least, where no foreign cause lias interv'ened to spoil it. Even their lazy 
 habits may be cured, as has been repeatedly proved. Their mental powers 
 are fair, although they count only so far as the number four or five, and 
 although many clans and individuals among them have become at present 
 exceedingly degraded. It should also be remembered that their nomadic 
 habits have prevented the. development of many of their capabilities. 
 
 Arts. — Their achievements in the arts are, of course, ver\- insignificant. 
 Plate 4 ^figs. 9, 10, 11) and Plate 6 {fig. 8) contain specimens of their 
 painting, both from the north-west, in which the large heads and the 
 man with the kangaroo show traces of Malayan influence. Their poetry' 
 is mostly short epigrammatic verses composed at the time of great and 
 important events; but there are also longer songs, which are sung on 
 festal occasions. Their vocalism, consisting generally of chromatically 
 descending interv'als, is said to be pure and not devoid of rhythm. 
 
 Amusements and Festivals. — They have many kinds of games, and 
 they are especially fond of dancing by the light of the moon. These 
 dances, always accompanied by singing, are principally imitative in cha- 
 racter, representing kangaroo- or emu-hunts or battles, and are frequently 
 intennixed with much obscenity (//. 4, fig. 12). No feast or solemn 
 occasion takes place without dancing, such as the dance of the treaty of 
 peace {corroborce), and likewise the dances of the full moon and of the 
 dead. Their most important feasts, during which there is no lack of 
 dances of a religious character, with plenty of sacred ornaments {pi. 5, 
 fig. 12), are those which celebrate the progress of the youth to manhood 
 — first, the feast of circumcision, and then that of full majority. In some 
 places the latter event is marked by drawing the front teeth of the young
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 1S9 
 
 man. Women and children are forbidden, under pain of death, to be 
 present at these highly-varied ceremonies. The noise made b)' a block of 
 wood hung on a string — the so-called " bullroarer" (also used to frighten 
 off evil spirits) — is the signal for them to keep at a respectful distance. 
 
 Government. — The tribes, which are very numerous and in some cases 
 closely connected, are based on the family. In the west they even have 
 names in common taken from some animal or plant sacred to the tribe. 
 The oldest man of the tribe generally has so much influence that he may 
 be regarded as its head ; yet in the east and the south we find actual 
 chiefs who have inherited their dignit}' and have great power, and to 
 whom the heads of the families are subject. Strict divisions of society 
 (whose members are none the less equal in law and in daily life) are to be 
 found only in the north. Every tribe has its own well-recognized terri- 
 tory, in which no member of another tribe may travel, still less hunt for 
 game. Likewise, each small family possesses its own portion of land, 
 which cannot be transmitted by the women, although in some cases they 
 may be joint-heirs. The tribe adheres to the old custom of reprisal in the 
 case of misdemeanor of a member — at least, when the evil-doer escapes. 
 If he is caught, the punishment for small offences is a few thrusts with a 
 spear in the side ; for greater ones, he must take his shield and protect:, 
 himself as best he can against the spears of the whole of his tribe. 
 Adultery and theft, if committed against one of the same clan, are pun- 
 ishable by death. Duels are quite frequent. They believe in super- 
 natural punishments for a large class of offences. 
 
 Religious Belief. — Their religious belief, although much disjointed and 
 of a sombre character, acknowledges certain gods, some beneficent, but 
 most of them revengeful. There is no lack of legends about the creation 
 and about stars; the heavenly bodies, by which they compute time, are uni- 
 versally adored. One of the principal beliefs is that in malicious demons 
 and spirits, which renders darkness a horror to them; of these they enter- 
 tain the common belief that they are the souls of the dead. Yet the latter 
 (concerning whose future existence as stars, animals, etc. different views 
 prevail) are not unfrequently represented as mild and kindly disposed ; in 
 such cases they are looked to as the protecting spirit of the tribe or of the 
 individual. In some localities an individual chooses a special protecting 
 spirit for himself upon the attainment of his majority, the spirit manifest- 
 ing itself in the form of some animal. Priests and temples are exceedingly 
 rare ; idols of very rough workmanship are sometimes found. Magicians, 
 on the contrary, have great and widespread authority, being considered 
 masters of rain, of the condition of crops, of victory, sickness, and death. 
 They also act as physicians. The belief is current that sickness is an 
 enchantment, and that if the evil spirit, which is in the form of a stone 
 somewhere in the patient's body, can be driven away, the malady will be 
 cured. For this reason after deaths there are frequent wars of revenge 
 against those who are believed to have brought on tlie evil influences. 
 
 Burials. — In some places the dead are burned after being placed in a
 
 IQO 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 hollow tree; in others buried, generally in a sitting posture, the grave 
 being decorated in various ways. Elsewhere the body is left to moulder 
 away on a wooden scaffold, the bones being interred after a time {pi. 4, Jig. 
 5). In the south-east the dead are buried in a boat-shaped kind of coffin. 
 In Tasmania there were found little skin tents erected over the graves 
 (//. 6,>^. 9). 
 
 Social Condition. — This description serves to show that the Australians 
 are by no means so degraded as is generally supposed, and that in a more 
 favorable country they would certainl)- have developed better. In their 
 intercourse with Europeans they appeared at first very friendly, as well as 
 skilful in many ways; even at present in many localities they are useful, 
 particularly for watching cattle and sheep. But the whites, whose earliest 
 settlements were penal colonies established in the south-eastern part 
 of the continent, treated them dishonestly and inimically, intruded upon 
 their hunting-grounds, and injured them in every way. The laws passed 
 for their protection came too late, and when enacted were not strictly 
 enough executed, so that in the south and the south-east the Tasmanians 
 were wholly, and the Australians almost entirely, driven out. 
 
 Language. — Their languages, which in respect to the roots of the 
 words are often very different from one another, nevertheless arise from 
 one common mother-tongue, and are not inconsiderably developed. They 
 have a polysyllabic structure, but no distinction between substantive, 
 adjective, and verb. By the use of suffi.xes, however, they are quite able 
 to express various ideas of space and number, as well as numerous abstract 
 relationships. The pronouns are richly developed, possessing a dual form, 
 and by their aid and that of suffixes they can express notions of mood 
 and tense. They adhere to their native tongues with great tenacity. 
 
 2. The Melanesians. 
 
 Classification. — Under this head we include also the so-called Negritos, 
 the dark-colored, curly-headed tribes which are scattered about here and 
 there in Malaysia, such as the Mincopies of the Andaman Islands (//. 20, 
 figs. 16, 17), the Semangs from the interior of the peninsula of Malacca, 
 and the Aetas of Luzon (//. 11, figs. 6, 7); but it is very doubtful whether 
 these peoples really belong in this class, and whether they are not unde- 
 veloped or partially extinct old Malay tribes. Their languages alone 
 could decide this point, and we know little or nothing of them. With 
 these should be included New Guinea (Papua) and its neighboring islands, 
 the islands of the Torres Strait, the Louisiade, New Britain, the Solomon 
 Archipelago, the Nitendi group, the New Hebrides, New Caledonia with 
 its surroundings, and, finally, the Feejee group. 
 
 While Australia remained free from mixtures of other people (for the 
 commercial voyages of the Malays to the north-east of the continent had 
 only local influences), Melanesia was more frequently visited, first by 
 Malays on Western New Guinea and its islands, then by Polynesians in 
 Feejee on the easternmost islands of the Solomon Archipelago and the
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. igr 
 
 groups southward to New Caledonia. These visits, however, were mostly 
 of an inimical character, and brought about little real mixture. Polyne- 
 sian tribes forced their way in, drove back the Melanesians, and settled 
 themselves on the islands. The population of the Feejee Islands is not a 
 mixed one, except upon a few of the eastern islands of the Archipelago, 
 where there is a small tribe of mixed blood, called the Red Feejeeans. 
 The language of the remainder, as well as their corporal build, proves 
 the purity of their descent. 
 
 We call the race Melanesians or Papitas. Throughout the Malay 
 Archipelago the latter word means "dark-colored, very curly-headed 
 men." The name Negrito (Negrillo) is not well chosen, for the people 
 now under consideration have no relationship with the Negroes, and re- 
 semble them but slightly. Hara/tij-cs, or Al/iircs, is a term applied in 
 Malaysia to dark-colored, straight-haired men, and is not applicable to 
 the Melanesians. 
 
 Physical Characlcrislics : Stature and Color. — The Melanesians are in 
 general over middle size ; only a few tribes besides the Mincopies, the 
 Semangs, and the Aetas are small. Their bodies are fine and well propor- 
 tioned, except that in the case of the poorer ones we find the paunchy 
 bellies and the thin limbs of the Australians. The color varies from dark 
 to gray, more frequently from chocolate-brown to light brown, or even 
 tawny yellow. 
 
 The Hair. — Only in the case of the Mincopies, who often shave them- 
 selves bald, does the hair grow short and in separate locks ; with the rest 
 of the Melanesians it is mostly very long, stiff, and exceedingly curh'. It 
 never grows in separate locks, but curls in little tufts, often of great 
 length, which are plaited together and fastened down with art and care. 
 The Melanesians are very proud of their hair, so that we often see it 
 made up into monstrous peruques, each separate hair standing out singly. 
 It is cut, colored, and ornamented in the most singular manner {pi. 6, 
 figs. lo, ii; //. T.figs. I, 2, 3; //. 8,/^. 3; pi. %figs. I, 25; pi. i-i,Jigs. 
 
 1, 4, 5; pi. 12, Jigs. I, 2, 4, 19, 20), and long-toothed combs {pi. ()■, Jig. 16; 
 pi. II, Jg. I ; //. 12, Jigs. 8, 9) and hairpins {pi. 12, Jg. 4) play an im- 
 portant part in its arrangement. Special pillows (or curved stools) are 
 provided for night-use, by which the Jr is t/ re is protected (//. ij,jig. 6; 
 pi. 9, Jig. 4). When a Melanesian makes a figure of a head, he always 
 puts on it this immense peruque {pi. g,Jig. 16). 
 
 The beard grows luxuriantly, and in most cases also the hair of the 
 body, which in some localities grows in tufts and in others thinly, when 
 it is mostly pulled out. The no.se is frequently Roman (//. 7, Jg. i; pi. 
 12, Jg. 2), often, also, straight, and always pressed in at the roots, and at 
 the lower end is broad and full; the lips likewise are thick and large. 
 The Feejee Islanders in particular often have haud.some faces, and in 
 Melanesia, also, handsome men are not rare (//. 11, Jg. ^\ pi. 12, Jgs. 
 
 2, 4)- 
 
 The skull is dolichocephalic (//. ir, Jgs. 2, 3, 8, 9), and at the same
 
 192 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 time ven- high; the forehead is flat and receding, with strongly-marked 
 eyebrows. This flatness, which is very noticeable in our illustrations, 
 was often produced by artificial means. 
 
 Dress and Customs. — Our illustrations give a good idea of the clothing 
 of the Melanesians. The men frequently go quite naked, except the 
 loins, which they contrive to cover in a really wonderful manner (//. 9, 
 figs. 19, 21, z^\ pi. 11, Jig. 5). The women always wear an apron (//. 
 12, Jig. 21). Their wide ear-lobes are frequently pierced (//. 9, Jig. 12), 
 as is also the cartilage at the lower end of the nose, flowers, bits of wood, 
 teeth, etc. being inserted in the opening {pi. 7, Jig. y., pi. 11, Jigs, i, 4). 
 Circumcision is universal except in New Guinea. A coarse form of 
 tattoo is widely practised. The figures are often quite elegant, and are 
 either cut into the skin and then eaten by acid or burnt in; large scars 
 on the skin frequently result from the operation. This is chiefly notice- 
 able among the women. The Feejee Islanders paint their faces red, white, 
 and black in the most singular manner (//. 12, Jigs, i, 2, 3). 
 
 Dicclliugs. — Their dwellings, though often only mere sheds to protect 
 them from the weather, are for the most part well-built houses, which 
 stand together in villages, and are particularly artistic in New Caledonia 
 {pi. %Jigs. 26, 27). We also notice high sloping roofs extending low down 
 toward the earth, made of plaited work, with open or closed sides and 
 gables (//. 7, Jg. 5; //. 8, Jigs, i, 2). The houses very frequently stand 
 on piles; for example, the rather awkward work of the Louisiade (//. 10, 
 Jigs. 6, 7), where the posts are the height of a man, or the far better built 
 ones of New Guinea (//. 8, Jig. 2). Here also they stand in villages, or 
 an entire village may be built under one roof, a long building being made 
 of adjoining rooms for large families {pi. 8, Jig. 4). The remarkable 
 buildings of Humboldt Bay, wliich are supported on piles in the water, 
 connected by bridges, and divided into rooms inside bj- mats hung like 
 curtains, may be seen on Plate 7 {Jig. 5) and Plate 8 {Jig. i). Others not 
 so striking occur at Dorei (North New Guinea). (See L.-\.ke-Dwellings 
 and illus. Vol. H.) A most curious temple in the fonn of a ship has here 
 been placed in the water (//. 7, Jig. 4), while the houses, as in the Feejee 
 Islands, are on shore. The Feejee houses, whose ridge-poles are much 
 lengthened and supported by artistically-car\'ed pillars (//. 13, Jig. 7), 
 resemble the temples, except that the latter have stone foundations and 
 are built tliroughout with more care {pi. 13, Jigs, i, 4, 5, 11). The vil- 
 lages have tolerably clean streets, protecting walls, and plenty of fruit 
 trees around the houses, and always a large assembly-house. 
 
 AtIs. — The IMelanesians are not without skill in shipbuilding and the 
 like, and some of them are addicted to piracy. In New Caledonia they 
 have double boats with an outrigger or beam on the surface of the water, 
 which is connected by a lattice-work or a sort of bridge with the boat, 
 and which thus keeps it steady. In many places we find lateen sails, and 
 frequently ver^- finely car\-ed prows {pi. 7, Jig. 7) and mastheads; on tl;e 
 other hand, we sometimes find merely the hollowed-out trunks of trees
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 193 
 
 sen'ing for boats (//. 8, fig. 4). The Feejee Islanders have ninnerous forms 
 of ships and boats. The most maritime people are the inhabitants of the 
 Admiralty Islands, bnt the Feejeeans and the Melanesians generally are not 
 remarkable in this respect (//. 8, figs, i, 4; pi. 10, figs. 1-5; pi. 13, figs. 
 6, 8, 9). The Melanesians are all enthusiastic fishermen, using with great 
 dexterity nets and hooks {pi. 12, figs. 5, 7) as well as spears (//. 9, fig. 
 8). In a word, they show great technical skill; their weapons and tools 
 are often artistic and handsome (//. 7, fiigs. 6, 8; pi. 9, fig. 10; pi. 12, fig. 
 11), and they alone of all the inhabitants of Oceanica understand the art 
 of making earthen vessels, often of elegant model (//. 13, fig. 3). 
 
 Musical histntments. — They have numerous musical instruments. 
 Trumpets made of mussel-shells and Pan's pipes are to be found every- 
 where {pi. (),fig. 5; pi. 13, fig- 10); as also flutes (//. 9, fig. 22), which are 
 often played with the nose, bamboo sticks or wooden chests covered with 
 skins to serve as drums (//. 9, fig. 11), and long bamboo tubes (as in 
 Australia), which are struck in accordance with the rhythm of the song 
 {pi. is,fig- 10). Nevertheless, the musical performances of the Melane- 
 sians cannot be said to be of a high standard. 
 
 Amiiscme/i/s, Literature^ and Commerce. — They everywhere indulge in 
 dances at night, at which they appear in festal costumes and dance either 
 in rows opposite each other or singly. Conjurers, such as we find repre- 
 sented in Homer, amuse the Feejee Islanders. Notwithstanding many 
 pretty legends, poetry has made but small advances among this people, 
 except in the Feejee Archipelago. Here we find a peculiarly poetic 
 speech, a regular formation of verse and rhyme, and a few scattering 
 poets, who are believed to derive their inspiration from the gods. We 
 may also mention their prose recitations, which are highly developed, 
 and a certain kind of eloquence to which they are addicted, and which 
 they admire very much. 
 
 All the Melanesians show a decided aptitude for commerce. They 
 also have the means of reckoning time — by the moon, by monsoons, etc. 
 — as well as the knowledge of many constellations of which the Feejeeans 
 are ignorant. On the whole, we must recognize the Melanesians as an 
 able people. Morally, they do not stand high, though it is difficult to 
 pronounce judgment upon them as a whole. They are frightfully bar- 
 barous and bloodthirsty, cowardly, revengeful, proud to the uttermost, 
 and much given to h'ing; which bad qualities are most cons]:)icuous in the 
 Feejeeans, the most advanced of them all. Many of the less-cultivated 
 tribes are more good-natured, friendly, and light-hearted. All are very 
 religious, and in sexual relations tolerably constant. 
 
 xMarriagcs a7id Social Life. — The women have a hard lot, for, with the 
 exception of the boat- and house-building, they have almost all the work to 
 do. Polygamy prevails everywhere — at least, where the men are capable 
 of supporting a number of wives. Children are often betrothed, and mar- 
 riage is generally accomplished by forcible abduction of the bride. We 
 frequently see great tenderness in the family; in spite of which, the mur- 
 
 VoL. I.— 13
 
 194 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 (Icr of infants and of old and sick persons used to be practised throughout 
 tlie whole region, and particularly among the Feejeeaus. 
 
 As a ser\'ice of love from their children the aged asked to be put to death. 
 This was accompanied with great festivities, as were also the birth and 
 the naming of the child, its circumcision, and marriage. Their social 
 and political life gave occasion for manj' other festivals. On the Feejee 
 Islands the cava liquor plaj-ed a great part at all these; it is the intoxicat- 
 ing juice of a species of pepper which is sacred to the gods, and is drunk 
 exclusively by the better classes and only from special sacred cups, which 
 are known by their shape (//. 12, fig. 16). 
 
 Sacrifcccs and Cannibalism. — Human sacrifices and eating human flesh 
 were indulged in at these festivities, which always took place in the 
 temple square. Plate 13 {^fig. 11) contains the picture of such a feast. 
 The grossest cannibalism prevailed everywhere in Melanesia, though least 
 of all, perhaps, in New Guinea; it was a sacred institution, the instru- 
 ments which were employed in it being used for nothing else. Thus, the 
 Feejeeans had special forks for human flesh, each of which had a distinct 
 name {pi. 12^ fig. 24), and the New Caledonians had a disk of serpentine, 
 called the "grave," with which they ripped open the bodies of the dead, 
 and an instrument made of human bones (v.'hich were much used for 
 making utensils, and especially weapons and ornaments, //. g,figs. i, 15), 
 with which the intestines were drawn out (/>/. 12, figs. 13, 15). Women 
 and children were excluded from these terrible repasts. Human beings 
 were frequently slaughtered in order to be eaten, but for the most part 
 they ate their fallen enemies. 
 
 IVars and Weapons. — Their battles and their celebrations of victory 
 were very sanguinarj'; consequently, the making of peace was correspond- 
 ingly solemn. The weapons peculiar to Melanesia are the bow and arrow 
 {pi. 9, fiigs. 17, 18), which are wanting in the rest of Oceanica; besides 
 these, they have slings — the New Caledonians carr}' a bag of sling-stones 
 at their girdle {pi. 9, fig. 25) — spears of various kinds, often suj^plied 
 with a barbed hook (//. 8, fig. 3; pi. 9, figs. 2, 3, 8, 9; //. 12, figs. 10, 
 18), which were usually thrown by an elastic hurling-stick (//. 9, fig. 
 25); wooden and stone clubs (//. 12, figs. 14, 17), maces (//. 9, fiig. 25), 
 swords, daggers {pi. 9, figs. 10, 24), and various sorts of shields. Forti- 
 fied places are also frequently mentioned, and the Europeans found those 
 of the Feejeeans impregnable. At present gims are almost the only 
 weapons of the more civilized regions (//. 13, fig. 11). 
 
 On account of the great number of distinct tribes on the different 
 islands, wars were very frequent. These tribes were led by chiefs who 
 rarely possessed great authority and seldom bore any distinguishing mark, 
 although in New Caledonia they wore a special cap {pi. 12, fig. 6). On 
 the Feejee Islands, hovrever, the kings and the lower chiefs were held in 
 the higliest — even in idolatrous — veneration, and possessed great influence. 
 They had power, for example, to pronounce the religious interdict, the 
 taboo, on whatever thej^ chose, and, in consequence, the tabooed article
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 195 
 
 was permitted to them alone. There were various marks to show that a 
 thing was tabooed; tlie leaves and fruit of the cocoa-palm often served tliis 
 purpose (//. 12, Jig. 25). The taboo prevailed throughout all Melanesia. 
 The priests were next in rank to the chiefs; the slaves were the 
 lowest grade. Rank as well as property was inherited through the 
 mother. There were various judicial institutions, punishments, oaths, 
 and ordeals. 
 
 Rclis[i(ms Belief. — Their religion was like that of the Polynesians gener- 
 ally, only more sterile and prosaic. They believed in personal deities, and 
 also in guardian spirits, and the souls of their ancestors were of particular 
 consequence. Idols were common; the guardian spirits especially were 
 represented {pi. 9, figs. 20, 24; pi. 13, fig. 12), and the sacred stones of 
 the Feejeeans {pi. 13, fig. 2) were nothing but miniature images of their 
 ancestors, as is shown by the belts with which they were sometimes 
 adorned. Priests, temples, and sacrifices were found everywhere; the 
 priests were also magicians, fortune-tellers, weather-sages, and physicians. 
 For here, too, disease was considered nothing but demoniacal possession, 
 although they also used some medicine. 
 
 Death and Burial. — The dead were mourned by loud lamentations, 
 which (at least in the Feejee Islands) gave place to a succession of festiv- 
 ities. Women and slaves were sacrificed at the graves of men of rank. 
 The dead were either buried, a little house being built over the grave, or 
 else were left to deca}' on an open scaffolding. The skulls were preserved 
 at home or (in the northern districts) they were all placed in special rich- 
 ly-adorned enclosures, which were erected deep in the woods {pi. 11, fig. 
 10); for nothing was considered more dishonorable than that the enemy 
 should gain possession of the remains of the dead and make drinkiug- 
 cups or tools or arms out of them. They held that the soul feels what 
 the corpse suffers. Coffins were often made skiff-shaped. 
 
 Social Condition. — The Feejeeans illustrate the abilities of the Mela- 
 nesian race, but, as many of the tribes are in very unfavorable conditions, 
 we must not be surprised to find marked differences as to ci\-ilization and 
 character. Christianity, being taught in a sensible manner by the Mela- 
 nesiaii missionaries, is now making progress on the uncivilized islands. 
 Almost all the Feejeeans are nominally Christians — many of them really 
 such. They have proved themselves quite capable of receiving European 
 civilization. The other Melanesians seem equally capable, btit many of 
 them have had but little and others only a hostile contact with the whites, 
 generally through the fault of the latter. 
 
 Languages. — Their languages also show the remarkable capability of 
 the race. They are polysyllabic, and replace declension as well as conju- 
 gation by added particles, which, however, are blended with the root less 
 frequently than in the Australian dialects. The real centre of the lan- 
 guage is the personal pronoun, which has, besides the singular number, 
 several multiple numbers (a dual, a trial, and a plural), and on its 
 various forms depend the person and the number of the verb. The
 
 196 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 phonetic system of the dialects, of which there are many, is strong 
 and rich. 
 
 3. The Polynesians and Micronesians. 
 
 The islands of Oceanica are divided into flat coral and high volcanic 
 islands. A single coral-reef enclosing in its midst a shallow sea or lagoon 
 often contains several small islands or develops into a complete ring (//. 
 \%fig. 2), or even into a large flat island. The soil, however, is but 
 slightly productive, and is almost destitute of water, and the variety of 
 plants is very limited; pandanus, cocoa-palms, bananas, and bread-fruit 
 trees — the latter somewhat scarce — are about the onl\- nutritious products. 
 There are scarcely any animals, and life is e.vtremely monotonous and quiet. 
 The elevated islands are also unfavorable, as they are generally unin- 
 habitable on account of their steep and high ascent, and possess neither 
 a varied plant system nor animal life of any importance. The islands 
 farthest to the w-est are the richest. 
 
 Physical Characteristics. — The Polynesians and the Micronesians, 
 although they migrated separately, difier so little that w-e may class them 
 together. They cast much light upon the Melanesians and their most 
 developed tribe, the Feejeeans, because the Polynesians, while closely 
 related to them, are more highly developed and better known. The 
 inhabitants of the high and fertile islands are better developed physically 
 than those of the flat islands. Their color is a light copper-brown which 
 shades to dark olive-brown in the lower islands, and at times to the light- 
 ness of the European complexion. The Micronesians are, on the whole, 
 somewhat darker, though among them also are found tribes of a light-yel- 
 lowish color. The hue varies in the same archipelago, and even on the 
 same island, the lower being darker than the better-cared-for upper classes. 
 Occasionally there are some perfectly dark individuals whose hair is 
 almost woolly. The hair generally is found straight, although always 
 with a tendency to curl, and often it is very curly (//. 16, Jig. 12;//. i8,//gs. 
 3, 8). Among the INIicronesians straight hair predominates {p/. 14, /igs. 
 I, 5; pi. T-Sijig. 5; pi. 16, Jig. 3). Hair on the body and face is generally 
 scant, begins to grow later, and is for the most part pulled out; but the 
 natives of some of the smaller islands fonn exceptions. On the high 
 islands the figures and features of the inhabitants are often ver>' fine; but 
 the broad, full nose, which is frequently aquiline (pi. 15, _^g. 5; //. 20, 
 y?^. 8), and the thick lips, the upper one often projecting in triangular 
 form {pi. 20, Jig. 8), always remain. The skull is high and narrow and 
 the back of the head often flat, the flatness being sometimes produced 
 artificially. The lobes of the ears were universally bored; difierent kinds 
 of ornaments were worn in them, often rolled palm leaves, which widened 
 them enormously (pi. xd, Jig. 3), so that they sometimes hung down on 
 the shoulders, or could even be drawn over the head. A very simple 
 fonn of circumcision prevailed everywhere in Polynesia. 
 
 Tattooing, which pertained principally to the men, was of the greatest
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. i97 
 
 importance. It was entirely a religious institution, and its original object 
 was to iiijprint on the subject the form of his guardian spirit or the images 
 and signs of his ancestors. For this very painful and lengthy operation 
 they had peculiar instruments, sharp-toothed combs of various sizes, which, 
 after being dipped in the coloring substances, were driven into the skin by 
 suitable hammers {pi. i%fig. 2). Often the entire body was decorated 
 with such pictures, even the bare-shaved top of the head {pi. \%fig. 6). 
 The designs were different according to the islands (//. 19,7?^. 6; //. 20, 
 _/?;'-. 9), the sex, and the rank; a few specimens, which are miniatures of 
 the human form, are shown on Plate 19 {Jigs. 7, 9). In Micronesia the 
 custom was less developed, and striped designs were preferred (//. 15,7??". 
 5; //. 16, Ji£-. 3). With the advance of civilization the practice decreased 
 everywhere, and among the Tahitians, for example, there are now only 
 relics of it (//. 18,/^. 8). 
 
 Dress. — Our plates give all necessarv' information about dress. It 
 varied according to the islands, being most abundant on Tahiti, where a 
 long strip of stuff was twined about the hips, and a sort of cloak, some- 
 times only a coarsely-woven mat {pi. i8,yf^. 3), was worn on the shoulders. 
 Festivities demanded particular adornment, and there were special cos- 
 tumes for female dancers {pi. 18, _/?^. 9) and for warriors. In New Zealand 
 cloaks of fur were frequently worn (//. 20, Jig. 13), and the Hawaiian 
 chiefs had precious cloaks made of plumes; frequently the people went 
 entirely naked, especially when at work. The j\Iicronesians for the most 
 part wore only an apron of ravelled leaves {pi. 1^, Jig. 5; pi. 16^ fig. 3), 
 but sometimes over-garments resembling shirts (j^/. 14,7?^. 4; />/. 16^ Jig. 
 5). The material, which they d3-ed in gay but not very durable colors, 
 was made of the bark of trees beaten by peculiar flails {pi. 16, Jig. 11), the 
 four sides of which sometimes had different car\-ings. The single pieces 
 were pasted together, and the coarser strips sewed (needle, pi. 16, Jig. 10); 
 of the latter sails, bed-matting, and wall-mats were made. 
 
 Dwelli7igs. — Building is almost ever^'where very simple {pi. \^,Jig. 4; 
 pi. 15, Jig. 6; pi. 16, Jig. 5). Artistic huts were woven in some of the 
 Caroline Islands {pi. i^,/tg. 3); on Nukahiva, of the Marquesas group, 
 all houses had stone foundations. There were villages everywhere, each 
 with its assembly-hall, sometimes ver^' large {pi. 20, fig. 14), and fre- 
 quently with an open place before it {pi. 1^1 Jig. 6). Within, the houses 
 were strewn with mats, which served as seats and beds (//. i^.Jig. i). In 
 some places the women carried such mats fastened to their belts {J)l. 14, 
 Jig. i). Otherwise, the furniture was very simple {pi. 16, Jig. 6\ pi. 17, Jigs. 
 6, 8, 10). Stone structures were also fomid. Strange half-subterranean 
 painted chambers were disco\-ered in the Waihu Mountains, and the 
 still more wonderful ruins of Ponapi, of the Caroline group, were formed 
 of concrete walls of gigantic structure, with interjacent platforms, from 
 which descent was had to subterranean chambers {pi. 15, Jig. 4). In otir 
 illustration, A indicates the outer wall, 25 feet high, 6-10 feet thick, the 
 longer side 236 feet long and the other 162 feet; B is the inner platform,
 
 19S ETHXOGRAPHY. 
 
 which is lower at M and M; F represents the subterranean chambers; O, 
 Q those which were not measured; C is the inner wall, 14 feet high, 6 feet 
 thick, and 95 feet long; D, the inner platfonn; E, broad steps of a high 
 pyramidal structure over one of the chambers; K, L, entrances; H, an 
 opening in the wall. On the Marianne group (//. 16, fig. i) are found 
 ruins of the old stone pillars on which cane houses were erected. Also in 
 Oceanica these houses were fonuerly sometimes built on pillars or piles 
 (comp. //. 13,/^. 5). 
 
 Technical Skill. — The Polynesians and Micronesians are especially skil- 
 ful at sea. Their larger vessels almost invariabl}' have outriggers, but not 
 tlie smaller craft, which are made from hollowed tree trunks (//. 17, y/^. 7). 
 The catamaran or double-boat form is largely in use {pi. ij.jig. T-I', pi- 18, 
 Jig. 10). The keel of the larger \essels consists of one or more logs, to 
 which the planks are fastened by cocoa-fibres. The sails are almost 
 always triangular. There are different kinds of vessels — pleasure-boats 
 with a platform deck (//. i7,_fig. n), frei ght- vessels (^/. iS,Jig. 10), pas- 
 senger-boats (pi. 14, Jig. 2; pi. 15, Jigs. I, 3; //. 19, Jig. 5), fishing-skifis 
 {pi. 17, Jig. 7), and war-ships — for they even indulge in sea-fighting — 
 some of which are 30 feet long, and in New Zealand, for instance, skil- 
 fully carved and decorated (/>/. 20, Jig. 15.) The standing figures in the 
 last-named illustration are the singers, who by means of peculiar songs 
 keep time for the rowers. The oars are long and pointed {/>l. ijjjig. 11; 
 pi. ig,f g. 5\ pi. 20, Jig. J s). 
 
 These people were exceedingly skilful in carving, especially the 
 Maoris of New Zealand. They had finely-car\ed boxes {pi. 20, Jig. 7) 
 and very pretty door-ornaments {pi. 20, Jg. 2), and their weapons and 
 utensils were alike decorated. Their anns consisted of clubs (//. 17, 
 Jig. 2; pi. 20, Jigs. 3, 4, 5, 10), among which those made of nephrite 
 {pi. 20, fg. 4) were especially valuable; different spears (//. 17, fg. 3), 
 wooden swords {pi. 14, Jig. 6; //. 16, Jig. 7), hatchets (//. 20, Jg. 
 13), daggers, and slings. Stone hatchets with wooden handles (//. 16, 
 Jig. 8), etc. were generally used by them at their work. Handsome 
 plaited work (//. 17, Jg. 10), fans {pi. ig,Jig. 6), carved gourds, etc., 
 were in common use; while the wooden vessel on Plate 14 {Jg. 8), 
 which represents a bird and was carved in Micronesia, deserves men- 
 tion, as it is of unusually fine workmanship. 
 
 Poctry\ Music, Games, and Festivals. — As the Polynesians had many 
 games (stilts, on Nukahiva, pi. i<),Jg. 8; swings,//. 20,Jg.6\ kites, 
 checkers, ball-playing, etc.), so were they also susceptible to poetrj-. 
 The epic poetry of the Maoris is very remarkable; there is no lack of 
 pretty lyric effusions, of rich sententious poetrj-, even of traces of mimic 
 representation, and also a certain eloquence cannot be denied them. They 
 had many musical instruments — drums {pi. 16, Jgs. 4, 5), shell trum.pets 
 {pi. 14, Jig. 5), flutes, single and double, which were in part played with 
 the nose {pi. 18, Jig. 3), and long pieces of bamboo, which were sounded by 
 striking {pi. 17, Jtg. i). There was no dance without music, no festival
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 199 
 
 without dancing; they danced throughout entire nights, generally in 
 crowds, all making the same movements {pi. 17, fig. i). They had 
 numerous feasts, at which the cava-liquor and the ceremonies connected 
 with its drinking played a prominent part. They were not wanting in 
 ceremonies and in forms of etiquette, especially toward individuals of 
 rank, whom they considered sacred. 
 
 Wars. — Their frequent wars, which often arose from trivial causes, were 
 frightful — not, indeed, on account of the bravery of the Polynesians, for they 
 are not at all brave, but rather on account of the stratagems they employed, 
 the secret nocturnal attacks, especially on the defenceless, and the terrible 
 slaughter after victory, which spared neither woman nor child, and which 
 was perpetrated with the most atrocious cruelties. The Maoris alone pos- 
 sessed a certain heroism. Jeering challenges, insults of the enemy, wild 
 war-songs, and religious consecrations preceded every battle, at which cer- 
 tain priests were always present. Cannibalism no longer prevailed in 
 Micronesia at the time of its discovery; still, speciallj'-valued ornaments — 
 for example, bracelets, which only the chiefs were allowed to wear {pi. 10, 
 fig. 8) — were made of human bones. In Polynesia, however, cannibalism 
 still existed in many places, esj^ecially in New Zealand; but it was almost 
 e.xtinct in the island-groups of Tahiti, Tonga, Samoa, and Hawaii. 
 
 Social Life: Marriage and Rank. — The women, on the whole, were 
 not badly treated, although, in comparison with the men, they were con- 
 sidered profane, and consequently were deprived of the best parts of the 
 food. Their position differed in the different islands. Before marriage 
 absolute freedom existed everywhere, which in some parts of Polynesia 
 degenerated into an extreme licentiousness that was not improved by the 
 arrival of the Europeans. Marriage itself was strict, but, being contracted 
 without any special ceremony, it was easily dissolved. It seldom received 
 religious consecration, and then only among the higher ranks. Stealing 
 away the bride was not unusual in New Zealand. 
 
 Polygamy appertained to the rich; frequently a poor man could not 
 marry, being unable to support a wife. Family life, thougli close among 
 the better classes and in individual groups, was, on the whole, ver>' loose. 
 Infanticide, especially of girls, prevailed to a frightful extent. Neverthe- 
 less, rank was inherited through the female, and nowhere was there a 
 stricter separation of classes than here. Properly, there were but two 
 classes — people of rank and common people. A third class, the land- 
 holders, had grown up between them, sprung by collateral descent from 
 the former; and a fourth class, the slaves, was formed below the common 
 people. The first class alone possessed souls, for they were directly de- 
 scended from the gods; consequently, they had a claim on all property 
 and on the lives of the people; they alone were connected with the gods, 
 gave judgment, etc. All learning also was in their hands — a fair know- 
 ledge of geography, some astronomy, nautical information, knowledge of 
 the year of ten or twelve lunar months, in all of which branches the 
 sons of the nobility were instructed, generally b}- means of poetry.
 
 200 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Originally this nobility was also the priestly caste; later on the secular 
 power was separated from and gained superiority over the spiritual, often 
 through the efforts of a single sovereign or of all-powerful families; in 
 New Zealand alone the differences of rank were more equalized. Intermar- 
 riage of the classes was a crime; consequentl)-, the children of such intermar- 
 riages must be killed at once. Here we see the religious views of the Poly- 
 nesians put into actuaf political practice. Everything else relating to the 
 gods was withdrawn from the people, and hence the extraordinar}' power 
 of the taboo — /. c. the religious interdict which the chiefs and the priests 
 could pronounce over every object; for whatever belonged to the gods, 
 temples, pictures, etc., was taboo. Every one had the greatest moral dread 
 of violating such a taboo. 
 
 Religious Belief. — The religion of the Micro-Polynesians was also dis- 
 figured by the sanctity ascribed to their chiefs. In earlier times the}- had 
 powerful individual deities, amongst which Tangaloa, the god of the sky, 
 and Maui, the god of fire, both honored as creators of the world, were 
 specially prominent. Besides, every act, ever}' train of ideas, had its 
 special divinity. In addition to these, they venerated the guardian spirits, 
 whose images were placed or erected ever}where — on the edge of the 
 temple squares (//. 20, Jig. i), at the entrances of the villages, on houses 
 (//. 20, Jig. 2), ships {pi. 20., fig. 15), arms, and utensils {pi. '^g,Jig. 8). 
 Even entire islands were surrounded with them; the famous colossal 
 statues of Easter Island {pi. 20, fg. 11) are nothing but images of such 
 guardian spirits. Even in early times the souls of the depty-ted were 
 venerated; and this worship took such dimensions that they were not 
 only numbered among the tutelar}' divinities, but obscured the chief gods, 
 while in Micronesia they even supplanted them. The peoj^le believed 
 that the soul after death, in order to become clean, had to be devoured 
 and voided by a god. This piece of friendship was generally rendered 
 to an individual by his giiardiau spirits, who were consequently always 
 represented with horrible mouths and projecting teeth {pi 20, fgs. i, 
 
 2, 15)- 
 
 /dols, Temples, and Pnests. — Idols existed ever}-where in Eastern 
 Oceanica, more rarely in Western. We have given illustrations of some: 
 the Raratongan idol (//. 17, fig. 9) is about sixteen feet long. The idol is 
 the inner piece of wood, which only the priest was permitted to worship; 
 twisted about it was a wreath, which we portray at the side of the image 
 {fig. 4), and which was called the "soul of the god." Figures 4-6 {pi. 18) 
 show idols of Tahiti; Figure 6 (//. 18) represents Tangaloa, with all the 
 lesser deities, his offspring; Figure 7 {pi. 18), another god, with three sons; 
 Figure 5 {pi. 18), the soul of an ancestor; Figure 4 {pi. 18), deities of the 
 fishennen, from a skiff. They also had female gods and idols. 
 
 Their temples were of different sorts — sometimes only flat stone ter- 
 races variously divided; sometimes pyramidal stair structures of huge 
 blocks of stone {pi. ^%fig. i), on the top of which idols were occasion- 
 ally placed; sometimes a collection of large and small houses within a
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 201 
 
 common enclosure {pi. 20, fig. i). They were usually situated in sacred 
 groves on a mountain or on the seashore. The strange building of Ponapi 
 {pi. 15, fig. 4) was probably a temple-structure, serving, at the same time, 
 as a fortification. Offerings were very numerous: they consisted of animals, 
 swine {pi. 20^ fig. i), fruit, material for garments, etc., and they were often 
 brought in great quantities. The priests for the most part constituted an 
 hereditary caste, and were very powerful in Polynesia, but of less import- 
 ance in Micronesia. 
 
 Burials a7id Monuments. — The souls survived in the Hereafter; and 
 as they, being haunting spirits, were very dangerous, especially when 
 angered, it was sought in every way to gain their favor by solemn mourn- 
 ings and intennents, whose attendant ceremonies were often exceedingly 
 strange and protracted. In Tahiti, for instance, the licva., the nearest 
 relative, clad in a strange costume, walked about the grave for a number 
 of days and maltreated with his toothed staff (//. 19, fig. 3) every one 
 he met. At other graves, at the death of a person of rank, a sham battle 
 was enacted or a universal destruction of property took place. The 
 corpses of the common people were buried in a sitting posture, but those 
 of individuals of rank were laid on a wooden frame (//. 19, fig. 3), and 
 after the flesh had decayed the remains were brought to the general 
 cemetery {pi. 19, fig. 4), where flat boards with scalloped edges were 
 erected as images of the souls or as guardian spirits, and rich offerings 
 were made to both on the altars. In New Zealand wooden memorials, 
 wound around with cloths and engraved with the tattooing of the deceased, 
 were erected to the dead {pi. 20, fig. 9), or stones were set up in the 
 ground to their honor; the circle of huge blocks on Rota {pi. 16, fig. 2) is 
 such a graveyard. Diseases were cured by the priests. 
 
 Sla/ns. — Without doubt, the Micro-Polynesians are a highly-gifted 
 race. This is sufficiently evident from the manner in which they were 
 able to assimilate the new religion, together with the civilization, which 
 was thrust upon them so suddenly and often with such hostile methods. 
 Nevertheless, great commotions occurred among them, and, corrupted 
 as they were by European vices, they rapidly diminished. But Hawaii, 
 for example, based on the excellent foundation which the able king 
 Kamehameha {pi. ig, fig. 10) gave it in the first half of this century, has 
 almost raised itself to the level of a modern state. Things are worse 
 in New Zealand, partly because of the discord of war among the Maoris 
 when the Europeans came, and partly by reason of the immigration of 
 the English and their utter disregard of the natives. 
 
 Dialects. — The Polynesian dialects agree in fundamental character 
 with those already treated and with the Malayan idioms, but reveal a 
 nuirked relaxation in the phonetic part as well as in construction. The 
 Micronesian dialects are more vigorous; otherwise, they are closely related 
 in structure to the Polynesian.
 
 202 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 4. The Malaysians and Malagassies. 
 
 Physical Characteristics. — The Sakalavas on Madagascar are much 
 intermixed with Africans. The Hovas, the pure Malays of the island, 
 are of middle height, fine slender build, light olive complexion, for 
 the most part with short and frizzly but also with long and straight hair, 
 broad full nose, and full lips with a projecting upper lip {pi. 28, Jigs. 4, 
 13). It is more difficult to speak about the Malaysians, as they, compris- 
 ing so many different stocks, show an equal variety of forms. Their 
 stature is in general only medium, frequently not even robust; for 
 example, the pelvis of the Javanese woman is small-boned, narrow, 
 and from round to oval (//. i, fig. 11, b.). 
 
 Complcxioti and Hair. — Among the Malays proper the complexion 
 varies from olive to copper color; among the Sumatrans, from light to yel- 
 low; among the Javanese, from brown to gold yellow; among the Dyaks, 
 again, lighter to yellowish white; among the Tagalas, from dark brown 
 to copper-red and light yellow ; the same among the inhabitants of 
 Celebes; while on the eastern islands it darkens into blackish. But the 
 inhabitants of the Moluccas are also frequently of a golden j-ellow. The 
 hair is black, coarse, straight, frequently frizzled or wavy; in some tribes 
 ver}- curly, in others, particularly in the East, bushy. The beard and 
 the hair of the body are very scant. 
 
 Skull. — The form of the skull is in general broad and high (//. 21, 
 Jig. 5), the back of the head sometimes flattened, sometimes cur\ed 
 (measurements: Dyaks: breadth, 75; height, 77. ]\Iacassars of Celebes: 
 breadth, 78; height, 78. Madurese: breadth, 82; height, 82). The cheek- 
 bones are broad and high, mostly projecting, the root of the nose always 
 lying deep, sometimes artificially pressed in, the nose itself full and flesh}', 
 sometimes curved {pi. 21^ Jig. 10), the mouth thick and large {pi. zi^Jigs. 
 3, 6; pi. 22, Jigs. 15, 16, 2i\ pi. 28, Jgs. I, 2). Piercing the ear-lobes, 
 sharpening the incisor teeth, and also artificial shaping of the skull are 
 general customs. Circumcision is rare in Malaysia, but a very simj^le 
 form prevails in I\Iadagascar. 
 
 CostJtmc. — The dress of the Malagassies is shown on Plate 28 [Jigs. 3, 13, 
 14). In Malaysia it is of different kinds, consisting, among the more civ- 
 ilized peoples of the West, of wide pantaloons, which often reach but to 
 the knee and are worn only by the men; of the sarong, a piece of cloth 
 which is fastened skirt-like around the waist; of a jacket, which only the 
 men wear, and a kerchief for the head (//. 21, figs. 3, 4, 7, 8; pi. 22, Jig. 
 18). The Tagalas dress somewhat differently (//. 26, fig. i). A fez-like 
 cap {pi. 21, Jig. 12\ pi. 24, pg. 2) is usual in Western Malaysia. The 
 uncivilized tribes are more or less nude, with the exception of a loin- 
 cloth and the head-kerchief (//. 22, figs. 21, 22\ pi. 23, y?^-. i; pi. 24, yf^. 
 3; pi. 26, fig. 2; pi. 2-], fig. 23); other particulars are shown by our plates. 
 They have different ornaments for different festivals, at the most solemn 
 of which they also have the upper part of the body nude (//. 21, figs. 2,
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 203 
 
 12). Tattooing is now practised only among the uncivilized tribes; for 
 instance, the Dyaks {pi. 22, fig. 2i\ pi. 23, fig. i). 
 
 Archilcdurc: Temples and Dwellings. — That the architecture of the 
 Malays should be excellent is but natural, considering their high state 
 of culture. The large and magnificent stone temples of Java are famous 
 (/>/. 22, fig. i). Their dwelling-houses are made of wood, the walls gen- 
 erally of bamboo matting, and the roofs of straw or leaves. Form and 
 details are shown in our plates {pi. 22, figs. 20, 22; //. 23, figs, i, 6; pi. 
 25. fig^- 1-7; Pt- 26, fiigs. 2, background, iS; //. 27, fig. 25; pi. 2S, fi.gs. 
 3, 14). The entire house — or, at least, the projecting roof — rests on 
 wooden pillars. The dwellings of persons of rank are generally adorned 
 with carving (//. 27, fiig. 25); they contain several apartments besides an 
 outlying kitchen. There were also wooden fortifications erected on the 
 mountains (//. 23, figs. 2, background, 6). 
 
 Agriculture^ Food, and Siiinulanis. — Agriculture is highly developed; 
 rice, spice, coffee, tea, sugar, maize, and innumerable other plants are 
 cultivated — in some places, however, only for individual use. Some 
 implements are shown on Plate 22 {fiigs. 3, 4), Plate 27 {figs, i, 2, 4, 9, 
 
 15)- 
 
 The chief food of the East Malaysians is sago. They crush the pulp 
 of the ripening stem with a hard-wood club to which a flint top is attached 
 {pi. 24, fig. 7). The pulp is then cleansed and strained through a sieve 
 {pi. 24, fig. 4), and is baked in small earthen stoves. Rice in various 
 preparations (//. 24, fig. 9) and fish are staple articles of food; meat is 
 eaten more rarely, although cattle-breeding is quite extensively conducted, 
 and the buffalo, for instance, is emi3lo)'ed as a draught and working 
 animal. As stimulants they use opium, tobacco, spirits, and, above all, 
 the betel-nut, the leaf of which, together with the nut of the areca palm 
 and a little chalk, they continually chew; all these they carry- with them 
 in neat boxes. Besides what has been mentioned, the Malays have very 
 many utensils and movable articles, as is to be inferred from their varied 
 technical ingenuity. They have many sorts of table-ware of some degree 
 of fineness {pi. 24, fig. 6; //. 26, figs. 13, 14). 
 
 Industrial Arts. — They are skilled in spinning, from yarns (//. 28, 
 fiig. 5) up to .ship cables (//. 26, fiig. 15); in all kinds of weaving, dyeing 
 in high colors, leather fabrics {pi. 22, fig. 2), metal-working, and espe- 
 cially in filigree ornaments, carvings, etc.; also in mining and different 
 mechanical trades. Bamboo canes and cocoanut-shclls are much used, 
 the former as receptacles for water {pi. 24, fig. 6); and they have also 
 vessels of other materials {pi. 27, fig. 20), boxes, etc. {pi. 24, fig. 8). 
 Plate 28 {fig. 14) represents female slaves of the Malaga.ssies carrying 
 water in bamboo canes. The cocoanut-shcll is carved into spoons, vessels, 
 etc. {pi. 22, fig. ii\ pi. 26, figs. 5, 6, 7, 13). 
 
 The Malaysians have many earthen and metal vessels of different sizes 
 and for various purposes, but the tampajans of the Dyaks {pi. 23, fig. 
 4) demand especial mention. These are large glazed receptacles of very
 
 204 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 ancient and probably Asiatic origin, decorated at the top with the figure of 
 a lizard or a dragon, and supposed by the Dyaks to possess wonderful virtues 
 and to be of divine origin. For this reason fabulous prices are paid for 
 them. Among the industries of the Malaysians, iron smelting is noteworthy 
 on account of the peculiar bellows employed (//. 24, _/?f. i; pi. 27, y?^. 12), 
 and they are also skilful in metal-boring (//. 27, fig. 13). A primitive 
 gun-barrel borer is seen on Plate 27 {/ig. 14); the massive iron beam is 
 set in the ground, and two boys turn the arms of the lever of the borer, 
 to which a sack of stones gives the necessary weight. 
 
 JVcapons. — Especial care is given to the construction of their 
 weapons, especially to their favorite kns, a long sword-like dagger, 
 which is carried in the belt without a sheath, and without which 
 no Malay of rank goes forth {pi. 21, fgs. 2, 8, 9, 10, 12; //. 22, Jigs. 
 18, 21; //. 23, fg. 3; pi. 26, fg. 3; //. 27, fgs. 3, 5, 6, 7, 8). Only a 
 few peoples of the East (Bugis, pi. 26, fg. 2; Tagalas) have bows and 
 arrows; in the other parts of Malaysia these are replaced by blow-guns 
 with poisoned arrows (//. 27, _pgs. 17-19), spears, which are sometimes 
 thrown from peculiar slings {pi. 28, Jig. 6), clubs, maces (//. 28, Jg. 7), 
 swords (//. 21, Jg. 8; pi. 22, Jig. 21; pi. 23, Jgs. i, 3; pi. 26, Jgs. i, 
 2, 3), wooden shields {pi. 23, Jig. i); and fireanns are now in general 
 use. They manufacture a coarse kind of powder {pi. 28, Jg. 12, powder- 
 horn). 
 
 Commerce. — The Malaysians have ships of all kinds, from the simplest 
 skiff without outrigger to the three-master of the Malays of Malacca, 
 and of different European models, which these. people have now adopted. 
 Their smaller vessels have generalh- the outrigger, which seems to be an 
 ancient Malayan invention. From the abundance of material we select 
 but one illustration {pi. 26, Jg. 17). Some of the Malajsiaus live alto- 
 gether on their boats. From all this it is not surprising that trade 
 throughout Malaysia should be very important; people of the highest 
 rank engage in it. Plate 27 {Jg. 23) shows how lively the mercantile 
 places of the remotest districts are. Voyages to New Guinea and Northern 
 Australia are not unusual. 
 
 Fine Arts and Afiisical Instruments. — Their art-works also deserve 
 notice. Painting and sculpture are not so remarkable, although they 
 paint much and characteristically, as is shown by the superb head of 
 Buddha now in the Munich Glyptothek, which is from Java {pi. 22, Jig. 
 14). It as well as their temple architecture shows Indian influence. On 
 the other hand, their music is of indigenous growth. Besides flutes of 
 all kinds (//. 2i,^Jg. 10; comp. also the expanding Pan's flute, pi. 2^, Jgs. 
 8, 9), drums, and long bamboo sticks, which they strike, they have 
 gongs and wooden or metal basins of different sizes, frequenth' several 
 small ones being hung in a frame {pi. 21, Jig. 11); further, they have 
 trumpet-like and guitar-like instniments {pi. 28, Jig. 10), which last are 
 struck with metal rods; and violin-like instruments, the metal strings of 
 which are played with bows {pi. 27, Jgs. 10, 11; pi. 28, Jg. 10).
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 205 
 
 Vocal Music ^ Poetry., and Entertainments. — They also have fine voices 
 and correct ears, and sing much, often during entire nights, in domestic 
 entertainments or at dances and festivities. They also sing when at work, 
 especiallj' when rowing, and, though their songs are monotonous, they 
 often sound quite agreeably. Singing is inseparable from their poetry. 
 Even their dramatic performances, which are chiefly executed by women 
 in masks (^/. 22., fig. 12) and concluded with a marionette play (//. 22, fig. 
 13) or show, are often sung. Naturally, such representations are to be 
 found only among the most advanced peoples of these regions. The poet 
 composes his melodies himself. Their poetry is plentiful. They have 
 long epic poems about the deeds of their ancestors, hymns about the crea- 
 tion of the world, etc., and a quantity of short, four-lined, generally impro- 
 vised lyric poetry, the so-called pantuns. They also enliven life by their 
 games, which are innumerable (for instance,//. 26,fig. 16); among others, 
 they are passionately fond of cockfights {pi. 26, fig. i). 
 
 Social Life. — Social life is regulated by very strict etiquette and highly- 
 developed politeness. In the larger places all, men and women, can read 
 and write Arabic, and several alphabets have been invented or adapted by 
 these peoples. There can be no doubt as to the high intellectual capa- 
 bilities of the Malaysians. 
 
 Afatriniony. — There are three kinds of matrimony: in the first the hus- 
 band buys the wife; in the second both are equal; in the third the husband 
 is a sort of servant to the wife. Rank, nobility, and property are trans- 
 mitted through the wife, on whom, though she generally stands below 
 the husband and is often ill-treated, all relationship is based; and this is 
 politically of the greatest importance. Polygamy is permitted. Marriages 
 are performed with ceremony and with festal pomp {pi. 21, fig. 2). The 
 family life is affectionate, though infanticide is frequently practised. The 
 naming of a child gives occasion for a feast, at which, in some neigh- 
 borhoods, ablution with water takes place. The feasts are chiefly relig- 
 ious, though they are given for other reasons — for example, after conva- 
 lescence — and they are expensive, since eating and drinking constitute 
 their chief features. 
 
 Government. — The earliest constitution of Malaysia was, like that of 
 Polynesia, patriarcho-religious, so that the king and the noble families 
 exercised a despotic power. This has been almost entirely retained among 
 the Hovas, and it is further .shown in the peculiar language which in some 
 places the common people are obliged to use to the nobles, and in the 
 court-costume, which in ancient Tahiti as well as in Java requires the 
 upper part of the body to be nude {pi. 21., fig. 12). The people of rank 
 have, of course, the comforts and luxuries of life more plentifulh- than the 
 lower classes; for instance, only they possess the precious tampajans, and 
 (in Borneo) they are carried in special sedan-chairs {fil. 23, fig. 5). But 
 many of the old customs have been moderated or abolished by Moham- 
 medan and Christian influence. 
 
 Justice was originally based on this patriarchal foundation. Joint
 
 2o6 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 responsibility and blood-revenge prevail extensively in Malaysia, but 
 money-payments compensate for all crimes, even for murder or privation 
 of liberty. Penal slavery is prevalent, and slavery, slave-hunting, and 
 slave-dealing are widespread. There are many punishments for smaller 
 offences; as, for instance, among the Hovas criminals are compelled to 
 wear heavy rings around the neck or to carry blocks of wood in their 
 arms. The figure on the left (//. 28,7?^. 3) is an example. Judicial dis- 
 putes are also often decided by duels, oaths, and ordeals. Single combats 
 frequently occur in the wars, and the wars often arise from judicial disputes. 
 
 Warfare. — The armies generally have champions, who, fantastically 
 attired {pi. zx^fig. i\ pi. 2"]^ fig. 22), challenge the hostile champions to 
 single combat. The heralds and messengers of peace are also fantasti- 
 cally adorned {pi. 22., fig. 17), and the ^\^rriors themselves are not less prone 
 to excessive decoration {pi. 22., figs. 8, 10) — at least among the less civil- 
 ized peoples; among the Javanese, however, the military costume differs 
 but little from the usual dress (//. 21., fig. 8). The manner of warfare is 
 less barbarous than that of Polynesia, but othersvise very much like it, 
 stratagems and sudden attacks being frequent, and poisoned foot-traps 
 very general. There are but few traces of cannibalism among the IMalay- 
 sians, yet the accumulation of heads of the enemy is a chief cbject in war 
 — nay, even private excursions are made for this very purpose; and they 
 usually have special knives, which are used for no other service than this 
 "head-hunting" (//. 2-, fig. 16). 
 
 Character of the Malaysians. — To present in one view the character 
 of the Malaysians is very diflScult on account of the different development 
 of the single tribes; we therefore give some general traits. They possess 
 a sort of good-nature which easil}- drifts into indolence and laziness. At 
 the same time, they are vain, ambitious, easily offended, and when offended 
 very revengeful. Their great capability of dissimulation tends to turn their 
 anger into malice and their avarice into craftiness and fraud. When uncor- 
 rupted, they are faithful and honest among themselves. On the v.'hole, 
 they are cheerful, and are not lacking in valor, and even chivalry, which 
 impels them to the " noble passion " of piracy. In spite of their modera- 
 tion, they are very passionate; they easily get into a sort of madness, in 
 which they run about and destroy or slay all they meet. This is called 
 "running amuck." The barbarous Malaysians are merry, open-hearted, 
 and talkative; but wherever a higher civilization is attained, honesty is 
 first lost, often also temperance; dissimulation, craft, and shrewdness 
 increase; gambling becomes common, and passion hides itself beneath 
 apparent calm and outward earnestness. 
 
 Religious Belief — Mohammedanism is now the prevailing religion in 
 Malaysia; it has nearly expelled Brahmanism and Buddhism from the 
 'islands. Christianity prevails only on the Philippines. The religion 
 varies with the locality, and even where it preserves its original form it is 
 mixed with Indian and Mohammedan elements. Originally the Malay- 
 sians believed in one god, who dwelt in the sun or heavens, and from
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 207 
 
 whom all other gods Cgenerally personifications of the powers of natnre), the 
 universe, and mankind liave proceeded; sacrifice or direct worship was not 
 offered him. Next to these gods, who were graded down to elf-like element- 
 ary spirits, were the guardian spirits (to which foreign names, dcva^ djin, etc. , 
 have been transferred), who were originally considered friendh', but later, 
 because they prepared the soul for heavenly life by devouring it, were held 
 to be hostile. These latter had Hermes-like figures, with gnashing teeth 
 (//. 2"]^ fig. 24) or projecting tongue (//. 22., fig. 22), and were placed by 
 the wayside or on village boundaries. The Malaysians venerated and 
 feared the spirits or souls of their ancestors, which were not assigned so 
 much power as in Polynesia, although they were much feared. 
 
 Siiprrs/i/ioits. — In the room of a dying person they hang up a piece of 
 cloth or an artistically-decorated leaf {pL 2"]^ fig. 21), believing that the 
 departing soul will leave the room on it; the cloth or leaf is then carefully 
 destroyed, because divine beings can walk only on paths that they have 
 already used, and so the room remains secure for the use of the people. 
 From this it follows that the custom of the Polynesian taboo prevails in 
 Malaysia, as, indeed, it does generally, together with a mass of other 
 superstitions. The souls live in a shadowy Beyond, in wliiclv thev receive 
 reward or punishment. There were no priests, but many feasts were cele- 
 brated in honor of the devas and souls (Jiautii), often at night with dances, 
 etc. {pi. 22., fig. 22). For these latter sacrifices were instituted only in 
 individual cases. Human sacrifices were frequent at the graves of the 
 nobles, on whose death a "head-hunting" was inaugurated in order to 
 procure servants for them in the Hereafter. 
 
 Burial. — The corpses were disposed of in various ways. They were 
 cremated, which probably was not everywhere due to Indian influence, 
 and the ashes were preserved in vessels, or they were dried in smoke or 
 left to decay on exposed frames and then burned or buried; in some places 
 they were buried at once. Among the cultivated tribes people of rank 
 were first exposed on a bed of state and then buried. Plate 26 {fig. 4) 
 shows a bier from Celebes. The funeral festivities were very numer- 
 ous. Diseases are attributed to the influence of evil spirits, and are 
 cured by magicians, who are not without power, and by women; these 
 persons have also some knowledge of medicine. It is clear that the 
 Malays are capable of European civilization; ])ut if European influence 
 has often only injured then, it is due to the manner in which the Euro- 
 peans first met them. 
 
 Language. — The Malayan languages are of different degrees of 
 development, the Tagala being the most ad\-anced. In the forms of 
 speech they are nearer to the Polynesian tlian to the Melancsian, although 
 in the roots they betray a relationship with the latter. The construction 
 shows a rich application and formation of elements that are not yet 
 distinct in the Polynesian. In customs, in phj-sical structure, and in 
 speech all these peoples belong to one great race. At first sight the 
 Australian languages show no rehitionship to the Polynesian, Malaysian,
 
 2o8 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 and Melanesian languages, but the grannnatical structure reveals marked 
 similarity. 
 
 It is difficult to detemiine the original home of this race, but it seems 
 to have been in the neighborhood of ^Malacca and Sumatra. Thence the 
 Polynesians may have first migrated; next, the Melanesians; later on, the 
 Australians; while the Malays proper remained nearest their original 
 home. Only at a time comparatively recent did the ^Malagassies migrate 
 to their present location.
 
 OCKANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 4. 
 
 Australians. l. Native of I'orl Lincoln. 2. N;itive of (luecnshml. _v Woman from (Juecnslaml. 4. West Austra- 
 lian. 5-7. Australian graves. S. Last Australian chief and family. 9-U. Ruck-paintings from Nurth-wcsl Australia. 
 12. Kansiaroo-ilance of (lie South .\u>l[ali;\iis.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 
 
 
 Al'STRAl.lANS. — 1. South Australian man. 2. South Australian woman. 3. Stone-axe, from South Australia. 4. North 
 .\nslralian village. 5. .Spear, ami 6. Hurling-stick. 7. Spear-]x>inls. S. ,;. Woixlcn Ij.altlc-knifc; />. lioomcrani;. 9. A.ie. 
 10. Woollen shield (side view). II. I Jistalf, with threads spun from hair. 12. Decoration of kanjpu-oo teeth, worn .at the 
 festival of puheity. 13. Instrument for tnaUing noise, used against evil spirits, from Ka.st .Australia. 14. Stone mortar. 
 15. Drinking-vessel, made of a human skull. 16. \V.ilerb.i{;, made of oixissum skin. 17. .M.at for c.iriyini.' an infant. 
 i.S. Club. 19. Instrument for makinj^ noise, used .against evil spirits, from South .Vustralia. 20. Ua-sket made of woven 
 nets. 21. Spc.ar point. 22. liasket carrieil on the liacks of the women.
 
 OCEANIC PEOI'LKS. 
 
 Pl.ATK 6. 
 
 r 
 
 8 
 
 Tasmanians. — 1-4. Natives of Tasmania (men). 5. Tasnianian woman and child. 6. Tasmanian woman. 7. Boat ; 
 .8. Paintings; 9. Graves, from Tasmania. 10. Taniicsc (Tanna Island). 11. Iiiliahilaiit uf Marc Island (Loyalty Island.).
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 7. 
 
 (MD-% 
 
 Mii-ANh.siANs. — I, 2. Natives of Ku<lscar liay (New Cuinea). _?. Nalivcs of Ilumlioldt Hay (New Ciiinca). 
 4. 'leinple at l)orci(Ncw t'luinea). 5. Temple of a village on lluiiiloklt Hay. 6. Calabash; 7. Caned ship-Lrnamenl ; 
 8. Arrow -puinl — all from IhinilniKli liay.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 8. 
 
 Mklanrsians. — I. Village on lliinil«)lilt l!ay, in New Guinea. 2. \'illaye on the soutli-wcstcrn coast of New 
 Guinea. 3. Native of Dorei (New Guinea), in festive attire. 4. Village on the Utanata River, in New Guinea.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 9. 
 
 Mf.i.ani.si.\ns. — I. Native or Iluniliolclt IJay (New Guinea). 2. Spe.ir, from Redscar H.iy (New (Iiiinea). 3. Spear, 
 from tlie Kiiij^smill Islands. 4. Ile.idrest; 5. Pan's flute; 6,7. .Shields; 8. Spear for fisliing — all from New Guinea. 
 9. .Spear, fnmi Malanla (Solomon Islands). 10. Dagger-handle; 11. Drum; 12. E.ir-ring; 13, 14. Shields — all from 
 Dorei (New Guinea). 15. Dagger made from human Imnes, frt)m IIumlKildl Bay. 16. Comb, from Dorei. 17. Bow, 
 from the south-western coa.st (New Guinea). 18. Bow, from Dorei. 19. Ix>in-cloth (south-western coast). 20, 24. Do- 
 mestic idols of I )orei. 21. Ixiin-cloth, from south-western coast of Humlxjidt Bay. 22. Flute; 23. Mead-rest, from Hum- 
 boldt li.iy. 25. Inhalfitant of New Caledonia. 26. House; 27. Section of same, in New Caledonia.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate lo. 
 
 MeLANIvSIANS.— 1. Boat of New Caloilonia ; 2, 5. lioals of llic Admirally Islands; 3. lioal of MalaiHa (Solomon 
 Islands); 4. Boat of Vanikoro (I"iU's Island). 6. Hut and altar; 7. Section of the hut, frumlhc Louisiadc Archipelago. 
 8. Bracelet of hiniian Iwncs. 9. Group of the various islanders.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate ii. 
 
 .Mi.i.ANh:siANs.— I, 4. Arfakis (New Uuiiiea). 2,3. Skulls artilicially misshaped, of Samar (Philippine Islands). 
 5. li.hal.itant of ihe Adinirally Islan.ls. 6,7. Negrilos, from Norlh Luzon. 8,9. Negrito skulls, of Northwest Luzon' 
 
 10. Place fur skull^, uii ai\ island of Torres Strait.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 12. 
 
 Mkianksians. — I, 2. Chiefs in full dress, from the Fecjee Islands. 3. Manner of painting the faces by the 
 
 I'"(;fjeeaiis. 4. 'rhakonibau, king of ihc Kcejee Islands. 5, 7. I'ishliooks ; 6. Cap, of the C'annilials. 8, 9. t'omlis, fron> 
 New Caledonia. 10. Spcir; 11. Haskcl, from the Admiralty Islands. 12. Necklace, from the Ixiuisiade Archipekigo. 
 13,15. Utensils of the Cannibals. 14. Hatchet, from New Caledonia. 16. S,-\cred drinkingves.sels; 18. .Spears; 19,20. 
 Arrangements of the hair; 21. Belt for the women; 22, 23. tans; 24. Cannibal forks; 25. "Taboo" mark — all of the 
 Feejee Islands.
 
 OCEANIC PKOl'LKS. 
 
 Plate 13. 
 
 Mklanesians.— I. Temple; 2. Sacred stones; 3. Pots; 4. Sections of sleeping-houses; 5. Klevation of sleeping- 
 liouses; 6. Mastheads; 7. Tojk of pillars which siipiiorl the ridge of the roof, from the 1-eejee Islands. S. Section of a 
 skilT; 9. Ship; lo. Musical instruments, of the I-'eejeeans. 11. Temple sipiare; feast of human sacrifice. 12. Idol from 
 the I'eejee Islands.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Pl.ATK 14. 
 
 r<>l.YNl«iANs. — I. Women of Ualan (Carolino Islands). 2. Boat, from I.ukiinor (Caroline Islands). 3. Dwelling- 
 house on Ualaii. 4. I louse of .xsscmbly on Lukunor. 5. Native of I'onapi (Caroline Islands). 6. Sword ; 7. Comb ; 
 8. Vessel, from Pelew (Caroline Islands).
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 15. 
 
 ./ 
 
 We.it A 
 
 .1/ 
 
 a- a. a 
 
 IS II 
 
 
 r 1 
 
 
 
 /J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 /■ 
 
 
 1. 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 0. H. 
 
 
 
 0.j/ 
 
 UK 
 
 Pdl.YNKsiANs. — I. liciat, fr.iiu Kailack; 2. Coral island ami lajjoim ; j. HoM, from Tamatam (Caroline Islands). 
 4. I'lau of ruins on ronapi ((.'.irolint; Islands). 5. Aballiullt;, chief of the IVlcw Islands (Caroline Group). 6. Tlacc of 
 public assembly at IVlcw.
 
 OCEANIC pp:oplp:s. 
 
 Pl.ATK 1 6. 
 
 I'dlynksi ANs. — I, 2. Kiiins on Tiiiian ami Kota (Mariana IslamU). j. Karik, chief of Ihc Kailack Islands. 
 4. Dmni, from Kadack. 5. View of an island of ihe Radack chain. 6. Cavalww I ; 7-9. Wcajwns; 10. Xccdic; 11. Cloth- 
 hammer — all from the Tonga Islands. 12. Chief of the Tonga Islands.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 17. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 VoLYNF-siANs. — I. Noctunial dance at Tonga (Tonga Islands). 2. Tongancsc club. 3. Tongancse costume. 4. 
 Wreath, " soul of the god." 5. Kenialo idol, fami Tonga; 6. I lead-rests ; 7. Small skifl"; 8. Tendant lahle, with a hook 
 below, from Tonga. 9. Idol, from Raratonga (Cook Islands). 10. I'lailed bag, from Tonga. II. Tongancsc ship.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate i8. 
 
 I'ni.YNE-SIANs.— I. Taliili;in (if rank. 2. Woman and child of Tahiti. 3. Tahilian flute-player. 4-7. Idols of Tahili. 
 8. Tahitians. 9. 1-emale dancer of Tahiti. 10. Ship of Tahiti. II. I'omare II. (Otu), king of Tahili.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 19. 
 
 Poi.vNr.siANs. — I. Temple place, Tahiti. 2. Impleiiienis for laltooing. j. I leva (priest of the cor|v.e>). 4. ISurial- 
 place of Tahiti. 5. SkitV from Nine. 6. liihabilanl of Nukahiva. 7, 9. Tattoo niarksj 8. Stilt, of Niikaliiva. 10. Kaiiie- 
 
 hnmeha, Wmg of the Saiulwich Islands.
 
 Polynesians and Micronesians. — i. Temple-place (marae) of Kamehameha, on Hawaii. 2. Can'ed door; 3-5. 1 , 
 club, of the Maoris. 11. Stone images on Ea.ster Island (Waihu). 12. Stone house, with subterranean chamber, on Knsii 
 Maoris. 16, 17. Mincopics, inhabitants of the Andaman Islands.
 
 Plate 20. 
 
 Swini;; 7. (.arvcil box — all uf the Maoris. S. Head ol a kanaka (Hawaii), y. CIrave momiinent; 10. Ornamented 
 1. ij. Maori chief. 14. Hul (JIO feet long) on Ea-ster Island, with cross-section view on the right. 15. War-ship of the
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 21. 
 
 Malaysians. — i. Scout of the district Amfoang (Java). 2. Javanese bridal couple. 3. Javanese woman and child. 
 4. Javanese of rank. 5. Skull of a Javanese. 6. Children from the interior of Java. 7. Woman from lav.-i lying her 
 husband's kerchief. 8. Javanese in w.ir attire. 9, 10. Javanese chieftains. It. Musical instrument (Ci.-tmelaii Salindro). 
 12. Javanese in court attire.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 22. 
 
 M.\i ^v^lA^s. — I. M.iin temple in Suku (Java). 2, 5. Inslrumciils fur llic priparuiiiii ui ilros slull>i j. rimij;li; 
 4. liulTalu yoke; 6. SanilalwiHKl cuinli of llie women; 7. Cocoa sixnin — all frum Java. 8, 10. \Var-ca|)s of llie Hyaks. 
 9. I.incn liaj; of Timor. II. Cocoa comli of 1 lie men; 12. Ma.sk.->; i_?. Toy doll; 14. .Stone head, frtmi Jav.i. 15, 16. In- 
 lialiilants of Aniarassic (Timor). 17. IlcraUl of .Vniantssie. 18. Mailurese. 19. Comb of butlalo horn; 20. Houses of 
 Timor. 21. Ngadyus (Southern IJorneo). 22. Uance of the tU Danan (Borneo).
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 2.3. 
 
 Mm AY^IANS. — I. Dyak;.. 2. (unimoii |K.'t>plc; J. A iioMcninn, from Uanjcnnassing (Borneo). 4. T,im|x>jan (vessel 
 for ornamciil) of llic Dyaks. 5. Sedan of llic Dyaks. 6. Dyak village.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 24. 
 
 ist- 
 
 jiM 
 
 ^~ 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 jBt^ 
 
 rf 
 
 nuiiiiMii;&i::'^i^^ 
 
 msiil !|k11biR^ 
 
 ajt'—l—. l f tHSt — 1 
 
 ff^^ 
 
 W\'qSm. 
 
 ^^*^^^^^WM^t~ 
 
 Ml.t4 "(^^Bl^^ 
 
 ■ 
 
 i. 
 
 10 
 
 Mm AY>lANs. — I. Iron furnace nl the Dynks. 2. Rct;cni oi .-^ir-iiii; (Malay Arclil|><.lai;ii). 3. Interior of a Hyak 
 huusc. 4. Wa-slting of sago. 5. Sago stove. 6. Uanil>iH> rccept.iclc for water. 7. Sagu club of Ccrain. 8. Unnilxx) Imx 
 (napkin ca.se) ; 9. Cakenan, of Cclelws. 10. Maca.ssar lliitcs.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 25. 
 
 Malaysians.— I. Vcstilmli-; 2. InvcllinK-housc; 3. Slavc-liouse, of a noMc Macassar. 4. I'laii of the house. 
 5. Windows of its front; 6. I'loor; 7. Supjwrts of the roof.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 26. 
 
 Malaysians.— I. A Tafplesc (I'hilippine Islands); 2. Alfiirc from the intcri'.r of the Cclclxs; 3. Alfurc in war allire. 
 4. Hicrof the Macassars. 5, 6. Sixioiis ; 7. KunncI ; 8-10. Karthcn vessels; II, 12. Iron vessels, of the C'elelies. 13. Ves- 
 sel maile of .some kind of fruit. I4. Copper liasin in which the noble Maca.ssars wash their hands at the taMe. 15. Instru- 
 ment for twisting ropes. 16. l'ai)cr kite. 17. Ship for iKisscngers and freight (Celebes). 18. liainboo bridge and Malayan 
 church.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 27. 
 
 Malaysians. — l. Plough; 2. Roller; 3. Knife; 4. Harrow; 5-8. Dafgers (kris) ; 9. Shovel; 10. Violin; 11. Violin 
 bow; 12. Hellows, tjf the Macassars. 13. (Mmlct from the Celebes. 14. Guii-liarrcl borer of lx)mlx)k. 15. rniit-cup for 
 fine fruits. 16. Knife fur (he capture of the heads of the enemy. 17. niow-pipe; iS. Quiver; 19. Toisoncil bolt, of Cel- 
 ebes. 20. liuckel (palm leaf) from Riittle. 21. I'iece of a leaf huny umlcr llie roof of a deceased person (Kottie). 22. .Scout 
 of Solor. 23. Market at Dolilx) [.\m Islands). 24. lialta village (Sumatra). 25. Farmyard of a chieftain of Sumatra.
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 28. 
 
 Malaysians. — i, 2. Inhabitants of Rotlic. 3. Street in Taniatavc (Madagascar). 4. Ilova women (Madagascar). 
 5, Spinning-wheel; 6. liandang; 7. (i.ida; 8-10. Mu>ieal in'.Hnmenl.s. uf Java. II. Music.il instrument of Umtie. 12. Pow- 
 iler-lmrn made uf a crocodile's tooth (Timor). Ij. llu\a.s (.Madagascar). 14. 1-cmale slaves canning water, of Tamatave 
 (Madagascar).
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 209 
 
 II. THE AMERICANS. 
 
 The aborifi^inal inhabitants of .America constitute a sinrjr pTeat race, 
 in wliich are to be included the extreme northern peoples of the continent, 
 the Eskimos and their relations the Kodyaks, Malaimiutes, Aleutians, and 
 also t!ie Namollos, who have passed over into Asia. Some scientists class 
 into one division with these peoples the North Asiatic tribes, the Kam- 
 cliatkans, Yukagirs, Koryaks (Tchuktchis), etc., and this division is called 
 the Arctic or Hyperborean, or the Behring people. 
 
 The Eskimos form a connecting-link bet\vee:i the Americans and the 
 Asiatics. In many respects they are similar to the latter in physical 
 structure and manner of living, but their language is entirely American 
 in its structure, and their habits are more like those of the Americans 
 tlian those of the Asiatics. In Western America especially their clia- 
 racter and physical appearance pass gradually and without precise bound- 
 aries into tlie class of distinctly American peoples, and, in spite of some 
 resemljlance to the Asiatics, they are even physically distinct from them. 
 
 Both of these latter statements are confirmed by our illustrations. 
 Compare, first, the Eskimos (//. 29, Jiq;s. i, 3, 4, 7) with the Kolushes 
 (/>!. Z''^, figs. 5, II, 15), also the Aleutians (/>/. 30,7?^. 14) with the 
 Californians (//. 40, fgs. i, 3); then compare all these northern tribes 
 with the South Americans (as in //. 44, Jigs, i, 2, 3, 9, 10, 11; pL 45, 
 Jig. 8; //. 46, Jigs. I, 2, 3; pL 47, Jigs. I, 2, 3, 6; //. 48, Jgs. i, 2, 3, 4, 
 9; //. 49, Jig. 4; pi. 50, Jg. 2; p/. 51, Jig. 4), and great similarity will be 
 found amongst them. But on comparing them with the northern Asiatics 
 (/"'• 75.A''- 5; Pl- 7^yf<^- 5; A- 79^A?^- i> 4. 5) it will be admitted that 
 the latter are very much alike among themselves, but may easily be dis- 
 tinguished from the Americans. The Tchuktchi (on pi. 75, Jg. 5) is a 
 sedentary Koryak, but not a Namollo, though the Namollos are also called 
 Tchuktchis; consequently, he belongs to the Asiatic tribe, and not to the 
 American. Although a definite judgment regarding the.se peoples is not 
 yet possible, we feel compelled, on account of the reasons abo\'e men- 
 tioned, to class the Ivskimos and their related tribes among the aboriginal 
 Americans. 
 
 ClassiJicaliov and Loca/io/i. — The aboriginal Americans, therefore, 
 include the following peoples (see Map): 
 
 1. The Eskimos, as above stated; 
 
 2. The Kolushes (Thliukits), on the western coast, from near Mount 
 St. Klias to south of Vancouver Island; 
 
 3. The tribes of Oregon, around the Columbia River; 
 
 4. Tlie Kctiais (Tinn6) and the Athahascas, from the Kwichpak to 
 Hudson Bay and the Missi.s.sippi, to whom, among others, belong the 
 
 Vol. I.— 14
 
 2IO ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Inkalits, the Tanana Indians (Middle Yukons), the Chippewyans, and, 
 scattered southward, the Apaches and Navajos; 
 
 5. The Algoiikins^ from the Saskatchewan to Labrador and Nova 
 Scotia on the north, and to the Ohio and, east of the AUeghanies, to the 
 Savannah River on the south, including the Crees, Chippeways, L,euape, 
 Blackfeet, etc. ; 
 
 6. The Iroquois (including the Hurons, Susquehannocks, Tuscaroras, 
 etc.) on the St. Lawrence and upper Ohio, and southward to Virginia; 
 
 7. The Dakotas or Sioux, on the Missouri and the Mississippi down 
 to the Arkansas, to whom belong the Assiniboius, Minitarees, Mandaus, 
 and many others of the best-known tribes; 
 
 8. The Pawnees, on the Platte and Kansas rivers; 
 
 9. The South-eastern tribes, Cherokees, Choctaws, IMuskokees, Semi- 
 noles, etc., on the lower Mississippi and thence to the ocean and in 
 Florida ; 
 
 10. The Mexican peoples, among whom may be included the Sonora 
 tribes and the Pueblo Indians of New IMexico, the Californians, the 
 Shoshones or Utes, the Comanches and Yumas of the lower Colorado, 
 the Pimos, the Moquis, Mojaves, and others; 
 
 11. The Cetitral Aincrican tribes, from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec 
 to that of Panama, embracing the Zapotecs, the Mayas in Yucatan, the 
 Quiches, Cakchiquels and Xincas of Guatemala, the Mangues, Chapanecs, 
 Guaymis, etc. ; 
 
 12. The Chibchas or Muyscas, in the United States of Colombia. 
 
 13. The Caribs and their neighbors, the Goajiros, Arawacks, Warraus, 
 Macusis, Paravilhanos, Wapisianos, and others, principally in Guiana and 
 Venezuela; 
 
 14. The Tiipi tribes, in Brazil, consisting of the Tecunas, Miranhas, 
 Juris, IMundnicus, Muras, Manhes, Botocudos, Puris, Cambocos, Pata- 
 chos, Coroados, Guaranis, Guarajos, Omaguas, and others; 
 
 15. The Pampas Indians (Guaycurus, Tobas, Mbayas, Abipones, Puel- 
 ches, Tehuelches, Fuegians, and Araucanians); 
 
 16. The Qiiichiias (Peru); and 
 
 17. Eastward from the Quichuas the peoples of Bolivia (Chiquitos, 
 Moxos, Antisans) and of North-eastern Peru (Panos, IMaxurunas). 
 
 Of these races, 2 and 3, 4 to 9, and 10 to 12, respectively, belong more 
 closely together. 
 
 Since we maintain the unity of these various peoples, we may be 
 asked. Where was the original home of the Americans? Thirty years 
 ago the supposition was that the Americans, strictly separated from all 
 other peoples by both manners and language, had originated by natural 
 development in America itself To-day no one believes that. But 
 whence they did come has not been determined. It is generally supposed 
 that they migrated from the north, coming from Asia across Behring 
 Strait; but this appears contradicted by the fact that peoples who become 
 accustomed, as the northern Asiatics had, to a northern climate do not
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 2ii 
 
 move southward again. Besides, the natural conditions of northern 
 countries prevent such increase of population as would render emi.cjration 
 necessary. And further, the history of the cultivation of Indian corn 
 seems to lead to tlie conclusion that the people who used it liad spread 
 from the south northward. We therefore feel justified in concluding that 
 the Americans migrated from China or Japan across the Pacific Ocean at 
 a very early period — during the latest diluvial formation. It is not neces- 
 sary to suppose that the migratory movements were intentional ; they 
 were no doubt produced by causes such as are yet occasionally seen. 
 Sometimes the ocean-currents were the cause, but more frequently the 
 western winds, which are very strong in winter and blow across the 
 entire width of the Pacific Ocean. Examples are not rare of the endur- 
 ance of barbarous people and of their ability to sustain life on the ocean 
 for long periods, while, on the other hand, there are instances of com- 
 paratively short passages across that immense body of water. 
 
 If, then, the original settlers of America were driven by the winds 
 across the ocean from Asia, they most probably landed on the northern 
 coast of South America, because the winds generally blow from the north- 
 west. That tlie population of the continent spread from that centre is 
 shown by its equal distribution, which diminishes toward the extreme 
 north and south, by the distribution of the maize, and bv the develop- 
 ment in civilization of the tribes of Central .'\merica and North-western 
 South America. If they came from Asia, it is probable that they sepa- 
 rated from the ancestors of the great ^Mongolian family, which would 
 account for their Mongolian resemblance. This resemblance will, how- 
 ever, on examination prove to be neither so great nor so universal as is 
 generally thought. But can we suppose that the whole aboriginal people 
 of America descended from one or a few drifting, canoes of people? The 
 supposition is extravagant. Whole hordes must have separated from 
 the original centre of the race in those early times, just as large bodies 
 migrated in later times. That only a few should emigrate is not to be 
 tliouglit of for those times. As they migrated in communities, so in com- 
 munities they entrusted themselves to the sea, confirmatory examples of 
 wliich are furnished by the sctllemcut of Japan, the Malaysian Islands, 
 Australia, and Polynesia. While many hordes perhaps perish.ed, one 
 m;i\' have reached America and gradually spread. Many thousands of 
 years afterward the Namollos, an .Asiatic tribe of the Eskimos, migrated 
 back from the extreme north into Asia, taking advantage of the summer 
 currents of Bchring Strait, which flow westward; and thus we find that 
 small tribe witli .Vmcrican language and customs wedged in between 
 peoples of Asiatic origin. Plowever, all these questions are shrouded in 
 uncertainties which will probably never be cleared away. 
 
 Our opinion of the unity of all these peoples is based, first, on the 
 language of the Americans, then on their pliysical condition, and finally 
 on their entire manner of living. 
 
 Language. — Philologically, the Americans from the region of tlie
 
 212 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Eskimos flown to Cape Horn are a nnit. This unity is not manifest 
 iu the similarity of the words, but in the structure of the languages, and 
 the latter is a sufficient proof of the relationship of the peoples. This 
 construction is very singular. The verb cither places the object between 
 the person and the root — for instance, in Mexican Jii-naca-qtia^ "I eat 
 meat," 7ii is /, which pronominal form occurs only before the verb; naca-tl 
 is "meat," and qua is "to eat" — or it at least inserts an objective pro- 
 noun and repeats the subject: iii-c-qiia in naca-tl^ "I eat it" (r, ka^ "it"), 
 the meat. In this latter manner most of the American languages pro- 
 ceed. This process is called polysyntheiic, or, according to Humboldt, 
 incorporative. 
 
 A language so constructed has in reality no sentences; it runs them 
 into long words in which the single words are often much abbreviated. 
 For example, in Cherokee they .say Jiad-liol-i-jun,''' 'Rr'mg us the skiff," 
 from natoi^ "bring," atiioxol, "skiff," i euphonic, and ;//«, "us" (Stein- 
 thal). Nouns, adjectives, and verbs are not sharply distinguished in the 
 fonnation of the language. We make the distinction between subject 
 and predicate the foundation of syntax, and therefore say (to retain the 
 first example), " I " (subject) " eat " (what is said of the subject, descrip- 
 tion of the sxibject, and therefore agreeing with it in number and person) 
 "meat" (object of the predicate, of little importance to the subject, as 
 its action remains unchanged whether it eats bread or meat). 
 
 But the American says, ni-Jiaca-qiia, " I-meat-eating," and his mate- 
 rial, sensual conception does not consider the condition or situation of the 
 subject, and therefore he does not change the verb-root, but he puts in the 
 foreground the relation of the subject to the present object, and cannot 
 think of the verb without the subject itself or a pronominal representative 
 of it. To him it is not, therefore, the principal thing, as it is with us, 
 that I am in a condition to eat, but that I have meat and am eating it. 
 So Humboldt and Steinthal are correct in saying that the American lan- 
 guages make the object or verb the central point of a sentence, yet do not 
 consider the verb as a word denoting action, but on the contrary' contract 
 it into a sort of adjective, saying, iu place of " I eat," "I eating" — that 
 is, "I the eating one." All the American languages show a similar 
 structure, more or less pronounced — most f; !Iy the Mexican; while the 
 Eskimo and its related idioms rarely insert the object itself, but verj' reg- 
 ularly the demonstrative pronoun, into the verb. The language of the 
 Yukagirs, Kamchatkans, etc. is of entirely different construction. 
 
 Physical Description: The Skull. — It is impossible to represent a typi- 
 cal American skull; for although a rather long or medium form predom- 
 inates among the Kolushes and peoples of Oregon, as well as among the 
 Indians from the Yukon to Florida and among the peoples of Mexico, 
 Guiana, Brazil, and Peru (//. 45, yf^j. 2, 3, 4; yV. ^l.fig. 13), still some 
 tribes of the above-mentioned peoples show variation and others great 
 differences. The Patagonians are distinguished by ver}' broad skulls, 
 while the Eskimos have narrow and high and the Aleutians lower skulls;
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 213 
 
 ill consequence of tliis the face becomes broader and the head assume? a 
 pyramidal sliape (//. 2, fig. 8; //. 29,7?^. 3; pi. 2Pifi-g- 14), which we meet 
 with, highly developed, among the Mexicans {pi. \\,fig. i; pi. j^2,/ig. 4), 
 but which is at the same time peculiar to the most ancient skulls of North 
 American tombs. Almost everywhere an artificial shape was given to the 
 skull by compressing it, especially in Peru, on the Columbia River (the 
 Flatheads), in Mexico, among the Eskimos, etc. 
 
 Stature and Form. — Their stature is good on the average (/>/. 32,7?^.^. 
 I. 3; # ZZ^fiS^- I, 2, 5, 6;//. 41,/^. i\ pi. ^^,figs. 9, 10, 11;//. 46,/^. 
 4; pi. 47, fig. 4; //. 48, fig. 4) — generally above the middle height, some- 
 times (Patagonians, Puelches) gigantic, up to 7 feet 6 inches, but, on 
 the other hand, as among the Eskimos, the tribes of Tierra del Fuego, 
 and some Brazilian peoples, hardly attaining 5 feet. In many places 
 the women are especially small (//. 42, fig. 3; pi. ^i^^fig. 2; pi. 45,7??'. 8). 
 Hands and feet are often remarkably small — as, for instance, with the 
 Eskimos {pi. 2% fig. 4), in Mexico, Peru, Brazil — the legs curved a little 
 to the outside, which makes their carriage awkward. As the latter peculi- 
 arity is found not only among the Eskimos (//. 2% fig. 5), but also among 
 the Kolushes and in Mexico, it probably is not caused by continual sitting 
 in the skiffs. Undersized figures with broad shoulders and short necks are 
 often found among the Mexicans and their relations {pi. /\2.,figs. 6, 9), in 
 South America, and especially among the Patagonians {pi. 49, fig. i ; pi. 
 
 50, fig. 2); not seldom a disproportion is seen between the large rump and 
 the too small limbs {pi. 2,6, fig. y,pl. 50, fig. i); while the Onichuas and 
 Pampas Indians often have a head somewhat too large {pi. 50, fig. i; //. 
 
 51, fig. 2). The Eskimos, on the contrary, are .short, but stout, fleshy, 
 and fat (pi. 29, figs. 4, 5, 7; pi. ^o, fig. 14); an extraordinarily high blood- 
 temperature is said to have been observed in them. 
 
 Color. — The color of the skin is shaded from a whitish hue, through 
 yellowish-brown and cinnamon color, to a blackish tint; real copper-red, 
 except when arlificialh' produced, occurs rarely. However, light and dark 
 shades are found among the most closely related tribes; thus the Eskimos 
 in Greenland are gray, while the .\lcutiaus are of a dark-yellow brown. 
 Redness of cheeks is often perceptible, and the skin is smoother, some- 
 times also softer, than that of Europeans, and altogether less hairy. 
 
 Hair. — Some tribes — the Eskimos, for instance (//. 29, 7?<^.f. i, 2, 4) — 
 have an abundance of hair in tlie beard; generally it is scant (//. 2% fig. 
 3; //. 30,7?^. 14), and is then usually extracted with special instruments. 
 The hair on the head is, on the contrary, very long and abundant, some- 
 times, even among the men, hanging as low as the belt (//. Z^^fiig. 12; pi. 
 33. .A?-- i; /''■ 44- y^C- 6; pi. i^dj'igs. 2, 3; //. 47. /.c-^. 2, 3; //. 49, fig. i; 
 pi. S^if'.?- 4; comp. pi. 2g,fi/gs. i, 3). Generally, although not always, 
 it is black, mostly straight and coarse, and only seldom shows indication 
 of curl {pi. 44, fig. 6; pi. 46, fig. 2; pi. 48, fig. 6; pi. 49, fig. 4; //. 51, 
 fig. 2), still more rarely (upper Maranon or Amazon") of much curl. 
 
 It is worn differently, sometimes very long (Norlli America), sometimes
 
 2 1 4 ETIINO GRAPH Y. 
 
 cut about the back of the neck and the forehead (Aleutians, Califoniians, 
 pi. T,OyJi^. 14; //. 40,y?o-. 1), sometimes quite short, or shaved or burnt 
 off except one long curl (scalplock; conip. />/. 2g, Ji^. 3), or except a crown 
 of hair on the top of the skull, as among the Botocudos (p/. 47, yf^. 6; //. 
 48,7?^^. 1-4), or in other shapes (//. 44,7?^. 7). Sometimes it is parted, 
 braided (//. 42, /^. 5; //. 50, yf^. 2, 9; //. 51, //V. 4), or is left in 
 disorder. 
 
 Features. — Still less can a general type of features be set up, which is 
 quite natural, considering the vast extent of the continent. The Eskimos 
 do not differ more in features from the Algonkins than these do from 
 the Botocudos, Califoniians, or Tupis. The forehead is often small and 
 retreating {pi. 32, figs, i, 3; pi. n.fig. i; //. 35; pi. zb.fig. 3; pi. \o,fig. 
 i; pi. i,2,figs. 3, 5, 6; pi. \\,fig. 7; //. 46,/.?-. 2>\pf- Al.figs- I, 3, 5;//. 48, 
 fig. 2; //. \'^ifig- i), which was considered beautiful by the Mexicans {pi. 
 ^2., fig. 4), but is often, as our plates show, of a different shape. We find 
 the invariable dark eyes, sometimes sloping, among the western Eskimos 
 (//. 29, fig. 3; //. 30, fig. 14), among the Inkalits {pi. 2,1 ^ fig- 15). and the 
 Kolushes; in Mexico {fil. 42, fiig. 4), in Brazil {pi. 46, fig. i; pi. 47, fig. 
 2; //. 49, fig. i), and in Patagonia; but in general they are perfectly hori- 
 zontal. They are rarely large, and often have a drooping appearance, 
 especially when the expression of the features is earnest or sad. The 
 nose, always pressed in at the root {pi. 29,7?^. i; //. 30, fig. 14; //. 53, 
 fig. 15), is frequently much curved and large (North Americans, pi. 31, 
 fiig. 12; //. 32,/^. i; //. 33, figs. I, 2, 5, 6; Mexicans, //. A^-^fig- i; P^- 
 42, figs. 3. 4. 5; Brazilians, pi. 48, fig. i; Guianese, pi. 44, fig. 5). It 
 is the same, but also broad and flesh}% among the Peruvians {pi. 50, fig. 
 ^i P^- SSt/'gs. 15, 18) and tlie inhabitants of the Pampas {pi. $'^,fig. 2); 
 frequently straight and broad, especially in the south and in California 
 (//. 40, fig. i); and also small and short, as among the Aleutians {pi. 
 30, fig. 14), and, for instance, the Californians (//. 40, fig. i) and the 
 Brazilians {pi. 48,7?^. 6). The noses of the Kolushes (//. 2>^ifig. n), of 
 the Botocudos {pi. 48, fig. 3), and others bear a close resemblance to the 
 peculiar form of the Eskimo nose {pi. 29, fig. i). 
 
 The mouth is found to be large almost everywhere, and the lips, espe- 
 cially the lower lip, thick; which fonn also is not infrequent among the 
 Eskimos, while among the Mexicans the upper lip projects. The chin 
 appears well formed everj'where; the oval shape of the face prevails in the 
 north, among the Athabascan peoples (//. 31, fig. 12), and also in Mexico 
 and Peru, but throughout the rest of South America and among the 
 Eskimos the round shape predominates. Piercing the ear-lobes and the 
 lower lip is practised, especially amongst the Botocudos, to a most exag- 
 gerated degree (/>/. ^S, figs, i, 2, 3, 4); their ear- and \\^-^\\igs {boloques) 
 can be seen in natural size on Plate 47 {figs. 7, 8). 
 
 This custom also prevails among the Brazilian peoples, and their 
 ornaments are often still more barbarous and grotesque {pi. 44, fig. 7; 
 pi. 47, fig. 12); while those of the Eskimos (//. 29, figs. 2, 3), Aleutians
 
 ETHNO GRAPHY. 2 1 5 
 
 {pi. T,i,_/ig. 3), and Koluslies {pf-2,'^-, Jig- 5) are of a (genuine American cha- 
 racter. In the extreme north tlie nose is frequently pierced (//. T,i,Jigs. 
 II, 12); so, too, in Central America as well as in the south (//. 44, fig. 
 7). Tattooing is almost uni\-ersal, though each individual has but little 
 of this ornamentation, which is mostly applied to tlie neck, mouth, and 
 cheeks (//. ^o,figs. i, 3; pi. 44,/^^. 5, 7; pi. \(>., fig. 3; pl- M-,fig- 3; P'- 
 A^^/'g- 6; //■ A9ifig- 5)1 and also to the forehead, nose (//. 44, 7?^ J. 5, 9, 
 10), breast, and upper arm {pi. 2,2,, fig- 5". # i7,J>g^'- 3. 6; comp. //. 49, 
 fig. 5, the legs), but is rarely spread over the entire body (//. 47, fig. 5). 
 
 Painting, mostly red, black, yellow, and white, is practised frequently; 
 the Patagonians on Plate 50 {fig. 2), for instance, have their faces painted 
 red, and the Californian on Plate 40 {fig. 7, to the right) has a Spanisli 
 uniform painted on himself as a decoration. The custom of painting for 
 festive occasions (for instance, //. 34) prevails from the Eskimos to Tierra 
 del Fuego. Circumcision is practised by some Brazilian tribes, and was 
 fonuerly customary in Central America. 
 
 Intcrmixlitres. — The mixed breeds of the Americans with other races 
 are numerous, vigorous, and fertile, which is also true of the mi.xed breeds 
 of the Oceanic races. In America there are entire tribes and populations 
 which are mixed. In Peru mixtures of Caucasians and Indians are called 
 Mestizos, Cholos in Chili, Mamalucos in Brazil; those of Negroes and 
 Indians are called Zambos, and to them the Brazilian Cafusos {pi. 48, y?f. 
 10), with their immense wigs, belong. The peculiarities of both parent 
 races can easily be distinguished in the offspring; thus, the Cholo {pi. 53, 
 fig. 18) exhibits the melancholy expression, the broad wide-open nos- 
 trils, the disproportion between rump and limbs, the bristly hair of the 
 American combined with the high, slender stature and lighter color of 
 the European. 
 
 Civilization. — A marked contrast is apparent in an historical survey of 
 the civilization of the American peoples. We find among them highly- 
 civilized peoples by the side of perfectly barbarous ones; and as the latter 
 differ among themselves in manner of living according to their environ- 
 ment and climate, so we find among the former two entirely distinct 
 developments of civilization, and from them down to the barbarians 
 various intermediate steps. Even one and the same tribe sometimes 
 shows different stages of development, which, considering the antiquity 
 of the American peoples, is natural. 
 
 Mounds. — We have first to speak of the peculiar earthworks which 
 are found generally in the river-valleys south of the Great Lakes from the 
 Alleghany Mountains to Texas. They are long tumuli, more rarely 
 excavations, in the shape of animals, representing snakes, birds (//. 39, 
 fig. 10; perhaps, also, fig. 8), lizards, bears, adders, or men (perhaps fig. 
 8); often the shapes are not distinct (//. 39, fig. 7). The earthworks are 
 very large: Figure 6 (//. 39) measures about 100 feet; Figure 10, over 200 
 feet; Figure 8, 188 feet in length, 140 feet in breadth; the longest work in 
 Figure 7 (a lizard?), which is crossed b\- a modern road, measures more
 
 2i6 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 
 
 than lOO feet, and some not given attain the length of looo feet. The 
 work shown in Figure 2 (//. 39) encloses a space of 4500 square feet. 
 
