UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES GIFT OF CAPT. PAUL MCBRIDE AND MRS. PERIGORD of CAUFUJUM* T NGEL: LIBRARY AT LOS ANGELES MEMOIRS OP THE EIGHT HONOURABLE SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD, G.C.B. MEMOIRS OF THE BIGHT HONOURABLE SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MCDONALD GLC.B., FIRST PRIME MINISTER OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA. BY JOSEPH POPE. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD, to rtje ZirtJta Office. 1894. (All rights reserved.") 144645 CONTENTS OF VOL. II. CHAPTER XVI. CONSOLIDATION. 1867-1868. General election of 1867 Tenure of office of Privy Councillor Resignation of Mr. Gait Session of 1867-68 Speakerships Intercolonial Railway Death of the President of the Privy Council Assassination of Thomas D'Arcy McGee Selection of route for Intercolonial Railway Proposed reduction of Governor's salary The Opposition leadership Organization of the Provincial Government of Ontario John Sandfield Macdonald's Adminis- tration .. CHAPTER XVII. NOVA SCOTIA. 1867-1868. Result of the elections in Nova Scotia Movement for Repeal of the Union Joseph Howe Provincial delegation to England Mission of Dr. Tupper His interview with Mr. Howe in London Mr. Tilley's views Sir John Macdonald's visit to Halifax His report to the Governor General Position of Mr. Howe Violence of the agitation for Repeal Correspondence between Sir John Macdonald and Mr. Howe " Better Terms " to Nova Scotia Mr. Howe enters the Cabinet of Sir John Macdonald . 22 VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVIII. THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 1857-1870. PAGE Glance at past negotiations Nature of Hudson's Bay Company's claim Rupert's Land Red River Settlement Agreement for transfer arrived at with Company Hon. William McDougall appointed Lieutenant Governor His abortive attempt to enter the territory Revolt of the half-breeds Mission of Bishop Tach Murder of Scott Military expedition to Fort Garry Manitoba Act ... 38 CHAPTER XIX. ADMINISTRATION. 1867-1871. Reconstruction of the Cabinet Return of Sir Francis Hincks Sir Alexander Gait goes into Opposition Bill for the establishment of the Supreme Court Character of Sir John Macdonald's appoint- ments to the Bench Offer of the Chancellorship of Ontario to Mr. Edward Blake Condition of Sir John Macdonald's private affairs His illness Trade and Fishery relations with the United States Appointment of a Joint High Commission 65 CHAPTER XX. CORRESPONDENCE re THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON 1871. CHAPTER XXI. CORRESPONDENCE T6 THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON, CONTINUED ... 120 1871. CONTENTS. VJi CHAPTER XXII. ADMINISTRATION. 1871-1872. PAGE Ontario elections Fall of John Sandfield Macdonald's Administration Negotiations with British Columbia "With Newfoundland With Prince Edward Island Departure of Lord Lisgar^-Arrival of Lord Dufferin Dissolution of Parliament General Election of 1872 Retirement of Sir Francis Hincks Last days of Sir George Cartier Sir John Macdonald summoned to the Imperial Privy Council ... ... ... ... ... 141 CHAPTER XXIII. THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 1873. Early dreams of communication with the Far West The compact with British Columbia The Canadian Pacific Railway scheme Mr. Huntingdon's charges against the Government Sir John Macdonald's version of the circumstances that led to prorogation on the 13th of August, 1873 Appointment of a Royal Commission Sir John Macdonald's explanations to the Governor General Meeting of Parliament Motion of censure against the Govern- ment Resignation of the Ministry of Sir John Macdonald ... ,161 CHAPTER XXIV. THE RESTORATION. 1878. Sir John Macdonald's proposal to retire Refusal of his party to serve under another leader The " Old Guard " Policy in Opposition Turn of the tide Free trade and Protection The National Policy General election, 1878 Restoration to power Visits to England In 1879 Sworn of Her Majesty's Privy Council Meeting with Imperial statesmen Visit to Hughenden Con- Vlll CONTENTS. PAGE versations with Lord Beaconsfield The Aylesbury speech In 1884 Offer of the Grand Cross of the Bath Visit to Windsor Castle Investiture by the Queen with the G.C.B. Empire Club banquet Toronto and Montreal demonstrations 197 CHAPTER XXV. IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. Sir John Macdonald's attitude in regard to Imperial Federation His advocacy of the policy of inter-Imperial trade Correspondence with the Rt. Hon. W. H. Smith Defence Trade with Australasia / Importance to Imperial unity of the Canadian Pacific Railway Home Rule : Letters to Lord Lisgar and the Earl of Carnarvon on the subject of Professor Goldwin Smith's criticisms Addresses by Canadian House of Commons on the Irish Question considered Sir John Macdonald's course in relation thereto ... 214 CHAPTER XXVI. GENERAL. Sir John Macdonald's views on the bicameral system The House of Lords The Canadian Senate Honours Precedence The office of Governor General His relations with the various Governors The Franchise Educational questions The dual language The French Canadians Calumnies 233 CHAPTER XXVII. LAST DAYS. The summer of 1890 Visit to Prince Edward Island To Halifax and St. John General election of 1891 Failing health Last illness Death Universal mourning The Queen's letter State funeral Unveiling of bust in St. Paul's Cathedral Lord Rosebery's speech " Si monumentum requiris circumspice " ... 256 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER XXVIII. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. Sir John in his office Home life Affection for his daughter Amusements Literary tastes Parliamentary dinners Anecdotes Birthday observances Poetic tributes Physical courage Devotion of his followers Kingston associations Resemblance to Lord Beaconsfield "Old To-morrow" "No resentments" Private secretaries Sir John in Parliament His political con- sistency Graver moments Religious feelings Conclusion 267 APPENDICES TO VOL. II. APPENDIX XVI. SIR JOHN MACDONALD TO SIR JOHN YOUNG, ON THE POWERS OF THE PROVINCIAL LEGISLATURES 297 XVII. CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL DOYLE OVER AFFAIHS IN NOVA SCOTIA, 1868 299 XVIII. CORRESPONDENCE WITH JOSEPH HOWE OVER AFFAIRS IN NOVA SCOTIA, 1868 301 XIX. LETTER OF INSTRUCTIONS TO BISHOP TACH& ON HIS DE- PARTURE FOR RED RIVER, 1870 312 XX. LETTER ON THE SELECTION OF SIR FRANCIS HINCKS AS FINANCE MINISTER IN 1869 314 XXI. CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD DE GREY ON SUBJECT OF THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON, 1871 ... 317 XXII. DITTO 320 XXIII. DITTO 322 XXIV. EXTRACT FROM MR. HOWE'S ADDRESS TO MEMBERS Y.M.C.A., 1872 324 XXV. LAST DAYS OF SIR GEORGE C ARTIER 325 XXVI. MR. HUNTINGDON'S PACIFIC "SCANDAL" RESOLUTION, 1873 329 XXVII. PROPOSED TABLE OF PRECEDENCE FOR CANADA, 1885 ... 