. fRRA^Y QNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN ■t^ecen-ui APR 821895 '^m^'^^i '^mm^- ^M^ >^#?^^5*^:V^ wm THE APOLOGY OF APOLLONIUS ETC. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. OUTLIKES OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION. By HERMANN LOTZE. Edited with an Introduction by F. C. Conybeare, M.A. Crown 8vo, cloth^ 2s. 6d. OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. " To the thinker, of whatever creed or school he may chance to be, who is anxious to bring into a more or less homogeneous body of belief those religious and scientific truths which in our time are press- ing most vehemently for acceptance, I have no hesitation in com- mending this work as one of the most suggestive and enlightening that our age has been privileged to welcome." — John Owen in Acadewy. " English students will be thankful to Mr. Conybeare for putting into their hands a synopsis of Lotze's Philosophy of Religion, which has no fear of the disadvantages of a translation. "—C«ar^ But what the third and fourth century editors most delighted to do, was to em- interpoiation bellish an earlier document with ofmiracles. . . .- . c c v miracles, if it were tree trom them ; or if it already contained miraculous elements, then General Preface, 5 ^ to vary and enhance them. Rationalists have 1 impugned the historical character of the New Testament, because it has in it such elements ; / and even orthodox critics, among: ^ , ^ / 1 r 1 Early docu- rrotestants at least, have tor the mentsnotto same reason condemned in the Wc^auseThef most sweeping manner the so- relate called legends of the saints ; so ^^^^^ much so that no serious historian has ventured to use them. Both sets of critics are equally \ unphilosophical. The real miracle would be, if we should find a homely narrative emanating from Galilee in the first century to have originally contained no such elements ; and most of the arguments adduced against the value of the Gospels as a contemporary narrative, would prove, ^ I mutatis mutandis, that S. Bernard's account of the I miracles of his friend, S. Malachi, is spurious. In appraising the historical value of an early Christian document, we ought to condemn it, not in case it contain miraculous elements, but in case it be wholly lacking: in local The true 1 . , . ^ J tests of > colour, m case the sentiments and genuineness. [ teachings put into the mouths of the actors and the actions attributed to them be - foreign to their age and country, so far as of these we have any reliable knowledge.Vs Here are the true touchstones of truth and genuineness ; and we shall be encouraged to apply them, if we find that in a narrative that on the whole stands well these tests, the miraculous elements vary and are different in the different recensions of the 6 Monuments ef Early Christianity, text ; so that like the plus and minus quantities of an algebraical formula, they eliminate one another, and in the net result disappear, leaving behind them a solid residuum of graphic and life-like narrative. This is particularly the case with re- gard to the Acts of Paul and Thekla, as we shall point out in dealing with that history ; in the Acts of Thalelseus we meet, though in a less degree, with the same sort of corroboration of their general truth. So is the old adage con- firmed : €(rO\oi /mev yap ctTrXw?, TravToSaTrw^ Se KaKoi There are a few characteristics Character- q( ^^^ Acts of Saints of the first istics of early • i • i i i Acts. three centuries which deserve to be noticed in a general preface. I. The most historical element in them often lies where we should the least expect to find it, namely in the dialogues between The dialogue the judge and the accused. This most often -n i • i i genuine. Will be a Surprise to those who are familiar with the somewhat different method pursued by ancient historians, who put into the mouths of the actors not what they actually said, even where this was readily acces- sible, but what they ought in the judgment of the historian to have said. Thus Tacitus, on the occasion of the admission of the inhabitants of Gallia Comata to the ius honorum, puts into the mouth of the Emperor Claudius a speech which we know he did not make, because the actual words he used are preserved in an inscription found at Lyons, the contents of which were taken from General Preface. y the Acta Senatus, or journal of the Senate. The early Christians must be allowed to have started with a higher standard of truth. yThey considered it of the first importance to register the last acts > and words of a saint, and one of their number f was frequently deputed to fulfil the task. In ^ addition to their own reports they \ could draw upon the official reports and often r -i -i drawn from of the law-courts, though these may official records not have been always accessible to °"cou^tT^'' them before the age of Constantine, when in the archives of many a court the reports of the trials of the third century at least may easily have survived. And in this connection we >y must remember that Christianity was such a grave offence that the proces-verbal of trials would be carefully recorded and preserved by a govern- ment so methodical and observant of precedents as was the Roman. From the time of Domitian, if not at a still earlier date, the very name of Christian exposed a person to the penalty of death. >^ If information was laid against a man to a the effect that he was a Christian, he was sum- 1 moned before a magistrate and ordered to sacri- I fice to some god, often to the genius of the / reigning emperor. The usual answer returned / was : '' I am a Christian, and will not sacrifice \ to idols and to foul evil spirits." Tortures were ^ then used to compel submission, and if these failed the culprit was sentenced to death. ^^ ^2. Jesus of Nazareth addressed His teachings to Jews, who needed no inculcation of the truths 8 Monuments of Early Christianity, of monotheism ; and accordingly we find very S little denunciation in the Gospels Monotheistic of the folly and sin of idolatry. It '-j jtw^lndelr^^ ^^ ^^^ Otherwise with the Epistles ; Christians. of Paul, which are addressed to i converts from polytheism. His polemic, when not directed against those who insisted on circumcision and the sabbath, is [ turned against the worship* of images and of many gods, instead of the One who made the heavens and the earth and created man in His_^ own image. "^ / But the protest in Greek literature against idol- atry and polytheism did not begin with S. Paul and with Christianity. Leaving out of account the lofty monotheism, coupled with ridicule of the popu- lar religion, which we meet with in the writings of / a long line of Greek philosophers, beginning with I Xenophanes in the fifth century B.C. ; it is enough / here to note, that the works of a writer like Philo of Alexandria, who died about a.d. 40, at the ad- vanced age of seventy, are a sustained polemic against the worship of any created being, whether \ sun or moon or stars, whether man or beast or the work of men's hands, In an almost prophetic passage this writer makes the proud boast that his I race were destined to be the teachers of true reli- ; gion to the whole of the civilized world ; and there is an aspect of the Jewish monotheistic missionary effort of the first century, of which we may take \ Paul or Philo as the coryphsei, which is in striking ', contrast with the general teaching of the Christian i General Preface. 9 \ Church in later ages, v Neither Paul nor Philo / believed in the ancient gods, in I Apollo and Artemis, and in the rest. contrast of \ These gods were to their minds PauiandPhiio & rill ^^^^ ®^^^y mere names, ngments 01 the heathen christians. I imagination, mythoplasms, as Philo \ calls them ; powerless for good or for evil, just because they were lifeless and spiritless inventions, because they were nothing, f- Philo was inclined to regard the gods and goddesses as personifications of the elements ; so Here or Juno, he tells us, is derived from the word air, and Demeter is a name given to the earth, because the earth is the mother of all. i These explanations he borrowed from contempor- ary Stoics like Cornutus, who were apologising for a worn out mythology. But Philo was not apologising, and merely wished to explain and account for the heathen beliefs as the outcome of an allegorising process akin to poetical meta- phor. Between Paul or Philo and the earliest of "N^ the Christian Apologists there is however a change j of attitude. The old gods were nothing but so | much lifeless wood and stone in the estimation of Paul, and therefore he had no objection to his converts eating meats which had been offered to idols. It made no difference in the meats that a senseless form of words had been pronounced over them, and therefore the Christian might partake of them without misgiving. How different is the atti- tude of Justin Martyr, and of the entire Church for centuries after. We are apt to suppose that con- version to the religion of Christ signified and ' ^ OF THE ^ \ ONIVERSITTi K _ OF . / lo Monuments of Early Christianity. brought with it a disbelief in the gods of pagan- '^\ ism. Nothing could be further Lingering from the truth. The convert con- ^beiief o/*' tinued to believe in the gods as \ Christian firmly as before ; the only difference ( and saints. was that he now came to regard \ them, not as benevolent beings, but J as malevolent ones. They were the fallen angels, / ministers of Satan lying in wait to destroy men, and \ often for that end taking up their abode in, and \ disguising their natural foulness under the most I beautiful statues. Such was the nemesis which in the decadence of Greek thought overtook the faith and art of Phidias and Scopas. It is ever the same with a new religion. The gods of one age become the devils of the next ; and it is to the credit of the northern nations of Europe, that they suc- ceeded in metamorphosing their old gods into elves and fairies, instead of into malevolent demons. Intellectually, then, the early Christians were but a very short remove from the paganism they de- nounced ; and very soon after the age of Paul the I eating of meats offered to idols became the worst / form of apostasy. It was not the appearance of making a concession to heathenism which made the act so heinous ; rather the consecration to idols polluted the food in itself in a mysterious way ( analogous to, but the inverse of, the consecration Vof the elements in the Christian Eucharist. It was as it were transubstantiation turned upside down ; and undoubtedly the belief in the mystical trans- formation of the bread and wine into the body General Preface. ii and blood of Christ grew up, quite naturally, with ^ the belief that the evil demons communicated in some hidden way their own evil properties to the / meats offered to them. The two beliefs were \ closely akin, if not both equally remote from the / monotheistic rationalism of the Jew Paul. " Evil \ demons," says Justin Martyr, ApoL, 55, "in the remote past disguised themselves and com- mitted adultery with women, and ruined children, and wielded terrors over men, so that those who did not take right account of such things were terrified and were carried away by fear ; and not knowing that they were wicked demons, gave them the titles of gods, and gave to each of them the particular name that each of the demons chose to assume." In the same way Augustine in the De Civitate Dei, bk. i., ch. 31, tells us that the gods of the ancient Romans were Noxii Demones. We are thus prepared to find the Christian saints resorting to exorcism against the / gods of the heathen. The Holy Pancrazio, we' read, came to Taormena in Sicily, and went into a temple, where they worshipped the god Falkon. The saint stood facing the image and said : " O Falko, deaf and dumb and blind brute, who art thou, and what doest thou here .-^ How many years hath thou lived here, cajoling the creatures of my God, and having offerings made to thee, thou foul and abominable idol of a devil?" And the devil who was dwelling in the idol said ; '' Two hundred and sixty years have I lived here, and have re- ceived sacrifices and offerings from the city of 12 Monuments of Early Christianity, Taormena, each year three unblemished children and seventy and three fat and beauteous oxen and swine and many lambs." Then the Holy Pan- crazio cried out and said : "I adjure you, foul devils, in the name of our crucified Messiah our God, gather ye all hither and lift the deaf and dumb idol of Falkon from the temple and cast it into the sea, thirty stades distant from the shore, and engulf yourselves along with it in the bottom-most depths." So again in Trebizond, at the end of the the third century, the evil spirit, which dwelt in the idol, cried out at the approach of the Saint Eugenius and said : " Eugenius, why dost thou persecute us, and drive us away from our home ; for we are not gods but miserable demons, and we beheld the beauty of these images and were filled with desire and dwelt in them. And now we pray thee, drive us not out from this place, thou holy one of God." But the saint was without mercy, and commanded them to retire into an uninhabited mountain in the Caucasus. The demons thus j ousted from their images were Dia, and Apollo, j and Artemis.^ \ si^ 3. This leads us in natural sequence to another / * Minucius Felix, the first of the Latin Apologists had the same belief (ch. 27) : Isti igitur impuri spiritus [dsemones], ut ostensum magis et philosophis [et a Platone], sub statuis et imaginibus consecratis delitescunt €t adflatu suo auctoritatem quasi pra.'sentis numinis consequuntur, dum inseruntur interim uatibus, cum fanis inmorantur, dum nonnumquam extorum fibras animant, auium uolatus gubernant, sortes regunt, oracula efiiciunt falsis plurimis inuoluentes pauca uera. A more comprehensive confession by a Christian of his faith in the heathen gods and goddesses cannot be conceived of. General Preface. 13 , general characteristic of the early Christians, name- I ly, their Iconoclasm. The obvious / way of scotching a foul demon was Destruction to smash his idols ; and we find that ^^^^^Snt ""^ an enormous number of martyrs works of art. earned their crown in this manner, especially in the third century, when their rapidly increasing numbers rendered them bolder and more ready to make a display of their intolerance. Sometimes the good sense or the worldly prudence of the Church intervened to set limits to so favourite a way of courting martyrdom ; and at the Synod of Elvira, c. a.d. 305, a canon, was passed, declaring the practice to be one not met with in the gospel nor recorded of any of the apostles, and denying to those who in future resorted to it the honours of martyrdom. But in spite of this, the most popular of the saints were those who had resorted to such violence and earned their death by it ; and as soon as Christianity fairly got the upper hand in the fourth century, the wrecking of temples and the smashing of the idols of the demons became a most popular amusement with which to grace a Christian festival. As we turn over the pages of the martyro- logies, we wonder that any ancient statues at all ^escaped those senseless outbursts of zealotry. In India at the present day we meet with the same sort of zeal in the Mahommedan population. The Hindoos delight to embellish the walls of their temples with scenes drawn from their copious mythology; and a Mahommedan, as he passes by at dusk, seldom neglects the opportunity of poking 14 Monuments of Early Christianity. out the eye of a favourite divinity with the point of his walking-stick. / 4. In very many martyrdoms the saint is made to recite his creed ; and we find on the whole that Early forms of ^^^ ^^^^^^ given in Acts of the Creed in second century are simpler than those given in third century Acts. Thus in the Acts of Apollonius, Christ is merely said to have been the Word of God, made man in Judea, where He taught all goodness to men, and was crucified. No mention is here made of His resurrection or of His miraculous birth. As Apollonius was familiar with Paul's epistles, the omission of the resurrection from his creed must be accidental. But the absence from such profes- sions of faith of references to the miraculous birth from a virgin is so frequent, that we may infer that it was not universally received among Christ- ians of the second century ; as, indeed, we know from Justin Martyr, that it was not. Sometimes we read simply that the Christ was born into the world in an ineffable manner ; e.g. in the Acts of even so late a saint as Demetrius of Thessalonica. In the third century the references to the Virgin Mary become fairly common, though no early martyr ever invoked her aid. Their prayers were ever addressed to Jesus the Messiah. Towards the end of the third century, and not before, do we meet in genuine Acts with the doctrine of the Trinity in Unity. Before that epoch the saints were content with the simpler formula of God the Father, and of His Son Jesus Christ. General Preface. 