 All these monuments {pi. 2>l^fKK- 8; pi. 2i%figs. 2, 5-10, arc from the 
 Wisconsin region) seem to have been sacred places; Figure 2 was certainly 
 at the same time a fortified place, and others lie securely on hills or on 
 land projecting into the rivers {fig. 8). Mounds of various shapes, gene- 
 rally terrace-fonned, with eroded summits (//. 37, fig. 8, 7 feet high; //. 
 2)<),fig. 5, 23 feet high), which served as tombs and as temple-places and 
 places of sacrifice, are also numerous. Frequently they are in the vicinity 
 of such animal-shaped reliefs and connected with them by artificial roads. 
 Remarkable examples from Ohio are shown on Plate 39 {figs, i, 3), also 
 specimens of pottery {Jig. 4) found in them. The mounds and animal figures 
 were built, as is proved by the skulls which are sometimes found in the 
 fonner and by objects in the latter, as also by many similar works of the 
 Americans of to-day, by the ancestors of the North American Indians (Nos. 
 4 to 9 of our enumeration on p. 209), but at an extremely early period. 
 
 In some places these sacred spots have been used for agricultural pur- 
 poses, furrows passing over them, undoubtedly the remains of farming, 
 and have received the name of "garden-beds" (//. 39, fig. 9). The 
 reliefs certainly could not have been furrowed before their ancient sig- 
 nification had been forgotten. This early method of farming is entirely 
 different from that of the Indians of to-day, who sow tlieir maize on sep- 
 arate little mounds called "corn-hills" (//. 39, fig. 6); the method of to- 
 day, however, was already extensively known at the time of the discovery 
 of America. It is possible that in the course of millenniums the con- 
 structors of the animal figures w'ere driven away by southern agricultural 
 tribes, perhaps belonging to Mexico, and that very much later the descend- 
 ants of the former inhabitants resumed their old places. 
 
 We dismiss these speculations in order to consider what remains of the 
 actual life of the Americans. We begin in the north. 
 
 Dress and Ornaments. — The dress of the Eskimos consists of an upper 
 garment, of sealskin; a middle gamient, extending from the waist to the 
 knees, of bear- or dogskin; and boots, of turned sea-dogskin with soles 
 of whalebone. The upper garment, alwa\'s furnished with a hood, which 
 can be turned down (//. 29, fiig. 7), and which they like to trim with fine 
 furs, is lined with the skins of sea-birds. They often wear several coats, 
 one over the other. Everything is neatly sewn with sea-dog sinews and 
 bone needles {pi. 2c),figs. 4, 6, 7; //. 2Pifig^- 2, 12, 13, 14). In the inte- 
 rior of their dwellings, which they keep ver\' hot, they go about almost 
 naked (//. 29, fig. 5). Peculiar caps of artificially bent wood, decorated 
 with carved whalebone or glass beads, and also with the highly-valued 
 beard-bristles of the sea-lion, are, or were, a principal ornament of the 
 Aleutians (//. ^o^fig. 14; pi. Si,fig. 2), and similar ornaments are worn 
 by the western Eskimos (//. 29, fig. 3). The Kolushes and also the 
 Californians (//. 40, figs, i, 3) wear, where they have not received cloth- 
 ing from the Russians, besides a covering around the loins, only a
 
 ETIIXOGR. IPIIY. 2 1 7 
 
 blanket of homespun wool or a skin, which they throw about the 
 shoulders like a cloak and tie at the neck (/>/. 31, figs. 5, 11). Gene- 
 rally they arc nude. 
 
 The north-eastern Indians (from the Yukon to Florida) had a similar 
 attire (//. 31, fig. 15); their garments — a blanket, shirt, pantaloons, and 
 moccasins {pL 32, figs, i, 3; //. 33, figs, i, 6) — were mostly made of 
 leather, which they skilfully prepared, painted (//. 38, fig. 6), and em- 
 broidered (/>/. 31, fig. 15; pi. 32, fig. 3). They also had woven materials 
 made of bufHilo-hair and of plant-fibres, and handsome cloaks made of 
 feathers. Feathers or caps made of them were worn especially at their 
 dances {pi. ZZ^fitg- 2). The Califoriiians also sometimes pasted feathers 
 over their entire bodies, as is shown by the picture of the dancer (//. 40, 
 
 fiig- !)■ 
 
 An especial festive ornament was made by sewing feathers to a piece 
 
 of red material, which was worn along the back like a long bristling 
 mane (//. 33, fig. 6). Feathers served to decorate the pipes of peace (/>/. 
 32, fig. 15), also as emblems of various deeds (//. 2)^., fig. 12; pi. 32, fig. 
 ^■> /''• ZZ^fiS- 5; P^- 34)1 according to the bird to which they belonged, the 
 manner in which they were placed, the place where they were worn — 
 whether on the head, the spear, etc. (//. 33, figs, i, 6) — and the shape 
 which was given them, either the quill or the plume being split and faced 
 with red {pi. 2fi,fig. 2). As a matter of course the)' had necklaces {pi. 
 40, fig. 2) and other ornaments. 
 
 The so-called wampum-belts (//. 36, fig. 9), of polished shells or colored 
 glass beads, were highh' valued, and played a prominent part as gifts pre- 
 sented on the occasion of treaties. In the house they gathered their long 
 hair into a knot, and generally removed their superfluous gannents {pi. 33, 
 f'g- 5; A- 35)> also at dances (//. 33, fig. 2; //. 34). The women dressed 
 much like the men, only with less ornament and withotit feathers {pi. 32, 
 fig. 3). Snowshoes {pi. ^2, figs. 18, 19) are worn in different shapes by the 
 different peoples. The Eskimo tribes and the Athabascas use glasses to 
 protect the eyes from the glare of the snow (//. 30, fig. 5; pi. 32, fig. 13). 
 
 The attire of the natives of South-western North America, who are 
 related to the Mexicans, can be seen on Plate 36 {fig. 3), Plate 42 {figs. 
 3i 5i 6, 9), Plate 43 {fig. i); the costumes and materials of Figures 3 (//. 
 36) and 5 (//. 42) are of European origin. The South Americans gen- 
 erally wear a belt around the hips and cloaks about the shoulders. They 
 are frequently nude, the men concealing only the foreskin or covering the 
 member with leaves or pieces of stuff (/>/. 46, fig. 4; //. 47, fig. n; pi 48, 
 fi.^- a)- Our illustrations make further descriptions sujierlhunis. Feather 
 ornaments, although not of such special significance as in the North, are 
 popular (//. 44, figs. I, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11 ; pi. 45, figs, i, 8; //. 46, fig. 
 3; //. 47, figs. -4, 12; pi. .(9, fig. 2); also chains about the neck, arms (//. 
 44, _/;?x 5, 6), and legs (//. 47, fig. 4; pi 49) fig- 2), also various kinds of 
 hats {pi 50, fig. 2), and the most grotesque masks at dances and festivities, 
 which, however, are not badly designed (//. 45, fig. 8).
 
 2i8 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Usage and etiquette in the smallest details reign nowhere more power- 
 fully than among people in their natural state. Thus, almost everAthing 
 in the attire of the Indians on Plates 32, 2>Z^ 34 has its meaning, which 
 we will here explain, so that our pictures maj' be more intelligible. The 
 Indians in Plate 33 {J'lg. 2) and Plate 34 have a wolf's tail on the shoe, 
 which indicates that the bearer has performed some deed of bravery in 
 war. The design in the hair-ornament of Figure 5 {pi. 2)'^ signifies that 
 he has stabbed an enemy of rank; the split turkey-feather in the same 
 place (comp. pi. 36,7?^. 2), that he has received an arrow-wound in battle; 
 the erect feathers, that he has slain enemies in a hand-to-hand conflict ; 
 those horizontal, that he has killed an enemy in sight of the adverse 
 party; the hand which is painted in yellow color on his left breast, that 
 he has made many captives. 
 
 The spear, which is bonie as shown in Figtire i (//. 33"), is supplied 
 with a bowstring, and is only ornamental. The handle of the leather 
 whip serves as a whistle. The figure in the background (Jig. i) has the 
 verj' popular breast-ornament of porcupine-quills. The Indians are inex- 
 pressibly vain about their finer}-, but it must be remembered that every 
 particle of it signifies some important event of their lives. 
 
 Dzfcllings. — The dwellings of the Eskimos are generally built of stone 
 and wood, sometimes of wo'od only, or of snow-blocks. They are usually 
 occupied by several families, each having its own fireplace, and also its 
 own sleeping compartment on a wooden platfonn divided off by skins. 
 During the day they sit on this platform at their work, the women with 
 their legs crossed under them and the men with theirs hanging down {pi. 
 2% fig. 5). The entrance consists of a low, crooked passage. Through 
 this the fresh air passes into the interior, though sometimes the dwelling 
 apartment has also windows of sealskin. The dwellings and utensils 
 show no cleanliness — generally their hungrj- dogs are the only cleaners — 
 but the tents built in summer of poles and hides are neater, and are 
 inhabited by only one family. The interior of such a tent is separated 
 from the entry by an embroidered curtain of sealskin {pi. 29, fig. 6). 
 They have a variety of household goods; provisions are kept in separate 
 small houses. Their chief articles of food are dried fish, seal and reindeer 
 flesh, and they drink only water. 
 
 The Aleutians build their houses partly under ground and cover the 
 upper parts with soil and grass {pi. 2,^., fig. i). Whilst the Eskimo houses 
 are like those of the Pawnees on the upper Platte, the villages of the 
 Kolushes resemble the Cherokee villages on the upper Tennessee. Thej' 
 are constructed of wood, and in front of each house there is a scaffolding 
 for storing goods, drying, etc. {pi. 37, fig. 5). In the interior a bench 
 along the walls, covered with mats, serves for a sleeping-place. The 
 building of the northern Indians is inferior. 
 
 The ^landaus erect circular huts formed of poles fastened together at 
 the top and covered with leather or bark. The hut is also provided with 
 a rather long entr)- (//. 34; //. 35; pi. 36, figs, i, 8). This style of hut
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 219 
 
 is widespread. Plate Tfi {/'J^- 8) contains the plan of one: /i, the wall, of 
 short posts; g, entry; /," leather curtains; d, board wall to prevent draught; 
 c, part for the horses; a, fireplace, over which hangs the kettle, with 
 smoke-hole above; /', pillars united at the top with joists, which carr)' the 
 roof; e\ seats of willow-ware covered with mats; ?', bunk of the famih-, 
 from which {pi. 35) the whole interior can be overseen. Such huts 
 usually cover from fifty to sixty square feet. They form villages, 
 which are generally located in secure places and fortified with palisades 
 (//. 36, Jig. i). Besides these, the Indians have portable summer tents, 
 which are often covered with brightly-painted leather {pi. 2,-j, fig. i). 
 They have numerous household goods, as everything is kept in the 
 houses. They sleep either on mats or in peculiar leather bunks \pl. 33, 
 
 fig- 4)- 
 
 The houses of the barbarous Mexican peoples of North America are 
 arranged as on Plate 43 {fig. i). Our plates also show the South Ameri- 
 can dwellings, which are sometimes quite rude and sometimes of good 
 quality {pi. 44, figs. 4, 8; pi. 45, figs, i, 5): the interior of a pointed 
 hut like Figure 5 (//. 45) is shown by Figure 4 (//. 44). Several fam- 
 ilies generally occupy each hut. Hammocks are universally used as beds 
 (/>/. 44, fig. 4; //. 45,7?r. 1 ; //. 48, figs. 7, 9). Plate 49 {fig. 2) exhibits 
 different styles of huts; Plate 45 {fig. 6) and Plate 48 {fig. 9) are the 
 simplest Brazilian forms. The huts of the Goajira Indians (Gulf of 
 Maracaibo) are built on poles, and partly extend over the water {pi. ^3, 
 
 SIcflgcs and .Skiffs. — Their sledges, which are to them in winter what 
 their skiffs are in summer, are made of pieces of wood or bone fastened 
 together by straps and drawn by dogs (/>/. 30, fig. 6). During winter they 
 stow away their .skifTs on special frames. The skiffs are of two kinds. 
 Some, which they call boats for women, are made of framework covered 
 with the hide of the sea-dog, and are capable of holding six or eight per- 
 sons (//. 30, fiig. 2); the others, which arc called kayaks, are hunting- 
 boats, and are about fifteen feet long, though thc\- hold only one person, 
 who sits in a hole in the deck (//. y),fig. 1). The !uen are very skilful 
 both in guiding them and in using their weapons from them. 
 
 The skifTs of the Kodyaks (//. 30, figs. 8-10) and of the Aleutians 
 resemble those of the Eskimos, whilst those of the Kolushcs are made of 
 liollowed trees. The other Americans, who live inland near lakes and 
 rivers, have not accomplished anything noteworthy in boatbuilding. They 
 all use hollowed trunks of trees (//. ZT.fiig. 6; //. '\(>, fig. 4), though fre- 
 quently they merely wade through the streams (//. 48, y?!^-. 4). The round 
 leather skills of the Mandans (//. 35; //. ^6, fig. i) and the balsas of Lake 
 Titicaca are peculiar. The latter consist of double leather pipes, and are 
 propelled by oars (//. 53, fig. 17). 
 
 Fishing and Hiinliiig Wiapons. — The weapons have generally a loose 
 point attached to the shaft by a long rope — a style which exists also among 
 the eastern .\inericans {pi. i8,fig. 2). A bladder is fastened to the shaft,
 
 220 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 so that it will float (//. 30, fig. i). The hunter keeps the rope coiled on 
 a frame in the forepart of the kayak, and the bladder lying behind him. 
 As soon as he has cast his harpoon at an animal he throws the bladder into 
 the sea, whilst the rope is rapidly unwound by the animal in its frantic 
 efforts to escape (//. 2P.,fig. i). For hunting sea-fowl the Eskimos use 
 an iron-pointed spear with several bone barbs on the shaft {pi. 30, fig. 3), 
 which increase the chances of intercepting the irregular flight of the prey. 
 They also use a peculiar throwing-stick. 
 
 AgHculture and Stock- Raising. — Agriculture was in a flourishing state 
 among many tribes of North and South America at the time of the 
 discovery. Maize, pumpkins, manioc, cotton, etc. were grown. The 
 maize, which was pounded in peculiar mortars {pi. 35, to the left), was 
 the chief article of diet. The more barbarous tribes, of course, lived 
 on the product of the chase {pi. 47, fiig. 6; //. 48, figs. 4, 9) and 
 fishing. 
 
 Stock-breeding was not carried on extensively in North America, but 
 in South America it is practised by many Caribbean and Brazilian 
 tribes, and principally by the Pampas Indians, who can hardh- be imag- 
 ined without their horses. In North America the dog was in ancient 
 times the only domestic animal, and its flesh was used as food. The 
 people now have horses also, and several tribes keep droves of cattle and 
 sheep. They keep tame animals for amusement, such as birds, apes, 
 deer, etc. (//. 44, fig. 6). 
 
 Stinuilauls. — Intoxicating drinks were first introduced to the north- 
 eastern Americans, in spite of their earnest opposition, by the Europeans; 
 but several of the South American tribes had a liquor similar to the cava 
 of Polynesia, and something like it is found among the Kodyaks in the 
 north-west. Their universal use of tobacco is well known. Great atten- 
 tion is given to the workmanship of pipes {pi. 32, figs. 12, 14-17). In 
 the tombs of the Indians pipe-heads are frequently found, generally made 
 of a much-prized reddish stone, and representing divers figures (//. 38, 
 figs. 7, 9, 10, 12), some of which have reference to the sanctity of the 
 tobacco {//. 38, figs. 7, 9, 12), which they consider a gift of the Great 
 Spirit, and use at ever)- festivity and solemn transaction {pi. 32, fig. 15; 
 
 pl 36, fig- 5)- 
 
 Utensils. — For cooking and table use they have pots (//. 37, fig. 3), 
 
 various earthen vessels {pl. 41, fig. 6; //. 43, fig. i; pl. 44, figs, i, 2, 3, 
 4, 8; //. 45, fig. i), wooden bowls, which are sometimes nicely carved 
 (/''• 31. fig- 4), spoons (//. 32, fig. 6; pl. 37, fig. 4), etc. 
 
 Industrial Arts. — The Eskimos possess great manual dexterity in bone- 
 and wood-car\dng, sewing, embroidering {pl. 31, fig. 13), braiding (//. 
 31, fig. 6; //. 40, fig. 6), and metal-working. They forge the metals 
 cold, both copper (which abounds in North America) and iron (which they 
 either mine or acquire by barter). They manufacture dagger-like knives 
 with inlaid-work {pl. 31, figs. 7-9), rings, idols {pl. 30, fig. 7), etc. 
 The northern Athabascas possessed similar attainments; the other Indians
 
 ETHXOGR. IPIIY. 221 
 
 {generally used stone tools, axes (//. 38, fig. 3), knives, etc. Discoveries 
 made in tlieir tombs show that they were more skilful at an earlier period; 
 as, for example, the amulet (/>/. 38, fig. 5) is made of copper. At present 
 the barbarous South Americans accomplish very little (//. 46, fig. 4; pi. 
 
 48, fig. 5)- 
 
 Painting and Sculpture. — The Indian sculptures in stone — as, for in- 
 stance, the pipe-heads {pi. 38, figs. 7, 9, 12) — deserve praise. Though it 
 cannot be denied that sonie of their carvings are quite handsome, still the 
 industrial attainments of the Americans are insignificant. Their leather- 
 work (//. 36,7?^. 6; //. 38, fig. 6) is excellent and tasty, and the paintings 
 with which they decorate the leather are passable. They paint a record of 
 their deeds or ancestrj^ on their hide-cloaks (//. 38, ftg. 6), huts, shield.^, 
 etc. ; and these paintings are of great importance, being in the nature of 
 hieroglyphics. They make similar records on memorial stones {pi. 32, 
 fig. 2), on tablets of birch-bark, and on metal plates, all of which they 
 sacredly preserve, and at times read for the instruction of their young people. 
 
 Some of them have a religious purport {pi. i^^^ifi^- 1\ P^- Z^^A?- ^X 
 for the magician-priests preserve in this manner the songs and rules of 
 their secret societies {pi. "^"J^fig. 9). They are of course diiTicult to inter- 
 pret. Plate 38 {fig. 11) shows the beginning of a petition of the Chip- 
 peway chiefs to Washington. The animals a to g are the coats of arms 
 (totems) of the several petitioning tribes; «, that of the conductor of the 
 petitioners, whose path to Washington is marked by the line // the lines 
 from eye to eye signify unity of opinion; those from heart to heart, the 
 "one-heartedness" or unity of purpose of all the petitioners; //, the Great 
 Lakes whence the enibas.sy came; and the line passing beside /< signifies 
 the road to the inland lakes. 
 
 Figure 5 {pi. 36) refers to tribes, not to individuals: an Iroquois chief, 
 wound about with rattlesnakes as a. sign of his superhuman .strength, 
 receives the homage of Mohawk warriors. The rock-paintings of the 
 South American Indians {pi. 45, fig. 7) are unimportant. 
 
 Pitetry and Music. — The poetry of the American peoples deser\'es some 
 attention. Though often their imagination runs riot and becomes absurd, 
 yet their tales contain much that is really beautiful and thoughtful. The 
 Indians are justly famous as orators. 
 
 Their musical accompli.shments amount to nothing, their only instru- 
 ments being drums, clappers (//. 34, to the left; //. 49,7?^. 2, .second figure 
 to the left; //. 49, yff. 3, a calabash filled with stones on a staff), and divers 
 flutes (//. y2,.,fis;s. 9, 11). In Hrazil the\- have a speaking trumpet which 
 they use for invitations to festivities and for summons to war {pi. 47, 
 
 fiS- 9)- 
 
 Social Life. — In North .\merica the men are occupied with the political 
 assemblies, at which strict ceremony prevails. Fixed forms of politeness 
 prevail, especially amongst strangers. Although the North American 
 appears outwardly sedate, he is not free from violent passions nor devoid 
 of a sense of humor.
 
 222 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 There arc varions games (//. ^2, fig. 5; //. 3S, y?^. 4), nor is there Lack 
 of feasts, which al\va\s have religions meanings, snch as the feast of 
 pnberty, which was often connected with crnel ceremonies (tearing of 
 the flesh, letting of blood, etc.), the harvest festival, etc., at all of which 
 dances and grotesque processions were prominent features. The dancers 
 wear masks representing the animal from which the dance derives its 
 name, or ven,- grotesque costumes {pi. 2^2)1 fis- 2; pi- 34; pt- 40, fig. 7), 
 and indulge in miich noise. 
 
 In South America the feasts are similar, but less spirited. The princi- 
 pal ones are the strange nocturnal dance of the Puris (//. A,% fig. i) ; the 
 three days' feast and procession of the Tecunas, celebrated in honor of a 
 two months' old child {pi. 4S,^g. 8); and the drinking-feast of the Cania- 
 cunas, at which a half-fermented liquor is drunk from a hollow tree-trunk, 
 accompanied by singing, or rather howling {pi. 4g,fig. 2). The longer 
 these dances last, the more passionate and dissolute the}' become; and 
 they often conclude with the war-dance (//. 47, fig- 4). 
 
 Weapons. — In tlie north the weapons besides the bow and arrow (//. 
 Zl^ fig- 2; pi- 3S, fig- i; pi Ao.figs. 4, 5) consisted of spears {pi. H.ftgs. 
 I, 6; //. 34), battle-axe, tomahawk (//. 32,/^^. i; pi. Z2>, fig. 5), clubs {pi. 
 2,2, figs. 4, 8;//. 34), wooden shields (//. 2,2,^fiig. i), and blowing-pipes. 
 Firearms are now used almost everywhere. Of the arms of the South 
 Americans, which are shown by our plates (//. 44, fiigs. 4, 9-1 1; //. 46, 
 fig- 5; pi- 4^ifi'g- 4) pi- 5'^yfig- 2, etc.), we call attention to the very long 
 spears of the Patagonians (//. 50, fig. 2) and to the bodogite of the Gua- 
 ranis, their neighbors (//. 48, fig. 8), the latter weapon being a sling 
 shaped like a bow, in the double cord of which the stones to be slung 
 are placed. 
 
 //'(7;-.T.— War was always formally proclaimed, and was waged (except 
 among the Eskimos, who are wholly ignorant of it) with great ferocity, 
 but sanguinary open battles seldom occurred. Foraging-expeditions in 
 search of scalps or boot)' were common. Peace was concluded by burying 
 the battle-axe or solemnly smoking the pipe of peace, which was pre- 
 ciously decorated {pi. 2,"^, fig. 15; pi. Z^^fiS- S)- Scalps were retained by 
 the victor as a decoration for his spear-.shaft, etc. (//. 2Zi fiS- i)) or they 
 ■were stretched on a frame (//. 36, fig. 2), around which the women danced 
 at times. In ancient times many tribes tortured their captives, believing 
 that this revenge was helpful to the souls of their own slain. 
 
 Cannibalism, which prevailed in earlier periods more than in later, was by 
 no means universal in North America. The heart was eaten. The Caribs, 
 or Cannibals — from whom the word cannibalism is derived — lived in South 
 America (Guiana, Brazil), but they were not greater man-eaters than other 
 tribes, by some of which, it is said, dead relatives were devoured. The 
 IVIundurucus (on the IMadeira) cut off the heads of their enemies, and after 
 drying and stuffing them carried them about with them (//. 4~,fig. 5.) In 
 South America utensils w-ere sometimes made of the bones of the enemy, 
 drinking-cups of their skulls.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 223 
 
 Family Life. — I^ife for the woman in South America means continual 
 work, the men either doing nothing or being engaged in war (//. 0,6, Jig. 
 5), liunting, or roaming {pi. \%,fig. 4). A glance at the family life of the 
 N^orth Americans is more cheerful, although the woman is badly treated, 
 having to perform hard work, even to building the huts (the men, how- 
 ever, construct the skiffs) and carrying everything; sometimes she is 
 exposed to the most barbarous abuse. Love between parents and chil- 
 dren is strong. The manner in which children are carried is shown on 
 Plate 42 {fig. 3), Plate 45 {fig. 8), Plate 47 {fig 6), Plate 48 {fig 4), Plate 
 49 U^S^- 2, 5)- The Athabascas have particular little chairs for the chil- 
 dren (//. 2)'^,fig. 15). The Algonkin and related tribes have leather cradles, 
 which are fastened to a board and carried on tlie back (//. 2>^,fig. 6). 
 
 The children are rarely educated. The giving of the name is cele- 
 brated with a feast, and the feast of puberty is of the greatest importance, 
 for at it the youth receives his "medicine;" that is, by means of a dream, 
 tlie "dream of life," he seeks to find out the animal in wliich his guar- 
 dian spirit has been incorporated. The skin of that animal is considered 
 an amulet. It is carried by the Indian on Plate 2)2> U'S- ^) i'^ ^^^ white 
 bundle on his shield. 
 
 Matrimony. — Marriage is easily contracted and easily dissolved; polyg- 
 amy is permitted, but is not frequently practised on account of its cost; and 
 adultery is rare and severely punished. Although perfect freedom is 
 allowed the females before marriage, their life is generally moral. But 
 cases of passionate love are not infrequent, and the favor of women is duly 
 appreciated: young men among the Dakotas, for instance, carry bundles 
 of rods corresponding to the number of their successful love-adventures 
 {pi. 32, fig. 10). 
 
 Govirntnoit. — The government seems to have been based on the famih-. 
 Among the Eskimos and the Kolushes each family is independent, but 
 among the latter people we find several families united into a clan which 
 has .some animal for its guardian .spirit and sign or coat of arms. Such 
 coats of arms, or "totem.s," are shown on Plate 38 {fig. 11): b is the so- 
 called "man-fish," a being partly fish, partly man, whicli the Chippewav.s' 
 myths represented as living in the upper lakes. The bird {pi. 32,7?^. 2) 
 also seems to be a totem. 
 
 The so-called "bands" or associations, with certain laws, customs, 
 and signs, which are found among the American peoples, have probably 
 derived their origin from these clans. Such a band among the IMandans 
 were the "Dogs," whose festive co.stnme and ensign (clapper) are por- 
 trayed on Plate 33 {fig. 2). Certain dances are pcrfonncd exclusivclv hv 
 these societies; as, for instance, the buffalo dance by the Buffalo Band 
 (//. 34), at which particularly famous heroes wear the head of a buffalo. 
 Another society-badge is shown on Plate 36 {fig. 4). The different .socie- 
 ties had also signal-jupes of different shapps and tojics, which the members 
 ■wore, together with tlic badges, around the neck (//. y.ijig. '^\\ pi. 2)1., 
 f'S- 2).
 
 224 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Several tribes often united in confederacies as a check upon excessive 
 division. The same conditions obtain in South America. In the north 
 great councils or assemblies of the people are held with much solemnity, 
 but in the south they are more lax. 
 
 Death-and-Biirial Cej'emonies. — Among the Eskimos the dead are 
 buried. The corpse is never carried out through the door, but through 
 the window or the wall of the tent, while the inmates shout after it, "No 
 one else to be had here " — a custom which we shall also find among the Chip- 
 peways of the upper lakes. They fear that the deceased might draw the liv- 
 ing after him, and they believe that his path should not be trodden by the 
 living. When he is buried all his effects are put on his grave, and the 
 lamentations for him are frequently repeated during the space of about 
 one 3'ear. The practice of making offerings at the grave existed among 
 the Kodyaks, W'ho buried the dead in the manner shown on Plate 30 
 ^Jig. 11), and among the Aleutians, who, as did many North American 
 Indians, embalmed the corpses and suspended them in boat-like coffins or 
 interred them in caves or in painted tomb-boxes. The latter manner of 
 burial also prevails among the Kolushes (/>/. 31, Jig. 10); coffins in the 
 shape of ships are used by the Kenais (Athabascas, //. 'i^ifig- 14); many 
 other tribes east of the Rock}- Mountains lay out the dead on scaffoldings, 
 either simply wrapped in cloths or placed in coffins {pi. ZlifiS- 2); others 
 bury prominent individuals, especially great warriors, in a sitting posture; 
 and the Aleutians inter all males in that manner {pi. 37, fig. 8). This prac- 
 tice is now steadily vanishing. The bones are collected by many tribes 
 and put in large charnel-houses which belong to the tribe in common. 
 
 We have already considered the old grave-mounds (p. 216; pi. 37, fig. 
 8; P'- 39i fig- 5); they are at present iised preferably by the Indians for 
 their graves, which are built in various ways, often quite artistically. 
 Such a superstructure of the simplest kind, and reminding us in a meas- 
 ure of Plate 30 {fig. 11), is shown on Plate 37 {fig. 7). Cremation of 
 corpses occurred rarely. Often the grave was decorated with a pole 
 carrj'ing the totem of the deceased (//. 37, fig. 2, to the left; //. 34, to 
 the left, the pole with the skin, with which compare pi. 20, fig. 9). In 
 some places lamentations for the dead found very singular expression: 
 offerings to the dead were plentiful, and chiefs of high rank, when 
 dying, often partook of their own funeral meal. Similar customs pre- 
 vailed throughout South America. 
 
 Religious Belief. — The soul was believed to be immortal; the dead 
 lived on in the Hereafter in an earthly manner — the good, the warriors, 
 etc. happily, the wicked and the cowards in a penitential condition. Tb.e 
 Indians also believed that the spirits of the dead exercised an influence, 
 generally an evil one, on the living; however, the souls of powerful ances- 
 tors (for which the stars were taken in some places) ofteu became guardian 
 spirits. These latter act a prominent part: they appear to the individual 
 in his "dream of life," either as an animal or a. plant, which then becomes 
 his totem. Accordingly, many animals are sacred to them, such as the
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 225 
 
 rattlesnake {pi. 36, fig. 5), the beaver, the bear, etc. The sun, the moon, 
 stars, and fire were worshipped. 
 
 The belief in an evil being, which had to succumb to the good spirit, 
 existed, and inferior spirits, fairies, elfs, giants {pi. 38, fig. 8), water- 
 sprites, etc., are not wanting. An example is shown on Plate 36 {fig. 7). 
 This Indian picture represents the spirit of a meteor running away 
 because he imagines the woman who is eating roasted chestnuts to be 
 a fire-eater. All the Americans possessed a deep religious feeling, and 
 they often prayed to their gods in a sensible manner. They undertook 
 nothing without religious preparation. But their religion had a dark 
 side, for the>' were superstitious to a high degree. 
 
 Idols. — Idols were by no means common: the principal images seem to 
 have been tliose of the guardian spirits, among which are to be classed 
 the old earth-reliefs (//. 39, figs. 6, 7, 8, 10), although among them the 
 famous snake monument, about seven hundred feet in length, is prob- 
 ably a representation of the Great Spirit or of the Evil Spirit; and those 
 of ancestors, whose images were worn as amulets (//. 30, fig. 7; //. 38, 
 fig. 5). Other idols occur throughout the continent, often of a grotesque 
 shape. Barbarous images of the sun are found in South America fre- 
 quently in rock-sculpture {pi. 45, fig. 7, at the bottom, to the left, and 
 the strange figures in fig. 8, probably represent gods). 
 
 Temples were rare, and did not at all exist in the extreme north of 
 America. But the priests — called angekok by the Eskimos, medicine-men 
 in North America, pioclics by the Caribs and Tupis — possessed great 
 influence. The pricsth' office was not easily attained, for candidates were 
 obliged to submit to many, and often painful, trials. Among some tribes 
 of North America supernatural power was attained only by the consump- 
 tion of human flesh, by which, as it were, a second soul was acquired. 
 The priests were principally those who offered sacrifice, which consisted 
 of animals, fruit, and also children, the latter especially in order to 
 gain victory or a rich harvest; but generally they were only magicians, 
 fortune-tellers, conjurers of ghosts, and healers of the sick in an absurd 
 or immoral manner. Among the Patagonian.s, for instance, they wore 
 female attire. They performed their jugglings in special huts, the medi- 
 cine-huts of the North Americans serving the latter as temples. 
 
 All disease was held to be the result of demoniacal possession, and was 
 therefore to be cured by exorcisms, though some rational remedies were 
 occasionally applied. The priests were despised, though they were feared 
 on account of their power, and were sometimes killed when their medicine 
 or incantation had not the desired result. Besides the assistance of the 
 priests, various magic agencies were employed; thus, for instance, Plate 
 33 ^fis- 3) shows a magical nuMuuncnt of the Dakotas which was probably 
 also a society emblem. 
 
 The priests gained a special influence by means of the .secret religious 
 associations which were found everywhere both in North and South 
 America (Dakotas, Caribs, etc.). The much-despised men who wore 
 
 Vol. I.— 15
 
 226 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 female attire fonned such a society, but there were also other societies of 
 higher rank into which persons from different tribes were admitted with 
 solemn ceremonies. We shall mention only the Meda League, whose 
 members — magicians and physicians of power — were supposed to stand 
 in close relation to the gods. 
 
 Their sacred songs descriptive of their rites were written in hiero- 
 glyphics, a specimen of which is given on Plate 37 {fig. 9). a is the 
 medicine-hut of the Meda League, containing the Great Spirit, and 
 represents the song which must be sung by each candidate : "The Great 
 Spirit's house, of which you have been told, I will enter it;" b repre- 
 sents the novice with a crown of feathers and a pocket of adder-skin (r), 
 and is the sign for a second song by the novice; the curved line which 
 follows denotes recess, during which a meal was taken; (f is a man carry- 
 ing a dish; ra steam-bath which every novice had to take, such baths 
 being a main feature in the religious life of the Americans; f is the arm 
 of the priest who receives the presents {g) brought by the novice; li is the 
 ]\Ieda tree with its magical roots. The whole is a representation of an 
 initiation into the Meda League, and at the same time a mnemonic guide 
 for the songs accompanying the admission. 
 
 The preceding affords an outline of the life of the American aborigines: 
 it only remains to make some supplementar)' remarks about the civilized 
 tribes. We have already seen that many barbarous peoples were closely 
 related to the highly-cultivated Mexicans. Plates 40-43 contain types of 
 these peoples, and Figures 8, 9 (//. 40), 8, 9, 10, 11 {pi. 41), copied from 
 ancient ]\Iexican paintings, show us the costumes of the ancient Mexicans. 
 The garments were made of cotton. Montezuma does not appear in the 
 picture in grand gala costume, as he wears neither ear-bells, bracelets, nor 
 a ring in his lower lip. Pie carries a flower, the favorite decoration of 
 the Mexicans, and a cane with odoriferous resin. The band in his hair, 
 and above all his bare feet — sandals made of fibres of the cactus were 
 commonly worn — are marks of his rank. 
 
 The king, whose right was derived from God, possessed unlimited 
 power and received the most exaggerated veneration. He was not per- 
 mitted to walk, but was always carried. Succession to the throne was 
 hereditarj' in the female line, but the nobles had great influence in deter- 
 mining the selection. Next in rank to the king were the nobility, which 
 were divided into several classes. The king, assisted by several high 
 officers, was supreme judge and commander-in-chief 
 
 The Mexicans, who were often brave to fearlessness, went to war 
 almost entirely nude, as the warrior on Plate 40 {Jig. 8), illustrates — the 
 net which he carries is to capture the enemy — but generally a thickly-lined 
 jacket of cotton and a wooden helmet were worn {pi. 40, fig. 9), as were 
 also guards for the anns and legs {pi. ^2^ fig. 4). The shields were made 
 of cotton trimmed with feathers {pi. 40, fig. 9). The weapons consisted 
 of slings, clubs, bows and arrows, swords, knives of obsidian, and spears 
 which were in part thrown with a spiral throwing-strap. The costume
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 227 
 
 of the Mexicans (Indians) of to-day is shown on Plate 41 {Jig. i). The 
 blouse of the man is striped blue and white, his pantaloons are of goat's 
 leather. 
 
 We see their dwellings on Plate 41 {Jigs. 6, 7), the latter representation 
 scarcely differing from the dwelling of a related barbarous tribe shown by 
 Figure i {pi. 43). The ancient Mexicans excelled in architecture, and 
 their large cities were ornamented with magnificent stone palaces, which 
 (in iMexico) were partly built on j)ile-work. Their bridges, aqueducts, 
 and temples were also admirable. On Plate 43 {Jig. 5) are shown sections 
 of a remarkable engraved stone pillar from the ruins of Tula in the Valley 
 of Mexico; Figure 9 is a cross-section of a stone bridge near Tezcuco, and 
 Figure 11 represents a restoration of the celebrated pyramid of Papantla 
 in the state of Vera Cruz. The art of arching was known to them, as is 
 proved by the remarkable hill of Xochicalco, which is most probably an 
 ancient fortification or a fortified temple-place {pi. 41, Jigs. 4, 5). The 
 hill is conical, smooth, and surrounded by terraces each 20 metres (65]-^ 
 feet) in height, and at its base by a broad deep ditch, g. The level top 
 was ornamented by a high pyramidal-shaped terraced structure (like ^/. 
 42, Jig. i), whose large blocks of stone were united b)- polished joints and 
 were entirely covered with reliefs. Lying concealed in the hill are sub- 
 terranean chambers which were entered at A {pi. 41, Jigs. 4, 5) by long, 
 widely branching passages {C-E)^ and which were ventilated by means 
 of arches (//) reaching to the surface of the hill (a section of one is shown 
 at J). Back of the dressed natural rock (/) there is the open space 6", 
 which is supported by two pillars {E), also of dressed stone, and con- 
 structed like the chamber on Plate 41 {Jig. 2). 
 
 This latter illustration, as also Figure 3, represents details from the 
 ruins of Chichen Itza and Uxmal, extensive cities built by the Mayas, a 
 people related in culture to the Aztecs. The construction of the ceiling is 
 very peculiar: it may be called a triangular beehive arch, the walls 
 approaching each other up to a small horizontal plane on the ceiling {pi. 
 41. y^^""- 3)- The head depicted on Plate A2>{A?- 1°. Northern Yucatan), 
 which is no doubt an idol with genuine Central American features, as is 
 shown by the curved thick nose and the projecting upper lip (comp. //. 
 ^2, Jig. 4), affords an cxaini)Ie of the sculpture of the Mayas. 
 
 This model is found at other places — in the ruins of Palenque in 
 Guatemala, at the temple of Xochicalco in Mexico, etc. It represents the 
 deity of the temple as a victorious hero, with two worshippers in garb of 
 slaves supplicating liini. Particularly noteworthy are the helmet decorated 
 with feathers, ribbons, and flowers; the .sceptre, whose point carries the 
 eagle, which was the coat of arms of the city of Mexico; and the striking 
 costume, consisting of a close-fitting, long-sleeved jacket, network collar, 
 a belt decorated front and back with heads of the enemy and below bv a 
 leopard skin, of guards for the legs, and of a fan. This representation 
 was generally repeated at both sides of the temple-entrance. 
 
 Also important, as being an artistic production, is the granite vase (//.
 
 22S ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 43, fig. 8) which was dug up on the Mosquito coast,, and which is of 
 decided Mexican workmanship, for its ornamentations are exactly like 
 those of the ruins of Mitla. The images of animals {pi. ^^jfigs. 4, 6, 7) 
 found at different places in Central America, and which serv'ed as bound- 
 ary-marks, are of inferior workmanship. In them we may recognize 
 guardian spirits, who were frequently worshipped in Mexico in the guise 
 of animals. 
 
 In other respects the religion of the Mexicans resembled the religions 
 of the other American peoples : they had one invisible supreme God, who 
 was the first caiise of all things, and who was, in some regions, worshipped 
 quite monotheistically. The sun was also worshipped, being confounded 
 with the Supreme Being, and the natives of Managua (on Lake Nicaragua), 
 gave the name of "sun" to the snake image, three feet in diameter (pi. 
 43, fig. 3, right), which was associated with other rock-painted hiero- 
 glyphics, now partially destroyed, but depicted on Plate 43 (fig. 3, left). 
 Besides these chief gods there were innumerable others, some of which 
 seemed to be deified human beings, others to have been received from 
 immigrant or conquered peoples. 
 
 The Mexicans had likewise lower deities, demigods and domestic 
 divinities, and a quantity of mythological traditions, flood-legends, myths 
 about the creation, and various kinds of superstitions; their prayers were 
 oflTered in a crouching posture (//. 42, fig. 4), and were uttered with great 
 feeling; and their ethical rules, which were applied in education, and which 
 were frequently based on ancient written traditions, have about them an 
 air of elevated morality. Chastity was generally prevalent. One law of 
 their religion required each individual to confess his sins to the priest, 
 and if then he did not falsify to the all-seeing God, he was forgiven and 
 cleansed. Nevertheless, the refinement of this conception and many others 
 of a similar character failed to exclude from their religious rites the most 
 barbarous sacrifices. 
 
 Sacnfices. — Human beings were sacrificed on all important occasions, 
 the nourishment of the gods being supposed to consist of the blood and 
 heart (seat of the soul) of man. However, in general only flowers, fruits, 
 incense, and part of their food were oflTered. The temple-structures, in 
 which the skulls of the sacrificial victims were preserved, were very exten- 
 sive, all of them fortified and enclosing a number of buildings, taverns, 
 dwellings, warehouses, etc. The real teocalli (house of the gods) was sit- 
 uated in the courtyard. Plate 42 {fig. i) represents one without temple-sur- 
 roundings, as was frequently the case. Chapels with idols were quite nu- 
 merous; the images, as a rule, were absurd, but figures of a finer order have 
 occasionally been found (//. 41, fiig. 12; pi. 42, fig. 4; //. 43, fig- 6). 
 The chapels were situated on pyramids, as were also the altars of sacri- 
 fice, such as is seen in the centre of the four pyramids {pi. 42, fig. i). 
 The priests, who were very influential, formed a separate class of various 
 degrees. Priestesses, and especially temple-servants, etc., were numerous; 
 there were also \&ry severe religious orders and the priests practised strict
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 229 
 
 asceticism. The belief in an eternal life, and in reward and punishment 
 in the Hereafter, prevailed everywhere, and accordingly the interment of 
 tlie dead — which were generally buried, though sometimes cremated — was 
 solemn. 
 
 Industrial ajid Inicllrctital Aajiiirniicnts. — Having seen in all this the 
 high degree of development attained by the ^Mexicans, we shall find a 
 similar stage of progress in their industrial and intellectual acquirements. 
 Their works in metal, their textile fabrics, and their commerce had 
 readied a considerable advancement, and their well-developed chronology 
 deser\'es especial attention. Other American tribes calculated time accord- 
 ing to the moon and the sun, but the Mexicans had a complete calendar, 
 zodiac, etc. Tliey also had paper made of cactus-fibres, and the use of 
 hieroglyphics was general. Besides, they kept public records, of which 
 we give a small specimen on Plate 42 {Jig. 2) relating to the founding 
 of Tenochtitlan (Mexico). The coat of arms of the city, visible in the 
 centre, is an eagle on a cactus; for, according to an ancient prophecy, the 
 wanderings of the Aztecs were to cease where an eagle should settle on a 
 cactus. The ten heads signify the ten founders of the city ; the sign 
 under the cactus, the weapons of subjugation; the plants and cross-bars, 
 the fertility and irrigation of the country. 
 
 We proceed to treat of the otlier great civilized people of America, the 
 Peruvians (Quichuas and their nearest relatives the Aymaras), and shall 
 include with them several neighboring tribes, the Moxos, Chiquitos, etc., 
 although they are probably not closely related. 
 
 Costume. — The costumes of all these peoples are .shown on Plate 50 
 {fig^- 3' 9). Plate 51 (Jgs. I, 4, 5), Plate 53 {fig. iS). The Peruvians 
 before the subjugation wore garments of cotton, the women wearing long 
 skirts, the men shirt-like over-gannents which reached to the knee. The 
 Moxos still wear such garments, either of cotton or of the fibres of the 
 fig tree (//. 51, Jig. 4). The costume of the king (Inca) and of the 
 nobility was different from that of the people; on Plate 52 {fig. 1) we see 
 an Inca, but probably not without a later European modification of the 
 costume. His principal distinction was a crest of feathers on his frontlet 
 and a red tassel on his forehead. The nobles wore a similar tassel on the 
 left ear, and all persons of rank wore heavy ear-drops. 
 
 Government and Religion. — The constitution was similar to that of 
 Mexico, the king being an absolute monarch and sacred person; a nobility 
 of various grades stood between him and the oppressed people. The 
 religious views of the Peruvians (Quichuas and Aymaras) resembled those 
 of tlie other tribes of America; they had one supreme God, whom tlicv 
 worshipped as a pure spirit, altliough they erected temples in his honor 
 and made offerings to him. The sun was extensively worshipped as the 
 family god of the Incas, who wore its image as an oniament (//. ^2^ Jig. 
 i). There were also many other gods, amongst which the moon, the 
 ocean, the earth, and an evil spirit in the interior of the earth — the 
 Mexicans likewise believed in sucli a beiug — besides a number of ele-
 
 230 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 inentan' spirits, desen-e mention. We find here, too, legends of the Cre- 
 ation and the Dehige, as also stone giants (//. 38, fig. 8) like those whose 
 acqnaintance we made above (p. 200); likewise spirits in the forms of 
 animals and plants, abstract deities of the different trades, and worship of 
 the souls of former sovereigns, some of whom seem to have been deified. 
 
 It is remarkable that here, as well as in Mexico, the cross was used as 
 a sacred symbol {pi. 52, fig. i) before the advent of the Europeans, and 
 was utilized as an ornament in architecture also — for instance, in the 
 temple (//. 52, fig. 2) — -but of greater importance is the fact that here too 
 was found that pious and sincere faith which so frequently distinguished 
 the American Indians. This was exhibited in the magnificent temples 
 which they erected everywhere; in the great respect paid the priestly 
 hierarchy and the cloistered Virgins of the Sun; in the religious feasts, at 
 which confession of sins, fasting, and severe penance were practised. 
 
 Sacrifices. — Their sacrifices were numerous, and consisted of flowers, 
 fruits, animals (often in large numbers), articles of value, and on espe- 
 cially important occasions of human beings, who were generally willing- 
 victims. Sacrifices were offered in the temples or on certain stone 
 pyramids with broad flat tops, easy of access, where they also recited 
 their prayers {pi. 52, fig. 8). There were other less prominent altars in 
 the open air, especially near ponds and springs, as they believed man to 
 have proceeded from the water, and at spots where passers-by would be 
 likely to offer gifts (//. 53, fig. 14). 
 
 Idols. — Idols were numerous. The large stone image (//. 53, fig. 16) 
 of Tiahuanuco (south of Lake Titicaca), which is of excellent workman- 
 ship, is especially interesting. It is in a crouching posture (comp. pi. 
 50, figs. 5-8; //. 52, fig. 5), one hand on the knee, in strange costume, 
 with a necklace of buttons, some of which are also displayed on the 
 turban. The lines under the mouth suggest tattooing (comp. //. 40, figs. 
 I, 3). Inferior gods of a domestic character called canopa, made of gold, 
 silver, etc., are found everywhere; they are represented with long ears, 
 because the people of rank, in consequence of their heavy ear-ornaments, 
 were also long-eared (//. 52, fig. 4; pi. 53, fig. 2); while the thick head 
 reminds us of the national peculiarity of the Peruvians (comp. pi. 50, 
 
 Earthen Vessels and Utensils. — The shape of many of their earthen 
 vessels, which they made vers- gracefully, possessed a religious siguil- 
 icance. A specimen is illustrated on Plate 53 {fig. i). Ivlaize was believed 
 to be sacred, its divinity finding various representations (//. 53, fig. 2); 
 and such, we may suppose, was that on the handle of a vessel {pi. 53, 
 fig. i), consisting of a head made entirely of spikes of maize. The 
 vessel shown on Plate 52 {fig. 5) represents a priest with a sacrificial cup; 
 his strange attire, a hooded gown with bright-colored belt, and his crouch- 
 ing praying posture (comp. //. 42, fig. 4), deser\-e attention. Figure 7 
 {pi. 53) ma)- be similarly interpreted, perhaps as being a pious pilgrim; 
 and so too we may recognize religious significations in the ornaments on
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 231 
 
 Plate 52 {fig. 7), Plate 53 {figs. 3, 8, 10, 15). The Peruvians were very 
 skilftil, and exliibited great taste in the nianufactnre of their vessels, 
 which were often double (//. 52, fig. 6) and even quadruple. Tiicir 
 work in metal, by dint of good methods of smelting, despite their 
 unskilful mining shows some remarkable results in the way of utensils 
 {pi- ii^fis^- I. 3-6) and artistic objects (//. ^2, figs. 11-13; //. 53,7?^. 2). 
 For their sun-temples, which were covered with golden tiles, their gold- 
 smiths manufactured chairs and entire gardens of gold, held sacred to 
 the sun, and of silver, which were sacred to the moon. Together with 
 these utensils we note also their weapons, among which v/ere slings, 
 spears, wooden shields, and lassoes. 
 
 They had fixed army and war regulations. They accumulated the 
 heads of the enemy and made them into drinking-cups and ornaments. 
 Necklaces were not unfrequently made of the teeth of enemies. All large 
 cities were fortified, and there were besides many fortresses, generally 
 erected on rocky heights, surmounted by a citadel and surrounded by 
 concentric walls. The ruins of such a fortification situated south-east 
 of Lake Titicaca are shown on Plate 53 {fig. 19). 
 
 Structures. — Their highroads, their bridges, their palace and temple 
 structures, are famous. While their private houses in the numerous 
 populous cities were built of unburnt brick (adobes), and sometimes of 
 cane or .stone — the number of apartments being greater or less according 
 to the means of the owner — they yet built their temples and palaces of 
 ashlar, often of huge stones, whose joints were generally made invisible 
 by polishing. The doors are always very high, and narrower at the top; 
 sculptured ornaments occurred rarely. A temple-structure of this kind 
 is portrayed on Plate 52 {fig. 2), and the remains of one of the innumer- 
 able Inca palaces, with six encircling walls, on Plate 52 {fiig. 3). Plate 
 50 {fitg. 4) illustrates the present architecture of the Quichuas. 
 
 Music. — Their music is highly praised; their instruments consisted 
 of Pan's flutes (//. 53, fiig. 11), kettledrums (//. 51, fitg. i), zithers, etc.; 
 while the Moxos had long bamboo tubes, which they beat (//. 51, fig. 5). 
 Some of their dances of the present day and the strange co.stume worn at 
 them are depicted on Plate 51 {fiigs. i, 5). 
 
 Science. — Their scientific accomplishments' also were not insignificant. 
 They seem to have had an elementary and rude kind of hicroglvphics, 
 although the interpretation of their various stone sculptures is not quite 
 clear (for instance, //. 53, fig. 9). Of great importance were the quipiis 
 {pi. 53, fig. 12), which consisted of heavy cords, from which variously 
 colored thinner ones branched off, and which were knotted once, twice, 
 or three times. The colors signified dilTcreut objects, red denoting war or 
 soldiers; green, maize, etc.; the single knots represented 10, the double 
 ones 100, and the treble ones 1000. In this manner the quipus served as 
 the record of complicated transactions and accounts. Their use and 
 explanation constituted a special science and occupied learned profes.sors. 
 Other specialists were in possession of astronomical learning: they had
 
 232 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 a ver}' ingenious time measurement; others, again, had knowledge of 
 medicine, geography, and so on. There were also professional poets, 
 and the works of the Onichuas in poetry and eloquence are not unim- 
 portant. 
 
 They believed in immortalit)-, recompense after death, and either 
 buried the dead or entombed them in various structures, which were some- 
 times shaped like towers, sometimes like ovens {pi. \% fig. 5; pi. ^o, fig. i, 
 background). These contained the dead either singly or in greater num- 
 bers; in the latter case the corpses were distributed in larger chambers and 
 placed along the walls. The corpses, to which artificial eyes (//. 47, fig. 
 10) made of a yellow shining substance were sometimes given, were gener- 
 ally placed in a crouching posture, because this was the posturcof prayer, 
 and were thickly wound about with cloth. The dead Incas were embalmed 
 and placed on golden chairs in the temple of the sun. Many other corpses 
 have been preser\'ed by the pectiliar condition of the soil and the dry air 
 {pi. 50, figs. 5-8). Valuable articles were often deposited in the graves. 
 Numerous slaves were slain at the tombs of the nobles, and sometimes 
 the wives became willing victims of the death-sacrifice. 
 
 General Conchisio7is. — Our description has shown so many common 
 customs and so similar a physical structure from Cape Barrow to Cape 
 Horn that we are led to the conclusion that the population of this wide 
 expanse was of the same race throughout; and this conclusion is all the 
 more evident as we have not specially sought to bring together the sim- 
 ilarities. The fundamental traits of these peoples are also in unison, espe- 
 cially if we consider the different circumstances in which they lived. Tl:e 
 Eskimos, separated into single, independent families scattered over an 
 immense and inhospitable region, and chiefly depending on animal noxir- 
 ishment, cannot possess the taciturn, solemn earnestness of the Indians 
 whose mode of life is conventional. But neither in the Indians nor in 
 the aborigines of Mexico and Peru did that exterior seriousness exclude 
 a cheerful temperament, which could enjoy a game such as the ball-play- 
 ing that was so popular in IMexico. 
 
 All Americans are hospitable, brave, proud, and sensitive; at the same 
 time they have powerful passions and lasting, deep feelings. These traits 
 are exhibited in their religious and family life and in their tribal rela- 
 tions, by their devoted faithfulness and gratitude, as well as by their vehe- 
 ment revengefulness. Grave offences rarely occur. Cleanliness, which was 
 often found among the barbarous or half-civilized tribes, was a permanent 
 quality of the civilized peoples. The very depth of the American charac- 
 ter accounts for the earnestness which the Indian easily assumes, and also 
 for the readiness with which he yields to indolence; and its darkest shadow 
 is not cruelty to an enemy, which we have accounted for, but the treat- 
 ment of women. 
 
 The intellectual capacities of the American races are of a high order, 
 as has been proved by our entire description; this is true not only of the 
 Peruvians and ^Mexicans, but also of many other North American tribes,
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 233 
 
 as the Eskimos, and of many in South America, as the Caribs and the 
 Araucanians. The Americans should not be judged by their present con- 
 dition nor by single degraded individuals, as is so often done. The fault 
 was not wholly theirs if they have been hostile to European culture, which 
 almost everywhere they manifested a capacity for adopting. And if many 
 tribes have passed away without apparently accomplishing anj'thing for 
 the benefit of mankind, others deserve great credit. 
 
 Mexican and Peruvian civilization is annihilated, and impartial his- 
 tory knows by what means; but the fact that the Spaniards could so 
 easily and in so short a time establish new kingdoms and civilizations 
 was mainly due to the merit of the destroyed peoples. These had pre- 
 pared the soil on which the EuroiDean prospered, and yet the culture 
 attained by the latter was comparatively inferior to that which the natives 
 liad reached by their own unaided exertions.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 29. 
 
 lIvi'r.Kluiki IN.. — 1. L-Uuih. ..I i.n.>.i,l.ui.!. J, Ui^Urii K^kimii. 3. InhaliUniil iif Kul/clmc Sniiul, Ahf-ka (WislLrii 
 Kskimo). 4. Kskiiiio (om I'riiicf Kc(;iiil Hay (lirocnliiiul). 5. Winter liousc; 6. Summer lent, in KiL>lcni llrccnlanil. 
 7. Kskiiiiu wum.in, fnim U|>crnavick (Urvcniaiul).
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 30. 
 
 llvi'iRiioRi:,\Ns.— I. Kasl Crccnlandcr in his kayak. 2. Itoal of I he KasI Crvcniaiulcrs. 3. Casting sixrar (for sea- 
 fowl) of the Rskiino. 4. (Irccnlanil li>h siK-ar. 5. Snow-Rlasses of llic \Vc-.lcrn Kskinu>. 6. Eskimo sIcdKC. 7. Idols 
 from a grave in Kasl C.rccnlaml. 8. Pad.llc; o. 10. Hoat, of the K.Kly.iks. U. Manner of burial among the Western Es. 
 kimo. 12,13. Kur coau of the Malainiiuio { Al;i.-ka). 14. Inhabitants of the Aleutian Islands.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 31. 
 
 IIvi'KRiioRKANs. — I. PwcllinK of llio Alculiaiis. 2. Cap; j. l.ip urnaincnt, of llic Aleutians. NiiKTii Ami.kiians. — 
 
 4. Vessel (llaiilali) of ihc Koliislics. 5. Kolush woman. 6. Haskel of llic Koliislies. 7, 9. Dagijers of ilic Koliislics. 
 
 5. Daig^er of ihe Inkalits. 10. I'ainlcil lomli liox of (lie Koluslies. 11. Alil Indian (Vancouver Island). 12. Tanana 
 Indian (.Maska). i ;. I''ini;cr covering of (he Alaska women, used when sewing. 14. t'oqise rccciXaclc of ibc Inkalit.s 
 (Alaska). 15. Child's chair of the Inkalits, made of hirch-lKirk.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 32. 
 
 
 
 |3£E 
 
 F ■ MJ^J ll 
 
 1 F- '*-'. VI 
 
 ^.-■^._3 
 
 North Amkricans. — l. A Dakota warrior. 2. Indian monument, willi memorial inscriiHions. 3. A Dakota woman 
 and Assinil>i>in female ctiiUI. 4. A cliil> of ilic DakoL-i-s (Mamlan). 5. A disk frum an Imli.in mound, used in a p;ame. 
 6. Sjxxjn of the Knluslies. 7. Leather laj; of the DakoLxs. 8. .V club of the Dakot.as. 9. Flute; 10. K<k1s— memorials 
 of successful love — of the Dakotxs. 11. Doulile pilK- of the Mandans. 12. A pijie of the Mandans. Ij. Snow-glasses. 
 14. .'\ |>i|H.- of the lnkalit.s. 15. " Pijic of |>e.ice ;" 16. A pi|>e-he,i(l ; 17. A piiiccle.iner, of the Dakota nation. 1 8. Snow- 
 shoe of the Inkalits. 19. Snow-shoe of the Dakolas.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 33. 
 
 North Amkricans. — l. Assinilx)iii Indians. 2. Minitaree warrior in the costume of the " dog-dance." 3. Magical 
 monument of the .Vssinilioins. 4. licd-lwx of the North American Indians. 5. Chief of the Mandans, decorated willi the 
 >ii;ns of his w.ir achievements. 6. Chief of tlie Mandans in his festive dress.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 34.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 35.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 36. 
 
 North Amkricans. — i. Village (background) and skiffs of Ihc Mandans. 2. Scalp of a man; feathers use»! as me- 
 morials of extraordinary deeds. 3. Navajo Indian. 4. Tribal sign of the Mandans. 5. Tainting: lroi|Uois chieftain receiv- 
 ing the homage of Mohawk warriors. 6. Porlahle cradle of the North American Indians. 7. Tainting: The Meteor spirit. 
 8. Plan of a North American hut. 9. Wampum-belt and string of beads.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 37. 
 
 NnuTM Amkruvns.— I. Summer lent of a chiefiaiii. 2. ScaflToMings for coriwes. 3. Indian poi ; 4. >|«..n. 5. Vil- 
 lage of the Chcrokces. 6. North American skiff models. 7. Indian grave in the region of l-ike Michigan. S. .Section of 
 an old grave-mound near Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 9. Hieroglyphics; Meda song, or initiation into the Meda League (see 
 page 226).
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 38. 
 
 North Amkru ans.— i. Arrow. 2. Kisli spear. 3. Stone axe. 4- ll«»- 5- ''•"• '" '><■■ "'"'^'' ••>'""" ''"•" l*'^"' '^'^'" 
 an Indian ^Tave. 6. Tainted luiffaUi skin (wearing apparel). 7, 9, 10, 12. riix:lieads, frum Indian graves. 8. PainUng: 
 Stone giants. 11. I'ainliiii;: Tlie beginning of a [lelition.
 
 AAIKRICAXS 
 
 Plate 39. 
 
 
 ,u 
 
 
 -"ir^ 
 
 10 
 
 NuRTii Amkrkans. — I, Ancient eartlnvorks near Hoiielon, Ohio. 2. Ancient tlouMc encldsiire on the Wisconsin River. 
 3. I'aialkl nicmnils near I'iketon, ( lliio, 4. Specimens of |xitlery, from moumls in ( )liio. 5. .Ancient j^ravemoiiml near 
 .•\/lalan (vicinity of Milwaulice, Wisconsin). 6. .Ancient animalsliaped moumi anil "coniliills." 7. .\ncient cartliworks, 
 near Milwaulvee, Wisconsin. 8. .\ncient artificial mound, of a crossslia|)e, with the so-called "garden-beds." 9. lYolile 
 of the garden-beds. 10. Ancient hill, eaglc-shapcd.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 40. 
 
 /'■^V/ 1 ' 
 
 Mexicans. — 1,3. California Indians. 2. Necklace; 4. Bow; 5. Ami\v.s; 6. Kalln)jlia.skcl, of the California Indians. 
 7. Dancers of tlie California Indians. 8, 9. Warriors, from Mexican paintings. 10. (Jhoslliouse in Vanikora ^Sanla Cruz).
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 41. 
 
 u V* 
 
 m 
 
 
 fo TV 
 
 i 
 
 £ 
 
 
 jj i^' ^ 
 
 w. 
 
 o y ji" 2Z 1-1 
 
 Mkxicans. — 1. >fcxicnns of Michoacan (after clay figures). 2. Room at Cliichen, Mexico. 3. Inlcrior of chamber at 
 rxmal, Mexico. 4. Fortified hill at Xochicalco, Mexico; 5. Dan of the s.ime. 6. Interior of a hut of a native Mexican. 
 7. rre-.CTit haliitation of the native Mexicans. 8. Inhaliilant of /.a|i;Uera (Nic.araKua) ; 9, lo. Women of the IlMastccxs; 
 II. Montcv.uma II. in court attire — all from ancient Mexican iiainlings. 12. Mexican idol.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 42. 
 
 
 *r"T^"~11l 
 
 I r 
 
 #m 
 
 Wa 
 
 
 
 
 Mkxkans.— I. Mexican place of sacrifice, near Milla. 2. Mexican liien>i;lypliics. 3. Mojavcs — man and woman. 
 4. Mexican lemple sculpture. 5. .McKiuis. 6. I'inio women. 7, S. Iduls of iho Zapolccs. 9. Aicuco Indiaii.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 43. 
 
 ^N,^. 
 
 
 ■^i^r^ 
 
 
 — — -t. ^-, 
 
 
 
 Mexicans.— I. House of ilie Moquis. 2. Houses of the tloajira Indians. 3. Rock-jxiinlings of Managua (NicaraRua). 
 1 Kuliyioiis slonc niomimont. 5. Sections of a pillar at Tula, Mexico. 6, 7. Stone images. 8. CJranite vase fiuni Ilon- 
 ■ liiras. 9. Cross-section of a stone bridge ne;u Teicuco, Mexico. 10. Gigantic head at ls.-inial. II. IVranii.l of I-apanlla, 
 \ era Cruz.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 44. 
 
 10 u 
 
 SouT.. AMERICANS.-.. Wapisbno Indian; 2. Wapisiano girl (eleven years old); 3- Wapisiano woman. 4.- Inlerior 
 nfaWapisianohm. 5. WapUiano chieftain. 0. Warrau woman. 7. Ma.xuxu«a. 8. \ Ulage of the Car.bs. 9. Macus.. 
 
 10. I'aravillianu ; II. Warrau.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 45. 
 
 Snt'Tll Amkricans.— I. MaCHsi. 2-4. Skull of a Coroado Imlian. 5. Village ..1 ilic M:icums. (.. Iliii ..1 ihc lal.i 
 chus. 7. Rock-sculptures on the \'apura River, Soulli America. 8. Festive procession of the Tccunos.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 46. 
 
 S(U 111 Americans. — i. Miranha girl. 2. Coretu. 3. Mauhc. 4. Miranlias building a buai. j. lutlilivs un a pred- 
 atory excursion.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 47. 
 
 t::^^k:i,'p:^i^--'M^^ 
 
 
 \0 
 
 SiifTii Amkrrans. — I. Juri. 2. Mura Indian. 3. Mundnicu. 4. War-dance of the Juris. 5. Mundrucu warrior, 
 Willi ilic head of an enemy on his spear. 6. Holocudos. 7. Diameter and height of an ear-|ihig; 8. t)f a lip-plug of the 
 liotocuilos. 9. Speakinijlrumpet of the Botocudos. 10. Artificial eyes, from I'eruvian graves. II. Loin-covering; 
 12. Forehead oinajiicnt, of the Botocudos.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 48. 
 
 South Amiruans.— i, 2. ISotocudos; 3. Botocudo youth. 4- WaiKlcrinR Botociulo family. 5. Knife of the Bolo- 
 cudos. woni ahum the neck. 6. Puri woman. 7. Hammock of the Piiris. 8. Ikxloguc, or ballbow, of the Botocudos. 
 9. I'uris in their luit. 10. Cafusa wom.-in, willi strange head-dress.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 49. 
 
 South Amf.ricans. — i. Dance of the Piiiis. 2. Dancing-feast of the Camacunas. 3. Musical instnimcnt of the 
 Cainacunas. 4. Camacuiia woman. 5. Guarajo family.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 50. 
 
 SdiTli Amkricans. — I. Toha Indian; in llic backpntinil Ihc C'omlorluiasi, near .\sani;.uo (tVni). 2. rnlagonians. 
 3. Quichuas (IVru). 4. Quichua habitalion, near Cochabainba (Holivia). 5, 6. Aymora mumiuics. 7, 8. (juidiua munv 
 mies. 9. Ayniai-as.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 51. 
 
 Soirn Ami.ricans. — i. Dance of llit Aymaras. 2. I'ayaguas. 3. Grave of an Aymara clijcf. 4. Moxos Indians 
 5. Religious dance of ihe Moxos.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 52. 
 
 South Americans, — Costume or the king (Incn). 2. Temple ruins on an island of Ijike Titicaca. 3. Remains of 
 
 llie Inc.xs' palace. 4. Iilol of (jold ; 5. Ancient vessel, in llic slia]x; nf a priest; '>, 7. N'cssels, of the time of ilic Incas. 
 8. Ancient place uf sacrilice at lluaiita (I'eni). 9, 10. Skull of an ancient I'eruvian. II, 12. Clubs; 13. Sce|>trc |x>int, of 
 
 Inca times.
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 53. 
 
 South Amkricans:— i. Vessel ; 2. Idol of silver: 3. Vessel: 4. War-club: 5. Axc-Ioop, of copper; 6. Tniplcmcnl of 
 
 copper; 7. Vessel represenling .1 pilyiim; 8. Another fonn of vessel; 9. Slone sculptures; 10. Dccomted vessel; II. Tan's 
 flute; 12. Quipus— all of the old Penivians. 13. Skull of an Aturc. 14. Place of sacrifice near Timama. Peru 
 IVruviaii vase. 16. Mead of an old Peruvian colossal statue. 17. Peruvian balsa. 18. Uiolo of Are. 
 tion, of Inca times. 
 
 requiin. 
 
 15. Old 
 19. Koitifica-
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 235 
 
 III. THE MONGOLIANS. 
 
 The population of the Asiatic continent, from which Europe is sepa- 
 rable neither geographically nor ethnologically, is divided into four prin- 
 cipal groups: (i) the Mongolian; (2) the Dravidian; (3) the Arabic-African; 
 (4) the Indo-European. 
 
 The first group, which constitutes the chief population of Asia, belongs 
 almost exclusively, and the second, which is the least important, belongs 
 exclusively, to that continent. 
 
 These races, with the exception of the Dravidian, have moulded the 
 destiny of the world in the past, and in all probability will shape it in 
 the future. The peoples whom we include under the name of Mongolians 
 have especially influenced the history of mankind, for, like the civilized 
 nations of America, they waged wars not only of defence or retaliation, 
 but also of conquest; and at the same time they exhibited a capacity for 
 founding and maintaining great and desj^otic governments. 
 
 At several points they developed independent and highly important 
 civilizations, as in China, Japan, and Farther India, while other related 
 races show works of civilization le.ss important, but nevertheless worthy 
 of mention. Almost all the peoples belonging here have shown them- 
 selves capable of receiving foreign culture, as the Turks, Hungarians, 
 Finns, oftentimes the Chinese, and at present the Japanese. The two 
 latter possess the faculty of receiving such culture without losing their 
 national manners and their originality. 
 
 Unity of Type. — The group of peoples whom we class as Mongolians 
 forms an ethnologic division of the human race; that i.s, a division which 
 is based on the consideration and study of their physical structure, lan- 
 guage, character, achievements in religion, art, politics, etc.; in one word, 
 which is based on their psycho-physical growth and condition. Only by 
 a complete investigation of all these things can a truly scientific division 
 of the human race be made. 
 
 It is possible that the different peoples of any great division are of dif- 
 ferent origin; that is, that they independently separated from the original 
 stock of the human race, and by separate migrations reached new homes, 
 the uniformity of which gradually rendered their various characters homo- 
 geneous. But the ca.se seems diflerent with the Mongolian race, which is 
 spread over regions .so vast and diverse that they could not possibly have 
 produced a uniform influence. 
 
 The homogeneity which, as we shall sec immediately, is shown by 
 these peoples undoubtedly has its origin from connnon descent and 
 ancient inheritance; their ancestors seem to have emigrated in common 
 from their original home, and later on to have branched into the separate
 
 236 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 tribes of the IMongolian race. All peoples belonging to the latter are fairly 
 separated from those not Mongolians if we draw a line from Cape Cambodia 
 through the Caucasus to the Crimean peninsula, thence to the extreme 
 western point of the lower Volga, thence northward into the White Sea. 
 Outside of these boundaries there are but few peoples belonging to this 
 race — chiefly the Finnish tribes in Northern Europe, and the Hungarians, 
 and the Turks in Asia Minor, the last two of which, according to his- 
 tor}', emigrated later. We give to the whole race the usual name of 
 Mongolians, as no one of the geographical names proposed is worthy to 
 supplant it. 
 
 Subdivisions. — A race so large has of course subdivisions, and as, in 
 order to draw a boundary-line between the races, their whole existence 
 and growth must be taken into consideration, so must the subdivisions be 
 principally based on linguistic dissimilarities. There result from this two 
 main groups: 
 
 The first, with monosyllabic languages.^ the inhabitants of the south- 
 eastern portions of Asia, Farther India, Thibet, and China, w-hom we 
 embrace under the name of the Indo-Chinese peoples. 
 
 The second, with polysyllabic languages, who again separate into 
 several independent subdivisions, although they all seem to have pro- 
 ceeded from a common centre. 
 
 In the polysyllabic group we include, first, those peoples who are cus- 
 tomarily called Altaic or Ural-Altaic, and whom we should like to call 
 Uralo-Caspi-Japanic, or more concisely Ural-Japanic peoples, because 
 their territor}-, with the exception of the European offshoots already 
 mentioned, is pretty accurately bordered by the lines which are drawn 
 from both extremities of the Japanese islands, including Saghalin, to the 
 south-east coast of the Caspian Sea, and north in a cur\'e, through the 
 lower course of the Lena, to the north end of the Ural Mountains (see 
 Afap). Secondly, the North Asiatic remnants, single tribes of doubtful 
 position, belong here — the Yenisei Ostyaks, the Yukagirs, Tchuktchis, 
 and Kamchatkans, whom we unite in one group, although it is by no 
 means certain that they belong to one group; but it is certain that they 
 are closely related to the Ural-Japanic peoples. Thirdly, the peoples of the 
 Caucasus must be mentioned, who are the most independently developed 
 branch of this race. 
 
 Physical Characteristics : Stature and Form. — Before we pass to the 
 description of the individual tribes it will be necessary- to treat in detail 
 the uniformity which authorizes or rather compels us to include them in 
 one and the same race. It is especially the physical stntcture which must 
 here be considered, and which we shall describe in general outlines, 
 according to Pallas. 
 
 The Mongolian peoples are middle-sized or, especially the female sex, 
 under-sized. This is true of the Ural-Altaic peoples, the Japanese, Chinese, 
 Thibetans, and Indo-Chinese, and also of the Yukagirs and their relations, 
 as our plates show (Ural-Altaic peoples, //. 62., Jig. 5; pL 6t„ Jigs. 2, 4, 6,
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 237 
 
 7, 8; //. 66, fig. 2; pi. 67, fig. 6; //. 68, yTg-j. 4, 5; //. 69, A^j. 4, 11; //. 
 70, /^J. I, 3; //. 71, /^j. 2, 3; pi. 12, fig. 7; //. 73, A^-f- 4. 5; pi- 74, A^ 
 4; pl- 75. /.^--f- 2, 8; China, pi. ^d, fiig. 5; //. 57, A'-^- 4. 6; Tliibet, pi. 61, 
 figs. 2, 6, 8; Farther India, pi. 58, figs, i, 3; //. 60, fig. 3; Yukagirs and 
 relations, //. 75, fig. 5; //. 76, fig. 3; //. 77, fig. 6; //. 78, figs, i, 4, 5; 
 //. 79, A-f- I, 4i 5)- Disproportions in bnild are shown pretty uniformly 
 in a frequently thick head, short thick neck, the rump a little too long, 
 and lank extremities; the legs are not unfreqnently crooked. The arms 
 are also sometimes curved toward the outside, and both hands and feet 
 are usually small. All these peculiarities are shown on our plates: 
 
 First, the thick head and short neck of the Ural-Japanic peoples {pi. 
 68, figs. 3, 4, 5, Tunguses; pi. 69, A^. i, 4, Buriats; //. 70, fig. 3, 
 Yakoots; pi. 70, fig. i, Calmucks; //. 73, fig. 5, Tartars; pi. 75, fig. 2, 
 Finns; //. 75, fig. 8, Ostyaks; among the Tiiibetans, pi. 61, A^. 2, 
 
 6, 8; Japanese, //. 62, fig. 3; pi. 63, figs. 4, 6, 8; Ainos, //. 66, fig. 2; 
 among the Yukagirs and relatives, pL 75, fig. 5; //. 76, figs, i, 2; pi. "j-j^ 
 fig. 6; //. 78, figs. 4, 5; pL yg, figs, i, 4, 5). 
 
 Secondly, the badly-formed extremities are ven,' marked among them 
 iPl- 78, fi£-s. 4, 5; pi- 7% A?^- I, 4. 5; among the Japanese, //. 63, figs. 
 
 7, 8; the Ainos, pi. 66, figs, i, 2; tlie other Altaic peoples, //. 68, figs. 
 
 4, 5; pi- 69, fig- 11; pl- 70, A?- i; pi- 7.3, A- 5; pi 75; A^- 8; among 
 the Thibetans, //. 61, figs. 2, 6, 8). The manner of sitting common to 
 them all, crouching with legs crossed under them (//. 69, fig. 11; //. 71, 
 figs. 2, 3; pl. 73, fig. i), seems to have some connection with their 
 stature. 
 
 Color. — Tlieir complexion also shows much likeness. The funda- 
 mental color is a very light leather or "wheat" yellow, which often 
 changes into white, even to a sickly colorless hue, but also to darker 
 shades, even to a blackish brown. The dark coloring prevails in the 
 north and south-east of the continent; the central portion of it, as Japan 
 and China, shows a leatliery yellow as the prevailing color; toward the 
 west there is a whitish tint of the skin, whicli, however, is often dark- 
 ened by the manner of living, uncleauliness, etc. 
 
 Hair. — The hair is everywhere black, generally straight, rarely frizzled 
 {pl. 61, figs. 2, 6, 8), mostly coarse and hard, but in China pretty fine. 
 The hair of the beard and body is scant, and only in exceptional cases of 
 great abundance {pL 54, fig. 5; pl. 56, fig. 2; pl 57, fig. 8; pl 61, fig. 
 2; pl. 66, figs. I, 2, 6; pl 71, figs. 2, 3; //. 73, fig. 2; pl. 75, fig. 2); 
 besides, it is generally extracted. 
 
 Skull and Features. — The shape of the head of all these peoples shows 
 a uniformity, although this does not appear at first si.t^ht. The m.ajority 
 of the Mongolian tribes liave braclncephalic forms; the Chinese, Japanese, 
 and the Ksthonians are inesoceplialic; still others, like some Tliibctan 
 tribes, have even dolichocephalic shapes {pl. 6i, fig. 5); but the roof 
 of the skull is always square, and even where it passes into the oblong 
 fonn it is still always square, and it is never round (//. 61, fig. 5).
 
 23S ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Projecting jawbones are either not found at all or tlie projection is very 
 small; but the arches project in breadth, making the face verA' broad, 
 almost rhombic; the forehead, together with a strongly curved roof of 
 the skull, becomes narrow at the top, and the chin is narrower than the 
 cheeks (for instance, pi. 66, fig. 5; //. 67, fjg. 4; //. 68, Jig. 5; pi. 74, Jig. 
 8; pL 76, Jigs. I, 2). On this account the upper part of the face is often 
 very broad, but the entire face is round; narrow faces occur only rarely 
 {pi. 70, Jig. 2). The roof of the nose is often pressed in (//. 61, Jigs. 5, 
 6; pi. 69, Jigs. I, 2); its septum is flat, so that the nose scarcely projects, 
 or only very little, beyond the cheeks and forehead (//. 56, Jig. 3; //. 57, 
 Jig. 2; pi. 61, Jig. 6; pi. 62, Jigs. 1-4; pi. 63, Jigs, i, 3; pi. 70, Jig. \\ pi. 
 74. figs. 6, 7, 8; pi. 75, Jigs. 6, 7, 8). ^ ^ 
 
 The slanting position of the eyes, of which the inner corner often lies 
 deeper than the outer, is in connection with the low position of the root 
 of the nose. While our illustrations confirm this peculiarity among the 
 different tribes of the race (Ural-Japanic peoples, ph. 62, 63; //. 64,7?^. 9; 
 pi. 66, Jig. 5; //. 67, fig. 4; pi. 68, fig. 3; pi. 69, fig. 4; pi. 70, figs. I, 
 3; Kor}-aks, //. 76, figs, i, 2; Kamchatkans, //. 78, fig. 5; pi. 79, fig. 
 5; Indo-Chinese, pi 55, fig. 4; //. 56, fiig. 5; pi. 57, fig. 3; etc.), they 
 also show that it is by no means a reliable mark as to the race, for a 
 number of individuals, as well in the east as in the north, and especially 
 in the west, do not have it {pi. 54, figs, i, 7; pi. 56, figs, i, 3, 4; //. 57, 
 figs. 2, 5, 8, 10; //. 61, figs. 2, 6, 8; pi. 66, figs, i, 2; //. 68, figs. 4, 5; 
 pt- 70, fig- 2; pi. 71, figs. 2, 3; pi. -jT,, figs. I, 2; //. 7S,fig. 5; pi. 77^ fig- 
 6; //. 78, fig. 4; //. 79, fig. 4; //. 80). 
 
 Equally universal is a certain twinkling and pressing together of the 
 small eyes (for example, pi. 56, fig. 4; pi. 57^figs- 5> 8; //. 68,7?^. 4; //. 
 74, fig- 7; /''• 76, T??-^- I, 2; //. 78, fig. 5, etc.), which is closely related 
 to the first-mentioned peculiarity. As the cheekbones project broadly, 
 and the bones of the nose lie deep, the skin of the upper eyelid is drawn 
 downward to the nose, thus covering the inner angle of the eye. Plate i 
 {figs. 1-4) shows four eyes which will serve as an illustration of this pecu- 
 liarity. In Figure i, d a I? c is the upper e}-elid, which in /; already 
 covers a portion of the pupil a I), and in c is drawn so low down as com- 
 pletely to cover the inner corner. It is seen somewhat more distinctly 
 in Figure 2, still more in Figure 3, while the eye of the Dyak {fig. 4) 
 almost fully exposes the corner. 
 
 Not unfrequently the fold of skin of the upper eylid hangs so low as 
 to half cover the lashes on opening the eye. Nevertheless, it is not sur- 
 prising that this peculiarity should appear different with diflTerent indi- 
 viduals, sometimes more or less pronounced, and sometimes wholly absent. 
 Among young people and stout persons it is plainly perceptible; and 
 also among individuals whose nasal frames are very much compressed, 
 as the Japanese, etc. ; but it is less perceptible where the bones are more 
 elevated, as is the case among the Indo-Chinese peoples {pi. 61, figs. 2, 5, 
 6, 8). In consequence of this construction of the eye the tears in weeping
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 239 
 
 frequent!}' flow through the nose. The pupil is everj-where black or at 
 least very dark. 
 
 Of the other peculiarities of the face it must be remarked that it often 
 looks inflated or swollen, partly on account of the formation of the cheek- 
 bones, partly from a tendency to fatness peculiar to this race. Several 
 such swollen faces, which are especially common to young people and 
 children, are shown by our plates (for instance, //. 54, fig. 7; pi. 55, fig. 
 3; pl- 57. fiS- 2; //• 61, figs. 2, 6, 8; //. 62, figs. 1-5; pi. 63, figs, i, 3, 4, 
 6; pi. 66, fiig. 5; //. 67, figs. 4, 6; pi. 68, figs. 4, 5; //. 69, figs. 1, ^\ pi 
 70, fig. i; //. 74, figs. 6, 7, 8; //. 75, figs. 6, 7, 8; pis. 78, 79). They 
 are couamon to almost all tribes of this race. The lips are almost inva- 
 riably full and fleshy, the chin round and rather small, the teeth good 
 and durable. 
 
 The peoples of Farther India vary in many respects from this type, and 
 still more so those of the Caucasus and numerous individuals among the 
 Turks, Hungarians, and Finns. It prevails more extensively in the north 
 and east, than in the extreme south and west, of the region — is more 
 pronoimced among the uncultivated tribes and individuals than among 
 the cultivated. The physical constitution of the Caucasians makes it 
 hazardous to class them with the Mongolian race. Some scientists unite 
 them, with the Indo-Germanic peoples, the Semites, and the Basques, 
 into another race, and still others represent them as a distinct branch of 
 the human species, ha\'iug no relation to other races. Our opinion dis- 
 tinctly is that the ethnologic position of the peoples of the Caucasus is 
 still an open question. Our reasons for placing them in one class with 
 the Mongolians are the following: 
 
 First: The IMongolian type shows great change toward the west, becom- 
 ing more European; and this is in accordance with our supposition that 
 the types of races are produced by the gradual influence of their natural 
 surroundings. Thus we find the Finnish natives of Europe frequently of 
 European type, with blue eyes and brown, blond, or red hair. Again, a 
 modification of the Mongolian type has taken place with the Hungarians 
 and Turks {pi. 72, figs, i, 2), who, by their large stature, muscular pow- 
 ers, condition of hair {pi. 72, fig. 2\ pi. 75, fig. 2), shape of face and 
 skull, formation of the nose, position of the eyes, etc., can scarcely be 
 distinguisiied from the Indo-Germanic nations, particularly the Asiatic 
 types of them, as the Armenians, Kurds, etc. (conip. pi. 73, figs. 6, 9). 
 
 But the European type is by no means the only one prevailing 
 amongst these nations : the old Mongolian traits not unfrequently 
 occur. Thus among the Hungarians individuals are often found who 
 unite with a small figure and scant beard a tliick neck, a round head 
 with a low, retreating forehead, flattened occiput, .slanting eyes, short 
 flat nose, and thick lips. Some have attempted to find the catise of 
 this modification of the t>-pe by intcnninglings with Europeans; and 
 we are far from denying either the intcnninglings or their influence. 
 But in what the latter consists has neither been so thoroughly nor so
 
 240 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 widely investigated as to furnish a basis for scientific conclusions. It 
 is impossible to explain all these changes by referring them to inter- 
 mingling. It would be strange indeed if therein the Indo-European type 
 had so completely gained the ascendency, and it would be especially 
 remarkable in the Caucasus, where at least as much contact took place 
 with the Mongolian as with the Indo-Gennanic peoples. 
 
 Nations where there is no mixture — as many of the wild Turcomans 
 in the inhospitable steppes around the Caspian Sea — have the same non- 
 Mongolian features {pi. 72, fig. 5). Likewise the Nogais Turks between 
 the Caspian and the Sea of Azov, as well as the Tartars of the Crimea, 
 exhibit frequently quite European countenances {pi. 72, fig. 8; pi. 73, fig. 
 T)\ pi. 74,yig- i)- We, might assume that the intermixture of Indo-Ger- 
 manic blood was so great that in process of time the Mongolian traits 
 were absorbed; but so extensive a fusion throughout all classes has 
 never taken place here. This theory of blood-mixture does not solve 
 the difficulty, but merely sets it back. How, from what sources, has 
 the Indo-European type formed itself? Surely not by mixture. And that 
 the European was not the original type of mankind (according to the 
 development theor}') has long been an acknowledged fact (comp. p. 29). 
 
 If different influences could ennoble the type in this case, why not also 
 in the case of the IMongolian race ? For it is by no means so unchange- 
 ably fixed as has often been assumed. Our plates prove this when we 
 glance at the inhabitants of Farther India and the Ainos; and among the 
 Mongolian peoples in a narrower sense many differences of type are to be 
 seen. Therefore, the conclusion is justified that in spite of their Euro- 
 pean type the people of the Caucasus are to be considered as belonging 
 to the Mongolian race. In the earliest times, subsequent to the separation 
 from the original centre of mankind, they belonged, together with the 
 IMongolians, to a single centre of population. Having left this at an 
 early date, and being confined to their mountains and the surrounding 
 regions, they gradually took upon themselves their present character- 
 istics. They have long lived in their mountain-valleys secluded and 
 independent, as their so numerous and widely different tongiies plainly 
 prove. 
 
 Second : As further e\idence that they belong to the Mongolian race, 
 many physical peculiarities may be adduced which they share in com- 
 mon with it. The disproportion between the buttocks and the limbs, 
 already mentioned, is seen also in the Tcherkesses, whose thighs are often 
 somewhat short and whose feet are very small; and, inasmuch as the 
 handles of their weapons are surprisingly small, so must their hands be 
 — like the real IMongolian. Latham, the well-knowm English ethnologist, 
 calls the Caucasians "modified Mongolians," and Pallas likewise found 
 many Mongolian features among them, which he deemed referable to the 
 intermixture of Nogais blood. 
 
 The type of the Crimean Tartars (pi. 73, fig. 3) appears again in the 
 Caucasus, while many of the inhabitants of these mountains possess a
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 241 
 
 full European, and frequently very handsome, exterior. They present 
 an elegant and yet herculean build — the hips, however, remaining small 
 — rather long not round faces, prominent noses, large and mostly brown 
 eyes, brown but also blond and red hair, with much hair growing on the 
 body {pi. 80, figs. 1-3, 7-12). 
 
 Language. — We are next met by a question of the highest importance: 
 In what relationship do the languages of the Caucasians stand to each 
 other? Are they related to those of the other peoples of Mongolian stock 
 which were referred to above? We saw that the similarity of the Amer- 
 ican languages in general did not depend so much upon similarity of 
 rools as upon the fact that the grammatical forms resembled each other 
 in characteristic points, and that this similarity, more or less wide- 
 spread, was sufficient to indicate the original relationship of all these 
 tribes (p. 211). 
 
 If we now turn to the principal forms of speech of the different Mon- 
 golian peoples, we do not find precisely that which we found among the 
 Americans, but a state of affairs much akin to it, which might render an 
 original relationship and unity of speech by no means impossible. If we 
 do not find the same forms of speech everywhere, we do find in all idioms 
 belonging here only such forms as may or must have developed themselves 
 from a common foundation; which is the case all the world over when we 
 take the factor of development into consideration. 
 
 Not only do the more perfected of these languages use the same ele- 
 ments with greater strength than the less perfected, but we also have 
 transitions from the latter to the forni'^r, which show clearly the process 
 of gradual refinement of the tongues. Therefore, the original root of the 
 Mongolian tongues throws much light upon the history of the develop- 
 ment of speech; it shows us a whole scale of tongues, which, starting from 
 the most simple possible form of human speech (/. r., the nionos\'llabic), 
 progresses through more and more jierfcct formations to a point (in the 
 Finnish) which docs not essentially differ from the height of development 
 as found in the Indo-Germanic. 
 
 There are three points which this mother-speech teaches clearly, 
 and although they are well known everywhere, we must at least allude 
 to them on account of their great importance: 
 
 First, nations who have attained considerable culture, either by them- 
 selves or from foreign sources, exhibit a highly developed speech, in which 
 the forms of thought attain a fitting expression. This is the case among 
 the Mongolians with the Chinese and the Finns, among the .\mcricans 
 with the Mexicans and Ouichnas, with the Semites of the Arabic- African 
 races, etc. 
 
 Secondly, no ethnologic race shows only undeveloped tongues: with 
 almost all we find true formal elements of speech, as among the Mongo- 
 lians in Chinese and Finnish, and so at le;ist approximately in the Mex- 
 ican and in the Semitic speeches, etc. The Malayan and Tagala belong, 
 at least in part, here. 
 
 Vol. I.— 16
 
 242 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Thirdly, if a certain number of tongnes remain rude and undeveloped, 
 it does not follow that all the nearly-related tongues remain upon the same 
 level of development, as the highly-developed Finnish proves. 
 
 Thus we have, first, the monosyllabic tongues of China, Farther India, 
 and Thibet, which last two form the transition to the polysyllabic of 
 the Ural-Japanese. All the idioms in this category make no distinction 
 between verb, substantive, and adjective, but the same word may appear 
 as either. The words have no outward form of diflerence; and what is 
 a very remarkable fact — and indeed unique — is, that the words appearing 
 in the spoken language are often pure roots, so that the original form of 
 sound which the linguistic genius of this people created has been applied 
 in the language just as they formed it, without noteworthy changes, and 
 so remains. Unintentional changes in the sounds of the words have 
 gradually crept in, but these need not concern us here. 
 
 All these elements of speech are monosyllabic, as originally the roots 
 of all tongues were either monosyllabic or reduplicating; and it appears 
 that the psycho-physical foundation upon which the linguistic genius of 
 this people rested insisted upon and long clung to this monosyllabism ; 
 for only in later times were groups of roots formed by collocation into 
 polysyllabic words, in which the original formative elements had lost 
 their meaning. These linguistic elements of conventional and modified 
 meaning usually follow the radical, either as independent words or as 
 loosely-attached suffixes, of wliich a number sometimes may come after 
 a word. The use of prefixes is also not rare. They are much employed 
 in the languages of Farther India. 
 
 By means of this binding together of single words these languages 
 supply to a degree the lack of inflections — not perfectly, however, for 
 imity and plurality, sex, person, case, moods, etc. are all wanting. They 
 express these conceptions by independent words, often leaving it to the 
 speaker to think out and add the various relations. That this is a very 
 rough procedure is plain, and yet the Chinese adopts it just as do the other 
 tongues. The means by which these idioms devoid of inflection are 
 enabled to render the expression of thought is by the relative position of 
 the words. 
 
 The Chinese language has this v/ell marked, its rule being to place the 
 attribute before the subject, the subject before the predicate, and the pred- 
 icate before the object. This order is also observed by the tongues of 
 Farther India, and they, as well as the Chinese, make use of certain par- 
 ticles, inasmuch as the position of the word is not enough to give a clear 
 idea of the various relations, the particles rendering the doubtful meaning 
 quite clear. By their aid the attribute, object, etc. can be determined. 
 There are also particles which express the relations of the predicate. Fre- 
 quently a certain manner of speaking decides in cases which would other- 
 wise remain doubtful in meaning. 
 
 In spite of all this, these tongues — even the Chinese — do not stand 
 high. The best that the latter can do is to give a correct exposition of
 
 ErilNOGRAPHY. 243 
 
 common log-ical relations; further than this the language expresses noth- 
 ing: individual ideas are presented in an isolated form, and therefore 
 vaguely; the defining power, as we possess it in the formation of our 
 words, is wanting with them or added by means of independent words. 
 The same root, according to circumstances, may mean "great," "great- 
 ness," " to make great," or " to be great." Of course the tongue of the 
 Chinese, witli its fixed position of the word, is a mucli more compact one 
 than ours (the German). Tlieir thoughts are more abstract, their ideas 
 not so keen, less positive, so much with them coming into one word which 
 we separate with sharper comprehension. The best that the Chinese mind 
 possesses comes to them from without, through their thouglits into their 
 speech, the speech itself giving only the most commonplace ideas. The 
 languages of Farther India are somewhat less abstract, but on that very 
 account less logical. 
 
 The language of Thibet shows the same use of monosyllabism, but 
 at the same time an effort toward a firmer connection of the words; it is 
 rich in inseparable suffi.xes or suffixed words, for from the fact that all 
 attributes (for which signs of cases, articles, plurals, etc. serve) follow the 
 substantive, even dependent ones, such as signs of cases, plurals, etc., the 
 substantive becomes often verj- long. The .same is true of the verbal roots 
 and their affixes. 
 
 Prefixes also are not rare. If the attribute stands before, it will fre- 
 quently receive a particle, which is the sign of the genitive case; thus, for 
 our "the good man" it would be "good — relating to — man," or "the 
 man of goodness." The subject in the case of verbs of doing has fre- 
 quently an instrumental sufiix, so that the sentence "the king does this" 
 would be expressed in the Thibetan, "this — king-by — do. . . ." The 
 position of the words here is also quite constant, the verbal root having 
 always the last place. The different conceptions are much more sharply 
 divided into substantives, adjectives, and verbs. 
 
 In studying the polysyllabic Mongolian tongues the Japanese will first 
 demand our attention. Here also there is no inflection: sex, plurality, 
 declension, and conjugation are formed by independent words, which 
 mostly follow the leading idea, or by sufTixcs blend with it. The first 
 vowel sound of these suffixes often assimilates to the vowel sound of the 
 stem-word, so that there are traces of a kind of vocal hannony. Some of 
 tlicsc suffixes deserve closer attention. They have a predicate suffix si 
 (Hoffmann, Jnpnitsiiir Sprdn/clcrr) and various attribute suffixes, which 
 are employed for the more precise defining of the .subject. So also the 
 genitive suffix ,^<^?, whicli, where there is an accented predicate, is applied 
 to the (apparent) sulyect. 
 
 If it be asked, "'A7r;/r 'erw '^dri-* tndsu-^ka?''' — Is there money at 
 hand? (literally, 'Money, "what belongs to, 'to be present, *to be at hand, 
 ''interrogative word), the answer will be, ''^ A'am-'^j^a dri- mdsu''' — Money 
 is at hand (literally, 'money *of, genitive sig^i); therefore "the being-here 
 of money" (Hoffmann). The r.v? of the first e.xamiile is an isolating par-
 
 244 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 tide; it marks out the word immediately preceding it as important, and 
 is attached mostly to the subject, sometimes to the object, sometimes to 
 the predicate. The object has also its own suffix, which serves as the 
 accusative sign in the grammars. The subject stands (if it does not 
 attract one of these particles) without other definition than its position, 
 for neither the Japanese uor any other Mongolian tongue has nominative 
 suffixes. 
 
 The position of words is of the highest importance: the predicate follows 
 the subject, and all the more definitive expressions stand before the word 
 to be defined; thus, the attribute (genitive, adjective) is placed before the 
 word to which it belongs, the adverb and all objects before the verb being 
 understood as its limiting terms. Thus we have two apparently opposite 
 principles of phraseology: independent limiting ideas precede, and depend- 
 ent ones (suffixes, particles) follow. 
 
 This is of the more importance because by this means the language 
 distinguishes very sharply between ideas which are expressed in the words 
 and the relations of these ideas to each other. The subject serves as a 
 particular definition to the predicate only where it has the genitive suffix, 
 not wiiere it is isolated by zca or stands without something to denote it. 
 All these denoting signs are ver>' properly wanting to the subject, for it 
 refers to nothing, while all else in the sentence refers back to it. The pred- 
 icate group, no matter how extended, refers back to the subject. 
 
 In the language of courtesy there is even a sort of agreement (con- 
 gruence), so that where there is a subject to be honored a prefix with an 
 lionorable meaning comes before the verb. Still more exactly is this rela- 
 tion expressed by the predicate-suffix j/, which means "to be," esse. It is 
 not rare in Japanese to find prefixes: they were originally independent 
 attributive words, but have gradually been so closely attracted by the chief 
 idea to which they belong that they have lost their independent quality. 
 
 Thus, the Japanese is seen to be a speech which, though differing 
 widely from our own, is a vehicle for keen and consecutive thinking. 
 Granting that this is of ethnologic importance, we shall have to look at it 
 more closely for another reason: we find in it the proof that the celebrated 
 Ainos, who are now generally treated as a separate race, are closely related 
 to the Japanese. Their language is built r.pon the same model as the 
 Japanese (according to Pfizmayer's works), and many of the suffixes, 
 as well of substantives as of verbs, are either quite alike or have difiered 
 only by change in sound. 
 
 To these similar suffixes belong also such as give its peculiar quality 
 to the Japanese, as the isolating aw, which has the same usage in the 
 tongue of the Ainos; e. g.^gft-^a7ii ^tschosc/itscIia-*zca ^rai- ke — "With 
 'bow ^to shoot ^what concerns ^to kill (Pfizmayer) — /. e. A shot from the 
 bow kills. Not only suffixes, but frequently the words themselves, are 
 similar or closely related; of course not merely borrowed ones, but nu- 
 merous words which plainly could not be borrowed, and which in both 
 tongues are treated as entirely independent Besides, the Japanese has
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 245 
 
 both with refjard to epochs and locality a number of different dialects. 
 Thus the dialect of Ycddo cannot be understood by the people of Nag- 
 asaki, and educated persons at large can only understand each other in 
 the written language. 
 
 Also among the Ainos there are different dialects, for the inhabitants 
 of Yesso, the Kurile Islands, Saghalin, of the southern end of Kamchatka, 
 the Gilyaks (Santane.s), and the Natkis of the continent, all of whom 
 belong to the Ainos, have each their peculiar dialect. The island Sag- 
 halin is inhabited by several races of Ainos with different dialects. 
 
 The languages of Central Asia, commonly called the Altaic or Ural- 
 Altaic languages, resemble the Japanese so much that much in them is 
 the .same in root; as, c.g.^ in Manchoo the isolating wa {lui) is likewise 
 seen, but has not yet become a true form-element, and in regard to syntax is 
 not yet so highly developed as in the Japanese. Other points, again, have 
 been here more richly de\'eloped; for instance, the vocal harmony, which 
 was only alluded to in the Japanese. The vowels of the Altaic tongues 
 are divided into three classes — rough, medium, and soft: the stem-vowel 
 always determines, by its own nature, the nature of the vowels which 
 appear in the suffixes; therefore the sound of the suffixes is much varied. 
 Tliis rule is characteristic of all these tongues; yet it does not universally 
 prevail, and in some of the dialects of the most highly developed of these 
 idioms it is almost abandoned. 
 