330 X CONTENTS. APPENDIX PAGE XXVIII. SIB JOHN MACDONALD'S LAST ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF CANADA 332 XXIX. ANNOUNCEMENT BY SIB HECTOR LANGEVIN OF THE DEATH OF SIB JOHN MACDONALD 337 XXX. SPEECH BY MR. LAURIER ON THE OCCASION OF THE DEATH OF SIB JOHN MACDONALD ... 339 XXXI. SPEECH DELIVERED BY SIR JOHN THOMPSON ON OCCASION OF UNVEILING OF A STATUE TO SlR JOHN MACDONALD AT HAMILTON, 1893 343 XXXII. REPORT ON ENGLISH SPELLING ...* ... 349 XXXIII. CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR A. T. GALT, 1876 350 PORTRAIT OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD, FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY TOPLEY, OTTAWA ... ... ... ... Frontispiece FACSIMILE OF ORIGINAL DRAFT OF THE LAST ADDBESS OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD ... ... Tofacepage 257 MEMOIES OF SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD, G.C.B. CHAPTER XVI. CONSOLIDATION. 1867-1868. GENERAL ELECTION 1867 TENURE OF OFFICE OF PRIVY COUNCILLOR RESIGNATION OF MR. GALT SESSION OF 1867-68 SPEAKERSHIPS INTERCOLONIAL RAILWAY DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL ASSASSINATION OF TQOMAS D\ARCY MCGEE SELECTION OF ROUTE FOR INTERCOLONIAL RAILWAY PROPOSED REDUCTION OF GOVERNOR'S SALARY THE OPPOSITION LEADERSHIP ORGANIZATION OF THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT OF ONTARIO JOHN SANDFIF.LD MAC- DONALD'S ADMINISTRATION. SIR JOHN MACDONALD has been more than once known to observe that his greatest triumphs were won before Confedera- tion. I apprehend that, in saying this, he had in his mind the extraordinary difficulties which beset his path in former days, when, from reasons which I have attempted to explain, he frequently found himself in a minority in his own province, and dependent upon his friend, Mr. Cartier, for parliamentary sup- port ; when he was compelled to undergo the fatigues and responsibilities pertaining to the position of First Minister, without the prestige and authority which actual possession of ; ' VOL. II. B 2 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. that office alone confers. I think, too, that he desired to impress upon the minds of the younger generation, to whom the events of .1854, and even of 1864, had become matters of history, that his title to fame did not rest solely upon the extension and consolidation of the Dominion, the inauguration of the National Policy, or the construction of the Canadian Pacific Eailway, however important those events might be. I shall not under- take to give an opinion as to which portion of his life witnessed his greatest work, but so much is certain, that after Confedera- tion his pre-eminence was more generally recognized than it had previously been. From 1867 onward, whatever may have been his anxieties and responsibilities, he, at any rate, had no rivals. There can be no truer test of a man's capacity than is afforded by enlarging his sphere of action. Many, who in the parish council are looked upon as very oracles of wisdom, quickly find, on mingling with their fellows, that nature never intended them for leaders of men. Tried by this standard, Sir John Macdonald's claim to greatness admits of no dispute. In the province of Canada, while undoubtedly the controlling mind of the Liberal-Conservative party, he was continually hampered by jealousies within the camp. But in the wider arena, we hear no more of rivalries. Here he is facile princeps, and is everywhere recognized as such. The inclusion of Xova Scotia and Xew Brunswick brought a Tupper and a Tilley into the field, and those who in the past might have been disposed to question his right to the leadership of the united party, speedily found that the question was no longer who should be first, but who should hold second place. As time went on, and the Confederation flourished and expanded East and West, so like- wise grew the loyalty and devotion of his followers to the great chieftain whom they all acknowledged. The first elections under the new constitution took place during the months of August and September. Sir John Mac- donald threw himself vigorously into the contest, and personally conducted a campaign which terminated in an overwhelming victory for the Government. The result in Ontario was as he had foretold in his letter to Dr. Tupper. He himself was returned for Kingston by a large majority.* Mr. George Brown * The Reform candidate was Dr. Stewart. The election took place on the 26th 1867.] CONSOLIDATION. 3 was defeated in South Ontario. Altogether the Government carried more than five-sixths of the constituencies. In Quebec the victory was equally decisive, while in New Brunswick the rout of the Opposition was complete. In Nova Scotia alone was the verdict of the people adverse to the Ministry. A violent and unreasoning opposition had arisen in that province, and, led by Joseph Howe, carried all before it. Of nineteen Liberal- Conservative candidates Dr. Tupper alone emerged from the conflict. The remaining eighteen, including Mr. Archibald, Secretary of State for the provinces, suffered defeat, not from any demerit of their own or of the Government they supported, but simply through the resentment of the men whom Dr. Tupper had so signally outgeneralled.* The satisfaction which Sir John experienced at the result of the elections was naturally heightened by the rejection of his leading opponent. Mr. Brown accepted this defeat as final, and never again sought election to the House of Commons. Besides Mr. Archibald, Mr. Chapais, the Minister of Agriculture, failed to secure his election. He, however, retained his portfolio, and shortly afterwards was called to the Senate. Mr. Archibald, who appears to have taken his defeat greatly to heart, at once tendered his resignation, not merely of his Cabinet office, but also of his position as Privy Councillor. On this subject Sir John wrote him : " Ottawa, October 12, 1867. "MY DEAR ARCHIBALD, " You will see by my former letter of acceptance of your resignation, that you are still a Privy Councillor. " When in England, the tenure of the office of Privy Coun- cillor was fully discussed by myself with Lord Carnarvon and Lord Monck, and it was agreed that the tenure should be the and 27th of August. At the close of the poll the vote stood Macdonald 73.5 ; Stewart 142 : majority for Macdonald, 593. * "You will have seen that we have carried everything before us in the two < ';madas and New Brunswick. Our majority is, in fact, too large. Xova Scotia, on the other hand, has declared, so far as she can, against Confederation ; but she will he powerless for harm, although that pestilent fellow, Howe, may endeavour to give us some trouble in England " (from Sir John