15 5. It is the fashion in the present day, especi- ally with our court divines, to pretend that the teaching of hell-fire and of eternal ^ ^ ^1^ • • ^'1 -A-U the saints torture therein, is no essential or believed in the orimnal part of Christianity. If we eternal fires i- 1 -1 • 1 A of hell. dip but cursorily into the Acta Sanctorum we are forced to come to a very different conclusion. Every saint wvas sure that apostasy would cause him to be cast after his death into the eternal fires of hell, and it was as a means of escape from the terrible destiny which threatened all men, that Christian baptism recom- mended itself to most converts. For the belief was not born with Christianity, nor was it distinctively Jewish. A few took^over^tMs / years before the birth of Christ we belief from , , T • 1 • paganism. have the poet Lucretius denouncing the popular religion for the reason that it affrighted its votaries with such teaching : — "Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum. Nunc ratio nulla est restandi, nulla facultas ^ternas quoniam pcenas in morte timendumst." In Vergil we have the same note : — " Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, Atque metus omnes et inexorabile fatum Subiecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari. f The same is the burthen of Plutarch's tract upon superstition. One brief pas- sage is ^no\ig\i—Moralia, p. 166, f. : ^opini^n'^ — " Tear not away the superstitious man from his temples ; for there is he chastised, 1 6 Monuments of Early Christianity. there he meets with his punishment. Why waste words. For all men death is the end of life ; but of superstition 'tis not the end ; for it overleaps the limits and transcends our life, and lengthens out its terrors beyond this world. It attaches to death a dream of immortal evils ; and just when I we are ceasing to toil and sorrow here, it pretends < that we are beginning with anguish that will never cease. Wide open stand the deep gates of hell that they fable, and there stretches a vista of rivers of fire and stygian cliffs ; and all is canopied with a darkness full of fantasms, of spectres mowing at us with terrible faces, and s^ uttering pitiful cries." The Christians, to their / eternal shame, availed themselves eagerly of an infirmity of the human mind which pagan philoso- ; phers had deplored. And so we find the first of the Latin fathers, Minucius Felix, "^FeiS^^ contemplating with satisfaction the fate in store for the heathen and their gods (ch. 35) : "et tamen admonentur homines doctissimorum libris et carminibus saepius am- bientis ardoris . . . et ideo apud eos etiam rex luppiter pertorrentes ripas et atrem uoraginem urat religiose ; destinatam enim sibi cum suis cultoribus poenam praescius perhorrescit. Nee tormentis aut modus ullus aut terminus. Illic sapiens ignis membra urit et reficit, carpit et nutrit. Sicut ignes fulminum corpora tangunt nee absumunt, sicut ignes ^^tncei et Vesuuii et ar- dentium ubique terrarum flagrant nee erogantur : ita poenale illud incendium non damnis ardentium \ General Preface, 17 r pascitur, sed inexesa corporum laceratione nutritur. Eos autem merito torqueri, qui deum nesciunt, ut impios, ut iniustos, nisi profanus nemo deliberat, j cum parentem omnium et omniumfdominum non Vminoris sceleris sit ignorare quam Isedere." / Here we have the medieval hell. But we make j a mistake, if we think that this awful shadow was not cast across the human mindjpong before the birth of Christianity. On the contrary, it is a ] survival from the most primitive stage of our intellectual and moral development. The mys- 1 teries of the old Greek and Roman worlds were j intended as modes of propitiation 1 and atonement, by which to escape lastofthe ecoi \ from these all-besetting^ terrors, and Xvrripi'oi of - ■ T 1 Ti /r • 1 11 1 paganism, \ Jesus the Messiah, was the last and the best of the \vTr]pLoi Oeol, of the redeeming gods. In the dread of death and in the belief in the eternal fire of hell, which pervaded men's minds, a few philosophers excepted, nu '4-' V u J ji ' u 7' xi • Belief in hell Christianity had a pozn^ a appui, fire the fui- without availing itself of which it crum of early 1 J I - . . Christianity. would not have made a single step towards the conquest of men's minds. Its ultimate prevalence over other forms of initiation was chiefly due to the superior speculative truth of its monotheistic conception of the world, inherited from the parent Judaism, and rendered intelligible to the masses by the outward and parallel spec- tacle, which the Roman empire presented to their eyes, of the entire world brought under the sway of a single will. And in this last connection it c 1 8 Monuments of Early Christianity. may be no mere fancy to say that the Christian conception of the relation of the Son to the Father was, if not suggested, at any rate brought home to the ordinary Christian imagination, by the famiHar spectacle of the absolute Caesar adopting 1 another as his son, to sit at his right hand and be v^ co-equal with him in counsel and supreme power. r 6. Another point strikes us in reading the Acts / of the Saints. It is the extent to which there 1 Slathered round the personality of a \ Older myths ? . , ^ • i • i \ gathered lavourite martyr the stories which round the \^^^ been believed of the demigods y early saints. . ^ » and heroes of an earlier age. Thus |Callistratus is borne to the shore by dolphins, like Amphion ; and saints innumerable began their careers by destroying a dragon, like Perseus, or / like Hercules, a voracious lion, or like Theseus, a \ destructive bull. And the predicates of one ancient god attached themselves to one saint and of / another to a second. Thus the mariners of Pontus I prayed to Phocas as of old time they had prayed \to Poseidon. X " Mutato nomine de te fabula nar- ratur." A rich harvest awaits any student of folk- lore who approaches the legends of the saints from this point of view. 7. We should err, if we ascribed to the Christ- ians of the first three centuries as a regular and every-day characteristic, that de- christians ^ tachment from the interests of this renounced world, that readiness to abandon it, the world. ... , , . ^ which, nevertheless, they so fre- quently displayed in seasons of persecution. We General Preface. 19 cannot suppose that in ordinary times the Chris- tians of the second and third centuries were more ready to cast off the ties of family and forego the comforts of life than were the unconverted, v And \ probably they interpreted the Gospel precepts, I '' Let the dead bury the dead," and " Who is My f mother ? and who are my brethren ?y in the same sense in which we interpret them, namely, as advice not so much to neglect the ties with which nature has surrounded us, as to draw closer the ties of charity, which should link us with all about us. Such precepts of course could not otherwise \ than occur to martyrs, when the ties of blood / seemed to stand in the way of the heavenly re- ) wards which they believed to await those who, j rather than recant, suffered tortures and death.j We shall see, for instance, that Polyeuctes casts these precepts in the teeth of his father-in-law in a manner which seems almost brutal. So Perpetua, \ the mother of a new-born babe, in the excess of her devotion to the cause. Is ready to cast to the / winds the instincts of maternity. But in many such 1^ cases we must take into account that the bodily / feelings of the saint had been racked with tortures j before they were brought to utter such sentiments.^] None of our documents here translated, withy the exception perhaps of the Acts . ^. . o ^ ^ ^ Asceticism of of Thekla, go back to the very Jesusand first stage of Christianity. In those T.fne'^^hTt the earliest times the followers of end of world Ji TV /r • 1 • • was at hand, esus the Messiah, as it is now commonly admitted by all schools of critics, be- 20 Monuments of Early Christianity. lieved that their Prophet was going to return and begin almost at once the millennium or king- dom of heaven upon earth. The kingdom was at hand, and no man knew when the heavenly Bridegroom might appear with His angels. The most pressing necessity was therefore to repent. Call there was none to marry and beget children, or to take thought for the morrow and lay up the riches that spoil. How hardly should they that had riches enter into the kingdom of heaven. Jesus said, '* Verily I say unto you, there is no man that hath left house, or brethren, or sisters, or children, or lands for My sake, and for the gospel's sake, but he shall receive a hundredfold, now in this time, houses and brethren, and sisters and mothers, and children and lands, with perse- cutions ; and in the age to come eternal life." ^ Nor it would seem were there wanting those who already, in the age contemporary with Christ, and, indeed, long before, had responded to such a summons as this, though from also met with ^he lips of Other unknown prophets. inPhiio's Witness the Therapeutae, of whom \ / Therapeutae. y^, ., i i r i • • i rhilo has left a description at the very beginning of the Christian era, attesting moreover that they were spread all over the in- habited world. These men and women, he says, give up their goods, and flee without looking back, leaving their brethren, their children, their wives, i their parents, their throng of relatives and ofy * See especially Matt, xvi., 27, 28 ; and xix. 27-29. { V < General Preface, 21 faithful friends, their native lands in which they ^ were bred and born. And why ? In order that i they might retire into the desert, and there living, men and women together, yet in perfect chastity, devote themselves to prayer and praise, to watch- ing and fasting, and perpetual contemplation of > God, and of His powers and goodness. In remote j regions generations passed away before the \ Christians could resign their dream, and give up ) the old hope that the kingdom of God upon earth was really at hand.y^ "Saibeiief' As late as the beginning of the second century we have such allusions as the following [Neu entdeckte vierte Buck des Daniel Commentars von^ Hippolytus^ Dr. Ed. Bratke. Bonn, 1 89 1, p. 1 57Tr9jl^^ '" f '' For I will narrate what happened not long ago in Syria. A certain bishop (irpoea-rm) of the Church, being too little versed in the ^^.^ ^^^^^^^ divine scriptures, and because he in Syria in the also neglected to follow the voice of ^ °^^ ^^^* the Lord, went astray and led others astray also. . . . He persuaded many of the brethren with their wives and children to go out into the wilderness to meet the Christ ; and they went wandering in the mountains and wastes, there losing their way ; and the end was that all but a \ few were apprehended as robbers^and would have been executed by the hegemon, had it not been that his wife was a believer, and that in response to her entreaties he put a stop to proceedings, to prevent a persecution arising because of them. 22 Monuments of Early Christianity. What folly was it and want of sound instruction that induced them to seek the Christ in the wil- derness; just as in the time of Elijah the prophet, the sons of the prophets looked among the moun- tains for Elijah, who had been taken up into heaven, for the space of three days ! "And in the same way there was another in Pontus, who was, like the former, president {irpo^- cTTw^) of the Church, a prudent man *^«^^^/°^- and lowly-minded ; yet as he failed to read, mark, and understand the scriptures in sound manner, he was more given to trust to the visions which he himself saw than to them. ^ For he fell first into one, and then a "second, and then a third dream, and at last began to proclaim to the brethren that he knew this and that as a prophet knows, and that this and that was about to come to pass. And they listened to his preaching, to the effect that the day of the Lord is imminent (2 Thess. ii. 2), and with weep- ings and lamentations they prayed to the Lord night and day, having before their eyes the ap- proaching day of judgment. And he brought the brethren to such a pitch of fear and trembling, that they abandoned their lands and fields, letting them become waste, and sold, the most of them, their possessions. But he told them thus : Unless it happen as I have told you, then believe ye not any more in the scriptures, but let each of you do as he pleases. So they went on expecting the coming event, and when nothing that he told them came about, he was himself put to shame as having \ Gene7'al Preface. 23 lied ; but the scriptures turned out to be true after \ all ; while the brethren were found to be cast on a rock of offence. So that after that the virgins : married, and the men went their way to till their / fields. But those who had recklessly sold their properties, were found afterwards asking to have \ them back again. This is what happens to silly and light-headed people, who instead of attending strictly to the scriptures, prefer to obey the tra- 1 ditions of men and their own vagaries and their own dreams and mythologies and old wives' tales." i Yet it was certainly the genuine teaching of Jesus which misled these poor people. *' Ye err," He had said to those who asked Him to which of her seven Jests' repu- diation of husbands a woman would in the marriage as resurrection belong, '' because ye ^th^e^urrec- know not the scriptures nor the tionandthe r r- J T- • ^L kingdom of power of God. r or m the resurrec- God. tion they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are as angels of God in heaven." So Matthew xxii. 29 ; but in Luke the precept that none but the unmarried can inherit the kingdom of heaven is stated without reserve ; for in answer to the same question we read that Jesus said : **The children of this age marry and are given in marriage ; but they that are deemed worthy to attain to that age and to the resurrection from the dead neither marry nor are given in marriage. For they can no longer die. For they are equal to angels, and are sons of God, being sons of the resurrection." That is to say, 24 Monuments of Early Christianity, the question, to which husband the woman would \ belong was quite beside the point, seeing that any marriage whatever was an absolute bar ta / entrance into that new age and life, which He (Jesus) was about to inaugurate *' before this generation shall " pass away." Similar is the teaching ascribed to S. Paul in the Acts of Paul and Thekla, especially in chap. xii. In the same spirit Jesus refers (Matt. xix. 12) to ''the eunuchs who had made themselves eunuchs because of the kingdom of heaven." For these men had by \ their self-mutilation raised themselves above all '^ . temptation to marry.^ St. Paul The same was thus true to the teaching of spirit obser- j i i i* 11 --v^y 1 1 vabie in Paul. J ^^us when he dissuaded 1 hekla and others from marriage. In the kingdom of Christ '* there can be no male and t^' * So in Clem. JRom., Ep. ii. 12, we read that the Lord on being asked when His kingdom should come, answered, When the two shall be one,, and that which is without as that which is within, and the male with the female neither male nor female. Justin Martyr, the father of Christian apologists, quotes the precept given by Jesus in Matthew xix. 12 with particular approval in his Apology, I. chap. xv. ; and in chap. xxix. of the same treatise he relates how a Christian, libellum obtulit Alexandria; Felici praefecto rogans ut medico licentiam daret testes ipsi resecandi. The pre- fect refused permission. During the life-time of Jesus we hear of the same precept being followed by Alexandrian Jews or proselytes. Thus Philo writes {Quod detur Pot. Insid., i. 224), l^^^vcux''''"^^^*^ Y* V"^^ 4(uivov f\ irpbs ^ precept to possess no riches, was thus originally meant to prepare men for the kingdom of heaven which was at hand. But as the years rolled by, ' the expectation of the second coming and of the \ thousand years reign of Christ on earth, grew dim \ and receded into the background of the Christian mind. And it is an effort to us, as we read to-day \ the apocalyptic passages of the New Testament,. ! to realise that they were written in view of a \ millennium w^hich was to come even during the < lifetime of the hearers of Jesus. But although the old apocalyptic dream thus faded away, the belief in virginity as the true state of the elect has survived in \ some churches even to the present superior 'hoii- \ day. With the early fathers vir- ness of virgina 1 • • ^ T survived in I gmity was a never-endmg, never- the Church, '^failing topic for edificatory hymns * From this passage we incidentally learn that those platonic marriages between Christians were already common in Paul's day, which Cyprian of Carthage was obliged to interdict on pain of excommunication, because of the frequent abuses to which they give rise. 26 Monu7nents of Early Christianity, fand discourses. It was also a fertile source of martyrdoms, and many were the maidens who, being betrothed and their nuptials arranged, took a sudden resolution to remain virgins ; and in such cases the outraged, but ungallant, bridegroom often consoled himself by accusing his mistress of Christianity. In the Acts of S. Peter, which are certainly very old, though of course their attribution to Linus is false, we read that that apostle by his preaching persuaded many women old and young, rich and poor, to take vows of virginity.