 Compared with the Japanese, we note another great advance — namely, 
 that in all these tongues verbal and nominal stems are different. Not that 
 the noun (substantive or adjective) can be directly declined; but, while 
 in Japanese the particles supplying the place of inflection frequently accord 
 with the particles of the substantive denoting the case, it is not so here; 
 both are separated as the formative syllables for developed nominal and 
 verbal stems are distinguished. 
 
 Thus we see the development of a perfect declension with number 
 and ca.se quite equal to our own in the more highly developed dialects, 
 and a conjugation that metamorphoses the substantive root by means of 
 subordinate unchangeable suffixes. These latter are derived from the 
 ordinary pronouns like the po.ssessive suffixes which are met with every- 
 where in these tongues, and many of the case suffixes are recognized as 
 demonstrative pronouns; thus \\\ priiidpic the choice of suffixes is rigidly 
 indicated. With this is connected the great development of the personal 
 pronoun, which in the Japanese was unimportant, but here presents a 
 number of forms, and in some cases differs in its inflections from the noun. 
 We often recognize true inflection in these tongues, and iu some dialects 
 (Finnish) a real comparative and superlative can be formed. 
 
 Other parallelisms of all these tongues are the negative verbs and dif- 
 
 ' fcrcnt methods of denoting near and remote objects, as well as the whole 
 
 formation of the sentence. The subject leads as principal idea, and we 
 
 have again tliat double principle already referred to: independent limiting 
 
 ideas (attribute, which in the Eastern tongues often appears only in the
 
 246 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 genitive form, object, adverb) stand before the verb to be limited, depend- 
 ent definitions follow. 
 
 All these languages have only suffixes or postpositions; prefixes are 
 not used, or at least are ver>' rare. The suffixes are numerous and devel- 
 oped in a manifold manner: there are predicate suffixes (formed out of the 
 pronouns and personals, e.g. in the Samoied language sazva-m — good I ; 
 I am good), possessive and objective suffixes. The number of cases, owing 
 to these suffixes, is great. These suffixes — which are allowable in many 
 of the tongues now tmder consideration, while in most they are necessities 
 — were the cause of the name of "agglutinating" or "adding" being 
 given to this group of languages (see p. 52). 
 
 We mxist content ourselves with this rough sketch of the Altaic 
 tongues, in spite of much that might be more closely considered. The 
 steps in their development going from east to west are particular!}- worthy 
 of attention. Several of the Western — for example, the Finnish — can 
 hardly be regarded in an unprejudiced manner as other than infiecting 
 tongues. The circumstance is noteworthy that similarity of root does 
 not prevail in any of these languages which are distantly separated from 
 each other; the numerals, for instance, are often quite different. 
 
 The little that we know of the tongues of the scattered North Asiatic 
 tribes justifies us in regarding them as related to the Mongolian (Yenisei 
 Ostyak, according to Castren ; Yukagir, according to Schiefner); yet they 
 stand farther from the Altaic idioms than the Japanese. We find the 
 \owel-hannony at least suggested; there are the same syntax, the negative 
 verb, the predicate suffixes, and much else to correspond; but here we 
 have prefixing also — e.g. ab-iip, "my father;" uk-iip, "your father;" 
 also didcleng, ' ' I work, ' ' kiigeleng, ' ' }'ou work, ' ' diijaloig, ' ' he works ' ' 
 (Yenisei Ostyak, Castren); and in the Yenisei Ostyak the verb is con- 
 structed asymmetrically, and likewise there are traces of a kind of inflec- 
 tional gender and an agreement between subject and predicate which are 
 highly remarkable. 
 
 Finally, we can judge of the Caucasian languages. First, let us say 
 that the chief divisions of the population of the Caucasus, the inhabit- 
 ants of Daghestan, the Circassians, those of the upper mountain-valleys, 
 those of Georgia and Lazistan, speak related tongues. An exact compar- 
 ison of the accessible material (see Uslar, Schiefner, Rosen, etc.) shows 
 this, for we find ever^-where the same structure of language with its fre- 
 quently surprising features; we often find the same suffixes and particles 
 used in corresponding application; finally, we find in all these tongues 
 much lexical matter in common. Such extensive identity in the meaning 
 and development of words cannot be owing to the process of borrow- 
 ing. Of course this relationship often conceals itself in anomalous and 
 jnore or less complex forms; but an exact comparative study will disclose 
 positive relations between the different tongues, as well as a system of 
 transitions of sounds by means of which these relations are to be rec- 
 ognized.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 247 
 
 In the second place, the structure of the Caucasian idioms shows nothin<;; 
 that is inconsistent with the Mongolian tongues. The system of sounds 
 is similar; the harmony of the vowels reappears in the Caucasian; the 
 negative verb, the affixed particles, the predicate suffixes, and also the 
 Mongolian rules for the position of the word, although the latter are not 
 found everywhere in the Caucasus, but only in the least cultivated dialects. 
 In the others this feature is altered in many ways; but here also similar 
 foundations may be easily recognized. It is also noteworthy how in the 
 different tongues different parts are developed; no one is just like another. 
 This arose from their history, as they have mostly developed themselves 
 in isolated localities. 
 
 That we find numerous prefixes in them will not surprise us, since this 
 is not unknown among the Mongolian idioms; but it is remarkable that 
 many of the tongues of the Caucasus, northerly and southerly, possess a 
 sort of gender which shows itself in the adjective, in the (interrogative) 
 pronoun, and still more in the verb, whose first sound can be altered to 
 masculine or feminine in the two first persons. This is a lately-developed 
 feature, wanting in some of the tongues. Critically examined, the verb 
 is devoid of inflections, and frequently what in our tongue is the subject 
 appears in an oblique case — ablative, etc. 
 
 The letters denoting the gender were originally prefixes, which later 
 united with the root; and in some tongues a personal pronoun is inserted 
 between them and the root, as in the American languages; in others this 
 affix of gender partakes of the meaning of the personal pronoun (at least 
 of the first and second), and thus corresponds entirely with the peculiar 
 first sound of the Yenisei Ostyak, which distinguishes the different persons. 
 
 It is worthy of notice also that many suffixes and pronouns seem to 
 agree as to sound in the Caucasian and Mongolian tongues; and also that a 
 number of Mongolian suffixes (e. g. Turkish) are adopted by the Caucasian 
 idioms with the greatest ease. 
 
 These facts appear to establish a relationship between the Caucasian 
 and Mongolian stocks, more distant indeed than that between the Altaic 
 and the Yukagir, but about equal to that between the Altaic tongues 
 and those of Farther India. • 
 
 A. THE MONOSYLLABIC MONGOLIANS. 
 
 The.se include the inhabitants of China, Farther India, and Thibet 
 We begin at the most south-easterly point 
 
 I. The Puopues ok F.\rtiiick I.ndi.v. 
 
 Wc are justified in separating these from the Thibetans and Chinese 
 as an independent division, on account of the nature of their language. 
 
 Division. — The races which belong to this division are, according to 
 Lassen (see Map) —
 
 248 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 1. The Burmese (or Mrau-ma, as they style themselves), on both sides 
 of the Irawadi, to whom the inhabitants of Tenasserim, as well as of 
 Rakhaing (Aracan), belong, and some tribes which dwell on the south- 
 east slopes of the Himalayas and in the mountainous lands between the 
 Himala\as and the Irawadi. These are, first, the Khycns in the Yuma 
 Mountains and on the Khyen-Dwen, as well as on the delta of the Irawadi. 
 To them belong the Karens^ who in earlier times (^larco Polo) were settled 
 in South China, and at present, besides in the mountains mentioned, live 
 on the Irawadi delta, in which latter district they are neighbors to the 
 nearly-related Zabaings. To the races of the north-west mountains belong 
 the Kukis; north-westerly from these the Katcharis (IMetscha, Dhimal, 
 Bodo); still farther west, reaching almost to the westerly bend of the 
 Brahmapootra, the Khyis and Garos; and at the extreme west, in Lower 
 Assam and South Bootan, the Koischas^ of whom a part have adopted the 
 Bengalese tongue. North-easterly from the Kukis the Nagas are settled, 
 who are mountain-races, tribes with different names as far as Assam; and 
 northerly from them the Suigphos^ to whom are joined in Assam south- 
 easterly the Abors and the Kolitas^ north-easterly the Misch»iis, the Aliris, 
 and the Akas. 
 
 2. The lifon^ an independent branch of the inhabitants of Farther 
 India, who inhabit Pegu, and are called Talaiiigs by the Burmese. 
 
 3. The Khomas or Khames, the various races living in Cambodia. 
 Perhaps they are related to the Mois^ wild mountain-tribes in Dong-Nai 
 (South-west Cochin-China) and in the north-west of Tonquin, as also to 
 the Tsiampas or Laus in South-east Anam, and to the Quan-tos, which 
 latter, dwelling in the border mountains between China and Anam, believe 
 themselves the original people of Tonquin. 
 
 4. The T/iai^ who occupy the interior of the peninsula and include first 
 the Siamese, the Thai in a restricted sense, or the Shan of the Burmese; 
 secondly, the Laos people on the upper Me-Kong, the Khamtis at the head- 
 waters of the Irawadi, and the Ahoiiis, the former rulers of Assam. The 
 Thai are divided into different races — the Thai-noi^ Thai-jai, Afoi-Thai, 
 etc. ; the Pe-i (Lok-Thai), Pa-pe, etc. Here belong also the A'hasias or 
 Khycs (Scott), westerly from the Katscharis. 
 
 5. The Anajnites, or inhabitants of Anam (Chinese Ngan-nan), Ton- 
 quin, and Cochin-China. 
 
 We have already seen how the Karens migrated from South China. 
 The idea is, then, a very probable one (Lassen) that the Miao-isc, the 
 population of China formed by those Chinese migrating later, and which, 
 breaking up into different tribes, inhabit the mountains of various parts 
 of China, are more closely related to the people of Farther India. An- 
 other such transition race are the Lolos, as the population of South China 
 does not differ greatly from the people now under consideration. 
 
 Our illustrations, which are taken from Garniers fine work, Voyage 
 {{^Exploration dans P Indo- Chine, show types of the different races, and 
 will make these transitions clear. To the South Laos race belongs the
 
 ETHXOGRAPHY. 249 
 
 mandarin (//. ^^•, fig. 2) from Kemarat on the Me-Kong (16° N. lat.), 
 likewise the young Laos {pi. 56, y^f"-. 4) from Bassac (15° N. lat.), while 
 Figure 3, showing a Laos of the uncivilized mountain Khinu race from 
 the district of Pak-beng (20° N. lat.), forms the transition to the North 
 Laos on Plate 56 {Jigs, i, 6). These northern Laos are called black — 
 properly speaking, "the Laos with black bodies" — because they tattoo 
 themselves with very elegant devices, mostly from the navel downward, 
 but often also over the whole body (//. 56, fig. 6). The Bunncse practise 
 this also: all the men are tattooed over and over from the navel to the 
 knee with dark figures representing lions, wild boars, tigers, or birds and 
 demons. Many of the mountain-races have the same ornaments. Marco 
 Polo found in the westerly Yun-Nan striped devices on the thighs of the 
 men. The Khyen, especially the women, tattoo their faces. The wild race 
 of the Lemet (//. ^(>, fg. 5) belong to the northern Laos; they inhabit the 
 mountains north-west from Me-Kong, between 20° and 21° N. lat. To 
 the Thai-jai belongs the Thai (//. 55, fg. 3); the Kong woman (//. 81, 
 fg. 12) to a race of the Pa-pe, living from 21° northward; while the fire 
 women (//. 60, fg. 3, left) are Pa-is, and likewise the group on Plate 58 
 {fg. 3, in the background on the hill). The two women on the same 
 plate at the right are Lolos, also the mountaineer (22° east from Me-Kong) 
 from Yun-Nan {p/. 61, fg. 7); and a representative of a related race, north 
 from the lake of Ta-Lee in the same south-west province of China, is shown 
 in the Man-tse, Plate 55 {fg. 4). Man-tses are also seen on Plate 58 {fg. 
 I, the three standing at the left on the hill). 
 
 The people represented on Plate 56 {fg. 6) belong also to these non- 
 Chinese races. The men w'illi skin caps and the women with immense 
 turbans are Lissus ; the three standing women who follow are Man-tse 
 women; then we have a man and his wife of the Y-kia race — all 
 mountain-folk from the West Yun-Nan. Here belong also the Minkia 
 women, fishwives from the lake of Ta-Lee {p/. 58, fg. 3, at the left, 
 close and front), and behind them the "Chinese women" with high 
 caps, as well as Mohannnedan soldiers at the right, in front, on the 
 same plate. 
 
 Pliysical Oiaractcris/ics: S/a/urc and Form. — If we examine the cor- 
 poral build of all these figures we find that it is not large. The Anamites 
 are remarkable for smallness, and are mostly thickset and square-built 
 (/>/. 58, fg. i), but .sometimes .slender and finely proportioned (/>/. S^.,fg. 
 6), in spite of the disproportion between buttocks and limbs (not rare here) 
 which we alluded to above (p. 237) as common among Mongolians. The 
 muscular system, although well developed, is lax. All show a tendency 
 to grow fat. 
 
 Color and Features. — The .skin is soft and shining, of leather-yellow 
 color {pi. 54, fg. 7; //• 5^,fgs. 3, 4), and darker, even dark brown (//. 
 55i f'^^- 3' 4i /''• 5^' V^A'- ^)' o'^^'^" tending to red. The brow is well 
 developed, broad, often somewhat arched forward; the face round and 
 broad, with very prominent cheeks ; the eyes, without being actually
 
 250 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 small, are narrow, as if pressed down from above (//. 56, fig. 4), often 
 squinting; the nose small {pi. S^^fis^- 3! P^- ^'^ifis.- ^2), straight or arched, 
 fuller below; the lips thick. The ears stand out, and are characterized 
 by large flaps, which are often pierced in order to carry ornaments {pi. 54, 
 
 fig- i;/''- 56, /.fJ. I, 3)- 
 
 Hair. — The hair is alwaj-s black, mostly uncurled, but sometimes 
 wavy, and in some cases growing in locks (//. 56, fig. 3) ; the latest French 
 investigators affirm that it is never straight, while earlier accounts state 
 the contrary. It is worn either in a turban or bound on top of the head 
 {pi. 54, figs. I, 5; /''• 56} fig- 6), or short, and at times shorn off, so as to 
 make a kind of crown on the head {pi. 54, figs, i, 5; pi. 55, fig. 5; //. 
 56, figs. I, 4, 5). It is either allowed to fly free or is bound up in a 
 bunch (//. 58, yff. i, to the right). Many forms of ornamental hats and 
 caps are to be seen (//. 54,/.?-. 5; //. 56, /.f- 6; //. sS,fig. i; pi. 60, fig. 
 3), as, e. g., the women in the last-named plate on the right, who wear the 
 hair in large skin cases. The hair of the body is not plentiful, but more 
 so than with the Malaysians; the beard also on the lips and chin is not 
 alwajs wanting (//. 54, fiig. 5; pi. 56, fig. i; pi. 58, fig. i, at the right; 
 fil. 61, fig. 7), but it is seldom luxuriant (//. 54, fig. 5; pi. 56, fig. 2). 
 There is a Siamese family whose members for three generations have had 
 long silky hair all over their bodies (//. 54,y?f. 4). The resemblance of 
 these people to the Malaysian races has often been alluded to, but it is by 
 no means striking, as a glance at our illustration shows. 
 
 Costttmc. — We cannot speak of all the costumes which we have depict- 
 ed. The men of the more uncivilized tribes wear only an apron both at 
 work and in the house (//. 56, fig. 6), and even in the temples {pi. 55, 
 fig. 5), in which the pilgrims are wont to spend many days as if in their 
 own homes. The ordinary costume of the poorer Burmese consists of a 
 long piece of stuff (cotton or silk) about the hips, and a coat (or long 
 caftan) with sleeves, held in by means of a sash (//. ^\,figs. 3, 5; //. 55, 
 fiS- 5; P^- h^-ifis^- I) 3)- With many of the mountain-people the caftan 
 is of skin. Trousers for both sexes or gaiter-like leg-coverings are com- 
 mon (//. 58, /^j. I, 3; pi. 60, fig. 3). 
 
 The striking female costumes of the Pa-is and Pa-pe (//. 60, fig. 3) 
 resemble the German peasant dress in their gay colors, but for the most 
 part dark-colored stufls are preferred by these nations. This is particu- 
 larly the case among the Anamites, who wear almost exclusively silk 
 dresses, which are coarser or finer according to rank. Plate 55 {fig. 2) 
 shows portraits of Siamese actresses in royal dress. The long finger- 
 nails, which are protected by silver cases, are a symbol of nobility, 
 and indicate that the person is exempt from the necessity of manual 
 labor. Various sorts of turbans {pi. 54, fig. 7), black for the m.en 
 and blue for the women, distinguish rank. Both sexes wear wide 
 trousers, several over-garments with long sleeves {pi. 54, fig. 6), and 
 longer or shorter jackets, like those of the L,aos women in Plate 56 {fig. 
 6), and frequently over all this long black silk mantles. White is the
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 251 
 
 color of mourning ; yellow is the sacred color, and is therefore worn 
 only by princes and priests. 
 
 Architecture : Temples and Palaces. — The temples and palaces are most 
 magnificent and imposing, but an independent style has not yet been 
 developed, the Indian style predominating with its rich ornamentation 
 {pi. SA'i /'..?■ 2)- Other buildings show Chinese influence, as the palace of 
 Amarapoora (//. 54, Jig. 3) and the great pagoda of Semao on the upper 
 Me-Kong {pi. 60, /ig. i. Gamier), whose monolithic door-jambs are 
 guarded by ivory dogs, the symbols of friendship. The smaller temples, 
 like the private houses, are built of bamboo, are circular in shape, and 
 rest on wooden piles: the interior of one of these is seen on Plate 55 {Jig. 
 5, Garnier). 
 
 Dwellings. — The houses in the cities show nothing remarkable. They 
 often rest upon large stakes, the stables being below. This is seen on 
 Plate 56 {/ig. 7, Garnier) — the farm of a wealthy Laos, where the build- 
 ings are erected of rattan and bamboo, and are inaccessible at night after 
 the ladder is drawn up. At the right in the picture stands a little rice- 
 house; at the left, in the background, the dwelling of a poor man. The 
 wagon in the foreground and the animals in the yard give an idea of the 
 husbandry; in the garden are planted bananas, fan and areca palms, betel, 
 pepper, cocoa, etc. Rice, which is the staple food, is generally culti- 
 vated even where agriculture is neglected. The mountain-races eat 
 almost all kinds of animal food, but the civilized nations have many 
 religious laws concerning their diet. In these dwellings the general 
 fi.Ktures of the house arc simple, while great lu.xury frequently prevails 
 in the cities. The use of mats for sleeping and resting is universal 
 
 (//• 55, A-- 5)- 
 
 Commerce and Trade., Art and Literature. — Commerce is mostly in 
 
 the hands of foreigners; the trades arc not well advanced, and in art we 
 ma)' mention the music of the Siamese. The Laos, as well as the Siamese, 
 A.ssamites, and Burmese, have a kind of national literature — poems of myth- 
 ological and historical character, romances, dramas, and lyric pieces. The 
 computation of time is derived from Hither India; in Ava the Brahmaus 
 revise the calendar. Writing is quite connnon throughout Aracan. 
 
 Intellectual Faculties. — The intellectual activity of these people is not 
 great, though the Anamitcs are most noteworthy. They are honest, gen- 
 tle, and harmless, but cruel and fierce in their wars, as well as cowardly, 
 and without any feeling of true honor. The inhaliitants of the larger cities 
 are described in still more unfavorable terms. The wild mountain-races 
 are on a higher level, being peaceful and simple, even if somewhat rough. 
 
 The Anamitcs possess greater mental power, which shows itself in the 
 excessive animation of the countenance, and arc more jo\ous, friendly, 
 and com]ilacent, than the Siamese with their dull expression. They are 
 quicker in comprehension. They are also more particular about their 
 exterior than the latter; they take pleasure in ornamenting themselves, 
 though with little regard for cleanliness. Thus thcv have identified
 
 252 
 
 ETIIXO GRAPH Y. 
 
 themselves with the nearest centre of culture, China. Their dress is the 
 old Chinese; the speech of the learned, the characters of writing, their 
 social usages, and even their religion, are Chinese. 
 
 Family Life. — The family life of all these peoples is pure, although 
 polygamy prevails and the unmarried live quite without restraint. Yet 
 they are not dissolute in this particular unless under the influence of 
 liquor. Prostitution of unmarried daughters by their fathers exists in 
 Auam, and of wives by their hu.sbands in Aracan frequently, and is not 
 considered dishonorable. Yet on the whole the position of the women is 
 not bad. Entail of property goes by the mother's side. Children have 
 much tenderness shown them, although infanticide both before and after 
 birth is not rare in Anam. Old age is respected. 
 
 Goverttment. — The government is entirely despotic. The king is 
 believed to have descended from the gods, to whom the higher classes stand 
 nearer than the common people; therefore the king alone is permitted to 
 wear yellow, the sacred color of the sun. This gives rise to the ser\-ility 
 which is displayed toward him, to the excessive ceremony of the court, 
 the strict divisions of society — which are particularly marked in Burmah — 
 and to the polite usage which requires a common man to use certain 
 expressions and to avoid others when addressing a superior. It also 
 accounts for the submission of the lower classes to every act of cruelty 
 of their betters, which has undoubtedly had a most unfavorable influence 
 upon the development of the national character. Plate 54 {^g. 5) shows 
 the mandarins of an Anamite village clad in the dark -blue official garb. 
 
 Slavery. — Slaves are very numerous, and are of two classes — debtor 
 slaves, who are held in bondage until their debts are paid ; and perpetual 
 slaves, who are principally members of the mountain-tribes captured in 
 war. Slavery'among the Burmese is mild, but among the Siamese more 
 severe. There is also a caste consisting of the unclean and of outcasts, 
 who include temple slaves or prisoners of war presented to the temple, of 
 lepers and incurables who are under control of a special functionary, and 
 of undertakers, executioners, etc. 
 
 Soldiery and Arms. — The soldier}', although numerous, is not very 
 efficient: the weapons are poor and awkward, and cavalr^• has but 
 recently been introduced (//. 54, Jig. 3). Mohammedan soldiers from 
 Yun-Nan are seen on Plate 58 {^g. 3, the figures at the right); the 
 saw-like weapon, the helmet-like cap of the officer standing on the 
 right, as well as the triple-toothed lance and the collar-like metal coat- 
 of-mail of the warrior near him, are particularly remarkable. 
 
 In Siam only the king and highest nobility may ride upon the ele- 
 phant, which is the most generally employed and useful domestic animal 
 {pi. 56, fg. 7). Even in war the use of the elephant is confined to the 
 class named, though horses are growing into vogue. The elephants are 
 protected in battle by weapon-proof saddles. The saddle shown in Plate 
 54 (y^^f- S) "°'^^' hangs in a pagoda; it is of wood, superbly car\'ed and 
 inlaid with metal in a most artistic manner. White elephants are
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 253 
 
 esteemed holy, because they are regarded as the incarnation of fonncr 
 rulers. They are of a clear grayisli-white color, tending to yellow or red, 
 and are very scarce, being found only in high moHntain-lauds. After being 
 caught the elephant is housed in a palatial building, massive gold rings 
 are placed on its tusks, and it has a large retinue to serve it. Even the 
 king never rides on it; but when there is need the keeper chastises it, and 
 when it is led out to exercise the driver occupies a seat on its neck (//. 
 
 ^^.fis■ 3)- ^ 
 
 Religion. — The Buddhist religion prevails almost everywhere — in 
 Cochin China and Anam, however, only among the lower classes, while 
 the higher adhere to the teachings of Confucius. Plate 55 {fig. 5) repre- 
 sents the Buddhist feast of the new moon, which lasts three days. The 
 town and country people, as well as itinerant Burmese merchants with 
 their slaves, are assembled in the pagoda of Nong-Kay. As they live 
 entirely in the pagoda during the feast, they are provided with sleeping- 
 mats and provisions, and have, besides, many presents, such as eatables 
 for the bonzes and ornaments for the temple. A joung bonze sits on the 
 altar and reads the holy writings; opposite, in the higher lodge which is 
 provided with curtains, the old bonzes also sit praying. 
 
 Temples are numerous everywhere, but in Anam and Burmah the 
 priests are little esteemed and insignificant in number, while in Siam 
 ever}' one at some period of his life is a priest (talapoin). Moreover, relig- 
 ion has ver>' little influence upon the people's mind.s. The Islam faith is 
 now extending in South China and on the west coast of Farther India. 
 The wild races have preserved their old religion, which consisted in the 
 worship of the sky as the chief god, of the sun and moon as his servants 
 and inferior divinities, and of protecting spirits and evil demons, but 
 which often degenerated into fctichism. Their priests are both magicians 
 and doctors, for illness is believed to be witchcraft. An extended system 
 of philosophy prevails with them, as it does everywhere in Farther 
 India. The dead are either buried or burned with much solemnity 
 .attended with sacrifices, or they are treated according to the Buddhist 
 manner. 
 
 The introduction of Brahman culture into Siam and Aracan dates 
 from the first or second century b. c, and simultaneously the Indian 
 jirinccs subjected the wild tribes to a regular fonn of government. 
 Buddiiism, and with it the Pali and the Indian scriptures, was intro- 
 duced from Ceylon much later, at first, about 640 A. n., to Aracan and 
 the Laos district, whence it .spread throughout all Farther India. About 
 200 A. D. the Chinese pushed their victorious campaigns as far as Hon- 
 Kin, introducing their own culture with them. The native kingdoms 
 of Bunnah and Cambodia were at the height of their power toward the 
 end of the eleventh century; the Mongolian invasions of the thirteenth 
 century had no lasting influence, but in the fourteenth century the whole 
 East as far as Cambodia and Siam was tributary to China. We need not 
 follow the changes of the various rulers. England has had possessions
 
 254 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 there since 1824, and France since 1863, close to the feeble kingdoms of 
 Burmali, Siam, and Anam. 
 
 2. The Chinese. 
 
 We have already spoken of the gradnal transformation of the bodily 
 type of the people of Farther India into the Chinese (p. 236). When the 
 Chinese emigrated from the West to their present home they drove ont 
 of that locality many of the tribes already settled there, among them the 
 Thibetan people; others were absorbed by the immigrants, and many rem- 
 nants of tribes remained i:nmolested. Both the latter facts are explained 
 by the close relationship of the new and old inhabitants. The different dis- 
 tricts of the kingdom are now divided by physical and linguistic dissim- 
 ilarity, as might be expected from its great increase in size and from the 
 independent development of its separate parts. 
 
 Physical CJiaracteristics : Stature and Color. — The people of the north 
 are whiter and larger than those of the south, where the complexion is 
 often dark brown, while in the north, and particularly in the case of those 
 not exposed (such as women), the complexion is almost European in 
 whiteness. The bodily build is good, of middle size and over, and larger 
 than with the Indo-Chinese. The peculiar arrest in the growth of the 
 feet (generally small) which the Chinese accomplish by artificial means is 
 well known (//. ^., fig. 5). 
 
 Fcattires. — Ver}' prominent cheek-bones, and consequently almost 
 lozenge-shaped faces, small noses, prominent, small, often oblique eyes, 
 always dark and mostly black, and thick lips, are characteristic features 
 of the Chinese; yet the northerners and southerners (the latter being on 
 the whole the more handsome) differ widely from each other (comp. //. 
 57) fiS^- 2) 5) with figs. 8, 10, Gamier). 
 
 Hair. — The hair is black, straight, often long (//. ^I.fig. 2), the beard 
 generally scant {pi. 57, fig. i; pi. 60, fig. 6; //. 61, fig. i, etc.), yet also 
 sometimes rather heavy; that is, in the south (//. 57, fig. 10, and partic- 
 ularly y?^. 8), also in the far east, on the Liu-Kiu Islands (//. 60, fig. 4), . 
 whose almost independent populace is a mixed one of Chinese and Japan- 
 ese. The hair of the head is worn (especially by girls) either freely flow- 
 ing, or short shorn except a tuft on the crown remaining free {pi. 60, fig. 
 6), or bound into a knot {pi. 57, figs. 6, 7). 
 
 Costume. — The costume consists of a shirt, wide trousers, and over all 
 a long caftan, with wide sleeves, bound in at the waist (//. 60, figs. 4, 6). 
 The fan is always present; it hangs from the belt like the tobacco-box 
 {pi. 60, T^o-. 6). Costume of course differs according to rank. Our illus- 
 trations {pi. 57) of the different grades from the emperor {Jigs, i, 7) to 
 the night-watchman {fig. 6) give a clear idea of this. The well-knov/n 
 Chinese hat likewise takes several fonns (//. 57, figs, i, 5, 7, 8, 10; //. 
 60^ figs. 2, 4); and the shoes are often of the most exquisite workmausliip. 
 Colors have their meaning also: Vv-hite is the color for mourning (//. 60, 
 fig. 2); yellow, the holy one; blue and violet, peculiar to man's apparel.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 255 
 
 Architecture. — The house and city architecture of the Chinese is well 
 known; as an example of the comfortable and even luxurious elegance of 
 the richer classes compare Plate 59 {figs, i, 2). Figure 3 shows the sleep- 
 ing apartment of a noble Manchoo family. 
 
 Food and Slimulants. — In matters of the table also the most unbounded 
 luxury often prevails, but the great majority of the people live principally 
 upon rice, with the addition of cabbage, pork, and fish. They eat from 
 flat plates with chopsticks, articles used for thousands of years. The 
 main stimulants are tobacco and opium. 
 
 Agriculture. — With the immense over-population of the kingdom 
 agriculture is most carefully pursued, but the Chinese have also a great 
 love for floriculture. Tea, rice, and silk are the principal and original 
 products of the country. 
 
 Literature. — We shall not speak of the trades and arts, which mostly 
 stand on a high level, nor of the abundant literature of the Cliincse: let 
 us only mention that besides the dialects of the people there exists a com- 
 mon speech of the learned. There are also two forms of the written lan- 
 guage — the ancient highly-condensed and strict fonn, and a free modem 
 one. In the fonner the ancient sacred books are written, as well as modem 
 works on morals, science, history-, etc. ; and in the latter the numerous 
 romances and dramas which form the daily literature. Poetry has a pecu- 
 liar form of expression. Dramas, both light and serious, compose the 
 favorite recreations of the people, but the actors are much bound to cus- 
 tom, which seems to require an unnatural overacting in tragic roles. The 
 dress of the actors is overdone and often grotesque (/>/. 57, fig. 4). In 
 literature the earnest, sober, and entirely practical spirit of the Chinese 
 is seen. They have clear minds, but no imagination, the lack of which 
 directs their thoughts only to the practical and useful. 
 
 Family Life. — In spite of the dissoluteness of the Chinese, their family 
 life is pure. Every man has one wife in indissoluble marriage — that is, 
 one principal wife, but he may possess a number of other wives, whose 
 children are legitimate. The parents are devoted to the children, who 
 obey them most implicitly and show them the greatest respect. Home- 
 rearing and schools protect the children in moral and educational respects. 
 Great stress is laid upon the acquiring of a fine and courteous deportment, 
 of which the Chinese most properly think very highly, and feel themselves 
 therein .superior to Europeans. Marriages, births, and birthdays are cele- 
 brated with merrymakings. 
 
 Government. — The state, according to an oft-repeated Chinese saying, 
 is regarded as a large family, the emperor being the father or head of it, 
 upon whom tlic duty consequently devolves of caring for everything, great 
 and small. The emperor appoints his successors. He stands nearer the 
 gods than other men; therefore he receives divine honors, wears the color 
 of the sun, and is styled "son of heaven;" and he alone sacrifices to 
 heaven and to the highest gods. There are numerous civic bodies, and 
 the officials arc countless, to which latter a large but not always eCfcctive
 
 256 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 police force belongs, whose duties extend into the night hours. Special 
 night-watchmen (//. 57, fig. 6) are found in all quarters of the cities, whose 
 duty it is to arrest all who may be upon the street at a late hour, as well 
 as to strike the watches every two hours upon a bell or drum. The popu- 
 lace is divided into classes — nobility, officials and scholars, fanners, mer- 
 chants, and ships' people, and finally artisans and artists. Executioners, 
 actors, servants, etc. are not included in the bourgeoisie. 
 
 Warfare and Weapons. — Their powers in war are by no means remark- 
 able. In olden times the Chinese used various siege engines which remind 
 us of those employed by the Greeks and Romans (//. ^~.,fig. 9; pi. 60, fig. 
 5); and the equipment of the warriors was different from that of the pres- 
 ent. Some characteristic figures of the olden time are shown on Plate 61 
 {fig. i). The shield splendidly painted with a kind of Gorgon's head 
 deserves particular attention; also the heavy war-vestments and bow and 
 arrows of the warrior on the left, and the sabre of the middle figure. 
 Other weapons, defensive and offensive, are shown on Plate 58, as hel- 
 mets {figs. 4, 5), a bow-case {fig. 6), battle-axes {fiigs. 7, 9, 11), a mace 
 {fig. 8), swords {fiigs. 13, 14), etc. 
 
 Religion. — In their religion the clear sense of the Chinese .shows itself 
 They honor heaven, Tian (Tien), as the supreme being and foundation of 
 all things, father of all people, regarding it as abstract spiritual perfection, 
 but also taking part in the affairs of the world. By its side are the earth, 
 countless demons, protecting spirits, genii, and the souls of the dead, 
 which are mighty according to their rank when on earth. The}' offer 
 sacrifices and prayers to the gods, the head of each house for his own 
 familv, and the emperor for the whole land. There are no priests or 
 temples, but many superstitions. 
 
 It was Kong-fu-tsc (Confucius) who in the sixth centun- b. c. built 
 upon these old and fundamentally pure ideas his system of a pantheistic 
 and purely practical philosophy of life; and his teachings flourish still 
 with all prominent Chinamen. We find also the teachings of Lao-tse, a 
 contemporary of Confucius, who.se supreme being is the Tao, a kind of 
 abstract idea of reason; and Buddhism, the religion of the Fo, which has 
 points in common with the Tao, and is much spread among the lower 
 classes; the imperial family belongs to the sect of the Fo. 
 
 The religion of the Chinese is best expressed by Neumann's words: 
 "Prophets have never appeared in China. All its ideas come from men 
 and are calculated for temporal welfare. The Chinese were the utilita- 
 rians of the ancient world. What they do not understand with their 
 natural reason has no existence for them and is to them a mocker}." 
 But Christianity and Islamism have taken a firm hold. 
 
 Funeral Ceremonies. — Burials are very solemn. Great luxury is 
 displayed in the coffins, and even the poorest man strives to provide 
 one during his lifetime. The coffins are often kept for years in the 
 house. The dead are first laid out in the best room of the house, 
 where relatives and friends bring incense and candles as last gifts.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 257 
 
 The corpse is taken to the burial-place in solemn procession; in the van 
 large pictures are carried which represent the valuable possessions of 
 the deceased as well as mythical subjects, and which are burnt at the 
 grave. Tiien follow the mourning music and persons carrxing lamps, 
 flags, censers, and then, before or behind the cotTiu, the mourners clothed 
 in white, with white caps and white boots; other mourners and wagons 
 with female relatives follow the coffin. All present appear much cast 
 down, and loud weeping is a part of the proceedings (//. (yo^ fig. 2). 
 
 Professional mourners are often hired for the purpose of adding to the 
 lamentations. The coffin itself, provided with a double roof of violet silk, 
 has in our illustration the form of a ship. The name of the departed 
 adorns it, and it is always carried on a bier. Desert parts of the land are 
 utilized for the burial-grounds, which are public. Every family has a 
 grave in common, and efTorts are ni.ade to bring back the bodies of tho.se 
 d\ing abroad. The memorials are of different kinds. Cypress trees over- 
 shadow the graves (//. 58, y?o-. 2; //. 60, y?f-. 2). 
 
 In every dwelling there is a room for the dead, where their portraits 
 hang, and where once in the year the whole family as.senibles for a sort 
 of mortuary feast. The principal feasts of the living are New Year and 
 the Feast of Lanterns, the former taking place with much mcrrvmaking 
 and interchange of presents in the first month of the new year; the latter. 
 as the feast of the full moon, in the middle of the first month, with 
 illuminations, fireworks, etc. 
 
 3. TiiK Thibetans. 
 
 Under this name we group the people living southv.-ard from the 
 Karakorum Mountains to the Himalayas and throughout Thibet. They 
 e.vtend partly to Hither India, for the inhabitants of Nepal, Sikkim, and 
 I5ootan belong to them, and they have relations in China also; for the 
 Sefans (Thon-fan, thence the name Thibet) are of their race, whicli, 
 formerly settled as far as the upper branches of the Yang-tse-Kiang and 
 Hoang-Ho, now dwell between the Yang-tse-Kiang and Tschu-Kiang 
 (Ya-Long), and southward to Yun-Nan. The two Sefan women (//. 58, 
 fis;. I, sitting figures at the right) are from the right bank of the Yang- 
 tse-Kiang, from the district of Ta-Lee, and we see from the.se illustrations 
 how the Thibetan races in outward appearance come very close to the 
 races of Farther India. The transition is a very gradual one. 
 
 /)i:!si.»i and Ijocalion. — The chief tribes of Thibet proper are the fol- 
 lowing: The lUiii/iiis, Ii/it)ls, the common name of the peojilc from Rootan 
 to Ladakh; east from Hootnn live the wild IJiokhcis; in Sikkim the /.rfic/ias 
 (Lapka, lycptscha, pf. 6i,y?{^. 4), who were originally called Rong, and have 
 absorbed the northern KJiaiiihrn: during the last two hundred years; in the 
 same locality and in Hast Nepal are the [Jnibus and the Kiratis; in North 
 Nepal, the Miirniis — the original inhabitants of Nepal are the compara- 
 tively highly civilized Ac'cars: in West Nepal, the C'nrnn!^<!, the Afaj^ars, 
 the A'o/t/is, and also //if inhabilants of A'/ioo/iazcar, S/>i//, and iMdakli, 
 
 Vol. I.— 17
 
 258 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 although these latter, like man}' of the others, have an intermixture of 
 Indian blood. 
 
 Physical Characteristics. — ^We have already spoken (p. 236) of the physi- 
 cal type of this people. We may add that with small bodies the muscles 
 of the arms, and particularly of the legs and the breast, in breadth and 
 prominence are highly developed on account of their living in the moun- 
 tains. Indeed, many of these races (e.g. the Murmis, the Gurungs) are so 
 accustomed to mountain-air that they are unwilling to make any long 
 stay below a height of six thousand feet. 
 
 Their hands and feet are surprisingly small {pi. 61, fig. 8); heads and 
 faces round, the latter broad, with a very broad and flat bridge of the 
 nose, which lies in a straight line with the eyes or even deeper {pi. 61, 
 fig. 6). The lips are thick, the chin small, the hair mostly worn free, 
 long, black, and bushy or waving, sometimes in locks {pi. 61, figs. 2, 6, 
 8). There is almost no beard, and such a one as the lama of Ladakh 
 wears {pi. 61, fig. 2) is a great rarity. The color of the skin varies from 
 light yellow to tolerably dark brown. 
 
 Costume. — The costume of the Sefans {pi. 58, fig. i, Garnier) is like 
 that of the surrounding Indo-Chinese races or of the high mountain- 
 people (//. 61, figs. 2, 3, 4, 6, 8). The knife in the belt (//. 61, fiig. 6), 
 the boots made of felt, and the curious felt caps of the lamas (//. 61, 
 figs. 2, 3), as well as the hats and hoods of straw, are characteristic. 
 In Ladakh the women as well as the men often wear the hair in queues, 
 which are sometimes twisted into hoops or circles standing off from the 
 head like the halo which painters give to the saints (//. 61, fig. 4). For 
 weapons, besides the broad knife, they have bows and arrows, the latter 
 sometimes poisoned. 
 
 Architecture. — In the high mountains the houses are of stone and very 
 plain, sometimes also of twisted cane; in Sikkim they stand on piles. In 
 the architecture of the Thibetan cities there are unmistakable marks of 
 Chinese influence, but in their temples and religious edifices an Indian 
 influence is apparent. 
 
 The wilder tribes interest us more, because they manifest the original 
 character of the Thibetan people. The greater number are employed in 
 agriculture (barley) and raising stock (sheep, goats, }-aks, horses). They 
 make fire by friction or by means of a peculiar kind of bellows; bamboo 
 sticks serve for vessels. Tobacco is much smoked. 
 
 Social Life. — The women live very unrestrainedly before marriage, 
 and their laxity is not considered dishonorable; the marriage tie is strict, 
 in some places polygamous, in others polyandrous, several brothers having 
 a wife in common, who is the property of the eldest. The woman is 
 bought, and several of the tribes named intermarry. Inheritance goes 
 on the woman's side. 
 
 Bu7'ials. — They burn their dead, or bur}- them on the summits of the 
 mountains; they have priests and magicians, and believe in demons, of 
 which one is credited with great power and receives special worship, but
 
 ETHXOCRAPnV. 259 
 
 they have no temples nor idols. Animals and frnits are brought for 
 sacrifice. 
 
 Religion. — Tiie more cultivated tribes are in a slight degree Brahmans, 
 but mostly Buddhists, and it is known that Buddhism has its principal 
 seat in Thibet, and its temj^oro-spiritual head, the Dalai-Lama, resides at 
 lyassa. There are countless priests, unmarried and alwa\s living together 
 in monasteries. The culture of the various Thibetan states (which are 
 mostly independent or only nominalh- dependent on China) and their 
 rather rich literature have been formed by the teachers of Buddhism, 
 though the lamas themselves are ignorant men. In character this people, 
 on the whole, are good-natured, friendly, honest, and tnie; the wilder 
 tribes are very warlike and brave. They ha\e good natural gifts 
 
 B. THE POLYSYLLABIC MONGOLI.'VNS. 
 
 I. The Ural-Jap.\nese Peoples. 
 
 Classification. — The Ural-Japanese peoples are divided into se\eral 
 groups: 
 
 1. '^\\^ Japan CSC, \\\\.\\ tlie nearh'-related Liu-Kiii Islanders, the Ainos, 
 and the Corcans. To the Ainos hc\on^\.\\Q San /an cs or Gilyaks^ and the 
 Nalkis on the lower Anioor, whither they probably emigrated from the 
 west coast of the island of Saghalin, which is also occupied by Gilyaks 
 and Natkis. 
 
 2. According to Castren, the Tiittgiiscs, whose proper home is Man- 
 chooria, whence many of their tribes emigrated to East Siberia, and 
 whence the Manclioos in 1644 A. d. invaded China. The latter are men- 
 tioned in Chinese annals in earlier centuries as a ver\- nule people, but under 
 other names (Sutchin, eleventh century B. c. ; the closely-related Yleu, Yliu, 
 third century A. D. ; the Khitan, sixth century A. D.). They are a highly- 
 gifted and warlike race, and have now entirely adopted Chinese manners. 
 Plate 39 [fig. 3) gives an idea of their domestic comfort: the elevated plat- 
 form covered with mats serves as a sleejung-place for the whole famih', and 
 t!ie room is warmed by a small stove (on our plate in the middle of the 
 rear wall before the platfonn), in whicli are burning coals, and from which 
 the heated air is convened in pipes under the floor of the room. 
 
 Among the other tribes of Tunguses may be mentioned the Sea- 
 Tungnses and the LannUes {laniu, the sea), on the Sea of Okhotsk; 
 also the Tchapogirs on the middle Yenisei; others dwell in the extreme 
 north, on tlic Khatanga River. From the lands bordering on the Amoor 
 tliey progressed as far as the island of Saghalin, whose imrth end is in 
 their possession; for the Orotskos belong, as their name and far more their 
 exterior and customs prove, to the Tunguses, as also do the Smerenkurs, 
 who closely resemble them, and who occupy the north-west of the island 
 (/>/. (>T,fig- 6). Plate 68 {figs. 2, 3) shows Tunguses from Eastern Siberia; 
 Plate 68 {fiigs. 4, 5), from Central Siberia. 
 
 Many of the Tunguses arc nomadic {fil. 6S, figs. 4. 5), and the ;\Ian-
 
 26o ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 clioos call them Orotschon — "possessors of reindeer." But most of tliem 
 are hunters, brave, skilful, of jonous temperament, fond of ornament, and 
 often tattooed on their faces and hands. Their costume may be seen on 
 the plates referred to, also on Plate 68 {Jigs. 6-9). Figure 8 is a breast 
 ornament. Figure 7 a collar. People of this race who have settled down 
 are rare, but now, owing to Russian influences, their settlements are 
 becoming more numerous. 
 
 3. The Motigoliaiis in a more restricted sense, with four divisions: (i) 
 the East Mongolians, in Mongolia, whose northern tribes are the Khalha 
 Mongolians^ and southern the Schara Mongolians ; (2) the Burials around 
 the Lake of Baikal ; and (3) the Calmiicks, who call themselves Oeloet (the 
 "separated ones") or "the four united" (Durban-Oirad), for they consist 
 of four races. Coming originally from Dzungaria (Dzungar is the name 
 of one of the four races), they settled on the west border of the Gobi 
 region and westward from the Lake of Baikal; some, too, wandered into the 
 steppes between the Volga and Ural, where they have been Russian sub- 
 jects since 1630 A. D. (4) This division includes the pastoral races of the 
 Hazdres, Timlin's, Teimanis, etc. in North Afghanistan, which are also 
 comprised in the name Aimak ("hordes"). To this day a few of these 
 Mongolian-looking tribes, who are bigoted Mohammedans, speak Mon- 
 golian dialects. 
 
 4. The Turkish race, often also called the Tartars. The name of 
 Turks is older (about 600 A. d. in the Chinese annals) than that of Tar- 
 tars, which only appears about 880 A. D. In the earlier centuries these races 
 fonned the powerful kingdom of Hiongnu, north-westerly from China to the 
 Selenga River, from the ruins of which the kingdom of the Tu-kiu (^Turks) 
 was afterward developed. It was destroyed in 745 h.. D. by the Ka-otschc, 
 as the Chinese call them, a branch of the Uigurs. These latter, first men- 
 tioned in the Chinese annals in 478 .\. D., are a Turkish, but a highly and 
 anciently civilized people ; their nearest relatives are the Usbecks, Seljiiks, 
 and Osmans. 
 
 To the Turkish races belong also the Yakoots, settled from the lower 
 Lena to the upper Kolyma; the Barabin::cs, between the Obi and the 
 Irtish; the Kirghees^who call themselves Cossacks ("riders"), and who 
 are divided into four divisions — the Buriitcs (sr.uth-east from Thian-Shan), 
 the large (between Thian-Shan and the Lake of Balkash), the niediuni 
 (westerly from Balkash), and the small hordes (north from the Sea of 
 Aral); the Turcotnans (east from the Caspian Sea and south from the Sea 
 of Aral, //. 72, fig. 5); the Nogais {pi. 12, fig. 8; pi. 72,^ figs, 3, 5, Crimea, 
 European South Russia); the Kazan Tartars {pi. "J^, fiig. i), the Kumuks, 
 Kara-kalpaksi^^\)\2LQ^^ caps"), and others. Other nationalities celebrated 
 in history belong here, of which we will only mention the Huns, the Biil- 
 gai'ians, Avares, and Alans. 
 
 5. The Samoicds are divided into six races: (i) the Jurak Samoicds, 
 from the White Sea to the Yenisei, wdrose language has five dialects; (2) 
 the Tazcgy (-awamsk) Sainoieds, eastward to the Khatanga ; (3) the Yenisei
 
 ETUXOGKAPilY. 261 
 
 Samoieds^ with two dialects, living between the two named races on the 
 lower Yenisei: these three races wander abont on the tundras of the icy 
 sea, or are also fishermen on the Yenisei; (4) the Ostyak Samoieds, who 
 dwell in the woody mountains around Tomsk; (5) the Kamassi'ngs, on the 
 right bank of the upper Yenisei; and (6) a number of tribes — the Soyotfs, 
 Koibals, A'araj^asscs, and Malofcs in the Sajan niountaiu-Iands — who now 
 speak the Turkish language. 
 
 6. The sixth and last division is the Finnish race, after the Samoieds 
 the least numerous, but iu every other respect the liigliest and best devel- 
 oped of all. To them belong (i) the Ugrian people, the Ostyaks (on the 
 Obi at Tobolsk), I'ogiils (North Ural), and Magyars; (2) the Bulgarian or 
 I'olga people, the Tchc re misses and Mordivins ; (3) the Permian people, the 
 Syrjans on the Petchora, and the V'otyaks on the Kama and the Viatka; 
 and (4) the Finns proper — the Siiomi, as they call themselves; then the 
 Esthonians, Lapps, IJzonians, etc. The Tchuvashcs (Kazan), Basiikirs, 
 and a few other peoples now speak Turkish, although of Finnish descent. 
 
 In passing from the ethnographical to the anthropological considera- 
 tion of these peoples, we must first speak of the Japanese, the principal 
 mass of the Liu-Kiu Islanders, the Ainos, and the Corcans, for they have 
 developed themselves in quite a peculiar manner. The chief reason for 
 tliis is their insular remoteness. That the Ja]>anese have attained such a 
 height of culture is owing to the favorable nature of their home, which 
 stimulated the various capabilities of the immigrants, presented no insu- 
 perable difficulties, and by its insular character .secluded them for a long 
 time from foreign .sources of danger. 
 
 Physical Characterislics: Japanese and Corcans. — In build they arc 
 mostly of middle size, and yet iu some ]iarts of Japan they are large and 
 strong; the skin yellowish (in women light), tending to brown in the case 
 of those leading out-of-door lives; the cheeks broad, the forehead low, nar- 
 row, almost tapering, the chin small; the eyes often diagonal, always dark 
 (black, seldom brown) and small, but larger than tho.se of the Chinese; the 
 hair always black and luxuriant; the nose small, yet wide. All these fea- 
 tures may be seen on our plates (//. 62, figs. 1-5; //. (>T„Jigs. i, 3, 4, 6). 
 The eyebrows of the Japanese are full and strongly arched (//. 62, Jgs. i, 
 2) — a point that they always bring prominently to notice in their paintings 
 {pi. 6^, Jig. 9). It is worthy of note that the more noble families are less 
 marked in this particular. This appearance is seen also in the Corcans, 
 who are on the average somewhat larger. 
 
 Here we have sometimes the pure Mongolian type (//. 66, Jgs. 5, 7; pi. 
 Oj, Jig. 4); also faces more Kuropean in character, with nose not flattened; 
 with cheeks not so broad; fuller beard, which, however, among the 
 Coreans shows the Mongolian scantiuQ^s (pi. 66, Jg. 7), and larger eyes 
 (pi. 6C\ Jig. 6). We cannot consider that there has been an intermixture 
 of foreign elements here, when we rememl)cr the seclusion of Corea and 
 its position between peoples of jmre Mongolian stock. 
 
 The Corcans, who arc dependent upon China, have a considerable
 
 262 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 civilization, wliidi exhibits unmistakable Chinese influence. They also 
 received their Biiddhisin from China about 370 A. D., and it passed from 
 them at a later date to Japan. There are also numerous idols represent- 
 ing protecting gods (//. 67, figs. 2, 3; the figure at the left is a representa- 
 tion of Buddha), to which sacrifices are offered, and Buddhist monasteries 
 are numerous. The character of the people is excellent, but not so that 
 of the officials, whose despotic government is often excessively oppressi\e. 
 Polygamy prevails, but the families live together in harmony. In spile 
 of the isolated position of the country, commerce is flourishing; Plate 67 
 \^fig. 5) shows a Corean trading-boat. 
 
 Pliysical Characteristics of the Ainos. — They are of medium size, with 
 strong bones; darker than the Japanese; the men not ugly; the eyes slender, 
 the iris not very dark (light brown); the nose small and broad; the mouth 
 somewhat turned up. On the whole, they are not unlike the Japanese. 
 The women are tattooed on the hands and upper lip, so that they look as 
 though they wore a moustache twisted up. This is the mark of a woman 
 of rank. They are not over-cleanly. Plate 66 {fig. 4) represents in full 
 costume a Gilyak, of a tribe of the Ainos settled on the mainland. 
 
 The full beard is found among the Ainos, of whose hairy bodies so 
 much has been said. The most trustworthy observers assure us that 
 except in a few isolated cases the hairiness is not greater than in Euro- 
 peans, but that it is always to be seen on the breast and legs — a fact that 
 ranks as a curiosity among ^Mongolians. But it is not to be forgotten that 
 the inhabitants of the Liu-Kiu Islands have also heavy beards {pi. 60, fig. 
 4). The hair of the head, which is shorn away from over the brows, is 
 lu.xuriant, wavy, and somewhat woolly in character. The beard hangs in 
 thick, soft tufts, often to the middle of the breast (//. 66, figs, i, 2). 
 
 Public a7td Domestic Life of the Ainos. — Their clothes are made of tree- 
 bark, often ornamented with dark-blue figures; dog- and fish skins are also 
 used. Their dwellings are huts or roofs built over a hole in the ground; 
 they have vessels, pots, fish-hooks, nets, and mats (//. 66, fig. i); their 
 food is fish, sea-weed, game, and a kind of millet. Spirits and tobacco — 
 the pipe being an unfailing companion {pi. 66, fig. i) — are now much 
 used; in earlier times their only drink in winter was snow-water. Their 
 provisions are kept in little houses standing on piles (//. 66, fig. i, at the 
 left in the background). 
 
 They are skilled fishermen and sailors, having really good boats (//. 
 65, figs. 4, 5) and knowing how to sail on the sea. Their weapons are 
 bow and arrows, Japanese swords and clubs, which are secured at the 
 waist (//. 66, fig. i). The last-named illustration also shows how they 
 carry- loads by a band passing over the brow and hanging down the back. 
 Plate 65 {fig. 7) gives an idea of their artistic tastes; they are also not 
 without skill in music, and possess a simple instrument with several 
 strings like a guitar (//. 65, fig. 6). 
 
 They are monogamous, but polygamy is allowed; they generally select 
 their wives from distant families. Family life is strict, and upon it rests
 
 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 263 
 
 what little of government they possess. The dwelling of a dead man is 
 pulled down; the corpse itself is either burned or dried, and then laid in 
 the grave, which has a roof like a house (//. 66, fig. 3). Posts from 
 the demolished house are set up in a sort of doorway-like arrangement 
 in memory of the dead. 
 
 Religion of the Ainos. — They pray to the sun, moon, sea, etc., but they 
 also believe in an invisible God in the heavens, as also in an evil principle; 
 they have rough idols, and sacrifice to them. Bears are holy animals; in 
 most of the houses they keep one half tamed which has been nursed at 
 the breast by the woman of the house. The story that the people ride on 
 them is untrue; but they bring bears' heads into their houses and to holy 
 places, and pay them honors. At the time of their feast Omsia, which 
 is celebrated yearly, bears' heads and flesh play an important part (//. 
 66, fg. 2.) 
 
 Dress of //le fafiauese. — The apparel varies according to circumstances 
 and to rank. The middle classes wear a cotton shirt and undershirt, wide 
 trousers, and over the whole a caftan with wide sleeves (//. 63,_/?^. 6); the 
 women wear o\'cr the imderclothing an overskirt with wide sleeves and 
 very broad below, secured with a sash {fg. 4). We cannot describe all 
 the styles of ornament in the clothing [see//. 62, fg. 5; pi. ()2i,fg- i; 
 pi. 6.\,fg. 9, and notice on the lady on pi. 62, fg. 5, the large fold of 
 the sash in the front, a mark that she is married — unmarried girls wear 
 the loops behind (//. 6T„fg. 4) — also the high shoes, quite like those of 
 the priest (pi 6;^,fg. 10), and the shoes of the farmer (//. 62,, fg- 7), the 
 latter finding them useful for wading through deep mud]. Ordinarily, 
 straw shoes are worn (pi. 62,, fg- 6), which are open behind, and are laid 
 aside on coming into a room. The poor content themselves with sandals 
 (/>/. 63, fgs. 2, 8). In the case of the Japanese coolie (//. 63, fg. 9) the 
 dress is merely a breech-cloth and foot-bands. 
 
 The court-dress is voluminons (pi. 62, fgs. 6, 8, 9). The noble Japan- 
 ese {fg. 6) wears extremely wide trousers, and over them a still fuller caf- 
 tan with very long and wide sleeves, all in silk and ornamented with beau- 
 tiful devices. In common life black or blue clothes are generally woni, 
 each article of which has the name of the owner upon it (pi. 63, fg- i, the 
 two round marks in front, the square figures on the f.\cc\es, fg. 4; comp. 
 fgs. 3, 6). To complete the dress of the Japanese, we must mention also 
 the large waterproof hat woven out of straw or bamboo in varied forms, as 
 well as the parasol (pi. d^.fgs. 2, 7). For the u.se of travellers parasols 
 are prepared which are illustrated with maps and contain the names of 
 the hotels and their scale of prices marked upon them. 
 
 The Japanese men, like the Aino.s, cut off the hair on the front of the 
 head (//. 62, fg. 4; //. 63, fgs. i, 6, 8; //. 65, fg. i). They begin the 
 practice in childhood, and gradually extend the bare surface (//. 62, fg. 
 i). The women let the hair grow and gather it up into a knot on the 
 crown, where it is secured with combs, bands, or long needles (fl. 62, fgs. 
 2, 3> 5 ; pf- 63> A^^- 3. 4 ; /''■ 65, fS- 0- Wiien they marry they paint
 
 264 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 
 
 themselves like the Aino women (p. 260), and color the teeth and lips 
 black. Among the Ainos tattooing begins at the seventh year. 
 
 The head-ornament of the mikado {pi. 62, fig. 8) and of the courtiers 
 {pi. 62, fig. 6) is characteristic, and strictly in accordance with the rank 
 of the individual. The rider {pi. (^^^ fig. 9) wears a light cap, and his 
 servants cowl-like caps which are e.xtcusively used by Mongolians. He 
 lias the wide trousers caught up at the knee, into which the broad over- 
 garment is thrust according to the custom of riders and travellers, but he 
 holds the reins himself, and sits with his legs spread apart; though in old 
 times riders sat on their horses as ladies do with us and the horse was led 
 by servants. The servants wear comfortable camisoles and broad, high- 
 bound trousers and gaiters, as the farmer on Plate 63 {fig. 8); but gener- 
 ally, for comfort's sake, the working classes wear no covering for the legs. 
 The curious dress of the farmer {pi. 63, fig. 7) consists of thickly-woven 
 straw, of which the stems project like fur. The Japanese bathe fre- 
 quently and keep their clothes and bodies very clean. The same sense of 
 neatness is apparent in their houses. 
 
 Dwellings of the fapanese. — These are generally of one story, and not 
 high, made of wood, e\-en to the shingles of the roof, and sometimes plas- 
 tered with clay on the outside; they are provided also with galleries, over- 
 hanging roofs, under wliich are open verandahs, or with broad projections 
 of fine lattice-work, which give the house a comfortable appearance. The 
 houses of the citizens {pi. 6df,fig. i) are simpler than those of the nobles 
 {pi. 64, fig. 7), because greater luxury in clothing and in manner of life is 
 by law very strictly forbidden to the former. Each family has a house to 
 itself. The partitions inside are of twisted work or thick paper pulp; the 
 windows are either quite open or are supplied with very fine weavings (//. 
 ^iifiS- 5) °^ oiled paper. 
 
 The walls of the rooms are hung with tapestry beautifully painted 
 {pi. 65, fig. i); the floor is laid with fine matting, which takes the place 
 of most of our household articles, for the Japanese use no chairs, etc., but 
 every one, noble {pi. 62, figs. 8, 9) and common {fil. 65, fig. i), sits on 
 these mattings. The largest palaces are built of wood, as well as the 
 small {pi. 63, fig. 5) and large temples {pi. 65, fig. 2), whose interiors and 
 exteriors are well shown in our plates. Bridges, gates, and in short all 
 things, are of wood. There is in ever}- house, under the roof, a water-tank 
 for use in case of fire. Poor people live here, as among the Ainos, in holes 
 dug in the earth and covered with a roof. Towns and cities, even the 
 largest, are almost alwa}'s built quite regularly. 
 
 Food and Stimulants. — Rice is the staple food of the Japanese, and 
 tea the principal drink; it is always served at family meals {pi. 6^, fig. i); 
 the illustration also shows the various table appointments. They eat fish, 
 lobsters, mussels, different vegetables and fruits — meat less often, and then 
 generally fowl. A favorite delicacy is the sugar sea-weed, which formerly 
 was a staple article of diet for the whole people (as it still is among the 
 Ainos), but is now used for presents, etc.
 
 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 265 
 
 All Japanese smoke tobacco, even tlie women; even' man, even tlie 
 poorest, has his tobacco-poucli hanging at the belt (//. 63,/^. S). They 
 are very fond also of spirituous drinks (saki, a kind of arrack). A garden 
 \i attached to every house, though to our taste their gardens are too full 
 of ornamental plants; and agriculture, like horticulture, is admirably 
 carried on. Their skill at sea is remarkable. 
 
 Art and Literature. — What the Japanese accomplish in the arts is too 
 well known to require comment. They never rise above the level of a 
 well-developed industrial art, and their painting, the most important of 
 this kind, is in the bonds of a conventional mannerism, which is indeed 
 characteristic, and in the representation of natural objects often excellent 
 {pi. (i^^Jig. I, in the background), but sometimes mere caricature (pi. 64, 
 fig. 9). Their literature is not superior, although much is read and written. 
 
 Romances and dramas are the favorite forms of composition. Dramas 
 from the history of gods and heroes are acted at their religious feasts with 
 great splendor of toilet and decoration; they also have pantomimes or 
 ballets, and the excellence of their jugglers is celebrated. On the other 
 hand, their music is poor. They have no imagination: their minds are 
 practical like those of the Chinese, but much more elastic. 
 
 Character of the Japanese. — Their capabilities are excellent, and their 
 character is not bad. They are active and industrious, merry and open- 
 hearted, not dishonorable, brave and noble, and pleasant to deal with. 
 Their speech also is a varied one, owing to the different modes of address 
 used to equals or to inferiors and among the different classes. 
 
 Family Life of the Japanese. — Their family life is lax according to our 
 ideas, for polygamy is allowed, as with the Ainos. The men visit disrep- 
 utable houses without discredit, and girls who have lived in such places 
 for years may at last marry honorably. Very primitive ideas prevail upon 
 all these topics. The children, however, are well cared for: the respect 
 shown by them to their parents is often very great, and relatives are 
 warmly attached to each other. 
 
 Govcrnnioit. — In ancient times the government was based on the 
 family, as among the Ainos; but in Japan it was developed further and 
 formed into a theocratico-despotic state. The emperor, or mikado, is said 
 to have been first installed about 660 B. c, probably by Chinese influence 
 (Kiimpfer). He is considered to be related to the gods and as being him- 
 self god-like. Even in Kiimpfcr's time (1690) he was considered so holy 
 that, like the princes of Tahiti, he dared not touch the earth with his feet. 
 The power of the daimios, or princes, is derived from him, and they likewise 
 claim heavenly descent. This view of the ruler's sanctity is now mucli 
 modified, but it explains the present fonn of political life to the minutest 
 detail. As was the case with the temporo-spiritual rulers of .some of the 
 South Sea islands, the mikado was gradually withdrawn from jiolitical 
 life into a more holy, spiritual, and inactive retirement. Rut within late 
 times he has regained his former power without sacrificing his holiness. 
 He has twelve wives (at least this was the custom), of whom the one who
 
 266 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 bore the crown prince is made chief wife with the title of kisaki (//. 62, fig. 
 9). The strict formalities and gradations, as well as the great splendor, of 
 the court {pi. 62, figs. 6, 8, 9) are a consequence of the mikado's sanctity. 
 
 Caste. — Tlie class-division of the entire people takes place in accord- 
 ance with the view that some castes stand nearer to the gods than others, 
 that they are therefore holier, and that those of less sanctity dare not 
 come among them. Thus the populace is divided into eight castes or 
 classes — princes, nobles, priests, warriors, officials, merchants, artisans, 
 and finally workmen, farmers, and day-laborers. Standing outside of the 
 castes, because unclean, are the executioners, tanners, bawds, etc. The 
 strict laws of the Japanese, the rigid classification of their political sys- 
 tem, as well as the privileges of certain classes (as, e.g., hunting being 
 allowed only to the nobility, who are passionately fond of it), all come from 
 the same source. Hunting with falcons is practised here (//. 64, fig. 9). 
 
 Weapons and Warfare. — The Japanese are skilful in the use of weap- 
 ons. They have now adopted the European manner of warfare, but in 
 antiquity they used stone weapons, lances and arrow-points {pi. 6^, figs. 
 13-15), knives {fig. 19), and axes {fig. 21) ver>' similar in material and 
 workmanship to the European relics of the Stone Age. The weapons of 
 the ]\Iiddle Ages among the Japanese resemble the European weapons of 
 the same period, as is evident from a glance at the heav\', padded armor 
 oi the dai-sjo, or chief field-captain, with its neck-gauntlet, artistic helmet, 
 and mask-like visor {pi. 64, fig. 23); at the heavy war-boots {pi. 64, fiig. 
 18) which belong to this and to similar outfits; and finally at the long 
 lances with differently formed tips (//. 64, _/f^. 4-6), which wei'e concealed 
 in corresponding sheaths {pi. 6^, figs. 2, 3). 
 
 The Japanese and Coreans had, like the Chinese, ponderous instru- 
 ments for siege {pi. 60, fig. 5); and they also, like the Ainos, used bows 
 and arrows. There were two peculiar kinds of arrows — the burning 
 arrow (//. 64,7?^. 8) which was shot while flaming, and which, striking 
 wooden structures, put them in great danger; and the screaming arrow, 
 the lower end of which is shown on Plate 64 {fig. 12), which was hollow, 
 wath tube-like openings, so that in flying through the air it made a loud 
 howling sound, inspiring terror in the enemy's ranks. Particularly im- 
 portant is the sword of the Japanese, which the Ainos copied from them : 
 the soldiers and nobles carry two such swords, always near together in the 
 belt {pi. 62, fig. 7; comp. the hunters, //. 64, T?^. 9). 
 
 Antiquities. — Among the antiquities of the Japanese are to be men- 
 tioned the inagatamas and the curiously-shaped pots {pi. 6i^, figs. 16, 20, 
 22) in which they are usually found. The magatamas are crooked, egg- 
 shaped, or disk-like stones {pi. 6^, figs. 10, 11), which are held in high 
 repute as amulets; and among the Ainos the chiefs still wear them in 
 chains which are esteemed of great value. Plate 65 {fig. 3) shows one 
 of these chains. The crooked solitary stones are the magatamas, the 
 others are obsidian pearls. 
 
 Religioti. — The Sinto creed, which was the religion of the ancient Jap-
 
 ETIIXOGRAPIIY. 267 
 
 anese, inncli resembles the present belief of the Ainos. In the beginning 
 there were seven gods, who rose from chaos; of whom the last one, Isai:agi, 
 fislied the islands of Japan out of the water with his spear. At the same 
 time the second race of gods, or the five deities of earth, whose name 
 means "the beam-casting god," were born of him and of his wife Isan- 
 emi. By these are unquestionably meant the heavenly bodies, particu- 
 larly the sun, whose son, Tsin-mu, was the first father of the mikado and 
 the daimios, wherefore the mikado is honored as his representative and 
 as a god. 
 
 There are multitudes of kauii — /. c. gods and genii — dependent upon 
 t]ie sun and guardian spirits of individuals and cities. Human souls are 
 dependent upon them, and either continue to live in the heavenly fields 
 of happiness after a righteous life, or are punislied by being compelled to 
 wander about on earthly or subterranean paths. The dead are buried 
 with numerous ceremonies connected with the worship of souls. For- 
 merly little buildings like temples (dwelling-places for souls) were built 
 over the graves as monuments; now in the cities we find garden-like 
 cemeteries. Foxes are held to be evil spirits, and the souls of bad men 
 are believed to transmigrate into the bodies of these animals; neverthe- 
 less, fox-hair brushes are often used. 
 
 The teachings of this religion are worthy of notice. It inculcates 
 purity of heart, which consists in strict obedience to the laws of religion 
 and in a temperate and reasonable life and purity of outer life, which 
 excludes the use of blood or meat and forbids touching a dead body. 
 Whoever does the latter {c. g. executioners and tanners) is imclean, and 
 must live apart from other men for a longer or shorter time. Therefore, 
 all those wlio have buried a relation are unclean for a time proportionate 
 to their nearness of kin to the dead — a custom also in vogue among the 
 Ainos. Washing with water removes this uncleanncss. These usages 
 correspond with the Polynesian taboo (pp. 194, 200), and many other 
 things in the Japanese religion remind us of the Polynesians. 
 
 In the beginning the law of uucleanness was applied materially, and 
 as a consequence it reduced the diet of the Japanese to narrow limits; 
 later, it received a more spiritual interpretation. The fonn of unclean- 
 ncss most dreaded at present is that from wicked speaking as well as from 
 the improper use of ears and eyes. 
 
 Temples. — The Sinto religion has temples, which rest upon small piles 
 and have open windows and galleries (/>/. 63, fig. 5). In the interior the 
 sun is represented by a mirror, before which prayers are ofTercd. The 
 temples are entered through a kind of wooden door resembling these 
 which the Ainos erect on graves; the Aino graves also are built in the 
 form of these temples (//. 6G,Jig. 3). Pilgrimages are made annually to 
 specially holy places. The poorer pilgrims (/>/. C)T„/ig. 2) wear over the 
 usual dress a loose light-colored jacket with a pocket in which they col- 
 lect alms. There are no priests, the temples being kept by laymen, but 
 there are numerous feast-days — e.g. the first day of each of their twelve
 
 268 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 or thirteen r-ionths — and five principal feasts, among -which that of the 
 new year is the greatest. They have also monkish orders, whose mem- 
 bers resemble the fakirs. 
 
 Buddhism. — Bnddhism is now more widespread than the Sinto relig- 
 ion. It made its way from Corea about 543 A. D. , and is now much min- 
 gled with the Sinto creed. For example, the temple on Plate 65 {Jig. 2) 
 is holy both to Buddha and to the "five hundred genii" of the Japanese 
 religion. These are children of the goddess of riches, and are worshipped 
 on special feasts. The manifold objects displayed in the temple serve both 
 to adorn it and to interest the faithful. Buddhism has become divided 
 into various sects, and through intermixture with the Sinto creed is less 
 sensual than in its original home, but otherwise has remained unchanged. 
 Plate 63 {ftg. 10) shows a Buddhist priest. The third creed, which has 
 but few followers, and those only among the learned, is Confucianism, 
 much modified by the Sinto. 
 
 We group the other people of the Ural-Japanese stock in the following 
 ethnological description. We have already alluded to their bodily pecti- 
 liarities, and have also si^oken of the manifold transitions which must 
 necessarily appear in so extended a population. 
 
 Dress and Ornaments. — The clothing diflfers as we go north or south. 
 The southerners dress essentially as the Indo-Chinese and Japanese: the 
 men wear wide trousers, and over these a loose caftan, with a belt from 
 which the more indispensable articles hang (//. 70, Jig. i ; pi. 72, fig. 5). 
 The poorer tribes wear a kind of jacket (/>/. "J^,-, fig- 3); instead of the caftan 
 the more prosperous ones and the noble classes have an uiigirded, flowing 
 robe over the caftan, like the Kirgheez (/>/. 71, figs. 2, 3) and the noble 
 inhabitants of the Crimea and of Khiva (//. 'ji^fiigs. i, 2, 5). The women 
 dress in the same manner {pi. jo^jig. i) or similarly (//. 'J2,fig. S; p/. 
 
 74, A?- i)- 
 
 Of course there are all kinds of ornaments — splendid belts (//. ■J2,fig. 
 
 7; //. 74, figs. 3, 4), rich stomachers {p/. 74, figs, i, 3), etc. Colored 
 cloths are common, red being the favorite color. For the head there are 
 high felt caps or a flat hat {pi. 70, fig. i), or, as among the Kirgheez, a 
 light cap. The head-dress of the women is often richly ornamented and 
 colored (//. 72, figs. 7, 8; p/. 73, fig. 4; p/. 74, J^^- i. 3, 4)- The curious 
 head-ornament on Plate 73 {fig. 4) consists of a high framework of bark, 
 over which a cloth is drawn; this figiire reminds us of many costumes of 
 Farther India. 
 
 Cloths wound about the head, often hanging low down (//. 72, fig. 
 8), designate the married women {p/. 71, fig. 2): the middle one of the 
 Nogais women {p/. 72, fig. 8), who has a long queue, and the Kirgheez 
 sitting in the middle {pi. 71, fig. 3), are maidens, for only they wear the 
 hair free; the Kirgheez women at the right with high-pointed caps and 
 long veils are brides. The Turks (//. 72, figs, i, 2) wear turbans, like all 
 Mohammedans. The trousers are bound up at the knee or (among the
 
 ETIIXOGRAPHY. ■ 269 
 
 women) at the ankle, or are pushed into the boots (//. "Jo, fig. i; pi. 72, 
 fig. 5), or gaiters. They al\va)s have shoes, and the central Nogais 
 woman (//. 72, fig. 8) shows the curious foot-covering that we have 
 alreadj' noticed in Japan. The Calmuck women wear the hair in long 
 queues; the men shave it off, with the exception of a long tuft on the top 
 of the head, which is often also twisted into a queue {pi. "jo^fiig. i). 
 
 The greater part of these peoples — at least the southerners — sit in a 
 .squatting posture {pL 6^, figs. 7, 11; //. Ji^fiigs. 2, 3; //. J^^fig. i). The 
 .same dress is worn in the north, except that niuch more of the costume is 
 worn close-fitting, and the material is not cotton, but mostly skins or fur. 
 The Tungusian races of Saghalin afford a good example of this {pi. 6'j.,fig. 
 6). The felt caps which in the south — e.g. among the Calmucks (//. 70, 
 fig. i) — were sometimes covered with fur, are here of leather or fur, and 
 made .so as to cover the ears (//. 6S, fig. 6; p/. 70, fig. 9), with fur cowls 
 {pf. 6(),fig. 6; //. J J^, figs. 6, 7, 8, the child) and high or low fur caps over 
 all (//. 68, fig. 2; pi. 6g, figs. 3, 4; //. 70, fig. 3). 
 
 The coats, of fur with the hair worn inside, or of soft tanned leather, are 
 full but short, and bound in at the hips with a belt often richly ornamented 
 (//. 6g,figs. 5, 6; pi. 75, fig. 8); and they are well pro\-ided with cowls 
 and fur collars, embroideries, etc., etc. {pi. 7% fig. 7). Only among the 
 Tunguses are the)' worn close-fitting to the body {pi. 68, fitg. 9). The bodice 
 forms a peculiar ornament which either hangs directly from the hood {pi. 
 69, fig. 6) or is not closed in front {pi. 68, figs. 4, 5). 
 
 The trousers are generally tight at the knee and pushed into boots 
 or gaiters, which, like the gloves {J>1. 77, fig. 2), are made of fur, and 
 sometimes firmly bound in by straps attached to the sandal-like shoes 
 {pi. 6d),fig. 5), The leather breeches of the Yakoots are peculiar; they 
 are put on in separate pieces; the two legs are first bound in at top and 
 bottom, and then an over-piece, like a pair of batting trousers, is pulled on 
 over them and covers the body (//. 70., figs. 7, 14). The wealthier women 
 wear as outermost garment a richly-ornamented short coat, open in front 
 so as to display the costly breast- and bolt-ornaments (//. 69, y?^. 4; //. 70, 
 
 fig- 3)- 
 
 The fincly-drcsscd Samoied woman {pi. 7\,fig. 6) wears a fur coat 
 
 with the smooth .side outward, ornamented wilh stripes of fur and col- 
 ored stuff, and a similar richly-ornamented fur jacket, and her colored cap 
 is covered in front and down the neck with the fine feathers of .sea-fowl. 
 The Lapps (//. 7^, figs, i, 3) wear the common dress of the North Mongo- 
 lians; on the other hand, the Finns {pi. 75, figs. 2, 4) are clothed like the 
 Swedish peasants. Ear-rings, often very large (//. 6()yfig. 4; //. 7'^> f'.i^- 3X 
 neck-chains (//. 69, fig. 4; pi. 75, fig. 6), and embroidered gloves (/>/. 74, 
 fitg. 6) are the usual ornaments. Their winter and summer dre&ses are 
 different. 
 
 Dicflliiigs and Sintclurfs. — The dwelling-hou.scs of these peoples are 
 much alike, except that the northern races make different provision for 
 winter and summer. Plate 71 {Jig. i) shows this double style of con-
 
 2~o ETIIXOGRAPIIY. 
 
 struction in a Yakoot village. At tlie right stands the sumnicr house, a 
 conical tent made of wooden laths covered with pieces of soaked birch- 
 bark sewed together, open at the top to afford exit to the smoke. These 
 tents are portable, and well adapted to the summer wanderings of the 
 Yakoots. On the left, in the background, are seen their winter houses 
 {yiirts\ built of beams and covered with earth and grass. The stables 
 are built against the back wall; the interior is a room with the fire in the 
 middle and an elevated seat against the walls, which serves also as sleep- 
 ing-quarters — an arrangement which we found, but more elaborate, among 
 the Manchoos {pi. 59, fig. 3). 
 
 The household furniture consists of hunting weapons, vessels, etc. The 
 dwellings of the poorer Lapps resemble the summer tents of the Yakoots, 
 being tents of lath with coverings {pi. "J^^/ig. i, at the right), while those 
 of the wealthy are seen on Plate 76 {fig. 3), onh' the}- are not excavated, 
 but stand on the earth's surface and have doors. On the other hand, the 
 huts of the Calmucks and Kirgheez have the tent form; the rafters are 
 bound together with ropes and straps, and are elevated over a circular 
 foundation about the height of a man, which is made of twisted work or 
 boards. The iipper part is covered with felt, and the lower part is draped 
 with finer stuffs, often (among noble families, pi. 71, fig. 2) with silk {pi. 
 69, figs. 7, 8). But all these dwellings are apt to be very dirty. 
 
 The inhabitants of the Crimea, like many of the mountain-people of 
 China and Japan, have their dwellings half under ground, excavating 
 them in the rising slope of a mountain {pi. 73, fig. 3, at the right). 
 The light felt huts of many of these people may easily be transported on 
 wagons; indeed, with their nomadic habits they may be said to live almost 
 entirely in the yurts or kibitkes on their two- wheeled carts, of which some 
 are seen on Plate 72 {fig- 8, in the background). The majority of these 
 peoples are nomads, living partly as hunters and partly as drovers, shep- 
 herds, etc. Only the fishing-folk and the more cultivated tribes, the 
 Finns, Magyars, and Turks, are sedentary. 
 
 The sleigh is an important vehicle to the northern people; they have 
 various kinds for reindeer or dogs. Plate 70 {fig. 6) is a large sleigh from 
 Eastern Siberia. The reindeer is to the nations of the north what the 
 camel is to those of the south and the horse to those of the south-west. It 
 is used for burden, for draft, for herding, and hunting. 
 
 Food and Stimjilants. — The produce of the herds, of the cha.se, and of 
 fishing fonns their food. Fish are eaten both fresh and dried. Wild and 
 tame meats are eaten dried, or boiled fresh, or even raw. Religious scru- 
 ples prevent the common people from the enjoyment of many kinds of 
 flesh. Horse-meat is prized, and great value is attached to the milk of 
 cows, sheep, and mares; it is used both sweet and sour, and -made into 
 butter and cheese. The well-known koumiss is the fermented milk of 
 mares or cows. The Oriental method of j^reparing it is as follows: Take 
 two teacupfuls of wheat-flour dough, two spoonfuls of millet flour, one 
 spoonful of honey, one of yeast; mix with milk to a thin paste and put
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 271 
 
 ill a warm place to ferment. When fermented, put it in a linen bag and 
 hang it in a jar with sixteen pounds of fresh milk; cover, and let it 
 stand till the milk is acidulous; skim, decant, and agitate for an hour; 
 then bottle (//. 74, Jig. 2). It is found particularly among the Kirgheez. 
 As to vegetable food, tea is a staple among the more easterly races 
 (Kirgheez, Mongolians), and among those more favorably situated corn 
 is used. Tobacco is smoked everywhere, even by the women. The 
 tobacco-pouch (often embroidered, pi. 76, fig. 8) always hangs on the 
 belt. The pipes are either of the common clay (//. 'j-^., fig. 5) or are 
 the so-called Turkish pipe {pi. 73, fig. 3). 
 
 Water- and Wind-mills. — They have water- and wind-mills: with the 
 latter the sails do not move perpendicularly, as with us, but horizontally 
 around the axle, looking like an immeuse horizontal mill-wheel, upon 
 which the wind acts at the sides (//. 70, fig. i, background). Their 
 water-mills are also peculiar: the water falls from above upon a hori- 
 zontal wheel, which turns one of the horizontal millstones, the other 
 being stationary, and so grinds the corn, which is directed between the 
 stones by a funnel (//. 74, fig. 5). 
 
 Agricullurc. — Among the lower classes of the people agriculture is 
 very primitive, as is .shown by the plough of the South-Turkish races. 
 The wandering hordes cultivate the ground whoever they may happen 
 to go. 
 
 Art and Literature. — Little can be said concerning the artistic per- 
 formances of these nations. Their music, in which they indeed take much 
 pleasure, is undeveloped, monotonous, and often melancholy; they have 
 various musical instruments (//. 71, fig. 3). They often dance to the 
 music, and the dances, which are frequently verj- absurd, seem originally 
 to have had a religious significance. Plate 75 {fig. 8) shows the bear-dance 
 of the Ostyaks, which is much in vogue among the northern tribes. They 
 twist their bodies into the ugliest and most unnatural contortions during 
 the dance. They have done better in poetry, particularly the Turkish 
 and Finnish tribes, whose epics are of some importance. All of them 
 take pleasure in fairy-tales, of which tlicy have many, and of which 
 the greater part, at least among the Mongolians, have an Indian origin. 
 In their lyric productions there is real poetic feeling. 
 
 Intellectual Faculties. — The majority of individuals among all branches 
 liave good natural powers. Their understanding, indeed, prevails over 
 the imagination, but of what development the latter is capable is .shown 
 by the Finns and other of the northern tribes. Where it seems wanting, 
 as in Japan and in China, it is only in consequence of their historic des- 
 tiny. For the life of thought only develops it.sclf where the inhabitants 
 have learned to struggle with unfavorable natiiral snrrotnidings and yet 
 preserve their own mental freedom. As a cla.ss they are highly gifted, 
 as their historic deeds, their successful wars in Asia and Huroi)e, and 
 still more their capability of founding great kingdoms, prove. It is 
 tnie that Attila's kingdom in Europe and the great Mongolian kingdoms
 
 2-]2 ETHXOCRAPHY. 
 
 in Asia have not lasted, but the kinq;dom of the Turks and the power 
 of the Maiichoos have stood firm. What is of more interest to us is 
 the liigh development of certain branches of this race — the Japanese in 
 the far East, the Turks in the South, and the Finns in the North. 
 Many of them are but half civilized (Kirgheez, Mongolians, etc.); others 
 remain barbarous, as the Yakoots and the Samoieds, but in their case 
 unfavorable natural surroundings have prevented the development of 
 civilization. 
 
 Character. — As regards character, travellers give us very different 
 descriptions. As principal traits of the races at large we may mention 
 great indolence, which they display both in their wandering life and in 
 their religion; utter disregard for others, which often assumes the form of 
 terrible cruelty; servile and revengeful minds and a barbarous fondness for 
 destruction. The feeling of gratitude is unknown. The greater part of 
 them are described as dirty and greedy, but this is to be understood of 
 those living in a state of nature, and by no means of all. The Tunguses 
 admire manly activity and independence; the mountain-Calmucks of the 
 Altai are good-natured, chatty, and easily placated. 
 
 Family Life. — Poh'gamy is allowed and practised, but the first wife is 
 the chief and her children have precedence. Inasmuch as the women, on 
 account of the inheritance coming through them, must be purchased from 
 the fathers-in law, the poorer classes generally have but one wife. The 
 different wives live harmoniously together, and after the father's death 
 the son inherits them, with the exception of his own mother; the widow 
 of a brother goes to th.e sur\"iving brother. The women respect the mar- 
 riage-tie. This description of the Mongolians given by Marco Polo serves 
 essentially for the whole of this race, only that among the more debased the 
 position of woman is more miserable. For instance, the offering of wives 
 or daughters to lionored strangers is considered an act of politeness, and 
 not at all a debasement. The idea also originally prevailed widely among 
 them, and is still believed in Siberia, that man stands nearer to the gods, 
 and that woman is not so holy. Only among the ver\' lowest are the 
 marriage ceremonies dispensed with; among the better classes they are 
 numerous and elaborate. Vv'e have already alluded (p. 268) to the curious 
 costume of the Kirgheez brides (//. 71, fig. 3). 
 
 Government. — The family is the foundation of the state government, 
 which is patriarchal among the more uncivilized and despotic among the 
 more elevated tribes. The paternal power of the ruler is unlimited, 
 because the king stood nearer to the gods, and therefore became des- 
 potic. Considering this, the servility prevalent appears in a milder light: 
 this also explains the slight worth of the common man in comparison 
 with the higher classes, as well as the strict division of castes, which we 
 find here as in the East. 
 
 Weapons. — The weapons that Marco Polo found among the IMongolians 
 were bows and arrows, iron clubs, lances, and armor of ox-hides, which 
 when dried at the fire become ver}- hard. They use bows and arrows
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 273 
 
 even at the present time, as Figure 5 (//. 72) shows; notice also the 
 cover half drawn over the bow. There are swords too, richly orna- 
 mented {pi. 11, fig. 2\ pi. y2, fig. 5). At present firearms are becom- 
 ing more and more used (//. 70, fig. i). The Turcoman {pi. 72, fig. 
 5), like the Bashkir (//. 70, fig. i, at the left), holds his riding whip 
 in his right hand. They have military discipline and an art of war, to 
 which they owe their historic significance. Their peculiarities, however, 
 are disappearing before the increasing influence of Russia. 
 
 Religion. — Many of these peoples — Turks, Kirgheez, West Siberian 
 races, etc. — have adopted the Mohammedan religion; others — as the Mon- 
 golians, Buriats, and Calmucks — are Buddhists; and still others — as the 
 Yakoots and other Siberian races — profess the Greek Catholic faith, just 
 as all people of Mongolian descent living in Europe, except the Moham- 
 medans, are Christians. But many in Asia have retained, even under 
 cover of modern religions, their original heathenism, which we will now 
 briefly consider. 
 
 It is interesting to see how it corresponds with the Sinto of the Japanese 
 and with the old Chinese religion. All worship one special, powerful 
 god of heaven (Jumala among the Finns; Num among the Samoicds; 
 Tengri among the Mongolians; Buga among the Tunguses; Turum among 
 the Ostyaks), as well as other chief gods, the sun, the moon, the earth 
 (whose masculine deity was, according to Castren, the Wainamoinen of 
 the Finns), and the sea — the sun, as the most important, generally being 
 identified with the god of heaven. Fire is worshipped as an earthly out- 
 flow of the sun's fire. 
 
 There are various other gods and evil powers, who live in dark forests 
 or as death-gods in the interior of the earth. Some races, as the Ostyaks 
 and heathen Yakoots, honor female as well as male gods. The souls of 
 the departed become good or evil spirits, and are believed to haunt ])laces 
 like ghosts. Rewards and punishments are looked for after death. There 
 are also multitudes of ghosts and genii; many are concealed in the form 
 of aninuils, particularly of bears; others in trees, rocks, etc.; and there 
 are numerous guardian spirits. Many of the gods of earlier times have 
 become personified in the myths, as is the case with Wainamoinen. Idols 
 are often seen, yet honor is not paid to them, but to the gotls who have 
 come down to and dwell in them. Trees are honored, being holy for the 
 same reason. The images, often very rude figures, and sometimes merely 
 a stake or pile, are placed under trees in holy groves or are kept at home 
 in special baskets, or they have their own yurts, in which they follow the 
 caravan when marching. 
 
 The highest gods, like Jumala, and also the protecting spirits and the 
 souls of ancestors, have representations made of them. Many sacrifices 
 are offered both in the family and publicly, as seen on Plate 73 {fiig. 8), 
 which represents the memorial of a great sacrifice by the Calmucks of the 
 Volga after a pestilence among horses. The skulls of the horses are 
 artistically piled and surrounded by a ditch. These tribes also pray to 
 
 Vol. I.— is
 
 274 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 the gods, and only the most ignorant believe that a spiritual commnni- 
 cation between gods and men requires external ceremonies (Castren). 
 Therefore, with these lowest classes the priests and the shamans, who 
 mediate between gods and men, occup)' a high rank. Women sometimes 
 serve as shamans. The priests address the highest gods only in particular 
 cases; generally the lower ones are solicited, as being sufficiently power- 
 ful. When commiming with the gods the shamans are thrown into a 
 condition of ecstasy accompanied with wild motions and gestures. 
 
 The clothes of the priests are much ornamented {pi. 69, fig. 11), often 
 with pictures or with the feathers and skin of animals sacred to the gods. 
 They prophesy, perform miracles, and heal diseases, which latter are 
 believed to be the work of the evil spirits. They are by no means always 
 deceivers. However repulsive Shamanism may seem to be or really is — 
 the shamans of the old IMongoliaus ate human flesh in order to bring on 
 the ecstatic condition, and similar traces of anthropophagism are found 
 among the Ural-Japanese — in the beginning it rested on worthy and relig- 
 ious conceptions (see p. 63). 
 
 Burials. — The dead are sometimes buried on high mountains, like the 
 Mongolian princes, or hung up in a box between two trees in the forest, 
 as among the Yakoots, but generally they are buried in the usual way. 
 Such articles as are deemed necessar}- for the future life are either laid 
 upon or put into the grave, and the image of the deceased is carefully 
 made (as, c. g., among the Ostyaks) and honored for years. Such images 
 in wood or stone are often set up on the graves (//. 69, fig. 9). The 
 Mohammedan Tartars build mortuary chapels, often in a tasteful style; 
 such a building is seen, in a somewhat ruinous condition, on Plate 73 
 (Jig. 3, on the right in the background). 
 
 2. ISOL.A.TED NORTH ASI.\TIC PEOPLES. 
 Classification. — Although these tribes, as we have alread}- seen, share 
 the physical peculiarities of the Ural-Japanese stock, and are closely 
 related to it, it will be better to consider them as an independent group 
 having no closer relationship among themselves than with that stock. 
 The peoples that we shall thus connect are — 
 
 1. The Yenisei Ostyaks (some thousand souls), west from the middle 
 Yenisei, with the Kottes on the Agul (55° N. lat.), who are scattered 
 among the Kamassings and number scarcely a hundred; also the Arinzes 
 and Assancs^ who are now practically Turks. They are closely related 
 in manner of life and in mytholog}' to the races already considered. 
 
 2. The Yiikairs, as the Russians call them — the Odul, Ododomni, as 
 thev call themselves — from the Lena to the mouth of the Kolyma on the 
 borders of the Arctic Ocean, to whom, besides fonnerly a few tribes on the 
 Angui which are now extinct, the Tckuwanzes belong. They were once a 
 mighty people, and are tall, handsome men, but, like the Yakoots, with 
 IMongolian features. The Tchuktchis and the Koryaks drove them out, 
 and they have mixed a great deal with them and with the Yakoots.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 275 
 
 3. The Tclniktchis attd the Koryaks. — The Tchnklchis — or, as tlie 
 name (which is derived from the Koryaks) is properly pronounced, 
 the Tchaittchis — form one race with the Koryaks (from kora, reindeer), 
 north of whom and eastward from the Tchnwanzes, between the 
 Anadeer and the Arctic, they dwell. The Koryaks themselves live 
 southward from the Anadeer to the Lamutes, and into Kamchatka 
 across the island Karaga, which likewise belongs to them. Plate 78 
 (y?;'". 5) shows a North vSiberian Koryak. The Tclniktchis and Koryaks 
 differ only in dialect, being quite alike in external appearance and customs. 
 The American immigrants, the Namollos, of whom we have already 
 spoken (p. 211), are entirely different from them, yet it has been usual 
 to include them under the name Tclniktchis. The Tchuktchis wander 
 about with their reindeer on the tundras of their inhospitable territory. 
 
 Physical Characteristics. — The Koryaks are divided into two classes — 
 those who are sedentar}', and those who lead a nomadic life. The latter, 
 owing to their manner of life, are small and lean (//. 78,7?^. 4), even if 
 they are not absolutely poor; the former, on the other hand, are like the 
 Tchuktchis, larger, with broad .shoulders (//. TS,fig. 5; //• 77, /iff- 6), but 
 of thorough Mongolian build and features. The head is somewhat large, 
 thick, and round; the face broad and flat; the e^es small, oblique, and 
 dark, but rather dim; the nose quite flat and broad; mouth large, pressed 
 down by the broad cheeks, and therefore broad (//. 76, fig. i ; pi. 78, 
 fig. 5). Yet there are some of this type not so marked; as, c. g.^ the 
 man on Plate 76 {Jig. 2), with a more prominent nose and better-fonned 
 mouth. 
 
 Dress and Ornaments. — The Tchuktchis are often tattooed on the breast 
 and arms. Their clothing, as our illustrations show, is quite IMongolian: 
 the long, handsomely ornamented fur boots (//. 7 Si Jig- 5\ P^- 17, fig- 6), 
 the full fur over-wraps (//. 77, fig- 6) which are worn over the ordinary, 
 likewise full, fur clothing (//. 78, fig. 4), the heavy fur collars (//. 76, 
 figs. I, 2), the pearl chains and forehead band of the women (//. 77, fig. 
 6), the ornaments worn at the waist {pi. 77, figs. 3, 4), as well as, finally, 
 the light summer dress (//. 7^, fig. 5), are worthy of notice. 
 
 Diccllings. — The Tchuktchis dwell in large leather tents, di\idcd into 
 smaller tents for separate families, and lighted by oil lamps. The build- 
 ings of the Koryaks — whose wandering tribes likewise n.se tents in sum- 
 mer—are shown on Plate 76 {fig. 3), Plate 77 {/ig. i), Plate 78 {/ig. 1). 
 The walls and roof are of wood, .so covered with earth on the outside that 
 the structure looks like a round mound. The interior is divided into 
 .several parts (//. 76, fig. 3), with a fire in the middle, the smoke escap- 
 ing through a hole in the roof This outlet serves as the entrance, being 
 reached from the outside by a kind of ladder {pi. 77, fig. i), and guarded 
 above by a funnel-like arrangement of boards; the descent inside is made 
 on a beam of wood pierced with holes (//. 7(3, fig. 3). Clo.se by stand the 
 storehouses built on piles (//. 77, fig. i). The household articles are few 
 —clothes, hunting apparatus, table utensils, etc. The squatting posture
 
 276 • ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 is not exclusively adopted in the north; the people also sit as we do {pi. 
 68, figs. 4, 5; pi. 75, fig. 5 ; //. 76, fiig. 3 ; //. -]■], fig. 6 ; pi. 79, y?;;.. 5; 
 comp. also />/. 79, fig. 2). 
 
 Domestic Animals^ Food, etc. — The chief domestic animals are dogs 
 and reindeer (//. "JJifiig. i\ pi- 7^, fig- i), which draw the sledges. The 
 food is fish, game, the produce of the herds, and all kinds of berries. 
 Tobacco is the indispensable stimulant, the vessels for its use being well- 
 made and handsome (//. "jo^fig. 10; //. 76, fig. 8; pi. TJ-^figs. 7, 8). We 
 cannot consider the Koryaks as destitute of skill and taste, as their hand- 
 somely woven baskets {pi. 76, figs. 6, 7), and particularly their artistic 
 carving in such hard material as the tooth of the walrus, prove, the latter 
 being often ver}' beautiful (//. 70, figs. 4, 5, 11-13). 
 
 Polygamy is practised. The women, whose status on the whole is not 
 bad, are offered to honorable strangers, and this is expected by giiests; 
 but the nomadic Koryaks are said not to practise this habit, and to be 
 ver>' jealous. Their religion is entirely Mongolian and their shamans 
 have great influence. 
 
 Weapons. — Their weapons, bow and arrow, knives {pi. JJifig. 5; //. 78, 
 figs. 2, 3), lances (//. "]()■, figs. 4, 5; note the handsome sheaths), etc., are 
 well made. But Russian influence has probably had an effect here. 
 
 4. The Kamchatkans. — There still remain for our consideration the 
 Kanichatkatjs, who are settled between the Koryaks and the Ainos of this 
 remarkable peninsula. They call themselves Itclimcn (pronounced Itclne- 
 vien). They are not many in number, owing to the ravages of the small- 
 pox and to dissipation, and are fast disappearing, on account of the enmity 
 of the Russians. They live in polygamy. They are small {pi. yg, figs, i, 
 4, 5), dark in color, very dirty, and physically like the IMongolians. They 
 most resemble the Koryaks. This is seen in their houses (//. 79, fig. 2): 
 their summer houses — tent-like huts on high piles {pi. 79, fig. 3) — remind 
 us of the storehouses of the Koryaks. 
 
 Domestic Life. — They have many kinds of domestic utensils — troughs, 
 pots, plates, etc. — made of birch-wood. Dogs serve as house animals and 
 for drawing sledges. They steer their handsomely-ornamented sleds by 
 means of curious long poles {pi. 78, figs. 6, 7); they make fire by rapidly 
 twirling a stick in the hole of a board, into which they throw flour 
 while the stick is turning, so that the fire is more easily obtained {pi. 
 70, fig. 8). 
 
 Religion. — Their religion and their views of the state of the soul after 
 death correspond entirely with the IMongolian. Old women perform the 
 priestly duties, and the religious inspiration is often produced by the 
 intoxicating drink prepared from red agaric. There are now many 
 Christians among them — at least in name. While the Yukagirs and 
 Tchuktchis are of an earnest, melancholy temperament, they possess 
 a sort of child-like merriment. And yet suicide is not unfrequent 
 amoug them.
 
 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 277 
 
 3. The Peoples of the Caucasus. 
 
 We have already pointed out the unity of the Caucasian races among 
 themselves, and the fact of their belonging to the Mongolian stock, and 
 have noted their bodily peculiarities. We proceed to give an ethnographic 
 sketch of the nations belonging to this division. The task is by no means 
 an easy one, for, in the first place, they are very numerous; and, secondly, 
 there are marked differences of speech among them, both of which reasons 
 render their consideration as a whole most difficult. Both result from the 
 nature of their region, the Caucasus with its narrow and secluded vallej's. 
 The proper division of their members will accordingly depend upon their 
 places of abode. 
 
 1. We have the inhabilaiits of the Northern Cajicasus^v;\\o are subdi- 
 vided into an eastern section, the inhabitants of Daghestau; a middle sec- 
 tion, those living on the high mountains; and a western section, the 
 inhabitants of the western declivities of the mountains and of the country 
 as far as the Kuban. 
 
 The inhabitants of Daghestan are (beginning at the north), first, the 
 Avares ; then on the shore of the Caspian Sea to Kaitak the Dargiuian 
 races with their different tongues, among them the Akuschaus, the Oiai- 
 daks, and others; south and south-west from these the Kasi-Kiimuchcs 
 {Laks, as they call themselves); and, finally, the Kiirius along the Saniur, 
 as far as Kuba, who generally call themselves Lcsghians — a name derived 
 from the Turks, who call all the mountain-folk of Daghestan, Lesghians, 
 so that this name has become universally adopted. 
 