Macdonald to Mr. Charles Bischoff, dated October 17, 1867). MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. same as that of a Privy Councillor in England that is to say, that, while it is like other non-judicial offices, during pleasure, yet that in practice it is considered for life. Once a Privy Councillor always a Privy Councillor ; the only difference being that a Privy Councillor who is not a member of the Govern- ment is not summoned to attend the meetings of Council. Thus Gladstone and Cardwell and the other members of Lord Palmerston's Cabinet, though now leading the Opposition, are still Privy Councillors. " I had no conversation with the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Carnarvon's successor, on the subject, but left a memorandum with Lord Monck on the point. Lord Monck writes me this morning as follows : ' My own wish would be to treat the Privy Council of Canada, both as to title and tenure, exactly as the Privy Councils of England and Ireland are dealt with. I have stated this view very strongly in conversation, as well as in a formal despatch to the Duke of Buckingham, but up to this time I have had no intimation of his views on the subject. In the mean time, I accept Mr. Archibald's resignation of his office of Secretary of State only, he remaining a member of the Privy Council, unless we shall be prevented by some future rule of the Colonial Office, which I do not expect.' " It is of some importance that you should retain your office of Privy Councillor, because I believe that my suggestions that the title of Plight Honourable should appertain to the office will be adopted, and it is a distinction that your family would naturally desire you should have. " Yours sincerely, "JOHN A. MACDOXALD." Mr. Archibald retained his portfolio until the following April, at the personal solicitation of his leader, whose boast it ever was that he always cared for his " wounded birds." Scarcely were the elections over when Mr. Gait resigned the portfolio of Finance Minister, and left the Government. A certain degree of mystery has always attached to this resigna- tion, which appears to have been determined by mixed motives. It is obvious from Mr. Gait's explanation in Parliament,* that * See Commons' Debates, December 12, 1867. 1867.] CONSOLIDATION. 5 he dissented, on public grounds, from his colleagues in their refusal to come to the rescue of the Commercial Bank, and his confidential communications with the Prime Minister indicate that, while he might subsequently have been induced to share the responsibility of such a course, his pecuniary losses, conse- quent upon the failure of that institution, compelled him to devote, at any rate for a season, his undivided energies to his private affairs. [Confidential.] " Montreal, November 3, 1867. ' MY DEAR MACDOXALD, " I have had the consultation of which I spoke, and I am confirmed in my decision to withdraw from official life until at least I have had the opportunity of putting my affairs in something like order. I will not dwell upon the subject, as it is excessively painful for me to take any step which may cause embarrassment to my colleagues ; but feeling, as I do, that my matters have been seriously complicated by the C. Bank, I think my plain and paramount duty is to consider first what is due to my family. " I shall be in Ottawa on Tuesday p.m., and will be most happy to give every assistance in my power to whoever may take my place. As, however, most of the work must stand over till after New Year, I trust my resignation will not interfere with the intended course of public business. "Pray, be so kind as to give a proper intimation to the press. I shall leave this in your hands. " Believe me, my dear Macdonald, " Yours faithfully, " A. T. GALT. " The Honourable Sir J. A. Macdonald, K.C.B." Sir John Macdonald had been connected with the Com- mercial Bank for many years, as shareholder, director, and solicitor. Naturally he was much interested in its prosperity, but, as he explained to the House of Commons, he had, in this matter, to consider his duty as a Minister, and his obligations to Parliament and the country. The first session of the first Parliament of the Dominion of Canada met at Ottawa, on the 6th of November. As not in- frequently happens, the choice of Speakers was a matter of some embarrassment to the Prime Minister. When, during the formation of the Cabinet in June, Ontario claimed and obtained one more seat than Quebec, the latter with great reluctance 6 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. yielded, and only on condition that Lower Canada should have one chair. Mr. Cartier and his friends now claimed the fulfil- ment of this understanding, and put forward Mr. Cauchon for the Speakership of the Upper House. That gentleman was excessively unpopular, and the association of his name with the high office of Speaker of the Senate called forth many remon- strances.* Mr. Cauchon was nevertheless appointed, and approved himself an excellent Speaker. For the Speakership of the Commons there were several aspirants, including Messrs. John Rose, James Cockburn, J. H. Gray, and John Hillyard Cameron. Mr. Eose repre- sented a Quebec constituency. As both chairs could not go to Lower Canada, and as the First Minister was pledged to appoint a French Canadian, the latter was therefore out of the running. Messrs. Gray and Cameron pressed their claims vigorously, but Mr. Cockburn proved the favourite, and was unanimously elected Speaker of the House of Commons. One of the first measures introduced into Parliament, was a Bill t respecting the construction of the Intercolonial Kail way, the material tie which was necessary to implement the political union of the Maritime Provinces with Canada. It empowered the Government to raise, by way of loan, the sum of four million pounds sterling, the interest on three million of which was guaranteed by the Imperial Government. During the progress of this measure through the House of Commons, Sir John Macdonald took occasion to explain the policy of the Govern- ment in regard to it, which, he said, had been arrived at after mature consideration. He set forth the reasons which had influenced himself and his colleagues in the adoption of their plan, and announced that the road would be built under the direct supervision of commissioners appointed by Government, for whose conduct the Administration would hold itself responsible to Parliament. The only serious opposition encountered was an amendment moved by Mr. Dorion, to the effect that the location of the line should not be adopted * A bundle of telegrams on this subject lies before me. The first reads : "Do you propose to annihilate the old ladies '? Pork does not suit delicate appetites." t 31 Viet. c. 13. 1867-68.] CONSOLIDATION. 