^ In the fourth century when the Church conquered the world or the world the Church, a 1 compromise was effected ; and those who wished \ to practise the tenets of primitive Christian poverty and purity took shelter from the now j all-absorbing world within the walls of nunneries ' .and monasteries, k A few words are necessary in conclusion as to the method I have pursued in editing these trans- lations. Where there exist other Method pur- ancient texts besides the Armenian sued in these , i t i i i i • r translations. translated, 1 nave added m toot- notes the chief varieties of text which they furnish ; in order to give the reader an idea of the development which a text has at various times undergone. In the case of the ^ Martyrium beati Petri, cap. i. : ** Unde factum est ut beati Petri ser- monibus magnuspudicitiae apud multas diversoe aetatis ac potestatis seu nobi- litatis foeminas amor exarserit, ita ut pleroeque etiam Romanorum matronse a commixtione uirilis thori seruare munda corda simul et corpora, quantum ex ipsis erat, diligerent." These Acts are an admiral^le commentary on the fitory of Paul and Thekla. General Preface. 27 Apology of Apollonius which I have been so fortunate as to detect in the Armenian martyro- logy, I have added many notes illustrative of the text. I have also prefixed to each piece an introduction discussing its authenticity and any other questions of interest which arise in con- nection with it. In the martyrology, printed at Venice in 1874, there still remains enough of interest to make a second volume as large as this. I have chiefly translated those pieces which are new and hitherto unknown, e.g. the Acts of Apollonius, a.d. 185, of Quadratus or Codratius, c. a.d. 250, of Hizti- bouzit, a converted magus ; or those which in the Armenian assume such a shape, that the question of their spuriousness needs to be re- argued. Of the latter class the Acts of Phocas, of Eugenia, and of Thekla are the most important. The first of these turns out to be a partly genuine monument of the Bithynian persecution, in which Pliny was concerned. The second has been strangely confirmed by recent discoveries in the Roman catacombs. The third adds a new and genuine chapter to the history of S. Paul. ( THE APOLOGY AND ACTS OF APOLLONIUS. /OuR first example is drawn from the reign of Commodus. By / this time, as Eusebius informs us, the new faith had made many converts, not only among the poor of T^ V . .1- • u J u^ Air Evidence of 1 Rome, but among the rich and noble. We Eusebius. I have the statement of Eusebius that Apol- lonius was renowned for his culture and philosophy ; it is also \ probable that he was a man of exalted and even senatorial rank. This alone would explain the circumstance that Perennis, before whom he was brought to trial, asked him to defend himself before the Senate. The date of his martyrdom is known from the fourth century catalogue of martyrs by Liberius, also from the Roman and other calendars, to have been 185 A.D. The tone of the martyr's defence then delivered, is full of solemn force and simplicity, and gives the reader a loftier idea of the Christianity of the time than the florid special pleading of Tertullian, whose '^^^^^ij'^^^ Apology for Christianity is later only by a Stoical, few years. If the philosopher on the throne, Marcus Aurelius, had been a Christian and had been sum- moned to give an account of his religion, he would, we feel, have given just such a one as this. By way of preface it is best to give a translation of the 21st chapter of the fifth book of the history of the Church by Eusebius, which has hitherto ^ contained all that was known of this martyr. It is as follows : — ^ That is to say by European scholars. It is significant of the general and undeserved disregard of Armenian literature, that these Acts although 29 30 Monuments of Early Christianity. " And about the same period of the reign of Comodus,* our affairs took a change in the direction of clemency ; and by God's grace peace came over the Churches Text of of the entire world. This was the time when HisrEccl ^^^ saving word led the souls of all men, of V. 21. * every race, to the reverent worship of the God of all things. So that by this time numbers of those who in Rome were most distinguished for their wealth and family came and received for their own the salvation which was prepared for every house and every race. Now this was more than the demon who hates what is good and is envious by his very nature could endure. So he stripped himself again for the contest, and contrived a variety of fresh plots against us. And in Rome accordingly he brought before the tribunal Apollonius, a man who among the believers- of that day was renowned for his culture and philosophy ; and to accuse this man he incited one of his own servants who are suited thereunto. But the unhappy man went into the suit in an ill-starred way, for, according to the regulation of the Emperor, it was not permitted that those who informed against such as Apollonius should live. And he had his legs broken, for the Judge Perennius pronounced such a sentence upon printed by the Mechitarists of Venice as long ago as 1874, were neither noticed nor translated into any European tongue, until I printed this English rendering of them in the Guardian of i8th June, 1893. Yet during the last ten years the notice of Apollonius in Eusebius' history has been discussed and rediscussed, and the loss of the Acts themselves lamented by Gorres and Neumann in Germany, Aube in France, and many others. Upon my drawing his attention to them, Prof. Harnack of Berlin imme- diately contributed a learned monograph upon them to the Royal Prussian hzzA^vny {Sitzung der Phil. Hist. Classe vom z"} Juli^ 1893). He writes of them thus : " Es ist in der That die vornehmste Apologie des Christen- thum, die wir aus dem Alterthum besitzen. Ein edler Sinn, muthig abet nicht trotzig, spricht aus ihr. Die Antworten zeichnen sich durch Festig- keit und Wiirde, Freimuth und Ruhr aus ; sie iiberraschen an einigen Stellen durch ihre Schlagfertigkeit." I take this opportunity of acknow- ledging my indebtedness to Prof. Harnack's prompt monograph, from which he has allowed me to borrow in my notes much material. ^ The name Commodus is spelt in the same way in the Armenian Acta, Commodus reigned A.D. 180-92. The Apology and Acts of the Apollonius. 31 him. But the martyr so dear to God, after that the judge- had besought him much and earnestly, and asked him to give an account of himself before the Senate, delivered a most rea- sonable defence before all of the faith for which he was being: martyred,^ and then was beheaded, and so reached his con- summation, in accordance, it seems, with the decree of the Senate, for there is an ancient law which prevails among them, that those who have once come before the court and will not change their resolution, shall not be excused on any ground. In the compilation which we have made of old martyrdoms you may learn what was said by him before the judge and the answers which he gave to the questions of Perennius ; and the whole defence which he made to the Senate; this whoever wishes may know from beginning to end." Hieronymus does not appear to have had any other know- ledge of Apollonius than is given in the passage of Eusebius just quoted ; for in his catalogue of Christian writers he gives us (c. 42) the following j^ ®^^® ° notice : " Apollonius, Romanae urbis senator sub Commodo principe a servo proditus quod Christianus esset, impetrato ut rationem fidei suae redderet, insigne volu- men composuit, quod in senatu legit; et nihilo minus sententia senatus pro Christo capite truncatur, veteri apud eos obtinente lege, absque negatione non dimitti Christianos, qui semel ad eorum indicium pertracti essent." In the above the words "in- signe volumen " are, as Prof. Harnack points out, due to the characteristic exaggeration Inaccuracy of Hieronymus, and the words " impetrato ^^^d want of ut" to mere inability to construe the Greek of Greek^cholar- Eusebius which lay before him. In point of Jerome's fact the Apology which the Armenian Church account, has preserved to us is very brief, and it was Perennis the prefect who begged Apollonius to defend himself before the Senate, not Apollonius who begged to be allowed to do so. Another statement in the above extract of Hieronymus which goes beyond the account of Eusebius is also merely due ^ Or "the faith to which he was witnessing." 32 Monuments of Early Christianity. to hasty and inaccurate translation of the Greek. It is that Apollonius was betrayed by one of his own servants. What Eusebius said was that one of the devil's servants who are iilways ready for such jobs/ betrayed Apollonius. No fourth- form boy could have made more errors in translating these twenty lines of Eusebius than does Hieronymus. Eusebius makes the remarkable statement that the informer was immediately afterwards condemned by Perennis to have his legs broken in accordance with an im- Addition perial edict. This statement has already ^^®*^*^® moved the suspicion of several writers ;i Eusebius. ^or is it likely that an informer would be punished for giving information which led to condemnation and beheadal of the accused. The Armenian Acts give no hint of such a circumstance, though it may have been contained in them in their complete form. Harnack is of opinion that it was stated in them that the informer had his legs broken, and that Eusebius out of his own con- jecture ascribed this action to an imaginary edict of Marcus Aurelius, which he had just before given in his history (bk. v., ch. 5, § 6). This imaginary edict threatened informers against Christians with death in consequence of the so-called miracle of the Thundering Legion. The entire statement may have arisen out of the fact that in all their histories of martyrdoms the early Christians liked to learn that those who had brought suffering on the martyrs suffered retribution even in this life. This leads up to the question whether Trustworthi- these Acts of Apollonius are trustworthy and ness of these , ^^ , • , , Acts. authentic. Of this there cannot be any doubt, and for these reasons : — 1. Their tone is thoroughly that of the second century. They are simple and forcible, and there are no miraculous additions. As Harnack remarks : " They bear the stamp of life and genuineness." 2. Tertullian must have read them, if he really imitates them in his Apology which he wrote a.d. 197. Prof. Harnack * E.g. C. F. Neumann. The Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 2^7) thinks that Tertullian has so imitated §§ 19, 38, 41 of Apol- lonius. 3. In any case the shorthand notes of Apollonius' trial were accessible to the fellow-religionists of the condemned, and these were doubtless used by the writer of these Acts. 4. Eusebius reckoned these Acts to be genuine, and on that account gave them a place in his collection of old martyrdoms, a work which is now, sad to say, lost to us. This in itself is strong evidence in favour of them. For in other cases where Eusebius mentions particular Acta to be genuine, and where time has preserved to us the documents so mentioned, we never find his judgment astray. The close resemblance between § 4 and a passage in the Acts of Polycarp, proves at the best that the second century redactor of the Acts of Apollonius had seen those of Polycarp. But the answer is so Resemblance • , . * , r 1 to Acts of often met with m Acta, that we may safely Polycarp. infer that it was the stereotyped reply which Christians were taught to give to magistrates who pressed them to recant. The simplicity of the Creed which Apollonius formulates has already been dwelt upon in our general preface. It is fresh evidence of the early date of these Acts. We may almost infer that the martyr had of Apollonius. not heard of the legend of the birth of Christ from a virgin. And if he knew of the resurrection he does not think it necessary to allude to it. What attracted him in Christianity was clearly its superior morality, its teachings of I truthfulness, mercy, purity of life, of lofty monotheism far removed from the idolatrous cults around him. Taken in conjunction with the passage in the History of Eusebius, the procedure which seems to have been followed in the case of Apollonius calls for a good deal of remark. But on so technical a mat- Procedure fol- . T . u . c .X. J. . .1- lowed m trial ter 1 am content to refer the reader to the ^^ Apollonius. monograph of Prof. A. Harnack, to which I have already referred; and will proceed at once to give a translation of the Armenian Acts themselves. In printing D 34 Monuments of Early Christianity, them I have observed the division into sections which Har- nack has made in his German edition, to which I owe those of my footnotes which are subscribed A. H. THE MARTYRDOM OF THE HOLY APOLLONIUS, ASCETIC. Christ, Who giveth all things, prepareth a crown of righteousness for those who are well- minded and stand firm by the faith in God ; for the chosen ones of God are called to this right- eousness, in order that, having fought the good fight with fortitude, they may attain the promises which God, Who lies not,^ hath promised to those who love Him and believe in Him with their whole soul. One of these also was the blessed martyr and goodly champion^ of Christ, Apol- lonius. He had lived a good and ascetic life in the great Rome,^ and, desirous of the earnest * of his heavenly call, he was numbered among the holy martyrs of Christ. The blessed one bore witness before the Senate and Terentius the Pre- fect,^ and gave his answers with great boldness, whose memorials ^ are as follows : — ^ The Arm. = d\|/6v8i^s. A. H. notes that this introduction is composed of passages from the Pastoral Epistles, see 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8 ; i Tim. vi. 17; Tit. i. 2. With d\|/cv8i^s comp. the Acts of Poly carp 14, 2 : 6 d«|/€v8'jjs Kai dXT]6ivbs Geos. 2 d9XT]Ti^s probably stood in the Greek original. ^ The expression " in the great Rome " shows that this introduction was not written in Rome. A*. H. ^ The Arm. here = Kal o-irovSao-as dppa^wva t>]v dvw kXtJo-iv (? ttjs &v« kXtjo-cus). Comp. Eph. i. 14 ; Phil. iii. 14. ^ The Arm. literally = xi^tapx-qs. The Text of Eusebius has Perennius, who was prefect of the Praetorian guard in the reign of Commodus. Per- ennis was the real name. Terentius is an obvious corruption of Perennius, either in an early Greek text or in the Armenian itself. ^ Or Acts. /^SE LIBR^ 35 OP THE UNIVERSITY OF CALJFORNlA: 36 Monuments of Early Christianity. I. Terentius, the Prefect, commanded that he should be brought before the Senate, and said to him — '' O Apollonius, wherefore dost thou resist the invincible laws and decree of the Emperors, and dost refuse to sacrifice to the gods ? " 2. Apollonius said — '' Because I am a Christian ; therefore, I fear God Who made heaven and earth, and sacrifice not to empty idols." 3. The Prefect said — '* But thou oughtest to repent of this mind of thine because of the edicts of the Emperors, and take oath by the good for- § I. The Acts cannot have begun in this way ; for not only do we not learn how the accusation came to be made, though Eusebius must have known in order to write as he does, but the personal details are also lacking. — The expression ** commanded " agrees with the words of Eusebius trans- lated above from the H. E., v. 21, § 4 : iroXXcL Xiirapws iK€T€va€X^v(r€k to av(&(iOTov, oiJTws «iXTi0cv€iv c* €KdadcY|d)Jievok too-ovtov )i6vov " W| Tdo-€i rijs diroKoirTi$, Tpavovv 8pKov ov •ycviJp.cvov {de spec. Legibus^ 2, 271). § 7. Since Apollo is here the first of the gods to be mentioned and in- deed the only one mentioned by name, it is probable that the session of the Senate was held in Palatio and actually \v rtj" ' AiroXX«DvCvTft)v cXoLttwv {nrdpxeis , — "I will not again debase, " or "I will not any more debase." The follow- ing upon § 15, "I have leained," proves that Apollonius was a convert who had been brought up as a Pagan. Philo thus always speaks of the Jews as not simply having learned, but as having learned from birth to abhor polytheistic error, e.g.^ D.V.C., vol. ii. 481, ot Mwvo-cws -Yvcopiftot |X6)j.a6T]K6T68 €K TTpttTTis T|X.iKtas cp^v dXTjOcias. § 18. Hr. Michaelis of Strassburg, communicates to A. H. a note upon the Good Fortune of Athens (lit. of Athenians). "I know of no direct testi- mony to such a brazen ox-head. By the 'good fortune' must here be meant either a rvxT *A9Tjvaio)v {rvyj\ rfjs irdXccDS, Athen. Mitth. 1883, p. 288, set up in the Piraeus towards the middle of the second century after Chr.), or an d-yaQ-fj tvx.t) or if the gender permits an d-yaGbs Aaip.a)v. On the other hand I know of a combined cult of Zeus and Heracles, CIA. II., 616, line 21 ff. Iiraiv€iX^pT]|io$ rpvYcuv, ** the desert-loving pigeon " is found in Philo Judseus, vol. ii., p. 491, and elsewhere. The Talmudists so compared the Spirit of God which moved upon the face of the waters to a dove (Gen. i, 2). From Philo the comparison passed to Clenjent of Rome, the friend of St. Paul (see Fragm. 8). Perhaps through Clement or his school it made its way into the Gospels and has become in Luke's Gospel not a mere comparison and metaphor, but a material confusion of one thing with another. See also Carm. Sibyl., vii. 83, where God sends down upon Jesus at the Jordan 6pviv airayyeXTfipa Xd^wv. The gospel story then is compounded out of two pre-existent elements : i. The comparison of the Spirit of God to a Tpv-ywv, which we have in Philo and in the Talmud. 