 A number of tribes with different tongues belong also to the Kurins, 
 so that it seems as though other small independent clans li\-ed in this 
 vicinity. Such are the Udcs^ in the south-east part of the Kurin terri- 
 tory. We must notice that the appearance presented by the people of the 
 Caucasus as a whole is also shown in each individual division, for into 
 each of the races named members of other races have penetrated. Thus 
 among the Kurins there are Dargins, Kasi-Kumuches, etc. 
 
 The second or middle division contains only a few small tribes which 
 are included under the name of the Mizdshcgcs. They live norlh-wcst 
 from the Avares, and to them belong the Tc/icfc/ictiacs, the A'arabiilaks, 
 the TJiuschcs (south-west from the Avares), Ps/iaiis, Cfic/siirs, etc. 
 
 The western division — the Tcficrkcsscs, as the Russians call them — are 
 far more important, being subdivided into the Adigrs, the Tchcrkesscs in 
 a more contracted sense, or the Circassians and their various clans, and the 
 Abekas, who likewise are divided into a number of isolated clans. Among 
 the Adiges the A'abardaiis may be named on account of their influence 
 upon the other nations of the Caucasus. There has been a large emigra- 
 tion from the territory of the Circassians into Turkey in consequence of 
 their war with Russia in 1S64. 
 
 2. The inhabitants of the southern provinces of the Caucasus: first, 
 the Swancs, in the high mountain-lands between the Ossctcs (an Indo-
 
 278 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 
 
 Germanic people) and the Abclias; then south from them, on the coast of 
 the Black Sea, the Mingrelians ; eastward the Georgians (Gnisians, Kar- 
 tulians, as they call themselves), together with the Imcriiians ; and, fin- 
 ally, in the extreme south-west, on the sea-shore south from the Mingre- 
 lians, the Laz^ who also, like all the peoples we have mentioned, are 
 divided into numerous little subdivisions with different dialects. Vari- 
 ous Turkish tribes have also settled in the Caucasus. 
 
 Space will not permit us to go into a full description of all of them; 
 we must therefore content ourselves with a few remarks to explain our 
 illustrations. 
 
 T]ie Dress. — The dress generally corresponds with the Mongolian. 
 The men wear tight trousers inserted into gaiters, over which are slipper- 
 like shoes. They have two coats, both with sleeves, the outer one being 
 longer and fuller, so that its sleeves have to be turned back; they are 
 mostly made of white woollen stuff (//. 80, Jig. 3). The coat opens only 
 on the breast, and shows the colored under-garment. In front on both 
 sides are several prettily-ornamented pockets (//. 80, figs. 3, 8, 9, 10, 12). 
 It is always girded with a leather strap, and often covered with a water- 
 proof mantle of long sheep's wool (//. 80, fig. 11, right). 
 
 Snow-shoes {pi. %o,fig. 4) occur among the mountain-races. The 
 dress of the women is quite similar, except that they close the overall to 
 the top, generally by means of gold clasps and pins, and that they wear 
 full trousers, and often, as do the men sometimes, have gashed sleeves 
 hanging clown from the overall (/>/. 80, figs, i, 2, 10). The unmarried 
 girls wear close-fitting leather chemises until their marriage, the husband 
 being the first to open them. They also wear the hair free, plaited into 
 a queue; the married women, on the other hand, wear veils {/>/. So, figs. 
 I, 2), and all women when they appear in public are wrapped in long 
 veils. 
 
 The head-wear is either a fur hat, often very broad, with a woollen 
 cover (//. So, fig. 3), or a melon-shaped felt cap (//. 80, figs. 10, 11). 
 The peculiar high felt caps (/>/. 80, fig. 9) are much woni in the high 
 mountains. Among the Imeritians and the Georgians we find a small, 
 black, embroidered cap (//. So, fig. 7), which is secured under the chin 
 by a band. Cloths over the head are also much worn (bashliks), like 
 those of the Tcherkesse, Plate 80 {fig. 11, at the left), except that here it 
 is of wire as a sort of helmet. 
 
 Orijamcnts. — They have a variety of ornaments, many being very 
 handsome, particularly ear-rings (//. 80, fig. 5) and brooches of solid gold 
 or filigree-work. Sometimes the)- have shoes (//. So, fig. 10) like those 
 in Japan. It is evident that their costume is merely slightly modified from 
 the Mongolian; that of the Turcoman on Plate 72 {fig- 5) is entirely 
 Mongolian, and the peculiar feature of the Caucasian costume, the double 
 coat, is also Mongolian. 
 
 Social Lifie. — The Mohammedan is the prevalent religion in Daghestan; 
 polygamy is therefore allowed, but among the people it is rare on account
 
 ETHXOGRAPIIY. 279 
 
 of the expense, and among the Christianized nations of course it does not 
 exist. It is a curious custom that a married man does not like to be found 
 in his wife's company, and does not speak of her or of his chiklren; this 
 indicates that here also the women were originally held to be less holy 
 than the men. 
 
 DivcUiiigs. — The dwellings stand in circles or in parallelograms, and 
 in such a manner that the inner space forms a common farmyard with 
 only one exit, while each house has a door and a window facing exter- 
 nally. They are of one stor\', made of twisted work, covered on both 
 sides with clay, and the beam roofs are covered with grass. The men live 
 by themselves, and the house of the prince is apart from the ring (/>/. 80, 
 figs. 10, II, background). In their frequent wanderings they build 
 conical-shaped tents, which they cover with grass, or they use portable 
 felt yiirts. 
 
 Near the villages on the mountain-tops are burial monuments — square- 
 shaped stone buildings, with a wooden pillar fashioned into a head on 
 each corner, the rude mementos of the dead. The graves of the princes 
 are larger, and consist of hexagonal or octagonal buildings like chapels, 
 standing in a row together (//. 80, fig. 6). Sorrow for the dead is shown 
 by loud lamentations and by painful wounds which the survivors inflict 
 upon themselves. 
 
 Weapons. — The weapons were in early times the bow and arrow, the 
 former with the same case-like covering as among the Turcomans; the 
 latter worn in a quiver on the right side, over which a many-colored piece 
 of stuff hangs as a covering (//. 80, fig. 11, left); heavy, club-like staves 
 with iron heads (/>/. 80, fig. 11, right); a dagger-like, strong knife woni 
 in the belt at the front of the body {pi. 80, fig. 11, left;^^. 3, left); and 
 at the left side a large curved sword, this, like the dagger, being without 
 hilt-guard, but often ornamented in a costly manner (//. 80, figs. 3, 11). 
 
 In ancient times, and to-day in the highlands, as among the Chefsurs, 
 the men wore coats of mail made of chain reaching as far as the hips, 
 and iron helmets like the Tchcrkesses (//. 80, fig. 11, left). These also 
 sometimes wear a white woollen jacket over the coat of mail. The rid- 
 ing whip in the left hand is evidently derived from the Turks. European 
 weapons are now coming into use throughout the country. 
 
 Government. — The original fonn of government was like that of most 
 of the Mongolian states: the prince stood high above the pco]ilc; then fol- 
 lowed the nobility, then the peasants, who were cither vassals or adscripts. 
 Between the nobility and the peasants a class of freemen has arisen who 
 have received freedom from the nobility. The prince was all-powerful, 
 having command over life, limb, and projicrty of his subjects; the peas- 
 ants were similarly subject to the nobles. This arose from the Mongolian 
 view that the higher classes stand nearer to the gods, and therefore alone 
 have full privileges. Revenge by blood-shedding prevails everywhere, 
 but may be bought off with money. 
 
 Religion. — Of the original religion of the Circassian people little is left,
 
 28o ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 and this little is best seen among the mountain-tribes who call themselves 
 Christians, like the Chefsurs. The}- have one supreme god of war, from 
 whom proceed numerous others. Christian and heathen: the earth is holy, 
 and their two "gods of the west and east" seem to indicate some old 
 worship of the heavens; their "god of spirits" refers to a former ruler 
 of the lower world; moreover, they believe in protecting spirits and in gods 
 of nature of all kinds; they have holy groves and countless superstitions; 
 in short, they stand in their heathen religious views, so far as we can 
 follow them, very near to the Mongolians. 
 
 In character they are indolent, particularly those in the plains, yet 
 fond of war, violent, and revengeful, but with certain chivalrous traits; 
 and their hospitality aud love of drinking-bouts are well known. They 
 have nothing to show in art, but their literature, which is mostly oral, 
 possesses many pretty epic legends and short l)ric poems. 
 
 This description gives the principal features of the national life of the 
 Caucasian people, and is true, in general, of all the races of the nioun- 
 tain-countr>' with their many dialects. Where Russian dominion has 
 repressed the constant wars of the mountain-races and has opened up the 
 previously pathless highlands, European culture has entered and brought 
 numerous changes. 
 
 From our description of the various peoples whom we call Mongolians 
 it is clear that they make one great family. Costumes, houses, weapons, 
 manner of living, government, religion, treatment of the dead, and belief 
 in the future, are so surprisingly alike that we are justified in pronouncing 
 them one and the same stock.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 54. 
 
 IsiMi ( iiiNnsK. — 1,9. lUinncsc. 2. I'alacc .if Aniarn|«i<«ra (lUinnali), ami llic while cicplinnl. .?. Warriors; Dragon 
 lcm|>lc (Ava, liuriiiali). 4. llcail of tlic lluriiicsc woman, Maplioon. 5. Aiuuni(c iiiaml;uiii.s ami tlitir wives. 6, 7. Aniun- 
 ilcs. 8. SailiUc of a warclcphaiit.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Platk 55. 
 
 Indo-Ciiinf^k. — I. Cochin-Chinese. 2. Siamese actrcssts. 3. Thai jai. 4. Man l-sc. 5. I'clsI uf the " New Moon." 
 in a pagoda of Nong Kay (Siam).
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 56. 
 
 iNlio-CiiiM iK. — I. l^iDs uf ilic Ncirlli. 2. l_-ins mnnilnnn. \. Mnuiitnin iiili.ii'iiani, «il<l race liclnnpni; In (he Kios 
 nation. 4. Vuiing l^os. 5. Lcnicl (Karthcr India). 6. l-ios |Kti|>lt-, (rynn the Itiimiali (li>thct. 7. Lam liahilalion.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 57. 
 
 INPO-CH.NF-SE.-.. E,n,Kror Keen-I.ung in audience c^unne (.770). 2. $■ S.rxh Unncse. 3- ^ l>'"cse cmpr«s 
 (,846). fr.,„, an ..ripn.l ,.ain,i„,. 4. Chinese act..r in a .mKical ,«rt. 6. Chinese nigh.- watchmen. 7. M»n.lann .n court- 
 costume. 8, 10. South Chinese. 9. Chinese bridge of .xssaull.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 58. 
 
 Indo-Chink.sk. — I. People of Soulh-we.>.lern (hiim. 2. Chinese Imrialpl.ice. J. Ciislumcs ami iieiiplc of Suulhcm 
 China. 4, 5. Chinese helmets. 6. liowcasc; 7, 9, II. Uatlleaxo- ; .S. M.i.c; 10 .Vmiini «c.n]iiin; 12. Va.sc; 
 ij, 14. Swords — all of the dynasty of Chow (1123-255 11. c).
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 59. 
 
 -..L-li-iV 
 
 t.=i=i*# 
 
 "l: 
 
 1' r-i^t ' I 
 
 Indo-Chinese.— I. House of a Chinese merchant in the cily of Caiilon (Chin.i). 2. RecciKioii room of a wcaUhy 
 Chinese family. 3. Sleeping aixirtment of a noble Manclioo family (Mancliooria, China).
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 6o. 
 
 ^i>*i*i;*iifc^ 
 
 
 lNl><)('irisiisK. — I. Kiilrance f^Mc of llio |in};iH!;» of Scmao (Malay ArcliiiH.'I.Tjni)- ^- I liincM' funeral. 3. Costumes 
 ami iK'opIc of Siullicni t'hiiia. 4. (hicflain from l.iuKiu (Um)-CIioo) Ulaiids. 5. Catapult of the Chinese, Coreans, 
 anil Jajiancsc. 6. lYicsl and nobleman of the Liu-Kiu Ulaiids,
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Platk 6i. 
 
 '^■:^'''!.. 
 
 iMioCiilNKSK. — I. C'hinose warrior of ancient limes. 2. l_-tinas of l^ailakli (TliiUl). j. Uimft> ami monks (with 
 llieir religious articles) of Sikkim, India. 4. I„i|Kha g,\t\ (to the left) of Sikkim, Imlia, ami women of Tliilict, China. 
 5. Hholi skull. 6. Men of Tin (Spiti, India). 7. Mountain-inhabitant of Farther India. 8. Women of Kanawar (Him- 
 al.iyas).
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Pl.ATK 62. 
 
 
 
 //A 
 
 ^ 
 
 rd__: . «- ^JJ^JLj^-S- ^ 
 
 Ural-Altaics.— 1. Japanese Iwy ; 2. Cirl; 3. WDinaii; 4. Man. 5. JaiKiiicse woman in full ilrcv-. 6. lajMncsc in 
 court altire. 7. Japanese in festive dress. 8. The Mikado; y. The Kisaki.
 
 MOXCOMANS. 
 
 Plate 63. 
 
 j^^^*- 
 
 ID 
 
 Ural-Altaics. — i. Japanese man ; 2. Pilgrim; 3. Young woman. 4. Jajioncsc woman of the mirfdle cIb.ss. S- Jap- 
 anese temple. 6. J.i|)anese (man) of ilie niidtllo cl.iss. 7. Japncse |>cxsant in winter divs.'.. S. Jajiancsc |)ca5iaiil. 
 9. Japanese coolie. 10. Jajianese priest.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 64. 
 
 |.„..,y''*'"^i''^'"'~i'T "^ " •'"■'""'"^ '"'""■ -'• * ' "^^ '"^ ^1"" 1"""" ••• 5. ■• >1<" 1-""- 7- n«u.c of a 
 .|..|«.asc nol.lcm.ii,. 8. Ja,K.nesc lircam.w. 9. Ja|«ncsc ,«inlinK : |-«lc„n hmil. 10. II. 17. •• Maualama-s " (cunc.1 
 precious slones) ; 12. Whistling arrow ; i j. 14, ,5. Slonc arr..w Irm.Is ; 10. ICarthcn vessel ; iS. H,«.l (l^ar skin) of a ja,xi«e« 
 knight: 19.21. Stone wcai«ns: 20. 22. ICnrlhcn-vcsscIs (ol.l Ja,«ncsc ,x,tler%). in which the " ni.-ig.,t.i,uas " are found; 
 -.5. (Il.l Jajiancsc armor (of I);ii.sj,^)_all of the c.irlicsl jK-riwI of Ja|«in
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 65. 
 
 Ukai -AiiAii-s. — I. Ja|wncsc family at their miiMay iiic.il. 2. Inli-riur of the Iciiiple of the •• Kive llumlrol llenii." 
 3. Maipt.-mia chain of aii Aiiios chicft.iin. 4. River Ixjat of the .Vinos; 5. Boot of the .>vintancs (.S.ighalin Islands). 
 6. Guitar; 7. Ornanicntcd box, of the vUnos.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 66. 
 
 Ural-Ai.taus._i. Ainos ami their hal.il.iti.m. 2. Ainos cclcLmlinK llic (lm>i.'. fciM. 3. Grave of nii Anu- chief. 
 4. Gilyak (Ainos) in full costume. 5. Corcan sage. 6. Nohlcman of Corca. 7. Mcalianl of Corca.
 
 MONGOLIAXS. 
 
 Plate 67. 
 
 Urai.-Ai.taics. — I. C'oicans. 2, 3. Corcnn (juanli.iii ilcilics, idols. 4. \uiiiii; (.mcin wmu.in. 5. Corcnii c^>ll^tcr. 
 6. Inhabitants of the Snghalin Island : Urotskus (eastern branch) ami SmcrcnLurs ^western branch).
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 68. 
 
 I'RM. Ai.i.Mis.— I. Tuni^us (LVpcr liAik.iII. 2, J. Hirar TmiK"-is(Hiiriat Mnuiil.iiii-K lUsltin Sikiiu. 4, j. .Noiiu.lic 
 liinguscs, from Central Siberia. 6. lloml; 7. Collar; S. llrLailornamciil ; 9. 1- ur coal, of Uic Tuiigu^cs.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 69. 
 
 Ural-Altaics.— I, 2. Burials of (llkliun Mand (U-xkc liaikal). 3. I-ima, from the Sclciina Kivtr .li^trat (» cniril A>iaV 
 4. Burial woman in full dress. 5. SiU-rian bell. 6. SiUrian fur coal. 7. Inlcrior; S. IMerior, of a Calmuck IcnI. 
 9. Crave-monumcnts on the steppe between the Don and Unieixir. lo. Calmuck skull. II. IVicst of the Calniucks.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 70. 
 
 Ural-Altaics.— I. Male and female Calmucks (Central Asia); wiiulmill, with liori/ontally set wings, in the distance. 
 2. Yakools (Silieri.i). 3. Yakoot woman in full dress. 4, $. Can'ings of whale teeth. 6. Gjveiml sleilgc, fivim East 
 Siberia. 7. I'antaloons (top piece) of the N'akoots. 8. Tinder-sticks of the Kanichalkans. 9. Hood of the Yakools. 
 10. Tobacco-box. II-13. Carx'ings of whale leclh; 14. I'antaloons (lower piece) of the ^■akools.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 71. 
 
 Ural-Altaics.— I. Village of the ^■i^koots (Siberia); to the right a sunimertcnt, to the left a wnterhouse (yuits). 
 2. Kirghccz sultan and family. 3. Kirghccz (Cossacks) ; two brides to the right
 
 MONOOLIAXS. 
 
 Plate 72. 
 
 URAI.-Al.rvics. — I, 2. Turks (Tartars). 3. (rmlilc); 4. Full face of a younp Turkish woman. 5. Turcomnn (Turk- 
 estan). 6. .Servian slor)-telltr (placed Mere for coni|iarison, sec page 394). 7. Tchuva.sh women (Tar1.ir\V .S Nopus 
 women; in the background a tcnt-scltlemcnt of (he Nogais (Crimea).
 
 M 
 
 ONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 73. 
 
 UralAi.tahs.— 1. Soil of tile khan of Khiva (Tiirkcslaii). 2. Xubic court official of Khiva. 3. Mounlain Tanars 
 (Crimea); in the hackRround (to the ri|;ht) their dwelhnpi, and (to the left) their pTavc-moiiuinci.t. 4. Volyak wonmn, 
 with curious head coverini; (Eurojican Russia). 5. Noble T.irt.irs (Crimea). 6. Kurd ( Kurdistan, Central A.sia). 7. I'loujjh 
 of the Crimean Tartars. 8. Calmuck sacrificial monument, made of the skulls of hordes, g. Kunl woman.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 74. 
 
 L-KAl,-Al.TAKs.— I. Women of the Kazan (European Russia) Tartars (noma.lic). 2. KoumU vc^cb. 3.4. M«r»l- 
 wins (l^Lsl Kuropcan Russia). 5. Mill of the ISashkii^. 6. Sanioied woman and child. 7. SainoicU (North Euroixran and 
 Asiatic Russia). 8. Sainoied child. 9. Head of a Samoied, showing the fur hood.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 75. 
 
 I RAl.-Al.TAIcs. — 1. Lapps (I.aplamI), with their dwelling — to the right. 2. Kiiiiis (Mnlainl), 3. Ileail i>f a Ijpp, 
 with fur houil. 4. Finn woman in full dress. IsoL.\TEb NoRTH Asiatics. — 5. Tchuklchi (Ncrth-caslcrn Siberia) in full 
 <lrcss. 6, 7. Ostyaks (Western Siberia). 8. Ostyak dance.
 
 MONGOIvIANS. 
 
 Platk 76. 
 
 ISDI.ATKI) 
 4. Spiar; 5. C 
 
 NiiKlil Asi 
 asc for spear 
 
 UKs.— 1, 2. Nomadic Koryaks (Nortlica-slean Sihcria). 2. Hwilliiit; of >c.linl.ir\ Ki.r>.iks 
 ix>im, of the Koryaks. 6, 7. Baskets of ihc Korjaks. 8. Tobacco bay of llic Korjak,-.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 77. 
 
 Isolated North Asiatics. — i. Village of the sedentary Kor)-aks (Northeastern Siberia). 2. Fur glove; 3, 4. Belt 
 ilccorations, of the Ivorjaks. 5. Knife of the Kor)ak women. 6. SeilciUar)' Korjaks. 7, 8. Hixjs of the Korjaks.
 
 MONGOLIA XS. 
 
 Plate 78. 
 
 Isolated North Asiatics.— i. Village of nomailic Konaks. 2. Knife; 3. Scaliliartl, uf the Korjaks. 4. Nomadic 
 Kor>-aks. 5. Inliabilam of a village of Northern Kamclialka (Koryak). 6. Slteringiwlc ; 7. Sledge, of the Kanichalkans.
 
 MONGOIvIANS. 
 
 Plate 79. 
 
 ■'"'v^i::- 
 
 ^^■rC>- 
 
 Isoi.ATKl) XiiRTll Asiatics. — I. Kainchatknn. 2. Winter liiit; j. MnniniT hut, of llic Kamcliatk.ins. 4,5. Kam- 
 chatkans in full dress.
 
 MONGOLIANS. 
 
 Plate 8o. 
 
 Caitasians.— 1. Swane \v..nian ( Soiilhcin Caucasus). 2. CircasM.m woman iWi-tirn Caucasus). 3. Circassians. 
 4. Snow.sh..e: 5. Kar riiij,', of ihc Swanes. 6. R..yal tomlK of the Tchcrkcsscs (Wcslcrii Caucasus |. 7-9- NoMc Swancs. 
 10. Nohlc Tcliukcsscs ( IVtai-s) ; II. Ichcikcssian warriors, Tcherkessian hal.ilalioiis in the background. 12. Mingrelian 
 woman (Southern Caucasus).
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 2S1 
 
 IV. THE DFLWIDIAN PEOPLES. 
 
 Under the general name of the Dravidian Peoples we designate the 
 original inhabitants of Hither India who now have their dwelling-place 
 in the south among the Aryan population, but differ from the Aryan 
 Indians in speech, customs, and partly also in physical appearance. 
 Skilled investigators like Latham and Max Miiller have endeavored to 
 prove that they belong to the JMongolian race ; but the physical and 
 mental character of this people is not JMongolian, and makes it impossible 
 to accept this opinion. Still less can we agree with many of the older 
 investigators who believe them to be connected with the black population 
 of ]\Ialaysia, the Papuas. As, up to the present time and with our present 
 inadequate means of research, we cannot place them in any of the great 
 ethnological divisions, we are compelled, in spite of their relatively small 
 number, to class them apart as a separate race. It is possible that future 
 investigations will lead to a different result. 
 
 Classification. — These original inhabitants of India are divisible into 
 two distinctly separated groups : (i) the Vindh)-a People; (2) the Deccau 
 Tribes. 
 
 From the latter another folk has branched off in such an independent 
 manner that we should be wellnigh justified in naming them as a third 
 division — viz. the inhabitants of Ceylon (Singhala), the Singhalese, to 
 whom the natives of the Maldives are joined as most nearly related, while 
 the Laccadives are inhabited by the Moplays or Mapilas — Arabian mer- 
 chants who have come over from Malabar. 
 
 We prefer the names just given to these chief divisions of the Dra- 
 vidian Peoples: first, because they are older than otliers — we find them in 
 Lassen, one of the greatest German students of India; secondly and prin- 
 cipally, because they give a sort of key (when we consider their geo- 
 graphical meaning) to the history of tlie stock and its different tribes; 
 and lastly, because they are most comprehensive and least liable to be 
 misunderstood. Other ethnologists call the Vindhya people Munda people 
 {?)iintda means, among some of them, a chief or headman of the village), 
 and the Deccan tribes the Dravidians in a more restricted sense. 
 
 The Vindhya people are themselves divided into several tribes: first, 
 the B/icc/s, whose present location is the western part of the \'indhya 
 Mountains and their outlying spurs as far as the Taptee. They likewise 
 inhabit the Western Ghauts on the land side to Puna, on the coast to 
 Daman, as well as the mountains of Gujerat. Formerly ihcy extended 
 farther toward the north, whence they gradually became confined within 
 their present limits, while many of them mixed with the Ar}-an Indians. 
 They are split up into many tribes, of which those of pure blood call
 
 282 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 themselves the White Bheels, while those who have intermarried with 
 foreigfiiers are called the Black Bheels. To them seem also to belons: the 
 Ramusis^ south from Puna, who now speak jNIahrattee, and tl;e Kclas 
 (Kulis) of Gujerat, who have likewise adopted an Indian speech. Also, 
 the Minas and the Meras^ northward in Mevar to the Aravulli Mountains, 
 seem to stand nearer to the Bheels. 
 
 The Kolas are an extensive tribe in the easterly continuation of the 
 Vindhya Mountains, in the mountain-land of Chota-Nagpoor west from 
 Calcutta, north almost to the Ganges and south nearly to the INIahanadi. 
 The Indians call all the races that live here Kolhs^ and so this general 
 title includes first the Muttda Kolhs, who, perhaps a million in number, 
 are the most important tribe; the Liirka KoUis or Ho {i. e. "man"), west 
 from the Mundas in the district of Chaibassa; north to the Ganges we 
 have the Santals and smaller clans of doubtful descent, like the K/iarrias, 
 etc. 
 
 The people of the Deccan are mingled in the east with the Vindhya 
 people, while scattered among the Kolh races are the (i) Urauhs (Uraon), 
 westwardly from the Santals, and (2) the Paharias (Rsjmahal Kolhs — 
 i. e. the non-Indians of the district of Rajmahal), or, as they call them- 
 selves, the I\Ialer — ?'. c. mountaineers. But they principally live in Dec- 
 can proper. We also name (3) the Gondas or Goiids, tl;e inhabitants of 
 Gondwana, south from the Nerbudda as far as Godaver^'; also (4) the 
 Khouds or Kandas^ Khunds, Kus, in Orissa, east from the Gonds, sotith 
 from the Kolhs; (5) south from both tribes the Tctiiigas (Telugus, Gen- 
 toos), whose domain in fonner times extended along the whole eastern 
 coast of Hither India. Neighbors to these southward, and on the other 
 side of a line from the north end of Lake Pulikat to Bangalore, are (6) the 
 Tamils^ who are scattered about over Cape Comorin and the north of Cey- 
 lon. West from tlie Telingas live (7) the Canarcse (the Camatic) in 
 Canara and IMysore, to whom in speech the KcdiigKS (Kurg) belong, 
 several other mountain-tribes; and wedged in the Neilgherr}- Hills (S) 
 the Tildas or Todas, who speak an independent tongue, as well as (9) the 
 likewise independent Tiduvas or Titliis, settled on the west coast around 
 ]\Iangalore. In earlier times they were much more widely spread in 
 Canara. The south point of the peninsula, south from Tuluvas, west 
 from the Tamils, is inhabited by (10) the Malabars or Malayalam. 
 Living quite separate are (11) the Brahiiis in North-east Eeloochistan 
 around Kelat ; and (12) the Singhalese, or inhabitants of Ceylon, cer- 
 tainly belong here, as their tongue, the Elu, and their many Indian 
 traits, prove. The Vcddalis, from the woody interior of the island, 
 seem to be pure Singhalese. 
 
 Physical Characteristics. — We may consider together the ph\-sical quali- 
 ties of the Vindhya and the Deccan people. We have first to remark that 
 the wilder a people is, so much the more wild is the general outward 
 appearance, and that in this respect the Paharias and the Gonds (both of 
 Deccan descent) are quite similar to the Bheels of the Vindhya Mountains.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 283 
 
 In general, they are only of middle size, as we find among the Bheels, the 
 Kolhs, the Paharias, the Khonds, the Singhalese (//. 81, Jig. 4), the 
 Canarese, and the IMalabars; bnt they are by no means weak, except in 
 the worn-down tribes, who are small, but, on the contrary, muscular and 
 extremely agile, having good proportions and trim bodies. Others are 
 large, athletic, even herculean — as many of the Gonds, of whom, again, 
 otliers are only of middle size; and further the Tudas, in the Neilgherry 
 Hills, who are described as an athletic race, very well built, and nearly all 
 six feet in height. 
 
 Color, Hair, and Features. — The color of all these races is a dark, 
 Negro black, lighter among the women, and in some cases (as in many 
 of the Singhalese) dark or light brown. The Paharias are of lighter color 
 than the Beugalese. In spite of the color, these people are b)- no means 
 like Negroes, as is proved by their bodily build and the abundant hair on 
 the person, which often — c. g. among the Brahuis, the Tudas, and the 
 Bheels — grows into luxuriant beards, as well as by the character of the- hair 
 of the head, which is fine, bushy, sometimes growing in locks, and among 
 the women (//. 81, fig. 10, Kolh woman) quite long. It is never woolly: 
 the only statement given of woolly hair among the Gonds is of doubtful 
 authenticity. It is almost always dark in color. The beard is often want- 
 ing among the Singhalese, the Khonds, etc. The formation of the skull 
 and their features are by no means like those of the Negro, still less like 
 those of the Mongolians. Jellinghaus properly calls them, even the Vind- 
 hya people, rather Aryan. The features of the northern Deccan tribes, of 
 thePaharias(Hamilton) and of theUrauhs(Jellinghans), are in every respect 
 like those of the Vindhyas; the nose is generally straight and thick at the 
 point, the eyes dark and not oblique, lips full, the mouth not ugly, the 
 cheekbone not prominent, and the face o\'al {pi. 81, fig. 10). 
 
 Another type is seen in the Tudas. According to Harkness, they have 
 entirely European features, large, quick eyes, fine teeth, and Roman noses. 
 They also have rather full lips (//. 81, 7?^^. 8, 9). The Telingas are an 
 example of this type {pi. 'S>\,fig. 3), also the Tamils {fig. i). The more 
 cultivated Singhalese show it, while the Veddahs stand nearer to the first 
 type. There is no very essential diiference between the two types — arched 
 noses and a fine exterior may now and then be found among the \'indhyas, 
 while the Deccauees show the less handsome features that have already 
 been described. The Malabars (//. 8r,y?f. 2) may serve as an example. 
 The majority of the Brahuis belong to tlic latter type. A disproportion 
 in the limbs is often seen in these races. The arms and the hips are long, 
 while the hands and feet are remarkably small. 
 
 lutcrmixliircs. — We might imagine that this second type had arisen in 
 consequence of the intermixture of Ar\an blood. Of course frequent mix- 
 tures between the Aryan immigrants and the Dravidians have taken place, 
 as the greater space covered by the latter in early times, as well as the many 
 peculiarities of speech even in the Aryan tongues, goes to prove. Yet the 
 forms as we find them to-day among the Dravidians certainly do not rest
 
 284 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 upon such a mixture. Lassen properly remarks that with the introduction 
 of castes into India the mixtures with foreign races were compelled to stop; 
 and from the caste system it may be concluded that the immigrants from 
 the very beginning had a strong aversion to the black and at that time 
 savage people with whom they came in contact. IMoreover, the Tudas, 
 the isolated inhabitants of the highest Neilgherr\' Hills, living in a healthy 
 climate and in general comfort, show the same Arj-an type, although with 
 them no intermixture has been possible: the same is true of the more 
 refined and better-situated inhabitants of the cities in the plains; while, 
 on the other hand, the wild tribes of the Deccan as well as of the Viudhya 
 depart more and more from these handsom.e forms. Accordingly, the 
 opinion is a justifiable one that the physical nature of these as of all 
 nations improved when their exterior life and their mental culture were 
 bettered. The Tamils, TeHngas, Canarese, and iVIalabars — in short, all the 
 more refined Deccan people — have adopted the Indian culture, religion, 
 and -customs, and their speech has been greatly influenced by the Ar}-an 
 idioms. 
 
 Language. — As the two main divisions of the Dravidians are thus 
 shown to have been originally connected, and the differences in body were 
 brought about later by a varied manner of life, we may say the same of 
 their languages. The Deccan and Vindhya tongues are alike in structure, 
 but quite different as regards verbal roots, though even these have certain 
 important points in common. At one time they did not distinguish 
 between substantive, adjective, and verb — a distinction which now is 
 recognized in all the Deccan idioms. Our declension is supplied by a 
 number of formative syllables, and the conjugation in both divisions of 
 the Dravidians is accomplished by sufiixes. Yet the verbal form nowhere 
 rises above the attributive relation. 
 
 The true life of the language is seen in the pronouns. It is an 
 important difference that the Vindhya tongues have a dual of these latter, 
 while those of the Deccan either do not possess it or have it only by means 
 of a paraphrase. They correspond in the difference betAveen the exclusive 
 and inclusive plural — /. c. both have forms for " we " inclusive and " we " 
 exclusive of the person spoken to. The most important difference in the 
 structure of the language shows itself in the gender. While the Vindhya 
 tongues distinguish only between that which has life and that which has 
 not, and make the distinction a general one, the Deccanees have in the 
 "high" and "low" gender of the Tamil grammarians — of which the 
 former includes all beings with reason, and the latter only beasts and 
 inanimate things — apparently the same trait, only expressed with a dif- 
 ferent scope. The Deccanees also express in the "high" gender the 
 distinction between masculine and feminine, confined, howe\-er, to pro- 
 nouns (demonstrative) and to those pronouns which form the conjuga- 
 tion of the verb. This distinction is seldom applied to the substantive, 
 but it is mostly confined to the pronoun, which is affixed to the descrip- 
 tive w'ord in masculine or feminine form. It cannot be regarded as
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 285 
 
 fundamental, for the grammatical gender has been developed out of the 
 distinction between animate and inanimate objects. Thus the gender in 
 tlie Deccan tongues may have arisen independent!)^ from tlie old founda- 
 tion that the Vindhya people have preserved, or, as is more probable, in 
 consequence of the influence of the Aryan tongues, which have through- 
 out such marked difference in gender. 
 
 A critical examination of the Dravidian languages shows the likeli- 
 hood of their having developed out of one ancient common stock. 
 The Vindhya idioms have kept to the older and more undeveloped 
 standard, which is not surprising when we consider their histor}- and 
 degree of cultivation. The Elu (Singhalese) is not so nearly related 
 to the Deccan as regards roots, but is similar in the spoken form. It 
 is therefore to be regarded as a peculiarly developed branch of the 
 Deccan idioms. 
 
 Costume. — The clothing of all these tribes is entirely Indian (//. 81, 
 fig. i). Among the less cultivated it is very simple, consisting of a cloth 
 worn around the hips like a gown; both sexes among the Singhalese have 
 it so (/>/. 81, fig. 4), while among the Bheels and tlie-Kolhs the men wear 
 only a small loin-cloth. The wealthier have a cloak around the shoulders, 
 which is sometimes a mere cloth (among the Kolhs, the Tudas, the 
 Khonds, the Paharias, etc.), and sometimes, as among the Singhalese, a 
 kind of jacket {pi. 81, fig. 4, 8, 9). 
 
 Hair. — The hair is worn mostly in a knot on the crown or back of the 
 head with manifold ornaments, and generally held in place with a long 
 zinc comb; some tribes, as the Tudas {pi. 81, figs. 8, 9), the Kolhs, and 
 the Bheels, wear it free, the wild tribes often paying no attention to it. 
 We see divers coverings for the head on Plate 81 {figs, i, 5, 6). 
 
 Jc'duelry. — Ear-rings and necklaces (//. 81, fig. 10) are popular orna- 
 ments; the former are worn in the edge of the ear, which is pierced {pi. 
 81, fig. 10), or, together with plugs, small pieces of wood, etc., in the 
 ear-lobes, which are often greatly enlarged {pi. 81, fiig. 10); and even the 
 civilized Dcccances have adhered to this custom (//. 8r, fig. i). Metal 
 bracelets and anklets, oftentimes very heavy, are also prized. The 
 weapons of those branches which have not become Indianized consist 
 of bow and arrow, axes, shields, and slings. 
 
 Divelliugs. — Their dwellings consist of neat frame huts united into 
 villages. Only totally barbarous tribes, such as the Vcddahs, plait their 
 temporary huts of the twigs of trees, or, when occupying a somewhat 
 higher rank in civilization, make them of pieces of tree-bark. 
 
 Agnailturc and Stock-Rnisiiig are the principal occupations of the 
 nations not completely uncivilized, such as the Kolhs, tlie Tudas, etc. 
 Cattle, buffaloes, hogs, goats, and sheep constitute the wcaltii of the shep- 
 herd peoples. Tlie Tuda.s, for instance, in tlie Neilgherry Hills, keep 
 principally buffaloes and sheep: the simple vehicles of the Singhalese 
 and the manner in which they use the elephant, their ordinar}- domestic 
 animal, are shown on Plate 81 {fig. 4). Tiie entirely barbarous tribes
 
 2S6 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 lead a wild and miserable life of hunting and robbing in their woods and 
 mountains. 
 
 Food and Drink. — The Dravidians are fond of spirituous drinks, and 
 have some of their own invention and manufacture. Originally, they ate 
 everything, even carcasses, and this is still done by some nations. Otlier.s, 
 througli Indian influence, abstain from the flesh of certain animals, espe- 
 cially cattle. The Kolhs have received their name — which in Indian is a 
 collective name for many tribes — from the Indians because they kill and 
 eat swine; for Kolh signifies swine-killer (Jellinghaus). 
 
 Naval Architecture. — The boats of the Singhalese merit special atten- 
 tion {pi. 8i, Jigs. 5, 6). In the south of the islaud all of them, large and 
 small, are supplied with a boom, and only wooden nails are used in their 
 construction; they are frequently turned up alike on both ends, in which 
 respect they are similar to the Malaysian vessels. The Singhalese carr}' 
 on coast navigation only, and are averse to undertaking long voyages on 
 foreign vessels; while, on the coutrar.-, the Telingas, Tamils, and Mala- 
 bars willingly serve as sailors and make long sea-voyages. 
 
 Domestic Life. — Woman occupies no poor position among the Dravid- 
 ian peoples: according to Jellinghaus, she is called mistress of the house 
 among the Kolhs, the husband being termed the master of tlie land; and, 
 although she always addresses her husband by the name of master, great 
 love and mutual consideration prevail among them. 
 
 Marriage. — ]\Iarriage is contracted with numerous ceremonies, at 
 which the groom, who must always be from another community, gives 
 rich presents to the father-in-law. Before marriage both sexes live in 
 perfect liberty, but adulter}' is severely punished. However, matrimony 
 is easily dissolved. Bigamy is practised in some cases. The second wife 
 is considered lawful, and is married with the usual ceremonies, and her 
 children enjoy the same rights as the children of the first marriage. But 
 the children of concubines, generally widows whose connection with an- 
 otlier man is not considered scandalous, have inferior rights to those of 
 the legitimate wives. 
 
 Their marriages are usually fruitful. The mother and her new-bom 
 child are deemed unclean until they are freed, after the lapse of eight days, 
 from the interdiction, when the child is solemnly received into the tribe 
 and is named, usually by the grandfather and with his own name. Abor- 
 tion is practised, but is considered a crime. This description — most of 
 which we have taken from a report of Jellinghaus about the Kolhs — 
 applies closely to all Dravidian peoples, only that the more barbarous 
 tribes are of course more barbarous also in this regard; as, for instance, 
 the Tudas kill most of the female children after birth, and, furthennore, 
 polvandr}- prevails among some peoples of South Deccan (Jklalabars, Kurgs, 
 Tudas) and the Singhalese. As in the north, children at an early age are 
 betrothed to each other, and here also unrestrained licentiousness prevails 
 before marriage. In cases of polyandry the husbands of the wife are gen- 
 erally brothers, to whom the children belong in common. It is easily
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 2S7 
 
 understood that in such institutions rank and property are inherited by 
 female lineage. Nevertheless, here also the women are considered less 
 holy than the men, and they are not allowed to enter the sacred places of 
 sacrifice. 
 
 Government. — The constitution is alike among all the Dravidian peo- 
 ples. It is patriarchal, each village community having an elder, and 
 where there is a union of several tribes one tribal chief is at the head 
 of it, which dignity is hereditar>' in one certain family. This village 
 elder is called nuinda among the Kolhs — a name occurring also among 
 the tribes of the Deccan, though changed somewhat in form and meaning. 
 In former times these chiefs seem to have had a religious character also, 
 at least some scattered customs appear to indicate this, and ever\'where 
 they exercise a despotic power. 
 
 The more barbarous of these peoples are divided into ver}' many 
 single tribes, the number of which is constantly increased by quarrels 
 arising in the tribes, for the quarrelling parties separate and fonn independ- 
 ent clans. Among the settled agricultural Dravidians several of these 
 clans are under the jurisdiction of one superior chief Blood-revenge and 
 joint responsibility of the family for one of its members prevail among 
 these different communities. It is strange that in many districts, and 
 even among the Hindoos, the Dravidian tribes are considered to be the 
 true owners of the country; consequently, the Indian rajahs on the west- 
 ern side of the Vindhya Mountains must, on ascending the throne, make 
 on their forehead the tikor — that is, a mark with blood taken from the toe 
 or the thumb of a Bheel or a Mina. 
 
 The Tudas have a similar character in their districts; both of which 
 are evidences that these tribes were once the dominant nations.' How- 
 ever, the caste spirit has gained entrance among the Dravidians, pre- 
 vailing, for example, in Malabar, in Ceylon, and among the Hindooized 
 peoples of the Deccan. . The Tudas are peculiar in this respect also, for 
 their arrangement of castes seems odd and reminds us of the different 
 ranks of Polynesia. 
 
 J\cIiq;ion and Siipcrstiiion. — The present religion of the civilized Dec- 
 can peoples is Brahmanism, which in its rudest form has also been accepted 
 by the Rheels. Mohammedanism has also followers among them, at least 
 nominally. The Tamils and the Singhalese are Buddhists. The latter 
 preserve in the temple of Kandy as a sacred relic a bit of ivory, tho fa- 
 mous sacred tooth of Buddha. Plate 81 {/ig. 7) .shows the "tooth," with 
 the cord on which it is horizontally suspended in a precious reliquary. 
 However, many nations, and even those which are Brahmanized, have 
 retained in many ctistoms their original religion, which venerates th.e 
 principal powers of nature, as the sun (Kolhs) and the earth (Khonds), 
 of which their conceptions are not wholly material. 
 
 Thus, according to Jellinghaus, the Kolhs, among whom there is no 
 trace of a sun-cult, worship the Sing-Bonga — that is, "sun-god" — as the 
 creator of the earth, the sun, and all things, as a constant guide, sustainer,
 
 288 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 and snpen'isor of the -world. They also fear and venerate a number of 
 more or less powerful demons, spirits of the elements, who have their 
 seats in the water, and especially in trees and sacred groves. To these 
 spirits they brinj^ offerings consisting of animals, fruit, etc. ; the Khonds 
 ofifer human sacrifices to the earth in thanksgiving or propitiation, accom- 
 panied by wild festivities, but the victim must never be of their own tribe. 
 They celebrate religious feasts at the times of sowing and harvesting and 
 on other occasions. 
 
 Sacrifices^ Priests, and Idols. — The sacred groves are the places of 
 sacrifice ; the sacrificers are established priests — the pahans among the 
 Kolhs, the pekkans among the Tudas — whose dignity is hereditary', and 
 who originally constituted a distinct caste, and do so still among the 
 Tudas. Among the Kolhs this is now modified. The family of the 
 village priest is deemed next in rank to that of the chief, j'et the pahau 
 can transfer his dignity to some other person, and consequently to another 
 family. Idols occur rarely, and are generally of Indian origin. Besides 
 the priests, there are magicians, who are possessed of different powers 
 and who perform their magic in the manner of the shamans. They make 
 weather, discover hostile magic, and above all cure diseases, which are 
 always attributed to evil spirits. 
 
 Death and Burial. — One tribe of the Gonds is said to murder and eat 
 old or sick relatives in order to become agreeable to the gods. Care is 
 scarcely anywhere given the sick, on account of fear of the evil spirits 
 of the malady. The treatment of the dead varies: ever}- where long and 
 loud lamentations are indulged in, and the bodies are generally cremated, 
 the bones and ashes being preserved. Costly banquets and dead-offerings, 
 which often exhaust the wealth of the survivors, are associated with the 
 funerals. The Kolhs ( Jellinghaus) and some other nations inter the ashes 
 in a common cemetery- in family tombs formed of four erect flagstones 
 covered with a fifth. These cromlech-like stone lipuses are believed to be 
 the abodes of the souls, and frequently, though not always, have a hole 
 in the wall for their entrance and exit {pi. Bi^fig. ii). In memory- of 
 some of the dead, lofty, towering stones are erected at desirable places. 
 Other tribes, as the Bheels, bury their dead, but this custom is far less 
 frequent. They believe in the future life of the soul, as is shown by their 
 dead-offerings. 
 
 Intellectual Faculties and Achievements. — If we now cast a glance at 
 the achievements and intellectual peculiarities of the very interesting 
 Dravidian nations, we shall at once have to acknowledge their intel- 
 lectual abilities. First of all, their languages frequently exhibit a finely- 
 developed intellectuality, and wherever they have come in peaceful con- 
 tact with civilization, whether Indian or European, the Dravidians have 
 proved themselves able to adopt it and in due time to assimilate it. At 
 present they contribute greatly to the civilization of India, and by the 
 spread of Buddhism from their centre, Ceylon, they have also assisted in 
 the civilization of Farther India. The Tamils especially stand in the
 
 ETHXOGRAPIIY. 289 
 
 first rank: they have a domestic literature which is worthy of notice, 
 and have developed a language of poetry by the side of that of prose. 
 Some of the other Deccan nations exhibit at least the beginning of a 
 literature. 
 
 Their artistic achievements amount to very little. It may be men- 
 tioned that they qre fond of the dance, which, however, is mostly ugly 
 and wild and often indecent and lascivious. Their character is variously 
 distinguished. They are warlike and brave, and are valued as good sol- 
 diers; they are, on the whole, chaste and abstemious, active, mern,-, and 
 cheerful; the)- love truth and are honest. Neither is hospitality absent, 
 nor a certain mildness of character. We need not be astonished that 
 laziness and uncleanliness, great barbarit)- and a thievish character pre- 
 vail among some degenerate tribes; neither must we be surprised to find 
 dissoluteness, especially among the younger people even of the more 
 civilized tribes. But on the whole they must be numbered among the 
 most gifted and most elevated of the peoples in the natural state. This 
 is shown by the zeal with which many of them accept Christianity. 
 
 Vol. r.— 19
 
 DRAVIDIANS. 
 
 Plate 8i. 
 
 VlNDllVAS AND Df.ccasees.— I. Tamil (tape Comorin). 2. Native of Cninganore (Hither ImliaV J. Native of 
 Nelpli (on the Clo.lavari River, Iiulial 4- Singhalese of Ceylon. 5. Ship of Ceylon. 6. Skill" of Ceylon. 7- Sacred 
 tooth of the Kamlians (Kamly, Ceylon). 8. Toila man; 9. Toda woman (Neilgherry Hills, India). 10. Kolh woman. 
 II. rrmnlech of India. 12. Kong woman (Vindhya Mountains, India).
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 291 
 
 V. THE ARABIC-AFRICAN RACE. 
 
 The Arabic-Africax race comprises a number of branches, which we 
 shall divide into the following groups, starting from the south — that is, 
 from the extreme point of their district: (i) The Koi-Koin (Hottentots 
 and Bushmen); (2) The Bantu Peoples; (3) The Peoples of the Soudan 
 (Negroes and Fulahs); (4) The Semites. 
 
 Gcograpliical Distribution. — These four groups are geographically ver>' 
 distinct. The Hottentots occupy, or at least originally did, the south of 
 Africa as far as the tropic of Capricorn or the 20th degree of south lati- 
 tude; the Bantu peoples dwell north of them as for as the Equator, though 
 in the west they extend beyond it as far as the Bight of Biafra; next fol- 
 low the Negro nations occupying the broad zone from the Senegal along 
 the southern edge of the Sahara far eastward into Nubia, and south along 
 the coast of the Atlantic Ocean and from the mouth of the Niger to the 
 Eahr-el-Abiad and the Great Lakes. What is then left of the north and 
 east of Africa is occupied by the Semites, whose other division inhabits 
 the Arabian Peninsula, Palestine, and Syria. 
 
 We shall now proceed to the ethnographical description of these 
 branches, reser\-ing to the end of the separate treatises what has to be 
 said about them in common. 
 
 I. The Koi-Koin. 
 Peculiarity of Language Sounds. — The Koi-Koin are divided into 
 two great families, the Hottentots and the Busluucn. Before describing 
 this remarkable groiip it is necessary to speak of some strange sounds in 
 their language, because they are indispensable in the proper names and 
 other words which we shall have to use: we mean the so-called clucks, 
 of wliich the Hottentots have four and the Bushmen about eight. They 
 are uttered by pressing the tongue tightly against difTerent parts of the 
 mouth, and suddenly letting it loose as if taking breath. The tongue 
 is pressed far back on the roof of the mouth for the cerebral cluck, more 
 to the front for the palatal, on the incisor teeth for the dental, and between 
 the teeth and the check for the lateral. European tongues have clucking 
 somids, but only as interjections, while with the Koi-Koin they are true 
 phonetic elements. As they occur only as initial soiuids, among the Hot- 
 tentots only before ;/ and the palatal sounds, and among the Bushmen also 
 before the lip sounds, they seem to be sccoiulary elements of speech. The 
 other African tongues have nothing of this kind except where they have 
 been directly borrowed from the Koi-Koin; as, for instance, in the Caffir 
 language. We shall use the dental and lateral clucks; tlie former, which 
 sounds like our interjections of displeasure, or like /_ pronounced when
 
 292 ETIIXOCRAPHY. 
 
 drawing the breath, we shall designate by the sj-mbol (!), and the latter 
 we shall indicate thus ( |i ). But no one, after what has been said, will over- 
 estimate the ethnologic signification of these sounds. 
 
 Habitat. — The Koi-Koin, as all or most of the tribes belonging here 
 name themselves in various idiomatic fonns — the word is an iterati\e 
 plural form and means mankind — dwell at present in South-western Africa 
 to the east about as far as the Great Fish River, through the Karu and 
 Kalahari Deserts north as far as the 20th degree of south latitude; but of 
 course they are entirely dri\-en from the district of Cape Colony. 
 
 North of them, on the 20th degree, dwell the Hau-Koiu — that is, 
 "genuine men" — who, as they speak and live like Hottentots, are not 
 to be considered as fugitives of various descent, still less as dispersed 
 Negroes, but must be numbered among the Koi-Koin, although separated 
 from them by an interjacent Bantu tribe. They call themselves Damaras, 
 and the Namaqua call them Mountain Damaras, or, scornfully, "Dung 
 Damaras;" their language seems to have been independently developed, 
 and, as they do not remember ever to have had any other, they probably 
 are an independently developed tribe of the Koi-Koin, related to the 
 Bushmen. PInsically, they deviate from the Koi-Koin, inasmuch as 
 they are black with a reddish tinge, but their stature and features are 
 Hottentot. 
 
 Thus it can be said that at present the Koi-Koin inhabit the district 
 of the IGariep, of the Orange River, and the adjoining deserts. But it 
 was different in former times. The names of mountains and rivers in 
 East Africa, and also remnants of population, indicate, as some old maps 
 correctly show, that they occupied East Africa even beyond Port Natal, 
 into which district, at a much later period than the Koi-Koin, and from 
 the north or north-east, the Caffirs, its present masters, migrated, as their 
 legends narrate. Toward the north also the Koi-Koin had spread farther 
 than we see them at present; and that they were powerful wherever they 
 established themselves is shown by the great influence they have had on 
 the language and customs of the Caflfir people, and from the fact that tlie 
 Caffirs look upon them as the first possessors of the countr}'. 
 
 Racial Division. — The Koi-Koin are separated into two divisions — the 
 Hottentots and the Bushmen. The latter name signifies "forest men" — 
 that is, "apes," ape-like human beings, as is shown by Fritsch. The 
 name "Hottentot" is said to signify "stammerer," and to have been 
 given to the people on account of their clucking sounds. Both divisions, 
 unquestionably related, though not very closely, are dissimilar in lan- 
 guage, character, manner of li\-ing, and i:)hysical nature. According to 
 a Plottentot myth, the first fathers of both lived together — the one a 
 hunter, the other, though blind, yet able to distinguish animals of the 
 chase from domestic animals. He outwitted the hunter, and forced him 
 to go to the mountains, while he himself built his kraal. On the whole, 
 this myth is probably right. At the time of the first discovert' the Bush- 
 men were already a degenerate tribe of hunters crowded in between
 
 ETIINOGR. IPI/Y. 293 
 
 settled nations carrying on stock-raising, with whom for centuries they 
 had lived in open enmit)'. They seem to have been the aboriginal inhab- 
 itants of South Africa, and were driven into the less fertile mountains by 
 the Hottentots. Both came from the north, but the Hottentots, migrat- 
 ing with their herds, had by a secure sustenance greater power, and were 
 enabled gradually to expel the Bushmen from the better hunting-grounds. 
 Thus the expelled race sunk into want and misery, and in its efforts to 
 maintain itself became involved in quarrels with all its neighbors. 
 
 The opinion which was formerly held, that the Bushmen were only 
 degenerate Hottentots forced by poverty to become robbers, must be set 
 aside as erroneous; though it is true that some scattered Hottentots or 
 Caffirs have united with the Bushmen and have been compelled to lead 
 a similar life. 
 
 Tribal Divisions. — The Bushmen are divided into many individual 
 tribes, all of which figure among the Hottentots by the common name of 
 sail or sagua., both plurals of the masculine singular sal>^ — sai? comprising 
 both men and women, and sagi/a, which is an emphatic form, only the 
 men. The form g//a or t/i/a is generally used to designate indi\-idual 
 tribes, as Nama-qua, Gona-qua, etc. The Ubiqiia and Siisaqua men- 
 tioned by early authors are Bushmen, and the names Soiiqua or Soaqiia 
 are equivalent to Saqiia {sagiia), which term we frequenth- find applied to 
 the hordes of the Bushmen. Kolbe, the first German describer of the 
 Cape (about the year 1700), relates of these Sonqua, whom he mentions 
 as a single tribe living on the Broad (Breede) River, that they are brave 
 soldiers who serve everywhere as mercenaries, and that they also possess 
 some stock, which they kill only with great reluctance. 
 
 Livingstone found tribes of Bushmen on the Chobe River (a tributary 
 of the Zambesi north of Lake Ngami) who were a large, dark-brown, 
 cheerful people in good circumstances. Furthermore, the name sati 
 probably meant originally only "the dwelling," sedentary people. Hence 
 we come to the conclusion that the Bushmen originally occupied a higher 
 rank than at present — that they were a courageous hunting people, who at 
 some places had attained possession of herds and were established settlers, 
 until they gradually succumbed under unfavorable circumstances. The 
 individual tribes of the Bushmen speak unlike languages, though their 
 deviations may have been originally only of a dialectic kind. This phe- 
 nomenon is easily explained by the complete separation of the tribes. 
 
 The Hottentots were formerly divided into very many tribes: for instance, 
 the Goringhaiqtia (Caepmanns), the Gorachouqua, the Cocfioqiia, Gn'gnqita, 
 from the Cape northward; still farther north along the western coast the 
 /J//!r iVaii/a horde; more to the interior and west of the Li///c Naiuaqna 
 (Nama and Namaqua are plural forms) the Great Nainaqiia, to whom 
 belong the niiiidclzzcarls, the Orlaw, and (the most northern) the Tfl/>- 
 uaar; to the south the Ifcssaqiia, and the /y/y/m (Hcikom) as far as Algoa 
 Bay. vStill farther to the cast were the powerful Goiiaqiia, of whom but 
 few remains arc left on account uf their fierce wars with the Caffirs; in the
 
 294 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 interior, amoiic; many other tribes, tlie Griqita. The present Griqiia have 
 only retained an ancient name; they are a mixture of Hottentots, whites, 
 Negroes, Cafl5rs, etc. , and were formerly called Bastaards. They now live 
 much farther to the west on the IGariep and Vaal Rivers. The Orlain, 
 who migrated from the south to the north-west in the beginning of this 
 century, and who became very troublesome to the Topnaar by their hos- 
 tile encroachments, are also a mixed tribe of the Namaqua and elements 
 of Cape Colony, but they have retained their language and more of their 
 nationality than the Bastaard-Griqua. The Kama and the Korana or 
 Koraqjia on the middle !Gariep, and more to the north (sing, masc, 
 !Kora-p, plur. !Kora-n, or !Kora-qu, !Kora-qua), are the only other pure 
 Hottentots, but both are unmixed only where they have not come in 
 contact with the whites or with Bantu nations. 
 
 Phvsical Characteristics: Stature. — At the beginning of the last cen- 
 tury- the Hottentots were described by travellers as middle-sized or large 
 — from five to six feet tall, according to Kolbe, who saw thousands of 
 them. The now extinct Cochoqua of Saldanha Bay were formerly, and 
 the Griqua and other mixed races are at present, mentioned as extraordi- 
 narily large; the rest are now generally less than middle-sized, the men 
 sometimes even below i6o centimetres (63 inches), the women below 140 
 centimetres (55 inches). The Bushmen are particularly small, their height 
 going as low as 125 centimetres (49.2 inches, Barrow), but on an average 
 attaining 140 centimetres (55 inches). In proportion, the men are even 
 smaller than the women. 
 
 Form. — The figure is by no means good. The pelvis is narrow and 
 much curved toward the front, and in consequence the spinal column is 
 deeply bent in (//. Zz^ Jig. j), and the hips do not project at the .sides. As 
 the lower ribs are frequently drawn up by a development of the belly, the 
 rump presents an oblong-square, clumsy appearance. The muscles are 
 but poorly developed, and consequently the limbs are thin and the joints 
 prominent. 
 
 The Bu.shmen are still more uncouth, on account of their large and 
 clumsy heads and the disproportion between the limbs and the rump. 
 Their arms are often longer and their legs shorter than with whites. Their 
 hands and feet are small and graceful, as are those of the Hottentots. As 
 their bellies are enlarged by innutritions food, their breastbone becomes 
 broader below, so that their shoulders appear narrow and are curved to 
 the front. In strength they are superior to the Hottentots. 
 
 The form of the women is greatly di.sfigured by the enormous develop- 
 ment of the upper leg and a bolster of fat on the hips. This feature, 
 w'hich is seen also among the Bantu and Negroes, is not peculiar to all 
 the women; it sometimes, though in an inferior measure, occurs among 
 the men. A change in the nourishment has an exceedingly rapid influ- 
 ence on the outlines of their figures (Fritsch) {p/. 82, Jo-. 7). 
 
 Hottentot Apron. — Another famous peculiarity of the Hottentot and 
 Bush women is the so-called "Hottentot apron." However, it is not
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 295 
 
 found on all Hottentot women, and is sometimes seen in North Africa, and 
 even in North America. In spite of the apparently great development of 
 the hips, the pelvis is small and remarkably narrow, as is illustrated by the 
 outline of the pelvis of a Bush woman on Plate i {fig. 11, d). Compare 
 this with the pelvis of a Negress (r), with that of a Javanese woman {b), 
 and especially with the pelvis of a young German woman (a). In com- 
 parison with the latter the difference is remarkable. The bones constitut- 
 ing the pelvis of the Bush women are thin and brittle. 
 
 The skin of the Hottentots, and especially of the Bushmen, easily 
 becomes wrinkled as though withered, not only on the face, but also on 
 the body {pi. 82, Jigs. 2, 4, 5; //. 85, fig. i). This shrivelling is visible 
 in youth, and is absent only during the earliest years (//. 82, fig. 6). 
 
 Color. — The color of the skin varies: it is generally of a leather- 
 yellow or brownish-yellow to dark brown — reddish-brown among the 
 Griqua, grajish-brown among the Koraua. The Bushmen also are gen- 
 erally of a light color, but there are some tribes of Bushmen on Lake 
 Ngami who are as dark as Congo Negroes (Livingstone); and this color 
 is said to occur also among some branches of the Nama. The lighter 
 tribes plainly exhibit redness of the cheeks. 
 
 Hair. — The hair is peculiar. It is black, short, hard to the touch, 
 and grows in bunches or frizzy tufts, between which the surface of 
 the scalp remains bare (//. S^,fgs. 1, 2, 3); some individuals seem to 
 have a full hair-covering (//. 82, figs, i, 4). In ancient reports we hear 
 of individuals with long curls. The hair of the body is scant, though 
 not totally absent; there is also a little beard, short and furr)-, generally 
 growing on the upper lip only (//. 82, figs. 2, 3, 5; //. 85, figs. 2, 3). 
 
 Skull-Form and Features. — The formation of the skull is dolicho- 
 cephalic, but broadened so much toward the occiput that Welcker puts it 
 into a separate class, that of the platyslcnceplialic or low long skulls (//. 
 82, figs. 8-1 1). The back of the skull presents in most cases of pure 
 race a pentagonal form {pi. 82, fig. 10). The jawbones are prognathic 
 {pi. ^2^ fig. 11). The chin is small; the forehead generally finely de- 
 veloped, high, projecting globularly (//. 82, figs. 1-4, 6, 11; //. 85, 
 
 fi.^^- 1-3)- 
 
 The cheekbones project more among the Hottentots than among the 
 
 San (//. 82, figs. I, 3, 4). The eyes are far apart, well opened, long, but 
 
 not very high, although lying in broad sockets (//. 82, fig. 8). The iris 
 
 is dark brown, the cornea jellowish-white. The nose is broad and flat 
 
 especially at its root (//. 82, fig. n), projecting but little over the large 
 
 and somewhat thick-lipped mouth {pi. 82, figs. 1-6; pi. 85, fiigs. 1-3). 
 
 The ears are large and the teeth fine. Some witne.s.scs declare that both 
 
 Hottentots and Bushmen are not entirely ugl\-, and that some of them 
 
 are even handsome. The r>ushmen generally have a stealthy, .subtle look 
 
 and a great vivacity of e.xi)ression. 
 
 Circumcision. — It is said that formerly a peculiar circumci.sion was 
 
 practised on the Hottentot boys under the pretence of enabling them to
 
 296 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 run faster. The custom is now obsolete among the mixed tribes of the 
 Hottentots, and the Bushmen seem never to have practised it. 
 
 Costume. — The dress is simple. The men wear a sheep-skin mantle, 
 and thev cover the loins with a small piece of skin, which they fasten 
 with straps. The women — at least among the Namaqua — wear a larger 
 apron than the men, and they also wear behind the so-called kaross or 
 kross, a piece of leather extending from the waist about as far as the knee, 
 or, among some tribes, reaching to the ankles. Chiefs wear the skins of 
 the nobler animals of the chase. 
 
 The Hottentot men carrj' about their necks a small leather bag con- 
 taining their tobacco, money, and an amulet; the women, a larger one for 
 provisions, tinder-boxes, tobacco, etc. As long as the national character 
 was undisturbed, the women also wore a leather cap pointed at the top, 
 while the men had a flat cap, which they used only in bad weather. 
 They wear leather .sandals only on long marches. They grease them- 
 selves, as well as their skins and dresses, with tallow, which they often 
 color black with .soot. The Bushmen color it yellow with ochre. 
 
 The Hottentot women often paint their faces red in grotesque designs. 
 As they never wash themsehes, but, on the contrar)', always grease them- 
 selves anew, and often mix dust or dried dung with the tallow, their 
 exterior is very repulsive, the body often being covered with a thick crust 
 of dirt, infecting the air to a great distance. They also grease the hair in 
 a similar manner, put on an odoriferous powder made of the buchu-plant, 
 a species of Diosma, and decorate the end of each lock with something 
 glittering. 
 
 Ornaments. — They are very much given to finery: chains, feathers, 
 pieces of skin of captured animals — in former times the bladder — are 
 worn in the hair (//. 82, Jio;. 5); chains about the neck and bosom and 
 ear-rings are common; also rings of ivory, copper, and brass on the 
 upper ann (pi. 84, Jigs. 4, 5, 6) — the arm-rings, however, being orna- 
 ments of the men only; and the Hottentot women protect and decorate 
 their legs from the knees to the ankles with rings of sheep-skin put 
 closely, together. One tribe of the Bushmen wear pieces of wood in 
 the cartilage of the nose. The Hau-Koin have the same attire as the 
 Namaqua. Of course at present the natives, where they associate with 
 the Europeans, give a more or less European shape to their garments {pi. 
 82, Jigs. 1-4), which are mostly made of leather. 
 
 Weapons. — The kirri, a short, thick staflf of oak-wood saturated with 
 fat and used in close combat, and the rackum, a stick about three feet long 
 pointed at the top and used for throwing, were the inseparable companions 
 of the Hottentots. For blowing the nose and wiping off the perspiration 
 they use, according to Kolbe, a piece of wood one foot long to which the soft 
 tail of an animal is attached. Their assagais — spears with double-edged 
 iron points, whose wooden .shaft is from six to eight feet long and pointed 
 at its end — are weapons of more importance than the kirri and rackiim. 
 They poison the iron points, and also the barbed iron points of the cane-
 
 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 297 
 
 shafted arrows with which they shoot far and surely from large bows three 
 feet long and made of iron or wood, with bowstrings of the entrails of 
 animals. The poison is obtained from plants or from the poison-glands 
 of snakes. The qniver is a hollow piece of wood. Most of the Hotten- 
 tots no longer use these weapons, as they are supplied with European fire- 
 arms, but they are still employed by the Hau-Koin, and the Bushmen use 
 the bow and poisoned arrows so much that the surrounding Bantu nations, 
 who greatly fear the arrows, call them bow-shooters — Abatua, Baroa. 
 
 Building. — The house-building is simple; the huts are oval or oven- 
 shaped, and are constructed by driving into the ground both ends of long, 
 flexible poles, or else by tying the poles together at the top. This frame, 
 which is strengthened by firm joists, is thickly covered with mats or skins. 
 The doors are only three feet high, so that the people must crawl through 
 them; and when inside they cannot stand up, as the structures, though 
 fourteen feet long and twelve feet broad, are scarcely five feet high.- 
 These huts form a closed circle, and their villages are therefore called 
 kraal (a Dutch word meaning "circle"). The Hau-Koin build in a sim- 
 ilar manner, but cover the huts with shrubbery. It is said that some 
 Hottentots formerly built square huts of clay. 
 
 The Bushmen usually live in caves, holes in the ground, huts of shrub- 
 bery, sheds, etc., but they also sometimes erect square huts with plaited 
 walls. Kolbe often saw Hottentot villages consisting of from eighty to 
 one hundred houses. The interior of the huts is unclean and full of ver- 
 min. The Koi-Koin sleep in recesses in the ground, and have the fire- 
 place in the centre. The fire is kindled by the friction of pieces of wood, 
 and the usual fuel is dried cow-dung. 
 
 Manufactures. — Thev make the skins soft and fit for use as garments by 
 repeated greasing and hard beating; their needles are bones, sinews their 
 thread, and they plait mats and ropes nicely and closely; they manufac- 
 ture their ivory and metal rings, for they are acquainted with a rude 
 manner of smelting and working iron. They also form and burn earthen 
 pots (from the earth of ant-nests); and they have baskets, wooden vessels 
 which they make hollow by means of fire, spoons, etc. 
 
 Stock-Raisins;. — The}' are skilful stock-rai.sers, and keep sheep and 
 cattle, the former being driven within the kraal at night, the latter tied 
 outside of it. The male animals are generally castrated; the uncastraled 
 bulls are kept for breeding and in order to be let loose upon the enemy in 
 war, and the others are used as beasts of burden. In order to make them 
 tractable the nose is pierced and a jilug inserted in the hole. They ride 
 on them, and in their migrations pack on them everything they po.ssess, 
 even tlicir huts. But thev also bestow care upon their animals: a few 
 persons from the kraal act as shepherds and always accompan\- them to 
 the pasturage. There are also veterinary surgeons, to whom many rem- 
 edies are known. The very j-oung lambs and calves are put into a roomy 
 hut built in the middle of the kraal. The manner of milking is the .same 
 as that which Herodotus observed among the vScythians, who milked their
 
 298 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 mares, and wliicli may at present occasionally be obsen-ed among t1ie 
 Mongolians. While milking the cows which are poor in milk they blow 
 into the vagina and thus cause the milk to flow. 
 
 Food: Preparation and Proliibitioii. — The Koi-Koin rarely eat the fle.sh 
 of their herds, only at feasts or when an animal has died. Their chief food 
 is the product of the chase, onions, fruit, fish, etc. The tribes on Walfisch 
 Bay and the Hau-Koin eat principally of the fruit of a Cuairbita. The 
 food is cooked or baked on hot stones in holes in the ground, but is mostly 
 devoured half raw. The men of each kraal eat together, as also the 
 women and children; and there are various prohibitions of food for both 
 sexes. The hare, for instance, is forbidden to the men, and we shall later 
 on meet with it as a sacred animal (p. 301). During migrations and in cases 
 of famine everything that can be found, insects, larvae, etc., is eaten, and, 
 according to Kolbe, even the leather rings worn by the women around 
 the legs. Milk is drank, but onh- that of the cows is allowed to all, as 
 sheep's milk is prohibited to the men. It is well known that the Bush- 
 men can fast for a long time, but, on the other hand, when provisions are 
 plentiful the voracity of the Koi-Koin knows no bound. 
 
 Stimulants. — They formerly smoked wild hemp (dacha) as a stimulant, 
 and still do so, although tobacco is now known to them; they smoke it 
 from long earthen pipes which they themselves manufacture, and, like 
 most nations in a state of nature, they swallow the smoke. After this 
 enjoyment they are esj^ecially voracious. Through the Europeans they 
 have become accustomed to the use of spirituous drinks. 
 
 Agriculture, Hunting, and Fishing. — Formerly they carried on no 
 agriculture whatever, but learned it later from the Europeans, especially 
 the missionaries. They practise it where the character of the country 
 permits it; but, as the Europeans have taken the most fertile districts, their 
 agrriculture does not amount to much. Thev fullv deserve their ancient 
 fame for skill in hunting. Besides their spears and arrows, they employ 
 pits, which they carefulh' cover; they catch fish with pointed sticks, with 
 hooks, or with large nets. They are good swimmers — not after our 
 method, but by treading the water and keeping the arms free. The men 
 attend to the chase, the fishing, the care of the stock, and the house- 
 building, at which, however, the women assist. The latter have charge 
 of the cooking and of the house, assist at keeping the animals, dig edible 
 roots, and attend the children. 
 
 Marriage : its Ceremonies and Restrictions. — Pohgani}- is pennitted, 
 but was never extensively practised; the most ancient reports mention 
 three wives as being the maximum number. Marriage is contracted very 
 simply: the father of the groom speaks to the father of the bride at a 
 solemn smoking of dacha: the groom, if rich, contributes several head 
 of cattle to the festive meal, and the contract is complete. Among those 
 tribes which are not in contact with Europeans, and evcrj-where in fonner 
 times, both groom and bride were before their marriage sprinkled with 
 '■ holy water" by the priest of the kraal — that is, he urinated on them—
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 299 
 
 and this water was rubbed into the greasy cnist o\er the skin. This 
 loathsome act innst have had some religious signification, for the Hot- 
 tentots were otherwise very decent in matters of this kind. Relatives in 
 the second degree cannot marry eacli other. Adultery and incest were 
 punished by death, and consequently dissoluteness occurred but rarely: 
 however, matrimony was easily dissolved. 
 
 Births and Attending Ceremonies. — Women in labor are assisted by 
 other women, and each kraal has a midwife. Dacha or tobacco boiled in 
 milk is used to quicken the birth. The husband is not allowed to enter 
 the house during his wife's confinement, lest he should become polluted. 
 Twin sons are received with joy; of twin girls, one is generally cast out 
 or buried alive, and the same fate awaits a girl born with a twin brother. 
 New-born children, especially girls, are not unfrequently destrojed; more 
 than three children are rarely ever brought up. The Bushmen show still 
 less regard for the lives of their children, especially if they themselves 
 are in danger or want. Quarrels between the parents often result in the 
 murder of the children, and deformed children are always destroyed. 
 
 The birth of a dead child creates great fear among the Hottentots; the 
 father becomes unclean and the whole kraal is torn down. A normal 
 child is first rubbed with fresh cow-dung, then with the sap of a Meseinbry- 
 anlluDiuni, next with fat, and finally the odoriferous buchu-powder is 
 strewn over it. It is named by the mother, more rarely by the father; 
 the name is taken from some animal or other object of nature, and is 
 given immediately after birth. 
 
 The care given to children is not ven,' gieat: the mother carries the 
 infant on her back, the other children run by her side; later on the boy 
 remains with the father, the girl with the mother, and they are taught the 
 arts of the parents or acquire them by themselves. There is no lack of 
 affection on the part of parents, but examples of great barbarity are also 
 not absent, and it is deemed no disgrace for grown-up children to beat 
 their parents. 
 
 Among both Bushmen and Hottentots superannuated persons are sup- 
 ]ilicd with some provisions and left in the de.sert to die. Both tribes care- 
 fully nurse their old members in sickness so long as there is a hope of 
 recovery. When this hoiie fails, a hut is built in the wilderness or a circle 
 of stones is formed to represent one: the sick person is placed in it, and 
 his nearest relatives or the members of his kraal put him to death. The 
 act is accompanied by religious ceremonies, and, whether on account of 
 the religious hopes mingled with it or because of the force of custom, it 
 is expected and acquiesced in by the victims themselves. This custom, 
 as well as the manner of casting out children and the care with which the 
 after-birth and the blood of a parturient woman are buried, is founded in 
 fear of the souls of the dying and of the spirits that live in blood. 
 
 Maturity. — Youths before reception into the community of men must 
 first be made men, on which occasion that unclean ceremony which we 
 ha\c mentioned (p. ^i^^i) is again a main factor; at the same time offerings
 
 300 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 are made. Among the Bushmen of the !Karri-!Karri Desert, who wear 
 the nose-phig, the nose is pierced at the time of manhood. The women 
 are considered unclean during the period of menstruation, but, on the 
 whole, they are not badly treated among the better-situated tribes, and 
 they even allay quarrels among the men. They are treated worse among 
 the more barbarous tribes of the Hottentots and by the Bushmen. Among 
 the Hottentots widows are permitted to marry, but they must then ampu- 
 tate one joint of a finger (the little finger first). This loss is probably 
 endured also voluntarily ou other occasions; for instance, as an oflering 
 to bring health to sick persons. 
 
 Inheritance. — Daughters do not inherit; at the most they receive pres- 
 ents at their marriage. The oldest son inherits everything. The younger 
 brothers receive presents only, and continue dependent on the oldest, whom 
 they assist in hunting and on the pasture, and in return are sustained by 
 him, as is also the widowed mother. Still, it was the younger brothers 
 who as a rule sought service among the Dutch, although this service was 
 far more severe than that of their own family. 
 
 Governmott. — First the father, and next the oldest brother, enjoy patri- 
 archal power within the family, and on this form of family life their con- 
 stitution is based. Each kraal has its "captain," whose dignity is heredi- 
 tary; the tribes also have their superiors, on whom the captains are 
 dependent, and who are commanders-in-chief and supreme judges. No 
 exterior decoration distinguishes the chief; there are no different ranks, 
 nor are there slaves, for the pastoral life of the Hottentots has created 
 perfect liberty and equality among them. 
 
 Lazvs. — According to law also they are equals. Accidental murder 
 can be atoned by presents. Adultery, murder, and theft are punished 
 with death: the captain assembles the kraal, and the accused is per- 
 mitted to defend himself, but when found guilty the captain strikes 
 the first blow in order to kill him, and this blow generally makes others 
 unnecessary. If the murderer escapes, he is an outlaw, for blood-revenge 
 prevails. The petty quarrels of the Hottentots are generally settled 
 among themselves by cudgelling. 
 
 Wars. — Wars are occasioned by violations of boundary, and are carried 
 on with zeal and in open battles, which are conducted by the captain, 
 who gives the signal for beginning and for terminating them. Generally 
 the combatants quickly take to flight. They do not take captives, but 
 kill whomsoever they overtake either in battle or in flight; wholesale 
 slaughter and massacres are not usual. After a battle both parties sol- 
 emnly inter their dead. 
 
 Funeral Ceremonies. — Funerals are accompanied by loud howling and 
 lamentations, which begin as soon as the sick person's ca.se is deemed 
 hopeless. The corpse is placed in a sitting posture, the elbows on the 
 knees and the head resting ou both hands, this being the usual mode of 
 sitting, especially on solemn occasions. The interment occurs very soon 
 after death, and is made in a cave, to which the whole kraal, howling
 
 ETHXOGRAPFIY. 301 
 
 and with passionate gestures of grief, bring the body. The deceased is not 
 removed from his hut through tlie ordinary' door, but a special opening is 
 made in the rear wall, probably from the idea that he is thereby prevented 
 from returning — a custom which we have also seen to exist in other parts 
 of the globe (p. 224). 
 
 When the corpse is interred and the grave securely closed, the mourn- 
 ers return to the hut and squat in a circle, while the elder of the village 
 sprinkles all, men and women, with his urine and strews over them ashes 
 from the hearth of the deceased. Friends then bring sheep to be 
 slaughtered, and the eldest son of the deceased wears about his neck 
 a part of the entrails, sprinkled with buchu, until they rot off. Who- 
 ever has no sheep to be killed shaves his hair, both as an offering and 
 as a sign of mourning, in such manner that the crown and a broad cir- 
 cular stripe in the midst of the hair are bare. The next day the whole 
 kraal is taken down and transferred to another location, only the house of 
 the deceased being left, so as not to anger his ghost, and the lamentations 
 are repeated before the house for six or eight days. The manner of burial 
 among the Bushmen is similar: they also leave the place of death, but 
 they burn the hut of the departed. Both Hottentots and Bushmen have 
 great fear of the spirits of the dead. 
 
 Religious Belief: Deities and Myths. — It was a serious error to assume 
 that neither the Hottentots nor the Bushmen had a belief in deities. Both 
 are markedly religious peoples, but their conceptions are not clearly defined 
 or are not understood by us, and at the time of the discover^' they were no 
 longer understood by themselves. The supreme god of the Hottentots 
 was Tsui-]|goab, and it is an evidence of his former importance that his 
 worship was adopted by the Caffirs (Vanderkemp and Moffat). He brought 
 men from heaven down to earth, and gave them all that is good. He rules 
 over everything, and consequently bears the name of ruler, Tsui-|!goab. 
 He is undoubtedly a personification of the vault of heaven, as among the 
 Nama there is also found a myth about the great flood and the .ship of 
 clouds which brings white people and rich blessings. But the veneration 
 of this god was afterward put in the background, as the whole conception 
 of him was indistinct, and later he was looked upon merely as a powerful 
 man or a wandering chieftain. 
 
 The Bushmen also believed in a masculine deity abiding in heaven who 
 gives all that is good, and especially victory, and whom they therefore wor- 
 shipped by dances before every war. They feared an evil deity, whom, accord- 
 ing to Kolbe, they venerated more than Tsui-|!goab, and who takes a part 
 in many of the myths. The San believed in a subterranean deity. The 
 moon was highly venerated, and the\- honored her by nocturnal dances 
 and songs, which were plaintive at the new moon, but joyous at the full 
 moon. The mortality of men was associated with tJie moon: the moon 
 ordered the hare to tell men liow she herself dies and again ari.scs, and 
 that they .should do likewise, Ijut the hare omitted communicating the 
 news of the resurrection, and therefore man must die.
 
 302 ETHXOGRAPHY. 
 
 Whether we must recognize in the often-mentioned hero Heitsi-Eibib, 
 who continually dies and comes to life, whose graves, large heaps of 
 stone, no Hottentot passes by without adding another stone, and who is 
 also represented as purely human, — whether we must recognize in him a 
 personification of the moon or of the sun we leave an open question. He 
 appears as an independent deity who brings blessings; and he fights with 
 the hostile |iGa ||Garip, who casts him into a dark ditch, from which he 
 always returns, and into which he at length casts his enemy. A cave 
 is also shown as his dwelling. In one myth he calls the water his 
 grandfather's father, and everywhere the water-god was venerated; the 
 Bushmen knew him by the name of Tu-sip, made offerings to him when 
 searching for water, and implored him for blessings; and no Hottentot 
 will cross a river without honoring him with dances and other ceremonies. 
 
 Spirits. — The number of inferior spirits is large. The stars receive 
 peculiar veneration, especially the Pleiades, the Milky Way, Jupiter, 
 the Southern Cross, etc., about which the Hottentots and the Bushmen 
 relate many tales. They also venerate the large animals of the chase, 
 especially lions, elephants, etc. If a Hottentot has killed any such, he 
 must undergo a religious purification; and the same becomes necessary 
 for the whole kraal if they have slain several while hunting together. 
 No Bushman dares utter the lion's name aloud at night; even during 
 the day he avoids pronouncing it, and in its place says "the boy with 
 the beard" or uses some similar periphrasis. We have already spoken 
 about the hare (p. 298), and in this connection we may mention the vari- 
 ous prohibitions of food found among these tribes. One tribe is for- 
 bidden to eat this animal, another that; and this custom is certainly 
 founded on the fact that the tribes see in these animals respectively their 
 guardian spirits. 
 
 The well-known veneration which the Hottentots bestow on an insect 
 (a red-and-green grasshopper), as also on any person on whom it may have 
 alighted, is striking. According to analogy with other peoples who have 
 the same custom, they recognize in this winged chirping insect the embodi- 
 ment of the soul of some ancestor, who returns as a guardian spirit ; it 
 converts the person on whom it alights into a prophet and saint, and he, 
 in order to become again an ordinar}- mortal, must release himself by 
 offerings. But the souls also go about as hostile demons, as we have 
 already seen, and the Hottentots have the greatest fear of them, espe- 
 cially of the ghosts of children, because these are believed to be the most 
 malicious and dangerous. These souls enter into human bodies, some- 
 times attracted by magic, and cause diseases. 
 
 Superstitions. — The Koi-Koin have innumerable superstitions, as is 
 proved by their ejaculations at sneezing, by their amulets which they 
 consult before undertaking anything important, and by other customs. 
 It is also remarkable that they have a complete taboo law, such as we 
 have found in Polynesia (p. 200) and indeed almost everywhere. To this 
 belongs the distinction made between men and women, and the law that
 
 ETUXOCRAPIIY. 303 
 
 whoever touches anything sacred or comes in contact with a corpse, etc. 
 must be purified. 
 
 Their manner of sacrifice offers nothing of interest; they pra}' much 
 with short invocations, and especially do honor to the gods by dances and 
 songs. They have neither idols nor temples, iinless the Heitsi-Eibib 
 graves be considered such; but they regard the mountain-summits as 
 sacred, and pray there or at places where they have experienced some 
 favor, have been saved from some danger, etc. 
 
 They use other remedies besides magic in case of sickness; they prac- 
 tise cupping by means of smoothly-cut cows' horns, also bleeding, and 
 have a number of medicines, mostly derived from plants, which they 
 apply internally and externally. They have a remedy for the bites of 
 poisonous snakes, and the feats of their poison-doctors, who themselves 
 manage to escape being bitten by the snakes, are said to be astonishing. 
 When they are in good health, music and dancing constitute their prin- 
 cipal pleasures. 
 
 Musical Insfniitiru/s. — Their musical instruments consist of a kind of 
 kettledrum and the remarkable gorali (gom-gom), which is a wooden bow 
 strung with a thick gut string; they blow upon the latter through a 
 feather quill at the end of the bow. To make the sound stronger they 
 fasten under the string a cocoanut-shell, the cavity of which serves as a 
 sounding-board. Their singing is plain, but correct, and they have a good 
 musical ear and memory. 
 
 Dances, etc. — Their dances, which they mostly accompany with songs 
 and the clapping of hands, are of different kinds; generally they dance 
 singly or in couples, taking turns, but always within a circle of .squatting 
 and singing spectators. Originally all the dances probably had a religions 
 meaning. The drawings of the Bushmen which they put on rocks in 
 white, red, or black colors generally represent animals, and are in correct 
 proportions and easily recognized. Furthennore, the Koi-Koin are given 
 to narration, and while their lyric effusions are insignificant, their fables 
 and fairy-tales, many of which they have adopted from foreign nations, 
 are not poor, although they contain much that is fantastic. 
 
 Culture. — We have now sketched a picture of these peoples, and we 
 must confess that not even the Bushmen occupy so low a position as is 
 generally supposed. On the contrary, we must believe them to be a 
 highly-gifted and well-developed race, who have proved themselves able 
 to adopt European culture where it has been seriously presented; nay, 
 they are superior to nuiny of tlie immigrants. 
 
 Character. — Neither is their character bad. They arc indeed lazy, 
 especially the men, and very averse to steady work. Their long habit of 
 not working is not the only cause of this; they also consider work a dis- 
 grace and a species of slavery, and have often told the Europeans this in 
 sophistically .shrewd reasoning. However, their laziness has been exag- 
 gerated. That they had no de.sire to be industrious fi>r the benefit of the 
 Europeans is easily understood from tlie manner in which the latter often
 
 304 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 deceived them or maltreated them. Still, the diligence of the Hot- 
 tentot servants of many missions and the excellence of the men as 
 soldiers show that their indolence can be overcome by reasonable treat- 
 ment. In their own free life both Hottentots and Bushmen are zealous 
 in work, as in housebuilding, attending to animals, hunting, etc. 
 
 At present they are much addicted to liquor, and they always have had 
 a great liking for stimulants (dacha). But they are perfectly honest — or 
 at least were so — and even when goods had been paid for beforehand no 
 fraud was practised on their side. They are hospitable and good-natured, 
 live peacefully together, and are decent, truthful, and trusting. The Hot- 
 tentots have an earnest, sedate disposition, often changed, however, into 
 indolence and indifference. 
 
 Both tribes, Hottentots as well as Bushmen, have a sense of personal 
 dignity, and they have become civilized only where they have been 
 respectfully treated. The Bushmen are livelier than the Hottentots, but 
 both are equally hannless. They all enjoy social entertainments, dan- 
 cing, and singing. Their filth is indeed repulsive, and the fragmentary 
 tribes especially have sunk into the grossest barbarity. 
 
 Considering their treatment by the Europeans, nothing else could have 
 been expected. Their country was taken from them, they themselves 
 were made slaves, the Bushmen were hunted like wild animals by the 
 Dutch and English, the missionaries were kept from them by force or 
 hindered and injured in every possible manner; and it is indeed more 
 surprising that we still find Hottentots and Bushmen than that we meet 
 with vagabonds and drunkards among them. The missionaries were 
 not able to penetrate everywhere, owing to the rascality of the other 
 Europeans, but where they did establish themselves they gradually pro- 
 duced good results. 
 
 Linguistics. — The linguistic conditions of this South- African race are 
 remarkable. The languages of the Hottentots and Bushmen are indeed 
 related, but, according to Bleek, not more closely than the Latin and the 
 English. The dialects of the Bushmen are less developed than the Hot- 
 tentot idioms, the latter being very numerous. The relationship of both 
 these languages is seen, first, in the uniformity of the peculiar clucking 
 sounds which we have already mentioned (p. 291); second, in the number 
 of common verbal roots, in which of course whatever is merely borrowed 
 is not included (Bleek); thirdly, in the numerous similarities in gram- 
 matical details; and, finally, in the uniformity of their fundamental con- 
 struction. 
 
 The roots are monosyllabic; the relations of words are indicated by 
 certain suflfi.xes, many of which are alike in both languages. There is a 
 precise distinction of form between the noun and the verb; no verbal root 
 can be used as a noun, and it can become one only by means of suflixes. 
 Uniformities are also seen in the formation of pronouns: both languages 
 fonn an exclusive and an inclusive plural; both have many pronominal 
 roots in common; and both employ them in the formation of suffi.xes.
 
 ETILXOCRAPIIY. 305 
 
 It is remarkable that the Hottentot languajTe prcpcr\-es throughout 
 three genders, whicli are entirely absent in the Bushman dialects. Tl.e 
 latter indicate the distinctions between animate and inanimate objects, 
 and in this respect have remained on an earlier grade of culture; the Hot- 
 tentot tongue also exhibits this conception. This is indeed a decisive dif- 
 ference, which is of greatest influence on the rest of the language, on the 
 formation of pronouns, etc. But, as in other languages, the grammatical 
 gender has developed only at a late period, and only from the conception 
 of animate and inanimate things; and as this latter distinction is still 
 shown decisively in the Hottentot language, we are justified (though there 
 are many undeniable relations between the two families of languages) in 
 looking upon the grammatical gender of the tongue of the Hottentots as 
 having originated at a later period, after their separation from the Bushmen, 
 and in consideringthe difiercnt expressions for animate and inanimate objects 
 as having been original and common to both langiiages. The following is 
 another evidence: The Bushman tongue, besides various suffixes, applies 
 reduplicatiou in various manners for the formation of plurals, here also 
 retaining the most ancient form. For although this manner of forming 
 the plural is not now used in the Hottentot language, still the fonu koi- 
 koi-b^ for instance, is, in spite of the singular sufiix, of similar fonnation. 
 
 2. The B-a-ntu Peoples. 
 
 Languages. — The languages of all the peoples whom we comprise 
 under th.e name of Bantu are remarkable and easily recognized. Bleek 
 calls them "prefix-pronominal languages," and in that characterizes them 
 accurately. Everything must accord with the noun or principal idea. 
 The substantives are divided into various classes, all designated by cer- 
 tain prefixes of pronominal origin: thus, in Otshi-herero, the prefi.x »iu 
 signifies a single person, va a number of persons; another prefix signifies 
 plants, still another animals, utensils, etc. Next, a concordance exists 
 between the attribute and predicate and the prefix of the principal 
 substantive, all taking a similar prefix; thus, according to Bleek, in 
 the Zulu tongue, ^U-bu-kod '^b-etu ^o-bu-'kulu * bu-ya-bouakala ^ si-bu- 
 laiida — that is, ""Our ^great 'kingdom ^appears, we 'love it." /?// signi- 
 fies abstract words; and in order to indicate that the pronoun "our," ctu, 
 relates to this word, it takes the like prefix, b-ctu; kulu is large, but in 
 relation to a word with the prefix bu it becomes o-bu-kii/u, in which case 
 tlie rt as well as the ;/ in u-bu-kosi is an article-like prefix; in the .same 
 manner the syllable bu is j^laced before the adjective verb, bu-ya-bouakala, 
 " is appearing;" and in the next word bu takes the place of the noun in 
 an objective form. Moods and ten.ses of the verb are formed by prefixes 
 or by .suffixes; there is no distinct difference between verbal ar.d nominal 
 roots, at least not everywhere. 
 
 The above are the fundamental traits of all Bantu languages, but only 
 rarely is the uniformity carried out as rigidly as in our example. 
 
 Very often the prefix of a class takes the place of a certain other word 
 
 Vol. I.— 20
 
 3o6 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 with the verb. Thus, iu this sentence of the Suaheli language (Steere), 
 * Yule - ki-yana '^a-ka-fitta *u-paiiga ^iv-akc — that is, " ' This -youth '^drew 
 'his ^sword" — ki in ki-yana is. the sign of the first class of substantives, 
 which signifies living beings; a in a-ka-futa is the sign of the third person 
 which conies before the verb when the subject is a noun of the first 
 class; /-^signifies the past tense; y^/^?, to draw. In u-panga, it indicates 
 a noun of the seventh class, which signifies utensils; also the u'-{u) iu 
 w-akc, his. 
 
 Se-suto is the language of the Basiilo, one individual of whom is called 
 Mo-suio; 0-mu-herero^ one of the O-va-hereros; their language is called 
 Otshi-hcrcro (Bleek). Thus one can draw an outline of all these languages, 
 and can also explain the apparently changing name of one and the same 
 tribe. Bleek calls the whole race the Ba-nlii tribe, because the syllable 
 ba {»ia, va) always precedes the names of these nations, indicating the 
 plural; ba-tt/u in the language of the Cafiirs signifies "people, persons." 
 
 Classification. — According to Bleek, the whole family of the Bantu is 
 divided into — 
 
 1. The Sonth-easicrn branch, which includes the Caffirs (A-ma-kosa, 
 Ama-pondo, Fingos, Zulus), next the Tckcca tribes (]\Ia-tongo and others), 
 and finally the Betchuanas (Basuto, Barolong, I\IaV:ololo, etc.), and is 
 bounded by the Limpopos, only the Makololo extending iu the interior 
 as far as the Zambesi. 
 
 2. The Eastern division, which comprises first of all the tribes as far 
 as Cape Delgado; the inhabitants of the Sofala coast, the Afakiias, the 
 inhabitants of Quilimane, Mozambique, and Kisanga; in the interior 
 the Maravi, the Barotse, and the tribes around Lake Nyassa; farther to 
 the north the Wanyamwezi^ the Balunda., and the Moluas; and finall\- 
 the northern group of the Siiahelis around Zanzibar, the Tsliagas, and 
 other tribes farther to the north. 
 
 3. The IVesterji division, which is formed by the Hereros {t\\t. Damaras 
 of the plain), the Ovanipii, the population of Benguela and Angola 
 (Bunda nations), as also by the Congo tribes and the Mpongwe. 
 
 4. The North-western branch, which includes the nations from the 
 Gaboon to the Cameroon Mountains and the Niger Delta, the Dikclis, the 
 Bcngas^ Isiibus, Duallas, and the Ediyahs on the island of Fernando 
 Po. 
 
 Our illustrations show individuals of the South-eastern branch, Plate 
 84 {figs. 1-7), Basuto; and Plate 83 {fig. i), Plate 85 {fig. 6, 7, 9), Zulus; 
 of the Eastern branch. Plates 87, 88, 89, Suahelis, Tshagas, and Kambas 
 (the latter two tribes dwelling to the north and north-west of the first- 
 named); the Ma-bongu (Mbongu), the Mukomanga, and the I\Ia-Nyassa 
 (that is, inhabitants of Lake Nyassa), the latter of which belong to the 
 ^L1kua {pi. 87, figs. 2, 3, 4, 5; pi 88, fig. 2; pi. 89, figs. 8, 9, 13). The 
 Wanyamwezi (Monomoezi, Uuiamoezi), to the north of Lake Nyassa and 
 east of Lake Tanganyika {pi. 87, fig. i), are closely related to the Ma- 
 Nyassa. Mozambique Negroes are seen on Plate 86 {figs. 18, 19, 20); to
 
 ETHNOCRAPIIY. 307 
 
 these are related the Manganyas, who have their seats in the interior ofF 
 the coast of Mozambique {pi. 89, figs, i, 2, 6). The ilhistrations on 
 Plate 89 {Jigs. 3, 5, 6) also relate to the Eastern tribes, Figure 3 to the 
 Suahelis, while the Benguela and Congo Negroes of Cabinda (//. <^,Jigs. 
 1-5, 8) are representatives of the Western branch. 
 
 Similarity of Tribes. — The comparatively great similarity exhibited 
 within this widespread family is striking. The inhabitants of Mozam- 
 bique are in language so much like the Congo and the Angola Negroes 
 that the assertion that they can easily understand one another seems 
 probable. Physically also we find such great resemblance among these 
 tribes that one description will apply to them all; and indeed our plates 
 show at once this universal similarit}'. 
 
 Intertnixturcs. — In our description we must take into consideration the 
 numerous mixed forms which occur at the boundaries of this district; for 
 example, in the south between the Caffirs and Betchuanas on the one hand, 
 and on the other between the Hottentots and Bushmen, and in the east 
 between the nations of the coast and the Arabians. Thus the father of 
 the Suaheli family on Plate 87 {fig. 3) shows this Arabian influence by 
 liis strong beard (comp. //. 88, y?"-. i). It is natural that toward the north- 
 west intermixtures with Negroes should have taken place, but to attribute 
 the black color of the Bantu peoples to an intermingling with Negroes, 
 as has been recently done, is clearly incorrect. Negro slaves have not 
 nnfrequently intermingled with individuals of the different Bantu tribes, 
 but such intermixtures, as well as others with Indian merchants, are only 
 single cases which could ha\-e no effect upon the entire people. The 
 influence of the Europeans in this direction is of greater importance; and 
 of still more importance is that of the Malays, who have frequently come 
 to the eastern coast, and of late also to the Cape, but they have not eflfected 
 a change of the whole type. 
 
 Physical Characteristics: Stature and Form. — The stature of all the 
 Bantu tribes is of middle .size or larger, and a height of 180 centimetres 
 (70.87 inches) or more is not uncommon. A lofty stature and well-devel- 
 oped muscles are rarely found, and the bones of the skeleton are brittle; 
 the rump is generally too long, the limbs too thin, and the calves not 
 developed (//. 83, fig. 6; //. 84, fig. 7; pi. 85, fig. 9; pi. 89, fig. 13). 
 Hands and feet are small and graceful, but the latter are often poorly 
 arched and have a greatly projecting heel. The pelvis is narrow, the 
 chest uniformly prominent, and consequently the upper part of the body 
 is ugly and square {pi. 8% figs. 9, 13). The spinal column is often much 
 curved anteriorly, and as the pelvis (according to Fritsch among the 
 vSouthcrn branch, comp. //. 89, fig. 8) is curved toward the front, the 
 buttocks and the knees frequently project; the ugly shape of the foot may 
 also come from this. The women have a tendency to corpulence {pi. 8g, 
 fig. 8); the breasts of the girls arc globular and erect (//. S,[,fig. 4; pi. 
 89, fig. 5), those of the women flabby, often hanging low down (//. 89, 
 fig. 8); the entire ring of the nipples is elevated, and not the nipples
 
 3o8 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 alotie. Ti;e muscular strength is not great; the senses are acute, and the 
 body is capable of continued exertion. 
 
 Color. — The color of the Southern branch is mostly a dark brown, 
 which on the one hand is shaded into black, and on the other hand modi- 
 fied to a leather-brown. But this light coloring, as well as the very dark 
 hue, occurs comparatively rarely. According to Fritsch, the dark color 
 prevails among the Betchuanas. Livingstone, however, found only the 
 inhabitants of the mountains to be of a darker color, and in general he 
 met with a lighter tint, a light brown or bronze — which frequently occurs 
 among the Zulus — but never a real black. We notice that the same colors 
 are found in the east as for as the Equator. 
 
 The natives of ]Mozambique (/>/. 86, figs. i8, 19, 20) exhibit a light 
 black, which by a reddish tint passes over into a copper color; other tribes, 
 as many of the Sualielis (//. Sj,figs. 2, 4) and some Tshaga tribes {/>/. 
 88, fig. 2), are of a faint to dark black color or brown to yellow. So also 
 in the west the Hereros are partly reddish-brown, and in part so dark 
 that they must be called black; generally they are of a dull iron-gray, 
 which is frequently seen a:nong the Benguela Negroes (/>/. go, figs. 4, 
 5) and the other western tribes. Dark black and brown tribes and 
 individuals are also not rarely seen among them. The skin, which is 
 rather thick and has a tendency to WTinkle, especially in the south, has 
 a disagreeable odor, the smell of which is compared by Fritsch to that of 
 butyric acid. 
 