7 without the previous assent of Parliament. The Ministry opposed this motion, the effect of which, they pointed out, would be to lose the benefit of the Imperial guarantee, which was made conditional upon the Parliament of Canada passing, within two years after the Union, an Act providing that the route should be subject to the approval of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. In view of the delays which had already taken place, it was felt that to impose an additional veto on the Govern- ment's choice of route would be fatal to the whole scheme. The amendment was defeated by a vote of eighty-three to thirty- five, and the Bill received the .Royal assent on the 21st of December, on which day Parliament adjourned for three months, in order to give the provincial Legislatures an opportunity to meet in the interval. Inasmuch as a goodly proportion of members on both sides of the House had seats in the local Assemblies,* this course was found to be necessary in the public interest. A few days after the adjournment, occurred the first death in the Dominion Cabinet, that of Mr Fergusson Blair, the President of the Privy Council. Mr. Fergusson Blair was one of the old-time Liberals, who, with Messrs. McDougall and Howland, abandoned George Brown in I860. He was a member of the Senate and an estimable man. Parliament reassembled on the 12th of March. On the morning of the 7th of April, the whole Dominion was startled by the astounding intelligence that one of Canada's foremost statesmen had been assassinated in the streets of the capital, within a stone's-throw of the House of Commons. The story of the cowardly murder of Thomas D'Arcy McGee is well known. An Irishman by birth, Mr. McGee in early life attached himself to the Young Ireland party. He took part in the insurrection of Smith O'Brien, and in consequence was * Of the members of the House of Commons in 1867, Messrs. John Sandfield Macdonald, Edward Blake, John Carling, E. B. Wood, and T. R. Ferguson sat in the Ontario Legislature. So also Messrs. Cartier, Chauveau, Duukiu, Joly, Langevin and others were members of the Quebec Assembly. Dual representation as regards the House of Commons, was abolished in 1873 (36 Viet., c. 2), but a Senator may still, unless debarred by local legislation, hold a seat in the Legislative Council of any of the provinces. As a matter of fact, two Senators, the Speaker, and the Hon. Mr. de Boucherville, are to-day members of the Legislative Council of the province of Quebec. 8 MEM OIKS OF S1K JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVL obliged to flee the country. After some years spent in the United States he settled in Montreal, where he started a news- paper, and speedily became a great favourite with the Irishmen of that city, by whose influence he was returned to Parliament in the general election of 1857. Mr. McGee's first speech in the House of Assembly drew forth enthusiastic plaudits from friend and foe. When he sat down, Sir John Macdonald, then leading the House, crossed the floor and warmly complimented the young member. True to the national instinct, Mr. McGee began his political career as an opponent of the Government, and from 1858 till 1862 he acted as an ally of George Brown. He was not included in the Brown-Dorion Administration, but, on the defeat of the Cartier-Macdonald Ministry in 1862, Mr. McGee became President of the Council under John Sandfield Macdonald. I have already related the story of the reorganization of that Government in 1863, and the treatment accorded to the Lower Canada members thereof, of whom Mr. McGee was one. In the summer following his exclusion from office, he formed a political alliance with Mr. John A. Macdonald ; together they stumped Upper Canada in the autumn, and to their joint efforts is to be largely ascribed the subsequent defeat of John Sandfield Macdonald. Mr. McGee appears to have taken to Mr. Macdonald from the first weeks of their association. His letters, written within a short time after the break with his former colleagues, show this, and give one the idea that the writer felt that he never could do enough for his new-found leader and friend.* Before this period he had come to realize the folly of his youthful days. He had learned the lesson that liberty can be loved " not wisely but too well," and that true freedom must ever be regulated by authority. Henceforth he grew more and more Conservative, * Thus he writes as early as November, 1863 : " MY DEAR MACDONALD, I feel satisfied, as far as the Catholics are con- cerned, will not get half a dozen votes. I have arranged for this at Port Hope and here, very quietly. I speak to-morrow night in Whitby, which I would have declined hut for our friend Oliver Mowat's sweet sake. Here and at Port Hope every one says : ' If John A. exerts himself, cannot get in.' I need not emphasize the public importance attached to that ' if.' Accept my congratu- lations on being free of the doctors." 18G8.] CONSOLIDATION. 9 a habit of mind which his natural disposition made it easy for him to acquire.* In 1864 Mr. McGee became a member of the Tache-Mac- donald Administration, and remained in that Government until Confederation was accomplished, when, as we have seen, he voluntarily placed his office at the disposal of his leader. In 1865 he visited Ireland, and, while there, made a speech, in which he unsparingly denounced Fenianism, and affectionately besought his countrymen to shun all connection with that odious conspiracy. His patriotic and manly utterances on that occasion incurred for him the relentless hate of those whose actions and methods he had boldly condemned. From that hour he was a marked man. Mr. McGee was endowed with many and rare gifts, not the least of which was his oratorical power, in respect of which, with the single exception of Joseph Howe, he has never had an equal in Canada. He spoke with great facility and happiness of expression, sometimes rising to a noble and dignified eloquence. In the earlier portion of his career he was, perhaps, too much given to sarcasm, a fault which time remedied. He excelled in repartee and in a species of droll raillery, which was sometimes very effective. Two examples of this occur to me. In the general election of 1857, Mr. Cayley, the Inspector General in Mr. Macdonald's Government, had been defeated. It was said of him that, during his canvass, he distributed a number of Bibles in his constituency. Mr. McGee made great fun of this story in Parliament, and poured ridicule upon Mr. Cayley in this fashion : " It was a spectacle rare and refreshing to see the Inspector General, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Finance Minister of the Province, voluntarily turn missionary and act the part of a colporteur in the neighbourhood of Lake Huron. I must further remark that the good people of these counties seem to have studied the Sacred Volume presented to them from so high a source to good effect. They appeared to have learned the lesson of retributive justice, for, although they accepted the Gospel, they rejected the missionary." f * " Sir, I will say it in the outset, it is not true. I am as loyal as any Ton' of the old or new schools. My native disposition is towards reverence of things old ami veneration for the landmarks of the past." (Speech, House of Assembly, August 7, 1858.) t Speech, House of Assembly, March 3, 1858. 