2. The belief that birds, especially doves, were messengers of the gods, which was the basis of ancient augury, and still survives among us, e.g.^ in our superstitions as to ravens, magpies, etc. § 21. For the Egyptian cult of a mortar cp. Minuc. Fel. Oct., cap. 23 : et deus aereus uel argenteus de immundo uasculo, ut accepimus factum Aegyptio regi, conflatur tunditur malleis et in incudibus figuratur ; et lapideus deus caeditur, etc. Theophilus of Antioch declaims in the same style against the Egyptian superstitions. Philo of Alexandria is the source of all the later and Christian rationalistic invective against the Egyptian cults; comp. for example in Mangey's edition the following passages : 2. 193. 2. 570. I. 374. 2. 76, 2. 472. The Apology and Acts of Apollonius. 43 given the name of God to the onion, and to a wooden mortar, and to the fruits of the field, which we feed upon, and which enter the belly, and pass out into the sweepings ; these things have they adored ; aye, and they do homage to a fish, and to the dove, and to the dog, and to a stone, and a wolf; and they worship every one of them, the fictions of their own minds. 22. In the third place, men sin whenever they pay homage to men and to angels and to demons, naming them gods." 23. The Prefect answered — ''You have philo- sophised enough, and have filled us with admira- tion ; but dost thou not know this, O Apollonius, that it is the decree of the Senate that no one shall be named a Christian anywhere at all ?" 24. Apollonius answered — *'Aye, but it is not possible for a human decree of the Senate to pre- vail over the decree of God. For so far as men frivolously hate those who benefit them and slay them, just in this wise in many ways men stand aloof from God. 25. But know thou this, that God has appointed death, and after death judgment upon all, over kings and poor men. § 22, This passage is indirectly aimed against the worship of the Emperor. § 23. There are here two readings in the Arm. MSS. The one = ne omnino christianus ubicunque appareat. The other = ne omnino chris- tianus ubicunque nominetur. The latter is the true reading, for it was penal to call oneself even by the mere name of Christian. But this rule was made by the emperors already in the first century and not by the Senate. Cp. Justin. Ap. i. 4. to 6vo|i.a «s ?\€"yx.ov Xa}j,pdv6T6. § 24. Between the first and second propositions of this § it seems as if we must assume a lacuna of some length. A. H. 44 Monuments of Early Christianity. rulers and slaves and freemen, and philosophers and ignorant men. 26. But there is a distinction of death (from death) ; for this reason the dis- ciples of Christ do daily die, torturing their desires, and mortifying them according to the Divine Scriptures. For we have no part at all in dissolute desires, nor do we allow impure sights, nor a lewd glance, nor an ear that listens to evil, lest our souls be wounded thereby. 27. But since we live such a fair life, and exercise such good resolutions, we think it no hardship to- die for the true God ; for whatsoever we are, we are because of God, and for Him we endure tortures, that we may not die miserably the everlasting death. 28. And moreover we do not resent having our goods taken from us, because we know that, whether we live or whether we die, we are the Lord's. Fever, or jaundice, or § 26. Cp. Minucii Fel, Oct. 30 : nobis homicidium nee uidere fas nee audire. Idem, eap. 32 : At nos pudorem non facie, sed mente prxstamus : unius matrimonii uinculo libenter inhaeremus, eupiditate procreandi aut unam scimus aut nullain. Conuiuia non tantum pudica colimus sed el sobria . . . plerique inuiolate corporis uirginitate perpetua fruuntur potius quam gloriantur ; tantum denique abest incesti cupido, ut nonnuUis rubori sit etiam pudica coniunctio. § 26. The Arm. «= dW d<}>opi(r|idvai |j.T]Tcpa irXeoveliav. I have met with the same use in later Acta. — A. H. remarks on the distinction made by Apollonius between tw^ alcovtos and d8avao-ia ; the former is general and causative, the entire future world, the latter like d(t>6ap(ria is a gift there- from to the individual soul. Comp. II. Clem, ad Cor. 20, 5 : apxTlYov TTjs d(j)9ap(rtas, 8t' o5 Kal €(f>avEpa)cr€v rjiiiv t'^v dXi^Qetav Kal t-^v CTrovpd- viov yai\v. §32. The Arm. = nam uidens cordis est uerbum Dei, sicut perspicax oculorum lumen. Might the sense be, that the word reaches the seeing heart as light the seeing eye ? 46 Monu7nents of Early Christianity. of God, the Saviour of souls and of bodies, be- came man in Judsea and fulfilled all righteousness^ and was filled gloriously with Divine wisdom, and taught a pure religion, such as beseemed the sons of men, and to put to silence the beginning of sins. -^"j. For He taught us to pacify anger, to moderate desire, to abate and diminish ap- petite, to put away sorrow, to take part in pity, to increase love, to cast away vain-glory, to ab- stain from taking vengeance, not to be vindictive, to despise death, not indeed from lawlessness, but as bearing with the lawless ; to obey the laws of God, to reverence rulers, to worship God, to intrust the Spirit to immortal God, to look for- ward to judgment after death, to expect rewards after the resurrection to be given by God to those who have lived in piety. 38. Teaching all this by word and deed, along with great firmness, and glorified by all for the benefits which He con- ferred on them. He was slain at last, as were also before Him philosophers and just men. For the just are seen to be a cause of offence to the un- just. 39. As also the Divine Scripture saith : §37. *• To reverence rulers." See i Pet. ii. 17; tov Oedv <|»op€i and whence also the gifts of money and clothes were sent by Tryphaena. The agreement between the Armenian and the Syriac in spelling the name Merv is notable, because many of the other names in the tale are misspelt in the Armenian, a fact intelligible enough, if we remember that the vowels were not added in Syriac MSS. Thus Thamyris is spelt The- meros in the Armenian, and Tryphaena becomes Triphonia, and Thekla Thekl. It is only the names like Iconium and Alexander, names familiar to the Armenian translator, which are rightly spelt. There still remain however in the story, even as the Armenian form presents it, episodes which must be apocry- phal. Such is the story of Thekla's being The burning sentenced to be burned. It was doubt- of Thekla an less not less annoying in Iconium, in the inten)olation, f^^st century than it would be in Oxford in but m the .. • . , , . Armenian and ^"^ nmeteenth, that a street preacher who Syriac. came proclaiming the immediate advent Acts of Paul and Thekla. 57 of the millennium should turn the heads of the rich young ladies, for whom their mothers had just arranged good matches, and persuade them that the only right thing for them was to devote themselves to perpetual virginity. But even if by such teaching Paul did something to merit the being scourged and expelled from Iconium, yet Thekla cer- tainly did not merit to be burned alive, because she was deceived by it. Nor is it in keeping with the attitude of her mother, and of Thamyris ; for this was one rather of embar- rassed affection than of harsh hatred. We know moreover] that it was not part of the original account, for there exists a! Greek homily as old as 300 a.d., dealing with the story of] Thekla, and not only making no mention of this episode, buti replacing it by a different one.^ We may thus without hesitation cut out this unlikely episode, and consider that Thekla's references thereto in her later utterances are also the interpolations of a later reviser of the tale. In that case we should not expect these references to be added quite uniformly in all the texts ; and this is actu- ally the case, for we find that in the Greek, Thekla, when relating in chap. xlii. to Paul and Onesiphorus all that she has undergone, mentions the burning. In the next chapter (xliii.), in talking to her mother she says nothing about it ; but in the Armenian it is in chap, xliii., in talking to her mother that she refers to it, whereas in chap. xlii. she does not mention it. This is good proof that these references were added to the tale at a later time, when the episode of the burning was introduced. Were they part of the original text, they would come in the same part of it. A similar want of uniformity among the texts, some giving and some omitting allusions to the burning, is seen in chaps, xxiii., xxiv., xxxi. There is no room within the limits of the present paper to consider the doctrinal value of the Acts of Paul and Thekla. It is enough to point out that the claim of -ru 1 1 ^u u ^ \. ^- c c Thekla's claiux 1 hekla, though a woman, to baptise, far from ^^ baptise being minimised in the older Armenian text, ^ See the note at end of this introduction. 58 Monuments of Early Christianity. is in it presented more strongly and pointedly than in the «»Greek. It is the same with regard to the teaching of virginity. It is therefore certain that this teaching was The inculca- part of the original first century document, virff\rdtvbv instead of being, as Ramsay is inclined to the Acts. think, a Montanist addition of the second century, f The teaching of the Acta with re- '^ard to marriage and virginity is consonant with that which Paul addresses to the Corinthians in his first epistle to them, •chap. vii. 25 foil. : "Concerning virgins (/>. chaste men) I have no command from the Lord, but I give my judgment. . . . I think then that by reason of the present necessity, that it is good for a man so to be. Art thou bound to a wife ? Seek not to be loosed. Art thou loosed from a wife ? Seek not a wife. -. . . But this I say, brethren, the time is short, that hence- forth they who have wives be as if they had them not ; and they that weep as though they wept not, and they that rejoice as though they rejoiced not, and they that buy as though they kept not their property, and they that use the world as if they had no use for it. For the outward show of this world is passing away. But I would have you free from earthly cares. The cares of the unmarried man are fixed upon the Lord, and he strives to please the Lord. But the cares of the husband are fixed upon worldly things, striving to please his wife. The ) wife also has this difference from the virgin ; the cares of the virgin are fixed upon the Lord, that she may be holy both in \ body and spirit. . . . Thus he who gives his daughter \ in marriage does well, but he who gives her not in marriage Vdoes better." f Such was of necessity the teaching of one who believed, as \ Paul no doubt believed, that the Messiah would shortly re- i appear on earth, and then and there begin his thousand years f reign in Jerusalem, establishing a kingdom in which there was to be no marrying or giving in marriage, and in which, if we may believe the Gospel of Luke, only the unmarried would be deemed worthy to share. The Armenian version seems to have kept a touch of local colour in its description of Paul's refuge after the expulsion Acts of Paul and Thekla, 59 from Iconium. Paul was fasting, himself and Onesiphorus and his wife and sons, in a certain house „, r \ . J ^ 77 The mention of a young man, of which the opened door ^^ ^ sepulchre .looks in the direction of the road of Iconium. as Paul's place This touch is absent even from the Syriac ofrefugenotin the Armenian, version. In the following notes I have only added in full the variants of the Syriac text as translated by the late Professor Wright. These variants well illustrate the growth of the tale. The Greek and Latin texts are The Syriac accessible to any one in the editions of and Armenian Grabe, Thilo or Lipsius, and I have not oldest text of incumbered my notes with all their variants, these Acts, but have given only the more important ones they contain. ( The Armenian is a literal version of the Syriac text, but free from certain interpolations already present in Syriac MSS. of the fifth century?) The Syriac again is free from interpolations present in the old Latin version ; and this again is a purer text than the Greek, which more than any other betrays the accretions and changes of various ages. Lipsius is therefore quite wrong in attach- ing so little value to the Syriac texts, which Lipsius' error vc J u .u A • .1- on this point as purmed by the Armenian must hence- vitiates his forth be taken as the basis of the true text. text. Except for the interpolation of the burning of_Thekla, the Armenian may very nearly represent the original form of the text as it stood in the first century. f The martyrdom of Thekla is frequently referred to in the earliest Acts of the Martyrs. Her story it is which inspires 1 Eugenia in the reign of Commodus. The j exordium of the Acts of Polyeuctes refers to Influence of \r..y 11 J Ti . :\\^. these Acts on Ihekla and Perpetua, and there were cer- later Martyrs. tainly many virgin martyrs who drew their first inspiration from the same source. The earlier martyr- doms contain many indications that the History of Thekla was one of the earliest Christian books generally diffused. J Thus, ^S. Eugenia calls it "a divine book about God " (Acts, ch. iii.), .and, " the holy book " {ibidem). S. Eugenius, a martyr of 6o Monuments of Early Christianity. Trebizorid under Diocletian, couples Thekla in his prayers with David and Daniel. In connection with the Armenian version it is interesting to note that in the Armenian convent of Edschmiadzin, in the province of Ararat, there is built into the wall of the conventual church an old Greek bas-relief of Paul and Thekla which must belong to the fifth century at latest. Note. — Pseudo-Chrysostomi op. Ed. Migne, vol. 2, p. 746. Els t^v dyfav irpcdTOfiaprvpa KaV dirdo-ToXov @^KXav CYKufiiov. Parentes multis earn uerbosisque commonitionibus ad coniugium incitabant. . . Uiderat quippe sponsi [i.e. Christi) pulchritudinem, et ab eius contuitu non avellebatur : instabat mater, quae ad nuptias impellebat. . . . accedebat procus nuptiali earn colloquio titillans . . . confluebant adulationibus captantes propinqui . . . supplicabant serui cum lacrymis . . . terrebant iudices poenis ; at omnes ilia magno animo proculcans clamabat, Principes non sunt timori bonis operibus, sed malis (Rom. xiii. 3). Cum uero statuas uirginitatis etiam in uiis erigi martyri oporteret, talis quaedam puellae est exorta tentatio. Liberata iudicio, Pauli praedam sectabatur, et rumorem sequuta ducem, uiis quae ad Paulum ferebant, sese est ausa committere. Porro diabolus puellam obseruabat, et cum iter agentem obseruasset, hostem immittit in puellam procum, uirginitatis tanquam in deserto praedonem. Cumque iam iter perficeret, generosa uirgini admissarius a tergo procus et acer indagator captam eam esse iam inclamabat ; difificiles undique angustiae urgebant ; robustus erat, qui bellum inferebat ; infirma, cui bellum inferebatur. Ubinam aliquod illi a perfugio illo perfugium. Turn uero in caelum conuersa uirgo ad eum, qui omnibus ubique ipsum inuocantibus adest, cum lamentis clamabat, Domine Deus meus, in te speravi (Ps. vii. 2). The Latin version here quoted is that of Fronlo Ducaeus. I have given the title of the fragment as it is read in the Greek. In the horologion of the Greeks Thekla is. similarly entitled lo-airdorroXos. ACTS OF PAUL AND THEKLA. I. Paul was coming on his way up to the city of Iconium after his persecution, and there accom- panied him on the road Demas and Hermogenes, copper-smiths and brasiers ; and these were full of a spirit of mutiny, though in their words they honoured Paul and addressed him as one whom they loved. But Paul was looking unto ^ the grace of the pity of Christ, and was walking with them without any dissembling, and loved them alike. And he so loved them that he con- tinued to relate to them the teaching of the Lord of all, and the explanation and the birth and resurrection, as of one he loved, and was refresh- ing their souls with the greatness of Christ, and was for ever recounting to them how he (or it) was manifested to himself. 2. Now a certain blessed man, of the name of Onesiphorus, heard that Paul is on his way to the city of Iconium, and went out to meet him, taking with him his household and Zenonia his wife ; ^ they went to meet Paul and welcome him. For Titus had told them and had given them the characteristics of ^ The Arm. hajzer=vf2iS asking, must be a corruption of hajer=vfas looking. ^ The Arm. text B has : " his household, and Zenon and his wife." 61 62 Monuments of Early Christianity, Paul's appearance ; because he — Onesiphorus — did not know Paul in the flesh, but only in the spirit. 3. So he went forth and stood at the cross-ways of the high-road which ran to the city of Lystra,^ and there halted and waited for him. And he was looking at those who came and went, bearing in mind the characteristics which Titus had given him ; when he saw Paul coming along, a man of moderate stature, with curly ^ hair, . . . scanty, crooked legs, with blue eyes, and large knit brows, long nose, and he was full of the grace and pity of the Lord, sometimes having the appearance of a man, but sometimes looking like an angel.