 Hair. — The hair of the body, as might be expected from the charac- 
 ter of the skin, is very scant, down being entirely absent: it frequently 
 grows in disconnected bunches (/>/. 90, fig. 8), as does also that of the 
 head and beard ; but among some tribes and individuals it is thickly 
 matted. The beard grows only about the chin and mouth (//. 84, figs. 
 5, 6), and even there is rarely abundant. The hair of the head, black by 
 natxire, is mostly short, as is shown by our illustrations, and that of the 
 women is shorter than tliat of the men or grows in separate long, frizzy, 
 spiral strings (/>/. 84, fig. i ; pi. 90, fig. 4). It is worn differently by the 
 different nations, often in a very grotesque manner, which is produced 
 by shaving, braiding, matting, etc. Plate 83 {fig. 4), Plate 86 {fig. 19), 
 Plate 89 {figs. I, 9, 13) show shaved heads 0:1 which at some spots the 
 hair has been allowed to remain. 
 
 The national head-dress of the Zulus (//. 85, fig. 9), which is allowed 
 only to the men, is peculiar: the hair is shaved with the exception of 
 a narrow vertex ring, and this, pasted with mucilage, grows into a kind 
 of crown. Plate 87 {fiig. i) shows a still more grotesque and troubleson;e 
 hair-arrangement. The married women of South Africa arrange their 
 hair in a manner shown by the partially shaved head of the woman on 
 Plate 89 {fig. i\ with this exception, that the bunch of hair which is 
 allowed to remain is here not on the forehead, but at the highest point 
 of the vertex. 
 
 Skull-Fonnation. — The Bantu skull, the bones of which are strong
 
 ETIIXOCRAPHY. 309 
 
 and thick, exhibits many peculiarities ; it deviates from the Hotten- 
 tot skull in being narrow and hiyh, and is not flat, thus resembling 
 the Negro skull. The development of length is plainly shown in the 
 top view (//. 85, fig. 4; comp. pi. 82, Jig. 9, and pi. 89, fig. 11); but 
 on comparing the front view of the Betchuana skull {pi. ?>2i,fg- 3) with 
 the Hottentot skull (//. 82, fg. 8) the greater height of the former is 
 easily seen. 
 
 The lower jaw is broader than that of the Hottentot, and there is 
 greater development of the teeth, the jaws projecting far less (//. 82, 
 fg. 11; pi. 85, fg- 5), although a slight i)rognathism cannot be mistaken 
 (//. 2,fg. 12). The latter illustration shows an oj^en space between the 
 incisor and the eye teeth, which gap often occurs in prognathic skull- 
 formations. The ba.se is rather even (//. 2, fg. \2\ pi. 8^, fg. 5). The 
 Bantu skull shows a decided resemblance to the Hottentot skull in the 
 breadth of the space between the ej'es, in the small development of the 
 nose, in the rather straight and angular forehead, in the not insignifi- 
 cant development of the frontal bones, and in the strong vertex. 
 
 Features. — From this it follows that the faces of these Southern tribes 
 must have many resemblances to those of the Hottentots. The nose is 
 pressed in at the root, and consequently the point only projects from the 
 face (comp. //. 82,/^. i; pi. 8s,fgs. i, 2, y, pi 87, fg. i; //. go, fgs. i, 
 4); it is thick at the point, broad at the back and the nostrils. The 
 mouth is large, the lips thick and even everted (pi 84, fgs. i, 3, 5), but 
 the face, in consequence of the broader lower jaw, is broader than that of 
 the Hottentot. 
 
 The eyes are full-sized, brown, generally with a dull yellowish cornea, 
 but they appear small because the lids droop as though pinched together 
 (//. 84, fgs. I, 3). The ears are large. Of course the different tribes 
 exhibit many dissimilarities, as is shown on our plates, but the type, 
 such as it has been described in its fundamental traits, is widespread, as 
 Plate 86 {fg. 17), Plate 87 {fg. i), Plate 88 {fg. 2), Plate 89 {fgs. 8, 9, 
 13), Plate go {fgs. I, 4, etc.), prove. Deviations for the better consist 
 principally in the freer development of the eye and of the nose, which 
 projects more, especially in the north, and c\cn becomes aquiline {pi 83, 
 A^''-''- 4. 5; /"'■ 86, fgs. 19, 20; //. 89, fg. 2; pi 90, fgs. 2, 8, although 
 Creoles, belong to the Bantu tribe). 
 
 Disfgurations. — Piercing the ear-lobes is universally practised (for 
 instance,//. 8\, fg. 5; pi 86, fg. 17; //. 8-],fg. i; //. 8g, fg. 13), and 
 .some tribes in the east di.sfigure the lips by piercing them and wearing a 
 large ring in the opening (//. 89,7?^. 2). This ring is generally an orna- 
 ment of the women only, and is laid aside in case of mourning; in some 
 places it is worn also b\- the men. In the east tattooing is very generally 
 practised, sometimes over the whole body {pi. 8<),fg. i), but mostly only 
 on the face and on the breast (//. 8(\ fg. 20; //. 89, fgs. 2, 5, 6). The 
 designs shown by our illustrations differ somewhat among the differ- 
 ent tribes, but on the whole they are alike. In the west this decora-
 
 3IO ETIIXOGRAPHY. 
 
 tion of the skin is also known {pi. (yi, figs. 3, S), but it is less frequently 
 practised in the south, where, however, the women scratch a few lines on 
 their cheeks, forehead, and breast, encircling the neck, as on Plate 89 
 {figs. 2, 5, 6). 
 
 Some tribes, as the Batoka, who belong to the Makololo, knock out 
 the upper incisor teeth at the time of manhood; others file them to a 
 point; others break them into various shapes, crescentic, angular, etc. 
 The Hereros extract two or all four of the lower incisor teeth and make 
 triangular holes in the upper ones. Circumcision of the boys and youths 
 prevails among most tribes, but not among the Zulus. 
 
 Costume. — The original attire of these nations — which, however, now 
 often gives way to the European (//. 84, fig. 3) and in the east to the Arabic 
 {pi. S'/,fig. 3; //. 8S,fig. i)— is simple and in its main character imvary- 
 ing. In the south the Caffir tribe and tlie Amakosa go about almost 
 naked, the men wearing only such covering as is worn by the inhabitants 
 of the Admiralty Islands (/>/. 11, fig. 5); but instead of the white sliell 
 they have an embroidered leather bag or a carved fruit-shell, and they 
 often wear a belt about the waist as a decoration. The Betchuana men 
 wear a narrow leather girdle drawn between the legs (//. S.\,fig. 7), as 
 do also the Zulus {pi. 85, figs. 6, 7), but the latter have pieces of leather, 
 of skins, etc. hanging from it. The kaross or cloak of hides is here also 
 in use, not always worn about the shoulders, but girded about the waist 
 (//. S^^fig. 7; pi. S^,fig. 9, the standing figure to the right). 
 
 The women generally wear only a scarf {pi. 89, fig. i), which among 
 the Basuto is often artistically decorated {pi. 84, fig. 6); the married ones 
 wear a broader one over it; they invariably use cloths for tying down 
 the breasts (pi. 89, fig. 13; comp. //. 88, fig. 2), concealing the bod\-, 
 or carrying the children (/>/. 83, fig. 6). They sometimes also wear 
 the kaross, which has among the Betchuanas a turned-down collar {pi. 
 84, fig. 4, the figures in the background). It is generally of tanned 
 o.x-skin, but the nobles prefer the skins of wild and fierce animals (//. 
 84, figs. 5, 6). A leather cap for the women, such as is seen on Plate 87 
 {fig. 4), is common; it varies according to the tribes: among the Hereros 
 it is supplied with two long erect ears. In place of the skins of domestic 
 animals, European materials are now much used, especially cotton goods, 
 in the east. 
 
 Decorations. — The Bantu nations are fond of finer}-. They wear gayly- 
 colored chains or ribbons in the hair (in the south, //. 84, fig. 5; east, pi. 87, 
 fig. i; west, pi.' S2, fig. 5), chains about the neck from which amulets, small 
 tubes with antidotes against snake-bites (Fritsch), and among the Betchuana 
 tribes short daggers in richly-decorated sheaths, are generally suspended 
 (/>/. 84, figs. I, 5, 6). Both men and women wear in the hair pins dec- 
 orated with glass beads {pi. 8g,fig. 2). Necklaces of pierced teeth of animals 
 (such as are on the leaping warrior, //. S^, fig. 9) are especially precious; 
 one from the island of Fernando Po which serves as an amulet is shown 
 on Plate 92 {fig. 10). Ivory or metal rings about the arms are frequently
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 3 1 1 
 
 seen {pi. 84, figs. 4-7; pi. 85, fig. 9); around the lower leg rings of 
 leather {pi. 84, fig. 5; //. 85, _/?»-. g) or of metal (//. 84, fig. 6) or strings 
 of beads (//. ^\.,fig. 4) are worn, and often the entire leg to the calf is 
 covered with them. 
 
 The warriors have particular ornaments: among the Caffirs they cover 
 the circle of hair with wood and put soft hanging feathers over it (//. 85, 
 fig. 9, the standing figure to the right); besides which the projecting 
 feather of a species of crane is frequently worn as a warlike ornament 
 {pi. 84, fig. 5; //. 85, fig. 6). They also hang upon their bodies pieces 
 of skin, especially of the Angora goat (Fritsch,//. 85, y?^.r. 6, 9), and other 
 decorations which contrast with the color of the skin. 
 
 The ornameuts of the Basuto warrior are similar {pi. %\.^fig. 6). Some- 
 times the kaross of the women is supplied with a cockade-like decoration 
 (//. 84, yfo-. 4, at both sides below), which is said to have originally apper- 
 tained only to the wives of elephant-slayers. For a covering of the feet 
 sandals or a rude kind of shoe are sometimes worn. Fans of various 
 shapes, often artistically plaited and decorated, are in use among the 
 civilized tribes {pi. '&']^fig. 3, to the right; //. 92,7?^. 11). 
 
 Divellings. — The houses of the Amakosa Cafhrs are like the beehive 
 huts represented on Plate 86 {fig. 17), constructed of a centre post and 
 elastic poles, the latter being joined at the top to the main post, so as to 
 form the walls. The whole is covered with reeds, is rather low, and often 
 has in front of the only opening, opposite to which the fireplace is situ- 
 ated, a narrow tunnel-like entrance so low that one can only crawl through 
 it (//. 86^ fig. 2). This style of house, which is very much like the Hot- 
 tentot hut, prevails among all Bantu nations. 
 
 The huts of the Zulus are plaited better, the reed coverings being fast- 
 ened with a net of ropes (the hut in the background on Plate &6,fig. 2, 
 may ser\'e as an illustration'); the same is the case among the Basuto (//. 
 86, fig. 2). Among other tribes of the Betchnanas the house has a coni- 
 cal-shaped roof of reeds resting on a double wall, an inner solid one of 
 clay, and an outer low one of wooden poles (coinp. ^/. go, fig. 6, to the 
 left), or also of clay, as on Plate 84 {fig. 2); the elliptical holes in the wall 
 take the place of doors. The middle post, from which rafters extend to 
 the clay inner wall, often projects like a button above the roof (//. 8T„fig. 
 2; pi. 8/\,fig. 2). The Suaheli tribes of the interior build in a similar 
 manner {pi. 8j,fig. 5). The houses of the Betchnanas are often divided 
 into several apartments by a wall; those of the chieftains are painted red 
 and white inside, generally with linear designs, but also with animal 
 figures. 
 
 I'illagcs. — Large villages are found (/>/. 8-i,, fig. 2; pi. 8-], fig. 5), and 
 those of the southern trilx^s are circular in the shape of a kraal. The 
 Zulus build their huts in circles, fenced on Ijoth sides by thorn hedges, 
 and enclosing a large thorn-fenced place for the stock. Opposite to this, 
 in a special enclosure, are the chieftain's huts, wliich include not only his 
 dwelling-house, but houses for his wives, storage-houses, etc.; the entire
 
 312 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 village is again enclosed with a hedge of thorns which is about fifty feet 
 distant from the outer enclosure of the houses. 
 
 The villages of the Betchuanas are similarly but less regularly arranged; 
 the houses are also around the enclosed place for the animals, which is 
 shown on Plate 83 {fig. 2, in the centre); and at its side, half hidden by 
 the square house, is the place of meeting and counsel (Fritsch). The 
 separate houses are again enclosed by close thorn hedges of irregular shape, 
 though often several houses and families (//. St,, fig. 2) are included in 
 the same enclosure. The beginning of a palisade, consisting of strong, 
 irregular poles, which fonn the framework, is shown on Plate 86 {fig. 2). 
 European houses, square and built of wood (//. 87, fig. 5) or clay (//. 83, 
 fig. 2), with windows and stairs, are now frequently erected by the Bantu 
 nations; those of the eastern coast build in the Mohammedan manner. On 
 the other hand, we meet with very simple buildings on the island of Fer- 
 nando Po: roofs to protect against the sun are shown on Plate 90 {fig. 7). 
 
 Household Furniture and Utensils. — The household goods are numer- 
 ous. They have vessels of plaited work, with or without a cover, which 
 serve partly as baskets and partly as pots, for they are close enough to hold 
 liquids {pL S6,fig. i). The southern tribes are especially skilful at plait- 
 ing. They decorate their utensils with the figures of animals {pi. 84, 
 fiig. 14), and also make artistic implements of ivory {pi. 84, yf^J. 10, 11) 
 and large vessels of wood, cutting the latter, including the handles and 
 feet, from the solid block. On Plate 86 {fiig. i, to the right) we see such 
 wooden vessels of the Betchuana tribes: the smaller one is a bucket, and 
 the larger a wooden mortar. Plate 88 {figs. 11, 13, 18) contains similar 
 wooden utensils of the eastern tribes — pots for cooking, dishes, etc. 
 
 The Zulu women on Plate 83 {fiig. i, Livingstone) carry water- vessels 
 of a remarkable cup-like shape; another, of more common form, is carried 
 on her head by the wretched mother on Plate 83 {fig. 6). Ostrich egg- 
 shells and calabashes are also used, and as the latter grow in all shapes they 
 serve for numerous purposes. They are decorated with various and often- 
 times rich carvings (//. 86, fig. 4). 
 
 These tribes also make earthen vessels, and obtain the material for 
 them, as do also the Hottentots (Kolbe), from ant-nests (Fritsch). Such 
 earthen vessels are seen in the interior of the huts on Plate 84 {fig. 2), 
 Plate 86 {fig. 2), the large-bellied vessel in Figure 2 (//. 84) being espe- 
 cially striking. It is a grain-receptacle, closed with a lid and resting on 
 feet to protect it from ants and other vermin. Ruder pots of this kind, 
 serving as temporary receptacles of grain, are often found in the fields, the 
 better ones, containing the threshed grain, being covered by a light hut or 
 stored in the dwelling-house; they are also found among the northern tribes 
 and among the Negroes of Soudan {pi. ()o,fig. 10); other tribes — for in- 
 stance, the Caffirs — keep their provisions in pits. For grinding the grain 
 a rough hand-mill is used, which consists of a flat hollowed stone and a 
 small round one, the latter serving as a crusher (//. 86, fig. 3). An 
 ingenious apparatus for crushing is shown on Plate 88 ijig. 15).
 
 ETIIXGGRAPIIY. 313 
 
 The Bantu sit on the ground or on small stools, which in the south 
 have three legs, and in the east four {pi. ^Z, fig. 14); there is seen along 
 the eastern coast an oblong structure of plaited work, called kibani in the 
 Suaheli language, which serves as a table during the day and as a bed at 
 night {pi. SSyfio-. 10); the more barbarous tribes sleep on the ground, rest- 
 ing their heads on a round hollow piece of wood. Other conveniences for 
 the house, as a rough kind of rack on which to hang articles, are shown on 
 Plate 84 {fig, 2) and Plate 86 {fig. 2). 
 
 The Bantu have articles of iron, among which are the simple needles 
 (without an eye) with which the Betchuanas bore the skins they wish to 
 sew together. These needles are carried about the neck in small decorated 
 cases of skin {p/. 84, fig. 8). 
 
 Iron-Smelting. — The art of smelting and working iron has long been 
 known to the Bantu, but the preparation of steel is unknown. In the 
 north and east of this district the iron is smelted in small furnaces and 
 sold in bars to the southern tribes. It is heated by means of an odd 
 bellows: two closed leather bags with wooden handles are connected by 
 a pair of cow's horns with a horn pipe leading to the furnace. The alter- 
 nate opening and closing of the bags supplies a continuous stream of air. 
 These bellows are used throughout the entire district. Th.e one that 
 Livingstone .saw in the country of the Batoka (//. 86, fitg. 8) was some- 
 what different. Clay pij^es took the place of the cow's horns; the leather 
 bags were fastened to wooden dnnus, and were alternately pressed in arid 
 drawn up by means of a perpendicular stick. But the arrangement by 
 which fresh air gets into the drum was not described by him: probably 
 the leather opens when drawn up and closes when pressed in. The glow- 
 ing iron, held with rough tongs, is forged by stone or metal hammers, 
 and is made into various utensils and implements, such as weapons — often 
 with artistic barbs {pi. 89, fiig. 4) — spoons, hoes, kni\-es, etc. 
 
 Weapons. — The assagai (assegai, hassagai) is the chief weapon of all 
 these nations. It is used either for throwing, and is in that case light 
 and has a pointed shaft, or for thrusting, and then the shaft is thicker and 
 even. The point is a long iron rod, which is tightly fastened with straps 
 to the sliaft. The model of this assagai varies: among the Betchuanas 
 and in the north it is a little heavier than among the Caffir.s, and the iron 
 point is supjjlied with several barbs (//. 84, fiig. 6; //. 85, fig. 9; //. 86, 
 fiig. 16). 
 
 The lance of the Suahelis (//. 88, fig. 12) is very long, and is formed 
 exactly like the lances of the northern peoples (//. 96, fig. 1). All the 
 Bantu nations have a wooden club which they u.sc for throwing (//. 84, 
 fiigs. 5, 6) — the kirn oi the Hottentots, which foreign name it also bears 
 among the Caffir.s. They also obtained their .small striking-rod from the 
 Hottentots. Battle-axes of various forms are found everywhere in the 
 ea.st, but in the south only among the Betchuanas (/>/. 86, fig. 15), who 
 have also that dagger-like knife (/>/. 86, fig. 14) which is .seen elsewhere 
 (//. ^S,fiigs. 3, 6, 7), and which is enlarged into a sword by the Ediyahson
 
 314 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Fernaudo Po {pi. 92, Jig. 8). Bows and arrows are not found in the 
 south, but they are used by the Hereros and elsewhere in the w^est and 
 east (//. 86, fig. 9; //. 88, figs. 4, 5; pi. 89, fig. 4); the natives are not 
 very skilful in their use. 
 
 The arrows are generally poisoned, and those of the ]\Ianganyas and 
 Ayawas (nations between Lake Nyassa and the Zambesi, belonging to the 
 Makua) are so arranged that the cane shaft to which the poisoned point 
 is attached falls off after wounding (//. 8g, fig. 4). The bow of the 
 Maravi on the Zambesi is odd: by a broadening of its two ends it is made 
 to serve also as a shield (//. 86, fig. 9), but it is little qualified for this 
 purpose. 
 
 The shields of the Caffirs are large, round, and made of ox-skin, 
 which is sewed to a wooden frame {pi. 85, figs. 6, 9); those of the Bet- 
 chuanas are oddly curved; and both of these tribes decorate their shields 
 with fur ornaments, which often project (//. 84, fig. 6); in some districts 
 — for instance, with the Hereros — shields are not in use. 
 
 Hunliug and Fishing. — Bows and arrows are generally used in hunt- 
 ing. At Sena, on the lower Zambesi, a peculiar harpoon is employed for 
 the capture of the hippopotamus: when the barbed point has struck the 
 animal, the shaft, which is fastened to the point by a long cord, is detached 
 and floats on the water, thus indicating the precise location of the woimded 
 animal (//. 86, fig. 13). All the Bantu nations are skilful in tanning 
 and preparing skins, and are able hunters, both in direct attack upon 
 dangerous animals — lions, hippopotami, buffaloes, etc. — and in the use 
 of crafty stratagems. They use pits in which to capture the large animals. 
 At present firearms are almost everywhere used for hunting and in war. 
 Fishing is also extensively carried on with fish-baskets of various kinds 
 (//. 86, fig. 5), and on Lake Nyassa with hand-nets {pi. 86, fig. 10) 
 seven feet long; however, many nations eat no fish. 
 
 Agriatlfitre and Implements. — Among the southern tribes fanning is 
 wholly left to the women; among the Basuto the men also take part {pL 
 84, fig. 7), and among other tribes — for instance, the Manganyas, the 
 Hereros, and the Ovampo — men and women labor together. The chief 
 farming implement is a peculiar hoe with a long handle {pi. 84, figs. 4, 
 7; pi. SS, fig. 16); the Manganyas, however, have hoes with short handles 
 {pi. 86, fig. 6); and other tools are found, as along the western coast some 
 with two handles, so that they can be used with both hands. The soil is 
 cleared negligently and fertilized with vegetable ashes, more rarely (among 
 the Ovampo) with dung; and when it has been slightly scratched the 
 sowers scatter the seed, which others, following in a long row, hoe in 
 (//. 84, fig. 7). Their farming is primitive, but they exhibit some skill 
 in the details. 
 
 The Batoka plant trees; the CaflSrs surround their fields with close 
 thorn hedges, and have male or female field-watchers and several inven- 
 tions to keep away birds and other animals. In the south maize and 
 doura are the principal products, and also beans, pumpkins, and various
 
 ETHXOGRAPHY. 315 
 
 kinds of tobacco and dacha-liemp are raised ; while in the north and east 
 nuinioc, groundnuts {Aracltis)^ },anis, batatas, and cotton are cultivated. 
 Tlie harvested grain is taken home and threshed on cla)- threshing-floors 
 (//. 83, fig. 2, the light-shaded enclosed field to the right), and is then 
 preserved in the storerooms. 
 
 ColtoH. — Some of the eastern nations raise cotton, spin it into a close 
 yarn, and use it for weaving in the manner of the Malagassies {pi. 90, 
 fig. 6). It seems that this art came to them from the Malagassies or 
 some other eastern source. 
 
 Siock-Raisiiig. — Stock-raising ranks higher than farming, and is prin- 
 cipally the work of the men, although the women assist. The southern 
 tribes and the Hereros have nothing more valuable than their cattle, for 
 goats and sheep are rare. The Makololo are especially skilful cattle- 
 raisers. O.xen are used for riding, for carrying loads, and for driving, the 
 bridle being put into the pierced cartilage of the nose. The flesh is con- 
 sumed only on special occasions, but milk constitutes the principal article 
 of food, adults preferring to use it after it becomes sour. It is kept in 
 wooden vessels or in leather tubes. 
 
 Food and Stinnilanis. — We ha\-e already treated of the food of these 
 nations (p. 31^); it is broiled at the open fire or cooked in pots (//. 90, 
 fig. 6); fire is kindled by friction {pi. 84, fg. 2). They have spoons and 
 shovels with which the food is dished out and eaten (/>/. S4,fgs. 12-14); 
 the handles of these are often carved into figures of animals (//. 84, 
 fg. 14). Intoxicating drinks are much brewed, chiefly a kind of beer 
 from doura malt, and in the east palm wine is made. The Bantu are 
 given to intoxication. 
 
 Their main stimulants are smoking and snuffing, either the national 
 dacha-hemp or tobacco, which is extensively known. A pipe of the Ba- 
 suto is illustrated on Plate 84 {fg. 9), and that of the weaver on Plate 90 
 {Jig. 6) is of similar construction. In the Basuto pipe the leaves are in 
 the small head of the side tube; the cow's horn into which the side tube 
 enters is filled with water, and by closing the opening of the horn with 
 the mouth and cheek (com p. />/. qo, fg. 6) the smoke is inhaled and swal- 
 lowed. The eflfects of this manner of smoking are .so powerful that the 
 smokers frequently become unconscious. The strongest tobacco is pre- 
 ferred by the Bantu. If a person is without his pipe, he kneads a lump 
 of clay on the ground, puts the weed into a hole on top, and, applying 
 his mouth to an orifice in the side, smokes lying flat on his belly. The 
 Cafhr tribes smoke generally in company; with tliem it s^enis to be con- 
 nected with ancient religions ideas. They snuff from small spoons of 
 ivory or metal (//. 84, y?^'-. 10), and always carry their tobacco either in 
 .small bags or in boxes often of an animal-like shape (//. 84, fg. 11). 
 Various prohibitions of food prevail among these nations, one tribe being 
 forbidden to eat this animal, another that. The Cafl^irs, for example, do 
 not eat fisli, and consequently acconqilish nothing in fislicry. 
 
 The CafTirs have no sliips, and, like most of the southern peoples,
 
 3i6 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 
 
 they cannot swim well. The case is different among the inhabitants 
 along the large rivers and on the eastern coast; but the shipbnilding of 
 these eastern tribes {pi. ^S,yij^s. 8, 9) is only a consequence of their inter- 
 course with the Arabians. All Bantu nations exhibit great capacity for 
 mercantile enterprises. 
 
 Ar/ and Musical Inslriuciits. — These tribes accomplish little in art. 
 We have already mentioned (p. 312) that paintings representing animals 
 are sometimes met with in the huts of the chieftains, and these are their 
 highest achievements in the line of decorative art. The nnisical instru- 
 ments of the southern tribes seem to have originated with the Hottentots 
 (Waitz); the widest spread is a single-stringed instrument which has on 
 one end a calabash for a sounding-board and which is played with a bow. 
 It is seen in different shapes: Plate 86 {fig. 11) represents it as it is used on 
 t!ie Zambesi and the Shire, with a string that can be tuned by a peg, while 
 at other places this is effected only by the manner in which the instru- 
 ment is held. Drums, pipes, and Pan's flutes {pi. ^2>>Jig. i) are common 
 in the east; among the Batoka (on the upper Zambesi) the sansa {pi. 86, 
 Jig."]) is used, the nine keys of which, made of iron or of bamboo splinters, 
 are played with the fingers, the sound being strengthened by a calabasli 
 serving as a sounding-board (//. S6, Jig. 4); the marimba is very similar: 
 hard wooden rods are placed on calabashes of various sizes, so as to 
 increase the sound, and are struck with sticks {pi. 83, Jig. i). 
 
 Singing ami Dancing. — The Bantu play for hours on their monotonous 
 instruments, and they also sing much. They scarcely have true poetr)', 
 but they like to sing diffusely in an extemporary manner about the occur- 
 rences of the day or in praise of their animals or their chieftains. They 
 dance with pleasure, generally the men only, the women looking on while 
 clapping their hands and singing. The general purport of the dances, 
 which often last very long, is imitation of war and the chase {pi. 85, 
 fig. g). The women have their own dances. 
 
 Domestic Life and Habits. — The position of the women is not favor- 
 able. We have already said (p. 314) that it is their duty to perform the 
 hardest work, such as housebuilding, making the enclosures, field-labor, 
 getting the fuel and provisions and preparing the latter, and caring for 
 the children. The men hunt, take charge of the stock, dress the skins, 
 and go to war; they sometimes assist at farming, as do the women with 
 the stock. 
 
 The wife is purchased, and polygamy prevails. A man is allowed as 
 manv wives as he can bu^■. Chieftains consequently have a great num- 
 ber, and old men often buy young wives. One of the wives is looked 
 upon as the highest in rank, and is called the "great woman." Among 
 some tribes concubines are freelv allowed. Sometimes there are no mar- 
 riage ceremonies, except great feasts given by the bride's father; among 
 the Kambas (north-east) the bride is captured in a sham battle with her 
 relatives. Among the Caffirs the daughter-in-law is not allowed to pro- 
 nounce the names of her father-in-law and the male relatives of her hus-
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 317 
 
 band in an ascending line, and she must even avoid words of a similar 
 sound; nor is she allowed to associate with them: the same remarks apply 
 to the husband and the mother-in-law. Marriage is easily dissolved, but 
 the children remain the property of the husband, and if the separation be 
 his fault he must return to his father-in-law a certain number of cattle. 
 Adultery does not often occur, and it is generally punished by a mere fine. 
 Examples of devoted love are seen even among the most barbarous tribes. 
 In the east the wives occupy a higher position, and possess rights as well 
 as their husbands; Krapf e\-en found among the Sambaras (north-east) a 
 woman occupying a high political station. Lichtenstein states the same 
 of the Caffirs. 
 
 A widow is considered impure for one month after the death of her hus- 
 band, but she may marry again; the care of her devolves on the oldest son 
 if he be an adult, or on the brothers of her husband. She has perfect sex- 
 ual liberty as long as she remains unmarried, as also have the girls. In 
 general, the females of the more advanced tribes are chaste and reserved. 
 Wlieu one is asked whether she is married or not, she points to her bosom, 
 which only unmarried women are allowed to have uncovered. In this 
 there is not the slightest shamelessness. The tribes which have come 
 in contact with the great stream of the Avorld are far more corrupt. 
 
 Infanticide is frequent among the Caffirs; misshapen children and one 
 of twins are always killed; the casting out of the old and d)ing is also 
 customary. However, traces of true family attachment are found among 
 them, especiallv among the eastern Bantu tribes and the Hcreros. Chil- 
 dren receive a kind of education; that is, they are instructed in necessary 
 tilings; they are nursed for a long time, and remain with the mother until 
 they are eight years old; they know the same infantile games as are in vogue 
 among European children. No child is allowed to eat with its parents, it 
 being deemed impure until solemnly received into the society of adults. 
 
 Births and their Attending Ceremonies. — Shortly after birth certain 
 ceretnonies are performed over the child, but the feast of manhood, at 
 which the boys of most of the tribes are circumcised, is the most import- 
 ant. The girls have to undergo a similar ceremony as soon as the first 
 signs of puberty appear. After the feast of manhood, at the end of 
 which the bovs arc driven into the water, they are considered pure, and 
 live together with the other unmarried folks, with whom they sleep, the 
 sexes being separated. Those who attain manhood at the same time 
 often form a lifelong association, and among the Hereros they have 
 their wives in common. 
 
 The .Slate. — The constitution is based on the family. The father has 
 absolute power over his family, and in like manner the chief is absolute 
 in the state, for the tribe is but a widely-branched family. The dignity 
 of chieftain is inherited by the oldest son of the principal wife; the younger 
 sons are the chiefs of those who celebrated the feast of manhood with them. 
 These, settling down independently, form new villages or new clans, but 
 they arc in strict dependence on the chief of the tribe. The sovereign
 
 31 8 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 power of the chieftain is based on this constitution, and is exercised not 
 only by the king over the whole nation, but also by the inferior rulers 
 over their respective subjects. The king has a council composed of six 
 or eight of the principal chiefs, the indnna or amapakati or (among the 
 Caffirs) inkosi, but they do not constitute a check upon his power, as they 
 merely execute his commands, and they are generally appointed by him. 
 The people, however, exercise a kind of restriction on the royal power, 
 as they may leave him in case he violates custom and right. 
 
 This constitution prevails among all Bantu nations. Among the 
 Betchuanas the power of the king is restricted by the pils/io, an assembly 
 of all the chiefs which meets at a fixed place in the centre of the kraal 
 (//. 83, _/?^. 2), and which has the right to criticise and attack the politi- 
 cal measures of the king. In general the subjects speak of the chief in 
 the most extravagant terms, and some tribes swear by him. He has no 
 exterior mark to distinguish him from the other members of his tribe, 
 or, at the most, only a kaross of panther-skin (//. 84,7?^. 5), though in 
 Central Africa the Cazcmbe wears a more costly costume and has more 
 ceremonies. 
 
 La-vs, Pimishmenfs^ and Ordeals. — The chiefs pronounce the highest 
 judicial decisions. Those of less importance are declared among the 
 Amakosa by the amapakati ox lower chieftains, but murder, theft, adulter}', 
 intentional abortion, and magic are punished by the king. Capital pun- 
 i.shment is inflicted for the last-named crime. Among the Amakosa and 
 the Hereros the other offences mentioned may be atoned b\' fines, though 
 formerly they were punished by death or mutilation, as is still the practice 
 with the other Caffir and Bantu tribes, among whom only small oflFences 
 are punished by fines. Most of the tribes are truthful in legal proceedings. 
 Different ordeals (by fire, water, or poison) are applied in the east. Joint 
 responsibility of the family and blood-revenge prevail, or did prevail, 
 everj'where. 
 
 Wars. — The chieftains have often acquired great power by their 
 wars. They are commanders-in-chief in war, and, as the Bantu nations 
 are generally warlike, some of the sovereigns have become mighty con- 
 querors. The Zulu princes Tchaka and Dingaan, Gaika, the sovereign 
 of the Amakosa, and Sebitoane, chief of the ]Motchuana, are well known: 
 the kingdom of the now powerless Cazcmbe in the interior (see Map) and 
 many similar states may have originated from such conquerors. The his- 
 tor>' of these tribes has become complicated on account of their numerous 
 wars of conquest. 
 
 The men decorate themselves gorgeously when going to war {pi. 85, 
 Jiq;s. 6, 9): a decoration of animal tails (//. 88, y?^. 17) or a flag-like ensign 
 distingtiishes ambassadors and chieftains, who are spared during the battle. 
 War is proclaimed, and the army marches off after performing religious 
 ceremonies and war-dances. Although these tribes like sudden attacks 
 and stratagems, still open battles are common and sanguinary. Women 
 and children are generally spared, except among some Caflfir tribes. It
 
 ETIIXOGRAniY. 
 
 319 
 
 cnnnot be denied that the Bantu nations exhibit j^reat valor in war, and, 
 with all their barbarity, not unfreqnently show nobility of mind. Traces 
 of cannibalism have been found among them, and the Batoka and the 
 warriors of the Cazembe are eager to obtain the skulls of the enemy; but 
 there are also unwarlike tribes among them, as the Herero. Even in the 
 wars against the Europeans, although all their passions were excited, tlie 
 Caffirs did not show themselves bloodthirsty or cruel. The great wars 
 conducted by Tchaka were less humane, but this was owing to the peculiar 
 character of that king. 
 
 The Caffirs never carried on wars in order to make slaves, and the 
 slave-trade and slavery are unknown to them. Neither have the IMakololo 
 anything of the kind. In the east and west the slave-hunts, which are 
 now common, originated from foreign influence. This is not the place to 
 speak of the inhumanity of the slave-hunters and slave-traders: it suffices 
 to point out the manner in which the unfortunate victims are tran.sported 
 {pi. 83, fig. 6). They are tied in pairs, with the slave-yokes about their 
 necks, and are fastened together with chains {pi. 83, fig. 6; //. 86, fig. 
 12). The lot of the slaves among the tribes of the interior is not a severe 
 one, as they belong to the family. It is much harder along the coast. 
 War-prisoners are enslaved by the southern tribes, and constitute a sep- 
 arate caste from the free persons. 
 
 Death and Burial. — Even at his death the chieftain's lot is better than 
 that of others. He is always solemnly buried. The other dead were 
 simply carried to desert places, wdiere the beasts of prey devoured them. 
 This is frequently the case even at present; but generall)- the dead are 
 buried in narrow ditches, either within the kraal (among the Betchuanas 
 in the animals' kraal) or near it, in a squatting position, the face turned to 
 the north or east {pi. 85, fig. 8). Among the Betchuanas the corpse is 
 not carried out through the ordinary door, but through another made for 
 the purpose, and is placed in a side-vault of the tomb. Loud lamenta- 
 tions of the women are heard at the death and at the funeral. The graves 
 of princes are guarded for a while, sometimes for a year. These tribes cut 
 off their hair as a sign of mourning, and wear a necklace made of the 
 hair from the tail of an ox — one is also put on new-born children — initil 
 it falls oflT (Lichten.stein): in the same manner the ]\Ianganyas liang strips 
 of palm-leaves about themselves (Livingstone). 
 
 The Manganyas break all the utensils and destroy all the provisions 
 belonging to the deceased, and Lichtenstein reports that the Amakosa 
 have the same peculiar custom. We have already seen this custom in 
 Polynesia (p. 201). The hou.se of the dead is no longer used; pcrhai\s 
 also the whole kraal if the deceased has died within it. This is tlic 
 practice among the Hereros at present, but in other places the custom 
 has been modified. Tlicy take particular care to let no one die within a 
 house, and con.sequcntly the dying are carried into the open air. There 
 is no lack of offerings for the dead: his weapons are placed in the grave 
 with him, and in the case of a chief several animals from his herd
 
 320 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 are left at the grave for his use. Formerly, at the grave of the Cazembe 
 — and also among some tribes — slaves, and even wives, were slain, and 
 human skulls were heaped upon the grave. 
 
 Religions I'iczc's. — In these descriptions we have indicated some of the 
 religious views of the Bantu tribes. That the people were originally 
 considered unclean in comparison with the chief is shown by many cus- 
 toms. Women and children are held to be less pure than men, and all 
 women are impure during parturition and menstruation. Defilement is 
 produced by touching a corpse or anything relating to the dead, and 
 by slaying a lion or an elephant. If the kraal is struck by lightning, the 
 entire kraal becomes impure. Water and the blood of animals of sac- 
 rifice are used for cleansing the impurit\-. 
 
 This condition of " uncleauness" should rather be called a state of 
 consecration or interdiction, for those who have been consecrated by 
 contact with anything sacred are excluded from ordinary' people. Thus, 
 those who have slain lions are consecrated by their relation to the lion. 
 Similarly, their relation to the dead consecrates widowers and widows. 
 Thev are restored to ordinarj- communion with their fellow-beings only 
 by a ceremony of secularization. 
 
 The men are considered more sacred than the women and the chil- 
 dren; consequently, the latter must be consecrated at the feast of manhood 
 before being received among the adults, and for the same reason women 
 are excluded from many things that are prominent in the lives of the 
 men. But they also have their periods of consecration (the time of 
 giving birth, etc.), from which they must be liberated. Here, as in Poly- 
 nesia, objects are interdicted or "tabooed," being thereby made holy and 
 withdrawn from use. 
 
 Siipcrslilions. — A belief in the future life and in guardian spirits gen- 
 erally prevails. The latter usually show themselves in the guise of 
 animals, and thus the prohibitions of food which we have already men- 
 tioned (p. 315) may be explained, for to eat the animal which is the 
 incarnation of a guardian spirit would be a crime which would be 
 punished with sickness — that is, with being possessed by evil spirits. Th.e 
 Caffirs eat no fish, because they imagine them to be water-snakes; and 
 snakes are everywhere in South Africa believed to be one shape assumed 
 by the guardian spirits or souls. The crocodile and hippopotamus are 
 believed to be evil spirits. 
 
 Each tribe of the Betchuanas has some animal in which it sees its 
 "ancestor," from which it takes its name and which it celebrates by sol- 
 emn dances. Many tribes are named after these animals. Thus the name 
 Ba-knena signifies "crocodile people;" Ba-tlapa, "fish people;" Ba-katla, 
 "ape people;" Ba-tuang, "lion people;" Ba-tsetze, " tse'tze-fly people;" 
 but there are also "iron people" (Ba-tsipi, Ba-rolong), and some tribes 
 are considered to be sacred; as, for example, the otherwise powerless 
 Ba-hurutse. 
 
 The Hereros are divided into different "families" {c-yaiida\ each of
 
 ETIIXOGRAPIIY. 321 
 
 which considers some plant as sacred. By the qnestion, "Vv'hat do you 
 dance?" one learns to which tribe the party addressed bclonjjs, for the 
 answer will consist of the name of the animal after which the tribe is 
 called. The belief in "ancestral" animals prevails among all the Bantu 
 nations. Guardian spirits and souls are not always distinct. The latter 
 are feared, as is shown by the funeral customs of the CafTirs; but many 
 offerings are brought to them and prayers are addressed to them among the 
 Wanikas and Tshagas in the north-east of this district, the iManganyas, 
 the Betchuanas, the Zulus, the Amakosa, the Hereros, and others. The 
 Bantu everj'where believe in men who can change themselves into ani- 
 mals, and in other ghost-like beings. 
 
 These ideas are by no means clear to the Bantu nations, and least of 
 all to the southern tribes. The clearest idea is that of guardian spirits 
 w!io settle in animals or in other objects. Thus we have pure fetichism. 
 Hidden under these rude ideas there are others, which, though obscure, 
 may nevertheless be recognized. "The religious system of these peoples," 
 .says the missionary Moffat, "has entirely disappeared, as their rivers dis- 
 appear in the sand;" and this is very true. Yet there are some traces of 
 it remaining. Thus, the nocturnal dances at the time of the full moon 
 and others at the time of the new moon, and also some myths about the 
 sun, seem to indicate an ancient worship of the hea\^enly bodies. They 
 also know and venerate many stars. 
 
 The Amakosa esteem one of the spirits of their ancestors particularly 
 powerful. They call him iiikosi, "chief, master," and they represent him 
 as casting down the lightning (Fritsch). The Ma-rimo (literally, "lie 
 above") of the Betchuanas is described by the magicians as an especially 
 powerful and generally hostile being. The Betchuanas say that they 
 themselves do not care about such things, but that their ancestors knew 
 much about him. His name is mentioned in connection with the creation 
 of all things: he is said to have proceeded, with the human race and the 
 animals, from a large cave in the north, and for this reason the dead are 
 buried with their faces turned to the north. 
 
 Other tribes (Hereros, Zulus) derive the origin of all beings from a 
 kind of world-tree, a sacred aboriginal stem. Toward the cast and the 
 north-east we find a clearer idea of a supreme being: he is called jMii-uiiqii 
 b\- the Suahelis and Afn-lungit by the Makua. From this it would seem 
 that the Bantti had, besides their animistic and ancestral cult, a venera- 
 tion of heaven and the heavenly bodies which in time gave way to the 
 ancestral cult: for this reason the originally supreme gods are described as 
 having been former chieftains. 
 
 Magicians and rain-makers are everywhere important personages. Th.c 
 former constitute several classes, and one of them is a sort of high priest 
 over the oth.ers. They cure diseases, are fortune-tellers, and detect and 
 fru.strate witchcraft; the belief in them is firm, and they are of supreme 
 importance in the entire life of the.se peoples. They initiate even,'thing: 
 warriors and animals arc rendered invulnerable by a black cross which the 
 
 Vol. I.— 21
 
 322 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 priest paints on them — among the Caffirs it is put on the forehead of the 
 warrior (comp. //. 86, 7?§-. 20; //. 8g,^^s. 5, 6). Offerings are everywhere 
 made to the spirits of ancestors, wliom the Hereros represent by little 
 rods, each "family" {c-yandd) taking for this purpose the rods from the 
 branches of its sacred plant. The Tshagas are said to have idols. 
 
 Political Development. — After what has been said it will be seen that 
 the character and ability of the Bantu are good. The kingdoms of inte- 
 rior Africa, as well as the able achievements of some of the Herero sov- 
 ereigns, show what they can accomplish in politics. They have main- 
 tained their place against European culture, and can rarely be outwitted 
 by the whites. In their political conventions they often exhibit eloquence; 
 and they have frequently embarrassed the missionaries by their sceptical 
 but sagacious questions. In ordinary life they are active and impulsive. 
 They are but slightly accessible to the teachings of the Christian religion, 
 as they concern themselves little about religious questions. 
 
 Moral Development. — In regard to their moral qualities, they are brave 
 and do not lack a kind of high-mindedness. They exhibit a sense of 
 honor and of justice. We have seen (p. 318) how severely they punish 
 theft, which, however, is of frequent occurrence; and avarice and begging 
 are now prevalent among the Caffirs, though less so in the east. They 
 are generally truthful, especially the inland tribes. Although the Bet- 
 chuanas never contradict and are outwardly polite and friendly, they are 
 by no means always sincere. They do not value human life, and conse- 
 quently they are generally heartless and cruel to the suffering ; all the 
 more so as superstition prompts them to it. But they are not really blood- 
 thirsty, neither are they revengeful or resentful. Hospitality and indus- 
 try are lai^gely found among them where they have retained their native 
 character, and they are no more dissolute than peoples in a natural state 
 are wont to be. 
 
 On the whole, therefore, our judgment about the Bantu must be favor- 
 able: they are a gifted race, and have attained in civilization what was 
 possible in the geographical and historical circumstances in which tUey 
 live, and much good may be expected from them in the future. 
 
 3. The Peoples of Soud.\n. 
 
 Classification. — No part of Ethnology is more difficult than that which 
 treats of the Negro. We have indeed on one side a boundary-line sepa- 
 rating the Bantu nations from the Negroes, but other difficulties oppose a 
 precise classification. 
 
 First, the physical type. The Hottentots and _the Caffirs are indeed 
 physically different from the tribes along the Senegal and the Gambia; 
 but, on the other hand, Schweinfurth finds the appearance of the equatorial 
 dwarf people, the Akkas, so like that of the Bushmen that he scarcely dares 
 decide whether they ought not to be put into one ethnological division 
 with them. So the north-western and north-eastern Bantu nations often 
 exhibit so great a likeness that to distinguish them by their physical
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 323 
 
 peculiarities is scarcely possible. Second, language does not sen-e as a 
 distinction. Vidal, Bleek, Norris, and other competent students of the 
 African languages and peoples number the languages along the Old 
 Calabar River and the Yoruba, the Ashantee, even the Bullom and other 
 tongues of the coast of Sierra Leone, among the Bantu languages, and 
 consequently the inhabitants among the Bantu nations. 
 
 Language. — An investigation of the Tinine language (Sierra Leone) 
 and of the Ashantee dialects shows the same structure in them as in those 
 of Congo and Mozambique. In the Odshi, which is spoken by the Ashan- 
 tees, we find the same division of substantives into certain classes, the 
 first consisting of collective words, the second comprising individuals, 
 either neuter and inanimate or personal and animate; and these classes 
 are distinguished by certain prefixes, and prefi.xcs also form the plural of 
 each of the classes mentioned. Tluis, cn-sit is "water;" cn-iakua^ "tuft 
 of hair;" cm-pabua, " a pair of sandals;" a-fafanto^ "butterfly;" a-g-va, 
 "chair;" o-g-vaii^ "sheep;" o-bcrre, "woman;" f«- is at tlie same time 
 the plural form for (grammatically) inanimate objects: en-gzca, "chairs;" 
 em-fafiuito, "butterflies;" while the class with the prefix o forms the 
 plural with ^, thus a-herrc, "women." 
 
 The tenses also are formed by prefixes which come immediately after 
 the pronoun: nii-fco, "I walk," but 'w- ^a- ^/co, "'I "have (sign of the 
 perfect tense) •''walked." The structure of the Bantu verb is exactly like 
 this: 'AY- ^me- ^penda, "'I ^have (sign of the perfect ten.se) 'loved." The 
 addition of various suffixes to the noun (for instance, to form diminuti\-es) 
 and to the verb (for the formation of cases, etc.) is in the Od.shi much the 
 same as in the Bantu tongues; and if we find no likeness of roots in these 
 two districts, this is of no significance in the ethnologic relation of lan- 
 guages, as we have already explained. The original connection of the lan- 
 guages is only removed to an earlier period. Thus it seems that we ought 
 to assume with Bleek a relation between the Odshi and the Bantu lan- 
 guages. 
 
 The Ehwe language along the vSlave Coast and the Yoruba are rather 
 closely related to the Odshi, while the Yoruba exhibits the same phe- 
 nomena as the Odshi. We find in the Ehwe the same fundamental traits, 
 but undeveloped: the nouns are distinguished from the verbs by a vowel 
 prefix, a or e, between which no definite distinction can be made. Many 
 additions are made in forming substantives, and suffixes are also of import- 
 ance in the formation of verbs. Almost all the forms of the languages of 
 Soudan — the Vei, the Maude, etc. — are by suffixes, so that the languages 
 of this territory', in contrast with the .soiithern//-r/f.r languages, have been 
 called st/J/Jx languages. The Ehwe exhibits the peculiarities of both. 
 
 The u.se of prefixes to form .substantives is found in other Central- 
 African languages, as in the Yolof in Senegambia, and also in tlie east, 
 in the Kauuri in the northern and western vicinity of Lake Chad, where 
 abstract words (and, as in. the Bantu languages, the so-called infinitive) 
 are formed by prefixes, the same languages having a number of other
 
 324 ETHXOGRAPIIY. 
 
 forms willi suffixes. The employment of prefixes is found at various 
 places in Soudan, but it lacks one trait which unites the Bantu languages 
 and forms their vital principle: the agreement of these prefixes in the 
 forms of words logically belonging together, the adjective and the verb 
 taking the same prefix as the noun. 
 
 It looks as if the South-African languages had separated from the 
 Negro tongues by making the prefixes and their grammatical agreement 
 the predominant trait of their languages, while the languages of Soudan 
 sliow only germs of such formation. Certainly such languages as the 
 Odshi, Yoruba, Bullom, and Timne are intermediate between the Negro 
 and Bantu stocks. 
 
 We can thus determine the Negro district on the south: those nations 
 in whose languages the syntax is based on the agreement of the prefixes 
 belong to the Bantu stock, and those whose languages do not show this 
 agreement, even though they otherwise make use of the prefixes, belong 
 to the Negroes. 
 
 It is far more difl[icult to draw the boundary of the Negro territor}' on the 
 north and east. Even in historical times the Negroes have occupied tracts 
 of land more to the north than at present: we find them spread throughout 
 the oases of the desert as far as to the Atlas Mountains, from which they 
 were gradually driven by Berber tribes. The Tedas (Tebus, Tibbus), a 
 Negro tribe, have maintained their place as far north as Fezzan even to the 
 present day. Naturally, as a consequence, intermixtures of various kinds 
 have occurred in the north, even with the Arabian conquerors. Toward 
 the east the Negroes come in contact with the Nubian, the Abyssinian, 
 and the Galla nations. What makes an ethnological division so diffi- 
 cult on this side is the gradual passing over of one national type into 
 the other. 
 
 The boundaries are vague or entirely absent. This holds good as to 
 the physique, as to customs and usages (comp., for instance, pi. 92, _/?f. 20; 
 pl- ^%fiS- 2, with pi. H.fig. 2; pi. ?>6,fig. 2; //. 100,/^. I, with pi. 98, 
 Jig. 6, and pi. 100, Jig. 5), and as to language. Some of the Central- 
 African idioms show much similarity to those of North-east Africa, even 
 with the Semitic languages. To this, for exainple, belong the manner in 
 which the personal pronoun is inseparabh- prefixed to the verb in the 
 Hausa, Kanuri, and Tibbu, and the suffixing of the pos.sessive pronoun 
 and the union of the pronominal object with the verb: for example, in 
 Hausa: "■ Kancn-- ta^ya-^ tajji, "= Her 'brother ('he) Svalked;" ^Na--ba- 
 ^ ka., '"I ^give ^to you." It is still more striking that in the Kanuri and 
 the Tibbu the sign of the person of independent verbs is /;'^'fixed in the 
 third person, but otherwise .y?//'fixed: Kanuri, ^ A7idi'^di-^yen., "'We "do 
 (-'we);" however, ^ Nandi-tsa-^di-n, "'They f they-) Mo." 
 
 The Hausa makes even a precise distinction as to gender, and has dif- 
 ferent fonns in the second and tliird persons of the verb for the masculine 
 and feminine subject: goba, "he gives;" taha, "she gives." However, 
 these tongues so closely coincide in their most important traits with the
 
 ETIIXOGRAPIIY. 325 
 
 remaining- Nes:ro idioms that they cannot be separated from them. The 
 strangest transitions are found toward the north-east, and they are very 
 difficult to explain. 
 
 But this is not all. In the interior of Soudan we find a number of 
 tribes which, related among themselves, are very unlike the Negroes in 
 their physique, and are distinguished from them by all writers. These 
 are the Fulah, Pul, Peul (//. ^i.figs. 6, 7, 10, 11), who are called Fellani 
 in Hausa, Fcllatah in Bornu (//. <^2,fig. 3), and Fulah in Mandingo: pul 
 means "light brown" — therefore pitl-be ox ful-be, "the brown ones" — 
 and from these plural forms the above names have been derived. 
 
 The Fulah dwell along the middle and upper part of the Senegal and 
 the Gambia, from Futa-Toro to Futa-Jalon; they have spread through the 
 districts between the great curve of the Niger as far as Timbuctoo, also 
 from the district of Yoruba throughout Hausa, where they are verj' power- 
 ful, as also in Bornu. They extend to Adanuxwa south of the Benue and 
 to Waday; their extreme eastern point is Darfur, perhaps even some tracts 
 on the White Nile. Consequently, wherever we find Negroes we also have 
 the Fulah; and it is natural that we should find many transitional forms 
 between them and the Negroes proper as the results of intermingling. 
 
 But it becomes more difficult to comprehend that gradual transition 
 between the Negro and Fulah types should be observed where the Fulah 
 live without intermingling, and that some unmixed Negro tribes should 
 resemble them in stature and color. Here language must pronounce the 
 decision. Their tongue is remarkable. We find again the prefixing of 
 dependent pronouns to the verb, and the annexing of suffixes to denote 
 the tense: ^Mciion ^juin-^nycuna, "'//<? ^(we-) ^eat;" nyavi-i is the past 
 tense. Even traces of distinction of genders are noticeable in the verb 
 (Barth). 
 
 It is noteworthy that the nouns are divided into classes by means of 
 suffixes, and this division is made according to their meaning: the stiffix 
 urn distinguishes objects, o persons, /;- places where something is enacted, 
 am liquids, etc. ; for instance, ^^'W-zrw, "thing;" gitdc-o, "thief;" dcntrg- 
 ir-dc^ "place for reading," "school;" nd'iani^ " water;" vcbbam^ "melted 
 butter." This similarity between the languages of the Fulah and of the 
 Bantu becomes the more surprising from a kind of concordance between 
 the noun and the adjective; adjectives relating to persons end in 0; if they 
 relate to an animal, the termination is git or da ; if to a liquid, they er.d 
 in daw: ftedo /somdo, "the quick man;"/>///.w /.w;;f^«, " the fast horse;" 
 vdiyam guldam^ "warm water." Though the cfl!brt for a similarity of 
 sotind may have contributed to this concordance or have been its cau.<:e 
 (Barth\ nevertheless language has formed of it a grammatical principle, 
 as is evident from the fact that in the adjectives some of the suffixes may 
 become prefixes; ncdo vio-kullul, "the timid \\\m\-^'' putsu gu-kaide tsoidr^ 
 " the fleet horse." The plural of the nouns has countless ."^uffixes, with 
 wliich the adjectives nuist always agree; here the endeavor to mark the 
 plural by a change in the first sound is perceptible, just as in the Bantu
 
 326 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 
 
 languages the first letter as well as the prefixes is changed; demmo-ico, 
 "fanner," plural rcm»io-hc ; gor-ko^ "woman," plural icor-bc. 
 
 The Fulali exhibits the same principles of construction as the Bantu 
 languages, but in the manner of the Soudan, not in the initial sound, but 
 in the suffix, the really formative element of the Negro languages, although 
 we here meet with the tendency to employ also the first sound, as we have 
 found it more developed in the other Negro languages. That the Fulah is 
 entirely a Negro language is apparent from its close relation to the tongue 
 of the Yolofs. This relation, if the various dialects of the Fulah and the 
 idioms related to the Yolof language be taken into consideration, extends 
 not only to the inner structure, but also to a large portion of the vocabu- 
 lary, which is not borrowed. Consequently, the Fulah are a Negro people. 
 
 We also find in the Fulah numerous points of contact with the eastern 
 languages; for instance, the Gal la. The formation of the passive voice is, 
 with the exception of the suffix, alike in both languages; indeed, all 
 Nesjro lansjiiaaes are verv much like the Galla in the formation of this 
 voice. The verbs and nouns, in the Galla as well as in all Negro lan- 
 guages, are so little separated that many of the roots can serv^e for both. 
 In the use, and even in the form, of the pronoun many points of agree- 
 ment are found; yet the Galla belongs to those languages which bear a 
 plain relation to the Semitic. We therefore repeat this important state- 
 ment: a precise delimitation of the Negro languages in an)' direction is 
 not possible. It may be added that these languages make frequent and 
 often odd use of reduplication, and that a negative verb is everywhere 
 found. 
 
 After these remarks we can draw a closer boundary around those peo- 
 ples whom we call Negroes, and at the same time class the Negro tribes 
 in groups. We have already drawn the southern boundary (p. 324). In 
 the north the boundary coincides as far as the thirtieth degree of longi- 
 tude with the border of the desert, to which the Negroes were forced to 
 retreat by^the Berber tribes. The latitude of about Timbuctoo, and a 
 line from the south-eastern curve of the Niger to Lake Chad, separate 
 the main mass of the Negroes from the North-African peoples. North 
 of this line there extends a broad tract inhabited by mixed tribes about 
 whose original nationality little can be decided. East of the thirtieth 
 degree the country of the Tibbus begins, extending as far as Fezzan, and 
 consequently far to the north. It is difficult to determine the eastern 
 boundary'. Darfur and Kordofan are still occupied by Negroes, who reach 
 the Blue Nile at Sennaar, and thence extend as far as Lakes Mwutan 
 (Albert Nyanza) and Ukerewe (Victoria Njanza). A line drawn from 
 here to Calabar separates them from the Bantu tribes, but on no side can 
 a distinct boundar}' be drawn. 
 
 Groups. — Among the Negro peoples individual groups can be dis- 
 tinguished, which we shall arrange principally with reference to their 
 language, retaining as much as possible the names given by Koelle: 
 
 (i.) The Ailanlic Group, which comprises the north-western coast
 
 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 327 
 
 inhabitants, the nations of the coast of Guinea, and the tribes of the 
 Niger Delta. Among the north-western peoples the following are the 
 principal: The Sarrars (Serercs) on Cape Verde; on the lower Gambia 
 the Feloops (Aiamat); south of these, to the Rio Grande, the Filhavi and 
 Biafadas iyoSxoX'ds)-^ the Papch (Maniagoes) on the Bissagos Islands; the 
 Balanlcs in the interior, east of the Tcholas; on the coast south of the 
 Rio Grande the Nalas, the Tiapis, and the remnants of the Banyiins, 
 who lived on the Gambia two hundred years ago; and finally, on the 
 Sierra Leone, the Bii/Ioiiis and the Tinincs. 
 
 Of the tribes on the Guinea coast, the most important are the Krus on 
 the Pepper Coast, the Avckvoms and the Gnbos, the tribes speaking the 
 Odshi language, the Aslia>ilrcs^ the Faiitis, the Akras (using the Gha 
 language), and others; the tribes speaking the Eh we language, the 
 Da/iomans \\\i\\ their divers dialects and tribes; and, finally, the Yoritba 
 tribes, the Aku (5f Koelle, to whom belong the Igaras south of the conflu- 
 ence of the Benue, the Nupis (Nuffi) on the north, and perhaps also the 
 Ibos of the Niger Delta, but these are more distantly related; also the 
 Yalas, Alan, Bimbias, and others at the same place. In the languages 
 of all these tribes the characteristic trait of the grammatical structure is 
 the change of the prefixes. 
 
 (2.) Tlic Peoples of the Eastern Plateau 0/ Soudan, who dwell north of 
 the Dahomey and Yoruba, extending to the right bank of the Niger, are, 
 as far as the vocabulary of their language is considered, related to the 
 Yorubas. But as the structure of their languages (they seem to employ 
 the suffixes for the grammatical formation of speech) is too little known, 
 it will be well to treat of them at present as an independent group, whose 
 chief tribes are the Tiii/ibas (Tombo), the Moses, the Gurmas to the east as 
 far as the Niger, and south of these the Legbas and Kiambas. The Tunibos 
 border on 
 
 (3.) The Peoples of the Western Plateau of Soudan, the Afandingoes 
 (Mandcngas, Maude peoples), to whom belong the Sarakulcs (Serechules, 
 Serrakolets), the Mandingoes proper with their various divisions, the 
 Bambarras on the upper Niger, the Bavibukis on the upper Senegal, the 
 Kurankos and Susus, and finally, more to the west than the last-named 
 tribes, and dwelling on the coast between the Krus and the Bullom, the 
 I'ei, who moved thither from the interior plateau. 
 
 (4.) The Northern and Central African Negro Tribes fonn a group to 
 which belong the Yolofs (Wolofs) and the Fulah, also the Sonrhais, the 
 Hausas, the Kanuris, and, on the islands of Lake Chad, the Budunias, the 
 Tcdas, Tebus, or Tibbus, as well as the inhabitants of Logone, the Musgus, 
 the /rrt«rt'rt'/«.f (Mandaras), and the Bagirmis; perhaps also the tribes of 
 Adamazca, whose languages are as yet very little known; and finally all 
 those who speak the Maba dialects, as well as the inhabitants of Waday, 
 and perhaps also of Darfur. 
 
 As a matter of course, in so large a group subdivisions are formed; 
 thus, the Yolofs and I'tilah are closely related, and again the Kanuris,
 
 328 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Tibbus, and Bnduinas; but the language of the latter has been preserved 
 quite independently and in its ancient form. Also those tribes belong 
 more closely together whom Earth calls the Massa tribes — the Logoue, 
 Wandala, l\Iusgu, Batta, and Marghi. 
 
 Connected with this division are the numerous small tribes lately 
 united, in theory at least, under one government to form the so-called 
 "Congo Free State," as laid out by Mr. Henry !\I. Stanley. Of these, 
 the Mussitrongos^ Basiutdi, and Zombos occup}' the banks of the Congo 
 near its mouth; the Balcke and Mhe^ the region around Stanley Pool; 
 the Mayakiilia, the shores of the Kuango River, an important tributary 
 of the Congo; while the upper waters of that stream itself are peopled 
 by numerous detached tribes, of whom we may name the Balui, the 
 Bakuti, the IVatica^ the Bolotnbo, etc. 
 
 It is unusual to class into one group the peoples we have mentioned 
 under No. 4, but we are authorized in doing it, because all their lan- 
 guages show a similarity which does not result from borrowing. Thus, 
 for example, the personal pronoun is of the same or similar origin in 
 them all, dissimilar as they may appear at first sight. All coincide in 
 the structure of the verb, prefixing to the verbal root an abbreviated form 
 of the personal pronoun, which is preceded by the independent pronoun 
 or the subject; for instance, Fulah, ^ kan-^ ko-^o-^nyami^ '"he^eat;" Son- 
 rliai, '^auga-ta ^a-'gna; Hausa, '^ya-^tsiox ^ si-^ ya-^ tsi^ where jz', the ordinary 
 pronoun for the third person masculine gender, precedes the dependent 
 pronoun, just as it is invariably correct to say, yaro ya-tsi^ "boy he-ate," 
 "the boy ate;" Kanuri, ^ si- tsu-^ bit ; Tibbu, ^ vie-re ^kc-^bu; Logone, 
 ^ iii'^ )ia--zii)n (compare '«i'-'«-"^/w, "he loves," where we have, besides «/, 
 a as an inseparable pronoun); Wandala, ^ a-''-za ba-nganc^ which fonna- 
 tion deviates a little in the independent pronoun ba-itganc^ "he," being 
 at the end; Bagirmi, ^ ne-^ n-^ sa-ga {ga is the designation of the aorist); 
 and Maba, ^ ti^ ti-^ nya-re^ re again denoting the aorist. The roots nya^ 
 gna, tsi, 21C-W, sa, are originally alike, as >/y in some of the languages is 
 exactly the same as is or z of others. This fonnation of the verb is 
 found neither in the languages of the Maude people nor in those of the 
 Atlantic tribes. 
 
 (5) T/ic Negroes of /he Region of the Nile, south of Kordofan to the 
 Equator, the most northern of whom probably are the Shangol (Shan- 
 gallas), as the extreme north-eastern part of Dar-Fertit is, in consequence 
 of the continual .slave-trade, depopulated. It is difficult to define how 
 far to the north-east the Negroes are spread. No doubt more than one 
 Negro tribe may be found there; but as only the most minute linguistic 
 study can decide as to the relations of such fragments, we will leave this 
 difficult question unanswered. 
 
 A little to the south, on the Nile proper, we find the Shilhiks, next 
 the Nuers^ then the Dinkas or Dangehs with their diverse tribes and 
 dialects; after these the Elliabs (Kitsch or Kek) and others. To the east 
 of these, on the 8th degree of latitude, in the southern part of Dar-
 
 ETUXOGRAriiY. 3-9 
 
 Fcrtit, dwell the ugly Krrj tribes, who are called Fertit by the Furian 
 Negroes of Kordofaii; next, toward the south, the Golos and the Djurs; 
 then the Bongos, or Dohrs as the>- are called b>- the Dinkas, or O-bongs as 
 the Djurs name them. These latter, as well as the Devibos to the north 
 of them and the Bcllandas south of the Bongos, are migrated tribes of 
 tlie Shilluks. South of the Djurs, and living on the same degree of 
 latitude as the Bongos, we find the Niam-Niavi, or Sandclis; more to the 
 south, around Lake Albert Nyanza, the Moiibultiis and Akkas. These 
 are the most important of the eastern Nile tribes, the most southern of 
 which .Schweinfurth has made known to us. 
 
 According to language, all these tribes belong together, some closely, 
 others more remotely. The Shilluk and Dinka languages form larger 
 groups; it has also been asserted that there are two main divisions, the 
 northern of which comprises the languages around the Dinkas, the southern 
 the so-called Bari languages. We lack linguistic material to pronounce a 
 decision on this point. This much is certain, that the eastern languages 
 do not possess the ingenious construction of the -^erb of our preceding 
 division; they simply prefix the pronoun to the verb, as in the Atlantic 
 languages, and they also seem to coincide in their structure. 
 
 It is noteworthy that the language of the Bongos has a feminine, as 
 also that of their neighbors the Djurs; but the forms of these languages 
 are so independent that an influence of one on the other is not to be 
 thought of In this they are like the Logone and Hausa, which are 
 distingui.shed by the same peculiarity. The princijile of fonning the 
 feminine by the change of the vowels, and more rarely, but only in the 
 third person, by a change in the first sound, is common to all. Tlie 
 Dinka bears resemblance in its vocabulary to the western languages, 
 and has many other common properties with them. 
 
 Physical Characteristics of the Negro: Form and Cohr. — The true Negro 
 type is foiuid at but few places, and not universally. The dolichocephalic 
 head with the small globular forehead (//. 8g,fgs. 10-12; //. <^2>>/ig. 3) 
 rests on a thick fleshy neck and hangs a little forward, as the occipital 
 foramen is farther back than that of the European, while the spinal column 
 is straighter, because the pelvis is not curved toward the front, but is per- 
 pendicular. This ex]-)lai!is why the knees are gcucrall\' cur\cd, and why 
 the calves are far uj), iirojecting a little to the side, aiul not nnich dc\-cl- 
 oped. As the muscles of the upper leg arc also undeveloped, and the 
 legs are proportionately longer than those of Europeans, the stature of 
 the Negro appears slender. The pelvis, although broader than that of 
 the Bushmen, is comparatively narrow and small: Plate i {/ig- ii,c) shows 
 the outline of the pelvis of a Negress. 
 
 The foot is often flat, and the heelbone projects. Roth the upper ann 
 and the forearm, especially the latter, are longer than with Europeans; 
 the hands of the Negroes, according to measurements by Wcisbach, are 
 not extraordinarily long; the hardness of the palm of the hand is pro- 
 duced b}- the jicculiar formation of the skin. The skin is thick, on
 
 330 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 account of the abundance of papillce (//. i, yf^. 9), velvet-like, soft, and 
 always cool; in spite of its dark pigment, which varies from slate-color or 
 leather-brown to the darkest black, it is sensitive to the heat of the sun. 
 
 Hair. — Down is almost absent, and there is but little hair generally; 
 the beard grows late, and only about the mouth and chin (//. 93,7??". 3). 
 The hair of the head, invariably black and glossy, is distinctly marked, 
 well defined as to its limits, mosth' short, rather hard, and on account of 
 its close curl of a woolly appearance. Sometimes it grows in tufts, the 
 single tufts and strips being separated by bare spots, as is seen among 
 the South Africans. 
 
 Stature. — The stature is generally large, and not rarely attains a 
 height of 180 centimetres (70.87 inches); 160 centimetres (63 inches) is 
 the average height; but there are entire tribes, especially in the east, which 
 are much smaller — only 130 to 140 centimeters (51 to 55 inches). The 
 bones are thick and heavy, especially those of the skull, whose extreme 
 hardness makes it insensible to injuries which would be fatal to whites; in 
 quarrels the combatants not unfrequently butt each other with the head. 
 
 Brain., Skit/l-Forin, and Features. — The brain, although not the small- 
 est of the species, is inferior to that of the European both in size and in 
 the number of its convolutions. The form of the skull, the vertex being 
 highly curved, is hypsistenoeephalic (Welcker) ; the cheekbones project 
 broadly (//. '^^^figs. 10, 11); the jawbones are decidedly prognathic (//. 
 %(),Jigs. II, 12); the teeth, which are large and of an opaque white, are 
 inclined forward toward each other {pi. 89, Jigs. 10, 12). The chin is 
 broad (//. Sg, _/ig. 10), but not very long (//. 8g, Jig. 12). The eyes are 
 narrow (//. gi, Jig. i), the iris black, the white is yellowish (reddish) and 
 dim; the auricles of the ear stand away from the head and are flat and 
 large; the fleshy nose is broad and flat, with wide nostrils; the mouth is 
 everted, the thick lips project (comp. p/. 91, _^gs. i, 9; pi. 93, ^g. 3) and 
 are of a reddish-brown color. 
 
 /nterming/ings. — This type — which, as Waitz says, would appear to 
 many Negro tribes of finer physique as a caricature of them.selves — is, 
 according to the statement of most writers, the true type of the Negroes, 
 on which the better forms have been ingrafted by means of commixtures. 
 But this is certainly an erroneous opinion. We find the type as described 
 in the lowlands along the coasts and in the swampy regions of the inte- 
 rior: on the coast, for instance, among the Papel, the Feloops, the Susns, 
 the Ashantees, the Fantis, the inhabitants of the Niger Delta, and those 
 at the mouth of the Calabar; in the interior among a few Mandingo 
 tribes, the tribes on the lower Niger, and many tribes on the White 
 Nile, among the Dinkas, the Shilluks (//. g6,Jg. 2), the Nuers (//. 97, 
 _fig. 5), the Elliabs, the Baris (//. 94, _pgs. 4, 6), etc. Where the Negroes 
 dwell in healthier, drier, and higher regions, where they and their civil- 
 ization are more developed, their type becomes better; and it must be 
 said that the tj'pe is more pronounced among the lower classes than among 
 the higher.
 
 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 331 
 
 If the cause of all modification lies in intenningling, then not only 
 on the northeni boundary-line, but in various places of this region, the 
 influence of foreign blood must have been such that it has entirely 
 changed the cliaracter of whole tribes. Such extended intermixtures 
 may have been possible among single princely families, but they were 
 in:possible among the whole nation, as is evident from the fact that with 
 some modifications it has retained its language, its customs, and all the 
 important features of its physical constitution. 
 
 The Berber tribes were by no means so far superior to the Negroes that 
 one could infer an intellectual subjugation of the Negroes to them. The 
 physical transformations are not great enough to confinn such a supposi- 
 tion. Besides, the tribes in the lowlands of the coast were also exposed 
 to intermixtures, and yet they have preserved their original type. 
 
 Consequently, intermingling is not the cause of the modification of 
 type: it rather seems to be a kind of arrest of development caused by 
 unfavorable geographical conditions. Where the surroundings are more 
 favorable it appears in a milder form. 
 
 Dcviatiojis in Form. — Most of the Mandingoes are of fine stature, large 
 and vigorous, but their features are of the Negro type. The glossy black 
 Yolofs are of fine stature and regularly-shaped face, with but a faintly 
 pronounced Negro t}-pe {pi. ^%fig- 2); and similar statements are made 
 about the Atlantic tribes — ^about the A.shaulccs (//. <^i,/ig. i), the Vorubas, 
 etc. Of the northern and central nations we pass over the Sonrhais, as 
 they have intermingled greatly, but the Hausas and some tribes of the 
 Bornuese are not ugly; still less so are the Tibbus, with the exception of 
 their southern tribes, which are extremely ugly. Great differences are 
 also seen in the east: Plate 91 {fg. 9) shows a finely-fonned Baginni 
 Negro, and in the regions of the Nile the northern tribes are distinguished 
 by elegant slcnderues.s, the Niam-Niam {pi. 95,7?^. i) and the Monbuttu 
 by a lower-set figure and good faces, the Akka {pi. <)J,/'g- 4) by a miser- 
 able dwarfishness. 
 
 It is worth)- of especial \\o\.c that the Niam-Niam, the Bongos, and per- 
 haps also the Krej, do not show a dolichocephalic, but rather a brachy- 
 cephalic, shape of the skull; the latter is also ibuud among some Atlantic 
 and Mandingo tribes. Not only do the Sarakulcs, some Sonrhai tribes, 
 and the Tibbus have long hair falling down to the back of the neck, and 
 much straighlcr than Negro hair usually is, but also the Wandala and many 
 of the eastern tribes — for instance, some of the Shillnks, the Niam-Niam, 
 and their neighboring tribes, with whom certainly no intenningling can 
 be thought of, tlie Monbuttus, and others. The eastern nations have a 
 more abundant beard than the western. Among the Akkas (//. 97,7/4''. 4), 
 the western Wandalas, Bagirmis (//. <)i,fig. 9), and others the eyes are 
 widely opened; aquiline noses occur among the Monbuttus, and arc men- 
 tioned in connection with the Bambarras, the Sonrhais, the Fanti.s, and 
 many of the Vorubas in the west. The women are mostly smaller than 
 the men (//. 94,y/i,^ 4; pi- 9(>,/ig- 2); the build of the breast is like that
 
 332 ETHXOGRAPHY. 
 
 of the South- African tribes {pi. <^\, fig. 4; //. '^^^ fig- 2; //. ^% fiig- 2), and 
 in tlie east of the district not only the large development of the haunch is 
 seen, but also an analogue to the "Hottentot apron." The Negroes gener- 
 ally sit in a crouching position (//. 93,7?^. 6; pi. <^\^fig. 6; //. ()(>■, fig- 2); 
 in order to rest they often stand on one foot, as the youth on Plate 96 {fig. 
 2, to the left). 
 
 Variations in (he Color of the Skin. — The color of the skin varies. 
 INIany of the Mandingoes and many individuals among the Atlantic tribes 
 are dark brown; the Ibos, yellow brown; the northern Tibbu tribes, cop- 
 per or dark brown; and many tribes in Adaniawa, reddish-brown. Accord- 
 ing to Schweiufurth, all the eastern tribes have a more or less reddish tint, 
 though the skin be dark; thus the Furians are black with a reddish hue, 
 also the Dinkas, but especially the Bongos, Mittus, Niam-Niam, and Krej, 
 who often are light, even to a reddish-brown. Schweinfurth discovers in 
 this reddish tint of the skin a mark distinguishing the Negroes from the 
 North Africans, whose skin often shades from a yellow ground-color, 
 instead of a red one, into darker tints, and even into black. The Akkas 
 and many of the Wonbuttus are of a faint coffee-brown; even the hair, 
 although short and woolly among the Akkas, is frequently of a brownish- 
 or grayish-blond color. 
 
 We may class the Fulali among the Negroes, as in physical peculiarities 
 they are not strikingly different, especially from the eastern Negroes, and 
 from the east the Fulah came to the country of the Yolofs, which is their 
 chief habitat in the west. The color of their skin, mostly of a reddish- 
 brown, becomes light, sometimes even a leather-yellow, but not unfre- 
 quently darkens through a coffee-brown to an ebony-black. 
 
 The hair of their head, although not rarely woolly, is generally less 
 frizzled and also longer than the Negro hair, and they wear it in curls or 
 artistically arrange and braid it about the head {pi. ()j.,figs. 6, 7, 10, 11). 
 Aquiline noses frequently occur, also large, widely-opened eyes, as a con- 
 sequence of which their features often do not seem Negro-like, although 
 the mouth remains large. But all these traits we found among the 
 Negroes. Though other ethnologists pronounce the Fulah to be "an 
 intermediate form between Negroes and Arabians and Berbers," it is more 
 correct to assume them to be a Negro people without pronounced Negro 
 peculiarities. Their voice is praised, while among the NegToes, in both 
 the east and west, the voice is weak, indistinct, and shrill. 
 
 Disfigurement of the Body. — The hair of the body is generally removed 
 by the Negroes; the incisor teeth are extracted among some tribes at the 
 time of manhood {pi. ^(), fig- 10), among others only filed to a point; the 
 ear-lobes (sometimes also the interior of the auricle, as among the Mon- 
 buttus) are mostly pierced {pi. 97, fig. 5) — among the women of the Bam- 
 barra and some tribes of the interior (IMarghi, Musgu) the lips also — in 
 order to place a plug of wood, a stone, or a piece of metal in them (//. 92, 
 fig. 14; pi. <^% fig. 2); both lips, or the upper lip in the manner of the 
 Manganyas {pi. 89, fig. 2), are disfigured b}- the women of the Mittu and
 
 ETIIXOGRAPIIY. m 
 
 other tribes of the Nile, while others again bore rows of holes in the upper 
 lip, the edge of the auricle, and even the outside of the nose, in order to 
 put short straws into the openings. Circumcision is practised frequently 
 in the west, but not by all nations; in the east it is not at all found among 
 the tribes of the Nile, but the Monbuttus and some smaller tribes related 
 to them practise it; almost all make scars or certain tattoo-marks (the lat- 
 ter never very extensive) on their heads or bodies, which serve as tribal 
 marks. According to Schweinfurth, the Bongos pierce the skin of the 
 belly at the navel and place in it a small piece of wood or a plug. 
 
 Hair-Dressing. — The hair is frequently cut short or shaved, often only 
 a crown of hair remaining (//. 88, yf^. 19; pi. <)^,fig. 4), and sometimes it 
 is entirely removed (/>/. 93, Jig. 3); or it is worn in the oddest manner — 
 sometimes in long thin curls, sometimes like a helmet-crest on the top 
 of the head (//. <)T„yig. 6, the sitting figure to the right) or standing out 
 like a broad halo all around the head (p/. g6,yig. 2), or, as among the 
 Niam-Niam, braided up over large wheel-like wooden frames, and among 
 the Monbuttus drawn up over a cylindrical wooden frame and braided in 
 fine strings, often mixed with false hair about the forehead, etc. It is 
 also decorated with feathers (//. 93,7?^. 6), bushes of plumes of various 
 kinds, with ribbons, beads, with caps laced with beads (//. 94, _/?^i. 4, 6; 
 p/. C)y,y/g. 5, to the right), and in the east it is not unfrequently dyed red 
 by means of cow's urine. 
 
 Costume. — In tho.se regions where the Negroes live without contact with 
 European or Semitic civilization they wear but little clothing, the men 
 often only a small loin-cloth, or, as among many tribes of the east (Nuer, 
 Djur, Shilluk, Dinka, and others, //. 94, fig. i), they are entirely naked. 
 But also among them the nobles and the rich sometimes wear a loin-scarf 
 as a decoration. The unmarried women of these tribes are also frequently 
 nude (Marnos, //. 99, fig. 2), but the married women wear almost ever>-- 
 where either a wrap of skins about the hips or a bunch of leaves both in 
 front and back; among the Monbuttus the aprons of the women are very 
 scant, 1))it they always carry a strip of bast with them which they throw 
 over their laps in sitting down. The Monbuttu men cover themselves 
 with bark substances, those of the Niam-Niam with hides. Some of 
 the eastern nations — as the Niam-Niam, for instance — paint their entire 
 bodies red or white (//. 94,7??-. 4, middle), or in stripes or designs. In 
 Central Africa, Mohammedan attire made of cotton materials is worn; in 
 the west, either this or a more or less European dress, or the primitive scarf, 
 forms the attire (//. ()i,fiigs. 3-7, 10, 11; //. <)2,figs. 1-3, 20; //. 93,/ir-f- 
 1, 2, 4, 5; //. 99, fig. 2, the women to the left). 
 
 Ornamculs.—The: dress is decorated with various kinds of ornaments, 
 which are worn principally by the men— hides thrown about the shoul- 
 der.s, long hanging tails of animals (//. ()\, fig. i, middle figure), strings 
 of beads around the neck and brea.st, necklaces of teeth or of bufialo 
 leather, and bracelets and anklets of metal (//. 88,/?-- IQ! P'- 94. /.e^. 4. 
 6) or of ivor>' {pi. ^S.fig. 2; //. 97^fS■ b)- 0^^^" ^hcy wear a row of
 
 334 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 sucli things around the arm or leg (/>/. 9^, Jig- 6); these are not rarely 
 welded on, and are sometimes of a great weight. The- Monbuttus wear 
 similar heavy rings about the neck. Their ornaments are a source of 
 great pleasure to the Negroes, and in some places there are rules in this- 
 line as to what appertains to each rank. The Negroes are not more 
 vain than any other people in a state of nature, only they give a more 
 lively utterance to their pleasure. 
 
 Building. — The housebuilding of the Negroes is very uniform: on a 
 cylindrical foundation of clay or plaited work, the latter being generally 
 cemented with clay on the inside, rests a pointed or conical roof which is 
 braided of straw or palm-leaves, generally overlapping. The shape of the 
 roof, which is often decorated, as among the Niam-Niam, varies: some- 
 times it is rather flat (//. 9% Jig. 2), then again pointed (//. 92)., Jig- 6, 
 background) or round (//. 94, fig. 6). The houses have but one door 
 and no windows: the door is often so low that the inhabitants must 
 crawl through it; consequently, the interior is full of smoke and bad 
 air, but it is generally clean. The fuel in many places consists of dried 
 cow-dung. 
 
 The Monbuttus arrange a seat on the central pillar of the house where 
 it projects above the roof. Among the Monbuttus, Schweinfurth saw 
 artistically-built halls one hundred feet in length, forty feet high, and 
 fifty feet broad. In the west, among the Ashantees, artistic buildings 
 are found. It is well known that cities of from ten to eighty thousand 
 inhabitants exist in the northern Negro countries. They are built in the 
 Mohammedan style of architecture, and are fortified with walls, gates, 
 and strong castles. The dwelling-houses are constructed of air-dried 
 bricks. Some nations — for instance, the Krus — build their houses on 
 piles; by others only the granaries or the smaller huts in which they 
 sleep are constructed in that manner {pi. 90, figs. 10, 11). 
 
 The huts are frequently collected into villages (//. 92, fig. 20; //. 93, 
 fig. 6, a Fulah village); in the less civilized regions they are located 
 together on farms or in small hamlets. The farm premises generally con- 
 tain several huts — one for the master of the house, others for the women, 
 others for the animals; among the Niam-Niam and other tribes one for the 
 immature boys, who sleep together, and smaller ones for the storage of 
 grain, etc. The smaller towns and villages are often fortified with walls 
 or palisades (//. 92, fig. 20); often the villages have a separate fort, such 
 as we met with in South Africa, which serves as a residence of the 
 chief {pi. 90, fig. 9). In many Negro villages in the east and west 
 there are secluded privies or ditch-like sewers. The household goods are 
 simple. The family sleep on the floor, blocks of wood serving as pillows; 
 the nobles both in the east and west have chairs or .stools {pi. 89, fig. 7); 
 the weapons, pots {pi. 92, fig. 18), or whatever else they may possess are 
 kept either in or in front of the house. 
 
 Farm Buildings. — Plate 99 {fig. 2) shows the farm of a chief of the 
 Mu.sgus in Central Africa: the bell-shaped buildings to the right and in
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 335 
 
 tlie bacTcgronnd, constructed, as well as the enclosing wall, of clay, are 
 granaries, which are bnilt in a great variety of shapes (//. 90, fig. 10). 
 On all the farms we also find open sheds, under which the inhabitants 
 cook, tie their cattle, sit and talk, etc. (comp. pi. 92, fig. 20; pi. 99, fig. 
 2); and the village of Fernando Po (//. 90, fig. 7) is composed entirely 
 of such protecting roofs. The semi-globnlar huts so frequently met with 
 in South Africa are rarely found here, but we see them in Soudan (//. 92, 
 fig. 20), and also on the upper Nile. 
 
 Agriculture and Iiiiplcincn/s. — Immediately about the villages are the 
 fields and plantations. All Negro peoples are agriculturists, some to a 
 greater extent than others. Farming is rarely conducted by the men, 
 generally by the women and children or the slaves. The implement 
 most frequently used is a hoe {pi. 88, fig. 19, background). This hoe is 
 a very useful tool and fully suffices for the tropic soil of Africa (Waitz). 
 In the west, w^here the art of transplanting is known and the fields are 
 drained, ploughed regularly, and weeded, the Sarrars, Krus, many of the 
 Mandingoes and Fulali, arc the best agriculturists; in the cast the Bongos, 
 Shilluks, and Mittus. 
 
 Plant-Prodticts. — The chief nutritive plant from Cape Verde to the 
 White Nile is the doura {Sorg/nini); other grains are rice on the western 
 coast (Sarrar, Kru), and maize almost everywhere. Other plants are beans, 
 groundnuts {Arac/u's), the manioc, batatas, yams, a species of Arum the 
 root-bulbs of which are edible, bananas, sugar-cane, various members of the 
 gourd family, and two kinds of tobacco — Nicoliana rustica and N. labacutn. 
 In the west they successful!)' grow cotton as a fibre-plant, and,on the upper 
 Nile a species of fig the bark of which is used for dress materials. Flowers 
 are also cultivated here and there in the vicinity of the houses. It is 
 strange that of all the most important nutritive plants scarcely any 
 originated in Africa: sorghum, millet, rice, batatas, and arum originated 
 in A.sia; arachis, manioc, and tobacco in America (Decandolle). 
 
 Stock-Raisiug. — Stock-breeding is not so actively pushed b\- the Ne- 
 groes as by the nations of South Africa, but the Nuers and Diukas carr\' 
 it on as zealously as the Hottentots. Cattle belonging to the Zebu race in 
 the east, goats and sheep among the Niam-Niam and in the west, are the 
 domestic animals, besides dogs and chickens. The fact that the latter 
 are not found among the Nuers and Dinkas is based on such regulations of 
 food as we have hitherto frequently found. The flesh of these animals is 
 not so palatable as it is with us — a peculiarity met with in the cast as 
 well as in the west of this vast district. Swine are also raised. 
 
 The Dinkas do not kill any of their cattle, but they eat those that die; 
 they have great afTcction for their flocks, which constitute their pride, 
 their pleasure, and their greatest wealth. The cattle are well tended by 
 slaves, and when sick are kept in special houses. During the ni.qht they 
 are tied either in clo.se pro.ximity to the dwelling or in particular pens, 
 and are guarded by fires from being stolen, etc. Such care is rarely taken 
 in the west, where, however, the Krus and I\Iandingoes are quite able stock-
 
 336 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 raisers. The fact that the Fulah often lead a pastoral life and possess 
 great herds does not distinguish them from the Negroes, for we find the 
 same among the eastern tribes. Horses are plentiful only in Central 
 Africa (//. 91, Jig. 8; pi. 92, fig. 2; pi. 99, fig. 2), but everywhere they 
 are considered of great value. Bees are kept in the west (?iIandingoes) 
 and in the interior of Soudan (Musgus). 
 
 Food. — Thus the Negroes derive their food-supply principally from 
 agriculture and stock-raising. But they are fond of fish, which they 
 catch with spears (//. 93, fig. 6, the figures in the skiffs), with nets, or 
 with fish-baskets (//. 99, fiig. 2), and which are often eaten in a half- 
 decayed condition. Dog-flesh is everywhere an article of food. The 
 products of the chase are of importance, especially to such nations as have 
 no herds, and many wild plants and fruits are used. Prohibitions of 
 certain articles, such as we have seen among the eastern peoples in regard 
 to chickens (p. 335), are also numerous in the west, for entire tribes as well 
 as for individuals. 
 
 Grain and dried fruits are groiind between two stones in the manner 
 of the Bantu (comp. pi. 86, fig. 3), or are pounded in wooden mortars, 
 which either are portable (//. 99, fig. 2) or are constructed on the ground 
 in front of the houses, where the grain is also threshed on level floors. 
 The Negroes generally cook their food in earthen pots of various shapes 
 and sizes, in the manufacture of which they are skilful (//. 92, fiig. iS; 
 P^- 97) fig- 5i by the side of the sitting women); they generally eat from 
 wooden dishes which are sometimes flat, sometimes very deep: the girl on 
 Plate 99 ^fig. 2), standing by the side of the sitting woman, holds one in 
 her hand (comp. also //. 96, fig. 2 ; pi. 97, fig. 5). Meals are taken at 
 regular hours, the principal one being that of the evening; cleanliness, 
 and even some grace, prevail at eating. The Negroes in general eat 
 plentifully, but they are not voracious, and know how to content them- 
 selves with little. 
 
 Stiimilants. — In many places (for e.\ample, in the east) they have hardly 
 any salt, but they are not without stimulants. Aside from half-decayed, 
 piquant fish and the fruits like the kola-nut, which they chew, they 
 have palm wine, and they brew a kind of beer from grain. The Negroes 
 are fond of these beverages, and their festivities often become wild orgies, 
 but in general they are not addicted to drunkenness. The most import- 
 ant stimulant is tobacco, which, mi.xed with ashes or soda, they snuff or 
 chew, but most frequently smoke from long pipes made of clay, of th.e 
 stems of banana-leaves, or of iron. The size of the bowl varies (/>/. 93, 
 fig. 6; pi. ()6,fig. 2). 
 
 The Bari Negroes, the Nuers, Dinkas, and Shilluks, smoke from 
 enormous bowls, on the long stems of which a gourd filled with bast 
 figures as a mouth-piece {pi. 93, fig. 6, somewhat indistinct) : the bast, 
 which absorbs the nicotine, is afterwards chewed. They generally 
 smoke in company, passing the pipe after a few draughts, and even th.e 
 chewed bast. In the east the women also smoke passionately (//. 96,
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 337 
 
 fig. 2); in the west the :\Ianrlingoes do not smoke, as it is prohibited to 
 them and other nations (Waitz). 
 
 Industrial Arts. — The Negroes have considerable industrial ability. 
 We have already' referred to their manufactures of dress and pottery 
 (p. 312). They obtain salt, to them a valuable article, by evaporating 
 sea-water or by burning certain plants and lixiviating the ashes. Some 
 of the western tribes make their own gunpowder. Their housebuilding 
 is important; they also build bridges and dig wells; and the art of pro- 
 curing iron is known throughout the entire south. In the east and west 
 they erect small furnaces of clay, and use the style of bellows which we 
 have already seen (p. 313) in South Africa (//. 88, yf^. 19). They employ 
 heavy stones in the place of hammers (//. 88, ^fo-. 19). They manufacture 
 artistic articles — for instance, rings worn as ornaments. 
 
 A number of illustrations, further displaying their technical skill in 
 the various arts, will be obser\-ed on Plates 93, 91, 95, 96, and 97. Thus 
 on Plate 93 we see carpenters' tools {figs. 7, 8), an oil-jar {fig. 9), a stool 
 and bench {figs. 10, 11), a basket {fig. 12), and a large hut {fiig. 13), all 
 from the Monbuttus. On Plate 94 {fig. 2) is a similar dwelling of the 
 Dinkas, and Figures 5 and 7 are respectively a drum and a Avater-pitcher of 
 the same tribe; Figure 3 is a clay pipe-head of Golo manufacture. Plate 
 95 shows a variety of articles made by the Niam-Niam; Figure 2, a dagger 
 and sheath; Figure 3, a wooden vase; Figiire 4, a stringed musical instru- 
 ment; Figure 5, a pitcher; Figure 6, a box; Figure 7, an earthen flask; 
 Figure 9, a shield; Figure 10, a dagger; Figures 11, 12, swords. On th.e 
 same plate {fig. 13) are a basket from the Basuro country and {figs. 14, 
 15) a pipe and a musical instrument from the Mittus. On Plate 96 {fig. 
 3) are shown lance-heads from the Bongos, and Figures 4, 5, and 6 illus- 
 trate the construction of a furnace or smelting-oven among the Djurs. 
 A shovel and bracelet of native Djur manufacture are represented on 
 Plate 97 {figs. 6, 7), and on the same plate {fig. i) is a granary of the 
 Bongos; Figure 2, one of their furnace-bellows, and Figure 3, a carved 
 figure, such as they erect on graves. The almost nude man {fig. 4) is 
 an Akka warrior with bow, arrows, and lance. 
 
 Afoiicy. — Iron as well as copper bars frequenth- form a sort of money, 
 the iron (according to Schweinfurth) assuming in the east the shape either 
 of spear-points or of round disks with a handle. Silver money, and even 
 paper money, have been introduced. The cowries (small shell.s) have now 
 lost their significance, and are worn only as ornaments, but their scr%nng 
 for so long a time and in so important a measure as coin (see p. 116) 
 proves the mercantile spirit of the Negroes. All Negroes carry on trade 
 with great passion and still greater skill. Many tribes are not only adepts 
 in swinnning and diving, but carry on active communication by water; 
 and perhaps the Krus {crr7c) derive their name from their skill in naviga- 
 tion. Plate 93 {fig. 6) shows some fishing-skiffs of an eastern tribe. In all 
 these things the Fulah arc closely related to the Negroes. 
 
 Arts and A/i<sic. — Their artistic accomplishments are quite limited. 
 Vol.. I.— 22
 
 338 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Although some taste may at times be observed in their carvings and in 
 their buildings, it would be saying too much to assert that they have 
 accomplished anything in the plastic arts. Their dances, generally noc- 
 turnal and originally of a religious character, are mostly dissolute i^pL 94, 
 figs. I, 6). The dancers are fantastically attired, especially when they are 
 solo dancers, as is frequently the case: Plate 91 {fig. 5) shows one in half 
 mask. There are also jugglers and clowns. Their musical attainments 
 are of a higher order. They sing and play much, often for the sake of 
 the music alone, without any words. The musicians frequently dance 
 while playing (//. 93, fig. 4). Their music is mostly rude, especially at 
 their public festivities, which are described by witnesses as being conducted 
 with disorderly noise and wild screaming. But they have melodies for 
 songs and fixed rhythms, and exhibit great ability in learning music. 
 
 Alusical Instruments. — They have various harp- and lute-like instru- 
 ments (//. ^2., figs. 16, 17), besides the monochords {pi. <^2,fig. 12), which 
 remind one of the monochords of South Africa, and are, like them, vibrated 
 by blowing; they have also large wooden drums, kettledrums (//. 94,7?^. 
 i), flutes of various fonns {pi. 92, figs. 13, 15; pi. 93, fig. 4), trumpet-like 
 instruments {pi. <^^^fig. i), Pan's flutes, etc. Instruments similar to those 
 represented on Plate 83 {fig. i) are found in the west. 
 
 Literature. — Their poetry is not insignificant. Their epi-lyric eSu- 
 sions are mostly extemporary — among some tribes of the west there are 
 professional improvisators — and consequently are of no high order; but 
 they show the ability of the Negroes to conceive facts and subjective 
 experiences with a certain depth of feeling and to express them poetically. 
 Their lyrical stanzas, and above all their numerous and apposite proverbs, 
 are an evidence of this ability. The Negroes are fond of stories, and 
 especially fable-like narratives, which are far-spread and have a practical, 
 instructive conclusion. They also have fairy-tales, some of which Schon 
 relates; but a powerful and unchecked imagination inclines them to the 
 monstrous. 
 
 Family Life. — Passing to the family life of the Negro, we find the 
 same mixture of good-nature associated with vulgar selfishness which we 
 have so frequently noticed. Everywhere the wife is bought, everywhere 
 polygamy prevails, and only the ver\' poorest are satisfied with one wife. 
 The women generally have separate houses, and one of them, eitlier she 
 who was first married, or the one of highest rank, or the mother of the 
 principal heir, is considered the chief wife in the west as well as in Cen- 
 tral Africa. It is different in the east, where the women when old and 
 ugly are treated by the men as slaves, or at least are no longer visited, 
 and are replaced by yoiinger wives; but they still belong to the family of 
 the man who has purchased them. Sovereigns are obliged to take the 
 wives of their fathers, and often have a great number. 
 
 Sexual Relations. — Before marriage the sexes are permitted to have 
 free intercourse with each other, but there are tribes which are more strict 
 in this regard. In the east the women, with the exception of the impor-
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 339 
 
 tunate Monbtittu women, are well behaved, and even exhibit great reserve 
 (Schweinfurth). Adultery is criminal everywhere, and is either punished 
 b)' money-fines or by death. But of course the wife cannot call her hus- 
 band to account in like manner. Among some degenerated tribes prosti- 
 tution of the wife by her husband is frequent, and among the western 
 (coast) nations there are everywhere public women who give the money 
 they earn to their masters, and in Dahomey to the king. The Negroes 
 are a very sensual race. 
 
 Forjiis 0/ Marriage. — Engagements of marriage are made ver}' simph', 
 and declarations on the part of the man rarely meet with opposition. 
 Oftentimes children are engaged. Marriage is contracted without cere- 
 mony among some tribes (Gold Coast); among others (Mandingoes) the 
 groom arranges a festivity, the bride is wrapped over and over in the fes- 
 tive dress of white cotton, and she is conducted b\- the women with songs 
 and dances to her new hut. The purchase-money is delivered and the 
 bride handed over. Husband and wife have no property in common, 
 which is very significant in regard to inheritance. 
 
 Divorce. — Divorce is not much practised, from the fact that if the wife 
 leaves her husband she must return all the presents he gave for her, and 
 she must even pay for the children she takes with her ! On the other hand, 
 the husband on renouncing his wife loses all he paid for her. In spite of 
 the despicable degradation to which the Negro women are condemned, 
 individually they are not badly treated: they share in pleasures and fe.s- 
 tivities, often also in state affairs — for instance, among the Mandingoes — 
 and a Monbnttu princess in male attire marched at the head of her anny 
 to many a victory (Schweinfurth). Many of the Negroes love their wives, 
 as Schweinfurth relates about the Niam-Niam and others, and Bo.smann 
 about the Atlantic tribes. They are seldom treated with actual cruelty. 
 
 Births and Atlcndiug Ceremonies. — To be blessed with children con- 
 stitutes the greatest felicity of all Negroes. A woman who is for the first 
 time with child has to undergo peculiar ceremonies among the tribes of 
 the Gold Coast. She is conducted to the sea, while boys and girls throw 
 earth at her; there she bathes, and is consecrated b>- the priest. The 
 Negroes believe that the neglect of this ceremony would be punished by the 
 death of one of her relatives or of her child. Some tribes kill dcfonned 
 children and one of twins, or even both. On the other hand, children 
 generated in adultery or prostitution are received into the family without 
 any ado. After giving birth, while nursing, and during their periods the 
 women are considered unclean. The child is named immediately after 
 its birth, and often the name of the mother (Hausa, Sierra Leone) or of 
 different relatives, or the name of the day when it was born (Gold Coast) 
 or a reference to some important occurrence, is added. Additional names 
 are earned by brave deeds in war or in hunting. Subsequent children are 
 named by number, like the Roman Ouartus, Ouintus, Sextus. 
 