10 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. Again, in the course of the debate arising out of the resig- nation of the Brown-Dorion Government, in August, 1858, and the return of the Conservatives to power, Mr. Macdonald spoke thus of Mr. George Brown's eagerness to obtain office : " Now some fish are not so easily caught ; they require to be dallied with and tempted and enticed by skilful angling before they take the bait ; but the late senior member for Toronto took it at a bolt." A moment later he changed the metaphor, and continued : " he was in the clouds " Mr. McGee was ready : " looking at the bait ? " he interjected, amid roars of laughter, in which Mr. Macdonald, who dearly loved a joke, even at his own expense, was compelled to join. As time went on Mr. McGee's real character became better known. Much of the flippancy of his earlier years disappeared, and he was seen to be a man of high and noble impulses. He was eminently a peace-maker, and it was fitting that his last utterance in Parliament should have been what it was. The debate was on the disaffection then rife in Nova Scotia over Confederation. Mr. McGee closed an eloquent speech counsel- ling prudence and moderation on both sides in these words : " We will compel them to come in and accept this Union. We will compel them by our fairness, our kindness, our love, to be one with us in. this common and this great national work." What followed is thus told in the words of a writer of the day : "... A short time after the debate closed, walking in the lobby, he met Mr. Macfarlane ; ' Come, Bob,' said he, 'you young rascal, help me on with my coat.' The member for Perth was ready with as frank and merry reply to the merry salutation' Always ready to give you a lift.' They walked down arm-in-arm from the House, chatting gaily together, for the weary man's work for the time was done. To-morrow, to-day, he was to go home, where loving wife and children and warm-hearted friends were waiting with a still kindlier greeting than was their wont. His birthday was at hand, his portrait was to be presented to his wife, and kind words said, kindly greetings inter- changed. He parted from his friend at the corner : ' Good night, God bless you,' on both sides. His companion turned away. He crossed the street, received the salutation: 'Good night, 1 and replied, 'Good morning it is morning now,' and never spoke again. Slowly in the pale moonlight he walked on to his fate, slowly, but full surely. Stealthily the assassin watched and crept nigh him. The key is sought for, found ; it is in the lock ; yet, ere 1868.] CONSOLIDATION. 11 he turns it, there comes a flash, a report, a gurgling of blood welling through his mouth, a ghastly wound, and the door of the unseen world stands suddenly wide open before him. The morning had indeed come." * Sir John Macdonald had driven home from the House, and was in the act of retiring for the night when a messenger arrived with the dreadful news. He immediately hastened to the spot, and, as he has related, was the first to raise his friend's head from the pavement. Mr. McGee was then quite dead. This tragic ending of his friend's life, though terrible in its reality, was not to Sir John Macdonald a wholly unexpected occurrence. The head of a government has many sources of information, and, long before the fatal night, certain ominous mutterings had reached the ears of the Prime Minister, who repeatedly warned his friend to be on his guard.f Mr. McGee seems to have paid but little attention to these threats. A circumstance occurred, however, on the day before his death, which may perhaps indicate that he felt some premonition of his approaching fate. On Sunday, the 5th of April, he dined at the house of Mr. James Goodwin, of Ottawa, where he was a welcome and frequent guest. After dinner he lay down on a sofa in the library. A short time afterwards, Mrs. Goodwin, crossing the hall, saw him start suddenly from his sleep, press his hands to his head, and cry out, " Oh, my God, I have had a fearful dream." In reply to a question he said, " I dreamed that I stood on the banks of Niagara, where I saw two young- men in a boat being carried down by the current. I shouted to warn them of their danger, whereupon they pulled their oars and rowed up the stream, and I fell over into the boiling abyss." In relating this dream he seemed greatly distressed. A few hours later he was assassinated. Sir John Macdonald was deeply affected by Mr. McGee's death. The following extracts from letters written by him shortly after the tragic occurrence, show at once his regard for the dead and his solicitude for the living : " You will have been shocked by the news of the assassination * Montreal Gazette, April 13, 1868. t The postscript of a letter dated February 25, 1868, apparently the last written by Mr. McGee to his leader, reads as follows: "Many thanks for your hint about my personal safety. I shall not forget it." 12 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. of poor McGee. His only crime was that he steadily and affectionately advised his countrymen in Canada to enjoy all the advantages that our equal laws and institutions give to Irishmen and to Eoman Catholics. He sternly set his face against the introduction of Fenianism into Canada, and he was, therefore, a doomed man. There is great grief for his loss, and great sympathy with his family." * "You will have observed that Parker brought up the question of your appointment again, for the patriotic purpose of keeping alive the irritation in Nova Scotia. He was, however, compelled to withdraw his motion. It was on this occasion that poor McGee made his last speech ; and a beautiful speech it was ! In it he eloquently spoke of your merits, and gave Parker a most deserved castigation. Within an hour afterwards he was a corpse." t " I can quite understand the shock that poor McGee's death must have caused you. Many thanks for your admirable oration on the occasion. Poor fellow ! he was just in the beginning of his usefulness. He had thoroughly reformed in every way, and was giving his genius full play. It was arranged between him and myself that he should retire from political life this summer. He was to have been appointed Commissioner of Patents, with a salary of 3200 a year. This office would have been in a great measure a sinecure ; and he intended to live here at headquarters, in the immediate vicinity of our magnificent library, and devote himself to literary pursuits. I have no doubt that, had he been spared, he would have made his mark." [Here follow two or three words illegible in the copy.] " were desirous of giving Mrs. McGee an annuity of 2000 ; but it was of the first importance that the vote should be unanimous, so we were obliged to consult the Opposition, and we found that, to secure their concurrence, we must fix the annuity at $1200. This, however, with the 1000 settled upon each of the young ladies, is quite sufficient * From Sir John Macdonald to the lion. Auberon Herbert, dated Ottawa, April 13, 1868. t From Sir John Macdonald to the Hon. Charles Tupper, dated Ottawa, April 30, 1868. The "Parker" referred to represented Centre Wellington, Ontario, in the House of Commons. 