^ 4. When Paul saw Onesiphorus, he was very glad. Quoth unto him Onesiphorus, " Hail to thee Paul, apostle of the blessed one " ; and unto him Paul, " Hail to thee and to all thy house, Onesiph- orus." But Demas and Hermogenes were full of ire and bit their lips with resentment and said to Paul, "■ Were not we also of the blessed one, that thou The Syriac has : " went out with the sons of Simon and with Zenon and with his wife to meet Paul." Lipsius reads : ** went out with his children Simmias and Zenon and with his wife Lectra." * Syriac : "Stood where the roads meet, on the highway which goes to Lystra." Greek : "he began to walk along the royal road which runs to Lystra." » Or "crisp." 3 Syriac thus describes Paul : "A man of middling size, and his hair was scanty, and his legs were a little crooked, and his knees were project- ing [or far apart) ; and he had large eyes, and his eyebrows met, and his nose was somewhat long ; and he was full of grace and mercy ; at one time he seemed like a man and at another he seemed like an angel." The Greek and Latin texts do not vary materially. No text but the Armenian adds the trait " blue eyes." Ac^s of Paul and Tkekla. 65: didst never give such greeting to us ? " Paul made answer and said to them, " For I see not in you the fruit of well-doing." Quoth unto^ them Onesiphorus, '' Obey me (b. If thou be aught, c. If ye be aught)/ come into my house,, ye also, and rest." 5. And when Paul had come into the house of Onesiphorus and there was great rejoicing therein, they fell on their knees and then rose up and brake bread. Paul came forward and began to preach the word of the Lord concerning the truth of souls ^ and the resurrection of the dead, and spake thus : '' Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God. Blessed are they that keep themselves chaste, because they shall be called the temple of God. Blessed are they that mortify their bodies and souls, because unto them speaketh God. Blessed are they who despise the world, for they shall be pleasing to God. Blessing unto them who shall have wives, as if they had them not ; for they shall inherit the earth. 6. Blessed they who shall have the fear of God in their hearts, because they shall be called angels. Blessed they who tremble at the words of God, which they hear, for the Lord shall call them. Blessed be they who have received the wisdom of Jesus Christ, because they shall be called sons of God. Blessed be they who keep the baptism, for they ^ B and C represent 2nd and 3rd Armenian MSS. of the Acta. The Greek gives the words : " For I see not," etc., to Onesiphorus, and omits the ensuing words : " Quoth unto them Onesiphorus." ^ Syriac : " the controuling of the flesh." 64 Monuments of Early Christianity. shall rest^ in Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.^ Blessed they who shall receive the law of Christ, because they shall be for a great light. Blessed those who for the love of Christ shall leave the flesh, for they shall inherit immortal life,^ and shall stand eternally on the right hand of the Son •of God. Blessed are the merciful, for they shall find mercy from the Father, and in the day of judgment they shall receive the kingdom. Bless- ing to the souls and bodies of virgins, for they shall be pleasing to God, and shall not lose the reward of their chastity : for the working of the Father's words ^ shall be found in them, and they shall inherit life in the day of the Son of God, and rest eternal shall be theirs." 7. And while Paul was discoursing all these great things of God in the house of Onesiphorus in a great assembly, a maiden named Thekla, the •daughter of Thekla,^ who was betrothed to a man whose name was Thamyris,^ went and sat at a ^ Syriac : '* rest in," which is probably the true sense of the Armenian. 2 All Syriac MSS. omit " and H. S." So Greek. 3 The Greek has : " because they shall judge the angels." The Latin runs: *' quoniam angelis oequabuntur. " The next clause seems to have originally run : " Kal kv 8e|£ peared to me." And while she kept her eyes fixed upon him, the Lord rose up and went into heaven. 2 2. But the young men and the women brought wood and laid it in the theatre to burn Thekla, and they brought her naked into the theatre. When the judge saw this he began to weep and raised a lamentation, and wondered at the power wh,ich was in her.. They piled up the wood and undid it, and the youths compelled her to go up on to the fire as it blazed up. And Thekla im- mediately went up atop of the fire.-^ Then the flames of the blazing fire rose and gathered round her, yet not one tress of her hair caught light, because the Spirit of God had pity on her, and a roaring sound went forth from heaven, and a cloud of wet was over her, and hail and heavy rain was poured forth from heaven. And many men who listened and saw were destroyed ; and the fire was quenched and Thekla was saved. 23. But Paul was fasting, along with Onesi- phorus and his wife and sons in a house ^ of faulty. The Syriac=" As if I were not able to bear whatever may come upon me." For a similar incident, cp. Euseb., II. E.^ v. i, 206, where Blandina having been exposed on the cross, 8id rv\<5 cvtovov TrpotrcvxTis iroXX^v irpoOvfiiav tois d7«vt5o[JL€vois Ivetrotei, p\€ir6vT6aX|ji.ois 8id rfjs d8€\<|)fis tov vir^p avrwv co-Tavpwji^vov, iVa ireio-T) k.t.X. Cp. "Translatio Philippi" in M. R. James' Apocr. Anecd., p. 161, 16, «s Kal tov 'Itjo-ovv aCv€o-6ai avTois €v a-yfy^fx.T\. TOV 4>i\tir'irov. The parallel in John xx. 15 will occur to everyone. ^ The Syriac adds : " She stretched out her hands in the form of a cross." So the Greek and Latin Texts. Just below the Greek runs, that God had pity on her, and made a subterranean noise, etc. * The Syriac has : * ' In a sepulchre which was open by the roadside of the 74 Monuments of Early Christianity. a young man, of which the opened door looks in the direction of the road of (or to) the city of Iconium. When they had been there many days a- fasting, the children say to Paul, ** We are hungry." And they would have had nothing to give in payment ; for Onesiphorus had abandoned his house and means of living, and had gone forth along with his friend Paul. Then Paul took off his tunic and gave it to the youth, and said, ** Go, my child, and buy bread as much as it fetches." The youth went to buy bread and there saw Thekla their neighbour. He wondered, and said : '' Thekla, whither goest thou?" She says to him : ** I am going after Paul, because I have been saved from the fire.^ And the youth said, " Come, I will lead you to him ; for he is dis- traught, and sighs and grieves, and it is now six days that he fasts and prays of God for thee." 24. Thekla went with him to the house of the young man,^ and came to Paul and found him on his knees in prayer, beseeching and saying, " Our Father which art in heaven,^ I pray thee that the fire may not touch Thekla, but rather quench it from her, for she is Thine." And Thekla stood behind him, and she opened her mouth and said : " Father, which madest heaven and earth, and Iconians." The Greek MSS. have 4v )jlvt)|1€C({> dvoiKXip (some 4v |iv. Kaiv«p or Kcv<{>) iv '68(|> ^ h.'Tth 'IkovCov els Ad4>vT]v tropcvovrai. The old Latin and Syriac omit the words els AdvT]v. * One Greek MS. (Lipsius' F) omits the words 4k irvpbs o-wBcio-a. * Syriac : ** To the sepulchre." So the Greek and Latin. * The Greek MSS. have Ildrcp XpicrroO or similar expressions. Acts of Paul and Tkekla. 75" Thou art the Father of saints/ I thank Thee that Thou hast had pity upon me and hast saved me in order that I may behold Paul." Paul rose up and saw her, and answered and said : '' God, who knowest the hearts of all. Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, I thank Thee that Thou hast saved her, for whom I supplicated Thee, from the fire,^ and hast granted to me, and to those with me, to behold her ; in Thy hands is it to rescue from all afflictions those who glorify Thy name for ever. 25. And Paul rejoiced exceedingly along with those who were with him.^ And the lad brought five loaves of bread, with vegetables and salt besides, and water ; and they rejoiced in their deeds and were made strong in the grace of the pity of Christ. And said Thekla to Paul : '' JL^wiil cut short my hair and will follow after thee^ whithersoever thou goest." Said Paul : '' 'Tis a hard struggle, and thou art beautiful ; perhaps another temptation may beset thee, even a greater than the first, and thou wilt not be able to bear it." Said Thekla to Paul : '' Give me only the seal of ^ Syriac : " Of the Holy (One)." The Greek is yet more developed : 6 Tov -TraiSbs tov oc^fxtrtYrov > (tc Sti 8 i\puiTt\u- " Mother mine, take this Thekla, persecuted and ^ stranger that she is, to thyself in my place, that she may pray for me, in order that I may be worthy to pass into the place of the holy and just." 29. And when Tryphaena had taken Thekla to herself, she was full of concern about her ; for one thing, because they would take her on the morrow and cast her to the wild beasts, and next because her daughter ^ who was dead had filled her with pity for her. And the lady said : ** Lo, this second » Lipsius in his text adds the name Falconilla, which however is not in all the Greek and Latin MSS. Acts of Paul and Thekla. 79 time affliction and sorrow befalleth my house ; but do thou supplicate and pray for my daughter that she may live ; for thus I beheld in my dream." And at the same time Thekla rose suddenly and raised her voice clearly and aloud, and said : '' God who art in heaven, Father of the Most High,^ grant to the lady Tryphaena according to her wishes, that her daughter, may live for ever and ever." When the lady heard this, she sat down, plunged in grief, and wept piteously and said : "Alas, that thy fair beauty should again be devoured by the wild beasts ! " 30. And at the break of dawn Alexander came in haste to carry off Thekla, for it was he who was giving the show of wild beasts in the theatre of the city. He made answer and said : '* Behold, the judge is seated, and all the armed men hurry ; give here at once Thekla that we may destroy her by throwing her to the wild beasts." And Tryphaena brake forth into shrill laments ; and from the voice of her sorrow Alexander fled, and said that he was frightened. The lady made answer and said: '*We appeal to God. This second time doth affliction and sorrow come upon my house, and there is not any one to help me, for my daughter liveth not, who is dead ; and no mem- ber of my noble house cometh to my assistance, and I am a widow woman.^ But do thou, Thekla, ^ In the Greek Thekla is made to attest the divinity of Christ : 6 0€Z' Perhaps we are to understand from the words of Phocas in chap. 9 : " I have forfeited all worldly wealth and riches and possessions in order to possess the single pearl," that he had been deprived of his property. Compare ApoUonius, § 28, with Harnack's note. IT. There are very many other points worth noticing about these Acts, not all of them however proofs of their antiquity, though none of them inconsistent therewith. There is the very primitive imagery of the Primitive samts prayer m chap. 15. All his meta- prayer of phors are those which we meet with in the Phocas, earliest catacombs ; e.g. there is the flock and the shepherd, the vineyard, the ark and its pilot. Phocas held the doctrine of the creative Word, and his creed is of a simple and primitive type. "Take in thy hands," he says to Africanus, " the divinely ^re^ed ^^ inspired writings ; and know the Creator of thyself and of thy emperor. Then wilt thou know that there is God the Father and His Son Jesus Christ, crucified and buried, risen and ascended into heaven, and sitting on the right hand of God." Here there is no reason to suppose that by the scriptures is meant the written Gospel. For in a parallel statement of his creed Paul appeals in the same words to the scriptures, i Cor. xv. 3 : " For I delivered unto you first of all that which also I received, how that Christ died for our sins, according to the scriptures ; and that He was buried; lOO Monuments of Early Christianity, and that He hath been raised on the third day according to the scriptures." Here Paul cannot be referring to the New Testament, which was not yet written. Phocas was well read in the Epistles of Paul, and the author of these Phocas a ^cts knew the First Epistle of Peter. We Paul's ^^^ therefore justified in interpreting the ex- Epistles, pression Divine Scriptures used by him to mean the Old Testament. It is likely enough that there was a written Gospel as early as the year 1 15 a.d. ; but it is impossible that it should be referred to in such a manner at so early a date. The Epistles of Paul however may have been reckoned as divine scriptures earlier than one supposes in the second century. ^ But I cannot myself believe that they were so classed as early as the reign of Trajan. It is certain that Ignatius, often as he quoted them and great as was his respect for Paul, never called them inspired writings. That appella- tion he reserves for the Old Testament. Phocas appeals to the divine scriptures in attestation of exactly the same tenets in behalf of which Paul appeals to them. 12. There are passages where these Acts recall the Ignatian Epistles. I have already referred to the words in which Phocas disclaims the imputation made by Resen^lances Africanus, that the Christians regard him as a to the Epistles , „ ' , „ , ,. of Ignatius. g^^. "Not as a god," he replies, "but as a man of God. For I am very inferior to the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ. Wherefore they honour me, the unworthy bishop whom thou seest before thee, not as a god, but as the shepherd of the spiritual flock. . . . All the schoolmen of the whole world would not be found worthy to reply to a single one of the disciples of the Lord." This is the language almost of the sub-apostolic age, when the works of the apostles was still fresh in men's minds. In a similar way Ignatius refuses to rank himself with the apostles, Rom. 4 : "I do not enjoin you, as Peter and Paul did. They were apostles ; I am a convict ; they were free, but I am a slave to ^ Cp. Acta Mart. Scilit. al Ka0* ifJiAas pcpXot Kal at irpAs eirl tovtois 'irioToXal IlavXov tov 6£av Tois (ro(f>ois. 2 6 8paovis €V ttJ iravovpYicj, avTwv (l Cor. 3, 19). ^ diroXco T?|v (roiav tcSv (3v Kal ti*|v cruveo-iv tc3v (twctcSv dOcTiio-w (I Cor. I, 19). ^ The Greek adds the words, "lawless and." 5 The Greek omits from "yea, all the more," dpwar-td-^'-^L-capnot live." 'f^ OF THE tri^IVERSITY io8 Monuments of Early Christianity, and wizards are not worthy to look on the sun, yet they supplicate for their lives ; but thou, whose much wisdom, according to the saying, hath made thee mad, art so bold and obstinate that thou wishest to die. By the sun, methinks thou art more of a philosopher than Aristotle." Phocas said : ** I deign not to philosophise ; but I wish to be a lover of Christ, since I know Him to be my God and my King. For Aristotle taught a philosophy which is vain and ensnaring ; but Christ taught the conversation of God and true religion,^ and wisdom, and fortitude, and hath bestowed immortality on those who believe in one God." Africanus said : ''Thou hast demonstrated thy emptiness of mind and folly in paying so much regard to one crucified." Phocas said : "What is it that is a stumbling- block to thee ? For it is written, ' A stumbling- block to Jews and folly to Gentiles ; but to us believing, Christ the power of God and wisdom of God.'" VII. Africanus said : "What, God cruci- fied ? "* Phocas said : " But there are gods, male and female, and made out of stone, by the work of hands. But none that are ungodly and of the flesh can discover the path of Christ." Africanus said : " Cure thyself of thy madness ; awake and look on the heavens, the sun, and moon, and morning star, and the multitude of the other stars, that thou wouldst abandon and die." Phocas said : " Thou beholdest the circle of the earth, and the * OcoXoYfav Kttl iroXiTcfav Ivdpcrov, in the Greek. * In the Greek, ^o-xlv oCv Stbs ^d(rK€is, Kal |j.T)8^ avrois viTTJKeiv. no Monuments of Early Christianity. not when thou wilt, but when they are delivered into thy hand. The Emperor is victorious over the nations, not when he wills it, but when the Lord succours and defends him. The Emperor rules, not when he wills, but when the Lord gives him power to rule.^ VIII. This God we ought to know and glorify ; and worship Him who said, * I slay and I make to live.' " ^ Africanus said : But who is supreme over all this, the God crucified of whom thou spakest } " Phocas said : ** How hast thou heard of his suffer- ings and yet considerest not the might of His resurrection '^. How camest thou to acknowledge the Crucified One 1 for this is much for thee. But if thou wouldst know,^ then take into thy hands the divinely inspired writings* and know thy Creator and thy Autocrat.^ And then wilt thou know that there is God the Father,® and His Son Jesus Christ, crucified and buried,^ risen,® and ascended into heaven, and sitting on the right hand of God." ^ Africanus said : " I have heard enough of thy teaching, and methinks Demos- thenes might teach as much.^^ So now obey me ^ This last speech of Phocas is somewhat shorter in the Greek. 