 Religious rites and festivities arc connected with the giving of the 
 name: others take place at the time of puberty, when the boys are circum-
 
 340 ETHXOGRAPHY. 
 
 cised, and they as well as the girls must participate, among some tribes, in 
 ceremonies which are kept secret. Circumcision is practised at the same 
 time on several youths, who then fonn a certain community: they have 
 an established costume (/>/. 83, fig. 7), go about from place to place sing- 
 ing and dancing, and are everywhere received and entertained with 
 honor. 
 
 The children are instructed in the arts of their parents in a perfunc- 
 tory manner, but among the IMandingoes and some of the Atlantic tribes, 
 according to Mungo Park's account, they receive regular lessons and are 
 taught to speak the truth. The Negroes have a passionate love for their 
 children, who are much attached to their parents, especially to the mother. 
 Chiding words addressed to the mother is the greatest insult that can be 
 offered a Negro. " Beat me, but do not rebuke my mother," said one of 
 Park's Negro servants (comp. p. 79). Inheritance is through the female 
 line. 
 
 Children obey their father, but do not love him as much as they do 
 their mother — a natural result of polygamy. The father has unlimited 
 power over wife and child, so that he may even sell them into slaver)-. 
 This is sometimes doue, but only in case of extreme necessity or where 
 all social relations have become completely demoralized by the slave-trade. 
 It should be borne in mind that in Africa slaves (at least when kept by the 
 Negroes) are not badly treated, and that consequently slaver}' does not 
 appear the greatest of all evils. It is an important distinction between 
 the Bantu and the Negroes that it is easy to speak of the former as a class, 
 but very difficult to do so of the latter. Almost ever}- tribe shows marked 
 dissimilarity both in custom and language to the neighboring tribes; and 
 as this holds good for the manner of contracting marriage, so it also holds 
 in political institutions. 
 
 Government. — We saw the father as the absolute master of the family, 
 and we see the king an absolute ruler over the state, which is entirely con- 
 structed on a family foundation. To him everything belongs; all subjects 
 are his slaves; he takes to wife whom he pleases; and his consent is 
 required for the marriage of his subjects. The greatest honors therefore 
 are paid to him; in fact, he is deemed a god. In the Niger Delta the 
 king's sleeping-place was kept secret, and on the inquir}- of Bosmann 
 (1700) as to its whereabouts, a Negro answered, "Do you know where 
 God sleeps? How then are we to know where the king sleeps?" He 
 always eats alone, and it is scarcely allowable to see him eat. The sub- 
 ject crawls up to him and kisses the dust, and to stand before him would 
 be a crime. In Waday the upper part of the body must be uncovered in 
 his presence, and the subjects must change their names if they resemble 
 his. His exterior is distinguished by great pomp: we see the sheik or 
 sultan of Bomu in complete Arabian attire on Plate 92 (^fig. i), his body- 
 guard in their strange garbs on Plate 91 {fig. 8) and Plate 92 {fig. 2). 
 The rider and horse (//. <)i,fig. 8) are armed with a thickly-plaited coat 
 of mail.
 
 ErilXOGRAPHY. 
 
 341 
 
 Each sovereign of any importance is supplied with similar guards, 
 and the monarch of the Gold Coast, although not very powerful, was 
 always accompanied by a bod}^guard, weapon-bearers, overseers of his 
 wives, and heralds: the latter, it seems, were individuals who, besides 
 announcing his arrival, also served as his interpreters, for the king speaks 
 to others, even to his subjects, only through interpreters. Whole liosls of 
 musicians, and sometimes the entire train of his wives, accompanied him. 
 The statements of Schweinfurth about the pomp and splendor of Munsa, 
 sovereign of the ]\Ionbuttus, are similar: in Benin the wives of the mon- 
 arch constituted his armed bodyguard and executed his penal judgments. 
 The same is the case in Dahomey. The palace, as in Dahomey and among 
 the Monbuttus, is frequently of great splendor. Some of these sovereigns 
 are distinguished by ceremonies only at festivities, while in every-day life 
 they associate with their subjects almost as though they were equals. 
 Their incomes consist of fixed duties or of taxes and presents, the last not 
 always voluntary. A sovereign without money has no power. Among 
 many of the Atlantic nations at the death of the king perfect anarchy 
 prevails until the new king — generally the son of the late king's sister, 
 for royalty is also almost universall)- inherited by female lineage — has 
 ascended the throne. We saw a similar usage in Polynesia (p. 201). 
 Pluman sacrifices are often offered at the king's grave. The Mexicans and 
 the Peruvians (pp. 228, 230) sacrificed human beings on all important 
 occasions. 
 
 The king is supreme judge, commander-in-chief, in some places — for 
 instance, among the Fulah — and also the highest priest. In several states 
 his power is somewhat limited by the subordinate chiefs, who constitute 
 the second rank in the state, and who are selected from the near relatives 
 of the king. The third rank is composed of the wealtln- merchants and 
 mechanics; the fourth of the people; and the fifth of the slaves. A 
 similar gradation of society is found among the western Fulah, but each 
 grade has its own villages. The smiths are a caste set apart, and among 
 tlie Bantu tribes and also among the Bambarras they elect the king; but 
 in some tribes they are held in dishonor. 
 
 These classes have developed differently in different states: in some 
 the power of the king has been weakened by them (Mandingocs, vSarrars, 
 some of the Feloops, the tribes of tlie Gold Coast, etc.); in others he is 
 absolutely supreme, as in Dahomey and among the Monbuttus; and in 
 still others, though he possesses supreme power, he is guided by the 
 nobility and the elders, who constitute his council, as in Hausa and in 
 Bornu. .\mong the Yolofs an annual court of censure, such as we have 
 seen among the Caffirs (p. 318), sits in judgment over him. The Krus are 
 governed by a council composed of the eldest member of each family — the 
 family is here the unit of society — and by a second council fonned of men 
 from the people, besides which there are four chief officials. 
 
 Fmis's and Piiuishmrnts. — The Negroes are eloquent and skilful in tlie 
 management of their lawsuits, the decision of which generally rests with
 
 342 ETIIXOGRAPHY. 
 
 the king. Even-thiug is vouched by witnesses, and there are established 
 penalties for almost every offence; even murder can be atoned by money, 
 and thus blood-revenge may be escaped. Failure or inability to pay the 
 fines is punished by slaverj*. Slavery is the usual mode of punishment, 
 though mutilation, and sometimes death (often in very cruel forms), are 
 inflicted. The punishment follows close upon the judgment. A\-arice, 
 which is a prevalent vice of the Negroes, has dictated many customs and 
 laws; it also renders the judges open to bribes. On the Gold Coast a 
 creditor unable to collect from his debtor may take by force the equiva- 
 lent of the debt from a third person, and leave the latter to recoup his loss 
 from the delinquent debtor. lu some Negro states there is a capable police 
 force, but usage, everywhere so powerful, is the best police. 
 
 Oaths and Ordeals. — The Negroes see in every misfortune only the 
 consequences of witchcraft, and therefore oaths, especially oaths of puri- 
 fication, are frequent. They adjure a god or a magician to punish them 
 if they lie (see p. i66). Ordeals are numerous, and consist in drinking 
 poison, touching some red-hot substance, swimming across rivers full 
 of crocodiles, etc. Of the secret societies, which act as executioners of 
 justice, we will treat on page 348, and merely remark here that the 
 bodyguard of the king of the Ashantees fonns a league of the faithful 
 who would sooner die than leave their master. 
 
 Weapons and Wars. — Wars are frequent and fierce. Let us first 
 consider the weapons — bows and arrows, spears, and a peculiar missile, 
 the trumbash — a name originating in Sennaar, but used iu Soudan 
 (Schweinfurth). 
 
 Bows and arrows., although not found among the Niam-Niam, the 
 Dinkas, and the Nuers, were, together with the spear, the most important 
 arms of the Negroes in ancient times. We find them among the Atlantic 
 peoples, the Fulah, the Mandingoes {pi. 91, Jig. 4), in Central Africa 
 among the Bornuese {pi. 92, fig. 6; pi. 93, Jig. 5), in Eastern Africa 
 among the Bari Negroes {pi. 88, fig. 19; //. 94, fig. 4) and the Akkas 
 {pi. 97, fig. 4). Generally both bows and arrows are very large, and the 
 points of the arrows, which differ in the different nations, are frequently 
 poisoned. The quivers are variously decorated {pi. 93, fig. 5, to the right; 
 P^- 94, fig- 4, to the left). 
 
 Spears. — In Kordofan the spears are poisoned. The points, fastened 
 to very long handles, also show a great variety of fonn, sometimes long 
 (//. 92, fig. 2), sometimes shorter, spatula- or arrow-shaped, barbed (//. 
 93> fiS- 5). or straight (//. 91, figs. 7, 8; pi. 93, fig. 6; pi. 94, fig. 4; //. 
 96, fig. 2; pi. 97, fig. 4, 5; //. 99, fig. 2). 
 
 Clnbs of various kinds are the favorite arm of the Nuers, Dinkas, and 
 Shilluks (//. 96, fig. 2; pi. 97, fig. 5; comp. //. 94, fig. 4, to the left), 
 and also pointed sticks of hard wood {pi. 93, fig. 6, with standing figure), 
 such as we found among the Caflirs and Hottentots (p. 313). Besides, 
 they have a peculiar bow-like v>-eapon with which they protect themselves 
 from the blows of the clubs.
 
 ETHXOGRAPIIY. 343 
 
 The shields, mostly with rich decorations and of different forms (for 
 instance, pi. 93, fig. 5), constitute another weapon of defence. Cuirasses, 
 jackets of buffalo-skin, or long war-coats of matting are used in Central 
 Africa (//. 91, fig. 8; pi. 92, figs. 2, 5; pi. 99, fig. 2). The horses are 
 also protected with armor. The cavalr>' of the Fulah is equipped in this 
 manner. 
 
 Other weapons are the battlc-axc, which is in use in the west {pi. 91, 
 fig. 5, on the ground), in the centre (//. 92, fig. 7), and in the east of 
 the region; the szvord {pi. 91, fig. 4; Darfur, pi. 99, fiig. 7, and in the 
 east among the Niam-Niam, pi. 95, figs. 11, 12); different kinds of 
 daggers; and the Bornuese batilc-scythc {pi. ()2,fiig. 4), which is fastened 
 to a stick by means of two eyes. 
 
 The trumbash {pi. 99, fig. 9) originated from a flat wooden sling, 
 such as is found in various places in Soudan ; it is generally used in hunt- 
 ing, and is much like the famous Australian boomerang (see p. 61 ; pi. 5, 
 fig. 8*); it is made of iron and supplied with points and teeth, and 
 is a dangerous weapon. It is mostly in use in the east, but is also found 
 in Central Africa. It is carried in the hand, as by the Musgu chief on 
 Plate 105 {fig. 6), while Plate 99 {fig. 9) shows the East-African form in 
 use among the Niam-Niam. 
 
 Firearms are now in use in the west and in the interior (//. 91, figs. 
 3, 7; //. 93, fig. 2; pi. 105, fiig. 6), and are also being introduced in the 
 east: awkward as the Negroes were in the use of them in the beginning, 
 they now know very well how to handle them. 
 
 Before a war, which is always preceded by magic rites, the}' paint and 
 adorn themselves in a striking manner {pi, 91, fiig. 3; pi. 93, fig. 2), 
 question the gods, perfonn solemn and wild dances, often at night {pi. 94, 
 fig. i), and utter awful threats and challenges. War is formally declared, 
 and fought out in pitched battles, which are generally not \&r\ sanguinary, 
 as the combatants cover themselves so that most of the shots have no 
 effect; they also pause during the fight, and these pauses are employed in 
 vilifying the enemy. They have no fixed battle-array. For the most 
 part, that side flees whose men fall first, and the main thing is to follow 
 the fugitives. The cities and lauded property of the conquered are laid 
 waste in order to gain booty. The wars arc injurious on account of the 
 plunderings and destructions connected with them. There are also wars 
 of incursion and pillage, which are not announced and which arc gen- 
 erally the continuance of old quarrels between tribes. \\'ar in general is 
 conducted by the Fulah exactly as by the other Negroes. 
 
 Captives. — Captives are seldom tortured or killed, being generally 
 enslaved. Only when the passions are particularly aroused do the Negroes 
 strive to capture the heads of the enemy as trophies. But among some 
 tribes it is the usual practice; in Dahomey, for instance, heads arc col- 
 lected, and among the Niam-Niam they are hung up in public places. 
 
 Militarv Spirit. — The Negroes have a warlike spirit who.sc expression 
 must be judged according to the customs of the country. Where they
 
 344 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 have been led by Europeans or other trained leaders they have proved 
 valiant and persevering, and they readily learn to withstand the arts of 
 their enemies. In their own wars there is no lack of examples of fool- 
 hardy daring, although this is more the result of carelessness or unchecked 
 passion than of valor. A cause for war is often found in trivial things, 
 some individual robber}' or private quarrel; also in covetousness, a love 
 of booty, or a national pleasure in combat. Peace is negotiated without 
 much ceremony. 
 
 Armies. — The annies of the different states are not important. The 
 Daliomans are said to be able to send twelve thousand men to war, and 
 Schweinfurth saw an equally large army on the White Nile. The strength 
 of the states of Central Africa, whose main force consists of their cavalr}-, 
 is much greater, but the power of each state changes rapidly on account 
 of ever-continiiing wars. 
 
 Cannibalism prevails in but few countries of the west; for instance, it 
 is practised in Dahomey, and the Ashantees eat the hearts of the slain 
 enemy; but formerly it must have been more common. Schweinfurth 
 found it extensively among the Niam-Niam and the Monbuttus. The 
 name Xiani-Niam is an appellative derived from the root nya, "eat," 
 and means devourer or man-eater among the Dinkas as well as among 
 the nations of Central Africa, who assert that at different places in their 
 vicinity there are such Niam-Niam; from which it may be concluded that 
 cannibalism is more practised in that tribe. The decrepit old people are 
 killed by some tribes (Kordofan), and others (Gold Coast) are said even to 
 devour the corpses. There is no doubt that these customs, here as well as 
 elsewhere, originated in a belief in animism. The enemy can be banned 
 even after his death; his soul can be forced into servitude; and magical 
 powers are attributed to the consumption of human flesh, and especially 
 to the use of human fat. This leads us to the religious belief of the 
 Negroes, which must be treated with great care, as erroneous ideas gen- 
 erally prevail about it. 
 
 Religion. — Throughout the entire Negro territor}-, wherever Islamism 
 has not been introduced, the religions are strikingly similar. There is 
 one supreme and beneficent being, who has created all things and sustains 
 them. He bears different names: I\Iawu among the nations of the Slave 
 Coast, Olorung among the Yonibas, Tshuku among the Ibos, N}aledit 
 among the Nuers, Lonia among the Bongos, Gumba among the Niam- 
 Niam, etc. But he is considered rem.ote. According to Bosmann, the 
 Widas say, "God is too great to concern himself about such insignificant 
 things as the world and mankind, and he has therefore given the govern- 
 ment over them into the hands of inferior gods." 
 
 Some tribes, however, address their prayers to the supreme being as 
 to a protector in misfortune, the giver of all good, the omnipresent, all- 
 seeing, and all-hearing one, who embodies himself in lightning and 
 thunder, as the Niam-Niam, the inhabitants of the Gold Coast, and other 
 nations believe. The seat of this deity is in heaven; formerly he was
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 345 
 
 nearer to earth, but mankind have driven him to remoter heights (legend 
 01 the Ashantees). 
 
 The Negroes avoid speaking about him, as he is believed to be too 
 august for the knowledge of men. But he has sent his messengers, 
 inferior gods, who are mediators between him and man, and who are fre- 
 quently (for instance, among th.e Niam-Niam and on the Slave Coast) 
 called simply messengers, ambassadors. These are countless, according 
 to the belief of the western Negroes, the inhabitants of the Slave and 
 Gold Coasts, the Mandingoes, and the Yolofs. Tliese spirits constitute 
 the fetiches. They are not all alike: some are more, some less powerful, 
 and all are united under one superior. 
 
 A large portion of the Mandingoes, all the Fulah, and most of the 
 tribes of the interior have been converted to Mohammedanism, but much 
 paganism has been retained, and the Mohammedans are scarcely less 
 superstitious than the Negroes. Christianity has advanced with good 
 results. 
 
 Elementary Deities. — The clementar}' deities, the gods of the ocean, 
 the rivers, and the lakes, are powerful ; also those of the woods, of sacred 
 groves, and of certain trees. In Dahomey the snakes are powerful, having 
 their own cult, temples, and priests, and to them in former times (before 
 1700) the kings themselves made pilgrimages. Other animals are also 
 incarnations of gods: the hyenas, elephants, lions, crocodiles, the apes — 
 which at some places are believed to be bewitched persons — and, above 
 all, the birds. The Negroes of the Slave and Gold Coasts often imagine 
 the highest god in the guise of a bird. 
 
 Fetichis)!!. — The inferior gods are more numerous than all birds, ani- 
 mals, and plants together: whatever happens to the Negro is their doing; 
 whether he succeeds or fails in an enterprise, the cau.se is some god wlio 
 may have his seat anywhere, perhaps in a stone against which he stnick 
 in going out. Thus, stones, claws of animals, pots, etc. are deemed the 
 domicile of some deity; and this leads to the worship of inanimate objects. 
 Such is the explanation of Negro fetichism. 
 
 Other traits besides the belief in fetiches belong to the religion of the 
 Negroes. The)- venerate the heavenly bodies, especially the moon, and 
 among the Atlantic and central tribes the sun also. Time is calculated 
 according to the moon, the different phases of which are celebrated with 
 prayers, and oftentimes with festivals and festive dances {pi. 94, y?;'. 6). 
 The god of fire is also venerated, and so is the earth (Atlantic tribes). 
 All these must be distinguished from the fetich spirits, from which orig- 
 inally the spirits of the ocean were probably also distinct. 
 
 Guardian Spirits. — The frequently-recurring belief in a dc\il is rather 
 indistinct, and seems to refer to the collective power of tlic inferior 
 evil spirits. There are guardian spirits, and each person during his entire 
 life has one or even two, which, as he constantly receives good from 
 them, he must continually worship. From this originated the various 
 prohibitions of food which pertain to individuals or e\-cn to entire tribes,
 
 346 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 which also have each its guardian spirit. He whose guardian spirit has 
 assumed the figure of a chicken must eat no chicken, for in that case 
 he would drive away or offend the spirit. He must also honor him in 
 other respects: one day of each week is sacred to him, and on this day 
 the celebrant adorns himself in festive garments and lives abstemiously. 
 This is the so-called birthda\' festival of the Atlantic Negroes. Whoever 
 can afford to have several wives chooses one among them to be his guar- 
 dian spirit : she occupies the next rank after the principal wife, and 
 always receives the conjugal visits of her husband on the day dedicated 
 to his guardian god. 
 
 Iminortah'ly of Ike Soicl. — The belief in a future life is universal; 
 the souls appear sometimes as animals, at other times as human beings; 
 often beneficent, but generally malicious and hostile, and therefore they 
 are much feared. In the west this has to a great extent become mixed 
 up with fetichisra or quite overshadowed by it. 
 
 Superstitions. — The belief in amulets and in favorable and unfavorable 
 omens and countless other superstitions prevail. The Negroes fear the 
 evil spirits of the caves and mountains; they also fear the evil spirits of 
 the forest, which frequently appear as animals; they fear magicians and 
 witches; and here as everj-where they believe in persons who during the 
 night go about as vicious animals (in the west this characteristic is chiefly 
 attributed to the caste of the smiths); and they fear the souls of the 
 deceased. This is more distinct in the east than in the west, where 
 these various fonns of African pandemonism have been changed into 
 fetichism. The Negroes hold certain days to be lucky and others to be 
 unlucky, and will not undertake anything of importance on the latter; 
 and they have numberless other superstitions which we omit. 
 
 One trait is exhibited in the east which is entirely absent in the v^^est, 
 but which we found (p. 321) widely spread in South Africa — the humaniz- 
 ing of fonner deities. Thus the Shilluks are said to worship the protector 
 of their tribe, who is supposed to have conducted them into their present 
 country (Schweinfurth), and by whom it is certain they originally meant 
 a deity, and not a human being. 
 
 Theory of Creation. — In the west the creation of men is attributed to 
 the supreme god. They are said to have proceeded either from caves in 
 the earth or from a rock in the ocean (Akral) — z. myth which bears a strik- 
 ing resemblance to other leijends about the creation. According to an- 
 other belief, all beings originated in a separate city of the heavens. 
 
 Future State. — The dead are supposed to live either under ground or to 
 go to far-distant regions, across the ocean or a large river, w'henever an evil 
 spirit endangers them; many believe that they again return, but as white 
 people; others, that they always remain in the vicinity of the living, but 
 invisible to them. Among the Ashantees the good spirits ascend to 
 heaven on the souls' path, the INIilky Way. The belief in a recompense 
 after death is also extensive; and while the slightest trespass against the 
 laws of religious cult is considered punishable in the Hereafter, it is not
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 347 
 
 so as regards murder or baseness. Other tribes — for instance, the Man- 
 dingoes — say that it is not known whence man came or whither he goes. 
 
 Pitmsli))ic)its for Religious Molalions. — The severe punishments in- 
 flicted by the gods for viokitions of religious rites, of food prohibitions, 
 the festival days, the sacred spots, etc., remind us of Polynesia, and the 
 stringent enforcement of the laws in these respects is similar to the Poly- 
 nesian taboo (p. 200). The strict ceremonial toward the king has a re- 
 ligious basis, as also have many other customs, such as, among the Daho- 
 mans and Widas, the practice of women and children approaching the father 
 of the family on their knees, the usage of women eating apart from the 
 men, the secrecy maintained about the food prepared for the king, absti- 
 nence from certain articles of food and on certain days, etc. ; for some indi- 
 viduals and classes are considered less holy than others. Their oaths and 
 ordeals are mostly invocations to some fetich, who will certainly take 
 revenge if called upon in an unjust cause; or a fetich is laid upon the 
 accused, and if he is guilty he at once confesses. They guard themselves 
 against harm from sacred animals by hanging a fetich on a tree or fence. 
 
 Offerings and Sacrifices. — The deity is appeased with offerings of food 
 — chickens, palm wine, fruits — dej^osited in out-of-the-way places; some- 
 times he is appeased with dress materials and money. At the erection of 
 buildings, at the time of the new moon, to attain fecundity, etc., the 
 Negroes offer human sacrifices, children or captives taken in war. 
 
 Priesthood. — The priests are very powerful; they question the god as 
 to his opinion, speak to him, designate the offerings, manufacture amulets 
 and fetiches, foretell events, speak oracles, and cure diseases by conjuring 
 the ghosts which caused the malady, for all diseases (for which they have 
 some medicaments which are really effective) are the effects of hostile 
 demons; they also make rain and ble.ss the marching of troops, the new- 
 born children, etc. In some of their devotions they become so wrought 
 up that they fall into convulsions. Their office is often hereditarj-. The 
 priests generally dwell in the temple when there is one. The snakes in 
 Wida have a large house with a nmucrous priesthood, and such fetich- 
 houses are not rare. In some regions magicians, fortune-tellers, and 
 fetich-men exist in addition to the priests; the latter then occupy a higher 
 rank; they only are known in the east, a real priesthood .seeming to be 
 absent. On the Slave Coast there are also priestesses, who enjoy great 
 respect. 
 
 Idols. — The Atlantic tribes ha\-e idols, generalh' rudeh-car\-ed human 
 figures, which are sometimes erected in huts, sometimes in the open air, or 
 under roofs to protect them against the weather. Smaller idols arc kept 
 in the house or worn as amulets about the neck. An idol of the Ibos is 
 shown on Plate 91 {fig. 2); it is car\ed in a bowl in which it receives 
 the offerings of food, in the east, among the Bongos, the image of a dead 
 person is formed of a wooden staff. The husband prcscr\-es the image of 
 his deceased wife in his house, where uo doubt it takes the place of the 
 guardian spirit.
 
 348 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Secret Societies. — In the east fraternization of individnals by drinkins^ 
 each other's blood is customary; in the west, among the Mandingoes, the 
 Purra League exists, a secret society divided into different classes, having 
 its own tattoo-mark and regarded with sacred awe by the entire people. 
 It exercises a strict moral police: during the night its ambassador, the 
 Mumbo Jumbo, suddenly raises a loud howling in the woods — spirits and 
 gods also howl — whereupon the whole population must assemble in festive 
 attire, and then, with the assistance of the people, each criminal is severely 
 punished by strokes with a rod by the Mumbo Jumbo, who appears masked. 
 Similar leagues exist among the Susus and the Ibos. Women are ex- 
 cluded from the society, but, as Mungo Park says, their crimes are the 
 special object of the Mumbo Jumbo's vengeance. 
 
 Funeral Ceremonies. — A few words as to the treatment of the dead. 
 After loud lamentations, noisy funeral festivities, and various marks of 
 mourning (cutting off the hair, fasting, putting a rope around the neck, 
 etc.), they are buried close by the dwelling-house (Mandingoes, Susus, 
 Dinkas) or in burial-places, in some of which each dead person has his 
 separate hut. They are buried either in a sitting (Atlantic tribes, Nuers, 
 Niam-Niam) or a lying posture (frequently in the west, Niam-Niam, Bon- 
 gos), but the faces of the men are placed in a direction opposite to those 
 of the women. 
 
 In the east the dead are interred in a side-niche of the grave proper, in 
 a manner very similar to that of South Africa; and stones are frequently 
 heaped over the grave, either formed into an artistic structure or gradually 
 deposited by passers-by. The Bongos and their neighbors erect over the 
 grave a roughly-car\'ed pole representing the image of the deceased; 
 among the nobles the women and children are portrayed in a similar 
 manner. They also place a jug of water on the grave; other Negro tribes 
 bring offerings of food and put valuables into the grave with the dead; 
 even slaves and women are slaughtered at tlie graves. 
 
 As it is believed that death is generally caused by magic, the nearest 
 relatives, and especially the wives, must free themselves from the sus- 
 picion of murder, otherwise they are killed. For this purpose oaths of 
 purification or ordeals are employed. 
 
 Character and Condition. — Having now passed through all the phases 
 of Negro life, we may form a not unfavorable judgment relative to the 
 Negroes themselves. We find some able tribes whose language, religion, 
 political life, and mercantile enterprise, as well as agricultural industry, 
 are well developed. Let it be considered with what rapidity useful for- 
 eign plants have spread over Africa. In psj'chical constitution the 
 Negroes are emotional, easily yielding to every impression, with a vivid 
 imagination, often attaining the fantastic, and much addicted to sensual 
 pleasure. On this sensual excitability the credulity of the Negroes is 
 based, Avliich, however, is never extended to practical things. Their 
 laziness is also often mentioned; but the}- are not really lazy: they work 
 when it is necessary, otherwise they see no reason for exertion. Work,
 
 ETIINOCRAPIIY. 349 
 
 as a rule, gives them no pleasure, but they do not shun it, as is proved 
 by the frequently flourishing condition of their fields and herds. 
 
 Valor and Jltiiiiaiiily. — We have spoken (p. 344) of the valor of the 
 Negro, which easily degenerates into frenzy. Though when excited he 
 may shed blood with perfect indifference, and though he may act regard- 
 less of the weal or woe of others, he is not really of a cruel disposition. 
 This is seen in his considerate treatment of strangers and captives, in his 
 thoughtfulness and kindness in sending to the sick a portion of the birth- 
 day feast (Gold Coast) — though superstitious motives may also act a part 
 here — and among the Yolofs in giving to a poor person the meal prepared 
 for one just deceased, etc. ; but, above all, his good-nature is shown in 
 his treatment of relatives and slaves. 
 
 Slavery. — The entire polity of the Negroes is in many respects based 
 on slavery, which is indeed widespread among them, but the slaves are 
 generally treated with clemency: they belong to the family and can marry 
 into it (Bosmann), and their children are often liberated. Consequenth^, 
 the fear of slavery is not very great, which may somewhat excuse a 
 father's selling his family into .slavery if forced to do .so by debts (p. 340). 
 The Negro is also attached to his native country: homesickness is com- 
 mon, and nothing seems to him more desirable than to be buried in his 
 native place (Bosmann). 
 
 Social Manners. — Inclined to pleasure as the Negroes arc, they of 
 course have many games and amusements, and especially noteworthy are 
 the formality and politeness which characterize their social life. In greet- 
 ing, expressing thanks, obliging, etc. they have established and often 
 really fine manners. Some of these customs, now meaningless, must 
 originally have had a good signification. Thus, two Tibbus meeting 
 after a long separation require almost an hour for continually-repeated 
 formalities — a custom reminding one of Australia and Polynesia (p. 205). 
 
 Avarice. — The various good traits of the Negroes are, however, often 
 stifled by many vices. The south-eastern tribes are more barbarous and 
 undeveloped than the western, though in the west one trait of the Negro 
 character is more offensive — namely, the unbounded avarice which often 
 nullifies all his better qualities. The Negro is not naturally dishonest, 
 still less is he malicious. In order to become acquainted with his true cha- 
 racter we must not study it where he has become demoralized by Arabians 
 or Europeans, and still less among the slaves in America. Negroes are 
 numerous in the latter country: all the heads on Plate 83 {Jigs. 4, 5), 
 Plate 86 {figs. 18, 19, 20), Plate 89 {figs. 3, 5, 6), and Plate 90 {figs. 1-5, 8), 
 are of slaves from Brazil; but it is clear that the treatment of mo.st Ameri- 
 can slaves in capturing and transporting them, and later in their servitude, 
 developed only the evil sides of their character. 
 
 Thus the Negroes are inferior to no other race, either in character or 
 in accomplishments. Indeed, they surpass many, and if they have not 
 attained a higher elevation, we nnist .seek the main cause of this in their 
 geographical and historical conditions.
 
 350 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Influences of Climate, etc. — If we consider their climate, -wliich renders 
 care about clothing and shelter unnecessary; if we consider how easily 
 the African soil almost everywhere in the Negro countries furnishes 
 abundant nourishment, and, furthermore, how the influx of peoples from 
 the east has been more unceasing than elsewhere in the world; and if we 
 also consider what the Negroes have suffered and still suffer from the 
 Arabians, Nubians, Berbers, and Europeans, and that in spite of this 
 they have retained their peculiarities such as we have found them, we 
 sliall conclude that the assertion that Negroes are a lower race of little 
 intellectual ability, which "may be trained, but not educated," is entirely 
 untrue and unscientific. 
 
 4. The Semites. 
 
 Location. — Under the name of Semites we include all the nations 
 living in Africa north and east of the Negroes — in the Desert, the Atlas 
 Mountains, Libya, Egypt, on the middle course of the Nile, and in the 
 regions north of the Equator and east of the Nile to the Red Sea; also 
 the inhabitants of Arabia, Palestine, and Syria. The division of this last 
 great branch of the Arabic-African Race is easily made: we shall consider 
 first the African Semites, and secondly the Asiatic Semites. 
 
 The first may appropriately be called Hamiles, but such appellations 
 as Ethiopic race, Sub-Semitic peoples, etc. are unsuitable. The unity of 
 this fourth division is apparent from the peculiarities of the languages 
 and physical structure of its members. 
 
 A. AFRICAN SEMITES. 
 
 General Consido'ation. — We shall begin their sur\'ey in the west and 
 north. The African Semites include — 
 
 (i) T/ie Berbers. — These are a collection of tribes whose extreme out- 
 posts were fonnerly occupied by the Giianches, inhabitants of the Canary 
 Islands, who have been extirpated by the Spaniards. The Guanches 
 were above middle stature, dark brown, with long, straight black hair 
 and developed hair of the body; of peaceful customs, but brave; they 
 lived in houses and carried on agriculture and stock-raising; they had 
 fixed judicial rules, solemn marriage ceremonies, temples, priests, and 
 various gods; they embalmed the bodies of their dead, whose mummies 
 have been preserved {pi. 100, flg. 3, head of mummy). The vocabulary 
 of their language coincided largely with that of the western nations of 
 tlie continent. 
 
 These are — the ATazigs {Amazigs or Amasirgs), with their most 
 western tribe the Shuluh or SJieluh (Shellochs); farther to the east the 
 Filleles, and in Algeria the Kabyles. The Mazigs are widely spread in 
 the west through the Desert as far as the Senegal. Here the}' are called 
 Afoors, and the Trarsas and Braknas belong to them, but they are so 
 mixed with Negroes that they constitute a true mulatto race whose attire 
 and physique are shown on Plate 105 {fig. 6). East of the Mazigs of the
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 351 
 
 Desert live those tribes which are generally called Tnarick^ or, as they 
 stjle themselves, luios/iags (Iinohag). They seem to varj' from the 
 western tribes in some respects, but the ethnological conditions demand 
 closer study. 
 
 It is not worth while to mention all the larger and smaller tribes 
 belonging here, especially as many of the names are only local, as 
 when the southern Tunisians are called Djebali — that is, inhabitants of 
 the mountains. It is enough to know that closely-related tribes live in 
 Tripoli as far as Fezzan, and farther on in the oases of Awdjila and Siwah, 
 and extend into Egypt and Nubia. In the west they extend farther 
 southward, as these districts are scarcely occupied by Negroes; but numer- 
 ous wars have been carried on at the boundaries with the Negroes, and 
 Timbuctoo has been a bone of contention for the two parties. Connec- 
 tions of a peaceful kind are also found, but it is erroneous to call the 
 Berbers of the Desert a mixed people. Neither can the Tibbus, who 
 have not been driven away by the Berbers, be called mixed, although in 
 Fezzan the two nations have greatly commingled. We have mentioned 
 (p. 324) that a few Negroes are found dispersed among the Berbers in the 
 north-east of the Desert (Barca). 
 
 (2) The Egyptians. — The second race of the African Semites are the 
 Egyptians, who are at present found rather pure in the rural population 
 of the FcUalis and in the city population of the Copts {pi. 103, fg. 4), 
 (Hartmann). 
 
 (3) The Nubians. — We enter a difficult territon,- in approaching the 
 boundaries of Nubia, for it is not easy to untangle the history of Eastern 
 Africa. In attempting to find our way in this labyrinth, omitting the 
 smaller tribes, which are often the most obscure, we must mention the 
 Nubian nation as the third branch of the African Semites. To it belongs 
 the tribe which we call Nubians (the Arabians name them Barabra, 
 Bcrabra, singular Berber). Closely related to the Dongohuci are the 
 A'ul)a and other tribes of Darfur. It is undecided where the Ennrts/ies, 
 dwelling in Sennaar, belong. They do not seem to be a Negro people, 
 like the Hammeg tribes living to the south of them, from whom they are 
 separated in language. 
 
 (4) T//e Bis/ian's. — The Bedshas or Bisharis, who live between Nubia 
 and the Red Sea, constitute the fourth branch. 
 
 (5) The Abab^cs.— These dwell south of Kosseir. They certainly 
 belong to this division, but it is not known where the Hababs and 
 Hadendas, east of the river Takazze, and other smaller tribes of that 
 region, belong. 
 
 ^ (6) The Abyssinians.—'^e class the peoples of Abyssinia together— the 
 Ethiopians ox Abyssinians proper, the nations using the Tigri- and Amharic 
 languages, the Agows and Bogos (South Abyssinia"), the Falashas (Lake 
 Tzanaj, the Sahos (north-east of Tigrc'), and other insignificant and doubt- 
 ful tribes. Shoa and probably the inhabitants of Kajfa belong entirely to 
 Abyssinia.
 
 352 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 (7) The Gallas. — The Galla nations, to which the SomaJis and the 
 Danakil (north-west of Bab-el-Mandeb) are related, constitute the seventh 
 branch. The Somalis are divided into two large classes — the northern 
 Ediir and the southern Darnid tribes, to which latter belong the Mid- 
 sherthains, the extreme eastern people, living as far east as Cape Gardafui. 
 The extreme western Gallas are the Limmous, dwelling in Kaffa ( Jomard). 
 We also include the Yumales (more to the north), and in the extreme 
 south, on the second degree of south latitude, the Eloikobs (Wakuafi in 
 Suaheli), whose language belongs to the Semitic class, though to its 
 extreme limits. 
 
 We have now finished the enumeration, but before proceeding some 
 remarks are necessary. The old and now extinct language of the Ethio- 
 pians, the Geez, like the chief living Ethiopian languages, the Tigr^ 
 and the Amharic, is decidedly a Semitic language closely related to 
 the Himyaritic language of the South Arabians, and its introduction, 
 although not ascertained, must have taken place in an historically calcu- 
 lable time before Christ. However, we must class the Geez people among 
 the African Semites when we take an ethnologic view of them. 
 
 The philological difficulty of separating the Geez from the surround- 
 ing African tribes becomes an impossibility when their physique, their 
 customs, and their whole manner of living are taken into view ; all of 
 which, to use Ritter's words, constitute them a people distinct from the 
 Arabians. Nor do we hesitate to class ethnologically among the African 
 Semites the different Arabian tribes of North Africa, which have been 
 living for centuries in Nubia and south of Nubia, as well as in the Desert 
 as far as the Niger and the Senegal, because their appearance and tlie 
 entire complexion of their life stamp them as Africans. But it is diflScult 
 to draw a clear boundary, for just as the Negroes and Bantu shade into 
 the Semites, so do the African Semites pass into those of Asia. 
 
 We also find in Arabia tribes which belong, according to language, to 
 the inferior African Semites. Such are the Mahra tribes living in South 
 Arabia, speaking the Ehkili, and in the east the independent dialect 
 of Dhafar, as also many despised castes of the countr}.-, such as the 
 Achdam, the Shiumtrs, and others, whose language, while not Arabian, 
 shows but little affinity to the Ethiopian (Maltzan). Hale\y, a French 
 scientist, has discovered that the Ehkili is very like the Berber and 
 Eg}'ptian idioms. The llahra and all the tribes mentioned cannot be 
 immigrants; wherefore it follows that the aboriginal inhabitants of Arabia 
 — indeed, probably all the oldest tribes of the Semites, the aboriginal 
 Semites — stood on that linguistic step on which we at present find most 
 of the African Semites. 
 
 Physically, the Achdam and Shuraurs are more remote from the type 
 of the Arabians, but much like the natives of North Africa, as is clearly 
 seen from Maltzan' s description: skin blackish; nose broad, not flat; 
 mouth large, not everted; hair frizzled, long; stature average. Still, we 
 do not class them among the African, but rather among the Asiatic
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 353 
 
 Semites, of wliom they constitute tlie most ancient form. From peoples 
 like them the present Semites, who have developed so high above them, 
 have descended. At present their whole manner of living, as well as 
 their surroundings, is entirely Semitic. 
 
 B. ASIATIC SEMITES. 
 
 Divisions. — The Asiatic Semites are divided into two great branches — 
 the northern and the soitlhcrn. To the southern belong the remnants of 
 the ancient people, the Mahra, Achdam, etc. ; furthermore, the Himyaritcs, 
 the South Arabians or Joktanides, whose language, the Himyaritic, now 
 extinct, bears the closest relation to the Ethiopian. It is more distantly 
 related to Arabic, which is spoken by the Coifral Arabians (Ishmaelites), 
 and is divided into different idioms according to place and time. In the 
 most ancient shape in which it has come down to us it exhibits more 
 original forms than all the northern languages of the Asiatic Semites; 
 and Eb. Schrader is correct in seeing in these South Semites the original 
 stock of the Semites, which from the oldest condition, as shown in the 
 Mahra tribes, developed first to Himjaritic, and later on to Arabian, cul- 
 ture. The Arabian is not a filial language of the Himyaritic; both are 
 only related. 
 
 Among the northern Semitic nations we must mention — 
 
 (i) The Aramaic stock, to which belong the Old Babylonians and 
 Assyrians., also the Chaldeans, the descendants of the Old Babylonians, 
 and the Syrians. 
 
 (2) The Hebrews, with all their tribes, to whom belong also the 
 Samarilans, the Phcenia'ans, and the Carthaginians, who are separated 
 from the Phoenicians only by idiom, but whon: we of course do not num- 
 ber among the African Semites, as they always remained strangers to the 
 African character. 
 
 We shall adopt in the following description the plan pursued hereto- 
 fore; that is, w-e shall treat of both divisions together. In this manner 
 the similarities and dissimilarities of both become more apparent. 
 
 Physical Characteristics of the African Semites. — The Berbers arc gener- 
 allv of middle though slender stature, lean yet muscular. Their color is 
 a light brown, but also varies from black to European white: throughout 
 the entire Western Sahara the inhabitants of the mountains are of a light 
 color— those of the lowlands dark (Duvcyrier); and this light color also 
 belongs to the Kabylcs of the high points of the Atlas. As they have 
 also light hair, it has been supposed, without reason, that they might be 
 of Vandal origin; and the explanation of the dark complexion by inter- 
 mixture with Negroes is equally unfounded. These interminglings occur 
 frequently in the south, perhaps also in the east: in other parts they have 
 been attributed to imported female slaves, but certainly their influence 
 could not affect the whole tribe. Otherwise, the hair is black, mostly 
 long and frizzy, sometimes short, and the li.ur of the bodv and beard is 
 scant. 
 
 Vol. I.— 23
 
 354 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 The features are frequently those of Negroes, but modified — lips thick, 
 the mouth large, the uose broad aud rather flat (//. 105,7?"-. §)• ^ more 
 European or Arabian physique is also found — oblong faces, aquiline nose, 
 thin lips {pi. 105, Jig. 5); which type jDriucipally prevails in the north 
 (Morocco, Tripoli). 
 
 The Tuarick are of this latter type; they are generally of a bronze 
 color, and are distinguished by graceful hands and feet. Among the Ber- 
 ber tribes an unpleasant odor (see p. 44) of the skin is perceptible, said to 
 be similar to the exhalation of the Negroes, but much worse; the same is 
 stated about the Fellahs in Egypt; and to the Jews also a specific unpleas- 
 ant odor of the skin is ascribed. 
 
 The ancient Egyptians varied in type from European to Negro fea- 
 tures. Their build was slender, of middle height; the color generally of 
 alight copper- red, but also from honey-yellow to blackish; the forehead 
 lofty, but generally retreating; the eyes almond-shaped, sometimes a little 
 slanted; the nose not projecting much, with broad nostrils, but generally 
 curved and aquiline; the lips full and projecting; beard scant; the hair of 
 the head black, long, and straight (//. 103, yf^. % fig. 5, extreme figure 
 to the right). That this tj'pe bears close relation to the Semitic is shown 
 by Figure 5 of the same plate, where an Egyptian leader conducts a party 
 of Jewish prisoners: the captives have flatter foreheads, lower vertexes, 
 more prominent and more curved noses, and the men have a more abun- 
 dant beard. The Copts (//. 103, fig. 3) and the Fellahs have faithfully 
 retained the old Eg>"ptian type up to the present day. 
 
 The Nubas are often smaller than the Fellahs, lean, with ugly limbs, 
 but with graceful hands and feet. The color varies from a light brown to 
 the Negro black; the hair is black, long, soft, closely curled; the beard 
 scant; the features are similar to the second Berber t}'pe shown on Plate 
 105 {fig. 5). The hair of the Fundshes is similar; the color is dark 
 brown to black; the nose straight or slightly aquiline, the lips, although 
 not Negro-like, full, and consequently projecting (//. 10^, fig. 2). The 
 Bisharis are described as of the same character, only their hair is more 
 abundant and is often artistically arranged (//. 98, fig. 5). Their beards 
 also are scant. 
 
 The Abyssinians show a double type: the one with oval face, cur\-ed, 
 fine nose, somewhat full but not everted mouth, beautiful eyes {pi. 98, 
 fig. 3); the other more Negro-like, with thick lips, broad nose, and 
 e.Kpressionless eyes {pi. 98, fig. 2). The color varies between a brown- 
 ish-yellow and black, but does not differ according to the shapes of the 
 faces; the hair is sometimes frizzy or even wooll}' {pi. gS, fig. 3), sometimes 
 straight or wavy (//. 98, fig. 2); but there are innumerable intermediate 
 forms. The hair also is not conditioned by the t}pe of the face, for with 
 Caucasian features woolly hair is found, and with more Negro-like faces 
 (but in that case always oval) straight hair {pi. gS,figs. 2, 3); the stature 
 is medium, and the bodily construction among most tribes is good {pi. 98, 
 
 fi^- 4)-
 
 ETUXOGRAPHY. 355 
 
 The Gallas answer the same description: the color varies from a wheat- 
 yellow to black; the build is good (//. ()6, fig. i); the hair black, long, 
 straight, or frizzy to wav}'; the face roundish; the nose flat and broad, 
 rarely curved; the lips — especially in the middle — thick and projecting, 
 a type which in different variations may be obser\'ed among the Danakil 
 and the Sonialis; and among the latter the Edurs as well as the Midshcr- 
 thains, who belong to the Darruds, present it. An almost pure Negro type 
 is exhibited by the woman from Magadoxo (IMogedshu) (//. 102, fig. i), 
 also by the inhabitant of Merka or Meurka {pL 92, Jig. 19), which city is 
 south of Magadoxo. The Wakuafi (//. 86, Jig. 17) are exactly like the 
 Bantu people (comp. with the illus. of them//. 88, Jig. 2; p/. '^2, Jig. 19). 
 The Edur woman (//. ioi,Jig. i) exhibits long, straight hair, together 
 with a broad nose and thick mouth, while, on the contrary. Figure 3 
 {pi. loi) (Gulf of Aden) and Figure 5 {pi. 102) (south of Cape Gardafui) 
 show a Jewish nose with thick lips. The high, somewhat retreating, and 
 narrow forehead is peculiar to all. Figure 2 (//. 100) illustrates the good 
 stature, the various construction of hair, and the conical form of the 
 female breast. 
 
 Physical Charnclcristics of the Asiatic Semites. — Passing into Asia, we 
 see the Arabians \\\\.\\ oval face, vaulted forehead, straight or curved nose, 
 thin not projecting lips, retreating chin; the hair, where it is not shaved, 
 straight, wavy, or curly, worn in various manners (//. 104, Jigs. 4-7). Their 
 color is a pale yellow, like that of South Europeans, brown and black; 
 their figure is lean; their hands and feet are often small and graceful; tiieir 
 beard is abundantly developed {pi. 10^, Jigs, i, 3, 8, 11, 12). The African 
 Arabs are often perfectly black, and fleshier than the Arabs in Asia, and 
 ever\-where the Arabians (also the Berbers) deem fatness a necessary requi- 
 site of female beauty. Of course there are numerous variations of this pre- 
 vailing tvpe: the inhabitants of the mountains are mostly of a light color; 
 the tribes of the interior of Yemen have thick lips, etc. It is a fact of 
 great importance that the Aral)ian tribes which have preser^-ed the most 
 ancient type, the Achdam and vShumurs, have a blackish skin (lighter 
 than the Somalis); a very large mouth, together with thin lips; a broad, 
 not flat nose; and frizzled long hair — thus varying not inconsiderably from 
 the type of the Arabs. 
 
 The Assyrian type, as it has come down to us on old representations 
 in Nineveh, shows, with a vigorously-developed body, great similarity to 
 the Jcwi.sh features (comp. pi. iot„ Jig. 5, with//. 106, Jig. 2), only the hair 
 is more developed; it falls in long and heavy curls to the neck of the men, 
 and the beard reaches to the breast in locks. 
 
 The original type of the Jews has been remarkably modified in 
 various countries by climatic and other influences, and in accordance 
 with the types prevailing in the regions where they are domiciled; Imt 
 in Yemen and in other Asiatic regions the original type has been largely 
 retained (Maltzan). The color of the Jews is a ver>- light brown, always 
 lighter than that of the Arabs, and in Syria and Arabia a faint, sickly
 
 356 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 white. The mountain-inhabitants of Syria are also of a very light 
 though healthy color, with gray or blue eyes (which are also found 
 among inhabitants of the mountains of Arabia and the Kabyles of the 
 Atlas), and frequently with a reddish beard. 
 
 Skull. — The skull-structure of the Semites shows much tiniformity: it 
 is hypsistenocephalic (according to Welcker) among the Abyssinians, Copts, 
 and Fellahs; mesocephalic among the ancient Egyptians, the Arabs, and 
 Berbers. The skulls of the latter are rounder than the skulls of the 
 Arabians and the Guanches, and those of the Jews are broader. We 
 have illustrated a modern Egyptian skull on Plate 103 i^figs. 6-8), which 
 ^fig. 8) shows a slight prognathism; among the Gallas some individuals 
 are found with pronounced prognathic skulls, and indeed this struc- 
 ture is not unfrequent in the southern portion of the Semitic region. 
 Some Jewish individuals among lis exhibit it. The skin of the Se- 
 mites is thin and smooth, and nowhere thick and velvety like that of the 
 Negroes. 
 
 Disfigurations. — The women of the Berbers and Arabs frequently 
 tattoo their faces (//. 105, fig. 5) or their hands and arms. This is rarely 
 seen with the men, but the Danakil scar the skin, and some inhabit- 
 ants of the Tigre tattoo in the same manner as the women, and in 
 Amhara all over their bodies. The women also paint the eyebrows with 
 antimony, and the finger-nails (sometimes also the toe-nails) with henna. 
 In some places (among the Bisharis, the Soraalis) the hair is dyed red 
 with lime. 
 
 In ancient times the Bisharis extracted two incisor teeth, in the Negro 
 style; piercing the ear-lobes is practised everywhere; ornaments are rarely 
 worn in the nose (//. 101^ fig. i). Circumcision is practised almost every- 
 where, being absent only among a few pagan tribes and among the Chris- 
 tians. In East Africa the girls are circumcised, and the disgusting custom 
 of infibulation prevails. 
 
 Clothing. — We need to make but few remarks about the dress of these 
 peoples, as our plates sufficiently exhibit it. The ^Berbers and Tuarick 
 wear a white gown and pantaloons, and over them a girded and often 
 gayly-colored overdress with sleeves; the head is covered with a red cap 
 and is always wrapped with a cloth, which partly covers the face (//. 100, 
 fig. 4). They carr}' on their blue belts weapons, a bag for tobacco, and 
 all kinds of utensils {pi. 100, fig. 4). The women wear several long 
 blouses of cotton, which they fasten with a red belt; often a large wrap is 
 added, in which they can completely enfold themselves (//. 105, figs. 
 5, 6). The man represented in the latter figure wears only a girded 
 blouse and the headkerchief Shoes of leather are very common. 
 
 The Arabians wear either short or long pantaloons; over these a long 
 white cotton shirt with wide sleeves and a belt; a large wrap in which they 
 can completely enfold themselves; and on the head generally a piece of 
 goods hanging down the back of the neck and on each side, with which 
 they can cover their mouths; the men also wear turbans (//. 104, fiigs.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 357 
 
 1-3, 8, 10; comp. //. 92, fig. i); leather shoes are frequent (//. 104, fig. 
 10; pi. 105, fig. 7). Many Arabians wear an entirely Turkish garb (//. 
 104, fig. 12). 
 
 The dress of the old Assyrians, whose principal colors were white and 
 blue, consisted of lonj^ garments with shorter overdresses, which often had 
 wide sleeves, and of high pointed caps. The king wore a high tiara; war- 
 riors were attired in a closely-fitting girded blouse of gay material fastened 
 by overlapping (//. 106, figs, i, 2). It was without sleeves, like the long 
 " coat of many colors " of the captive Jews (//. 103, fig. 5. See Assyrians 
 and illus. , \'ol. II. ). The old Egyptians were similarly attired, the narrow 
 garment beginning below the breasts of the women {p/. 103, fig. 9); and 
 the men, esiDecially in working, were content with a white wrap about 
 the hips and upper legs (//. 103, fig. 5. See Egyptians and illus., 
 Vol. II.). 
 
 The costumes of the Nubians and of the Copts of to-day coincide with 
 those of the Arabs and Berbers {pi. jot,, figs, i, 4); and so do those of the 
 Abyssinians (//. 98,7?^^. i, 3, 4, 6; pi. 99, fig. i; pi. 100, fig. i; //. loi, 
 fig. i). The Gurage woman, from a tribe dwelling in North-eastern 
 Kaffa, wears a veil-like head-scarf of strange shape {pi. 9S, fig. i); bright 
 skins constitute, here as among the Berbers, an ornament for the men, 
 and are worn as wraps (//. 98, fig. 4, the rider in the background; also 
 fig. 3); the rider {fig. 4) wears a diadem-like, ribbon-ornamented head- 
 decoration (comp. pi. 96, fig. I, the crouching figure to the right), but, 
 with the exception of short pantaloons, he is otherwise naked. 
 
 Among the Gallas we find a union of several costmnes. The two 
 women in the centre {pi. 100, fig. 2) show Abyssinian attire, while the 
 standing female figure (/>/. 102, fig. 3) is dressed in a manner which 
 reminds us of the old Semitic garb which we have ju.st described. The 
 man standing at her side wears the long shirt of the Arab, without a belt; 
 but otherwise these peoples, as well as the less civilized Arabian tribes 
 {pi. 10^, fig. 4), are satisfied with a scarf, to which the nobles add a cloak; 
 leather sandals {pi. 99, fig. n; pi- iox,fig. 6) are much in use. Children 
 go about naked {pi. 9S, fig. 6; //. 100, fig. 2). The costumes (//. 92, fig. 
 19 ; //. 98, fig. 2 ; //. loi, figs. 2, 3 ; //. 102, figs, i, 5, 6) remind us of 
 Negro attire, and especially the tying down of the +)reasts (//. 98, fig. 2; 
 //. 102, fig. 6). There is no lack of ornaments ; the illustrations give 
 'various examples: we call attention to the long ear-pendants on Plate 100 
 
 {fijr- 2). 
 
 The Bi.shari {pi. 98, fig. 5), as do most of the Nubians, wears in his 
 hair a wooden needle with which to .^cratch the head without injuring the 
 arrangement of the hair. Such scratching may often be desirable, as 
 these nations on account of their uncleanlincss are much infested with 
 vermin. The Tuarick and the Bcrl)ers never wash othenvi.-^e than with 
 sand; they wear their clothing until it falls from their bodies. The Tua- 
 rick men rub their entire bodies with indigo- powder, and the women their 
 faces with ochre, while the Nubians and Gallas anoint themselves all over
 
 358 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 \vith grease in the Soutli-African manner, by wliicli processes the obnox- 
 ious odor of the skin is greatly increased. 
 
 Building. — In their style of building the Somalis resemble the Negroes, 
 as is proved by Plate loi {fig. 13), but they prefer to lay out their villages 
 at secure spots on steep banks of rivers, etc. — a precaution rarely taken 
 by the Negroes. The sheds on Plate 102 {fig. 3) remind us of the sun- 
 roofs of the Negroes and Fulah {pi. <p^fiig. 7; pi. ^2,fiig. 20). Magado.xo 
 (Mogedshu) is built in the Arabian manner (//. 102, fig. 2) with flat roofs, 
 on which the inhabitants sleep during the night. The Berbers build and 
 live in a similar way. The African hut has maintained its place by the 
 side of the house (//. 102, fig. 3, background). 
 
 The houses of Abyssinia {pi. 98, figs. 4, 6; //. 100, fig. i), and also 
 those of Nubia {pi. 100, fig. 5; pi. 103, fig. 2), repeat the model of 
 the Negro and Bantu houses {pi. 8.\., fiig. 2\ pi. S6, fig. 2; pi. '^<^,fig. 2), 
 carrying it out more in detail: the building is more comfortable and 
 beautiful (//. gS,fig. 6). The Monbuttus on the upper White Nile had 
 halls similar to the great one of the king of Abyssinia {pi. g'^,fig- 1), and 
 the arrangement of huts in courtyards (//. 100, fig. i; pi. loi, fig. 13), 
 which also contain receptacles for storage, etc. {pi. 103, fig. 2, back- 
 ground), is just like that of the Negroes. On Plate 100 {fig. 1) the 
 master of the house occupies his accustomed place in the shade of the 
 projecting wall, from which he can survey the entire yard; the door- 
 keeper sits in the lookout by the side of the door: it is accessible by 
 means of a ladder. 
 
 Miserable huts of skins, half-globular like the Hottentots' abodes, are 
 found among the uncivilized tribes of Arabia, as also on the island of 
 Abd-el-Kuri (//. 10^, fig. 4), which is situated between Socotra and Cape 
 Gardafui. The nomadic Arabs and Berbers live in leather tents {pi 104, 
 fig. 9). It is well known how splendid was the building of the ancient 
 Egyptians, Babylonians, and Assyrians {pi 106, fig. i); and the old 
 tomb of Jewish origin {pi 106, fig. 5) is also an interesting specimen of 
 architecture. 
 
 Domestic Lifie: Sfock-Raising, Hnnfing, and Agriciiltiirc. — The Berbers 
 and many Arabs are mostly stock-raisers and earn.' on agriculture to a 
 small extent. Their domestic animals vary in the different districts. At 
 an early period they had cattle, goats, sheep, camels, horses (//. 106, fig. 
 2), and donkeN's {pi. 103, fig. 5) ; bees are also extensively raised. They 
 take great pleasure in the chase, which they carr}' on with their weapons 
 of war; crocodiles and hippopotami are captured with harpoons (//. 99, 
 fig. 12; comp. pi 86, fig. 13) in the same manner as among the Bantu 
 nations. In Africa the doura is the principal grain, figuring as an article 
 of exchange among some Arabic tribes of East Africa; there are also rice, 
 millet, maize, and in uj^per Ab^'ssinia wheat. The agricultural imple- 
 ments are simple: the primitive Abyssinian plough (//. 99, fig. 16) 
 consists entirely of wood. 
 
 Pood and Stimulants. — The Berbers eat voraciousl}' with spoons, and
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 359 
 
 likewise the African Ara1)s with their fingers. Plate 99 {fis^. i) shows an 
 Abyssinian banquet, and also the manner of crouching around the table, of 
 serving, and of eating with knife and hands. There are many spirituous 
 drinks — palm wine, doura beer, etc. Tobacco is a favorite .stimulant. 
 They smoke in a manner similar to that of the East-African Negroes 
 (p. 336): in the mouth-piece of the Nubian pipe (//. 99, fig. 5) the liquid 
 containing the nicotine is accumulated in bast-fibre, which is chewed. 
 Other kinds of pipes, in which the smoke passes through water, are exhib- 
 ited on Plate 102 {fig. 3, the sitting figure to the left) and on Plate 98 
 {fig. 6, to the right), and these last-described pipes produce the effects 
 of the Bantu pipes already known to us (p. 315; pi. 90, fig. 6). Very 
 different and much finer are the (Turkish) pipes of the Arabs {pi. 104, 
 fig. II, to the right). 
 
 Utensils. — We see on Plate ioo{fig. 2) Danakil women carrying water 
 in bowls made of ostrich egg-shells: a similar vessel, like the one 
 carried by the naked child, is seen on Plate 99 {fig. 14), though the 
 Fundshes do not use egg-shells, but plait all their vessels, even those for 
 liquids {pi. 99, figs. 13, 14); as do also the Somalis {pi. loi, figs. 5, 8). 
 Earthen vessels of various shapes used by the Nubians are shown on Plate 
 103 {figs. I, 2); by the Berbers, on Plate 105 {fig. 8); by the Abjssinians, 
 on Plate 98 {fig. 6). Horns of buffalo or other cattle are used as drinking- 
 cups in East Africa; one of them hangs on the wall to the right on Plate 
 98 {fig. 6). The same illustration, in the background to the right, shows 
 a woman making bread-cakes — for here bread is made everywhere in the 
 shape of Easter cakes or Jewish »/als<>s — while on Plate 102 {fig. 3) the 
 two standing figures in the foreground to the right pound grain in a 
 wooden mortar. 
 
 Household Goods. — We also exhibit household goods, such as chairs 
 and stools {pi. 102, fig. 3); others are .shown on Plate 98 {fig. 6); clumsy 
 tables of wood (//. 99, fig. i) and a sofa-like frame which ser\-es as a bed 
 on Plate 98 {fi<g. 6, the haq)-pla>er sits on it; conip. //. 88, fig. 10). An 
 axe of the Somalis for domestic use is exhibited on Plate loi {fig. 7). A 
 female slave spinning with a distaff kneels to the left on Plate 98 {fig. 4, 
 in the foreground), and other more awkward spindles, around which the 
 thread is wound by turning the centre stick, are shown on Plate 99 {fig. 
 17, tho.se of the Fundshes, andyff. 10, of the Nubians). The arti.stic spin- 
 ning of the Gallas is illustrated on Plate 102 {fig. 3, the .sitting figure in 
 the background), and in the same cut the weaving of this people is shown 
 (the figure sitting outside the house, to the left; comp. //. 90, fig. 6), which 
 is like that of South Africa. Fine leather fabrications of the Somalis 
 are shown on Plate loi {figs. 4, 9): it is well known that all these peoples 
 have extraordinary skill in the workmanship of leather. Plate 105 {fig. 
 i) .shows artistic wood-carvings of the Arabs. 
 
 The oil-mill of the Gallas (//. 102, fig. 3) is rather primitive, as is 
 al.so the .shipbuilding of the East Africans, although it is difficult to build 
 ships on the upper Nile on account of the scarcity of material. The
 
 36o ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Nubians often hire out as boatmen, and communication in these regions 
 depends chiefly on the Nile navigation. Plate 97 {Jig. 8) shows a bark 
 of the upper Nile, with a scaffolding for freight. 
 
 Technical and Industrial Arts. — Most of the African nations of whom 
 we now treat rank no higher in technical and industrial ability than the 
 better Negro tribes — a fact which will become apparent on comparing our 
 different plates. But the Berbers deserve higher praise: they have in 
 their cities many mechanics — for instance, weavers, goldsmiths, shoe- 
 makers, potters, masons, and others; and the Fezaneers, although their 
 country is barren in raw material, are a very enterprising mercantile 
 people and shrewd in the pursuit of business. All these nations manifest 
 eagerness for trade and for the acquisition of property. !\Iany of the 
 Berbers can read and write; the Tuarick have even invented a peculiar 
 alphabet, and the same is said of the Gallas. Their astronomical know- 
 ledge amounts to little, and is generally intermixed with ni}-thological 
 notions. 
 
 Fine Arts and Architecture. — The artistic accomplishments of the 
 modern Semites, both in Africa and in Asia, are insignificant. The dec- 
 orations of the great Hall of Ankober {pi. 99, Jig. i) reveal some taste, 
 especially the painted animals of the upper frieze, representing elephants, 
 etc. The buildings on Plate 100 {Jg. i) are also graceful. But this 
 amounts to little compared with old Egyptian and Assyrian architecture 
 and painting (//. 103, Jg. 5; //. 106, Jgs. i, 2, 3, 4). However admirable 
 these old Semitic productions were, it cannot be denied that these arts 
 soon became formal and torpid among the Semites themselves, and fur- 
 thermore that many of the principal tribes, such as the Arabians and the 
 Aramaeans, have accomplished almost nothing in this direction. 
 
 Music. — It is the same with music. For although the old Hebrew 
 music occupies a high rank, considering its period, and although it had an 
 influence by no means unimportant even on later times, still it remained 
 unprogressive. The Arabians also show themselves to be void of artistic 
 talents: their music is closely related to the old Hebrew; they have pretty, 
 soft national songs, but no more, and in general they do not prize music. 
 In North Africa there are short solo songs, generally of a plaintive 
 though not unpleasant melody, such as are sung, for instance, by the 
 Nubian boatmen and the Gallas, and there are wild war-songs (Gallas, 
 Tuarick), which are sung or screamed with great passion. 
 
 Musical Instruments. — The instruments are numerous — flutes of vari- 
 ous shapes, curved horns, kettledrums, cymbals (//. 99, Jig. i, to the left, 
 in the foregroimd), and difTerent kinds of stringed instruments, as the 
 harp on Plate 9S {Jg. 6), which is in use throughout the entire valley of 
 the Nile; a mandolin-like instrument which is played with a bow is seen 
 on Plate 99 {Jg. i, to the extreme left); at its side is another in the shape 
 of a cittern, and, like it, played with the fingers. It, or an instrument 
 much like it, is in the hands of the figure sitting opposite to the harp- 
 player on Plate 98 {Jg- 6). But the Abyssinian music is only noise with
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 361 
 
 a little rhythm; the illustration of a court concert on Plate 99 {^f,g. i) is 
 not evidence to the contrary. 
 
 Poetry. — Of all the forms of Semitic poetry, only the lyric is of any 
 importance. The Arabians, and especially the Hebrews, have accom- 
 plished something noteworthy in this line, but it has not been de\eloped 
 among them. The little songs of the Arabians are to-day just wliat they 
 were one and two thousand years ago, and the poetry of the Nubians, the 
 Gallas, Tuarick, and Berbers is similar to them, being short lyric out- 
 bursts, such as the moment inspires. 
 
 Weapons. — It may be said that t!ie life of some of these nations, 
 especially of the Berber and Arab tribes, consists of war. In regard to the 
 weapons, we meet one South-African peculiarity in North Africa — namely, 
 a short dagger carried on the left forearm b}- means of a leather strap, as 
 among the Tuarick (//. 100, fig. 4), the Nubians (//. 98,^0-. 5; p/. 99,7?^. 
 8), and the Galla nations (//. 101, Jig. 10). It is encased in a leather or 
 copper sheath. In addition, the Tuarick from the time of manhood carr>' 
 on the right arm a stone ring, which they never take off, and which serves 
 them as an instrument of striking when in close combat. Besides the 
 dagger, the three principal weapons of the Semites are the bow and arrow, 
 the spear, and the broadsword, like those made in Solingen, Rhenish 
 Prussia (Duveyrier). 
 
 We find all these species of weapons in the ancient paintings of Nin- 
 eveh, which show how the bow was used in hunting and in war, how it 
 was stretched, and how carried when not in use {pi. 106, Jig. 2; fg. i, the 
 wall-paintings). We also observe quivers filled with arrows and strapped 
 to the back ; feathered arrows are seen on the corpse lying on the ground, 
 an empty quiver at its side (//. 106, J/g. 2). This latter varies greatly 
 from the modern quivers of the Somalis {p/. 101, Jig. 11), whose long 
 arrows are also feathered, but whose points have numerous barbs. The 
 Tuarick sometimes poison their arrows. 
 
 The broadswords are also ancient; they were carried by the Assyrian 
 warriors in their belts (p/. 106, pig. 2), as they are at present by the Tuarick 
 (//. 100, pig. 4), the Nubians (//. 98, Jg. 5), the Gallas, and the Arabs. 
 The two last-named nations have swords with curved blades (//. 96, Jg. 
 1; p/. 10^, Jig. 12), as also have the Abyssinians (//. C)8,Jg. 6, in the back- 
 groimd on the wall behind the pillar); but the straight ones are also in 
 use (p/. 99, Jig. i). 
 
 The spears serve for piercing, and are frequently three metres (iiS 
 inches) in length; they are also found in the ancient periods (//. loi, Jigs. 
 2, 12; />/. 10^, Jig. 5; //. iOi\,J/g. i); under the point they sometimes have 
 barbs (/>/. 102, Jig. 3, the third figure to the left). Shorter spears, as car- 
 ried by the Tuarick (/>/. 100, Jig. 4) and the Arabian (//. 104,7?^. 10), serve 
 as javelins. Some Nubian tribes have clubs (//. 99,7?^. 6), and the trum- 
 bash, in the shape already known to us (p. 343; //. 99, Jigs, 4, 9), is used 
 by the Nubians, who have probably adopted it from the south. 
 
 Long or circular shields serve as arms of protection, the former among
 
 363 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 the Berbers, the Tuarick, the Fundshes (//. \02, fig. 4), the Nnbas (//. 98, 
 fig. 5), and the Wakuafi, and of ahnost the same shape as the Caffir shields 
 (comp. pi. <)^ifig. 5, with//. 8^, fig. 9), except that those of the Fundshes 
 have a recess in the centre for the hand; those of circular shape, for- 
 merly used by the Assyrians (p/. 106, figs, i, 2, below to the right), are at 
 present iised by the Gallas (//. g6, fig. i; p/. 101, fig. 2) and the Abyssin- 
 ians {p/. 98, fig. 6, on the wall behind the pillar). Among some Arabic 
 tribes a kind of helmet of matting is found (p/. <)g,fig. 15), and the 
 pointed caps of the Ass\Tian warriors (p/. 106, fig. 2) are probably war- 
 dresses. Among the Tuarick (pi. 100, fig. 4), the Bisharis (//. 98, fig. 5), 
 the Somalis {p/. loi, fig. 2), and the Arabians (p/. J04., fig. 8; pi. 105, fig. 
 7) we see fully-equipped warriors. The latter cuts exhibit the frequent 
 use of the gun. 
 
 Jl'arfiare. — In North Africa the wars, which are generally cruel, are 
 mostly conducted by raids and for booty. The Gallas are notoriously 
 cruel, and the Abyssinians and other tribes are little less so. With the 
 exception of the Arabians, and perhaps the Gallas, Berbers, and Tuarick, 
 they can scarcely be called brave, as is evinced by their manner of war- 
 fare, by their surprises (comp. //. 105, fig. 7), and by their speedy flight 
 in open battle. When in passion they perform incredible deeds of valor 
 and foolhardiness, as the histories of Carthage and Jerusalem testify. The 
 great wars of the Arabians and the brave resistance of the Kabj'les are 
 also based on similar passionate excitements, either of a religious or 
 patriotic character. In this respect their similarity to the Negroes be- 
 comes again apparent. 
 
 Family Life. — On the whole, the women occupy a high rank. How- 
 ever, the Berbers (and also the Syrian sects) believe them to have no souls, 
 and polygam}' prevails everywhere; yet the women of the Tuarick, who go 
 about unveiled, but are perfectly moral, are well treated by their husbands. 
 Adultery, which rarely occurs, is punished with death. It is considered an 
 honorable thing for the wife to have several male friends who pay her 
 special attentions, who act as much as possible according to her pleasure, 
 and who are always at her side, but whose intimacy never degenerates 
 into anything improper. Among the African Arabs also woman occupies 
 a high position, and the same was the case in ancient Egypt, while, on the 
 contrary', the modern Egyptians and the inhabitants of the cities of Nubia 
 are said to be exceedingly immoral. 
 
 The Berabra and Bisharis and the rural inhabitants of Nubia are diflfer- 
 ent: among them the women are free, but strictly moral; polygamy is rare, 
 and marriages are binding and durable. The Abyssinians present a con- 
 trar}- picture. Although Christians, and as such obliged to practise monog- 
 amy, they live in polygamy through extensive and public concubinage. 
 Polygamy is allowed among the Gallas, but the men are generally satisfied 
 with one wife, while the Wakuafi take many wives. It will be seen from 
 the pictures of the women in our illustrations that they are not badly treated, 
 in spite of the infibulation there practised. Among the Gallas the girls get
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 363 
 
 a dowry; in other places in Africa the woman is purchased from tlie parents, 
 as among the Asiatic Semites; among the ancient Hebrews, and at present 
 among some Negro nations, a poor man might earn his wife by his labor. 
 
 The wedding is celebrated by a festivity. Generally the men and 
 women live and eat together, although among some tribes the women are 
 obliged to eat alone. Among the Tuarick they turn their backs to the 
 men while speaking, which is considered a mark of respect. Much work is 
 assigned to the women, but in this respect the Tuarick occupy a high rank; 
 among the Wakuafi they carry the burdens, because a man is not pennit- 
 ted to carry anything on his head or back. If a woman becomes a widow, 
 the brother of the deceased husband must marry her. The old Egyptians 
 permitted marriage between brother and sister, and traces of this custom 
 are found elsewhere in Africa and Asia. In other places (South-Berber 
 tribes, tribes of the Arabians) some remains of the ancient custom of car- 
 rying off the bride by force have been preserved. 
 
 Parentage. — The children are on the whole treated well, and among 
 the more civilized nations are educated and instructed. The mutual love 
 of parents and children is, as among the Negroes, very strong. But among 
 some Arabian tribes new-born girls are frequently killed. The Phoenicians 
 often sacrificed their children to the gods, and traces of the same custom 
 are found among the Hebrews (Abraham and Isaac, Gen. xxii.). The 
 Gallas sometimes expose their children. Circumcision, which is prac- 
 tised by the different nations at different times, with some only at the 
 time of manhood, is often celebrated with a festivity. 
 
 Inlicritancc. — Among the Tuarick and some Berber tribes in the south 
 and north the daughters are the principal heirs, and inheritance passes 
 through the female line. Among the Gallas, on the contran-, we find the 
 same conditions regarding inheritance as among the Hottentots: the oldest 
 son inherits everything — even during the lifetime of the father if the latter 
 becomes old and unfit for war. The heir must care for his father and give 
 a dowry to the sisters, while the younger brothers get nothing. Among 
 the Asiatic Semites the oldest sons are the principal heirs, but the younger 
 sisters and brothers receive a share. Joint responsibility of the family 
 and blood-revenge are obligator}-, and the obligation of the latter is 
 inherited from generation to generation. 
 
 Govern7nent. — The polity of the Semites has developed from the fam- 
 ily. The Tuarick and the Berbers have three castes— the nobility, the 
 priests (marabout.s), and the serfs; and besides these there are slaves, who 
 are generally war-captives. The serfs are composed partly of members of 
 the nobility who sought the protection of more powerful families, of .sub- 
 jugated tribes of the .same race — the same class is found among the Wakuafi, 
 who have no slaves — and finally of liberated slaves; for here, as among 
 the Arabians, it is customary to free the slaves at the death of their master. 
 
 The priests are closely connected with the nobility. From the latter 
 one or other family may have risen to royal power, but it did nut main- 
 tain itself for any length of time; the other families displaced the mon-
 
 354 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 arch and again assu'.necl their old power. The nobles alone constitute the 
 public assemblies iu which iniportaut affairs of the people are discussed; 
 and in each noble family, in each clan (Duveyrier calls them tribus), the 
 oldest has the supremacy. The northern Tuarick consist of two tribes, 
 the Azdjer and the Ahaggar, no marabout families belonging to the latter. 
 
 Constilulion. — The separate households (families in the strict sense) 
 constitute the family (tribus); the different families, who are originally 
 related to each other, the tribe, but the different tribes have no other 
 connection. This was essentially the constitution of the ancient Egj'ptians, 
 whose division of castes was based entirely on the family, and whose 
 warriors and priests corresponded to the nobility; it was also that of the 
 ancient Hebrews, and remains among the Arabs, the Gallas, the Wakuafi, 
 and the Nubians, only that among some of these nations a kingdom has 
 appeared, either merely temporarily, as among the Jews and many Arabic 
 tribes who are now entirely free, or permanently, as in Egypt, Abyssinia, 
 and among the Gallas. 
 
 Chieftainship. — Among the AVakuafi the dignity of the chief is not 
 hereditar}^; it is awarded to the ablest man. But this king was originally 
 only the head of the family or of the tribe, as is shown in the fact that 
 a stranger is perfectly secure among the Gallas if the chief declares 
 himself to be his father — that is, if he accepts him among his children 
 or tribe. The stranger has by this act become a Galla. The original 
 sanctity of the king, such as we have found it in Assyria (comp. pi. io6, 
 Jig. i), in Eg}'pt, and among the Gallas, favors the idea that the king was 
 considered the supreme head of the family, and everywhere had charge 
 of the family sanctuaries. 
 
 Among the Abyssinians the king is not allowed to eat with his hands: 
 certain officials, the only persons who are allowed to see him eat, put the 
 meat into his mouth: consequently, whenever he arranges a festivity he 
 does not eat with the others, but looks on from an adjoining room, his 
 table being screened by a curtain (/>/. 99, fig. i). We have already learned 
 the meaning of this custom in Polynesia (p. 194): the king was sacred, and 
 whatever he touched became sacred and was removed from ordinary use, 
 and hence all food was put into his mouth. For the same reason he 
 could not be in the same place with the others, and therefore he had a 
 separate cabinet in the banquet-hall of Ankober, and a separate house 
 from which he pronounced judgment {pi. \oo^ fig. i). 
 
 The servile veneration due to kings ever>-where in the Orient, the 
 crawling up to him, kissing the ground before him {pi. <^%fig- i; pi- 100, 
 fig. i), etc., have their origin in this notion. vSuch rulers could attain 
 perfectly unlimited power, but, the separate families of the tribe having 
 equal power, an aristocratic constitution (Tuarick, Berbers, Hebrews) was 
 the necessar}' consequence, or the nations dissolved into separate tribes, 
 as was the case with the Berbers, the Tuarick (Azdjer, Ahaggar), the 
 Arabians, and the Gallas. 
 
 Judiciary. — The administration of justice belonged among the Egj'p-
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 365 
 
 tians, and still belongs among the Berbers and Tuarick, to the priests; 
 among other nations, as the Arabians, it has passed into the hands of the 
 nobility or of the king. Thns, among the Abyssinians we see the latter 
 addressing the people {pi. 100, fii^. i) from liis liouse of judgment, while in 
 the foregronnd to the left two condemned criminals are led awav. The 
 punishments are generally barbarous, but fines are accci^tcd for many 
 crimes. 
 
 Rcligio7is. — Most Semites now profess a mont)thcistic religion, being 
 either Mohammedans, Jews, or Christians. Christianity among the Abys- 
 sinians is rude and vague, the Islamism of the Berbers and Tuarick is no 
 better, and among both an infinite number of pagan ideas have been 
 retained. The original religion of all Semites consisted in a veneration 
 of the heavens and of the heavenly bodies, but the worship of the.se soon 
 changed to that of inferior deities, especiallj' of the guardian spirits and 
 local divinities. Thus, the Wakuafi (Krapf ) venerate the heavens, Eiigai; 
 but even in the ancient period there dwelt on the "White Mountain" a 
 supernatural being called Ncilerkob or Neiterukob^ who gave children to 
 the first couple of mankind and promulgated necessary rules of life. To 
 him the Wakuafi pray; he presents their prayer to the Engai; and, as 
 among the neighboring Wanika, who belong to the Bantu, the souls of 
 the dead act as mediators with heaven, so we see in Neiterkob the guard- 
 ian spirit of the Wakuafi. 
 
 The religion of the Gallas is similar (Waitz): 'l^\tk, heaven, created 
 man of clay; to him men pray; but between man and heaven there are 
 two deities, one male, the other female (the latter the symbol of fecund- 
 ity), who bring all blessings — ^just as, in Egypt, Osiris and Isis were 
 sometimes supposed to stand between the heavenly god Ra and man. 
 There are also inferior spirits, believed to be either good or evil; and the 
 men, women, and children each have a separate god, no doubt a guardian 
 god. The Tuarick are now converted to IMohammedanism, but only 
 superficially, as they yet profess their old pagan religion: they have a god 
 in heaven, a devil in hell, and innumerable ghosts in human shape who 
 dwell in rocky regions and are mncli feared. 
 
 The oldest Arabian religion, as it can be reconstructed from pre- 
 Mohammedan times, coincides very closely with this. The fundamental 
 religious view of the Arabs was monotheistic, and it seems as thougli the 
 veneration of heaven was the basis of their monotheism. But the dcily 
 had mediators— either the sun, who was thought to be masculine and im- 
 pregnating, or the moon, who was feminine and receiving: the stars also 
 served as mediators. The different tribes had different objects of ven- 
 eration. Trees and sacred stones were worshipped, and offerings were 
 brought and pilgrimages made to them; they were girded with swords 
 and anointed with oil, but they were never considered as being them.selvcs 
 gods; for the Arabians frequently declared that the stones and the stars 
 are not sacred, but only God, who is enthroned on them and whose power 
 is partly infused into them. As each lril)c had its special mediator besides
 
 366 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 the sun and moon, we find guardian spirits prominent here, like those 
 among the Gallas, who have the same veneration of stones and trees. 
 On these old monotheistic views Mohammedanism was erected; and they 
 still prevail among the Arabians of the Southern Desert. 
 
 Among some Arabic tribes the souls of the deceased are considered as 
 mediating spirits or deities; nay, even a humanizing of the ancient gods 
 is found among them, as among the Hottentots. There is no scarcity of 
 haunting spirits, genii, etc. ; the soul is believed to be winged and to 
 abide near the grave. That the old Hebrew religion coincided in its 
 main traits with these ideas is shown by some passages of the Bible, nar- 
 ratives, prohibitions of pagan usages, etc. ; also by the religion of the 
 most closely-related nations, among which the cult of the sun and moon 
 was predominant. We know less about the ancient character of this 
 religion because it was early converted into a monotheism, and the wor- 
 shippers of Jehovah destroyed even,-thing pagan. 
 
 Idols were frequent among the old pagan nations, the Aramaeans, the 
 A.ssyrians (//. 106, Jig. i, the man-lions and the winged hawk-headed 
 beings at their side); among the Gallas and the Arabians holy stones and 
 trees take their place. 
 
 What the Arabs and the Jews have accomplished both as nations and 
 as individuals by their religious enthusiasm, or rather passion, is well 
 known, and its undiminished vigor is evident from the fact that thousands 
 of Arabian pilgrims (//. 10^, Jig. 3) annually visit Mecca. True religious 
 sense cannot be denied the Asiatic Semites, although sometimes, when 
 their prayers are unanswered, they punish and curse their idols, and 
 although some horrible abuses, such as the l^Joloch cult, have existed; 
 and the African Semites have been proved to possess the same sense. 
 We have found it also among the Negroes, and the fundamental traits of 
 all African religions bear a striking similarity to the Semitic belief. 
 
 Anitnism and Superstition. — Veneration of animals is also found 
 among the vSemites. To this belong the various prohiljitions of food 
 among the Gallas, Egyptians, Tuarick, Arabians, and Hebrews. When 
 they kill large animals, such as hippopotami, elephants, etc., the}' under- 
 go various religious consecrations; dancing around a buffalo head (//. 96, 
 fig. I, performed by the Gallas) is such a ceremony of appeasement, the 
 slain buffalo being honored by the dauce, and, as it were, implored to 
 forgive his slayers. 
 
 Birds are often deemed to be the incarnation of gods, of guardian 
 spirits (//. 106, Jig. 2, to the left above), and of souls. Snakes are sacred 
 either as good or evil spirits. Among the Gallas a snake is believed to be 
 tlie ancestor of the human race, while the Wakuafi, and the Arabians in 
 some of their legends, represent man as created by gods from the soil of 
 the earth on a sacred mountain. Everj-where there are werewolf ghosts; 
 in East Africa the ability to change themselves into animals is ascribed 
 to the smiths. 
 
 Superstitions are innumerable : among the Arabian tribes of Africa the
 
 ETIIXOGRAI'IIY. 367 
 
 faith is stifled by niajjic, evil eye, amulets, good and bad days, and other 
 superstitions which the priests expounded. Victims are slain, and in ancient 
 times even human beings were sacrificed — a practice still retained among 
 the Gallas. The priests of the latter entwine in their hair the entrails of 
 the sacrificed animals, and wear them until the\- fall off. They make rain, 
 heal the sick — for sickness is possession by evil spirits — foretell from the 
 ofTerings the omens, lots, etc. However, they are nowhere really respected, 
 not even the marabouts of the Islamites. 
 
 Sorcery and Magic. — Sometimes sorcerers and sorceresses are distinct 
 from the priests; sometimes the priests are magicians. These nations 
 have religious societies, such as those of the Mumbo Jumbo among the 
 Negroes, and the Wato among the Gallas. Something similar is found 
 among the north-western Berbers and most of the Mohammedans, but it 
 is difficult to decide what is an old institution and what a transitory sect. 
 
 Escliatology. — The Semites believe in a life after death, either as a 
 shadow}' existence or similar to the earthly' life. From this originates 
 their care in preserving the bodies of the dead, the "embalming" among 
 the Egyptians, Berbers, Guanches, etc. The belief in future reward and 
 punishment is also widespread. The Tuarick, although Mohammedans, 
 leave the place where some one has died, and avoid pronouncing the name 
 of a deceased person for fear of recalling him; the Abyssinians, although 
 Christians, shave their hair (the entire nation does so at the death of the 
 king), scar their faces, and inflict wounds on their temples by burning. 
 
 Ceremonies at Death. — In the house of the dead and on the way to the 
 burial-place loud lamentations are uttered, and the)- are repeated every 
 eight days during the course of one year, on which occasions they renew 
 the burning and scratching. The mourners are impure for a certain time; 
 for three days after a funeral they are allowed to eat only in the house of 
 mourning. The Galla nations have similar mourning ceremonies: to 
 touch the dead, to have anything to do with them, renders one unclean, 
 even in Arabia and other parts of Asia, because the deceased already 
 belong to the gods. Among the Semites we also find taboo laws, as we 
 have called them according to the Polynesian expression (p. 200); that is, 
 the laws of religious interdiction. Everything belonging to the gods or 
 bearing any relation to them is withdrawn from ordinary use; ablutions 
 and fixed ceremonies secularize — /. e. annul the religious interdict; and, as 
 in ancient times trespasses against this interdict were the only ofienccs 
 that could be committed by man, ablutions are numerous in the cult of 
 these nations. 
 
 The practice of washing the hands before meals is derived from the 
 same source; and for this reason ever)- one who has touched a dead person 
 must withdraw from human society, becau.se he is impure— that is, origin- 
 ally, taboo, interdicted, sacred— and can return only after a specified time 
 and after certain ablutions. Therefore such classes as are occupied with 
 dead animals, as btitchcrs, tanners, etc., are impure and despised — at first 
 merely separated from human society, and later, as the separation became
 
 36S ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 permanent on account of the daily renewal of their occupation with the 
 slaughtered, despised on account of the separation. That barbers and 
 leeches belong to these "impure" castes is not because they have an 
 unclean profession, but because, on account of being continually occu- 
 pied with the hair (the leeches dressed the body), they became "taboo;" 
 for everywhere among these tribes the hair is sacred, for which reason it 
 is given to the dead as an offering: many tribes of the Arabs sacrifice the 
 hair of the forehead to the gods. Similar uses existed among the Jews; 
 e.g. the Nazarites wore during the term of their vow unshorn locks, which 
 at its expiration were cut off and burned on the altar (Num. vi. 5, 13; 
 Judg. xiii. 5). The ceremonial washing of the hands which the Pharisees 
 practised, and which Christ strongly rebuked (]\Iark vii. 5-16), arose from 
 similar ideas of defilement by touching unclean things and of seculariza- 
 tion by ablution. 
 
 Offerings and Burials. — The Semites buried their dead in vaults and 
 frequently made offerings at the tombs. The offerings, as well as much 
 that was placed in the graves (for instance, among the Egyptians), were 
 destined for use in the Hereafter. When the Gallas burn a pile of wood 
 on the grave, it is to provide for the soul an easy path into eternity either 
 on the flames or the smoke. Burial-chambers are erected on the suppo- 
 sition that the deceased lives on in the vicinity of his body. Both man- 
 ners of erecting burial-chambers among the Egyptians exist among the 
 Semites; burial-vaults hewn in the rock were in use among the Guanches, 
 and also among the ancient Jews, as the narratives about Abraham, Isaac, 
 and Jacob prove (Gen. xxiii. 9, 17, 19; xlix. 29-32). The grave of Laza- 
 rus was also, according to the history- of his resuscitation, a subterranean 
 and rather spacious chamber (John xi. 38). Plate 106 {fig. 5) .shows an 
 old Jewish tomb at Tibneh, south-west of Lake Gennesareth. Each arch 
 leads to a separate burial-place; the sculptures no doubt have a religious 
 meaning; the whole may have been erected during one of the last cen- 
 turies before Christ. The Arabs of Hauran erect the burial-chambers on 
 the summits of mountains, as these are sacred to the gods. 
 
 The graves of the Gallas, as well as of the Somalis, are built of 
 masonry on level ground, and are decorated with mosaics and surrounded 
 with thorn-hedges or stones; the dead are interred in a crouching posture. 
 This manner of constructing graves forms the transition to the other man- 
 ner of building them, which we see artistically complete in the pyramids 
 of the Egyptians. It is done by heaping together stones so that they may 
 enclose a hollow space in which the corpse is placed. Plate 106 {fig. 6) 
 shows such a stone tomb of Syria; in the country of the Midsherthains 
 these heaps of stone are seven or eight feet high and from fifteen to 
 eighteen feet broad, attaining among the Danakil a height of one hun- 
 dred feet in a pyramidal shape. Waitz, from whom we take this infor- 
 mation, reminds us of the custom of the Hottentots, which is also mucli 
 practised in the Orient, of throwing a stone on the grave of a famous man, 
 and thus gradually erecting a monument (p. 302).
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 369 
 
 Punislinient by stoninef, as also by buning alive, both of which were 
 inflicted only in case of blasphemy — that is, violation of taboo — is nothiny^ 
 more than the erection of a bnrial-vault in which to isolate the criminal, 
 so that he may do no harm; personally, they dare not touch him, as, on 
 account of his connection with the taboo, he pertains to the gods. 
 
 Intellectual Faciillies. — With regard to the mental faculties of this peo- 
 ple, a lack of imagination is first perceptible, of which we have spoken (p. 
 360); and this lack of imagination, together with great mental power, pro- 
 duces a susceptibility to exterior impressions and a developed inner life 
 often associated with great sensuousness. This has led the vSemite to that 
 enthusiasm through which he has become the creator of the most important 
 religions of the universe. 
 
 Warm piety is everywhere exhibited, and great hospitality and a cer- 
 tain sense of chivalrj' cannot be denied the Berbers and Arabians. Often 
 a pure love of honor is shown in their love of truth, which, however, has 
 remained imsullied among very few tribes. Furthennore, the great per- 
 severance exhibited everywhere by the Semites deser\'es a special note, 
 whether it be in the carrying out of vast labors (Egypt, Babylon, Nineveh) 
 or in the endurance of physical hardships. This quality has led to admira- 
 ble deeds and acts, but n:ay degenerate into apathetic endurance of bad 
 treatment. To this is added a marked passion for pro2)erty and gain 
 which often disfigures their character. 
 
 That the natural surroundings of the Semites (the Desert) have done 
 much toward developing these traits of character is an opinion often 
 advanced, and perfectly correct. But it follows that the Semitic race 
 must for a long time have dwelt in the Desert, or rather nnist have been 
 developed there. 
 
 Lanqiins^e. — The language of the Semites coincides with their cha- 
 racter. With the least possible means it accomplishes ver>* much, and. 
 does it by giving in distinct forms accidental qualities of things, such 
 as singular and plural number, masculine and feminine gender. It is 
 able to express distinctly the logical relations of ideas to one another, by 
 having the forms of words agree in number and person; while by prefix- 
 ing or suffixing co-ordinate pronouns it can give clear expression to such 
 relations. The more developed languages exhibit more variety and force 
 in this, and they also reflect the tendency of the Semitic mind to sym- 
 boli.sm and abstraction. Thus these idioms .show the relations of single 
 ideas to other thoughts by changing the round sound of the words in an 
 unmistakable attempt at .symbolizing. 
 
 Ellnwloo;ical Relation. — The Negroes and the Bantu bear a close rela- 
 tion to the Semites, for their languages occupy the paths on which those 
 of the Semites had proceeded until they reached the height they now 
 maintain. 
 
 In looking back on our course through .\frca, we cannot avoid recog- 
 nizing the fact that the African nations, the Koi-Koin, the Bantu, and 
 the Negro tribes, have so much in common with the two great divisions 
 
 Vol. I.— 24
 
 370 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 of the Semites tliat we are authorized in placing them in one great 
 ethnologic class. 
 
 In the beginning of our ethnologic treatise on Africa we intentionally 
 did not advance this important statement: the evidence of it is given in 
 our description of the African nations, which kept back nothing and 
 added nothing, but simply stated the facts. We now collect the most 
 important points: 
 
 1. These nations belong together geographically; it is evident that 
 they spread from Western Asia over Africa. 
 
 2. The physical peculiarities of all these nations shade into one another; 
 they nowhere show sharp contrasts. Even the tj'pical fonns of one nation 
 are not unfrequently found among other tribes where an intermixture is 
 not to be thought of, and where only slight exterior influences have been 
 at work. 
 
 3. The psychical life and character of all these nations show close 
 relationship in their fundamental traits: let the Bantu be compared with 
 the Negro of Soudan, and both with the African anti Asiatic Semite, and 
 also compare our descriptions of their characters. We need hardly say 
 that those descriptions are not formed from theorj-, but that the theory 
 is fonned from the facts. 
 
 4. We find minute uniformity in customs and usages. Of special 
 importance is that of the fundamental traits of religious life and thought. 
 
 5. The languages also exhibit homogeneous principles of construction. 
 It is curious to obser\^e how one tribe has developed one peculiarity, and 
 another a different one; how both peculiarities are fully developed only 
 in the Semitic languages; and furthermore how the different principles 
 of construction have been gradually evolved. 
 
 From all these facts we are forced to look upon the Arabic-Africans as 
 one ethnologic race, as one race of mankind.
 
 AR A BIC- A V R I C A X S. 
 
 Pl.ATK 82. 
 
 KoiKoiN.— I. Hottentot woman. 2. J. Iloltcntuls (men). 4. liii>h«onian. 5. Iliishtii.in. o. ^.•,„■^; liu>hnKin. 
 7. llolicntul woman (full face anil prolilc) ; •' lluttcmol Venus," showing the jK-cnUar "bu>lk" uf the lloltcntol and Hush- 
 wiimcn. S-ll. llotltntut >Uull.
 
 ARAHIC-Al'klCAXS. 
 
 Pi.ATK 83. 
 
 I 'h iiJ A^^"^- 
 
 liiK Hantu Peoples.— I. Musicians and women carrying water, of the Zulus. 2. Part of a village of ihc Kclchuanas, 
 seen from alwve. 3. Helclmana skull. 4. 5 Mnlallocs. 6. Slave lrans|X)nation. 7. Young Negro in the costume of the 
 " feast of circumcision."
 
 ARAI'.IC- AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 84. 
 
 The Banti. Pe..i.i.i-:s.-I. 3. Uasutos (men). 2. Interior of .1 R-usuto <UvMin^. 4- H.x^uU. wuncn. 5. t l.aflam of 
 the Itasutos. 6. Warrior of the Basutos. 7. Rasutos fanning. 8. Nec.tles an.l nce.lleboxo, of ll.c Ua=.uto>. 9, 10. l1|-o, 
 II. ToLacco receptacle; 12, 13. Lcbckos (spdcs); 14. Spoon— all of the Basulos.
 
 AKAIIIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 85. 
 
 '"-1^^- 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 4 
 
 ' 
 
 ^■b^^'^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 '^iiii 
 
 
 
 
 .J^gt 
 
 l\ 
 
 r'-^i^^^^^^^H 
 
 L^jK^" 
 
 
 r 
 
 8 
 
 M. 
 
 Tim; liANTi' I'K<>i'Li:s. — i-j. Koraiias. 4, 5. Cafl'ir skull. 0. /.ulu \v.ii-::or. 7. Zulus. S. Zulu grave. 9. Wardancc 
 of the Zulus.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 86. 
 
 TirK Bantu Peoim.hs. — i. li.xskels ami wooden vessels of llio Unsulos. 2. Interior of the ilwelliiin of the ILimlonj;. 
 3. ( Irain mortar. 4. Calabash. 5. Fish-hasket. 6. Hoc. 7. Musical inslniment. 8. Ucllows. 9. How, of the Maravcs. 
 10. Ilandncl. II. Violin and bow. 12. .Slave-yoke. 13. llip|X)|)otaini s|M;.ir — all irom Central Africa. 14. Knife and 
 case; 15. I loc, of the liasutos. 16. .\ssagais. 17. M.akua woman and child. iS-2<j. Negroes of MoKimbiquc.
 
 ARABIC- AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 87. 
 
 Tirr. I'antc I'ron.F.s. — i. Hair arraiifjemenls and phvsiojjnoinics of llic \»'amam«c/i. 2. Simlicli of Ain/il>ar. 
 3. Siialiili family. 4. Siialioli woman (in prolilc). 5. SualiL-li villaj;e. 6. Aral)iai. Mililicr. in tlie scnicc of the sultan of 
 Zanziliar.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 88. 
 
 Ihi liwTi' PF.on.Es. — I. Arabian of Zanzibar. 2. Tshaga girl (Zanzibir). 3. nagRcr; 4. Bow; 5. Airow-osc; 
 6, 7. I ).iggcrlikc swords — amis of ihc Iribcs west of Zanzibar. 8, 9. .Ships, fn)i.i the rcRion of Zan/iKir. 10. Kilani, or .1 
 sinicture serving both as a table and a lied, in use along the whole coast. II. Wooden |x>l, of the T^h.•^p«s. 12. Suahcli 
 s|)ear. 13. Wooden bowl, of the Tshagas. 14. Chair, in use along the entire coast. 15. An ini|ilcmcnt for cni.shing 
 grain; used for the preparation of food ; 16. Moe; 17. (lirafte tail, a war decoration, from the coa.sf of Zanziliar. iS. Wooden 
 ix>t, with li<l, of the Tsliaga.s. 19. Wandering smiths and Negroes tilling the soil.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 89. 
 
 TlIK Kanti' Peoi'i.i-:s.— I. Mangnnya woman, willi l.ill.«>c.l U»ly. i. Manynny.i w,.ni.in iir.imc.. «.ih lip pluK. 
 3. (aiiob. 4. Arrow of the Aya«a.saiulMan.i;anyas. 5. Mina Ni-^ress. 6. Monjola. 7. I'hair, of West Africa. 8. Kaiiv 
 lia womiii (Lake Nyassa). 9. Youii;; Mukamanga aiul yumig MNya.v.a. 10-I2. Negro skull. 13. Ma-boiigu woman 
 111(1 chilli (Lake Nyxssa).
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 90. 
 
 The Bantu Peoples. — 1-3. Conijo Negroes. 4,5. l!Lnj;ui.l.i .Negroes. 6. WcaWng of the Macgiuh. 7. \ 1;:.,^, ,.1 
 l-ernando I'o (island). 8. Cabinda Negro. 9. Uwelling of the chieftain; 10. Corngranan-; II. SIcepingteiil,— from the 
 Niger district.
 
 ARABIC- AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 91. 
 
 TliK Pk()Pi.i-:s OF Si)itr>AN. — I. Negro of the Cold Const. 2. Idol of ihc Ibos. 3. A Sarakiilc: 4. Unnitmrra warrior; 
 5. li:imlun;i dancer, — from ihe wesicrii plateau. 6. IVul (I'ulali) Xegre.'i.s. 7. I'eul warrior. S. SfK-ar rider (IhxIv guard) 
 of the sullun of liagirini (CciUral Soudan). 9. Bagirmi Negro. 10. Fulali girl. II. Fulah woman and child.
 
 ARABIC-. \FRICAXS. 
 
 Plate 92. 
 
 Till I'FoiM.i-.s ol- SoiiiAN.— I. The ^hoik of Ilxrmi (Central Somlaii). 2 
 latah (I'lilah) anil Itoriui Ncsjroes. 4. Haltle-M.-ylhc; 5. Coat-ofmnil ; 6. B<™- 
 lo. Anu.kl: II. l-an. of the K.liyal,- ( licniii, (.uilf of Guinea). 12. Himbia linr|> (IpiKr C.uinea 
 
 lt.Ml\ j;uanl uf the sheik i^l liinui. J. Icl 
 7. Hatlleaxe — all of llornu. 8, 9. Swords; 
 
 13. Mules. 14. Chin 
 
 ornament of the Mar-hi women. 15. I'lute. 16. Ibo harp. 17. Man. uf the Kn. Negroes. l!>. tarthcn-vc^eU of the 
 Negroes. 19. Inhabitant of Merka (Zanzibar). 30. Negro village (Kutobia).
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 93. 
 