1808.] CONSOLIDATION. 13 for their moderate wants. His debts, and the encumbrance upon his house, will amount to some 6000. A spirited subscription is now being raised among his friends which will clear all that off, so that his family may be considered as being comfortably provided for." * The selection of the Intercolonial Railway route through New Brunswick proved one of the most troublesome questions with which the Canadian Government had been called upon to deal for some years. Concerning the termini of the railway there was no dispute, the Imperial Act providing for the guarantee having fixed one at Riviere du Loup in the province of Quebec, and the other at Truro in Nova Scotia, but as to the best course to be followed between these two points there was much difference of opinion.f In the British North America Act it is provided that the railway should be commenced within six months after the date of the Union. Ere the Dominion was a week old, instruc- tions had been issued by the General Government to proceed with the surveys necessary to fix the location of the line, the choice of which, at the time of the passing of the Canadian Act, had narrowed down to the northern, or Major Robinson's route, via the Bay des Chaleurs (the one eventually adopted) ; a frontier route by the valley of the St. John River, which, in its course, closely approached the United States' boundary, and a third in a more central direction through New Bruns- wick. The proximity to the State of Maine, of what was known as the frontier line, caused it to be regarded with disfavour by the Imperial authorities, who intimated plainly that it was one to which their assent would, tinder no circumstances, be given.J Inasmuch as the financial guarantee was contingent upon the approval of the Queen's Government to the route being first obtained, this intimation virtually restricted the * From Sir John Macdonald to the Most Reverend Thomas Connolly, Archbishop of Halifax, dated Ottawa, June 1, 1868. t No fewer than fifteen different lines and combinations of lines had been projected in various directions through the country. Fleming's " Intercolonial," p. 68. * Despatch from the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos to the Governor General, dated July 22, 1868. Printed in Sessional Papers (No. 5), 1869, pp. 7 and 8. 14 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. choice of the Ministry to the central and northern lines. The central, which had a powerful advocate in Mr. Tilley, repre- senting the city of St. John, was also regarded with favour by the Minister of Public Works and other Ministers, on the ground of being shorter, more direct, and less costly than the northern line. On the other hand, its comparative proxi- mity to the United States' frontier rendered it obnoxious to the objections of the Imperial authorities, who, for reasons chiefly of a military and strategic character, did not conceal their preference for Major Eobinson's line. The northern route was also supported by Sir George Cartier and the Lower Canadians, and strongly championed by Mr. Mitchell, the Minister of Marine and Fisheries, in the interest of northern New Brunswick. Thus each side had its advocate at the Council Board. With the Prime Minister the duty of deciding between the opposing parties finally lay. He himself was perfectly unbiased. " So far as Canada proper is concerned, he writes, " you are aware that we have no sectional interests to serve. We want the shortest and best route. Whichever line will best secure the through traffic and at the same time serve the purposes of New Brunswick locally, is the line we will go for." * Sir John appears to have spared no pains to obtain the judgment of almost every person, professional and otherwise, whose opinions on this subject were likely to aid him in arriving at a wise decision. Among others, he consulted Mr. Sandford Fleming,f then, as now, a high authority in such matters. Mr. Fleming reported that, having due regard to military and commercial considerations, the northern line was, in his judgment, the one to be adopted. In view of this weighty opinion of the chief engineer, which further inquiry served to confirm, and of the well understood wishes of the Imperial authorities, the Ministry felt that delay in reaching a decision would no longer be warranted. At a meeting of the Cabinet held on the 3rd of July, the Bay des Chaleurs route * From Sir John Macdonald to the Hon. P. Mitchell, dated Ottawa, June 1, 1867. t By letter dated February 29, 1868. For Mr. Fleming's reasons, see his work on " The Intercolonial," p. 85. 1868.] CONSOLIDATION. 15 was finally adopted. This decision, agreeing as it did with the views of those best qualified to judge, was received with much satisfaction by Her Majesty's Government.* Among the Legislative Acts of the session of 1867-68 was a Bill reducing the salary of the Governor General from $50,000 to $32,000. It was opposed by the members of the Government, and particularly by the First Minister, who deprecated the proposition, which, he argued, would be inter- preted in England as indicating that Canada did not realize the position in which she had been placed. He instanced several colonies, inferior to the Dominion in size and import- ance, which paid their Governors more handsomely than Canada proposed to do under this Bill. He gave as his opinion that 10,000 was required adequately to maintain the dignity of the office, and expressed the fear that any reduction would, by lowering the status of the position, prove detrimental to the interests of Canada. Sir John subsequently expressed himself on the subject thus : "The only matter that went wrong during the whole session was a measure to reduce the salary of the Governor General from 10,000 sterling to 332,000. The Government opposed this with all their might, but there was a regular stampede of friends and foes in favour of the reduction, and no arguments could avail. It unluckily so happened that the Governor's salary was the only point in the Union Act that could well be objected to, and it was made a handle of at all the elections. Most of the young members had pledged them- selves to vote for a reduction, and they carried out their pledges. There is a great cry for retrenchment just now, which originated principally in the Maritime Provinces. They were unaccustomed to our scale of salaries, and Canadian extravagance has been made a matter of daily discussion in the newspapers. I was a good deal surprised to find that Lord Monck was very unpopular among the members of Parlia- ment. Why, I cannot say. I like him amazingly, and shall be very sorry when he leaves, as he has been a very prudent and efficient administrator of public affairs. Still, he seems not to have the power of making friends, and there is a * Despatch, July 22, 18G8, quoted above. 