2 The Greek has "I will slay and will make to live," ^7*!) diroKT€V(5 Kttl ^i]V iroi^o-ci). ' In Greek : If thou wouldst believe. * Ocairv^virrovs Ypa4>ds. * Gk. =the Creator of thyself and of thy autocrat. « Gk. = who is God the Father. ' Gk. ^o-ravpcDfUvos ^v KaxcL rb dvOpwirivov, " crucified as regards His humanity," and omits the words " and buried." ® Gk. dvOUTTOLS %\ T|) TT^S 0€6tT]TOS avTov 8vvd)i€i. ' Gk. \v 8€|fqi ToO irarpis Ka0€?dp.evos. ^0 Gk. TToXX-^v orov ircpCoSov dKtJKoas X6"ywv, «s Tdxa F^l^i rhy AT)(io(r6^vT)v TOtraOra d-n-TiY-ycXK^vai. The Acts of S. Phocas. 1 1 1 and sacrifice, lest thou force me to consume thee with torture and fire. For art thou not aware that there are more than five hundred ^ men here and in the other province, whom thou inveiglest into not sacrificing to the gods." IX. Phocas said : '' And how much better will it be, as thou hast said, for me to die than for all the world to perish because of my impiety. But 'tis with joy that I approach the funeral pyre, lest the whole flock be direfully wounded and scattered. For such are the commandments which I have received from the Lord Jesus Christ." Africanus said : ^ '' And I am very sorry for thee, and am full of pity for a man so learned and so famous ; but thou endeavourest to oppose me and raise an angry debate." Phocas said : *' For all thy sorrow thou art about to destroy me. For I despise all thy threatened tortures, nay, I even spit upon them. Therefore do whatsoever thou art minded to do ; for my language or my thoughts thou shalt not control. For the loving care of my Lord is with me, and a confession of faith more profound than tens of thousands of thy Demosthenes."^ Africanus said : ** If thou wast de- ranged, I would say that thou wast raving ; and 1 Srt irXetw ircvTaKwriivpioi dv8p€S iJoTavTat IvravOa Kal toLs lirapx^as dvarpeireis |j.i^ 6v€iv. 2 But the Greek continues with : "If thou wast advanced in age (irpoPePiiKws), I should say that thou twaddlest ; and if thou wast poor, I should suspect thee on that point, and so forth." These words are given later on to Africanus in the Armenian, who, for 'irpop£pi]Ka>s, advanced in age, read Trapap€pTiKO)S = deranged. The passage which intervenes i^) to (^) is absent in the Greek. 112 Monuments of Early Christianity, if thou wast poor, I should say that on that ac- count thou wast willing to die." Phocas said : *' I have forfeited, all worldly wealth and riches and possessions, if only to possess a single pearl, which neither thou nor the autocrat can ravish from me. But if it please thee to torture me because I sacrifice not to abominations, lo, here I am ; torture me as thou must." Africanus said : ** We sacrifice to the holy and spotless gods, and thou callest them abominations." Phocas said : " Not only abominable, but presump- tuous and cheating and adulterous and temple- robbing ; yea, and devils and lifeless. And not only they, but all who speak of any other god but the one God who is over all and almighty. To whom as Creator be glory and honour through our Lord Jesus Christ, for ever and ever." X. And when the multitude of brethren who stood there had said ''Amen," there was suddenly a noise like the voice of many waters, and a great earthquake, so that Africanus fell down with fright, and was laid half dead on the floor, speech- less, as well as all the guards who stood around him. Among whom we saw, we to whom the Lord wished to manifest it.^ For a bright light shot from heaven ten times brighter than the sun ; and two angels appeared on steeds of fire. And fear and trembling fell upon us. But they were embraced by the blessed Phocas ^ and then re- ^ Iv ols t8o(i£v, ols 6 Kwpios ^PovX-^Otj 8(i|ai. * avTol 8i irpocrciirdvTes TCf" )iaKapi(|) 4>ci>k^, and in the Gk. it is ** three angels of fire on horseback " who appear. The Acts of S. P hoc as. 1 1 3 ascended to heaven. And after half an hour, Terentina, wife of Africanus, ran up all dishevelled, and with her five sons and all her attendants fell down before the blessed Phocas, and earnestly entreated him to restore to her her husband, undertaking that she would believe with all her ^^ousehold, which she actually did. Then the blessed Phocas called together ^ all the congrega- tion ^ of the church and offered up prayers for his salvation. But he, having escaped in so mar- vellous a way, went and told Trajan of the in- comparable might of Christ and of the great hope of the Christians.^ XI. And Trajan called Phocas and said to him : *' Thou art Phocas." And he said : *' I am." Trajan said : '' And thou knowest not my absolute power. Why dost thou not obey our commands ? In whom art thou exalted,^ or what God dost thou worship? However, me- thinks such rhetors ^ as thyself stand in no want of advice. But put thyself into a fitting mood and be not recalcitrant. For though thou mayest not be in thy right mind ^ thou canst know who is Trajan and who is he whom thou worshippest." Phocas said: ''Is it meet to speak and defend oneself, O Emperor, before thee and even so run in the race * But the Gk. = which the blessed Phocas actually did, for having called together, etc. ^ Tov K\fipov = the clergy. ^ Gk. = But he thus rescued by a miracle went off to lay before the king the wonderful power of the Lord and hope of the Christians. ^ Tivt TTfiiroiGftis ; ^ Gk. = Such age as is thine wants no counsellor, but should give itselt good counsel and not disobey (irapaKovetv). ^ €1 ji^ -yap eavTov -yevg Kal rx\% {nroX-^xj/ews (rov, -yvwctti, tis Io-ti. I 114 Monuments of Early Christianity. which impends ? " Trajan said : " Yea, it is neces- sary for thee to speak and in particular to say what will help thee." Phocas said : " The power of thy authority, O Trajan, is it given to thee from God, if at least thou hast come to know Him that bestowed the gift on thee ? " Trajan said : *' My empire is given me by the many gods,^ to whom it is right to sacrifice. It is right therefore to give due honour to our saviours, and on that account are we bound to sacrifice because of our salvation." Phocas said : " It is just and right, O Emperor, to sacrifice to Almighty God and to obey His com- mands ; but withal we ought to obey the govern- ment, not unto impiety, but unto true religion." Trajan said : '' Wast thou summoned hither to philosophise, or to sacrifice ?" Phocas said : " To whom hast thou to sacrifice, or to what gods ? " Trajan said: "To Asklepius." Phocas said: "" Where is this god of thine ? Show him to me that I may behold him." XII. And when they had come into the temple of the idols, Trajan said : ^' Lo, here are the gods who preserve all." Phocas said : ** I say unto thee. Ho, thou stock and stone, dost thou desire to eat, dost desire drink, dost desire to dress, dost desire to smell, hast thou need of sacrifices ? Behold thy gods are vain ; they stand erect and sit not down ; they have open mouths and speak not ; we pray and they hear not ; eyes have they, yet see not ; hands, yet they take not up the offerings. Wilt ^ In the Greek &irb 0cfiv simply. The Acts of S. P hoc as. 1 1 5 thou that I destroy one of them ? yet are they in- capable of exacting redress for the deed ; they grieve not, nor call upon the autocrat to succour them. And were he summoned, then the god is proved to be powerless. A god who needs man- kind to assist him in avenging himself, how can he save mankind? Behold, O Emperor, the emptiness of thy religion." Trajan said : " Thou hast astonished us by thy words. Wast thou not a sailor, and didst thou not worship Poseidon?" Phocas said: *' I was not only a sailor, but a captain of sailors, and in all things I am piloted by the Lord and offer up such sacrifices as are meet." XIII. Trajan said : '' We, too, would know to whom thou art will- ing to sacrifice." Phocas said : '' Thou canst not know, for it is written : ''Ho, cast not your pearls before swine." Trajan said : *' Then we are swine as thou sayest."^ Phocas said : '' 'Twere fortunate if ye were dumb beasts, for then ye would not fall under judgment as worshipping yonder stones, for which the dumb brutes have no concern at all. But tell me, which is the better, thou that hast all that power of thine, or they w^ho give no answer to what ye say ? " Trajan said : '' We command that thou be hung from a tree, and we will see what thy vain philosophy avails thee." Phocas said : ''I, if I be hung from a tree, will be above all mountains and winds with the Lord ; but thou along with thy gods wilt be 1 The Gk. adds Pi«0dvaT€, **thou wretch." 1 1 6 Monuments of Early Christianity. in hell in outer darkness, and then wilt thou know that the God in heaven is mighty." XIV. So they excoriated ^ his body all over, yet he did not make the denial, nor was any utterance heard from his lips, but only his lips moved in prayer. And when he had finished his prayer and uttered an Amen, there was a noise from heaven, and a voice, which said : ''Be of good cheer, Phocas, for I am with thee. Behold for thee is prepared a place in the garden along with the holy pontiffs and with those who deny not Me and My Father. But Trajan shall go to the place that thou hast portended, there to undergo tortures eternal." Then Trajan was smitten with fear and ordered the saint to be taken off the rack, and commanded four guards to watch him.^ And they took and put him in prison and he was fixed very securely in the stocks. But the saint continued to praise and glorify God ; but they shut the doors and kept watch outside the prison. XV. And about midnight the saint fell to praying, thus:^ ''Jesus, Son of God, Christ Lord, whose name is holy. Lord of angels and of every name that is named ; Shepherd of spiritual sheep, keep Thy flock firm, drive away the many-footed wolf, who seduces and ravishes ^ pa7C8a. *• irop«v8^vT€S %\ Kttl iroCTiTos 'ycv^p.tvos <|6|n{. GO rb p-aprvpiov Tf]S d9Xir](re(os XaXciTat 8o|a?6fJi€vov iv tois KXi|iaV XOPOV TWV a^CwV [J.€TaT€0eCs. ^ The Gk. has : " by Christ, to whom glory and power and adoration, with the Father and the Holy Spirit now and ever, and for all eternity. Amen." ACTS OF S. POLYEUCTES. INTRODUCTION. The Greek text of these Acts, of which the Armenian is a translation, has been pubhshed from Paris MSS. of it in a volume called : Polyeucte dans Vhistoire. Etude^ par B. Aube, Paris, 1882. I owe the following remarks on these Acts to M. Aube's introduction. There are signs that the text of these Acts, as we have it now, can hardly be contemporary. For example, it is alleged therein that the martyr suffered under the Emperors Decius and Valerian. Now these Date and form Emperors were not together. And the Acts, of these Acts, if they were really contemporary, would hardly contain such an error. In the appendix moreover of the Greek MS. 513, which is mainly followed by the Armenian version, the persecutions of Decius, Valerian and GaUienus are all confused together under the one appellation of the " first persecution in the East." The author of such a con- fusion could not be contemporary. The introductory words, "a certain Nearchus," also militate against such a view. It must further strike a reader ^°^ contem- 1 T T , XT 1 1 porary m this as somewhat odd that Nearchus survived to form. tell the tale of his companion's martyrdom. But in spite of all these solecisms, these Acts are certainly based on an early account sent round, according to regular custom, to the churches, to be read aloud on the feast day of the saint. On such feast days a homily commemorative of the deceased saint's virtues was delivered in church, and it is clear that the following piece is such a homily, and that it was so read as early as a.d. 363 ; for the exordium suits the years A.D. 363-5, when Julian was dead and Christian emblems once more figured on the standards of the army. The earhness of 1 24 Monuments of Early Christianity. the homily is good evidence of the antiquity of the document embodied and embedded in it ; as is also the care exercised by the old Latin translator of the fifth or sixth century to eviscerate the document. The metaphrast had the same text as we have in the Greek MSS. collated and published by Aubd, but he curtails the homiletic exordium. We meet with notices of this martyr in several ancient writers. For example, Gregory of Tours {H.F.^ vii. 6 in fine^ De Glor. Martyr,, § 103) mentions him ; and in the fourth and fifth centuries many churches were dedicated to him, one at Melitene as early as 377 ; another in Constantinople before the end of the fourth century (Gregory of Tours, De Glor. Martyr., % 103) ; a third in Ravenna according to Tillemont, Mem. Eccles., t. iii. p. 426. Sacred lamps have also been dug up bearing the inscription -rov ayiov HoXvokto^ on the site of the ancient Coptos in Upper Egypt, which probably belong to the fifth or sixth century. The ancient Coptos was also called Cana, or Ghana. Perhaps Cana neos = New Cana, and was the place alluded to in these Acts as the city of the Cananeots. The last section of these Acts contains the testimony of Nearchus the friend of Polyeuctes, which I believe to be genuine, although the paragraph which precedes it, and which mentions Philoromus, is clearly an interpolation of the fourth century. The homilist in his exordium plainly refers to the original document or Acts which he is about to read out to his congregation ; some of his sentences even quote the letter of the document. This proves that we have here an earlier document embedded in the homily. In the same way the Acts of Theodore the Soldier, along with the testimony of Abgarus his notary, are embedded in a homily, and so pre- served to us. The Armenian Text agrees very closely with the Greek MS. 513 of Paris edited by Aube. In some places the Greek text explains obscure passages in the Armenian. The Armenian I have translated the latter rather than the version. Greek direct, because I think that the ori- ginal document which the Armenian used frequently gave another text than the Greek MSS. preserve ; Ac^s of S. Polyeuctes. 125 for I doubt if all the differences of the Armenian are merely due to loose translation. The story of Polyeuctes is familiar to many, because it has been dramatised by Corneille, whose tragedy however hardly bears comparison with these Acts in real pathos and dramatic representation. Indeed, Corneille' s : , . . r ^ , -r ^ r drama OH m his portraiture 01 the martyr s wiie and 01 Polyeuctes. his relations to her, the French dramatist went out of his way to be insulse and offensive. The doctrinal drift of these Acts, so far as there can be said to be any, is of a gently heretical type. For Polyeuctes is saved and goes to heaven without having received baptism or any other of the sacra- Doctrinal ten- ments, and his dialogue with Nearchus tends ^^t b 1^^^ to make it clear to the reader that none of orthodox. these things are really essential. If a man only have faith, then he will go to heaven like the thief on the cross. Such doctrine was strong meat for a later age, and accordingly we find it toned down in the old Lation version edited by Aube. The dialogue between the saints is largely recast to make it more orthodox, and instead of the passage on page 139, we have the following, — Ad fontem autem uitse sic fideliter uenire, salutare probatur, ita etiam non accedere procul dubio creditur. Quibus autem imminet persecutor, nee suppetit facultas adeundi mysterium, sed sub uno et eodem temporis spatio, et conuersionis causa ex divina inspiratione agitur et persecutionis discrimen inten- datur, his profecto fidei anchora arctissime tenenda est, ut, cura defuerit fidei famulatrix aqua, sacramentum baptismatis proprii sanguinis aspersione compleatur. UNIVERSITY MARTYRDOM OF THE HOLY POLYEUCTES. By now has the bounteous grace of God and likewise His might been manifested unto all through the holy martyr Polyeuctes. Now are the heathen ^ cast down and full of sorrow, and they that put their hope in their soulless idols and went astray after their graven images are put to shame. In so much as they have been com- pelled against their wills by the divine might to become imitators of the holy Polyeuctes, in order that unto God the Creator and Maker of all, in accordance with divine writ, every knee may bend, of them that are in heaven and on earth and under the earth. For the tidings of the divine power have been brought to men, and are in recent events ever more and more praised and glorified. For lo ! the blessed Polyeuctes, who f was esteemed a heathen in life and religion, even '» he on a sudden set himself to confirm the religion / of Christ. He that was soldier of an earthly/ king, in the twinkling of an eye fiouted his humaa warfare and with all zeal elected in place thereoA to bear the armour of Christ, and decked his) brow with the never-fading crown, symbol of his\ struggle bravely borne. ' For the Saviour summoned him to His own ^ Gk. the HeUenes. ia6 Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 127 ( kingdom by a certain revelation, and bade him doff the earthly cloak of war which he wore, and array himself instead in the martyr's garb of mystery and ineffable honour. Yea, He bade him put off his sordid earthly cloak of unbelief, that he might don that of the holy martyr, which is more honourable and holy and pleasing to God. Then with self-born zeal the blessed one hastened