 TiiK rEOPi-KS OF SoiDAN.— 1. Vouiig Yolof. 2. Volof wairior. 3. Ncrfu of Darfur. 4. Wnndalo (Mandaras) 
 
 Negroes, musicians. 5. Mungu warriors. 6. Ellial) (Kitsch) Ncymcs ami ihcir f- ' -' • - " - " ' -•"■-' 
 
 9. Earthen oil -jar; lo. Stool; II. Bench (a wooden frame, wilh nmi sini 1 ; •• 
 huttus (Lake Albert Nyanza). 
 
 fishing skiffs. 7. Halchet ; S. Coojicr's t€x>l ; 
 I.;. Ii;i.skcl; 13. IJ^r^;e hut — all of the Mon-
 
 ARABIC- AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 94. 
 
 region). 
 (Kitsch) 
 
 ; TEoi'iJis OK SoriUN.— 1. Nocliirnal wartlancc of llie Hari (1'pin.T Niloi. .'. lUvilliiit; . 
 3. Clay pipe-head of the Golos (Dar I'<-rt't)- 4. Bar' N<;Broes. 5. Dnim of the Diiikas. 6. 
 Negroes. 7. Water-pitcher of the Dinkas. 
 
 I >ancc of the 
 
 I Nile 
 Klliah
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 95. 
 
 Till- PFon FS vv Soii.AN.-i. Woman of the NiamNiam (Upiw Nile). 2. DagRcr and sheath; 3. Wooden tureen; 
 4. Stri»t;c<l instrument (p.itar) ; 5- K--^t,en bcer-pitchcr : 6. l?ox : 7- Karthen flask ; 8. Haskel : g. Sh^M (armor); 
 .0. Knife or .larger, with groove for bloo<l ; II. 12. S«onls-all of the Ni.amNiam. 13. Haskct. wth cover, of the 
 Baswa. 14. Tohacco-pipe ; 15. Stringed instrument of the Mittu (V[<\xi Nile).
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 96. 
 
 The Peoples of Soudan.— i. Buffalo-dance of the Galla-s ( Hamilic branch). 2. Nucr Negroes (Nile region). 
 3. Lance-points (heads), of the Bongos (Nile region). 4. Elevation; 5. Man; 6. Cross-section of a funmcc or smcltiiiB 
 oven, uf the Ujurs (Nile region).
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 97. 
 
 !]f-^ 1^:4, 
 
 Thk Pkopi,i«ofSoii)AN.-i. (.rnnary; 2. Iklluws; 3. Carvol yriM- n-ii.i. ..I ihc Hongos (Nile region). 4. Akka 
 (Upper Nile). 5. Nuer Negroes (Nile region). 6. Shovel ; 7. Ivoo bracelet, of the Ujurs (Nile region). S. Bark of ihc 
 Upper Nile.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 98. 
 
 AlKRAN Si.MHi_s. — I. (luratju woman (Aliyssinia). 2. Amliara Hinnan (Al>\>-iiii.i i j inn.u ii.im ii ligrt (Abys- 
 sinia). 4. Costumes of the Slioa (Ahyssinia). 5. Uishari warrior. 6. Interior of a dwelling of the Shoa.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 ri.ATi: 99. 
 
 African Semitk. — i. Easter banquel, of the kin;; of Abyssinia, at Ankolnir (Shoa). S. Musgu chieftain and his 
 habitation (Aliyssinia). 3. Sworil of Darfur. 4. Javilin. 5. 1''i\k; 6. t'lul>, of Oic Dcnga. 7. Swonl. 8. Daojcr, 
 carricil on the arm, of the I-uiulshcs (Nubians), g. Javehn. lo. .Spiiiille of the I!.iralira (Nubians). II. Samlal of the 
 I'uiulshes. 12. HariKiim, for catching cnicoililes. 13. Milkbxsket ; 14. Ha-skct, of the Furnishes. 15. War hat of the 
 
 Ileni^a. 16. Alnssiiiian ploiigli. 17. Spinille of the Kundshes.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Pl.ATI': lOO. 
 
 AruiCAN Skmiti'.s. — l. Judicial proceedings M Ankolxr, Aliyssinin (Slioa). 2. I'aii.ikil wumeii (Galln>). 3. tiuanclic 
 nnimmy (Canary Island). 4. Tuarick (Berbers). 5. Section of a liou.se in Sennaar (Nubia).
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate lor. 
 
 ^.^4.^^^>^^f 
 
 Ai-RUAN' Skmiii-:.s. — I. Nortliwcslcrn Somali woman (Kilur, Gallas). 2. S>niali warrior. 3. Somali of CeMi 
 (Kasl Afiicn). 4- '-^ailille: 5. Plaited \x)l: 6. Samlal ; 7. Small IliIcIicI; 8. riailcd l>askcl ; 9. IJai;: 10. Dagger: II. (luivcr; 
 1:!. S|icnr— all uf ilic .Somalis. 13. Somali village, Uelcdi.
 
 ARABIC-ArRICAXS. 
 
 Pl.ATF. I02. 
 
 \1RK\N SiMiTl-.s.-l. Maiia.ioxo woman (Moec.UchuV 2. View uf M.-.(;a.loxo. .?. Oil iinll; .l..,ncMic occui«ti. 
 at Mat;a.loxo. 4. Shiel.l ..f Uu- I'luulshcs (Nubians). 5- Miil>l>crtliain ,i..an); 6. Mid-hcrtliain «oman ((lallos).
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 I'l.ATK 103. 
 
 African Skmitk.s.— I. Nubians (Ibral.ra). 2. Vanl ..f a li.-iml.ia lul.ilalioii. 3. KCT^i-"' » ■"''»"■ 4 ^'"l>»* (Keyi>- 
 tiaiis) and a Mohammedan grave, in Ihc vicinity of Cairo. 5. Koi^ian wall lainling. 6-8. t:g)i)Jian skull. 9. IHcturc of 
 Hatlior, Egyptian goddess.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 104. 
 
 Asiatic SkmiiI-s. — l. Talianiirali Arab. 2, 3. Llirisliaii Aral)s of Kcnik. 4-7. Aniliiaii liair arniii(;cim-m>. S. iKhu- 
 mail Arali uf the lril>c Kl lla>see. 9. Camp of the Hciii-Sakhar. lo. Anibian sheik in iravelliiiy eoslume. II. North 
 .\rabic cllil.r^. I-V .\U.d .Vya, .\rabian chief on the Jordan.
 
 ARAHIC-AFRICAXS. 
 
 I'l.ATK 105. 
 
 f I^i^ 
 
 
 miH?^.^ 
 
 AsiAiic Skmitrs.— I. TaklKiMwan ^stilanj of noble Aralis. 2. Kiinilshc Arab. 3. Arabian pilgrims. 4. HiiLs on 
 ihe i->l.-in(l Alid-cl-Kuri. 5. Woman of Sockna (■IniK)li). 6. Mours of the Senegal (Wesl Africa). 7. TonU Bc<louins of 
 the peninsula of Sinai (Arabia). 8. Inhabitants of Triiioli.
 
 ARABIC-AFRICAXS. 
 
 Platk io6. 
 
 Asiatic Semites.— l. Hall of an Assyrian palace (Meso(iolmnia). 2. I'ainlinK : Assyrian wamirs. 3. Relief from 
 Nimrud. 4. Representation from an obelisk of Ninmitl. 5. Old Jewish -r-v.- .<.ir TIImuI. (soutliwesl of Ukc Ccn- 
 nesareth). 6. Cromlech (stone grave) of Syria.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 371 
 
 VI. THE INDO-EUROPEAN RACE. 
 A. THE BASQUES. 
 
 We class the Basques among the Indo-European race, because, as we 
 see thena to-day and as far as we can trace them, they coincide in physical 
 structure and in manner of living with the other nations of Central and 
 Southern Europe, though in language they seem to be entirely distinct. 
 
 Classification. — The Basques — who in the Pyrenees call themselves 
 Euskalduns (Esqualdunac, Euskaldunac) — are the descendants of the Vas- 
 cons, a tribe of old Iberians, the aboriginal inhabitants of vSpain. Per- 
 haps they are also related to the Ligurians. At present they live in the 
 northern part of Spain and in the south-western part of France, and are 
 divided according to their locations into six tribes with different dialects. 
 Three of the tribes live in France: the tribe of Soule along the coast, 
 next the tribe of Lower Navarre, and finally the Labortanian or tribe 
 of Labourd. In former times Labourd and Soule were small independent 
 provinces. In Spain there are the tribes of Upper Navarre, of Guipuzcoa, 
 and, farthest to the west, of Biscay. The Basques number altogether 
 about eight hundred thousand, and the educated classes generally speak 
 French or Spanish besides their native tongue. Their finest cities are 
 Bayonne and Pamplona. 
 
 General Characteristics ajid Social Life. — The Basques are of middle 
 size, of graceful, .slender stature, with dark hair and eyes and South- 
 European complexion. Much superstition has been retained among their 
 ancient customs; excessive lamentation and self-inflicted torture in mem- 
 ory' of the dead have only recenth' been abolished. Blood-revenge still 
 exists among them, although of course not legally, and in this as well as 
 in other things they exhibit great passion. They are honest, ver)' hospi- 
 table, and of a cheerful disposition. 
 
 Dramatic performances and lyric poems are numerous and highly 
 prized; their songs are also many and beautiful (Sallaberry). A strange 
 custom exists in Biscay: at the birth of a child the husband goes to bed 
 with the infant and receives the calls of congratulation, while the wife as 
 soon as possible goes about her business — a custom which was observed 
 by Strabo and Diodorus among the ancient Iberians and Corsicans 
 (Francisquc Michel). It is probable that both these nations were of like 
 origin, as in ancient times the Balearic Islands had "Iberian inhabitants. 
 
 Language. — The Basque language (or the Euskara, Eskuara, or Es- 
 kara, as they themselves call it) is said to be an incorporative language, 
 and is therefore to be classed with the American idioms. The ICuskara 
 contains, indeed, much that is peculiar. The roots are all monosyllabic, 
 those of two syllables having been formed either by prefix or by combina-
 
 373 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 tion. The noun is the dominating part of speech, and there are few verbs 
 capable of inflection: Father RI. de Larramendi and Abbe Darrigol, both 
 Basques by birth, give only about eighteen in their grammars. On these, 
 especially on two of them, the whole verbal conjugation is based. The 
 language makes a precise distinction between verbal and nominal roots, 
 for all roots do not have both a verbal and a nominal meaning; thus, 
 handi^ ' ' great, ' ' cannot at the same time mean to make great and the 
 state of being great. Nouns and adjectives are declined alike, and nouns 
 may even be compared like adjectives and with the same endings: iiicndj\ 
 "mountain;" mendiaga, "higher mountain;" mendiena, "very high, 
 highest mountain." 
 
 There is no grammatical gender, but there is an extensive system of 
 declension, with singular and plural numbers and many cases, among 
 which the nominative and accusative are not distinctly separated. All 
 these forms are attained by certain suffixes which no longer occur inde- 
 pendently and have lost their original meaning. There is a definite 
 article, which is joined, as in the Swedish language, to the end of the 
 word: gizon^ "man;" gizona^ "the man;" but if two nouns or a noun 
 and an adjective are united, the article and the declensional ending are 
 attached to only one of them: ^itr ^garbi, "Afresh 'water;" ^itr 'garbi- 
 ^^, "^the Afresh 'water;" "?/;- 'garbi-rcn^'''' oi fresh water" {)'cn is the suffix 
 of the genitive, and consequently corresponds to our of)\ and ^nr'^garbi- 
 ^ a- * roi, " ' of ^ the " fresh ' water. ' ' 
 
 The pronouns are declined almost like the nouns, but they seem to 
 have retained (according to Abbe Darrigol) some fuller and older forms. 
 In fact, the variety of their forms is their most peculiar feature. There 
 are various though perhaps only dialectic forms of one and the same 
 pronoun: the regular pronoun of the second person, thoit, has also a polite 
 form in the singular {hi, Mc, ai, euc, "thou;" zu, zuc, "thoii, you," polite 
 form; znek, ziek, "you," plural); and in the verb itself, in which it is an 
 important element, it appears in numerous forms. 
 
 Thus, t as well as 7ii means "I;" d, da, occurs as the pronoun of the 
 third person, but not otherwise; and a trace of forming the feminine 
 is found, as with the ///r, "thou," which is used in addressing a masculine 
 person, an n appears when applied to a feminine subject. The inflexion 
 of the verb is entirely dependent on the pronoun; and in the declension 
 also many endings of pronominal origin are found. From all this it 
 will be seen that the pronoun of this language has an especial sig- 
 nificance. 
 
 The verbal inflexion of the Euskara is not easily explained, but it 
 appears more difficult than it really is. It is based almost entirely on 
 two auxiliaries — on the root iz, esse, "to be," and the root cii, avoir, "to 
 have," to which verbal substantives are added. The fonner of these 
 auxiliaries, iz, forms neuter verbs, verbs signifying a state; the sec- 
 ond, eu, active verbs, which signify an influence on an object (Dar- 
 rigol).
 
 ETHXOCRAPIIY. 373 
 
 The following is the form of the present tense: 
 
 "'-) I am; gi>'c., we are; 
 
 hi=, thou art; zirete, you are; 
 
 «''?, he is. dire, they are. 
 
 It is apparent that in ;//>, Itiz, we have the pronoun of the first and sec- 
 ond persons— that ni-z means " I am," and //-/- " thou art;" but what is 
 da ? It is the pronoun of the third person, but without the verbal root. 
 The verbal root is also absent in the plural: gi-rc is "we" {gu\ with 
 the pronominal emphatic addition; di'-re can be traced back to da ; and 
 zi-rc-tc, ixoivi zi-ck, "you," has, besides the emphatic, also a plural end- 
 ing (/t'). Ethortzcn niz is, "I come," or, literally, "In the coming I am " 
 {en is the ending of the case meaning "in"); cthorri-co da, "he will 
 come," literally, "for the coming he " {co is the ending of the case mean- 
 ing " for "); the sentences are to be completed by the addition of true ver- 
 bal ideas. A governed pronoun is inseparably united to this auxiliary 
 verb, from whicli new difficulties arise. 
 
 Thus, ethortzcn mizu (Abbadie) means "I come for you," where nuzti 
 consists of ;/, "I," u (-), the root whose vowel is changed and whose z is 
 dropped before the following z, and zii, the polite pronoun of the second 
 person. Also, cthortzen nttk, "I come to you man," ctJwrlzcn nun, "I 
 come to }'ou woman," where in niik, nun, the z of the root iz has been 
 omitted before /• and w, the characteristic letters of the masculine and 
 feminine second person of the verbal object. There are also emphatic 
 forms; for example: ct/iortzcji n-itz-ai-zu, "I am for you man in the com- 
 ing," also n-jtz-ai-n, "for you woman," where the emphatic sjllable is 
 probably of pronominal origin. 
 
 The root c?/, ?/, " to have," is used differently. It is always connected 
 with an antecedent pronomiiial clause signifying the object: d-u-(, "it 
 have I" — that is, "I have (it);" consequently, the language does not 
 further designate the accusative, the case of the object, but leaves it 
 indefinite. Therefore, V;///o.'"--/ "en V/ ^/ V," I beg you"— literally, "'beg- 
 ging ^ in ■'you Miave ''I," I address my request to you, I beg you; also, 
 ^othaizt^cn ^dUi^gu, " we beg it "—literally, " in begging Miave 'we 'it," 
 or ^n^n V, "'me Miave 'you," you beg me. There are some more artistic 
 forms, liuL tlicir construction is the same. 
 
 Where is there any incorporation in this process? There is but one 
 subordinating, sufTixing method, which is not es.sentially distinct from the 
 manner of our language: what we group together the Euskara welds into 
 cue word. ]\Iahn has very correctly compared Italian forms, such as 
 uwiar-tc-Jo for inviar-ti-h, "send you it, send it to )ou." The abbre- 
 viations in the pronunciation of compound words are different from the 
 elisions of the American languages, for the Basque abbreviations are 
 principally euplionic and consist in the accordance of the .sound.s. 
 
 The temptation is far greater to find a similarity to the construction of 
 Semitic languages in this, that the root iz, the formative element of the 
 neuter verb, prefixes the subject and sufTixcs the object, while, on the
 
 374 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 contran-, tlie transitive en prefixes the object and suffixes tlie subject. 
 But this similarity is merely external, and is based on the rule governing 
 the syntax of Basque words — namely, that the more important precede the 
 less important. For instance, in describing a condition, the subject or 
 the bearer of the condition is of greater importance than the object, the 
 pers6n or thing having part in the condition, and therefore precedes it; 
 and, on the other hand, with a transitive verb the object precedes, as it is 
 of greater importance than the subject, because it completes the action. 
 
 As the reader may be impatient with these linguistic investigations, 
 we will point out how much has been gained by them. We expected from 
 the assertion that the structure of the Basque language was like the Ameri- 
 can to find a real incorporative process in it; but on an unprejudiced 
 investigation we have found that in structure it is not distinct from 
 the Indo-Germanic languages, or at least that it is more closely related 
 to them than to any other, and also that it is not separated from them by 
 sound. 
 
 The following are the fundamental traits of the Indo-Germanic lan- 
 guages: The monosyllabic roots may have at the same time both nominal 
 and verbal significations, but the pronominal roots are entirely distinct, 
 and have had, since the most ancient times, only a pronominal significa- 
 tion and hardly any other than pronominal development. The noun and 
 the verb are of distinct formation, even in the earliest derivatives of the 
 root; the verbal stems are strictly distinguished, according as they are 
 nouns or verbs, by the manner of their inflexion; declension, or the inflex- 
 ion of the noun, is attained by fonnative syllables derived from the demon- 
 strative pronouns, while conjugation, or the inflexion of the verb, is formed 
 only by suffixes derived from the personal pronouns. 
 
 The distinction of genders is perfectly developed in the noun and pro- 
 noun, but is almost entirely absent in the verb. The individual parts of 
 speech agree perfectly in gender, person, number, and case, while in the 
 Basque of course they can agree only in number and case. All words are 
 independently developed, and the annexing of a determining suffix to the 
 last word, such as we have seen in the Basque ur garbia^ occurs only in 
 rare cases (for example, Goethe says: In dcr gross iind klciiicti IVclt). 
 
 The development of the nominal relative form is limited: there are 
 about seven cases, and the accusative often (for instance, in the neuter) 
 agrees with the nominative. The development of the verb is remarkable: 
 it is almost always attained by suffixes, rarely by inserted formative ele- 
 ments or infixes, and still more rarely by prefixes; but in the Basque 
 infixes sometimes form the tenses and moods, and a prefix determines 
 the case. In the Indo-Germanic the designation of the personal pronoun 
 is always at the end of these suffixes, or, as in the modern languages (for 
 example, "I go"), at the beginning. 
 
 The verb has different forms of time (tenses), different moods, and 
 different voices (active, middle, passive), and hence an extraordinarily 
 rich and consistent syntax has been attained in the most highly developed
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 375 
 
 Indo-Germanic idioms; which sij^nifics that the liiicjuistic fonn most 
 accurately expresses the logical relation of the individual thoughts and 
 their parts, and that the construction of sentences is first really developed 
 to true artistic proportion. 
 
 We of^ourse do not claim any authentic connection between the 
 Euskara and the Indo-Germanic languages; still less do we think of any 
 uniformity of vocabulary; but we do assert that even linguistically noth- 
 ing hinders our classing the Basques with the Indo-European race. We 
 believe that in very remote ages, when the Indo-Germauic language had 
 just begun to develop its characteristic peculiarities, the forefathers of 
 the Basques separated from the original stock of the Indo-Gennans, and 
 that consequently they are ethnologically most closely related to that race; 
 that is, they separated from them later than from the original stock of 
 jnankind. The similarity in the structure of the language which we 
 have pointed out indicates such an ethnological relationship. 
 
 Where the Etruscans belong is as yet an open question; we merely 
 mention them without attempting to classify them. 
 
 B. THE INDO-GERMANIC FAMILY. 
 
 The Indo-Germaus are the most widely diffused race of mankind, and 
 they still continue to spread. They are the true standard-bearers of civil- 
 ization, and they have not only absorbed whatever of its elements the 
 Semites had created and de\-elopcd, but have so fostered them that now 
 Semitic culture has no place by the side of the Indo-Gennanic. 
 
 In language they occupy the highest rank. This is not so much 
 due to the fact that their tongues are the highest in logical precision 
 and in emotional depth, for that is disputed; and, besides, the Finni.sh, 
 Japanese, Chinese, and many Semitic tongues are not inferior to the 
 Indo-Germanic in practical value. We therefore will not insist upou 
 this superiority, although it can hardly be denied. But it is a most 
 important fact that those ludo-Gcrmanic nations which have no historical 
 importance occupy the same high rank in linguistic development which 
 is held by the most prominent. 
 
 This proves that the entire race is more highly developed than any 
 other; for among others we find but one or a few languages and peoples 
 who have developed into a civilization similar to, or even comparable 
 with, the Indo-Germanic, while the great majority of the remainder con- 
 tinue undeveloped. 
 
 It was not the events of history or favorable natural environment 
 which thus highly developed the Indo-Gennans. We are obliged to 
 believe that they remained longest in the original home of mankind, 
 and that by this quiet stay they became more developed than the otlicrs, 
 who had migrated earlier. Consequently, they were able to subdue the 
 wild and inhospitable regions which then constituted' Europe. These 
 earliest migrations from the aboriginal centre of humanity mu.st be cor- 
 rectly considered. The word "migration," which wc, yielding to the
 
 376 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 common use of language, employ, means something entirely diiTerent 
 from what actually occurred. The dispersion of mankind took place by 
 a very gradual, unintentional pushing forward as the stock became more 
 numerous; and gradually, as this extension occurred in different direc- 
 tions, a separation took place, which was all the more positive the more 
 graduallv it had been performed. The races spread in the same manner 
 as the original stock; those more quickly whose new home was not in- 
 viting, as was the case in Northern Asia; but those slowly who early 
 found a rich and comfortable region. 
 
 Thus it was with the Indo-Germans who spread over Persia, Armenia, 
 and Asia Minor, and gradually into Europe. They seem to have moved 
 along the southern edge of the Caucasus to the Crimea, and from Asia 
 ]Minor across the sea, and perhaps also north of the Caucasus along the 
 western coast of the Caspian Sea, as is shown by two facts — that the Ossetes, 
 an independent Indo-Geruianic nation, dv/ell in the Caucasus, and that 
 the southern Scythians, the inhabitants of the Crimea and of Southern 
 Russia, have been pronounced Indo-Germans (Miillenhoff). 
 
 The advance into Europe was in the beginning very gradual, but in 
 tlieir new homes and in their entirely different environment the European 
 Indo-Germans became distinct from their Asiatic relatives. Thus the 
 original single race became divided into two great divisions — the European 
 and the Asiatic Indo-Germans. These two experienced the same fate as the 
 whole race, and were again subdivided into distinct divisions — the Asiatic 
 into the Indian and Iranian, the European Indo-Germans into North and 
 South European nations. But the common language had been so much 
 developed, and had become so firmly established, that, though it indeed 
 might separate into numerous idioms, it could nowhere exhibit such pro- 
 nounced dissimilarities, either in vocabulary or form, as we have found in 
 the languages of other races. 
 
 Passing to a brief view of the individual nations, we may begin with 
 the eastern half of the Asiatic Indo-Germans. 
 
 I. The Indians. 
 Classification and General Considerations. — The Indians include, 
 according to Lassen (see Map), the Daradas or Dards in the north-west 
 on the south-eastern slopes of the Hindoo-Kush, and, west of them, the 
 Kafirs (infidels — that is, not Mohammedans) or Sijah-Posh (that is, "black 
 coats," because they wear garments of black hides), who foniierly lived in 
 Candahar, and are said to have migrated thence in four tribes. Their 
 languages, which are divided into different dialects, as they themselves are 
 divided into different tribes, belong entirely to the Indian family; but in 
 physique they are separated from the Indians as well as from their east- 
 ern neighbors the Afghans, for they are large, of fine build, with straight 
 noses, often light skin, blue e)'es, and blond hair. They have remained 
 on their original grade of civilization. Their grain consists of wheat and 
 barley, which the women, who live separate from the men, cultivate; and
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. yj-j 
 
 they have neither horses nor fowls. Their weapons are the dagger, the 
 knife, and the bow and arrow, the bow serving as a jnniping-stick in 
 flight. They are a brave people, but their wars generally consist of raids 
 and excursions for booty. 
 
 They bitterly hate the Mohammedans, who frequently abduct them 
 into slavery. He only is considered a man who has slain a IMohammedan, 
 and in testimony of his feat he wears a special feather and allows his hair 
 to grow. Some tribes have quite a contrar>- custom, for they cut oflF a 
 lock of hair for each slain enemy. Notwithstanding this bitter animosity, 
 some of the tribes have been converted to Mohammedanism. The relig- 
 ion of the others is very simple, and appears to be like the ancient Indian 
 religion in its main traits: they have priests, sacrifices of cows and goats, 
 various ceremonies and feasts, and male and female idols of stone and 
 wood. They also venerate the souls of their ancestors. Thev are of a 
 harmless, frank, cheerful disposition, fond of music and dancing; they 
 sing much, and have drums and a stringed instalment of one string. 
 
 The Gypsies also belong to the Indians, probably to a wandering Pa- 
 riah caste of Western India. They first appeared in South-eastern Europe 
 in the beginning of the fourteenth century. They usually call them- 
 selves Rom or Romany, but .sometimes Sinte, which latter is supposed to 
 be a corruption of the Indian SindJi. Their various dialects retain marked 
 Hindustani elements, although much influenced by the languages of the 
 various countries in which their scattered bands find their homes. Plate 
 io8 {fig. 7) represents a Gypsy woman from Wallachia, and may be taken 
 as presenting a favorable type of these wandering outcasts. 
 
 In India proper the Casfuneriaiis, who speak a distinct and rather 
 peculiar language, form the most northern di\ision. Next follow the 
 inhabitants of the Punjab, also wi'-h a distinct language, which, however, 
 is more closely related to the main tongue, the Hindi. This latter is 
 divided into many dialects; and from it, since the spread of Mohannned- 
 anism into India, the I/indns/ani, a form of the Hindi interspersed with 
 Arabic elements, has developed. In the west of India we have as inde- 
 pendent languages the Sindhi on the lower Indus, the Gnjcralci' on the 
 peninsula of Gujerat and in the neighboring regions, and the Ma/irallrc, 
 which is widely spread even beyond the fifteenth degree of north lati- 
 tude; in the east, on the lower Ganges and Brahmapootra, the Bcugakc ; 
 and finally south of these the Oriya and some subordinate idioms which 
 we omit. Of course these various languages correspond to the different 
 tribes of the Indian population. 
 
 Physical Charactcrislics. — The descriptions of ancient writers still 
 apply to the present Hindoos, who — especially tlie Brahmans— in their 
 phj'sical construction are exactly like the representations on old Indian 
 sculpture. The Indians are of middle size, the average height being 163 
 centimetres (64 inches). The limbs are often delicate and slender (comp. 
 //. \o%,fig. i), but there are also very vigorous tribes; as, for example, the 
 Rajpoots in Rajpootana (North-eastern Punjab and AravulH :Mountains).
 
 378 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Color. — The color of the skin ranges from a dark yellow to a bronze 
 or soot-black. Some have attempted to acconnt for the latter color by- 
 supposing an intermixture of the Indians with the Dravidians; but, 
 though this explanation may be correct for single individuals and regions, 
 it does not explain all cases. We saw that all the Dravidian nations are 
 by no means black; only exposed tribes and individuals are dark; the 
 more protected ones, especially the women, are lighter than the others, 
 and dark individuals are seen among classes where there can scarcely be 
 suspicion of intermixture. It will therefore probably be more correct to 
 attribute the dark color to spontaneous and climatic influences. The 
 latter explanation is partly confirmed by the existence of perfectly light 
 Hindoo tribes among the low hills of the Himalayas. 
 
 Hair. — The hair of the head is of a glossy black — not frizzy, but often 
 wavy and curly; the beard grows abundantly {pi. loj.Jigs. 2, 3, 8); it is 
 often shaved, except on the upper lip, as is also the hair on the head of the 
 men, with the exception of a few curls at the vertex and on the temples 
 {pi. 107, Jigs. 4, 6, 8). 
 
 Skull. — The shape of the skull is generally mesocephalic, with a tend- 
 ency to dolichocephalism (Welcker). The face forms an oval; the fore- 
 head is free; the eyes are dark, black or brown, and large; the eyebrows 
 generally curved and finely formed; the nose frequently with the Roman 
 curve, as is shown in our illustrations {pi. 107, Jigs. 1-7). This type is 
 best developed among the Brahmans, but it is by no means absent among 
 the Pariahs {pi. loj, Jig. 6). 
 
 Dress and Ornaments. — The dress, of which we present several illus- 
 trations, is of linen, cotton, and silk (//. xoj^figs. 1-7, 8, 9; pi. 108, Jig. 
 1). The hair and beard are often dyed. The finger- and toe-nails of the 
 women, as also their nipples, which are exposed {pi. loj, Jigs. 5, 9), are 
 always painted red; their eyelashes and eyebrows are dyed black with 
 antimony. The Indians have various fans (//. 107, Jigs. 8, 9) ; diverse 
 ornaments, as necklaces, bracelets, and ear-rings {pi. 107, Jigs. 4, 7; pi. 
 108, Jigs. I, 5); pearls and flowers in the hair, nay even in the pierced 
 nostrils {pi. 107, Jg. 5); and veils {pi. 107, Jig. 7; pi. 108, Jg. 4), etc. 
 The painted marks and stripes over or between the eyes or on the neck 
 (//. 107, _fig. 6) are signs of the diflferent castes {pi. 107, Jigs. 1-7, 8, 9; 
 pi. 108, Jigs. I, 5), but a light kind of tattooing is frequently used. 
 
 Dwellings. — The elaborate buildings of the Indians and the extrava- 
 gant taste exhibited in their plastic art are well known. The houses in 
 the large cities are comfortably built in Oriental style, with flat roofs and 
 projecting balconies and platforms or verandas {pi 107, Jig. 8), for we 
 have adopted into our civilization both the word and the object to which 
 it belongs. Gardens, which are popular (//. 107, Jig. 9), are cultivated 
 with great art. In that hot climate the people live mostly in the open 
 air; many are satisfied with plain structures {pi 108, Jig. 5) which suffice 
 for shelter; and the Brahmans especially are wont to live in a simple style 
 (//. io8,A--3)-
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 379 
 
 Character.— '^\\& people are valiant enough, but they have no enter- 
 prise. They are fond of repose, but are also industrious, persevering, and 
 patient at their labor. Their chief endeavor is to calm the passions of this 
 earthly life and to gain eternal peace in God; and therefore they rarely 
 exhibit passion. They have great abilities, and are an.xious to learn, but 
 they have a decided tendency to speculative meditations. Their penitents 
 and saints are extremely ascetic. 
 
 Government.— 'X:\\ii government has always been an absolute monarchy, 
 hereditary by primogeniture, and the king may in time of need demand 
 from one-twelfth to one-fourth of all private property (except that of the 
 Brahmans) as a tax. War-services are recompensed by investiture with 
 land. In former times military duty was confined to the Kshattri\a, or the 
 caste of warriors, and the other castes were able to pursue quietly their 
 work even in times of war. The king (//. 107,/.^. 8) and his principal 
 wife (//. wj,fg. 9) are objects of the highest veneration. The weapons 
 of the Indians in ancient and mediaeval times were bows and arrows, 
 clubs, discuses, spears, swords, shields, and war-chariots; at present only 
 firearms are used. 
 
 Family Life. — Marriage is contracted at a ven- early age, and its cere- 
 monies vary according to the different religions. In ancient times the 
 man took the hand of the woman and walked around the altar with 
 her. The woman remains dependent, but not secluded in the house, and 
 is treated respectfully. The husband gives presents to his wife's parents. 
 Poh-gamy is frequent, although of late origin, and there are evidences that 
 polyandry was practised in ancient times. Sutteeism is now abolished. 
 Among people of rank the wife often desired to accompany her husband 
 into the other life; but self-immolation was never universal, and was always 
 voluntary. It was believed that every woman thus immolated would live 
 in joy with her husband 35,000,000 years, while otherwise she would have 
 no place in paradise. 
 
 Language and Literature. — There are two principal steps of Indian 
 civilization: (i) the older or Vedic period, and (2) the Brahmanic period. 
 Buddhism was developed from the latter as a third step. The language 
 also bears a different character according to this twofold or threefold 
 division. The Vedic language was spoken by the ancient Indians who 
 migrated about 2000 B. c. from the West into India; the ancient sacred 
 hymns of the Indians are composed in it, and it is the mother of all the 
 other Indian idioms. 
 
 The second stage, that of Brahmanism, gradually developed from the 
 Vedic period after the people had become established, soon after their 
 migration, and principally in Western India, extending as far as the Pun- 
 jab, which remained true to the Vedic civilization. Sanskrit was never 
 spoken by the people, for, as its name implies, it was an artificial tongue 
 which the educated Brahmans had formed from the vernacular. It was 
 divided into several dialects, only the latter form of which (the Prakrit) 
 has been retained. Sanskrit literature proper begins about 250 n. c. or a
 
 38o ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 little later, shortly after Alexander's invasion, and when Buddhism was 
 gaining ground. 
 
 These two important events exercised a powerful influence on Indian 
 literature. Indeed, it seems as though the construction of the two great 
 epics, the Maliabliarata and the Raiiiayaaa, must be ascribed to direct 
 Greek influence. Buddhism also strongly influenced Indian literature 
 by its deeds and ideas. The northern Buddhists wrote in Sanskrit, 
 but the works of the southern Buddhists were later on (about 420 A. D. , 
 according to Weber) translated into Pali, the now extinct dialect of the 
 Magadha country. The Pali thus became the sacred language of all 
 Buddhism, which spread especially from Southern India. 
 
 Another cause of its influence was the fact that the new religion, 
 according to the principles of its founder, generally made use of the 
 idioms of the people both orally and in writing, thereby giving new life 
 to them. All these languages, the Pali not excepted, are organic devel- 
 opments of the' old Indian tongue. That modern Indian idioms are only 
 deteriorated dialects as compared with the old regularly-developed ones, 
 as is the case with the present Romance tongues in contrast with the 
 Latin, is due to the invasions of the Mongolians and the Mohammedans. 
 
 Caste. — The development of the caste spirit belongs to the Brahmanic 
 period, although its foundations are far older and are rooted in the 
 ancient religious ideas which prevail in patriarchal states. But it was 
 strengthened by the special doctrines of the Indian religion. The 
 Brahmans, or priests, constitute the first caste; the Kshattriyas, or 
 warriors, the second; next follow the Vaisyas, or agriculturists; fourth, 
 the Sudras, or mechanics; and finally, the Pariahs and others not in- 
 cluded in the preceding castes, such as those who had charge of the 
 dead. The ancient caste S}'stem still survives, but it has undergone 
 various changes. 
 
 In Cashmere the Brahmans are numerous and influential, but in other 
 regions the caste no longer exists; in the north-west the Kshattriyas have 
 been transformed into a mercantile class; the Kaiths or Kayasthas, origin- 
 ally a lower caste of the Hindoos, rose by connection with the victorious 
 Mohammedans, and are now active in Central and Eastern India as scien- 
 tists or scribes. The Baniyas (that is, "business-men"), who seem to 
 have been developed from a lower caste, are at present very influential 
 not only in India, but in Africa, Arabia, and elsewhere. 
 
 There are some barbarous tribes of Indian origin among whom the 
 caste spirit had not been developed, who settled at a later period in the 
 civilized region, such as the Jats in the north-west and the Rajpoots; and 
 as they have remained distinct from the Indians, they constitute inde- 
 pendent classes. By all these transitions the original caste spirit has been 
 much modified. It is difficult to form a clear idea of all the classes and 
 of their condition. The distinction of castes has lost its old severity in 
 the north, but the Indian type is particularly pure in the Brahmans, 
 because they have faithfully preserved the caste traditions.
 
 ETHXOGRAPHY. 381 
 
 Religion: Brahmanism. — Tlie threefold clevelopinciit is also inarkeil 
 by different forms of religion. In the Vcdic period the Indian religion 
 was a cult of the deified powers of natnre, especially of the gleaming 
 vault of the heavens, with its magnificence by day and its infinite vast- 
 ness at night; of fire, which serves as a sacrificial flame to call forth the 
 gods and to intercede for man; of the winds, and of several other deities. 
 In those times the gods were not represented by images. Soma-liqnor, 
 the pressed juice of an Asclcpias, was the chief offering, and animal 
 sacrifices were rare. The Vedas themselves are collections of hymi;s 
 sung to the glory of the individual gods, the most powerful of whom 
 was Indra. 
 
 The Indian tendency to religious speculation developed a second relig- 
 ious system from this pure naturalism. During the Vedic period the 
 virtues had also been venerated as deities, and now abstract divinities 
 were established by the side of the old natural gods, whose significance 
 was no longer understood. The supreme deity was conceived to be 
 the universal, the Brahma (that is, "the great"), which, existing by 
 itself, generated in itself by self-contemplation a creative desire: thus 
 Kama (love) came into existence, and through it all that is was called 
 to life. 
 
 Besides this universal being, which could never become popular, there 
 were deities of the people. Some of them, as Vishnu, are mentioned 
 incidentally in the Vedas, while others, as Siva, are not spoken of. The 
 old gods remained, but without their old significance. In a later form of 
 Brahmanism the deity appears as 7;-/w//r//^that is, "triple being" — 
 consisting of Brahma the creator, Vishnu the preserver, and Siva the 
 destroyer. Some sects confined their worship to the latter two (//. 107, 
 Jig. 2). All gods, however, are deemed mortal, for Kala, the god of 
 time, annihilates them, and finally himself, and all again return to 
 Brahma. 
 
 In order that man may as soon as possible reach this highest point, 
 this identification with Brahma, he must practise the strictest holiness; 
 which, however, is not meritorious unle.^s it is in exact confonnity with 
 the ritual; consequently, a multitude of external postures, washings, pil- 
 grimages, etc. are obligatory, especially for the Brahmans (/»/. 108, Jig. 
 1). Sin hinders union with God, but it can be overcome by devotion and 
 mortification; and by conquering sensuality, human affections, and all 
 earthly thoughts the devotee is absorbed directly into the deity. From 
 such views has grown the asceticism of the Indian sages, which has often 
 reached incredible degrees. 
 
 Jhuid/iisi>i.—V,wV\h\i^m (founded by Prince Gautama, called Buddha— 
 that is, "the enlightened one") developed from Brahmanism in the .sixth 
 century B.C., and was made the state religion about the year 250 B.C. 
 Buddha claimed to be no more than human. He prized virtue, and 
 disputed the value of works and ceremonies; he rejected the theor>- of 
 one religion for the people and another fur the sages; and, as he preached
 
 382 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 the equality of all men, lie wished to abolish the system of castes. Buddh- 
 ism recognizes no personal gods, but only an Absolute Existence, tlie 
 cause of the established order of the universe, to which all things will 
 eventually return. Still, the veneration of numerous spirits and saints 
 prevails among the people in opposition to this nihilism. It also holds 
 the view that by doing penance and by meditation one will reach the 
 greatest bliss — that is, become one with the fundamental principle of 
 existence. The Buddhist ascetics frequently live together in cloisters. 
 
 Buddhism could not retain its place in India: it disappeared thence in 
 the sixteenth century, but, as we have already seen, it has spread widely 
 in Eastern Asia. It unquestionably has great merits: above all, it teaches 
 that true morality rests on a kind feeling toward our fellow-men. Its 
 abstract character sufficed for the sober East Asiatics, but not for the 
 Indians; consequently, ancient pagan views were retained among both 
 Buddhists and Brahmans, such as the veneration of different animals (apes, 
 snakes, etc.), or of trees (as the banyan, Ficus religiosa\ or of mountains, 
 which were believed to be incarnations or companions or seats of the 
 deity. 
 
 Superstitions. — Prohibitions of food prevail, also countless supersti- 
 tions — ordeals (oaths were seldom taken) and amulets (generally worn 
 about the neck; for example,//. io-j,Jigs. 6, 8). The latter frequently 
 consist of the image of an ancestor, for the belief in guardian spirits and 
 in the protecting power of the dead is common. The souls are also feared, 
 and during the night no Indian can be easily prevailed upon to go to a 
 place whence corpses have been brought or where the dead have been 
 cremated, or to the small buildings in which their ashes are stored {pi. 
 io8, y?f. 2). 
 
 The Indians believe in a Hereafter, in reward or punishment for deeds 
 committed on earth, and that each person's condition in this world is 
 determined by deeds done in fonner states through which he has passed. 
 Dead-offerings are deemed helpful to the departed, that they max become 
 blessed, and consequently all are anxious to raise children who may per- 
 form the pious duty of making these offerings for them. Some tribes erect 
 for the deceased small houses like temples, and place within them boards 
 or pieces of wood on which are rudely-carved pictures of the departed or 
 scenes from their lives {pi. io8. Jig. 4). 
 
 The religious activity of the Indians has given rise to a number of 
 other sects, such as the Jains, who endeavored to reform Brahmanism, and 
 the Sikhs, deists without any caste distinctions, who recognize only prayer 
 and purification as a worship of God. Even at present their religious life 
 is not dormant. A sect has lately arisen called the Brahmo-Samaj, or 
 " Church of Brahma," which endeavors to give a new form and a new life 
 to the old Brahmanic religion. The marked Christian tendency of this 
 latest form is an important phenomenon of modern India. 
 
 We must content ourselves with this short description of the varieties 
 of Indian life. India created Buddhism: at an early period it developed
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 383 
 
 a solid civilization, which has had an important influence in history; and 
 it has produced in the field of imagination results wliich are the greatest 
 triumph of the Indian intellect and which have widely influenced tlie 
 civilization of mankind. We do not refer to extant Indian poems, which, 
 though they are often prolix and insipid, contain much that is most beau- 
 tiful; almost all the fables and fain--tales and many of the novels which 
 for thousands of years have been a source of pleasure to the whole world 
 — to the Koi-Koin and the Chinese as well as to us — arc of Indian origin. 
 Other nations rank infinitely higher in the forms of poetry, but the poetical 
 invention of the Indians remains unsurpassed, and cannot be too highly 
 appreciated. In this regard they may be .said to have laid the foundation 
 of all poetry. (See Ixdi.\ns and illus. Vol. II.) 
 
 2. The Iranian Peoples. 
 
 In the histor}- of India frequent mention is made of the Citcbcrs, who, 
 though great numbers of them were destroyed in the struggles with for- 
 eign conquerors, are dispersed throughout the country, but are found espe- 
 cially in Gujerat. They are Pcrsinns who fled before the approaching 
 Mohammedans, and consequently they unite India and Persia only super- 
 ficially. 
 
 Classijicalioti. — The ethnologic transition between the two countries is 
 formed by that Iranian people bordering on India, the Afghans, or, as they 
 call themselves, the Pukhtaneh (in the west Pashtaneh), whose language, 
 the Pukhtu (Pushtu), occupies a position similarly intermediate between 
 the languages of the two countries. Their most eastern division, the 
 Lohanis, live in India east of the Suleiman Mountains, and are separated 
 into many tribes, the J'criris, S/iirniiis, and others. Next come the Hcr- 
 (///rnnis, or the Eastern Afghans, in the north-eastern part of Afghanistan, 
 who are also divided into many tribes; and, finally, the West AJgfiaus^ one 
 of whose principal tribes, the G/ii/:ais, dwells to the south of Kabul, and 
 another, the Duranis^ occupies the more level but less fertile South-west 
 Afghanistan. 
 
 South of these, next to the Brahuis — of whom we have spoken (p. 282) 
 — dwell the BcloorJiccs {pi. 108, y?^^ 6), who are Mohammedans, and to 
 whom the nomadic tribe of the A^asirs in Afghanistan probably belongs. 
 Their language is closely related to the New Persian, and they seem to 
 have come at a late period from the west to their present seats. They are 
 divided into three tribes, and are brave and predator)-. Their weajwns 
 are the gun, dagger, sword, and shield (//. 108, /ig. 6), often also the spear. 
 
 We now mention the Tajiks {pi. wo, figs, i, 2), living in Kabul, to 
 the north in Badakshan, and to the table-land of Pameer, and also in 
 Bokhara, Balkh, Herat, and Seistan, where they have intermingled much 
 with the Afghans and Beloochces, and also in Khiva; they are esix^cially 
 numerous in Western Iran, where they are called Parsivan, Persians. 
 They speak only Persian, are agriculturists and tradesmen, and as such are 
 dispersed far beyond the boundaries of their own country. They are uot
 
 384 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 deficient in valor, and they make excellent soldiers. They were formerly 
 fire-worshippers, but now profess Mohammedanism. 
 
 Tlie Lures in Luristan (middle-sized, strong, of brown color) are lin- 
 guistically closely related to the extremely thievish Kurds {pi. TZifigs. 6, 
 9), who live to the north of them as far as the upper Tigris and Lake Van. 
 To them belong the Dushik Kurds, dwelling south-west of Erzeroum, 
 who have preserved many ancient customs, although they, like the other 
 Kurds, are Mohammedans. The Gurancs live among them like a peas- 
 ant caste by the side of a warrior caste (Spiegel). To the independent 
 Iranian tribes belong also the Tats, near Baku on the western coast of 
 the Caspian Sea, aud the inhabitants of ]\Iazanderan, on the south- 
 ern coast. 
 
 Next follow the Armenians, or Haiks, whose unmixed tribe, according 
 to Khanikof and Spiegel, lives in Astrakhan. In their native country they 
 have been exposed to various intermixtures with Semites, Turks, etc. 
 Their language, sometimes called the Haikanic, is an entirely independ- 
 ent branch of the Iranian family. The Osseles, or Iron (that is, Iran- 
 ians), as they call themselves, have reached a still more western point: 
 they dwell in the Caucasus, where they inhabit the central passes. Their 
 language and customs are evidence that they belong to the Iranians, and 
 perhaps to the Armenians. 
 
 We can do no more than simply mention here the Armenian colonies 
 which have spread as far as Hungary and Poland. In ancient times all 
 Iran was united under the sceptre of the Persian kings; at present Armenia 
 belongs to Turkey, while Persia, Afghanistan, and Beloochistan constitute 
 three independent states. 
 
 Physical Characteristics. — Referring briefly to the physique of the Iran- 
 ians, we may mention the dolichocephalic but rather high skull, whose 
 vertex and occiput are flat. However, the form varies: in the east — East 
 Iran is the true home of the Iranians — it is more pronounced than in the 
 west. The stature in the east is inferior to that in Persia proper and 
 Armenia, where it is often distinguished by slenderness together with 
 perfect vigor. The uncommon size and clumsiness of the feet must not 
 be overlooked. 
 
 It is remarkable that in going eastward the skin of this race will be 
 found to grow more dark and rough, while the Kurds and Armenians 
 often have a perfectly South-European complexion. The hair is always 
 — except in a few mountain-tribes like the Ossetes — black and straight or 
 curly; it grows abundantly on the body. The forehead is low, the shape 
 of the face oval; the eyes are finely formed, but generally do not lie deep; 
 the lips of the Armenians are thick, like those of the Afghans, and their 
 features exhibit some similarity to those of the Hindoos and the Asiatic 
 Semites. 
 
 The Afghans are of good stature, but the head lies too low between the 
 shoulders; their skin is of a blackish color, feels velvety, and is glossy; 
 the nose is large and flat, the eyes straight, the lower lip thick.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 385 
 
 The Ecloocliees are of a tall and imiscular figure, and, especially 
 those living in the hot plain, of a rather dark color. The nose is broad, 
 the forehead low, the hair, growing abundantly like the beard, is coarse. 
 They have remarkably large feet. 
 
 The Tajiks are generally small, but thickset; the feet are large, the 
 face broad, their features good, except that the mouth is too large. 
 
 The Kurds are often large and handsome, with less broad noses, but 
 otherwise like the Afghans; but among them there are many individuals 
 of clumsy build, of poor proportions, with coarse faces, large heads, and 
 large noses (M. Wagner). 
 
 The Ossetes are physically of a peculiar development. Scarcely mid- 
 dle-sized, they are thickset and vigorous, and their hair is either red or 
 blond. The old Scythians of the Crimea and Southern Russia may be 
 called the extreme advanced posts of the Iranians. 
 
 Language. — We have remains of two Iranian languages of antiquity — 
 the Old Bactrian, the so-called Zend or the language of East Iran, in which 
 the Zend Avesta was written ; and the ancient Persian or earliest West Iran- 
 ian tongue, which was the language of the Aclucmenidean dynasty and 
 their cuneiform writing. The Pehlevi was the language of the Sassanian 
 period: it was developed from the Old Persian, and is identical with the 
 Huzvaresh, as the language of some of the commentaries upon the Avesta 
 is called. The Parsi of the Middle Ages has been developed from and by 
 the side of the Pehlevi, and from it the New Persian, which is much 
 mixed with the Arabic, has descended. 
 
 Dress. — Our illustrations show various Persian costumes and castes (//. 
 log, Jigs. 1-4, 6), which require no explanation, and which are at present 
 the same as about the year 1700, when the famous Dutch painter De 
 Bruyns painted them. It is noteworthy that the old tiara, the high cap 
 worn by the contemporaries of Cyrus, is still a universal article of dress 
 (//. no, Jgs. 3, 5; //. in, _^g. 2; comp. p/. 73, Jig. 6). In Figures 5 
 (/>/. 109) and 3 (p/. no) we see warriors — Figure 5 {p/. 109) in mediaeval 
 equipment — Figure 3 (//. 1 10) with a kind of culverin fastened to the 
 saddle of a trained camel, but this arrangement is now out of use. The 
 Bcloochees live in villages of black felt tents, each village forming a clan. 
 They wear wide pantaloons, a gown-like girdled overdress (mostly blue), 
 and for ordinary use a peculiar cap (//. loS, fig. 6); the turban is worn 
 only on festival days. 
 
 Architecture. — An idea of the sjilcndor of ancient Ispahan, which was 
 destroyed soon after the year 1700 by the Afghans, as also of its active 
 business-life, is given by Plate 109 (fig. 7). The Annenian houses— at 
 least in .some villages and small towns — are wholly or partly imbedded 
 in the ground, and the walls are of clay or stone. On Plate ni {Jig. 2) 
 wc present the interior of such a house, with its strange roof-construction, 
 its benches scn-ing both as seats and as beds, the household utensils, the 
 large Oriental water-pipe of its smoking inhabitants (comp. pi. lo-j^jig. 8), 
 the connecting .stables (left), and the entrance-door (right). 
 
 Vol. I.— 2S
 
 386 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Civilisation. — The Iranians are a higlily-gifted people; they have had 
 the ability to form great states; they have developed a rich literature of 
 high poetical value and of historical importance; they have shown them- 
 selves subtle, active, and skilful in business, and indeed the Armenians 
 may be numbered among the shrewdest business-men of the world; on 
 occasion they have always shown a capacity for accepting new ideas and 
 for developing them; they are brave, and even heroic; and their ancient 
 laws are distinguished by lofty morality and clemency. 
 
 If we find the present Iranian peoples less elevated in their morals — 
 untruth and avarice are common — if we find no independent intellectual 
 achievements among them, some excuse can be made for them in the 
 unfavorable geographical conditions in which they live and in the terrible 
 fate to which they were condemned by the invasions of various nations. 
 We are, however, far from overestimating the achievements and abilities 
 of the Iranians. They stand in sharp contrast with the Indians. 
 
 As the regions east and west of the Indus are decidedly distinct in 
 flora, fauna, and climate, so also are the people. Among the nations of 
 the west a spirit of independence and a love of liberty are the main 
 motives of action, and valor is the chief virtue; civilization and the occu- 
 pation of the land are only sporadically distributed according to the cha- 
 racter of the country. Social institutions and fixed civilization are found 
 only in the principal cities, while vigorous shepherd-tribes with patriarchal 
 customs and clad in leather cloaks and sheepskins, not in muslin dresses 
 or silk caftans, roam about in the cooler climate of the mountains and the 
 hot, changeable climate of the plateaus as far as they are habitable. 
 
 The individual, the separate tribe, predominates in public life; restless- 
 ness instead of refinement in social life, elasticity of body and mind, sober 
 intelligence instead of calm, quiet industry, and a voluptuous imagination 
 prevail, and, in spite of relationship, the Iranians are a pronounced con- 
 trast to the Hindoos. This is also seen in religion. Proceeding from 
 common Indo-Germanic fundamental views, what different ends have the 
 Indians and the Iranians attained! 
 
 Religion. — We know the Iranian religion onh' in the form which was 
 given to it by Zarathustra (Zoroaster — that is, "Golden Star;" not a name, 
 but probably only a title) about 1200 B. c. (?) In ancient Aryan times 
 there were man}' Asuras — that is, gods — of equal power, who have been 
 preserved in the Vedic-Indian religion. The Iranians retained the vener- 
 ation of but one Asura, Ahiiro Masdao (Auramazda, Onnuzd), who created 
 the other deities and mankind. All good gods are gods of purit}', of light, 
 as the gods of fire, Haoma (Soma), "the sun," Mitra, "the moon," and the 
 deities of the water; but they are all dependent on Ahuro IMazdao. Op- 
 posed to him are hostile demons, gods of darkness, who, though originally 
 created by him, now battle under the command of Ahriman {Agromain- 
 yus) against the light, but who will eventually be overcome. 
 
 Man, involved in a constant struggle against sin, must take part in this 
 battle in favor of the pure light. The seat of evil is in the north, in the
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 387 
 
 darkness, in the mist. But eventually Ahuro Mazdao will conquer his 
 enemies and erect a universal united kingdom of light. The souls of 
 men, who are rewarded or punished immediately after death, will have a 
 place in this kingdom, but the wicked must first endure severe punish- 
 ments. 
 
 There were no temples in ancient times, for it was deemed unworthy 
 of an infinite God to worship him within a limited space; but the summits 
 of mountains and other elevated places were considered sacred. The 
 Magi, or priests, who constituted a numerous and influential caste, sacri- 
 ficed animals as an offering to the gods. 
 
 Death and Burial Ceremonies. — According to the teaching of Zara- 
 thustra, the dead should neither be cremated nor buried, in order to avoid 
 polluting the fire or the earth; for here, as elsewhere, all that is dead 
 defiles. Consequently, they were placed on high buildings or in open 
 places, so that birds of prey or wild animals might devour them; and he 
 was deemed especially blessed whose body was devoured. The remains 
 ■were collected in a waxed cloth or in earthen vessels and interred in 
 burial-chambers, which were generally erected on the mountain-sides. 
 At present the Iranians, being either Moslems or Christians, bury the 
 dead in either the Mohammedan or the Christian manner. 
 
 The Persians lay out the dead on a bed of state and indulge in loud 
 lamentations and other signs of sorrow ; the horse and the weapons of the 
 deceased are placed beside the corpse (//. wo, fig. 5). Tlie Annenians 
 celebrate in October a great Feast of the Dead, at which they place burn- 
 ing tapers on the graves and light fires in other parts of the cemeter)-, and 
 the women especially give utterance to expressions of their .sorrow (/>/. 
 Ill, fig. i). The Armenian tombstones (//. iii,figs. 5, 6), representing 
 rams, horses, lions, etc., are remarkable. Just as traces of the old religion 
 of light have been retained in the feast of the dead, so we have in these 
 tombs the remains of a belief which is much older than the doctrines of 
 Ormuzd. 
 
 We have found ever>-where the veneration of certain animals which 
 bore some relation to the gods: such sacred animals were also known to 
 the most ancient Indo-Gcrmauic religion, and consequently the belief in 
 them has adhered to all Indo-Germanic peoples. These animals could 
 intercede with the gods, and were sometimes believed to be the incarna- 
 tion of a guardian spirit. Formerly the souls of the dead were converted 
 into guardian spirits, and often into hostile ghosts. The ram was consid- 
 ered by the Greeks and Romaiis, among whom the supplicator wore in 
 some rites the skin of a ram, to be a mediator between the gods and man; 
 and here also the ram conducts the soul to God. Obser\-e the strange 
 sculptures having a mythological meaning on Plate in (fig. 6). 
 
 The lion also is a widely-known and ancient symbol: as sucli he was 
 placed on the tombstones of men who fell in battle in the prime of life. 
 He was probably a sacred animal and an incarnation of the souls of pow- 
 erful ancestors, and in this mauncT the emblems of tlic Persian flag (.//.
 
 3SS ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 iio^fig. 4) may be understood. The sun represents the ser\-ant or the 
 eye of Ahuro Mazdao, or the god himself, and the lion in front is a power- 
 ful guardian spirit recommending the warriors and all humau kind to the 
 god. (See Persians and illns. Vol. II.) 
 
 After this short sketch of the Iranians we pass to the second main 
 branch of the Indo-Germanic stock. 
 
 C. THE EUROPEAN INDO-GERMANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Like Fick, we include the ancient Phrygians of Asia Minor among 
 the European Indo-Germans, while the Cappadocians seem rather to 
 belong to the Iranians. 
 
 The European Indo-Germanic nations, who had been, as Fick has 
 proved by their language, for a long time united, separated later into 
 diverse tribes, probably by a very gradual progression and diffusion. 
 
 Deterioration of Type and Language. — In a survey of the European 
 nations one phenomenon is especially remarkable: the farther west we 
 go, the more remote from the original type and the more deteriorated do 
 we find the languages. The Gothic is poor and sterile in comparison with 
 the Sanskrit, and the Old Irish is still poorer, while the Old Greek and the 
 Latin, both in the number and the richness of forms, are far more closely 
 related to the original type. 
 
 This relation becomes apparent also in their civilization. How bar- 
 barous were the conditions of ancient Germanic life in comparison with 
 those of the ancient Greek! How much more barbarous still those of the 
 old Celts, and especially, in the extreme north-west, of the Scotch! This 
 applies not merely to the coarseness of life, but to a barbarity and wild- 
 ness in customs such as neither the Asiatics nor the South Europeans 
 exhibited. Compare the Scotch buildings (/>/. 111, fig. 4), the so-called 
 beehive houses, rudely-constructed embankments of clay with an opening 
 at the top for the smoke, some of which have been in use even as late as 
 this century, with the houses described by Homer. The Armenian house 
 {pi. Ill, Jig. 2), with its artistic and well-divided inner construction, 
 is rich in comparison; and yet such buildings date from times of repres- 
 sion, while we have a number of imposing Armenian edifices from more 
 ancient times. 
 
 Influence of Migrations. — How can we explain this phenomenon? But 
 one explanation is possible, and that is that these north-western people, 
 by their migration into a part of the world so inhospitable as Europe then 
 was, and by their struggle with hostile nature, had deteriorated from a 
 former civilization. The intellect, directed only to the needs of life and 
 to the dangers of the moment, necessarily retrograded under this con- 
 straint: it had to exert all its force in order to sustain mere existence. 
 Neither power nor time remained for it to retain the old fulness of sound, 
 the old sharply-divided copiousness of language. 
 
 We termed the Europe of that day wild and inhospitable; and cer- 
 tainly this is correct. It was colder and more rainy than at present; it
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 389 
 
 was covered with impenetrable forests and extensive swamps; lofty moun- 
 tain-ranges made it impassable; a multitude of beasts of prey (bears, 
 wolves, lynxes, etc.) inhabited it, and also the aurochs and the wild hog, 
 both of which were dangerous animals. Nutritive plants were absent, 
 with the exception of such as the immigrants brought with them, and 
 also grains, of which they perhaps brought rye and oats. 
 
 Probably we must look for the first immigrants on the coasts of the 
 Black Sea and in Macedonia. Two reasons support this opinion: 
 
 First, the climate was less severe there, and a gradual acclimatization 
 could take place, while at the middle course of the Volga it is unfavor- 
 able, and an acclimatization there would have made living in different cir- 
 cumstances extremely difficult. 
 
 Secondly, we find the Greeks and Romans in possession of many 
 treasures of language which were highly developed, so that they could 
 not have undergone tedious and difficult migrations. The opinion that 
 these migrations have been the cause of the great elevation and develop- 
 ment of the Indo-Germanic peoples has been advocated. But this is 
 impossible. A migration consumes the existing power of a people: it is 
 well if it leave any strength, but it does not create new power. The 
 opposite opinion contradicts the first of all laws of nature, that of the 
 conservation of force. 
 
 Influence of Natural Sitrrmiudivgs. — The case is different when a peo- 
 ple has accustomed itself to the new countrj' and gradually masters it. 
 The less of its strength it has used in battling with want, the more quickly 
 will it rise amid invigorating surroundings. We must believe all the Indo- 
 Germans to have been equally gifted; at least not the slightest evidence 
 can be brought for the contrary opinion. Therefore neither the Greeks 
 nor the Romans could have been long in an intermediate state before 
 reaching their new home, where, rapidly gaining ground and favored by 
 natural surroundings, they developed wonderfully. But the Thracians 
 and the Macedonians, although occupying their scats since remote times, 
 have achieved far less, on account of the monotony and .seclusion of their 
 country. 
 
 The other peoples of Europe also reflect in their histor\- the influence 
 of their respective native countries and of their varied experience in their 
 conflicts with nature. The greater the diflficulty in overcoming natural 
 obstacles, the later do the people appear in history: with some, as the 
 Lithuanians, such appearance was entirely impossible; owing to conn- 
 trv and position, they ha\-e remained antique both in customs and in 
 language. 
 
 The Celts of the Continent, who no doubt passed north of the Alps to 
 their location, established their chief seat in Galicia, a comparatively com- 
 fortable country, but it did not iinprove their condition. Besides being 
 rather northerly at that earl>- period, it was too large; the ocean was too 
 vast to invite navigation, and the north, west, and south were closed by 
 impenetrable mountains and woods. Therefore the new inhabitants
 
 390 ETHNOGRAPHY, 
 
 were entirely dependent on themselves, and even in their later extensive 
 migrations, as far as Asia Minor, they learned nothing more than what 
 they had already learned at home — namely, to wage war and to roam abont 
 on the Continent. Imagination, the divine gift of the Indo-Germaus, degen- 
 erated under such circumstances into rude fantasies or love of finery and 
 of adventures. 
 
 The Irish and British were not much different; while the Scotch were 
 at an early period divided by the character of tlieir country into hostile 
 clans. In like manner, the character and history of the Gennanic and 
 Slavic families — of course only in their more general groundwork — can 
 be traced to the nature of the German and Slavic countries. 
 
 Aboriginal Remains. — Did the advancing Indo-Gennans meet with 
 aboriginal inhabitants in Europe ? We must so suppose from the ancient 
 diluvial remains which have been found in France, Germany, Denmark, 
 and elsewhere. Illustrations of two of the most ancient skulls in Europe 
 are found on Plate 2. One {^figs. 2-4) was found near Diisseldorf, and the 
 other {^figs. 6, 7) in the valley of the Meuse in Belgium. These skulls, 
 both dolichocephalic and both very flat, especially the one from the Nean- 
 derthal (Diisseldorf ), which is also noted for its exceedingly strong bones, 
 are very remarkable, for they belong to no class of skulls of races now 
 living. 
 
 In order to give them an ethnologic position they have been pro- 
 nounced to be of Finnish origin — a supposition which has no foundation, 
 for the form in question deviates as much from the Mongolian skull (comp. 
 pi. 2.^ Jigs. 13, 14) as from the Indo-Germanic. An extinct aboriginal race 
 has also been thought of, of which we know nothing, and possess nothing 
 but these skulls and a few pre-historic articles, perhaps the most ancient 
 of the Stone Period. The fact that these remains must belong to a pre- 
 historic population is clear, but it is doubtful whether we can find a place 
 for them. (For illustrations of the different stone weapons, the pieces 
 of bones, the scratched images of animals of the diluvial "finds," and of 
 the bronze weapons and the buildings of a later period, see Vol. II.) 
 
 Dispersion. — How, then, shall we explain the migrations of which we 
 have spoken? The earliest masses of population, having less developed 
 means to supply an existence, required far more space than the peoples of 
 to-day. When their numbers became greater, they gradually spread, and 
 of course to places where the conditions were most favorable and most 
 inviting. In this manner the masses separated by gradual dispersion; 
 of course such migrations proceeded very slowly, and with all the leisure 
 which life at that period permitted; and they were very different from 
 systematic colonizations or from wild wanderings. Still, the latter also 
 probably occurred: by some mishap (going astray, wars, etc.) single 
 parties, or even larger hosts, might have separated from the common 
 centre. Thus the ancestors of the Basques may have separated from the 
 ancestors of the Indo-Germans when the latter were on a very early grade 
 of civilization; and just so other closely-united clans or casual hordes may
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 391 
 
 ha\-e separated. Such seems to have been the origin of the earliest inhab- 
 itants of Europe. Perhaps they were more closely united to the ances- 
 tors of the Basques. 
 
 The following reflections give more solidity to these suppositions: 
 first, geographically considered, such migrations are not only possible, 
 but are more probable than an influx of Finnish tribes from the North 
 or of swarms of Arabic-Africans from the South. Secondly, the oldest 
 form of the Indo-Germauic skull was no doubt dolichocephalic, for the 
 skulls of the Asiatic Indo-Germans are mostly so, and close observation 
 seems to indicate that the dolichocephalic form is gradually changed into 
 the mesocephalic with the advance of ci^•ilization. This we find later on 
 among most European Indo-Germans (comp. pi. 2, fig. 9, with //. 2, fig. 
 12, ox pi. 89, fig. 11). Thirdly, civilization and changes in the manner 
 of living seem to diminish the thickness of the skull-bones. Skulls from 
 old French graves of the thirteenth century, which were examined by a 
 famous French anatomist, were exceedingly thick and much stronger than 
 those of the present French. 
 
 Thus in this direction a connection between the most ancient remains 
 and the present form of the European population is by no means im- 
 possible. The great antiquity of the remains is no obstacle, for if we 
 consider language and roughly calculate the date of the Indo-Germanic 
 pre-historic period, we also reach very early times. It requires an infi- 
 nitely long time to create such forms of language as the Indo-German 
 and to give them so tenacious and enduring a solidity as they everj-- 
 where possess. 
 
 All this, of course, cannot be strictly proved. But still less foutidation 
 is there for the theory which supposes an aboriginal people in Europe 
 that later on disappeared entirely, and wdiich attempts to explain by an 
 intermixture with it the physical peculiarities of the present race. There 
 is hardly any doubt that the pile-buildings of Europe appertain to ancient 
 Indo-Germans: it is difficult to decide to which tribes they belonged, but 
 the geographical situation might decide; those of Southern Germany 
 and Switzerland might be attributed, for instance, to the Celts, and these 
 of North Germany to Germanic nations. (See Lake DWELLINGS and 
 
 illus. Vol. II.) 
 
 Leaving those misty ancient periods and stepping on clear historical 
 ground, we classify the luiropcan Indo-Germans as follows: 
 
 I. The Greek Family, to which belong the old Greeks, the modern 
 <7;.^^/.,y_„otwithstanding their intermixtures with Slavs and Turk.s— 
 the Illvrians, the modern Albanians, the Thraciaus, and, in Asia, the 
 Phrygians. 
 
 The Phn-gians, who have left visible traces behind them in Macedonia, 
 migrated back into Asia, and we mu.st presume the same of the Ionic 
 Greeks. The Albanians, who also settled as colonists in Greece and 
 Italv and .scattered all over the Orient as soldiers, are the old Illyrians, 
 and' thev have retained their aboriginal seats in the western part of the
 
 392 . ETHXOGRAPHY. 
 
 Balkan peninsula. They are divided into two linguistically distinct, 
 chief families, the Toskidcs and the Gkcgidcs, the former in the south 
 of the country, the latter in Centi^al and North Albania. Their name, 
 Albanians, is derived from a small region of their country extending from 
 near Corfu to the Voyutza River. Its name is Arbar, and the inhabitants 
 are called Arbanites, whence has been derived the name Albanians, as 
 well as the Turkish denomination of Arnauts. The Albanian language 
 is more closely related to the Greek than to the other Indo-Gennanic 
 languages. 
 
 2. The I/ali. All the different tribes of ancient Italy were later on 
 absorbed into the Latins (Romans). They had probably migrated over- 
 land b)^ way of the South-eastern Alps, but some of the most eastern 
 tribes may have come directly from Greece by water. The Romans and 
 Greeks are related in the same degree as the Indians and the Iranians. 
 
 The skulls of the Greeks and the Romans belong to the mesocephalic 
 form, bnt they approach the dolichocephalic more than the brachycephalic 
 (//. 2, fg. 9), and they are not verj- high. Two types may be distin- 
 guished among the ancient Greeks — the one rather dolichocephalic, 
 oblong-wedge-shaped, with broad occiput, narrow, straight forehead, and 
 larger facial angle; and the other more brachycephalic, with rounded 
 skull-structure, low and somewhat retreating forehead, strongly-projecting 
 frontal bone, and smaller facial angle. 
 
 The modem Greek skull is, according to Retzius, high in proportion 
 to its length and breadth, of a wedge-like, rounded form, but broader 
 at the forehead than at the occiput. The hair and eyes of all South 
 Europeans are dark, the skin as a rule brownish, but in many cases often 
 of a yellowish-white. Blond heroes are frequently mentioned by the 
 ancient Greeks, so that in olden times a lighter type also must have 
 existed. (See GREEKS, also Romans, and illus. Vol. II.) 
 
 3. The ancient Celts were found in the western part of Europe, in 
 Gaul and Northern Spain (where by intermingling with the Iberians they 
 were changed into the Celtiberians), in Britain, in Switzerland, through- 
 out Southern Germany to the north of the ]Main, and in Northern Italy. 
 At present the Celts are confined to Brittany, Wales, Ireland, Western 
 Scotland, and the islands between Ireland and England. The buildings 
 depicted on Plate 11 1 {fig. 4) belong to them. They retained in the 
 Scotch mountains, almost to the beginning of modern times, their old 
 barbarous character as it was described by Csesar. 
 
 Their languages form two great divisions — the Cimbric and the Gaelic 
 branches, the latter comprising the northern, the former the southern, 
 languages. The Old Gaelic, the language of \'ercingetorix, is extinct, 
 with the exception of a few relics. The oldest form of the Celtic lan- 
 guages that we possess originated in the early Middle Ages. Celtic 
 influences have not been unimportant on the character of mediaeval 
 legends. 
 
 The Celts nowhere exist as independent nations, but they derive
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 393 
 
 importance from the fiict tliat they constitute the original stock of the 
 modern French people and were a factor in the origin of the English 
 nation. Even in ancient times they exhibited a double type: in Gaul 
 they were light, blond, and blue-eyed, while the P.ritons were of a darker 
 complexion with dark hair; on the other hand, Tacitus described the 
 Caledonians of Scotland as having red hair. The present Scotch High- 
 landers also comprise many red-haired individuals, but in general they are 
 of a rather dark complexion, with dark-brown straight hair. In South 
 Wales the people are dark, especially in the cities; in North Wales they 
 are light, blond, and blue-eyed. The form of the skull is dolichocephalic, 
 and the temples are flat, in consequence of which the forehead is narrow 
 and the back of the head broad; but mesocephalic shapes are frequent 
 among them. 
 
 4. The Gcnnans form three divisions — the High German, the Low 
 German, and the Norlheni families. The Sivcdcs, the A'oncegiatts, 
 together with the Icelanders, who belong to them, and the Danes, con- 
 stitute the Northern family. The Low Germans are the largest division: 
 to them belonged in ancient times the Golhs, together with related peoples, 
 such as the I 'andals, Biirgundinns, Bastarnce, Gepidi, Heruli, etc. They 
 also include the Cherusci, Angles, Saxons, Frisians, and, in fine, all tribes 
 of Germany speaking the Low German tongue, as well as the Xel/ier/and- 
 ers and the English. At present four forms of the language of this family 
 may be distinguished — the Low German, the Frisian, the Dutch, and the 
 English, which are again divided into various dialects. 
 
 The High Germans, who are more closely related to the Low Gennans 
 than to the Northern nations, comprise all tribes speaking the High Ger- 
 man tongue, such as the Hessians, Franks, Thuringians, Bavarians, Siea- 
 bians, Alemanni, Swiss, etc. The oldest linguistic forms of this division 
 are the High German dialects, which have been retained since the seventh 
 century in a few examples; the different idioms of to-day are homogeneous, 
 but independent. 
 
 The Northern family, especially the simple rural population, has 
 retained the original Ck-rmanic type— high stature, robust build, light 
 complexion, blond and aliundant hair, while in the cities, even in Nor- 
 way, brunettes are not rarely found. It is the same in Germany. Indeed, 
 the population of Germany is greatly mixed, being composed of Gcrnumic, 
 Celtic, and Scandinavian elements, intermixed with Roman and Romance 
 intruders, and in the east with the remains of the Slavic and Russian 
 aboriginal population, and also with !\Iongolian elements; while Jews are 
 
 nowhere absent. 
 
 Nevertheless, the present physique of the Germans, however great a 
 contrast to the original Germanic, has been changed not so much b\ inter- 
 mixture as in con.sequcnce of advancing civilization and of changed condi- 
 tions of life. Even among the Wel.sh and the Norwegians, who have been 
 comparatively little exposed to intenuixture, we find such double types; 
 furthermore, families who.se gcnealog)- proves them to have been purely
 
 394 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 Germanic for many centuries exhibit the modern rather brunette type, 
 while otiier families known to be mixed show the pure Germanic type. 
 
 The rural population has preserved the Germanic type most purely, 
 but it cannot be asserted that it is less mixed. The skull-form of Ger- 
 manic families is nowhere truly dolichocephalic, but it is remarked that 
 the Germans and Swiss have broader heads than all others. The Low 
 Germans (according to Welcker's index) have narrower skulls than the 
 High Germans. 
 
 5. The Letto-Slavs. We comprise the Lithuanians and Slavs in one 
 great division, because they are closely related in language; but this divis- 
 ion at once separates into two families, the Lithuanian and the Slav. To 
 the former belong (in Livonia and Courland) the Li/huanians, the Letts, 
 and the Old Prussians, whose language is now extinct. 
 
 Of greater importance are the Slavs, who are philologically more closely 
 united among themselves than are the various Germanic families. The 
 Bulgarian, which has reached us as the old Church language of the elev- 
 enth centur}^, is the earliest Slavic language. According to Schafarik, 
 the Slavs are divided into — 
 
 First, a south-eastern family, to which belong (i) the Russians, who 
 are again divided into the Great Russians (beyond a line from Lake Peipus 
 to the Don), the Little Russians (south of this line in Eastern Galicia, 
 Bukowina, and Northern Hungar)'), and the White Russians (west of this 
 line, toward the Baltic Sea). (2) The Bulgarians, who were formerly also 
 in Hungary' and Wallachia, but who are now bounded by the Danube, the 
 ocean, and a line from Salonica to Widdin. (3) The Servians, in Servia, 
 Bosnia, Dalmatia, Herzegovina, etc. Plate 72 {Jig. 6) shows a group of 
 Servians in their peculiar attire. (4) The Slovenians in Carinthia and 
 Carniola up to Styria. 
 
 Secondly, a western family, which comprises the Poles and Czechs, 
 toeether with the Slovaks and the Sorbs or IFcnds. Among the Poles must 
 be included the Kassubs and Polabs, whose language is now extinct, and 
 who formerly extended along both sides of the Elbe and had some settle- 
 ments as far as the Main and the Rednitz. To this branch also belonged 
 the now Germanized (Lechish) nations on both banks of the Oder, in 
 Silesia and Western Pomerania. The Wends also formerly extended 
 from the Elbe to the Saal; now they are confined to the region between 
 Lobau and Liibben, through which the lower Spree flows. 
 
 The Slavs are smaller than the Germans, of a darker complexion, with 
 black, straighter hair and rounder faces: a tendency toward the IMongolian 
 type has often been asserted, and cannot be denied. The skull is brachy- 
 cephalic and approaches the Mongolian form. 
 
 6. The Romance peoples, who have originated from the intermixture 
 of the Romans with various other European nations. 
 
 Language. — First must be mentioned the Italian language, which was 
 developed from the national idioms of Italy by the influence of German 
 languages which inundated Italy at the beginning of the IMiddle Ages.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 395 
 
 It is spoken in Italy, Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, in Southern Switzer- 
 land and Tyrol, and on the coast of Dalniatia, and is divided into numer- 
 ous dialects. 
 
 Secondly, the Por/iigiiese, Spanish (Castilian), and Catahmian lan- 
 guages, the latter of which is spoken in the east of Spain (\'alencia 
 and Catalonia), on Pityusa (Fonnentera) and the other Balearic Islands, 
 in a small coast-tract in Sardinia, and in Roussillon in Southern France. 
 Each of these is divided into various dialects. 
 
 Thirdly, the Provcnqal (Langue d'oc) and the French with its dialects 
 (Langue d'oil); in the Orisons the AV/^Vo-rt';«rt«;r(Ladiuish); and in Friuli 
 (Udine) the Friiilian language; the latter two are closely related, and origi- 
 nated from a mixture of Roman with Celtic and Germanic elements. In 
 the east of Europe we also find Romance peoples: these are the northern 
 Wallachians or Roumanians, the Daci-Roumauians, who dwell in Walla- 
 chia (the ancient Dacia) and Moldavia as fiir as Bessarabia. They sur- 
 round the Transylvanian Germans and several Mag\ar districts. The 
 southern or Maccdo-WaUacJtiaiis dwell in Macedonia, one branch to the 
 south of Lake Ochrida and another to the west of the Pindus Mountains. 
 
 The Romance languages are all filial languages of the Latin, but the 
 peoples themselves have retained their old inherited character in spile of 
 the various iuterniinglings which they have undergone. The northern 
 French, for instance, although so much mi.xed with Roman and Gennanic 
 elements, still exhibit the characteristic traits of the old Celts who laid 
 the foundation of the nation; they differ remarkably from the southern 
 French. The Spaniards, originating from an Iberian source by intcnnix- 
 ture with Roman, Germanic, Celtic, and Arabic elements, still retain much 
 of the old Iberian character. Quite a different character is exhibited by the 
 Italians, who reflect rather faithfully the nature of the old Italian tribes. 
 Still, these Romance nations form a unit in comparison with the Germanic 
 nations, and the mutual reactions of those great opposites, the Romance 
 and (k-rmanic characters, have played a most important part in the mod- 
 ern history of Europe. The Romance division is based partly on the 
 alwa\s powerful influence of Rome, and still more on the influences of a 
 southern climate, which is so different from a northern. 
 
 Germanic and Romance nations have spread over the greater part of 
 the globe: the Germanic race is in North America, South .\frica, India, 
 East Asia, Malaysia, Australia, and New Zealand, without naming the 
 colonies of Western and Southern South America, Polynesia, and else- 
 where. The Romance nations, though less aggressive, have taken the 
 principal possession of America: Spani.sh is spoken in Mexico and through- 
 out Central America, and, with the exception of Brazil, where the Portu- 
 guese prevails, it is the language of all civilized South America. The 
 districts in which the French prevails (Cayenne and some islands) are 
 proportionately small. The islands of the middle Atlantic Ocean arc 
 almost all Spanish (Canary Islands) or Portuguese. Spanish prevails also 
 in Malaysia (Philippine Islands, Marianne Islands), while the Portuguese
 
 396 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 is almost extinct there, but has been retained in some places in Hither 
 India. France governs Algeria, some islands east of Africa, New Cale- 
 donia, and Tahiti. 
 
 The third great race of the modern Europeans, the Slavic, is also 
 spreading extensively. Almost the whole of Northern Asia from the 
 Caucasus to the mouth of the Amoor belongs to it. Although, yielding 
 to modern principles, this race leaves almost untouched the peculiarities 
 of the peoples whom it has subjugated, there can be no doubt that this 
 spread of European characteristics is of the utmost importance in univer- 
 sal history. 
 
 Cii'ili-atiou. — Thus we see that the Indo-Germanic family has at pres- 
 ent the greatest power on earth. It occupies the highest rank yet attained 
 by human civilization, not only in intellectual respects, but also in physi- 
 cal life. Everywhere nature seems to strive after that type of the human 
 form which it has finally attained in the Indo-Germanic peoples, and which 
 is everywhere developed in those places where the continued enjoyment 
 of prosperity has permitted the race to develop itself, as in Pol}'nesia and 
 in some African and some American regions. 
 
 The European type is not the original type of mankind, from which 
 the less favorable forms have degenerated; neither is it a type confined to 
 one race and beyond the reach of others: it is rather the last degree of 
 human physical development, which is gained only by gradual cultivation 
 and the favor of all kinds of circumstances. It may be attained by any 
 race which has, in consequence of favorable circumstances, an opportunity 
 to cultivate itself, as is shown by the development of the Mongolian race 
 in Turkey, the Caucasus, and Hungary. The type may be lost by long- 
 continued wildness and subversion. The oppressed Irish of some districts 
 are a sad illustration of this fact. 
 
 Physical^ Intellectual., and Moral Development. — Intellectually also the 
 Indo-Gennanic race at present occupies the highest rank. It shows what 
 humanity can accomplish intellectually and morall}'. Here we must note 
 the most remarkable lesson taught by anthropolog}- : the entire develop- 
 ment of mankind, even to its highest degree, depends immediately on the 
 natural quality of the soil (comp. p. 176). It was the natural condition 
 of the soil which caused the originally homogeneous race to separate and 
 to migrate to regions which influenced it differently. 
 
 The human race everywhere exhibits a uniform anatomical foundation, 
 which it owes to its uniform development from lower animal conditions: 
 this anatomical foundation is the ner\'ous system, which is wonderfully 
 developed in man as compared with the lower animals. All human devel- 
 opment has resulted from the influence exerted upon it by dissimilar parts 
 of our planet. 
 
 The entrance of man, thus constituted, into the world, constructed as 
 it is, determined his physical and intellectual development and his subse- 
 quent destiny, and this development and this destiny could not have been 
 othen\ase than what they are, for they are the result of a natural necessity.
 
 ETHNOGRAPHY. 
 
 397 
 
 It was of course immaterial whether this or that horde went here or there: 
 a certain development and a certain fate awaited them. The Indo-Gcr- 
 mau races would have been developed even though the ancestors of the 
 Mongolians or of the Oceanians had migrated into Western Asia and into 
 Europe. In that case these would have become what the ancestors of the 
 Indo-Gennans were; and the latter, had they wandered to Northern Asia, 
 would as certainly have become IMongolians. 
 
 But still more. As the development of man from a low animal t\'pe 
 up to human dignity depends solely on the material influence of physical 
 nature, so we see that at the very creation of the world the necessity for 
 human development, and for human development such as we have it, was 
 established. It may seem exaggeration, but it is perfectly true to say that 
 at the creation of the world all the historic destinies of this small factor, 
 Man, were established in all details and for all futurity. But the follow- 
 ing is still more noteworthy: Man has by the aid of nature risen first to 
 physical power, and by this to intellectual might. But this is not his 
 highest end; his intellectual abilities must, and will, conduct him to 
 moral liberty. 
 
 These three steps of development — the physical, the intellectual, and 
 the moral — cannot be separated: as the higher always includes the lower, 
 so the lower contains from its beginning the genus of the higher. Moral 
 liberty, which in its growing power will bring blessing to all people, 
 although apparently so distinct from physical nature, results by stem 
 necessity from natural development; and thus we are compelled to ac- 
 knowledge a moral law in a world where the final and highest eud of 
 natural being is morality.
 
 IXDO-KTROPEAXS. 
 
 Pi.ATi: 107. 
 
 I. Braliman. 2. Siva wor>liip|UT. 3. MohammciUiii of India. 4. Wealthy Iiulinii of C'iir»iiuiiulcl. 5. na}'adere. 
 6. Tariah. 7. < Hd nfilile Indian woman. 8. Rajah (Shatraga of Travancorc, Imlln). 9. Wife of ihc rajah.
 
 INDO-EUROI'KAXS. 
 
 Pl.ATK I08. 
 
 I. lirnhiiKinA rt'lcltr.ilinj^ tlicir >.»fivfi morning riles. 2. <-*rfin;ilni_\ m.u Amin -..tiM-i itiuni.iii. ^ ..i m Ii.m.^i. 
 
 4. Crave momuncnl of a UajpuDl (CJujcral). 5. Iinlian school. 6. Soldier of Itcloocliislan. 7. Uy|isy woman of Wnlla- 
 rliia.
 
 INDO-EUROPEANS. 
 
 Plate 109. 
 
 »!!!HI8P 
 
 
 I. Persian (about 1700). 2. Persian woman. 3 
 
 smn warrior 
 
 . 6. Kin^ of Persia (about 1700). 7. Market of Is|«han, Persia 1 1700). 
 
 Persian woman in street allirc. 4. Persian couritHi;oo). 5. Per
 
 INDO-EUROPEANS. 
 
 Plate ho. 
 
 I, 2. Tajik (imililc aiicl full face view). 3. IVrsian cannoneer. 4- t'cT^''-^" l'-'""i' ('W)- 5- l""eral leivnu.nu- ..I 
 the Persians.
 
 INDO-EUROPEANS. 
 
 Plate hi. 
 
 i 
 
 fl'i 
 
 no 
 
 
 1 
 
 •4^MI*>BE-n0t*a«i*9 
 
 fmrm 
 
 
 ^'^^'y^'^.^n 
 
 I. Armenian "Keasl of the Dca.l." i. Annciiiaii house, j. Working cotlon in Aniienia. 4. Scolch clay liuilJings 
 fbeehive liousts). 5, 6. Armenian graves.
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 (The figures at the right indicate the pages where explanations of the illustrations may be found.) 
 
 Plate i. — Anthropology. 
 Eye of a Japanese, 36, 238. 
 Eye of a Corean, 36, 238. 
 
 Eye of a Chinese, 36, 238. 
 
 Eye of a Dyak, 36, 23S. 
 
 Foot of a Chinese woman, 36, 254. 
 
 Sections of hair highly magnified, 45. 
 
 7. Jaw of La Naulette, 38. 
 
 8. Hand and foot of chimpanzee; of man, 18, 19. 
 
 9. Section of Negro sl<in, 41, 330. 
 
 10. Neolithic implements, 27. 
 
 11. Various forms of human pelvises, 202, 295, 329. 
 
 12. Palaeolithic implements, 27. 
 
 Plate 2. — Crania. 
 I. Negro, European, and Sainoied skulls, 49. 
 2-4. Skull from the Neanderthal, 38, 390. 
 
 5. Australian, African, and European skulls, 49. 
 
 6, 7. Skull from Engis (Belgium), 38, 390. 
 
 8. Skull from Kotzebue Sound (.Maska), 213. 
 
 9. Base of skull of an old Roman, 49. 
 10, II. Tartar and New Zealand skulls, 49. 
 12, 13. Aleutian and Cafillr skulls, 49, 309. 
 14, 15. Calmuck skull, 49, 186, 390. 
 
 16. West Australian skull, 49. 
 
 Plate 3. — Ethnographic Map. 
 
 OCEANIC PEOPLES. 
 
 Plate 4. — Australians. 
 
 1. Native of Port Lincoln, 1S6, 187. 
 
 2. Native of Queensland, 187. 
 
 3. Woman from Queensland, 187. 
 
 4. West Australian, 1 86. 
 5-7. Australian graves, 190. 
 
 8. East Australian chief and family, 186. 
 9-1 1. Rock-paintings, 188. 
 12. " Kangaroo dance," 188. 
 
 Plate 5. — .\istralians. 
 I, 2. South .Australians, 186. 
 
 3. Stone a.\e, from South Australia, 1S7. 
 
 4. North Australian village, 187. 
 
 5. Spear, 187. 
 
 6. Ilurling-stick, 187. 
 
 7. S]jear-points, 1S7. 
 
 8. liatlle-knife; boomerang, 187,343. 
 
 9. Axe, 187. 
 
 10. Wooden shield, 187. 
 
 11. Distaff, with threads .spun from hair, 187. 
 
 12. Decoration of kangaroo teeth, 1S8. 
 
 13. 19. Instruments for making noise, 187. 
 
 14. Stone mortar, 187. 
 
 15. Drinking-vessel made of a human skull, 1S8. 
 
 16. Water-bag made of opossum-skin, 187. 
 
 17. M.at for carrying an infant, 187. 
 
 18. Club, 187. 
 
 20. Basket made of woven nets, 187. 
 
 21. Spear-point, 187. 
 
 22. Basket carried on the backs of the women, 187. 
 
 Plate 6. — Tasmanians. 
 1-5. Tasmanians, 1S6. 
 
 6. Tasmanian woman, 1 86, 1 88. 
 
 7. Boat, 1S7. 
 
 8. Paintings, 188. 
 
 9. Tasmanian graves, 190. 
 
 10. Tannese (Tanna Island), 191. 
 
 11. Inhabitant of Marc Island, 191. 
 
 Plate 7. — Melanesians. 
 
 I, 2. Natives of Redscar Bay, 191. 
 
 3. Natives of IlumboliU l?ay, 191, 192. 
 
 4. Temple at Dorci, 192. 
 
 5. Temple on Humboldt Bay, 192. 
 
 6. Calabash, 193. 
 
 7. Car\'ed ship-ornament, 192. 
 
 8. Arrow-point, 193. 
 
 Plate 8. — Melanesians. 
 
 1. Vill.-ige on Humlx)ldt Bay, 192, 193. 
 
 2. Village on coast of New Guinea, 192. 
 
 3. Native of Dorei, 191, 194. 
 
 4. Village on the L'tanata River, 192, I93. 
 
 PI.ATE 9. — MEWNESIANS. 
 
 1. Native of Humlx)ldt Bay, 191, 194. 
 
 2. Spe.ir, from Kedscar Bay, 104. 
 
 3. Spear, from Kingsmill Islands, 194. 
 
 4. 23. Head-re-sts, 19I. 
 
 5. Pan's flute, 193. 
 
 6. 7, 13, 14. Shields, 194. 
 
 8. Spear for fishing, 193, 194. 
 
 9. Spear from M.alania, 194. 
 10 D.agger-handle, 193, 194. 
 
 II. Drum, 193. 
 12. Ear-ring, 102. 
 
 15. D.aggcr made from human bones, 194. 
 
 16. Comb from Dorei, 191. 
 
 17. 18. Bows, 104. 
 
 19, 21. Loin-cloths, 192. 
 
 20, 24. Idols of Dorci, 194, 195. 
 22. Fltite, 103. 
 
 25. New Caledonian, 191, 192, 194. 
 
 26, 27. House; section of same, 192. 
 
 S8»
 
 400 
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Plate io. — Melanesians. 
 Boat of New Caledonia, 193. 
 5. Boats of the Admiralty Islanders, 193. 
 
 Boat of Malanta, 193, 
 
 Boat of Vanikoro, 193. 
 
 7. Hut and altar; section of hut, 192. 
 
 8. Bracelet of human bones, 199. 
 
 9. Group of the various islanders, 190. ^ 
 
 Plate ii. — Melanesians. 
 
 1, 4. Arfakis, igi, 192. 
 
 2, 3. Skulls artificially mis-shaped, 191. 
 
 5. Admiralty Islander, 191, 192, 310. 
 
 6, 7. Negritos, from North Luzon, 190. 
 8, 9. Negrito skull, igi. 
 
 10. Place for skulls, 195. 
 
 Plate 12. — Melanesians. 
 I, 2. Feejeean chiefs, 191, 192. 
 
 3. Feejeean manner of painting faces, 192. 
 
 4. King of the Feejee Islands, 191, 192. 
 
 5, 7. Fishhooks, 1 93. 
 
 6. Cap of the Cannibals, 194. 
 
 8, 9. Combs, from New Caledonia, 191. 
 
 10. 18. Spears, 194. 
 
 11. Basket, from the Admiralty Islands, 193. 
 
 12. Necklace, 187. 
 
 13. 15. Utensils of the Cannibals, 194. 
 
 14. Hatchet, from New Caledonia, 194. 
 
 16. Sacred drinldng- vessels, 194. 
 
 17. Clubs, 194. 
 
 19, 20. Arr.nngements of the hair, 191. 
 
 21. Belt for the women, 192. 
 
 22, 23. Fans, 19S. 
 
 24. Cannibal forks, 194. 
 
 25. "Taboo" mark, 195. 
 
 Plate 13. — Melanesians. 
 
 1. Temple, 192. 
 
 2. Sacred stones, 195. 
 
 3. Pots, 193. 
 
 4. 5. Sleeping-houses, section and elevation, 192. 
 
 6. Mastheads, 193. 
 
 7. Supports for the ridge of a roof, 192. 
 
 8. Section of a skiff, 193. 
 
 9. Ship, 193. 
 
 10. Musical instruments, 193. 
 
 1 1 . Temple square, 1 92, 1 94. 
 
 12. Feejeean idol, 195. 
 
 Plate 14. — Polynesians. 
 
 1. Woman of Ualan, 196, 197. 
 
 2. Boat from Lukunor, 198. 
 
 3. Dwelling-house on Ualan, 197. 
 
 4. House of assembly on Lukunor, 197. 
 
 5. Native of Ponapi, 196, 197, 198. 
 
 6. .Sword, 19S. 
 
 7. Comb, 197. 
 
 8. Vessel, from Pelew, ig8. 
 
 Plate 15.— Polynesians. 
 
 1. Boat, from R.adack, 198. 
 
 2. Coral island and l.igoon, 196. 
 
 3. Boat, from Tamatam, 198. 
 
 4. Plan of niins on Ponapi, 197, 201. 
 
 5. Ahathulle, chief of the Pelew Islands, 196, 197. 
 
 6. Place of public assembly at Pelew, 197. 
 
 Plate 16. — Polynesians. 
 I, 2. Ruins on Tinian and Rota, 198, 201. 
 3. Rarik, chief of the Radack Islands, 196, 197. 
 
 4. Drum from Radack, 198. 
 
 5. Island of the Radack chain, 197, 19S. 
 
 6. Cava-bowl, 197. 
 7-9- Weapons, 198. 
 
 10. Needle, 197. 
 
 If. Cloth-hammer, 197. 
 
 12. Chief of the Tonga Islands, ig6. 
 
 Plate 17. — Polynesians. 
 
 1. "Nocturnal dance," 198, 199. 
 
 2. Tonganese club, ig8. 
 
 3. Tonganese costume, igS. 
 
 4. Wreath, "soul of the god," 200. 
 
 5. Female idol, 200. 
 
 6. Head-rests, 191, ig7. 
 
 7. Small skiff, 198. 
 
 8. Pendent table, 197. 
 
 9. Idol, 2CX3. 
 
 10. Plaited bag, ig7, 198. 
 
 11. Tonganese ship, 198. 
 
 Plate 18. — Polynesians. 
 
 1. Tahitian of rank, 197. 
 
 2. ^^■oman and child of Tahiti, 197. 
 
 3. Tahilian flute-player, 196, 197, 198. 
 4-7. Idols of Tahiti, 200. 
 
 8. Tahitians, 196, 197. 
 
 9. Female dancer, 197. 
 
 10. Ship of Tahiti, igS. 
 
 11. Pomare II., king of Tahiti, 201. 
 
 Plate ig. — Polynesians. 
 Temple-place, Tahiti, 200. 
 Implements for tattooing, ig7. 
 Heva, priest of the corjises, 201. 
 Burial-place of Tahiti, 201. 
 Skiti" from Nine, 198. 
 Inhabitant of Nukahiva, 197, 198. 
 9. Tattoo marks, 197. 
 Stilts of Nukahiva, 198, 200. 
 King Kamehameha, 201. 
 
 Plate 20. — Polynesians and Micronesians. 
 
 1. Temple-place of Kamehameha, 200, 201. 
 
 2. Carved doors, ig8, 200. 
 3-5. Clubs, 19S. 
 
 6. .Swing, 198. 
 
 7. Caned bo.\, lg8. 
 
 8. Head of a Kanaka, 196. 
 
 9. Grave monument, 201, 224. 
 
 10. Ornamented club of the Maoris, 198. 
 
 11. Stone images on Easter Island, 200. 
 
 12. Stone house on Easter Island, 197. 
 
 13. Maori chief, 197, igS. 
 
 14. Hut on Easter Isl.and, 107. 
 
 15. War-ship of the Maoris, 19S, 200. 
 
 16. 17. Mincopies, 190. 
 
 Plate 21. — Malaysians. 
 Scout of Amfoang, 206. 
 Javanese bridal cou|)le. 202, 204, 205. 
 Javanese woman and child, 202. 
 Javanese of rank, 202. 
 Skull of a Javanese. 202. 
 
 6. Children from the interior of Java, 202. 
 
 7. Woman tying her husband's kerchief, 202. 
 
 8. Javanese in war attire, 202, 204, 206. 
 
 9. 10. Javanese chieftains, 202, 204. 
 
 11. Musical instruments, 204. 
 
 12. Javanese in court attire, 202, 203, 204, 205.
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 401 
 
 Plate 22. — Malaysians. ■ 
 Main temple of Suku, 203. 
 5. Instruments for preparing dress stuffs, 26-^. 
 Plough, 203. 
 Buffalo yoke, 203. 
 11, 19. Combs, 203. 
 Cocoa spoon, 203. 
 10. Wai'-caps of the Dyaks, 206. 
 Linen bag of Timor, 203. 
 Masks, 205. 
 Toy doll, 205. 
 Stone head from Java, 204. 
 16. Inhabitants of Amarassie, 202. 
 Herald of Amarassie, 206. 
 Madurese, 202, 204. 
 Houses of Timor, 203. 
 Ngadyus, 202, 203, 204. 
 Dance of the Ot Danan, 202, 203, 206. 
 
 Plate 23. — Malaysians. 
 Dyaks, 202, 203, 204. 
 Common people, 203. 
 Nobleman, 204. 
 Tampajan, 203. 
 Sedan, 205. 
 Dyak village, 203. 
 
 Plate 24. — Malaysians. 
 
 1. Iron furnace of the Dyaks, 204. 
 
 2. Regent of Serang, 202. 
 
 3. Interior of a Dyak house, 202. 
 
 4. Washing of sago, 203. 
 
 5. Sago stove, 203. 
 
 6. Bamboo receptacle for water, 203. 
 
 7. Sago club, of Ceram, 203. 
 
 8. Bamboo napkin-case, 203. 
 
 9. Cake-pan, of Celebes, 203. 
 10. Macassar flutes, 204. 
 
 Plate 25. — Malaysians. 
 1-7. Dwelling-house of a noble Macassar, with 
 plan and details of construction, 203. 
 
 Plate 26. — Malaysians. 
 
 1. Tagalese, 202, 204, 205. 
 
 2. Alfure, from Celebes. 202, 203, 204. 
 
 I. 
 
 2, 
 3' 
 4. 
 6, 
 7- 
 8, 
 9- 
 12. 
 
 13- 
 14. 
 
 •5. 
 17- 
 18. 
 20. 
 21. 
 22. 
 
 3. Alfurc in war attire, 204. 
 
 4. Bier of the .Macassars, 207. 
 
 5. 6. Spoons, 203. 
 7. Funnel, 203. 
 8-12. Vessels, 203. 
 