16 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. bitterness of feeling displayed towards him for which I was alto- gether unprepared. Some of his unpopularity is attributable to his being supposed to lean towards the anti-colonial party in England, and some imprudent expressions of his when he first came to Canada strengthened that opinion. Godley, his private secretary, who is supposed to speak his opinions, was an out-and-out follower of Bright and Goldwin Smith, and did not hesitate to state his opinion that the sooner England got rid of her colonies the better. With all this, I regret much that Lord Monck is going away. He has managed the relations between Canada and the United States ever since he has been Governor, and during all the American war, with infinite discretion. The slightest mistake on our frontier might have created a war, in the excited state of feeling that existed in the United States. I think that Lord Monck feels the passage of the Bill a good deal, not that it is of any pecuniary consequence to him, but because the House refused to postpone the reduction during his incumbency, and made it commence from the 1st of July. The Bill has, of course, been reserved for the Eoyal assent. Lord Monck had no option, inasmuch as Lord Elgin in 1851 received positive instructions from Earl Grey, when Colonial Minister, to reserve any Bill affecting the Governor's salary, and those instructions have never been revoked." * The Bill passed both Houses (the Lower by a majority of three to one), but was reserved by the Governor General for the signification of the Queen's pleasure, which was communicated by a despatch from the Duke of Buckingham to Lord Monck, dated 30th of July, 1868.f This despatch, which reads like Sir John Macdonald's speech to the House, so clearly had the latter seized the objections to the measure, stated that Her Majesty's Government could not invite the services of a states- man possessing the qualities necessary to the proper discharge of the exalted functions of Governor General, if the income attached to the office were insufficient to uphold in a becoming manner the dignity of the Queen's representative. The pro- posed salary of 6,500 would reduce Canada, so far as salary * From Sir John Macdonald to the Hon. Charles Tuppcr, dated Ottawa, May 25, 1868. t See Sessional Papers, 1869, No. 73. 1868.] CONSOLIDATION. 17 is the standard of recognition, to the third class among colonial governments, and thus restrict Her Majesty's Ministers in their choice of Governors General. For these reasons Her Majesty was advised to withhold her assent to the measure, whicli accordingly fell to the ground. Sir John Macdonald's prediction in regard to the effect that such an attempt would have in England was destined to be speedily verified. In November, Lord Monck relinquished the office of Governor General, which he had held for the previous seven years.* He was succeeded by Sir John Young, who had had a long experi- ence in official life, having successively filled the offices of Lord of the Treasury, Secretary of the Treasury, Chief Secretary for Ireland, Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands, and Governor of New South Wales. In politics he was a Liberal, or more properly a " Peelite," and his appointment, at the hands of the Conservative Administration of Mr. Disraeli, was somewhat unlocked for. It occurred in this wise: The position had, in the first place, been offered to the Earl of Mayo, who accepted it. Very shortly afterwards it became known in England that the Canadian Parliament had cut down the Governor's salary in the manner already explained. When Lord Mayo heard of this he was so annoyed that he immedi- ately threw up the office: not, as he was careful to explain, because of the 3,500, but for the reason that he felt the reduction of the salary lessened the prestige and dignity of the appointment. Just at this time Sir John Young returned from the Governorship of New South Wales. He intended going back to active political life, and consulted Mr. Gladstone as to his constituency, telling him, at the same time, that there was one feature of his policy that he could not accept that was the * Viscount Monck was Governor General of the province of Canada, from the 28th of November, 1861, till the 30th of June, 1866, and of the Dominion of Canada, from the 1st of July, 1867, till the 13th November, 1868. The reason for this prolonged tenure was due to his Lordship's desire to preside over the new Dominion, in the formation of which he had played so prominent a part. Sir John Young was sworn in Administrator of the Government on the 1st of December, 1868, and Governor General on the 2nd of February, 1869. He held that office until the 22ud of June, 1872. VOL. II. C 18 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. ballot. This qualification was not agreeable to Mr. Gladstone, who at once cooled off towards him. The Duke of Buckingham, then Colonial Secretary, was at that time at his wits' end to find a suitable successor to Lord Monck. He had applied to several men of Cabinet rank in his own party, all of whom had declined for the same reason that had influenced Lord Mayo. In great perplexity he offered the Governorship of Canada to Sir John Young, who accepted it. Speculations upon what might have been, if something had not happened which did actually occur, are seldom profitable ; nevertheless it is difficult to avoid the reflection that, had the Parliament of Canada not moved in the matter of the Governor's salary, Lord Mayo would not have gone to India, would not have been assassinated, and Sir John Young would probably never have been a peer. Apart from the affair of the Governor's salary, the Ministry experienced but little opposition during the first session, in the course of which much useful and necessary legislation was passed. Indeed, a