forth at the summons of the Saviour, and by his very readiness forestalled the call, spurning at once and unhesitatingly all that is earthly and human. Him neither wife nor children, nor store of riches nor military discipline, nor honour and high command, nor any human glory and great- ness could^ draw away from the true service of God. (For he esteemed more highly the life and citizenship of heaven, and gave up without delay of one moment the life of foolishness and Idolatry for the true and spotless worship of God) But what Is even more wonderful in the economy of hi*s salvation is this, that the saint Polyeuctes was living with the very daughter of the Perse- cutor. And this Persecutor was inducing all others by his violence to worship idols, but he could not bend the good resolution of the saint. Wherefore he then took his daughter and her children, and brought them to him ; wishing by means of them to humble and ensnare him. But he remained firm and Immovable In the faith of Christ, and spurned the ties of his human kinship and affec- tions ; striving only to follow and serve the heavenly King, who had chosen him out to be 128 Monuments of Early Christianity. his own soldier. Nor was it without divine pro- vidence that he was even in this Hfe pressed into the service of the camp, in spite of the many hardships which the life entailed. For God wished from the first to test the martyr's resolution and prove him, as pure and choice gold is proved in the furnace ; and therefore He threw him from the first into a life of warfare, such as many deemed likely to displease him. But instead he was proved by means of this very life on earth to be a faithful and firm servant of God. And, lo and behold, it was just by reason of his good conduct and devotion to arms, that he became a martyr, and passed from the humble army of this earth to yonder greater one. O pious martyr, all holy, witness of God revered in all places, of whose memory we all weary not. O Godlike martyr and true, who bestowedst so much more honour and glory on the human race, than thou didst derive therefrom. For thou didst trample on the head of the serpent, even as did also the holy martyr Thekla, and Perpetua^ who ascended along that brazen ladder, which led to heaven, until she reached her Saviour. Unerring are the prophecies in all that they foreshadow. For the prophets knew that the trials of this earthly life are many and wearisome, and that they encompass the race of Christians. And after a long and honourable ^ life on earth a man will * The Armenian omits the reference to Perpetua, but retains that to the ladder. There must therefore be a lacuna in the text. * The Arm. = dishonoured. Ac^s of S. Polyeuctes, 129 yet scarcely be able to reach heavenly honour. Well, along this ladder the blessed Polyeuctes ascended. He likewise smote the head of that same dragon, and spurned idols, mounting up- wards by the mysterious and ineffable ladder ; and thus in miraculous wise he confirmed the utterance of the apostle, who says, that by faith they shall quench the power of fire and shall shut up the mouths of lions. O armour of the heavenly faith, which the sword of Satan could not touch! O pupil of Christ, tried by fire, true and genuine soldier ! Thus it is that for his virtue and true faith he is -eternally honoured in deathless memory, as one who is still near to us. Wherefore this day will we celebrate the true festival of his birth, and so reap the fruit of his deeds, in order that he may bestow iUpon each of us his helpful and goodly prayers. What gift then shall we offer to the saint com- parable to that which he bestowed on us? How shall we display our gratitude for the love of God manifested unto us, and prove our goodwill "^ Let us dance our customary dances, if it be our pleasure so to do ; and let us recall to memory the deeds of the saint and all that regards his history. Thus we shall ^y. in our minds the very words he spoke and participate in his holiest memory agreeably to the document, and shall be able to establish our souls in the true faith. Now the origin of his martyrdom was as follows. A certain Nearchus, for that was his name, and Polyeuctes the blessed martyr, were K 130 Monuments of Early Christianity. called brethren ; not as being so by blood rela- tionship, but as being so by choice and love of each other. And because of their true friendship for one another they were called comrades and familiar friends, while according to the mysterious will of God they were proved to be sharers of His mysteries. Now Nearchus was a Christian, but the blessed Polyeuctes in matters of religion reckoned himself a Greek, though he was such in name only, for he was not far from the true faith, and was destined to transcend many dubious Christians in his fervour in its behalf. How wonderful is the divine economy ! For before the Saviour came to dwell among us, sent down by God from heaven to earth for our salvation, all men sat in the gloom of idolatry and in the depths of impiety. But at the advent of the Saviour, all on a sudden rose up as it were out of a steep well from their idolatry. My brethren, think of that advent ! Think of the faith of Polyeuctes, of the king coming down from heaven to dwell among us, of His soldier who freely ran to serve Him. What then was the trial which the martyr underwent ? What was the occasion of the call which summoned him from Paganism to bear witness all on a sudden immediately after the advent of the Saviour ? Decius ^ and Valerian were abusing the authority * I omit here some flowers of rhetoric given in the Armenian and absent from the Greek MS. 513. The passage omitted incidentally states that Polyeuctes suffered on the fourth day after the Lord's appearance to him. Ac^s of S. Polyeuctes. 1 3 1 committed to them by God in an impious manner ; and with the cruel violence of despots had enacted a new law, to the effect that those who consented to sacrifice to idols should be advanced in the service, while those who should refuse to sacrifice were to be put to death by beheading. Now on the publishing of this iniquitous edict against the Christians, Nearchus the friend of the martyr was in confusion and bitter straits ; and he sighed and wept continually, and shrank from his usual converse with Polyeuctes. The latter was surprised and was moved to sympathise with him ; and several times he went to him and asked him the reason of his sorrow. But the other found it not easy to answer the questions of the holy martyr ; who, after a spell of silence during which Nearchus remained plunged in profound grief, repeated the question as follows : '' What is this mood of thine, so unlike the warmth of frank and open friendship ? Hast thou renounced thy old friendship, that thou dost not deign to answer me ? Have I given thee any cause to sorrow or shrink from me in this wise ? " It was only then and with difficulty after re- peated questionings on the part of the martyr, that Nearchus unbent and began to speak and say : '* Because I foresaw the separation between us which this impious and iniquitous edict will at once bring about, therefore, O Polyeuctes, I kept silent, because henceforth we cannot maintain our old friendship for one another." Then the holy Polyeuctes answered him and 132 Monuments of Early Christianity. said : "O Nearchus, thy words to me are contrary to all that I hoped or expected. For even though we are about to be parted by death, still no one can dissolve the bond of friendship and love which unites us." Nearchus said to him : **Aye, this is just what I was brooding over, that the separation I had in mind is something above and beyond that entailed by human death." But when the holy Polyeuctes heard this, he fell on the neck of Nearchus and prayed and besought him to tell him the reason of the impending separation. But Nearchus, when he received the supplications of the holy martyr, wished to tell him all, but was prevented by the difficulty he felt and by his tears, and full of confusion, he gazed at Polyeuctes, and such was his affliction that he threw himself on the ground. And the holy Polyeuctes could not bear to see this, yet was at a loss how to console him, and he thought that perhaps he had taken offence in some way at his friend ; and accordingly he fell to reflecting thus : " Surely I have not incurred reproach in the blameless life of Nearchus." So after reflection, he said : " Surely no one has traduced Nearchus, and it is not for that or because of any calumny or loss of property that Nearchus is plunged in dejection and tears. I am ready, said the holy martyr, to help him in such case, and to bear accusations and death for my true love of Nearchus. Nay, had I even a child, I would not spare him, if I could indulge my love of Nearchus. Faith, I would reckon it lower than my love of him, and would sacrifice /■ The Acts of S. Polyeuctes. 133 all to keep my affection for him whole and un- impaired." And when Nearchus heard such language from the holy martyr, he rose up, and with difficulty opened his lips, for he was much weighed down with care and sorrow. And he began to speak thus : *' O Polyeuctes, on the morrow are we to be parted from one another } " But Polyeuctes could not believe the words of his friend, but was much perplexed and disturbed at his strange agitation and at his shedding so many tears, and he besought him to say what had happened to him, and what reason he had for speaking in such a manner. And after he had besought him many times, Nearchus began to tell him with many tears about the iniquitous edict against Christians. And when the other heard of these iniquitous edicts, he rallied his spirit, and resolved to become a spectator of God and of heaven. Moreover he recalled the revelation which he had received, and found that it had been concurrent in time with the edict. And forthwith he was filled with grace, and began to tell Nearchus about it. ''This day," he said, '' I beheld, O Nearchus, our Lord Jesus Christ, whom thou worshippest in holy wise and with fear and trembling. He approached me, and stripped off me the filthy human cloak which I wore, and clad me with one far more precious, and bright as light, and flashing with gold ; and at the same time that He thus arrayed me He bestowed upon me also a winged horse." When Nearchus heard this he 1 34 Monuments of Early Christianity. rejoiced exceedingly, and said to his friend : " I trow that thou also hast a knowledge of Christ, the God in heaven, who is for ever and ever, and is rich with heavenly riches, and who appor- tions His grace without stint or grudge to all who call upon Him." And in reply Polyeuctes said: ''Yet when did I forget my Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ ? And whenever thou hast told me about Him, did I not listen with wonder and admiration ? And whenever thou hast read to me the Divine Scriptures, have I not on hearing them forthwith shed tears and trembled ? Although I was not in name called a Christian, yet by disposition and in reality I was eager to range myself among the servants of the Saviour ; for everywhere and always was I anxious to put to shame the vain folly of idols, with their false and crafty deceit." And when Nearchus heard this, his soul was filled with rejoicing, and he said to the blessed Polyeuctes : " With regard to the foul and false idols, we are compelled now to sacrifice to them by the iniquitous emperors ; and for those who may refuse to sacrifice, and resolve to serve Christ, it is ordained that they should die by the sword. What then dost thou now say, O Polyeuctes .'* Restrain me not from weeping, and from lamenting on account of thee, for I y am in doubt whether I shall not lose thee on account of my love. For a presentiment came over me that thou wilt submit to the edict of the Emperor /for thou art not yet a perfected The Acts of S. Polyeuctes, 135 Christianjand thou wilt be compelled to sacrifice to idols.' But when the blessed Polyeuctes heard this there was kindled in his soul an impulse towards God, and with his fleshly eyes he looked to Nearchus, as if he were vexed, and he caught him by the hand, and said : *' These then were Thy apprehensions, O Nearchus ? Were these from the first the opinions Thou entertainedst of me ? How couldst Thou harbour such a presenti- ment about me, Thou who on every occasion wast wont to read to me the divine and ineffable mystery, and I, when I heard it, repudiated the foul and abominable images ? How then, O my comrade Nearchus, have we been content until now with the knowledge of that which is fleshly, while we have ignored all along the spiritual and ineffable through which we converse with God ? Why then do we not carry out our feelings, O Nearchus, or why do we not proclaim publicly and before all the world the faith which is in our Lord Jesus Christ ? " But Nearchus was aroused as it were from sleep by the words of the blessed Polyeuctes, and rallied his soul, and said to the saint : ''To me, O Polyeuctes, neither wealth, nor military honour, nor the life of this world appears more precious than the life of Christ. Nay, I would fain give the preference to immortality, and salva- tion, and eternity, over life that is human and transitory." But Polyeuctes, on hearing this, resolved to test the faith of his friend, and 136 Monuments of Early Christianity. explore his resolution. So he said to him : " And art thou not sparing, O Nearchus, of this honour ? " ^ But the other thinking that he asked this question seriously, and not merely to try him, replied : " If thou only knewest the honour which I have had bestowed on me^ by Christ, and the progress He has vouchsafed to me ! " (For He spoke openly and spiritually with him, and even in accordance with the divine will guided him in his resolutions.^) The holy Polyeuctes said to him : " Thou imaginest that I am ignorant of the progress which thou hast made in Christ, and the honour which awaits thee from Him. But before thee, O Nearchus, have I made progress with the Saviour ; for this very day have I received from the Saviour, through a revelation, a heavenly and royal cloak. But I would fain put to thee one capital question of a spiritual kind ; for I have a fear and sus- picion in my mind, lest if I should come to the Saviour unbaptized,* He should not receive me with the rest into His spiritual host. Is it then possible for those who are not baptized, neither have partaken of the holy mystery, to be found acceptable to God ?" But Nearchus, seeing what was in the mind of the blessed Polyeuctes, forasmuch as he was * The Gk. runs, Kal o* 4*<^^ <»"o^ ^ N^x*» '*^i« TOMiim|« &((as. * The Arm. adds ** at home." 3 The Gk. MS., followed by AuW, omits the words bracketed. * The Arm. — " imperfect." The Greek has Avev tcXctwv xal ftvv avrov irpo. MS. 513 has a variant &^ia «v lirpd|ap,ev diroXap-Pdvonev, 6 8^, so agreeing with the text of Luke, and also cl-rrdvTOS for tlirwv, and firav ^0t[|S \v t^q Pa Ik Sc^Cwv irpoo-riXctfOlvTi Kal Xlyovri ti5 X-qcrr-g t<5 i% dpicrrcpwy irpoo-riXwOcvTi Kal pXaT)p,ovvTi- 'Hjicis p.iv k.t.X. Also after Kal irpbs tovtois tlie Armenian adds words similar to those found in the Codex Bezce, oTpa<|>«l$ -irpbs Tbv Kvpiov, The Textus Receptus of the N.T. has 6Tav IX0t]S Iv t^q ^o-iXc£<;i, but Codex Bezoe and other sources omit firav IXOi^s. The -coincidences of the text of the Martyrdom with the Acta I'ilati are very striking, e.g. the Act. Pil. have OTav ^XO^s, and have utr' lp,ov Iv r. irap. €i. The Acts of S. Polyetictes. 139 kingdom.' And then what answer did the Lord make unto him ? For his simple and unpretend- ing faith what great things did He not promise him ? for He said, ' This day art thou with Me in Paradise.' Dost thou see, O Polyeuctes, what great good tidings He bestows in return for how short a spell of faith ? Lo, according to the gospel, if a man possess faith, even though it be small, he is yet able to move mountains." ^ And thereat the blessed Polyeuctes cried out, and said : " And is it possible, O Nearchus, for men to attain unto such things without baptism ? " Nearchus replied : ** Everything is holy to the holy, as again the Divine Scriptures say.^ But to those who are defiled in their will nothing is holy, because their mind and consciences are destroyed. Behold, we see the Lord, when they brought to Him the blind that they might be healed, had nothing to say to them about the holy mystery, nor did He ask them if they had been baptized ; but this only, whether they came to him with true faith. Wherefore He asked them, 'Do ye believe,' He said, 'that I am able to do this thing '^, ' With genuine love of man did He manifest His power, and addressing to them a single word he commanded their fleshly eyes to see, and immediately their eyes were opened." ^ The Greek has *I8ov •yap ttio-tis dXtiOivTJ, k&v (JiiKpd tvyx^vt], o\6K\T]pa 6pT), Kara to Eva-y-yeXiov, |Ji€6£orTT]}(rp.