 13. Vessel made of fruit, 203. 
 
 14. Copper finger-bowl, 203. 
 
 15. Instrument for twisting ropes, 203. 
 
 16. Paper kite, 205. 
 
 17. Ship for passengers and freight, 204. 
 
 18. Bamboo bridge and Malayan church, 203. 
 
 Plate 27.— Malaysians. 
 
 1. Plough, 203. 
 
 2. Roller, 203. 
 
 3. Knife, 204. 
 
 4. Harrow, 203. 
 5-8. Daggers, 204. 
 9. Shovel, 203. 
 
 10, II. Violin and bow, 204. 
 
 12. Bellows of the Maca.ssars, 204. 
 
 13. Gimlet, 204. 
 
 14. Cun-barrel borer, 204. 
 
 15. Kruit-cup for fine fniits, 203. 
 
 16. Knife for the capture of enemies' heads, 206. 
 
 17. Blow^jipe, 204. 
 
 18. Quiver, 204. 
 
 19. Poisoned bolt, 204. 
 
 20. Bucket (palm leaf), 203. 
 
 21. Leaf for the departing soul, 207. 
 
 22. Scout of .Solor, 206. 
 
 23. Market at Dobho (.\ru Islands), 202, 204. 
 
 24. Batta village (Sumatra), 207. 
 
 25. Farmyard of a chieftain of Sumatra, 203. 
 
 Plate 28. — Malaysians. 
 I, 2. Inhabitants of Roltie, 202. 
 
 3. Street in Tamatavc, 202, 203, 206, 213. 
 
 4. Hova women, 202. 
 
 5. S[>inning-wheel, 203. 
 
 6. Bandang, 204. 
 
 7. Gada, 204. 
 
 8-11. Musical inslrumenLs, 204. 
 
 12. Powder-horn, of a crocodile's tooth, 204. 
 
 13. Hova-s, 202. 
 
 14. Female slaves carrying water, 202, 203. 
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
 Plate 29. — HYrERBOREANs. 
 
 1. Eskimo of Greenland, 209, 213, 214. 
 
 2. Western Eskimo, 213, 214. 
 
 3. Eskimo of Kotzebue Sound, 209, 213, 214, 216. 
 
 4. Eskimo from Prince Regent Bay, 20g, 213, 216. 
 
 5. Winter house, 2 1 3, 216, 218. 
 
 6. Summer tent, 216, 218. 
 
 7- Eskimo woman, 209, 213, 216. 
 
 Plate 30. — Hyperboreans. 
 
 1. Exst Oreenlander in his kayak, 219, 220. 
 
 2. Boat of the East Greenlanders, 216, 219. 
 
 3. 4. Casting spears, 220. 
 
 5. .Snow-glasses, 217. 
 
 6. Eskimo sledge, 219. 
 
 7. Idols from a grave in Ea.st Greenland, 220, 225. 
 8—10. Boat and p.iddlc of the Kodyaks, 219. 
 
 11. Burial, of the Western Eskimo, 224. 
 
 12, 13. I'ur coats of the Malaimiutcs, 21(5. 
 14. Aleutians, 209, 213, 214, 216. 
 
 26 
 
 Plate 31. — North Americans. 
 
 1. Aleutian dwelling, 218. 
 
 2. Cap, 216. 
 
 3. Lip ornament, 215. 
 
 4. Vessel of the Kolushes, 220. 
 
 5. Kolush woman, 209, 215, 217. 
 
 6. Basket, 220. 
 7-9. I)aggers, 220. 
 
 10. Painted tomb-lwx of the Kolushes, 224. 
 Aht Indian, 209, 2I4, 215, 217. 
 Xanana Indian, 213. 214. 215, 217. 
 Finger-covering of the Ala.^kn women, 220. 
 Cor)ise-receplaclc of the Inkalils, 224. 
 Child's chair, 209, 214, 217, 223. 
 
 Plate 32. — North Americans. 
 
 1. Dakota woman, 213, 214, 217, 222. 
 
 2. Imlian monument, 221, 223. 
 
 3. Dakota woman and .Assinibuin fcnuJc child, 
 
 213,214, 217.
 
 402 
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 4. Club of the Dakotas, 222. 
 
 5. Disk from an Indian mound, 222. 
 
 6. Spoon of the Kolushes, 220. 
 
 7. Leather bag of the Dakotas, 221. 
 
 8. Chib of the Dakotas, 222. 
 
 9. Flute, 221. 
 
 10. Rods, memorials of successful love, 223. 
 
 11. Double pipe of the Mandans, 221. 
 
 12. Pipe of the Mandans, 220. 
 
 13. Snow-glasses, 217. 
 
 14. Pipe of the Inkalits, 220, 223. 
 
 15. "Pipe of peace," 217, 220, 222. 
 
 16. Pipe-head, 220. 
 
 17. Pipe-cleaner, 220. 
 iS, 19. Snow-shoes, 217. 
 
 Plate 33. — North Americans. 
 
 1. Assiniboins, 213, 214, 217, 218, 222, 223. 
 
 2. Minitaree warrior, 213, 214, 217, 218, 222, 223. 
 
 3. Magical monument, 225. 
 
 4. Bed-box of the North .\merican Indians, 219. 
 
 5. 6. Mandan chiefs, 213, 214, 215, 217, 218, 222. 
 
 PL.A.TE 34. — North Americans. 
 "Buffalo dance," 215, 217-219, 221-224. 
 
 Pl-vte 35. — North Americans. 
 Hut of a Mandan chief, 214, 217, 21S, 219, 220. 
 
 Plate 36. — North Americans. 
 
 1. Village and skiffs of the Mandans, 218, 219. 
 
 2. Scalp of a man; memorial feathers, 217, 222. 
 
 3. Navajo Indian, 213, 214, 217. 
 
 4. Tribal sign of the Mandans, 223. 
 
 5. 7. Paintings, 220, 221, 222, 225. 
 
 6. Portable cradle, 221, 223. 
 
 8. Plan of North American hut, 2 1 8, 219. 
 
 9. Wampum-belt and beads, 217. 
 
 Plate 37. — North Americans. 
 
 1. Chieftain's summer tent, 219. 
 
 2. Scaflblding for corpses, 224. 
 
 3. Indian pot, 220. 
 
 4. Spoon, 220. 
 
 5. Cherokae village, 218. 
 
 6. Skiff models, 219. 
 
 7. Indian grave, 224. 
 
 8. Section of an old grave, 216, 224. 
 
 g. Hieroglyphics: Meda League, 221, 226. 
 
 Plate 38. — North Americans. 
 
 1. Arrow, 222. 
 
 2. Fish-spear, 219. 
 
 3. Stone axe, 221. 
 
 4. Ball, 222. 
 
 5. Idol from an Indian grave, 221, 225. 
 
 6. Painted buffalo-skin, 217, 221. 
 
 7. 9, 10, 12. Pipe-heads, 220, 221. 
 
 8. Painting: stone giants, 221, 225, 230. 
 II. Painting: a petition, 221, 223. 
 
 Plate 39. — North Americans. 
 
 1. 7. Ancient earthworks, 215, 216, 225. 
 
 2. Ancient double enclosure, 216. 
 
 3. Parallel mounds, 216. 
 
 4. Specimens of pottery-, 216. 
 
 5. Ancient grave-mound, 216, 224. 
 
 6. Ancient mound and "corn-hills," 215, 2l5, 225. 
 
 8. Ancient mound, 215, 216, 225. 
 
 9. Profile of the "garden-beds," 216. 
 ID. Ancient hill, 215, 216, 225. 
 
 Plate 40. — North Americans. 
 
 1, 3. California Indians, 209, 214, 215, 216. 
 
 2. Necklace, 217. 
 
 4. Bow, 222. 
 
 5. Arrows, 222. 
 
 6. Eating-basket, 220. 
 
 7. Dancers, 215, 217, 222. 
 
 8. 9. Mexican paintings : warriors, 226. 
 
 10. Ghost-house of Vanikora, 224, 225. 
 
 Plate 41. — Me.xicans. 
 
 1. Mexicans of Michoacan, 213, 214, 227. 
 
 2. Room at Chichen Itza, 227. 
 
 3. Interior of chamber at Uxmal, 215, 227. 
 
 4. 5. Fortified hill and plan, Xochicalco, 227. 
 
 6. Interior of Mexican hut, 220, 227. 
 
 7. Present habitation of the native Mexicans, 227. 
 
 8. Inhabitant of Zapatera, 226. 
 
 9. 10. Women of Huateca, 226. 
 
 11. Montezuma II. in court attire, 226. 
 
 12. Mexican idol, 22S. 
 
 Plate 42. — Mexicans and South Americans. 
 
 1. Mexican place of offering, 227, 228. 
 
 2. Mexican hierogl\-phics, 229. 
 
 3. Mojaves, 213. 214, 217, 223. 
 
 4. Temple-sculpture, 213, 214, 226, 227, 22$. 
 
 5. Moquis, 214, 217. 
 
 6. Pimo women, 213, 214, 217. 
 
 7. 8. Idols, 230. 
 
 9. Areneo Indian, 213, 217. 
 
 Plate 43. — South Americans. 
 
 1. House of the Moquis, 217, 219, 220, 227. 
 
 2. Houses of the Goajira Indians, 219. 
 
 3. Rock-paintings, 228. 
 
 4. Religious stone monument, 228. 
 
 5. Sections of a pillar at Tula, 227. 
 
 6. 7. Stone images, 228. 
 
 8. Granite vase, 228. 
 
 9. Cross-section of a stone bridge, 227. 
 
 10. Gigantic head at Isamal, 227. 
 
 11. PjTamid of Papantla, 227. 
 
 Plate 44. — South Americans. 
 
 1. Wapisiano Indian, 209, 217, 220. 
 
 2. " girl, 209, 213, 220. 
 
 3. " woman, 209, 217, 220. 
 
 4. " hut, 219, 220, 222. 
 
 5. " chieftain, 214, 215, 217. 
 
 6. Warrau woman, 209, 213, 217, 220. 
 
 7. Maxuruna, 214, 215, 217. 
 
 8. Village of the Caribs, 219. 
 
 9. Macusi, 209, 213, 215, 217, 222. 
 
 10. Paravilhano, 209, 213, 215, 217, 222. 
 
 11. Warrau, 209, 213, 217, 222. 
 
 Plate 45. — South Americans. 
 I. Macusi, 217, 219, 220. 
 2-4. Skull of a Coroado Indian, 212. 
 
 5. Village of the Macusis, 219. 
 
 6. Hut of the Patachos, 219. 
 
 7. Rock-sculptures, 221, 225. 
 
 8. Procession, 209 213, 217, 220, 222, 223, 225. 
 
 Plate 46. — South Americans. 
 
 1. Miranha girl, 209, 214. 
 
 2. Coretu, 209, 213. 
 
 3. Mauhe, 209, 213, 214, 215, 217. 
 
 4. Boat-building, 213, 217, 219, 221. 
 
 5. Predatory Puelches, 222, 223.
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 403 
 
 ri.ATE 47. — South Americans. 
 
 1. _T»ri, 209, 214. 
 
 2. Mura Indian, 2og, 213, 214. 
 
 3. Mundrucu, 209, 213, 214, 215. 
 
 4. War-dance of the Juris, 213, 217, 222. 
 
 5. Mundrucu warrior, 214, 215, 222. 
 
 6. Botocudos, 209, 214, 215, 220, 223. 
 
 7. Ear-pluy, 214, 220. 
 
 8. Lip-plug, 214. 
 
 9. Speaking-trumpet, 220, 221. 
 
 10. Artificial eyes, 232. 
 
 11. Loin-covering, 217. 
 
 12. Forehead ornament, 214, 217. 
 
 Plate 48. — South Americans. 
 1-3. Botocudos, 209, 214. 
 
 4. Family, 209, 213, 214, 217, 219, 220, 222, 223. 
 
 5. Knife of the Botocudos, 221. 
 
 6. Puri woman, 213, 214, 215. 
 
 7. Hammock of the Puris, 219. 
 
 8. Botocudo bodogue, 222. 
 
 9. IMris in their hut, 209, 219, 220. 
 10. Cafusa woman, 215. 
 
 Plate 49. — South Americans. 
 
 1. Dance of the Puns, 213, 214, 222, 223. 
 
 2. Dancing-feast, 217, 219, 221, 222, 223. 
 
 3. Musical instrument, 221. 
 
 4. Camacuna woman, 209, 213. 
 
 5. Gurajos family, 215, 223, 232. 
 
 Plate 50. — South Americans. 
 
 1. Toba Indian, 213, 214, 230, 232. 
 
 2. Patagonians, 209, 213, 214, 215, 217, 222. 
 
 3. Quichuas, 229. 
 
 4. Quichua habitation, 231. 
 
 5-8. Mummies, 232. 
 9. Aymaras, 214, 229. 
 
 Plate 51. — .South Americans. 
 
 1. Dance of the .-Vymaras, 229, 231. 
 
 2. Payagiias, 213, 214. 
 
 3. Grave of an .Xymara chief, 232. 
 
 4. Moxos Indians, 209, 213, 214, 229. 
 
 5. Kelij^ous dance, 229, 231. 
 
 Plate 52.— Soiith Amkricans. 
 
 1. Costume of the Inca, 229, 230. 
 
 2. Temple ruins, 230, 231. 
 
 3. Remains of an Inca's i)alace, 231. 
 
 4. Idol of gold, 230. 
 S- Ancient vessel, 230. 
 
 6. 7. Vases, 231. 
 
 8. Ancient ]ilacc of sacrifice, 230. 
 
 9, 10. Peruvian skull, 213. 
 II, 12. Clubs, 231. 
 
 13. Sceptre-point, 231. 
 
 Plate 53. — South Americans. 
 
 1, 3, 7, 8, ID. Vessels, 230, 231. 
 
 2. Idol of silver, 230, 231. 
 
 4. War-club, 231. 
 
 5, 6. Copi)er axe-loop; implement, 231. 
 9. .Stone sculptures, 231. 
 
 11. Pan's flute, 231. 
 
 12. Quipus, 231. 
 
 13. Skull of an Alure, 212. 
 
 14. Place of sacrifice, 230. 
 
 15. Old Penivian vase, 214, 231. 
 
 16. Head of colossal statue, 230. 
 
 17. Penivian balsa, 219. 
 
 18. Cholo of Are<|ui|ia, 214, 215, 229. 
 
 19. Fortilication, 231. 
 
 MONGOLI.\NS. 
 
 Plate 54. — Indo-Chinese. 
 
 1. 9. Burmese, 23S, 250. 
 
 2. Palace of Amarapoora, 25 1. 
 
 3. Warriors; dragon temple, 250, 25 1, 252, 253. 
 
 4. Head of a Buniicsc woman, 250. 
 
 5. Mandarins and their wives, 237, 250, 252. 
 
 6. 7. Anamites, 23S, 239. 249, 250. 
 
 8. Saddle of a war-elephant, 252. 
 
 Plate 55. — Indo-Chinese. 
 
 1. Cochin-Chinese, 254. 
 
 2. Siamese actresses, 250. 
 
 3. Thai-jai, 239, 249. 
 
 4. Man-tsc, 238, 249. 
 
 5. Feast of the "new moon," 250, 25 1, 253. 
 
 Plate 56. — Indo-Chinf.se. 
 
 1. 4, 6. Laos, 238, 249, 250. 
 
 2. Laos mandarin, 237, 249, 250. 
 
 3. Mountain inhabitant, 238, 249, 250. 
 
 5. Lemcnt, 237, 238, 249, 250. 
 
 7. Laos habitation, 251, 252. 
 
 Plate 57. — Indo-Chinese. 
 
 1. Emperor Keen-Lung, 254. 
 
 2. 5, 8, 10. Chinese, 237, 238, 239, 254. 
 
 3. Chinese empress, 238. 
 
 4. Chinese actor, 237, 255. 
 
 6. Chinese night-w.itchmen, 237, 254, 256. 
 
 7. Mandarin in court custume, 254. 
 
 9. Chinese bridge of assault, 256. 
 
 Plate 58. — Indo-Chinese. 
 
 1, 3. Southern Chinese, 237, 249, 250, 252, 257, 
 
 258. 
 
 2. Chinese burial-place, 257. 
 4, 5. Chinese helmets, 256. 
 
 6-1 1, 13, 14. Ancient Chinese wcapon.s, 256. 
 12. Ancient vase, 256. 
 
 Pi-ate 59. — Indo-Chinese. 
 
 1. House of Chinese merchant, 255. 
 
 2. Reception-room of a Hcalihy Chinese, 255. 
 
 3. Sleeping a]\irtment, 255, 259, 270. 
 
 Plate 60. — Indo-Chinese. 
 
 1. Fntrance-gatc to the jxigoda, 251. 
 
 2. Chinese funeral, 254, 257. 
 
 3. Chinese costumes and |h;oi>Ic, 237, 249, 250. 
 
 4. Chieftain from LiuKiu IsUands, 254, 2U2. 
 
 5. CaLipull, 256, 266. 
 
 6. Priest and nobleman, 254. 
 
 Plate 61. — Indo-Chinese. 
 
 1. Ancient Chinese warrior, 254, 256. 
 
 2. Lamas of Ijidakh, 237, 238, 239, 258. 
 
 3. 1 Jim.is and monks, 258. 
 
 4. I.eix-lia cirl and women, 257, 258. 
 
 5. Itholi skull, 237, 23S. 
 
 6. Men of I'in, 237, 238. 230. 258. 
 
 7. Mountaineer of Farther Imlia, 2.(0, 250. 
 
 8. Women of Kanaw.tr, 237, 23S, 239, 258.
 
 404 
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Plate 62. — Ural- Japanese. 
 1-4. Jairaiiese, 237, 238, 239, 261, 263. 
 
 5. Woman in full dress, 236, 239, 2C1, 263. 
 
 6. Japanese in court attire, 263, 264, 266. 
 
 7. Ja|>anese in festive dress, 266. 
 
 8. The mikado, 263, 264, 266. 
 
 9. The Idsaki, 263, 264, 266. 
 
 Plate 63. — ^Ural-Japanese. 
 
 1. Japanese man, 238, 239, 261, 263. 
 
 2. "pilgrim, 236, 263, 267. 
 
 3. Young woman, 23S, 239, 261, 263. 
 
 4. Woman of the middle class, 236, 237, 239, 
 
 261, 263. 
 
 5. Japs'iese temple, 264, 267. 
 
 6. Man of the middle class, 236, 237, 239, 261, 
 
 263. 
 
 7. 8. Peasants, 237, 263, 264, 265. 
 9. Japanese coolie, 263. 
 
 \o. Japanese priest, 263, 268. 
 
 Plate 64. — Ural- Japanese. 
 
 1. House of a Japanese, 264. 
 
 2, 3. Cases for spe.Tr-points, 266. 
 4, 5, 6. Spear-points, 266. 
 
 7. House of a Japanese nobleman, 264. 
 
 8. Japanese fire-arrow, 266. 
 
 0. Falcon-hunt, 238, 261, 263, 264, 265, 266. 
 10, II, 17. ** Magatamas," 266. 
 
 12. W"hislling arrow, 266. 
 
 13, 14, 15, 19, 21. Stone weapons, 266. 
 16, 20, 22. Earthen vessels, 266. 
 
 18. Bear-skin boot, 266. 
 23. Old Japanese armor, 266. 
 
 Plate 65. — Ural-Japanese. 
 
 1. Japanese family, 263, 264, 265. 
 
 2. Temple "Five Hundred Genii," 264, 26S. 
 
 3. Magatama chain, 266. 
 
 4. 5. Boats, 262. 
 
 6. Guitar, 262. 
 
 7. Ornamented box, 262. 
 
 Plate 66. — Ural-Japanese. 
 
 1. Ainos and their habitation, 237, 238, 262. 
 
 2. "Omsia feast," 237, 23S, 262. 
 
 3. Grave of an Ainos chieftain, 263, 267. 
 
 4. Gilyak in full costume, 262. 
 
 5. Corean sage, 23S, 239, 261. 
 
 6. Nobleman of Corea, 237, 261. 
 
 7. Merchant of Corea, 261. 
 
 Plate 67. — Ur^l-Japanese. 
 
 1, 4. Coreans, 238, 239, 261. 
 
 2, 3. Corean guardian deities, 262. 
 
 5. Corean coaster, 262. 
 
 6. Saghalin Islanders, 237, 239, 259, 269. 
 
 Plate 68. — Ural-Altaics. 
 1-5. TungHses, 237, 238, 239, 259, 269, 276. 
 
 6, 9. Hood and fur coat, 260, 269. 
 
 7, 8. Collar and breast-ornament, 260. 
 
 Plate 69. — Ural-Altaics. 
 I, 2, 4. Buriats, 237, 23S, 239, 269. 
 
 3, Lama, 269. 
 
 5, 6. Siberian belt and fur coat, 269. 
 
 7. Calmuck tent (interior), 269, 270. 
 
 8. Calmuck tent (exterior), 270. 
 
 9. Grave monuments, 274. 
 
 10. Calmuck skull, 237. 
 
 11. Calmuck priest, 237, 269, 274. 
 
 Plate 70. — Ural-Altaics. 
 
 1. Calmucks, 237, 238, 239, 268, 269, 271, 273. 
 
 2, 3. Vakoots, 237, 238, 269. 
 
 4. 5, 11-13. Whale-teeth carvings, 276. 
 
 6. Covered sledge, 270. 
 
 7. 14. Pantaloons, 269. 
 
 8. Tinder-sticks, 276. 
 
 9. Flood of the Yakoots, 269. 
 10. Tobacco-box, 276. 
 
 Plate 71. — Ural-Altaics. 
 
 1. Village of the Yakoots, 269. 
 
 2. Sultan and family, 237, 238, 268, 269, 270, 273. 
 
 3. Kirgheez and brides, 237, 23S, 268, 269, 271. 
 
 Plate 72. — Ural-Altaics. 
 I, 2. Turks (Tartars). 239, 26S. 
 3, 4. Profile and full face of Turkish woman, 26S. 
 
 5. Turcoman, 240, 260, 26S, 269, 273, 27S. 
 
 6. .Servian story-teller, 394. 
 
 7. Tchuvash women, 237, 26S. 
 
 8. Nogais women and settlement, 240, 260, 2CS, 
 
 269, 270. 
 
 Plate 73. — Ural-Altaics. 
 
 1. Son of the khan, 237, 238, 26S, 269. 
 
 2. Noble court-official, 237, 238, 268. 
 
 3. Mountain Tartars, 240, 260, 26S, 270, 271, 274. 
 
 4. Votyak woman, 237, 268. 
 
 5. Noble Tartars, 237, 260, 268, 271. 
 
 6. 9. Kurds, 3S4. 
 
 7. Plough, 271. 
 
 8. Calmuck sacrificial monument, 273. 
 
 Plate 74. — Ural-Altaics. 
 
 1. \Vomen of Kazan, 240, 260, 268. 
 
 2. Koumiss vessels, 271. 
 
 3. 4. Mordwins, 237, 268. 
 5. Mill of Bashkirs, 271. 
 6-9. Samoieds, 23S, 239, 269. 
 
 Plate 75. — Isolated North Asutics. 
 
 1, 3. Lapps, with their dwelling, 269, 270. 
 
 2, 4. Finns, 237, 239, 269. 
 
 5. Tchuktchis, 209, 237, 238, 275, 276. 
 
 6, 7. Ostyaks, 238, 239, 269. 
 
 8. Ostyak dance, 237, 238, 239, 269, 271. 
 
 Plate 76. — Isolated North Asiatics. 
 I, 2. Nomadic Koryaks, 237, 238, 275. 
 
 3, Dwelling of the Koryaks, 237, 270, 275, 276. 
 
 4, 5. S|,ear and case, 276. 
 6, 7. Baskets, 276. 
 
 8. Tobacco-bag, 271, 276. 
 
 Plate 77. — Isolated North Asiatics. 
 
 1. Village of the Koryaks, 275, 276. 
 
 2. Fur glove, 269. 
 
 3. 4. Belt decorations of the Koryaks, 275. 
 
 5, Knife of the Kor}'ak women, 276. 
 
 6, Sedentary Koryaks, 237, 23S, 275, 276. 
 
 7, 8. Pipes of the Kor)'aks, 276. 
 
 Plate 78. — Isolated North -Asiatics. 
 
 1. Village of the Koryaks, 237, 275, 276. 
 
 2, 3. Knife and scabbard, 276. 
 
 4. Nom.adic Korj-aks, 237, 238, 275. 
 
 5. Kamchatkan, 209, 237, 23S, 275. 
 
 6. 7. Steering-pole and sledge, 276.
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 405 
 
 Plate 79. — Isolated North Asiatics. 
 
 1, 4, 5. Kamcliatkans, 209, 237, 23S, 276. 
 
 2, 3. Summer and winter liuts, 276. 
 
 Plate 80. — Isolated North Asiatics. 
 I, 7-9. Swanes, 240, 27S. 
 
 2, 3. Circassian.';, 240, 278, 279. 
 
 4. Snow-shoe, 278. 
 
 5. Lar ring of the Swanes, 278. 
 
 6. Royal tonitis of the Tcherkcsscs, 279. 
 
 10, II. 'I'cherkesses and habilalions, 27S, 279. 
 12. Mingreliau woman, 278. 
 
 DRAVIDIANS. 
 
 Plate 81. — Vindhyas and Deccankes. 
 
 1. Tamil, 283, 285. 
 
 2. Native of Cranganore, 2S3. 
 
 3. Native of Nelpli, 2S3. 
 
 4. Singhalese of Ceylon, 283, 285. 
 
 5. 6. Sliip and skiff of Ceylon, 285, 286. 
 
 7. .Sacred tooth of the Kandians, 287. 
 
 8, 9. Todas, 283, 285. 
 
 10. Kolh woman, 283, 285. 
 
 11. Cromlech of India, 288. 
 
 12. Kong woman, 249, 250. 
 
 AR.\BIC-AFRICANS. 
 
 Plate 82. — Koi-Koin. 
 1-3, 7. Hottentots, 294, 295, 296, 309. 
 
 4. Bushwoman, 295, 296. 
 
 5. 6. Bushmen, 295, 296, 310. 
 S-II. Hottentot skull, 295, 309. 
 
 Plate 83. — Bantu Peoples. 
 
 1. Musicians and women, 306, 312, 316, 338. 
 
 2. Betchuana village, 311, 312, 315, 318. 
 
 3. Betchuana skull, 309. 
 
 4. 5, Mulattoes, 30S, 309, 349. 
 
 6. Slave transportation, 307, 310, 312, 319. 
 
 7. Young Negro, 340. 
 
 Plate 84. — Bantu Peoples. 
 
 1, 3,4. Basutos, 296, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310,311. 
 
 2. Interior of Basuto dwelling, 306, 311, 313, 
 
 315- 35S. 
 
 5. Chieftain, 296, 306, 308, 309, 310, 311,313, 31S. 
 
 6. Warrior, 296, 306, 308, 310, 311, 313, 314. 
 
 7. Basutos farming, 306, 307, 310, 311, 314. 
 
 8. Needles and needle-boxes, 313. 
 9-1 1. Pipes and tobacco-bag, 312, 315. 
 
 12, 13. Lebekos (spades), 315. 
 14. Spoon, 312, 315. 
 
 Plate 85. — Bantu Peoples. 
 1-3. Koranas, 295, 309. 
 4, 5. Caffir skull, 309, 314. 
 6, 7. Zulus, 306, 310, 311, 314, 318. 
 
 8. Zulu grave, 319. 
 
 9. War-dance, 306, 307, 308, 310, 31 1, 313, 314, 
 
 316,318. 
 
 Plate 86. — Bantu Peoples. 
 
 1. Baskets and vessels, 312. 
 
 2. Interior of dwelling, 31 1, 312, 313, 358. 
 
 3. Grain-mortar, 312. 
 
 4. Calabash, 312, 316. 
 
 5. Fish-basket, 312, 314. 
 
 6. 15. Hoes, 313. 
 
 7. If. Musical instruments, 316. 
 
 8. Bellows, 313. 
 
 9. Bow, 314. 
 
 10. Hand-net, 314. 
 
 12. Slave-yoke, 319. 
 
 13. Hippopotami spear, 314. 
 
 14. Knife and case, 313. 
 
 16. Assagais, 313. 
 
 17. Makua wom.an and child, 309, 311, 355. 
 18-20. Mozambique Negroes, 306, 308, 309, 349. 
 
 Plate 87. — Bantu Peoples. 
 I. Hair arrangements, 306, 308, 309, 310. 
 2-4. Suahelis, 306, 307, 308, 310, 311. 
 
 5. .Suaheli village, 306, 311, 312. 
 
 6. Arabian soldier, 310. 
 
 Plate 88. — Bantu Peoples. 
 
 1. Arabian of Zanzibar, 310. 
 
 2. 'Ishaga girl, 306, 308, 309. 
 
 3, 6, 7. Daggers, 313. 
 
 4, 5. Bow, and arrow-case, 314. 
 8, 9. Shijjs, 316. 
 
 10. Kibani, 313. 
 
 11. Wooden pot, 312. 
 
 12. .Su.ahcli spear, 313. 
 
 13. Wooden lx>wl, 312. 
 
 14. Chair, 313. 
 
 15. Crain-crushing implement, 312. 
 
 16. Hoe, 314. 
 
 17. Cirafle tail, a w.ar-decoralion, 318. 
 
 18. Wooden jxit with lid, 312. 
 
 19. Smiths and Negroes, in, 335, 337, 342. 
 
 Plate 89. — Bantu Peoples. 
 
 1. Tattooed woman, 307, 30S, 309, 310. 
 
 2. Woman with lip-plug, 307, 30.;, 310, 332. 
 
 3. tluiola, 307, 349. 
 
 4. Arrow, 313, 314- 
 
 5. Mina Negress, 307, 300, 310, 349. 
 
 6. Monjola, 307, 309. 310, 349. 
 
 7. Ch.air of West Africa. 334. 
 
 8. Kamba women, 306, 307, 309. 
 
 9. Mukamanga and M'Nynssa, 306, 307, 30S, 309. 
 10-12. Negro skull. 309, 320. 330, 332. 
 
 13. Woman and chiki, 306, 307, 30S, 309, 310. 
 
 Pi.-\te 90.— Bantu Feopi-ES. 
 !-•?. Congo Ncerocs, 307, 309, 310, 349. 
 4, 5. Bengiiela Negroes. 307, 308, 300, 349. 
 
 6. Weaving of the Mncgash, 315, 350. 
 
 7. Village of Fernando I'o, 312, 335. 35S. 
 
 8. Cabinda Nc^-ni, 307, 308. 309. 310, 349. 
 
 9. Dwelling of the chicflain, 334. 
 
 10. Corn-gran.iry, 312, 335. 
 
 11. .Sleeping tent, 334. 
 
 Plate 91.— PForLFS of Soudan. 
 
 1. Negni of the Cold Coast, 330, 33 1. 
 
 2. Idol of the IIkxs, 347. 
 
 3. Sarakulc. 333. 343- 
 
 4. Uainbarra warrior, m, 342, 343.
 
 4o6 
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 5. Bambarra dancer, 333, 33S, 343. 
 
 6. Peul Negress, 325, 332, 333. 
 
 7. Peul warrior, 325, 332, 333, 342, 343. 
 
 8. Spear-rider, 336, 340, 342, 343. 
 
 9. Bagirmi Negro, 330, 331. 
 
 10. Fulah girl, 325, 332, 333. 
 
 11. Fulah woman and child, 325, 332, 333. 
 
 Plate 92. — Peoples of Soudan. 
 
 1. Sheik of Bornu, 333, 340. 
 
 2. Body guard, 333, 336, 340, 342, 343. 
 
 3. Fellatah and Bornu Negroes, 325, ^,11- 
 
 4. Batlle-scythe, 343. 
 
 5. Coat of mail, 343. 
 
 6. Bow, 342. 
 
 7. Battle-a.\e, 343. 
 S, 9. Swords, 314. 
 
 10. Amulet, 310. 
 
 11. Fan, 311. 
 
 12. 13, 15-17. Musical instruments, 33S. 
 14. Chin-ornament, 332. 
 
 iS. Earthen vessels of the Negroes, 334, 336. 
 
 19. Inhabitant of Merka, 355, 357. 
 
 20. Negro village, 324, 333, 334, 335, 35S. 
 
 Plate 93. — Peoples of Soudan. 
 
 1. Young Yolof, ■^T,'!,. 
 
 2. Yolof warrior, 331, 333, 343. 
 
 3. Negro of Darfur, 329, 330, 333. 
 
 4. Wandala Negroes, 333, 33S. 
 
 5. Mungu warriors, 333, 342, 343. 
 
 6. Negroes and skiffs, 332, m, 334, 336, 337, 342. 
 
 7. Hatchet, 337. 
 
 8. Cooper's tool, 337. 
 
 9. Earthen oil-jar, 337. 
 
 10. Stool, 337. 
 
 11. Bench, 337. 
 
 12. Basket, 337. 
 
 13. Large hut, 337. 
 
 Plate 94. — Peoples of Soudan. 
 
 1. Nocturnal war-dance, 333, 338, 343. 
 
 2. Dinka dwelling, 337. 
 
 3. Clay pipe-head, 337. 
 
 4. Ba/i Negroes, 330, 331, 332, 333, 342. 
 
 5. Drum of the Dinkas, 337. 
 
 6. Dance, 330, 332, 333, 334, 33S, 345. 
 
 7. Dinka water-pitcher, 337. 
 
 Plate 95. — Peoples of Soudan. 
 
 1. Woman of the Niam-Niam, 331. 
 
 2. 10. Daggers, 337. 
 
 3. Wooden tureen, 337. 
 
 4. 15. Stringed instruments, 337. 
 
 5. Earthen beer-pitcher, 337. 
 
 6. Box, 337. 
 
 7. Earthen flask, 337. 
 
 8. 13. Baskets, 337. 
 
 9. Shield, 337. 
 
 II, 12. Swords, 337, 343. 
 
 14. Tobacco-pipe, 337. 
 
 Plate 96. — Peoples of Soudan. 
 
 1. "Buffalo dance," 313, 355, 361, 362, 366. 
 
 2. Nuer Negroes, 330, 331, 332, 333, 336, 342. 
 
 3. Lance-points, 337. 
 
 4-6. Furnace of the Djurs, 337. 
 
 Plate 97. — Peoples of Soudan. 
 
 1. Granary, 337. 
 
 2. Bellows, 337. 
 
 3. Cari'ed grave-figure, 337. 
 
 4. Akka, 331, 337, 342. 
 
 5. Nuer Negroes, 330, 332, zil, 336, 342. 
 
 6. Shovel, 337. 
 
 7. Ivory bracelet, 337. 
 
 8. Bark of the Upper Nile, 360. 
 
 Plate 
 
 -African-Semites. 
 
 Gurage women, 357. 
 
 Anihara women, 354, 357. 
 
 Inhabitant of Tigr^, 354, 357. 
 
 Costumes of the Shoa, 354, 357, 358, 359. 
 
 Bishari warr 
 
 354. 357. 361. 362 
 
 6. Dwelling of the Shoa, 324, 357, 358, 359, 360, 
 361, 362. 
 
 Pl.\te 99. — African-Semites. 
 
 1. Easter banquet, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 364. 
 
 2. Chieftain and habitation, 324, 332, 333, 334, 
 
 rA 342, 343. 35S- 
 
 3. 7. Swords, 343. 
 
 4. 9. Javelins, 343, 361. 
 
 5. Pipe of the Denga, 359. 
 
 6. Club of the Denga, 361. 
 8. Dagger, 361. 
 
 10, 17. Spindles, 359. 
 
 11. Sandal, 357. 
 
 12. Harpoon, 35S. 
 
 13, 14. Baskets, 359. 
 
 15. War-hat, 362. 
 
 16. Abyssinian plough, 358. 
 
 Plate ioc— African-Semites. 
 
 1. Judicial proceedings, 324, 357, 358, 360, 364, 
 
 365. 
 
 2. Danakil women, 355, 357, 359. 
 
 3. Guanche mummy, 350. 
 
 4. Tuarick, 356, 361, 362. 
 
 5. Section of house, 324, 358. 
 
 Plate ioi. — African-Semites. 
 1-3. Somalis, 355, 356, 357, 361, 362. 
 4- 
 5- 
 6. 
 
 7- 
 
 8. 
 
 9' 
 
 Saddle, 359. 
 Plaited pot, 359. 
 Sandal, 357. 
 Small hatchet, 359. 
 Plaited basket, 359. 
 . Bag, 359. 
 
 10. Dagger, 361. 
 
 11. Quiver, 361. 
 
 12. Spear, 361. 
 
 13. Somali village, 358. 
 
 Plate 102. — African-Semites. 
 Woman from Magadoxo, 355, 357. 
 View of Magado.No, 358. 
 Oil-mill, 357, 358, 359, 361. 
 Shield, 362. 
 
 I. 
 
 2. 
 
 3' 
 4. 
 5, 6, Midsherthains, 355, 357. 
 
 Plate 103. — African-Semites. 
 
 1. Nubians, 357, 359. 
 
 2. Yard of a Berabra habitation, 358, 359. 
 
 3. Egyptian woman, 354. 
 
 4. Copts and a Mohammedan grave, 351, 357. 
 
 5. W.all-painting, 354, 357, 358, 360, 361. 
 6-8. Egyi^tian skull, 356. 
 
 9. Hathor: Egyptian goddess, 354, 357. 
 
 Plate 104. — Asiatic-Semites. 
 1-3, S. .\rabs, 355, 357, 361, 362.
 
 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 407 
 
 4-7. Arabian hair arrangements, 355. 
 9. Camp of lieni-Sakliar, 358. 
 
 10. Arabian slicilc, 357, 361. 
 
 11. Arabic chiefs. 355, 359. 
 
 12. Akil Aga, Arabian chief, 355, 357, 361. 
 
 Plate 105. — Asiatic-Semites. 
 
 1. Takhtrawan (sedan), 359. 
 
 2. Fundshe Arab, 354. 
 
 3. Arabian pilgrims, 357, 366. 
 
 4. Huts, 357, 358. 
 
 5. Woman of Sockna, 354, 356. 
 
 6. Moors, 343, 350, 356. 
 
 7. Torat Bedouins. 357, 362. 
 
 8. Inhabitants of Tripoli, 354, 359. 
 
 Plate 106. — Asiatic-Semites. 
 
 1. Palace hall, 357, 358, 360, 361, 362. 366. 
 
 2. Painting, 357, 35S, 360, 361, 362, 36^ 
 
 3. Relief from N'imrud, 360. 
 
 4. Representations from an obelisk, 360. 
 
 5. Old Jewi.sh grave, 358, 368. 
 
 6. Cromlech of SjTia, 368. 
 
 INDO-EUROPEANS. 
 
 Plate 107. — Indians. 
 
 1. Brahman, 378. 
 
 2. Siva worshipper, 37S, 381. 
 
 3. Mohammedan of India, 37S. 
 
 4. Wealthy Indian of Coromandel, 378, 
 
 5. Bayadere, 378. 
 
 6. Pariah, 378, 3S2. 
 
 7. Old noble Indian woman, 378. 
 
 8. Rajah, 37S, 379, 382. 
 
 9. Wife of the rajah, 378, 379. 
 
 Plate 108. — Indians. 
 
 1. Sacred rites of the Brahmans, 378, 381. 
 
 2. Crematory, 3S2. 
 
 3. Brahman house, 378. 
 
 4. (Irave monument of a Rajpoot, 37S, 382. 
 
 5. Indian school, 378. 
 
 6. Soldier of Beloochistan, 383, 385. 
 
 7. Gjpsy woman of Wallachia, 377. 
 
 Plate 109. — Iranians. 
 1-5. Persians, 385. 
 
 6. King of Persia, 385. 
 
 7. Market of Ispahan, 3S5. 
 
 Plate iio. — Iranians. 
 I, 2. Tajik (profile and full-face view), 383. 
 
 3. Persian cannoneer, 385. 
 
 4. Persian banner, 388. 
 
 5. Persian funeral ceremonies, 385, 387. 
 
 Plate hi. — Iranians. 
 
 1. Armenian "Feast of the Dead," 387. 
 
 2. .Armenian house, 385, 388. 
 
 3. Working cotton in Armenia, 387. 
 
 4. Scotch clay buildings, 3S8, 392. 
 
 5. 6. Armenian graves, 387.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abades, 351. 
 
 Alichas, 277. 
 
 Abipones, 76, 210 
 
 Abors, 248. 
 
 Abyssiiiians, 35 1. 
 
 Achdam, 352. 
 
 Adainawa, 327. 
 
 Adiges, 277. 
 
 Aerial navigation, 109. 
 
 Aetas, 190. 
 
 Afghans, 383. 
 
 Agows, 351. 
 
 Agriculture, 63, 203, 216, 220, 255, 258, 271, 285, 
 
 29S, 314. 335. 35S. 376. 
 
 implements, 203, 314, 335, 358. 
 
 in ethnology, 63-65. 
 
 influence of, 65. 
 
 stage of progress, 176. 
 Ahaggar, 364. 
 Ahonis, 24S. 
 Aiamat, 327. 
 
 Aimak, 260. " 
 
 Ainos, 259. 
 
 Akas, 248. ^ 
 
 Akkas, 329. 
 
 Akras, 327. , 
 
 Akusclians, 277. 
 Alan, 327. 
 
 Alans, 260. , 
 
 Albanians, 391. 
 Albinism, 43, 
 
 Alemanni, 393. , 
 
 Aleutians, 209. 
 Alfures, 191. 
 Algonkins, 210. 
 Altaic peoples, 236. 
 Amakosa, 306. 
 Amapondo, 306. 
 Amazigs, 350. 
 Americans, 209-233 (riatcs 29-53). 
 
 classification, 209, 210. 
 
 government, 223, 229. 
 
 language, 211. 
 
 life and habits, 215-233. 
 
 physical characteristics, 2 1 2-2 1 5. 
 
 religion, 224-229. 
 Anamites, 248. 
 Angles, 393. 
 Angola, 306. 
 Animals, sacred, 225, 263, 345, 366, 382, 3S7. 
 
 domestic, 65, 220, 251, 25S, 276, 285, 297, 315, 
 
 335. 358. 
 Animism, 144, 344, 366. 
 Ankolier, hall of, 360, 364. 
 ANTHRiii'oi.or.Y, 17. 
 Anthropophagy, 63, 1S8, 194, 199, 206, 222, 274, 
 
 3»9. 344. 
 
 Antisans, 210. 
 
 Apaches, 210. 
 
 Ajjes, anthropoid, 28. 
 
 Apparel, 103-105, 187, 192, 197, 202, 216, 226, 
 227. 229, 250, 254, 258, 262, 263, 26S, 275, 
 278, 285, 296, 310, 333, 356, 357, 376, 37S. 
 
 385- 
 Arabians, 352. 
 Araucanians, 210. 
 .Xrawacks, 210. 
 Arabic .\iRicAN Race, 291-370 (Plates 82-106). 
 
 classification, 292, 306, 322, 326-328, 350-353. 
 
 government, 300, 317, 340-342, 363. 
 
 language, 291, 304, 323-326, 369. 
 
 life and habits, 295-322, 333-349. 35^-368. 
 
 physical characteristics, 294, 307-309, 329-332, 
 353-355- 
 
 religion, 301, 320, 339, 344-347. 365-367- 
 Arbanilcs, 392. 
 Arch, invention of the, loi. 
 Architecture, 101, 192, 203, 227, 231, 251, 255, 
 
 25S, 3". 334. 35i>. 360, 378, 3S5- 
 Arctic races, 209. 
 Arinzes, 274. 
 Anncnians, 384. 
 .■\rmies, 206, 344. 
 Annor, 99, 279, 340. 
 Art, 122. 
 
 fine, 188, 204, 221, 227, 265, 276, 303, 316, 338, 
 360, 361. 
 
 Creek, secret of, 125. 
 
 religious senlinieni on the development of, 132. 
 Artistic studies, )>rohibitions of, 126. 
 Arts, a-sthetic, 119. 
 
 agricultural, 64. 
 
 cl.Tssification of, 95. 
 
 industrial, 203, 220, 229, 265, 337, 359, 360. 
 
 of pleasure, 1 1 9. 
 
 religious, 131. . 
 
 technical, 95, 188, 192, 198, 221, 231, 251, 265, 
 
 276, 316, 337. 338. 359. 360- 
 
 utiliL-irian, 95. 
 Ashantces, 327. 
 Assagais, 296, 3 1 3. 
 Assancs, 274. 
 Assinilniins, 210. 
 Assyrians, 353. 
 
 the old, 357. 
 Alh.alasc.is, 20Q. 
 
 .\uslralians. 75, 186-I90 (rialcs 4, 5). 
 Avares, 260, 277. 
 .■\vekvoms, 327. 
 Ayawas, 314. 
 Ayniaras, 229. 
 Azdjcr, 364. 
 
 Babylonians, 358. 
 
 400
 
 4IO 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bagimiis, 327. 
 
 Bakuti, 32S. 
 
 Balantes, 327. 
 
 Balsas, use of, 105, 219. 
 
 Balui, 328. 
 
 Balunda, 306. 
 
 BambaiTas, 327. 
 
 Bambukis, 327. 
 
 Bantu peoples, 305-322 (Plates S3-90). 
 
 Banyuns, 327. 
 
 Bai-abiuzes, 260. 
 
 Barabra (Beiabra), 351. 
 
 Baralong, 306. 
 
 Bali Negroes, 336. 
 
 Barotse, 306. 
 
 Bashkire, 261. 
 
 Basques, 371-375. 
 
 Bastaards, 294. 
 
 Bastarna:, 393. 
 
 Basundi, 32S. 
 
 Basuto, 306. 
 
 Batoka, 310. 
 
 Batta, 32S. 
 
 Bavarians, 393. 
 
 Beasts of burden and draught, 108, 
 
 Beautiful, theory of the, 120. 
 
 Bedshas, 351. 
 
 Bee-hive liouses, 388. 
 
 Behring people, 209. 
 
 Bellandas, 329. 
 
 Belooches, 383. 
 
 Bengalese, 283. 
 
 Bengas, 306. 
 
 Benguela, 306. 
 
 Berbers, 350. 
 
 Berduranis, 383. 
 
 Betchuanas, 306. 
 
 Bheels, 282. 
 
 Bhutias (Bhots), 257. 
 
 Biafadas, 327. 
 
 Binibias, 327. 
 
 Births, 255, 2S6, 299, 317, 339. 
 
 ceremonies at, 299, 317, 339, 37 1. 
 Blackfeet Indians, 210. 
 Blood-revenge, 138, 206, 279, 287, 300, 31S, 342, 
 
 363, 371- 
 Bodogue, 222. 
 Bolivia, people of, 210. 
 Bolombo, 328. 
 Bongos, 329. 
 Boomerang, 61, 187. 
 Botocudos, 210. 
 Botoques, 214. 
 
 Bow and aiTow.gS (see Weapons). 
 Brahmanism, 2S7, 379, 380, 381. 
 Brahmo-Samaj (sect), 3S2. 
 Brahuis, 282. 
 
 Brain of man and the lower animals, 20. 
 Braknas, 350. 
 Britons, 393. 
 Bronze, the Age of, 171. 
 Buddhism, 144, 152, 253, 256, 259, 268, 2S7, 380, 
 
 3S1. 
 Budumas, 327. 
 Building, 100, 197, 297, 334, 358. 
 
 classified, 100. 
 Bulgarians, 260, 394. 
 Bulloms, 327. 
 Bull-roarer, 1 89. 
 Bunda nations, 306. 
 Bundelzwarts, 293. 
 
 Burgundiaas, 393. 
 
 Burial, 1S9, '95, 201, 207, 224, 232, 256, 258, 263, 
 267, 274, 288, 300, 319, 348, 36S, 3S7. 
 
 ceremonies, 224, 257, 319, 367, 36S, 3S7. 
 
 chambers, 368, 387. 
 Burials, 260. 
 Burmese, 248. 
 Burutes, 260. 
 Bushmen, 2,Z, 291. 
 
 Caeinda Negroes, 307. 
 
 Caffir tribes, 306. 
 
 Cafusos, 215. 
 
 Cakchiquels, 2IO. 
 
 Caledonians, 393. 
 
 California Indians, 2IO, 
 
 Calniucks, 260. 
 
 Calpules (clans), 135. 
 
 Camacunas, 222. 
 
 Cambocos, 210. 
 
 Canarese, 2S2. 
 
 Cannibalism, 63, 1S8, 194, 199, 206, 222, 274, 319, 
 
 344- 
 Cannibal implements, 194, 206, 222. 
 Caiiopa, 230. 
 Cardinal points, 113. 
 Cai-essing, modes of, 80. 
 Caribs (people), 210. 
 Carthaginians, 54, 353. 
 Cartography, 113. 
 Cashmerians, 377. 
 Cassava bread, 68. 
 
 Castes, 140, 199, 252, 266, 279, 287, 341, 379, 3S0. 
 impure, 252, 266, 267, 3 1 7, 320, 367, 368. 
 origin of, 140. 
 Caucasus, the peoples of the, 236, 277-2S0. 
 Causality, 22. 
 Cave-dwellers, 27, 37. 
 Celtiberians, 392. 
 Celts (people), 389, 392. 
 Celts (stones), 27. 
 Chaidags, 277. 
 Chaldeans, 353. 
 
 Chambers, subterranean, 197, 227, 368. 
 Chapanecs, 210. 
 Character, 188, 193, 195, 206, 226, 232, 251, 259, 
 
 262, 265, 272, 280, 289, 303, 322, 348, 369, 
 
 371, 379, 386, 392. 
 Charms and amulets, 132, 223, 302, 310, 346, 382. 
 Chefsurs, 277. 
 Cherokees, 210. 
 Cherusci, 393. 
 Chibchas, 210. 
 Children, 193, 223, 252, 255, 265, 286, 299, 317, 
 
 339. 340, 363. 
 naming of, 205, 2S6, 299, 339. 
 Chinese, 254-257 (Plates 57-60). 
 Chippeways, 210. 
 Chippewyans, 210. 
 Chiquitos, 210. 
 Chichen Itza, ruins of, 227. 
 Choctaws, 210. 
 Cholos, 215. 
 
 Chronological conclusions, 180. 
 Circa-ssians, 277. 
 Circumcision, 188, 192, 196, 202, 215, 295, 310, 
 
 3I7> Illy 339> 356> l^l- 
 Civihzation, 168, 195, 201, 215, 233, 235, 288, 304, 
 
 322, 375, 379, 383, 3S6, 3SS, 396. 
 definition of, 1 68. 
 influence on, 235.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 411 
 
 Civilization, stage of, 179. 
 Clan, the, 135. 
 Clepsydra, the, 111. 
 Climate, 25. 
 
 effects of, 32, 33, 350. 
 in early ages, 25. 
 "Clucking" sounds, 83, 291. 
 Cochoqua, 293. 
 Coins, Mexican, il6. 
 Color, as a trait of race, 41-43 (see Skin), 
 sense of, 123. 
 signification of, 250. 
 symbolism of, 124, 254. 
 Comanches, 210. 
 Commerce, 66, 193, 204, 229, 251, 262. 
 
 arts necessary to, 66. 
 Commingling of nations, 183. 
 Confucianism, 256, 26S. 
 Congo tribes, 306. 
 
 Consanguinity and affinity, systeiTis of, 54. 
 Cooking, art of, 69. 
 Copts, 351. 
 
 Coracle (boat), the, 106. 
 Coreans, 259. 
 
 physical characteristics, 261. 
 Coroados, 210. 
 "Corn-hills," 216. 
 Corroboree, 188. 
 Cossacks, 260. 
 Costume (see Apparel). 
 Counting, methods of, 110. 
 Cowries, I16, 337. 
 Craniology, science of, 47, 48. 
 Creation, theory of, 321, 346, 365. 
 Crees, 210. 
 
 Cremation, 189, 207, 258, 263, 288. 
 Creoles, 42. 
 Cromlechs, 288. 
 Cross, the, 230. 
 Crossings, fertility of, 23, 56. 
 Cult, animal, 320. 
 Moloch, 366. 
 religious, 381. 
 Culture, 165, 201, 203, 235, 253, 259, 261, 303. 
 Currencies, 115, 192. 
 
 shells as, 116. 
 Czechs, 394. 
 
 D.\ci-RouMANiANS, 395. 
 Dahomans, 327. 
 Daimios, 265. 
 Dakotas, 210. 
 Damara-s, mountain, 292. 
 
 " "Dung," 292. 
 Danakil, 352. 
 
 Dance, iSS, 193, 19S, 199, 205, 207, 222, 223, 231, 
 271, 289, 301, 303, 316, 320, 338, 343, 366, 
 
 377- 
 
 bear, 271. 
 
 buffalo, 223. 
 
 kangaroo, 1S8. 
 
 nocturnal, 1 88, 193, 199, 205, 207, 222, 338. 
 Danes, 393. 
 Darfur, 327. 
 Dargiuian races, 277. 
 Darr.ad.a-s (Dards), 376. 
 D.aiTuds, 352. 
 Darwinian theory, 30. 
 Death, 189, 195, 2or, 224, 263, 288, 319, 367, 387. 
 
 ceremonies at, 224, 367. 
 Deccan tribes, 2S1. 
 
 Decorative designs, no. 
 Defence, institutions for, 140. 
 
 walls of, 102. 
 
 weapons of, 99. 
 Deities, 150, 195, 200, 228, 267, 273, 301, 345, 346, 
 
 365, 381, 386. 
 Descent, laws of, 76. 
 
 of man, 30. 
 Deva, 207. 
 
 Development (evolution) of mankind, 30. 
 Dikelis, 306. 
 Dinka, 328. 
 
 Disease, tolerance of, 35. 
 Disfigurations, 187, 192, 196, 202, 214, 285, 309, 
 
 . .332.356- 
 Divination, 149. 
 Divorce, 70, 299,317, 339. 
 Djebali, 351. 
 Djin, 207. 
 Djurs, 329. 
 Dogs, tamed, 65. 
 Dohrs, 329. 
 Dongolawi, 351. 
 Dravidian Peoples, 2S1-289 (Plate 81). 
 
 classification, 280. 
 
 government, 287. 
 
 language, 284. 
 
 life and habits, 285-289. 
 
 physical characteristics, 282-284. 
 
 reUgion, 2S7. 
 Dress (see Apparel). 
 Drift and Cave men, 27, 38, 62, 131. 
 Druses, 75. 
 Duallas, 306. 
 Duranis, 383. 
 Dushik Kurds, 384. 
 
 Dwellings, 100, 187, 192, 197, 203, 218, 227, 231, 
 251, 25S, 262, 264, 269, 275, 276, 279, 285, 
 297. 3". 334. 358. 360. 37S, 385- 
 Dyaks, 202. 
 Dzungar, 260. 
 
 EriYAHS, 306. 
 Edurs, 352. 
 Eg\ptians, 351. 
 
 ancient, 357. 
 
 mythology of, 1 56. 
 
 sculpture of, 1 25. 
 
 writing of, 92. 
 Electrum (coin), use of, 117. 
 Elephants, taming of, 54. 
 
 white, 252. 
 Elevation, effects of, n. 
 Elli.abs, 32S. 
 
 Eloikobs (W.akualis), 352. 
 Emotions, natural expression of, 50. 
 Endearment, tcnns of, 80. 
 Endowments, racial and national, 1S2. 
 Engis skull, 38, 390. 
 English, 393. 
 F^schatology, 367. 
 Eskimos, 209. 
 Esseda (ch.ariot), 108. 
 E.stlioni,ans, 261. 
 Ethiopians, 351. 
 ETIIMK'.RAIIIV, iSJ. 
 
 definition of, 17. 
 
 dctemiin.alivc clcmcnLs in, 57. 
 EriiNoi.iK.Y, 17, 57. 
 Etruscans, 375. 
 Eurojie, aboriginal [wpulation of, ^fi.
 
 412 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Euskalduns, 371 
 
 Exchange and commerce, 66. 
 
 Eye, peculiarities of, 36. 
 
 Falashas, 351. 
 
 Family, the, 133, 189, 223, 255, 265, 272, yx>, 317, 
 
 340, 364- 
 
 Lubbock's theory of, 134. 
 
 Morgan's theory of, 134. 
 
 plan of the, 1 33. 
 Family life, 1S7, 199, 205, 223, 252, 255, 262, 265, 
 
 272, 276, 286, 316, 338, 358, 362, 379. 
 Fantis, 327. 
 Fai-ther India, the peoples of, 247-259 (Plates 
 
 54-61). 
 Fatalism, doctrine of, 162. 
 Feast, 18S, 194, 199, 205, 207, 222, 257,267, 377. 
 
 of circumcision, i88. 
 
 of the dead, 387. 
 
 of human sacrifice, 194, 207. 
 
 of lanterns, 257. 
 
 of manhood, 188, 317, 320. 
 
 of the " new moon," 253. 
 
 Omsia, 263. 
 
 of puberty, 222, 339. 
 
 religious, 205, 230, 265, 288. 
 Features, 186, 191, 196, 202, 214, 237, 238, 241, 
 249, 254, 258, 261, 262, 27s, 283, 295, 309, 
 . 330. 354, 355. 376, 378, 384, 385, 392, 393. 
 Feejeeans, 191. 
 Fellahs, 351. 
 Feloops, 327. 
 Festivals, 129, 188, 194, 197, 198, 205, 222, 336, 
 
 338, 339, 346. 
 Fetiches, 132, 145, 345,347. 
 
 birds as, 145, 345. 
 
 doctrine of, 145. 
 
 serpents as, 145. 
 
 trees as, 145. 
 Filhams, 327. 
 Filleles, 350. 
 Fingos, 306. 
 Finns, 26 1. 
 
 Fuearms, 99, 222, 273, 343. 
 Fire-making, 27, 69, 1S7, 25S, 276, 297, 315. 
 Fishing, 193, 218, 29S, 314, 336. 
 
 implements, 187. 
 
 pre-historic, and fish-hooks, 62. 
 
 weapons, 218, 314, 336. 
 Flatheads, 213. 
 
 Food, 58, 203, 218, 220, 251, 255, 262, 264, 270, 
 276, 2S6, 29S, 315, 336, 358. 
 
 from natural jiroducts, 60. 
 
 plants, distribution of, 64. 
 
 preparation of, 68, 298. 
 
 prohibition of, 298, 302, 315, 320, 336, 366, 382. 
 
 quality and quantity of, 58. 
 
 supply, 60. 
 Foot of man, 18. 
 
 of Chinese woman, 36. 
 Forces, natural, worship of, 146. 
 Form, 186, 191, 202, 213, 236, 240, 249, 254, 258, 
 261, 262, 275, 283, 294, 307, 329, 354, 355, 
 
 371. 376. 377. 384. 385. 393. 394- 
 deviation in, 331. 
 Forts, primitive, 102. 
 Franks, 393. 
 French, 393. 
 Frisians, 393. 
 P'uegians, 210. 
 Fulah, 327. 
 
 Fundshes, 351. 
 
 Funeral ceremonies, 132, 195, 201, 232, 256, 279, 
 300, 319, 348, 367, 387. 
 objects, 132, 201, 232, 257, 274, 301, 348, 368, 
 
 387. 
 Future life, 132, 162, 200, 224, 229, 232, 276, 288, 
 
 346, 367. 3S2. 
 
 Gallas, 352. 
 
 Games, 129, 130, 188, 19S, 205. 
 
 Olympian, 129. 
 
 Roman, 129. 
 Gaming, passion of, 130. 
 Garden-beds, 216. 
 Garos, 248. 
 Gens, 135. 
 Gentoos, 282. 
 Geodesy, 113. 
 Geographical system, 40. 
 
 surroundings, 182. 
 Geology, doctrines of, 25. 
 Georgians, 278. 
 Gepidi, 393. 
 Germans, 393. 
 Ghegides, 392. 
 GhiUais, 383. 
 Gilyaks, 259. 
 Glacial epoch, 25, 28. 
 Gluttony as a vice, 128. 
 Goajiros, 210. 
 Gold, use of, 117. 
 
 Age of, 36. 
 Golos, 329. 
 Gonacjua, 293. 
 Gonds, 282. 
 Gorachouqua, 293. 
 Gorah, 303. 
 Goringhaiqua, 293. 
 Goths, 393. 
 
 Government and laws, 133, 137, 189, 205, 223, 
 229, 252, 255, 265, 272, 279, 287, 300, 317, 
 340, 363, 379. 
 
 military, 141. 
 Graves, I90, 195, 201, 224, 257, 263, 267, 274, 
 
 279, 300, 34S, 368. 
 Grebos, 327. 
 "Grecques," 122. 
 Greeks, 391. 
 Grigriqua, 293. 
 Griqua, 294. 
 
 Groves, sacred, 201, 280, 288. 
 Growth, completed, 34. 
 
 of states, 134. 
 
 of wants, 1 81. 
 Grusians, 278. 
 Guanches, 350. 
 Guaycurus, 210. 
 Guaymis, 2lo. 
 Guebers, 383. 
 Gurage, 357- 
 Gurajos, 210. 
 Guranes, 384. 
 Guranis, 210. 
 Gurmas, 327. 
 Gurungs, 257. 
 
 Gynocracy in savage states, 77. 
 Gypsies, 377. 
 
 Hababs, 351. 
 Hadendas, 351. 
 Haidah (Kolushes), 209.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 413 
 
 Haiks, 384. 
 
 Hair, 45, 186, 191, 196, 202, 213, 237, 250, 254, 
 261, 262, 283, 295, 308, 330, ly., 353, 354, 
 
 355. 376- 378, 384, 392. 393- 
 
 abundance of, 46. 
 
 shape of, 44. 
 Hair-dressing, 191, 213, 250, 254, 258, 263, 268, 
 
 269, 278, 285, 296, 30S, 332, lii, 37S. 
 Hammeg tribes, 351. 
 Hands and feet, 19. 
 Hantu, 207. 
 Harafures, 191. 
 I lau- Kuin, 292, 
 Hausas, 327. 
 llawaiians, 197. 
 Ha/ires, 260. 
 Headduinling, 206, 207. 
 Hebrews, 353. 
 HeiUoni, 293. 
 
 Henotheism in religion, 159. 
 Hereros, 306. 
 Heruli, 393. 
 Hessatlua, 293. 
 Hessians, 393. 
 Heterogenesis, 29. 
 Heva, 201. 
 Hieroglyphics, 193, 221, 226, 22S, 229, 23I. 
 
 Mexican, 93. 
 Hiniyarites, 353. 
 Hindoos, 377. 
 Homo alalus, 39. 
 
 anthropopithecus, 39. 
 
 primigenius, 39. 
 Horses, introduction of, 65. 
 Hottentot "apron," 294. 
 
 "bustle," 294. 
 Hottentots, 292. 
 Household fui-niture, 197, 251, 264, 270, 312, 334, 
 
 359- 
 
 utensils, 203, 275, 3S5. 
 Hovas, 185, 202. 
 Huns, 260. 
 Hunting, 219, 266, 298, 314, 358. 
 
 stage of progress, 1 74. 
 
 weapons, 6i, 218, 314, 35S. 
 Hurling-stick, 61, 187, 194. 
 Hurons, 210. 
 Hyperborean people, 209. 
 
 Iberians, 392. 
 
 Ibos (Ibus), 327. 
 
 Icelanders, 393. 
 
 Ideograms, use of, 90. 
 
 Idols, 189, 195, 200, 225, 228, 230, 263, 273, 288, 
 
 303. 347. 366, 377- 
 
 primitive, 131. 
 Igaras, 327. 
 Illyrians, 391. 
 Imertians, 278. 
 Imoshags, 351. 
 Inca, 229. 
 
 Indians, Aryan, 376. 
 Indo-Chinese race, 247-259. 
 I.NDo-EiRoi'KAN Rack, 371-397 (Tlates 107-II1). 
 
 classitication, 371, 376, 3S3, 391. 
 
 language, 371-375. 385. 394- 
 • life and habits, 371, 378-382, 385-387. 
 
 government, 379. 
 
 physical characteristics, 371, 378. 
 
 religion, 380-3S2, 386. 
 Indo-Germanic family, 375-38S, 397. 
 
 Indo-Germanic civilization, 375. 
 
 migration, 375. 
 Infanticide, iSS, 193, 199, 200, 205, 252, 286, 299, 
 
 3'7. 339. 363- 
 Inheritance, 78, 79, 1S8, 195, 199, 205, 252, 258, 
 
 272, 287, 300, 341, 363. 
 Inkalit.s, 210. 
 Inkosi, 318, 321. 
 In(iua, 293. 
 
 InscriiJtions, cuneiform, 92. 
 Intermarriage of classes, 56, 200. 
 Intermixtures, 55, 191, 215, 239, 240, 261, 283, 
 
 307. 330. 353. 373. 392. 393- 
 Iranian peoples, 383-388. 
 Iron (jieople), 384. 
 Iron Age, 172. 
 
 smelting, 173.204. 297. 3'3- 
 Irotjuois, 78, 210. 
 Isubus, 306. 
 Itali, 392. 
 Itclimen, 276. 
 
 Jains (sect), 382. 
 Japanese antiquities, 266. 
 
 peoples, the Ural, 259-268 (Plates 62-80}. 
 
 physical characteristics, 261. 
 
 writing, 91. 
 Jats, 3S0. 
 Javanese, 202. 
 Jews, 355. 
 Joktanidcs, 353. 
 Juris, 210. 
 
 Kabardans, 277. 
 
 K.ibyles, 350. 
 
 Kaffai, 351. 
 
 Kafirs, 376. 
 
 Kamassings, 261. 
 
 Kamchatkans, domestic life of, 276. 
 
 Kami (gods), 267. 
 
 Kanuris, 327. 
 
 Ka-olsche, 260. 
 
 Karabulaks, 277. 
 
 Karagasses, 261. 
 
 Kara-Kalpaks (Black Caps), 260. 
 
 Karens, 24S. 
 
 Karos.s, 296, 310. 
 
 Kartulians, 278. 
 
 Kassi-Kumuches, 277. 
 
 Kassulw, 394. 
 
 Katcharis, 248. 
 
 K.ayak, 106, 21S. 
 
 Kedugiis, 282. 
 
 Kek (Kitsch), 328. 
 
 Kcnais, 209. 
 
 Klialka Mongolians, 260. 
 
 Kh.ambas, 257. 
 
 Khames, 248. 
 
 Khamtis, 248. 
 
 Kharri.TS, 282. 
 
 Kh.asins, 248. 
 
 Khitan, 259. 
 
 Khmii, 249. 
 
 Khomas, 248. 
 
 Khomis, 2S2. 
 
 Khyes, 24S. 
 
 Khyens, 248. 
 
 Khyis. 24S. 
 
 KiamKxs, 327. 
 
 KilKini, 31 V 
 
 Kibitkcs (cirts), 270.
 
 414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Kinship, agnatic system of, 77. 
 
 matriarchal system, 76. 
 
 patriarchal system of, 77. 
 Kiralis, 257. 
 
 Kirgheez (Cossacks), 260. 
 Kirri, 296, 313. 
 Kisaki, 266. 
 Kissing, custom of, 80. 
 Kitsch (Kek), 32S. 
 Koi-Koin, 291-305 (Plate 82). 
 Kohlis, 257. 
 Koibals, 261. 
 Kolas, 282. 
 Kolhs, 282. 
 Kolitas, 248. 
 Kohishes, 209. 
 Kong, 249. 
 
 Konyaks (Kodyaks), 219. 
 Korana (Kora-qua), 294. 
 Koryaks, 275. 
 Kotschas, 24S. 
 Kottes, 274. 
 Koumiss, 270. 
 Kraal, 297. 
 Krej, 329. 
 Kris, 204. 
 Kukis, 248. 
 Kumuks, 260. 
 Kurankos, 327. 
 Kurds, 384. 
 Kurgs, 2S2. 
 Kurins, 277. 
 Kus, 282. 
 
 Laks, 277. 
 
 Lamutes, 259. 
 
 Land, tenure of, 136, 1 89. 
 
 transportation, 107. 
 Language, 22,49, So, 190, 195, 207, 211, 241, 284, 
 291, 304. l-^l, 369. 371, 37S. 379. 3S5. 392. 
 393. 394- 
 
 agglutinative, 52. 
 
 Ainos, of the, 245. 
 
 Altaic, 245. 
 
 Amharic, 351. 
 
 articulate speech, 84. 
 
 Aryan, 285. 
 
 Bengalee, 377. 
 
 Bugis, 204. 
 
 Bullom, 324. 
 
 Bushmen (dialect), 305. 
 
 Catalonian, 395. 
 
 Caucasian, 246. 
 
 characteristics, as race, 22, 49, 53. 
 
 "clucking sounds" in, 291. 
 
 Deccan, 2S4. 
 
 defined, 81. 
 
 deterioration of, 388. 
 
 dissimilar, rise of, 53. 
 
 Ehwe, 323. 
 
 Elu, 2S5. 
 
 Euskara, 371. 
 
 French, 395. 
 
 Friulian, 395. 
 
 Galla, 326. 
 
 gesture, 81. 
 
 Gha, 327. 
 
 Gujeratee, 377. 
 
 Haikanic, 384. 
 
 Hausa, 324, 329. 
 
 Hindustani, 377. 
 
 Language, Hottentot (dialect), 304. 
 
 Huzvaresh, 3S5. 
 
 inarticulate, 83. 
 
 incorporative, 52, 212, 37I. 
 
 inflecting, 52. 
 
 isolating, 52. 
 
 Italian, 394. 
 
 Japanese, of the, 245. 
 
 Kanuri, 323, 324. 
 
 l^adinish, 395. 
 
 Logone, 329. 
 
 Mahrattee, 377. 
 
 Malayan, 241. 
 
 Mande, 323. 
 
 Mayas, of the, 51. 
 
 Maba (dialect), 327. 
 
 monosyllabic, 236, 242, 304. 
 
 Odshi, 323. 
 
 of the lower animals, 81. 
 
 Oriya, 377. 
 
 Pali, 3S0. 
 
 Parsi, 3S5. 
 
 Pehlevi, 385. 
 
 Portuguese, 395. 
 
 polysyllabic, 190, 195, 236, 242. 
 
 prefix-pronominal, 305. 
 
 progress of, 88. 
 
 Provencal, 395. 
 
 Pukhtu (Pushto), 383. 
 
 recorded, 88. 
 
 RliKto (Romance), 395. 
 
 Romany, 53, 377. 
 
 Sesuto, 306. 
 
 .Sign, 8l. 
 
 Sindhi, 377. 
 
 .Spanish, 395. 
 
 Tagala, 207, 241. 
 
 Tibbu, 324. 
 
 Tigre, 351. 
 
 Timne, 323. 
 
 Vedic, 379. 
 
 Vei, 323. 
 
 Vindhya, 284. 
 
 Yolof,'323. 
 
 Yoruba, 323. 
 
 Zend, 385. 
 Laos, 248. 
 Lapps, 261. 
 Latins, 392. 
 Laus, 248. 
 Laws, 133, 137, 190, 300, 31S, 341. 
 
 creation of, 137. 
 
 of descent, 76. 
 
 iiiternational, growth of, 141. 
 Laz, 278. 
 
 Lechish races, 394. 
 Legbas, 327. 
 
 Legends, 189, 230, 301, 366. 
 Lemet, 249. 
 Lenape, 210. 
 Lepcha-s (Lapka), 257. 
 Lesghians, 277. 
 Letto-Slavs, 394. 
 Letts, 394. 
 Lhokbas, 257. 
 Ligurians, 371. 
 Limbus, 257. 
 Limmous, 352. 
 Linguistic coincidences, 50- 
 Linn.-can system, 40. 
 Lissus, 249.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 415 
 
 Literature, 167, 193, 251, 255, 265, 271, 2S0, 2S9, 
 
 338, 379- 
 Lithuanians, 394. 
 Livonians, 261. 
 Lohanis, 383. 
 Lok-Thai, 248. 
 Lolos, 248. 
 Love, meaning of, 79. 
 
 of money, 118. 
 
 suicide for, 80. 
 Lubbocl';, Sir John, 134. 
 Lures, 384. 
 
 Mabongu, 306. 
 
 Macassars, 202. 
 
 Macedonians, 389. 
 
 Macusis, 210. 
 
 Madurese, 202. 
 
 Magars, 257. 
 
 Magatamas, 266. 
 
 Magicians, 166, 189, 195, 207, 225, 253, 25S, 288, 
 
 321, 342, 346, 347, 367. 
 Magyars, 261. 
 Mahra tribes, 352. 
 Makololo, 306. 
 Makuas, 306. 
 Malabars, 282. 
 Malagassies, 202. 
 Malaimiutes, 209. 
 Malavalam, 282. 
 Malays, 1 86. 
 Malaysia, races of, 186. 
 Malaysians, 202-208 (Plates 21-28). 
 Maler, 282. 
 Mamalucos, 215. 
 Man, antiquity of, 24. 
 
 chin of, 19. 
 
 dentition of, 20. 
 
 embryology' of, 31. 
 
 emotions in, 21. 
 
 evolution of, 30. 
 
 feet of, 18. 
 
 first appearance of, 26. 
 habitat of, 28. 
 
 height and weight of, 33. 
 
 longevity of, 35. 
 
 lower limbs of, 18. 
 
 origin, theories of, 29. 
 
 physical characteristics of, 18. 
 
 primitive condition of, 36. 
 
 psychical characteristics, 21. 
 
 reasoning in, 21. 
 
 subspecies of, 39. 
 
 tail in, 20. 
 
 tendency to retrogression of, 37. 
 Manchoos, 255- 
 Mandans, 210. 
 Mamlaras, 327. 
 Maude people, 327. 
 Mandengas, 327. 
 Mandingoes, 327. 
 Manganyas, 307. 
 Mangues, 210. 
 Maniagoes, 327. 
 Man-lse, 249. 
 M'Nya.ssa, 306. 
 Mapilas, 281. 
 Maoris, 19S. 
 Marabouts, 363. 
 Maravi, 306. 
 Marghi, 328. 
 
 Marriage, 71-77, 188, 193, 199, 205, 223, 255, 
 258, 265, 272, 276, 279, 286, 298, 316, 338, 
 362, 363, 379. 
 
 ceremonies of, 298, 316, 339, 379. 
 
 effects of population on, 75. 
 
 fertility in, 35. 
 
 forms of, 71, 72, 73, 18S, 193, 205, 363, 339. 
 
 limitations of, 73. 
 
 restrictions, 73, 299. 
 Matongo, 306. 
 Matores, 261. 
 Matzos, 359. 
 Mauhes, 210. 
 Maui (a god), 200. 
 Maxurunas, 210. 
 Mayakulia, 328. 
 Mayas, 210. 
 Mazigs, 350. 
 Mbayas, 2IO. 
 Mbe, 328. 
 Measures, 109. 
 
 of direction, 113. 
 
 of force, 114. 
 
 of gravity, 1 14. 
 
 linear, 112. 
 
 metric system of, 1 14. 
 
 of space, 112. 
 
 of time, no, 193, 229. 
 Mecapal, use of, 107. 
 Meda League, 226. 
 Media of exchange, 1 1 5-1 1 7, 337. 
 Melanesians, 190-196 (Plates 7-13). 
 Melanism, 43. 
 
 Men, great, influence of, 183. 
 Meras, 282. 
 Metal tools, 97. 
 
 working, 203, 313. 
 Metals, precious, 1 16. 
 Mexicans, ancient, 226. 
 Micronesians, 196-208 (Plate 20). 
 Midsherthains, 352. 
 
 Migration, 196, 254, 293, 375, 388, 389, 390. 
 Mikado, 264, 265. 
 Minas, 282. 
 Mincojiics, 190. 
 Mingrclians, 278. 
 Minit.arees, 210. 
 Minkia, 249. 
 Mir, (he Russian, 136. 
 Miianha.s, 2 ID. 
 Mirris, 248. 
 Mischmis, 248. 
 Miidshegcs, 277. 
 Moabilc Stone, 93. 
 Modestv, sense of, I03. 
 Mohammedanism, 152, 206, 273, 278, 2S7, 345, 
 
 366, 377- 
 Mohawks, 221. 
 Mois, 248. 
 MoiThai, 248. 
 Mojaves, 2IO. 
 Molu.as, 306. 
 Mon, 248. 
 MonbullHS, 329. 
 Moncv, (laiKT, II7- 
 MoNiioiiANS. 235-2S<) (PlMcs S4-So). 
 
 cl.^s^iticali..n. 235, 236. 257, 259, 274, J77. 
 
 government, 252, 255, J65, 2/2, 279. 
 
 language. 241. 
 
 numosyllabic, 236, 242, 247. 
 ixilysyilabic, 236, 243, 259.
 
 4i6 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mongolians, life and habits. 250-256, 25S, 259, 
 262-276, 278-280. 
 physical characteristics, 236, 249, 250, 254, 25S, 
 
 259-262. 
 religion, 253, 256, 263, 266, 273, 276, 279. 
 Monogamy, 71. 
 Monotheism, 150. 
 Monuments, 201, 2l6, 225, 279, 288, 302, 348, 368, 
 
 382. 
 Moors, 350. 
 Moplays, 28 1. 
 Moquis, 210. 
 Mordvvins, 261. 
 
 Morgan, Lewis II., 54, 62, 134, iSo. 
 Moses, 327. 
 
 Motion, worship of, 147. 
 Mounds, 215, 216, 224. 
 Moxos, 210. 
 
 Mozambique Negroes, 306. 
 Mpongwe, 306. 
 Mran ma, 248. 
 Multiplication table, 1 10. 
 " Mumbo Jumbo," 348. 
 Munda people, 281. 
 Mundrucus, 210. 
 Muris, 210. 
 Murmis, 257. 
 Musgus, 327, 
 Music, 126, 198, 204, 221, 231, 262, 265, 271, 303, 
 
 337. 33S, 1^0, 377. 
 Musical instruments, 126, 127, 193, 198, 204, 221, 
 231, 262, 303, 316, 338, 360, 377. 
 
 notation, 127. 
 Muskokees, 210. 
 Mussurongos, 328. 
 Muyscas, 210. 
 
 Mysteries and secret orders, 164. 
 Mythology, 152. 
 
 American, 157. 
 
 Aryan, 157. 
 
 comparative, 159. 
 
 Egyptian, 156. 
 
 homonymy in, 154. 
 
 parallelisms in, 160. 
 Myths, 22S, 267, 287, 292, 301, 302, 338, 366, 
 
 387. 
 Greelc and Aztec, 160. 
 growth of, 155. 
 study of, 153. 
 
 Nagas, 248. 
 Nalas, 327. 
 
 Nama (Namaqua), 293. 
 NamoUos, 275. 
 Nasirs, 383. 
 
 Nates in Hottentots, 36. 
 Natkis, 259. 
 
 Naulette, cave of, 30, 37, 38. 
 Navajos, 210. 
 
 Neanderthal skull, 38, 390. 
 Negritos, 190. 
 
 Negro, physical characteristics of the, 329 
 Neolithic Age, 170. 
 Netherlanders, 393. 
 Newars, 257. 
 New Caledonians, 190. 
 Niam-Niam, 329. 
 Nictitating membrane, 31. 
 Nogais, 260. 
 
 North .Asiatic peoples, isolated, 236, 274-276. 
 physical characteristics, 275. 
 
 Norwegians, 38, 393. 
 
 Nuba, 351. 
 
 Nubians, 351. 
 
 Nuers, 328. 
 
 Number, conceptions of, 109. 
 
 Numidians, 54. 
 
 Nupis (NufS), 327. 
 
 Oaths, 166, 206, 347. 
 
 of purification, 342, 348. 
 O-bongos, ii, 329. 
 Occupations as racial traits, 54. 
 Oceanic Peoples, 185-20S (Plates 4-28). 
 
 classification, 190. 
 
 distribution of, 1 85. 
 
 divisions, 1S5, 186. 
 
 ethnological description, 1S6. 
 
 government, i8g, 205. 
 
 language, 190, 195, 201, 207. 
 
 life and habits, 187-190, 192-195, 197-201, 202- 
 207. 
 
 physical characteristics, 1 86, igi, 196, 202. 
 
 relationship of, 185. 
 
 religion, 189, 195, 200, 206. 
 Ododomni, 274. 
 Odul, 274. 
 Oeloet, 260. 
 Offerings, 201, 224, 228, 288, 300, 319, 322, 347, 
 
 368, 382. 
 Old Babylonians, 353. 
 Old Prussians, 394. 
 Omaguas, 210. 
 Onomatopoietic words, 50. 
 Ordeals, 206, 31 8, 342, 347. 
 Oregon tribes, 209. 
 Organs, rudimentary, 30. 
 Orlam, 293. 
 
 Ornaments, 187, 196, 202, 216, 217, 231, 268, 275, 
 278, 285, 296, 310, III, 37S. 
 
 signification of, 218, 230. 
 Orotschon, 260. 
 Orotskos, 259. 
 Osmans, 260. 
 Ossetes, 384. 
 Ostyaks, 261. 
 
 Yenesei, 274. 
 Ovampu, 306. 
 
 Paharias, 282. 
 Painting (see Art). 
 
 bodies, 120, 187, 215, 263, 296, 333, 343, 357, 
 
 378- 
 
 faces, 124, 192, 215, 296, 356, 378. 
 Pa-is, 249. 
 
 Palaces, 231, 251, 341. 
 Paleolithic Age, 27, 170. 
 Pampas Indians, 210. 
 Panos, 210. 
 Pantheism, 256. 
 Pantuns (poetry), 205. 
 Pa-pe, 248. 
 Papels, 327. 
 Papuas, 190. 
 Parallelisms of development, 24. 
 
 in mythology, 160. 
 Paravilhanos, 210. 
 Pariahs, 377. 
 Paronymy, 154. 
 Parsivin, 3S3. 
 Patachos, 210. 
 Patagonians, 212.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 417 
 
 Pawnees, 210. 
 
 Pecunia, 65, 115, 117. 
 
 Pei, 248. 
 
 Pelota (boat), 106. 
 
 Permians, 261. 
 
 Persians, 383. 
 
 Peruvians, 210. 
 
 Petroglypiis, 122. 
 
 Phenomena, unreality of, 162. 
 
 Piioenicians, 353. 
 
 Phonetic system of dialect, 195. 
 
 Phralry (clan), 185. 
 
 Phrj'gians, 391. 
 
 Plcts^ 12 1. 
 
 Pile dwellings, 192, 198, 334, 391. 
 
 Pinios, 210. 
 
 P.tsho, 318. 
 
 Plants (products), 196, 203, 220, 251, 255, 314, 
 
 315. 335. 358, 376. 389- 
 Poetry, 1S5, 193, igci, 205, 221, 271, 338, 361. 
 assonance in, 95. 
 rhyme in, 94. 
 Polabs, 394. 
 Poles, 394. 
 
 Polyandry, 70, 258, 286. 
 
 Pol)gamy, 70, 193, 199, 205, 223, 252, 258, 262, 
 265, 272, 276, 278, 298, 316, 338, 362, 
 
 379- 
 Polynesians, 196-201 (Plates 14-20). 
 Polytheism, 150. 
 
 Pottery, 193, 203, 216, 230, 297, 312, 336. 
 Prayer, 147, 225, 253, 256, 345, 365. 
 Priests, 163, 1S9, 195, 200, 201, 207, 225, 228, 253, 
 
 2SS, 259, 274, 2S8, 347, 363, 367, 377, 3do, 
 
 3S7. 
 Primates, order of, 18. 
 Primogeniture, 136, 300, 379. 
 J'rot;ress, conditions of, 181. 
 meaning of, 168. 
 stages of, 1 69, 1 74. 
 
 agricultural, 176. 
 
 barliarism, 178. 
 
 civilization, 179. 
 
 commercial, 177. 
 
 enlightenment, 179. 
 
 hunting and fishing, 174. 
 
 nomadic, 174. 
 
 savagery, 17S. 
 
 semi-civili/ation, 178. 
 Property, rights of, 135. 
 
 personal, 1 36. 
 Propulsion, means of, 107. 
 Pshaus, 277. 
 Puberty, epoch of, 34. 
 
 feast of, 223, 339. 
 Pueblo Intlians, 210. 
 I'uelchcs, 210. 
 Pukhlaneh, 383. 
 Pul (I'eul), 325. 
 
 ]'uni-.hment, 1S9, 206, 3OO, 318, 341, 365. 
 futtne, 346, 3S2, 387. 
 for religious violations, 347, 369. 
 Puris, 210. 
 Purra League, 348. 
 
 QlIADRUMANA, ig. 
 C,)uan-tos, 248. 
 Ou.itenary eiMch, 65. 
 (Juichuas, 2IO. 
 Quich6s, 210. 
 Quipus, 90, 231. 
 27 
 
 Races of man, 39. 
 .'.ntic|uity of, 39. 
 
 i-lassilication of, 40, 190, 209, 236, 248, 259, 274, 
 277, 281, 306, 322, 350, 371, 376, i-ii, 391. 
 by hair, 45. 
 by language, 49. 
 by location, 40. 
 by the skin, 41. 
 by the skull, 47. 
 by social organization, 54. 
 destiny of, 56. 
 differences of, 40. 
 distinctions of, 191. 
 distribution of, 42. 
 divisions of, 235, 248, 257, 277, 281, 291, 292, 
 
 ■^•il, 326, 353, 376. 
 number of, 40. 
 |X)lyglottic, 52. 
 l)resent relations of, 55. 
 Rackuin, 296. 
 Rajniahal-Kolhs, 282. 
 RaJix>ots, 377. 
 Ramusis, 282. 
 
 Rel>us, employment of, 90, 91. 
 Religion, 141, 228, 229, 253, 256, 259, 263, 266, 
 273. 276, 279, 2S7, 301, 320, 344, 365, 381, 
 386. 
 aim of, 147. 
 a-s a racial trait, 54- 
 as a teacher of ethics, 167. 
 characteristic of man, 21. 
 classes of, 141- 15 1. 
 dclinition of, 142. 
 life in, 146. 
 
 national and world, 151. 
 primitive, 143. 
 Sinto, 266. 
 Religious belief, 1S9, 195, 200, 206, 224, 228, 232, 
 267, 280, 301. 
 doctrines, 161. 
 interdict, 194, 200, 267. 
 
 "'<■% 339. 381- 
 
 societies, 166, 225, 367. 
 
 views, 229, 276, 320, 382. 
 Remains, aboriginal, 390, 391. 
 
 age of oldest, 28. 
 
 osseitus, 38. 
 River-drift Age, 27. 
 Road making, ancient, 67. 
 Rock drawings, 122. 
 Rom (Romany), 377. 
 Romance peoples, 394. 
 Romans, 67, 392. 
 Rong, 257. 
 Roumanians, 305. 
 " Running anuick," 206. 
 Russians, 394. 
 
 Sab (San, Sagun), 293. 
 
 SacriHces, 147, 14S, 195. 225, 228, 230, 259, 273, 
 288, 347. 377. 38'. 387. 
 human, 194, 207, 225, 228, 230, 288, 320, 341, 
 
 347. 367- 
 places of, 216, 228. 
 Saiios, 351. 
 Sakalavas, 185, 202. 
 Samaritans, 353. 
 Samoicds, 2(xj. 
 San, 293. 
 Sandchs, 329. 
 Sand-glass, III.
 
 4i8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sanskrit, 379, 386. 
 
 Santals, 282. 
 
 Santanes, 259. 
 
 Sarakules (Serraliolets), 327. 
 
 Sarrars (Sereres), 327. 
 
 Saxaiis, 393. 
 
 Scents and flavors, 127. 
 
 Schara-Mongoliaiis, 260. 
 
 Schipka cave, 30, 37. 
 
 Scotch, 3S8. 
 
 Sculpture, 124, 204, 221, 227. 
 
 Egyptian, 125. 
 
 native American, 125. 
 Scythians, 385. 
 Sefans, 257. 
 Self-consciousness, 21. 
 Seljuks, 260. 
 Semangs, igo. 
 Seminoles, 210. 
 Semites, 350-370. 
 
 African, 350. 
 
 Asiatic, 353. 
 Seneca Iroquois, 54. 
 Sereres, 327. 
 
 Serrakolets (Sarakules), 327. 
 Servians, 394. 
 Sex, origin of, 69. 
 Sexes, primitive relation of, 70. 
 Sexual attraction, 79. 
 
 relation, 69, 1S8, 199, 223, 258, 265, 272, 276, 
 2S6, 316, 317, 338, 362. 
 Shamans, 163, 274. 
 Shangallas, 328. 
 Shangols, 328. 
 Shells as currency, 116. 
 Shelter, primitive, 100. 
 Sheluh (Shelloclis), 350. 
 Shilluks, 32S. 
 Ships, use of, 106. 
 Shiranis, 3S3. 
 Shoa, 351. 
 Shoshones, 210. 
 Shuluh, 350. 
 Shumurs, 352. 
 Siamese, 248. 
 
 Sijah-Posh ("Black Coats"), 376. 
 Sikhs, 382, 
 Silver, use of, 117. 
 Sing-Bonga (god), 287. 
 Singhalese, 282. 
 
 Singing, 1S8, 205, 303, 3 16, 360, 377. 
 Singphos, 248. 
 Sinte, 377. 
 Sioux, 210, 
 
 Skin, color, 41, 1S6, 191, 196, 202, 213, 237, 249, 
 254, 258, 261, 276, 283, 295, 308, 329, 353, 
 354, 355. 378, 384, 3S5. 392. 393. 394- 
 
 odor, 44, 308, 354. 
 
 parasites of the, 44. 
 
 variations in color, 43, 332. 
 Skull, 47, 186, 191, 196, 202, 212, 237, 295, 308, 
 330. 356, 378. 3S4, 390. 391. 392. 393. 394- 
 
 artificial shaping of, 186, 202, 213, 
 Slave, 203, 252, 300, 319, 335, 340, 363- 
 
 -dealing, 206. 
 
 -hunting, 206, 319. 
 
 -trade, 319, 340. 
 Slavery, 252, 340, 342, 349. 
 
 penal, 206. 
 Slavs, 394. 
 Sledges, 21S, 270, 276. 
 
 Sling, invention of, 61. 
 Slovaks, 394. 
 Slovenians, 394. 
 Smerenkurs, 259. 
 
 Societies, 164, 221, 223, 225, 342, 348. 
 Soma-liquor, 38 1. 
 Somalis, 352. 
 Sonora tribes, 210. 
 Sonqua (Soaqua), 293. 
 Sonrhais, 327. 
 Sorbs, 394. 
 
 Soudan, the peoples of, 322-350 (Plates 91-97). 
 Soul, 189, 195, 200, 201, 207, 224, 267, 273, 302, 
 346, 366, 377, 3S2, 387. 
 
 doctrine of the, 156. 
 "Soul of the god," 200. 
 " SouFs path," 346. 
 Soyotes, 261. 
 Spaniards, 395. 
 Species, adaptability of, 32. 
 
 definition of, 22. 
 
 limits of variation in, 33. 
 
 unity of human, 22. 
 Spinning, art of, 104, 203, 359. 
 Spirits, 189, 224, 229, 267, 273, 2S0, 2S8, 302, 
 
 365. 
 evil, 1 89, 225, 229, 267, 320, 345, 365, 366. 
 fear of, 201, 207, 28S, 346, 382. 
 guardian, 189, 195, 200, 207, 223, 224, 225, 267, 
 
 273. 302. 320, 321, 345, 347, 365, 366, 382, 
 
 387. 
 veneration of, 200, 207, 2S8, 302, 3S2. 
 Stature, 186, 191, 200, 202, 213, 236, 249, 254, 258, 
 
 261, 262, 283, 294, 307, 330, 353, 354, 355, 
 
 371. 377. 3S4. 385. 393. 394- 
 Stimulants and narcotics, 67, 194, 199, 203, 220, 
 222, 255, 262, 264, 270, 276, 286, 298, 315, 
 336, 35S. 
 Stock-raising, 203, 220, 258, 2S5, 297, 3 1 5, 335, 
 
 358. 
 Stone Age, 169. 
 old, 27. 
 implements, 169. 
 walls, loi. 
 Structures, 231, 269. 
 
 stone, 197. 
 Suahelis, 306. 
 Sun circles, III. 
 -dials, III. 
 -stroke, 42. 
 Suomi (Finns), 261. 
 Superstition, 207, 228, 256, 280, 287, 302, 320, 346, 
 
 366, 382. 
 Surroundings, natural, influence of, 350, 369, 375, 
 
 3S9. 396. 
 physical, 31. 
 Susaqua, 293. 
 Susquehannocks, 210. 
 Susus, 327. 
 Sutchin, 259. 
 Sutteeism, 379. 
 Swabians, 393. 
 Swanes, 277. 
 Swedes, 393. 
 
 Swine, introduction of, 65. 
 Swiss, 393. 
 Syrians, 353. 
 Syrjans, 261. 
 
 Taboo, 137, 166, 194, 200, 207, 267, 302, 320, 347, 
 364. 367. 368. 3('9-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 419 
 
 Tagalas, 202. 
 
 Tajiks, 383. 
 
 Talaings, 248. 
 
 Talapoiii (prie.st), 253. 
 
 Tamils, 54, 282. 
 
 Tainpajaus, 203, 205. 
 
 Tanana Indians, 210. 
 
 Tartars, 260. 
 
 Tasmanians, 186-190 (Plate 6). 
 
 Tats, 3S4. 
 
 Tattoo, 121, 192, 196, 197, 203, 215, 249, 260, 262, 
 
 264, 275, 309, 333, 356, 378. 
 Tawgy-Samioeds, 260. 
 Tchapogirs, 259. 
 Tcheremisses, 261. 
 Tcherkesses, 277. 
 Tchetchenzes, 277. 
 Tcholas, 327. 
 Tchuktchis, 275. 
 Tchuvashes, 261. 
 Tchuwanzes, 275. 
 Tecunas, 210. 
 
 Tedas (Tebus, Tibbus), 327. 
 Tehuelches, 210. 
 Teimanis, 260. 
 Tekeza tribes, 306. 
 Telingas (Telugus), 282. 
 
 Temple, 189, 192, 195, 200, 203, 225, 228, 229, 
 230, 231, 251, 253, 267, 268, 312, 387. 
 
 architecture, 204, 231. 
 
 places, 216. 
 Teocalli, 228. 
 
 Textile materials, decorations of, 123. 
 Thai (Shan), 248. 
 Thai-jai, 248. 
 Thai-noi, 248. 
 Theistic conceptions, 150. 
 Thibetans, 257-259. 
 Thlinkits, 209. 
 Thou-fan, 257. 
 Thracians, 391. 
 Thuringians, 393. 
 Thusche, 277. 
 Tiapis, 327. 
 Tigr6 people, 35 1. 
 Tikor, 287. 
 Timnfi, 327. 
 Timuris, 260. 
 Tinni, 209. 
 Tlachtli (game), 130. 
 Tobacco, use of, 68 (see Stimulants). 
 Tobas, 210. 
 Tombo, 327. 
 
 Tombs, 132, 2l6, 232, 288, 368, 382, 387. 
 Tools, bone and horn, 98. 
 
 stone, 96. 
 
 use of, 22. 
 Tooth of Buddha, sacred, 287. 
 Topnaar, 293. 
 Toskidcs, 392. 
 Totem, 221, 223, 224. 
 Transiwrlation, means of, 105, 270, 285. 
 
 atrial, 109. 
 
 land, 107. 
 
 water, 105. 
 Traps and calls, 62, 
 Trarsas, 350. 
 Tshagas, 306. 
 Tsianipas, 248. 
 Trumbash, 3 \ -•, 343. 
 Tuarick, 351. 
 
 Tudas (Todas), 282. 
 Tu-kJu, 260. 
 Tumbas, 327. 
 Tunguses, 259. 
 Tupi tribes, 210. 
 Turcomans, 260. 
 Turks, 260. 
 Tuscaroras, 210. 
 Tyjje, deterioration of, 388. 
 
 reversions of, 31. 
 
 unity of, 232, 235, 396. 
 
 UniQUA, 293. 
 
 Ude-s, 277. 
 
 Ugrian people, 261. 
 
 Uigtirs, 260. 
 
 Ural-.\ltaic peoples, 236, 268-280 (Plates 62p8o). 
 
 Ural -Japanese peoples, 259-268 (Plates 62-67). 
 
 Urauhs (t'raon), 282. 
 
 Utensils, 96, 187, 203, 220, 230, 258, 262, 276, 
 
 297. 3 '2. 336. 337. 359- 
 Utes, 210. 
 Uzbecks, 260. 
 
 Vandals, 393. 
 
 Vascons, 371. 
 
 Veda fVedic ai-e), 38 1. 
 
 Ve<ldahs, 282. 
 
 Vei, 327. 
 
 Veziris, 383. 
 
 Villages, 187, 192. 197, 311, 334, 358, 385. 
 
 Vindhya people, 2S1. 
 
 Vishnu, 381. 
 
 Voguls, 261. 
 
 Volga people, 261. 
 
 Votyaks, 261. 
 
 Waki'AKI (Makuavi), 352. 
 Wallachians, 395. 
 Wampum, 79, 116, 124, 217. 
 Wandalas, 327. 
 W'anyamwezi, 306. 
 \Va|)isianos, 210. 
 
 War, 13S, 1S7, 194, 199, 222, 226, 231, 252, 300, 
 318, 342, 362. 
 
 advantaj;ts of, 139. 
 
 chariots of, 1 08. 
 
 effects of, 1 38. 
 Warfare, 206, 231, 256, 266, 362. 
 Warraus, 33, 210. 
 Water-clocks, III. 
 
 -mills, 271. 
 
 -lrans|xirtalion, 105. 
 Walwa, 32S. 
 
 We.-i|>ons, 9S, 1S7, 194, I9S. 204, 222. 22«. 252. 
 258. 262, 266. 272, 276, 279, 285, 296, 313, 
 
 34J. 3^». 37f'. 379. i^l- 
 Weaving, art of, 104, 203. 
 Weights and measures, 109. 
 Wcnils, 304. 
 Winil mills, 27 1. 
 Wolofs, 327. 
 
 Woman, social |x>silion of, 77. 
 Worship, ancestral, 161. 
 
 religious, 225, 220, 230, 253, 273, 2S7, 30I, J03, 
 321, 345. 3<>5. 3S'. 386. 
 Wrilin;;, s\>t^ni> m\<\ history of, 89-94. 
 
 .\/loc system "f. 0;. 
 
 CI,; .1.
 
 420 
 
 Writing, Japanese, 91. 
 picture, S9. 
 quipus, 90, 231. 
 Semitic, early, 93, 369. 
 sound, 90. 
 thought, 89. 
 
 XiNCAS, 210. 
 
 Y-KIA, 249. 
 Yakoots, 260. 
 Yalas, 327. 
 Yleu (Yliu), 259. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Yolofs, 327. 
 Yoruba tribes, 327. 
 Yuliagirs, 236. 
 Vul;airs, 274. 
 Yuraales, 352. 
 Yumas, 210. 
 Yurts, 270, 273. 
 Yurucare tribe, 43. 
 
 Zabaings, 24S. 
 Zapotecs, 210. 
 Zonibos, 328. 
 Zulus, 306. 
 
 END OF VOL. I.