€6a). For His code of law teaches, saying, Before I formed thee, etc." irpb tov |j.c irXdo-aC £o»v. The practice of reckoning dates by Indictions (or terms of fifteen years) only came into vogue in the reign of Constantine. To import it into the reign of Decius is an anachronism. The Armenian perhaps explains the curious expression of MS. 1449 : ^v rifji^pi;. TCTpdSi, twdrQ tov 'lavovopCov )iiT]v6s. The word ivvdr-g is a corruption of 'IvSiktCwvi. ' This paragraph also is only in the Armenian, and in MS. 5^3 > ^^^ '"^ MS. 1449. In the Armenian, owing to a break in the text, it ends at the words "in the Church." This paragraph probably belongs to the third century. ' i.e. January 10. * i.e. December 25. THE ACTS OF SAINT EUGENIA. INTRODUCTION. The history of Eugenia has never, Hke that of Saint Polyeuctes, been dramatised, though it abounds in characters and positions well adapted to a French stage. In trans- lating it I have followed the Armenian Various Texts version, which gives a more ancient form of the text than either the Greek Acts of the metaphrast or than the old Latin version made probably by Rufinus the presbyter of Aquileia, about a.d. 400. A comparison of these three forms of the text shows that we have in them three distinct stages of its development, of which the Armenian is the earliest, the old Latin intermediate, the metaphrast's the latest. In my notes I have been content to indicate the divergencies of the old Latin version only from the Armenian, for it was not worth while to enumerate the many omissions, amphfications, substitutions and additions by which the metaphrast, after his manner, adapts the older narrative to the taste of his tenth century readers. Similar examples of his method are pre- sented by the Acts of Theodore, of Callistratus, and Demetrius. One palmary proof of the superior antiquity of the Ar- menian form of these Acts of Eugenia lies in their frequent references to the history of Thekla. Eugenia sets herself from the first to copy Thekla, The Armen- whose history, falling by chance into her ' Text ^^ hands, leads her to break away from the yf polytheism of her parents, to espouse virginity and don male attire. She refers to the history of Thekla as being an inspired book, and the writer As proved by of these Acts more than once imitates that ^^ Thekla history. In a subsequent age, when the old Latin Version was made, Thekla had become a somewhat 148 Monuments of Ea7'ly Christianity. heretical saint, and accordingly all references to her and to her Acts were obliterated, and references to S. Paul and his Epistles substituted. The metaphrast's recension has yet more markedly been freed from references to the heretical saint. The poems of Venantius Fortunatus, however, a poet of the second half of the sixth century, juxtapose the names of Eugenia and Thekla in a way that suggests that he had before him the Acts in the same early form as the Armenian, e.g.^ we read, Carmina, Ed. Frid. Leo, Berol., 1881, Monum. Ger- man, historica, tom. iv., pars prior, p. 192 : Unde magis, dulcis, hortamur ut ista requiras Quae dedit Eugenise Christus et Alma Theklae. Fifty years earlier, Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, in his poem, De laude Cas fifaf is {Migne, Patrol. Lat.^ vol. lix., col. 378 B), gives an outline of the story of Eugenia agreeing in all respects with our text. ^ In regard to a history written with so much evident literary art as these Acts, the first question that suggests itself is : Can any of it be true ? Has it any basis in fact ? Credibility of jg j|. ^^^ ^ ^ ^^^ rather skilful romance ? It must be allowed that there is a basis of fact underlying the story ; for, (i) of one or another of the actors in it, viz: Philip, Eugenia, Protus, Hyacinthus, and Basilla, there is to be found mention in the very earliest catalogues of saints, e.g. in the old Syriac menologion trans- lated by Wright, in the kindred list of Proved by Jerome and in the fourth century Depositio modern dis- Martyrum. covenesmthe / / rr., , , /- t^ j tt Roman Cata- (2) The actual tombs of Protus and Hya- combs. cinthus were found by Father Marchi, in 1845, in the Catacombs of Basilla. It cannot be mere chance which unites all three names both in the cemetery and in the legend. • I owe these references to an art. by Dr. Franz Gorres on " Das Christenthum u. der Rom. ^idcaX" in iht Jahrbiicher fur Proiist, Theol. —Leipzig, 1844. The Acts of S, Eugenia, 149 How then does the history of Eugenia cohere : i. with itself; 2. with independent records ? (i) The internal chronology of these Acts is clearly impossible. Philip is sent as o^^^°^°^2cts Eparch to Egypt in the seventh consulate impossible, of Commodus, i.e. 196 a.d. ; and Eugenia is then aged sixteen. After two years and three months Eugenia is made superior of the monastery. We may allow two or three years to elapse before the charges of Melania bring her before Philip. After that Philip is bishop for one year and three months. When Philip became bishop, the Christian church — there was only one — in Alexandria had been closed for eight years. These are all the indications of date given by the Armenian up to the end of § 19, when Eugenia, with her mother and brothers, returned to Rome after the murder of her father Philip. Such as they are, they agree with the old Latin version, which says that Philip, at the date of his death, had been Eparch between nine and ten years, and that Severus and Antoninus Caesar ordered him to be slain ; for in 205-206 these were the reigning emperors. Note that the Armenian speaks of the emperors in the plural, but without naming them. The eight years during which the churches had been shut carry us back just to the date of Philip's mission from Rome. The Armenian text explains that he was sent out to set affairs to rights according to Roman customs; and this may mean that Christianity was to be repressed. The old Latin and the metaphrast explicitly say so ; but they add that the Jews were more rigorously treated by Philip than the Christians, an amplification of this part of the text due perhaps to a vague recollection of the Edict of Severus, issued a.d. 203, by which Jews were forbidden to make proselytes and Christians to make converts. So far, the narrative, as given either in the Armenian or in the old Latin form, is consistent with itself. It ceases however to be so when the heroine /T^P^^iT, , . -^ . f. -r that of the arrived in Rome, in 5 20. Let us enumerate i^g^ chapters. some of the points of difficulty which now obscure the narrative. •^eSE^UBR^-J- OF 1 50 Monuments of Early Christianity. 1. Avitus and Sergius, sons of Philip, whom the Emperor had just had murdered, are welcomed by the Senate. This is unlikely, seeing that their father had just before been murdered by order of the Emperor. 2. One of them is made Consul, or Proconsul, in Carthage, the other Vicarius Africae. Now we first meet with the latter title in the Notitia dignitatum, and 409, Codex Theodosii 7, 15, T. Of course the title may have existed earlier, and Mommsen {^Das Romische Militarwesen seit Diocletian^ Hermes, xxiv., p. 200), hints that it was earlier than Dio- cletian. It cannot however be as early as 210 a.d. On the other hand we actually find in the consular lists that Pompei- anus and Avitus were both consuls a.d. 209. If Avitus was sent by the Senate to govern the consular province of Africa rather later than 209, which is Hkely enough, we have here a confirmation of the Acts. For if Avitus was about the age of his sister Eugenia, he may have been of sufficient age in 209. The Acts, however, rather hint that he was younger, or anyhow not very senior to her. The mention of a Pompeianus, as Consul, A.D. 209, also agrees with the Acta, for he may easily be the Pompeius to whom Basilla, a kinswoman of the Emperor, was betrothed. 3. The rest of the chronology is less possible. Basilla, whom the story requires to be a young virgin, is, according to the Armenian, a kinswoman of Callus, and, at the same time, a contemporary of Eugenia. But C. Vibius Trebonianus Gallus succeeded Decius towards the end of a.d. 251, when Eugenia would have reached the age of seventy-one years. Yet the story represents her as martyred in the bloom of youth, and her mother survives her, and her brothers are still young men ! The absurdity is still greater if with the old Latin and the metaphrast we read the Emperors' names under whom they all suffered, as Gallienus and Valerian, who reigned together 254-260. In a.d. 260 Eugenia would have been eighty years old. 4. The Armenian, moreover, hints that one Nestor was bishop of Rome at the time of the martyrdom of Eugenia, of Basilla, and of the eunuchs, and that this bishop hid himself on hearing of the condemnation of Cyprian by The Acts of S. Eugenia. 151 the Consul Maximus. Now this condemnation was in 258, on Sept. 14. The Latin substitutes for Nestor, CorneHus the Pope of Rome, who suffered Sept. 14, a.d. 252. According to the old Latin version the eunuchs Protus and Hyacinthus are tried before Nicetius, Urbi Praefectus. According to the Armenian, Eugenia is brought before Anictus, Prefect of the City. There is nothing to prevent there having been a Prefect of the City of the name Anicetus or Nicetus, though I can find no trace of him. There is but one explanation of the chronological discords of the latter half of the piece. It is this : The events narrated must belong to the first half of the third , Y. ^ V. ^ o ■ r Anachronisms century ; but about a.d. 280, a recension of of the story the document was made in which it was at- due to a late tempted to connect the martyrdom narrated recension of it in it with the great persecution of Decius; for ^ °280 * the latter was then fresh in men's memories, and eclipsed the recollection of earlier persecutions. In the same way the memory of the persecution of Decius was, in some parts of the Roman empire, eclipsed at a later time by the persecutions under Numerian. Thus we find the martyr- dom of Babylas which Eusebius puts in the reign of Decius, set down in the exordium of the Acts themselves to the time of Numerian. And after every fresh outburst of fury against the Church there was a tendency at work to connect the memory of the older and already popular saints with the most recent of the crises through which the Church had passed. Such an explanation as the above is favoured by the disagree- ment which we find within the interpolated part itself. Thus the Armenian names Gallus as the kinsman of Basilla, so implying that her death took place in his reign ; the old Latin, on the other hand, mentions Gallienus and Valerian in the most explicit way. Again the Armenian makes Nestor bishop of Rome ; the Latin has Cornelius, the well-known corre- spondent of Cyprian. Of Nestor we have no mention in any other source. Perhaps he was an anti-Pope early in the second century. Returning now to the first part of the narrative, let us see 152 Monuments of Early Christia^iity. if we can trace any of the persons named therein in inde- pendent history. We have no mention by name of a Prefect of Egypt appointed at the end of the reign No trace in ^f Commodus and named Phihp. From the general his- , . ,. __^^t^_^ , , .. toryofPhiUp, introduction to Part XXIX. (the Inscrip- tiones ^gypti) of Boekh's Corpus (tom. iii., P- 3i3)> we learn that about 184 a.d. M. AureHus Papirius Dionysius became Prefect of Egypt, and was, through the enmity of Cleander, the Prefect of the Praetorium, deposed, apparently by Commodus. In 194 a.d. M. Ulpius Primianus was appointed. He was succeeded a.d. 202 by Metius Laetus, and he a.d. 204 by Atianus Aquila, he in turn by Flavins Tatianus a.d. 215. It has been supposed by Labus that Primianus was preceded by an unknown prefect who held his office but for a short time. In the above list there is no room for Philippus, unless the very name Philippus be a cor- ruption of Ulpius. It is possible that Philip was only the name adopted by the prefect, whoever he was, when he became a Christian ; for it was customary to take a new name on being converted, and it is by this new name that a person would be handed down in Christian legend. Another way of surmounting the difficulty would be to suppose that Philip was not prefect of Egypt, but only one of the judges whom the emperors sent out to superintend all judicial processes in Alexandria. The Armenian, however, styles Philip Eparch, and the Latin Prefect. We know from Eusebius, Hist. Eccles.^ Bk. vi., Chap, i, that there was a persecution of the Christians at Alexandria during the reign of Severus, in the first years of the third century, in the course of which Leonides, the father of Origen, perished, along with many others. The focus of this persecution was Alexandria, though it extended to the Thebaid. This may have been the persecution in consequence of which the church in Alexandria had been shut up for eight years ; but no prefect of that date held office for ten years. We read that Eugenia was betrothed to Aquilius, son of the Consul Aquilius. This agrees fairly well with the consular lists in which we find an Aquilius to have been Consul in a.d. 168. His son might have been betrothed to Eugenia The Acts of S. Etigenia. 153 in the year 195. Of the Bishop Helenus, called in the Latin form, Bishop of HeliopoHs, we know nothing. But our know- ledge of the bishops even of the great sees, like Rome, and Alexandria, and Ephesus is ^^^ some of very fragmentary and incomplete for the Actors" adLit first three centuries. This fact would also of being iden- explain the absence of Philip from the list of tified. in his- the bishops of Alexandria. There seems to °^cords ^" have been a question whether he was a pro- per bishop, to judge from the somewhat apologetic language in which the Latin version mentions his appointment. Perhaps the assurance from heaven given in a dream to his wife Clodia, that God had given her husband a place among the sacred pontiffs in heaven, points in the same direction. We probably should read between the lines of such an assurance. It may have been a reason for dropping him out of the list of bishops or overseers of the church of Alexandria, that his wife and family were so prominent in the legend ; whereas the usage of the Church at a very early time required that the Patriarch of Alexandria should be celibate. It has been objected to the entire story of Eugenia, that there were no monasteries in the neighbourhood of Alexandria as early as the end of the second century. Here again the paucity of our records is such, that we must not pronounce dogmatically against the possibility of there having existed in Egypt some such establishments. Philo of Alexandria describes such a colony of pious men and women, living to- gether as monks and nuns, over the Lake Early Mon- Marea near Alexandria, as early as the first ^^^.^° Institu- half of the first century ; and these settlers Alexandria so closely resembled the Christians that probable. Eusebius imagined they were converts of St. Mark. There is no mistake so great as those commit who imagine that they have an exhaustive knowledge of all the religious movements that went on in Alexandria in the first century, and who therefore pretend that Philo's description is a forgery of the third century and really meant as an apology for the Christian monastic institutions of the late third century. 154 Monuments of Early Christianity. There is nothing to be said in favour of such a view, and it rests on nothing except the assumption, that we know every detail of the rehgious Hfe of Egypt in that age so thoroughly as to be able to impugn the genuineness of any one of Philo's most characteristic writings, which may chance to tell us some- thing which we have not learned from other sources. We may with great plausibility suppose that the community which Philo describes had lasted on and become Christianised, for the transition from the one to the other was easy. To some extent therefore the legend of Eugenia and the description left by Philo confirm one another. There can be no doubt that the growth of such monastic communities was natural in the climate of Egypt, and we know of the existence of similar institutions among the Egyptians as early as Signs of anti- ^^e third century before Christ, quity m these ^, -^ , • . , . ^ctg^ There are some other pomts m the Ar- menian narrative which smack more of the second century than of the third or fourth. There is first the position accorded to the Acts of Thekla, which e.g. Position are actually called a sacred book. Now the ^^^Acte of ° Church was beginning to suspect these Acts Thekla, as early as the time of Tertullian. Secondly, there is the extreme simplicity of the dogmatic teaching, and the stress laid on the moral teaching of Christ. ^^^ Eugenia does not instruct her monks to be- Absence of lieve in the birth of Christ from the Virgin dogmatic Mary, or in the Trinity. Humility and ab- mg. stention from use of oaths are the staple of her teaching. Rufinus, or whoever was the author of the old Latin version, omits the precept against oaths, and evidently felt so much the absence of orthodox dogmatic teaching in the narrative, that he undertakes to supply it ; and in my note on ch. 27 I give a specimen of the way in which at the end of the fourth century older documents were brought up to date. Thirdly we have in the Armenian text a quotation from the Gospel, where Eugenia opened it at ran- -«.T^m^ -^^^ ^ dom and read it aloud, so remarkable in its N. T. citation. ^ ^ , ' . . ^ form as to deserve a passmg notice. I print it as it must have stood in the original Greek. The Acts of S. Eugenia. 155 Iiyo-ovs etTTev rots ^a.drirai%^ otSare on o\ apxovT€