regular Opposition could scarcely be said to exist, the defeat of George Brown having temporarily disor- ganized the Liberal party. Among those spoken of in the early days of the session as the successor of that great man, was Joseph Howe ; but the Nova Scotian refused to identify himself with either Canadian party, or to take any step which might be interpreted to mean that he accepted Confederation. The leadership ultimately devolved upon Mr. Mackenzie, a strong and effective debater, who acceptably fulfilled the duties of that office. With a following, however, of barely one-third of the House, including the Nova Scotia contingent, which obstinately refused to take any part in the working of the constitution beyond endeavouring to destroy it,* and in the absence of any " record " on the part of the Government, Mr. Mackenzie was unable seriously to embarrass the Ministry, who had things * Apart from the question of Confederation, the Liberals of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were, in 1867, by no means well affected towards their brethren of Upper Canada, or rather towards George Brown, whom they never forgave for coalescing with the Conservatives in 1864. Previous to that date they were acting as one party throughout the whole of British North America, and the Radical element in the Maritime Provinces regarded Mr. Brown's joining the Conservatives without consulting them as a breach of faith. Under the leadership of Mr. Mackenzie, this feeling ultimately died away. 18G7.] CONSOLIDATION. 19 pretty much their own way. It must not be forgotten, how- ever, that the new constitution had called into existence, besides the Parliament of Canada, other legislative bodies whose actions required the careful supervision of the statesman having the supreme direction of affairs. And particularly was this true of the Legislature of the province with which Sir John Macdonald had all his life been associated. On the formation of the Dominion, Major-General Stisted the senior military officer in the province was appointed Lieutenant Governor of Ontario pending future arrangements. The new Governor had recourse to Mr. John Sandfield Mac- donald, to whom he entrusted the duty of forming the first provincial Administration. Mr. John Sandfield Macdonald, an old-time Liberal, whose name we have frequently met with in these pages, was one of the few public men of Upper Canada who opposed Confederation. From the days of " representation by population " and the " double majority " he had steadily set his face against any interference with the constitution of 1841. In 1864 he opposed the coalition of Messrs. Macdonald and Brown, and fought that Government until Confederation became an accomplished fact, when he accepted the situation. Mr. Macdonald, though a Liberal, was not, in the true sense of the word, a party man. Like some of his contemporaries, he was too impatient of restraint and too tenacious of his own opinions to submit to the leadership of any one. Thus constituted, it is not to be wondered that he frequently came into collision with Mr. Brown, the most imperious and self-willed politician Canada has ever known. Both opposed the several Liberal- Conservative Governments between 1854 and 1858, and both were members of the famous two days' Administration of the latter year. The recrimina- tions which subsequently took place over the formation of that short-lived Ministry mark the beginning of a divergence between them, which ever afterwards steadily increased, save for a brief period in 1863-64, when, under circumstances that we have considered, the Globe supported the Macdonald-Dorion Admin- istration. The 1st of July, 1867, found Mr. John Sandfield Macdonald still calling himself a Liberal, prepared to accept the new order of things, and at the same time resolutely opposed 20 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVI. to George Brown. The Dominion Cabinet had been formed, as regards Ontario, on the basis of a coalition. It was equally desirable that the first provincial administration should be similarly constituted. The initiative lay with Sir John Mac- donald, who came to the conclusion that John Sandfield Macdonald was just the man to undertake the task. The position was offered to and accepted by him, and a strong coalition Government speedily formed. Together the two Premiers fought the general elections of 1867, or " hunted in couples," to use the expressive phrase of the Liberal party, which was scandalized by the alliance between the two Govern- ments, whose functions, they held, were entirely distinct. The result of the elections was almost as favourable to the local as to the federal Government, and Mr. J. S. Macdonald continued to administer the affairs of Ontario for upwards of four years. The relations between Ottawa and Toronto were, on the whole, friendly, though the local Premier's exalted views of the func- tions and prerogatives of his Legislature, Ins intractability and unwillingness to take advice from anybody, added not a little to the weight of Sir John Macdonald's responsibilities. On the other hand, he expected to have a voice in all matters of federal concern affecting Ontario, and was much dissatisfied when, from any reason, action was taken without reference to him.* So concerned was Sir John for the successful administration of provincial affairs,f that at one time he seriously thought of entering the local House with a view of keeping an eye on its legislation. It is not surprising, however, that he found this plan impracticable.^ During the first part of the year 1868 Sir John Macdonald was far from well, and once more made an effort to relinquish the cares of State. He seems to have entertained an idea, which twenty years later recurred to Mm, of resigning office, yet * The appointment of Mr. Ilowland to the Lieutenant Governorship of Ontario is a case in point. t See Appendix XVI. J On the death of Sir Henry Smith, the local member for Frontenac, in September, 1868, Sir John thus wrote to Mr. Alexander Campbell : "Do you know (this is strictly entre nous) that I have some idea of running (for Frontenac) myself ? I want a check on the powers that be in Toronto, and if I were a member of the Local I could make all things pleasant for Sandfield in the Dominion Parliament. This, however, is merely a crude idea which may never come to anything." 1868.] CONSOLIDATION. 21 continuing to occupy a seat in Parliament as an indepen- dent member. Sir Alexander Campbell, in a letter dated February 28, 1868, tells him that he has filled too large a space in the political world to admit of such a course being practi- cable, and urges upon him the expediency of his taking the Lieutenant Governorship of Ontario, in which position of dignified retirement he would obtain the ease and rest of which he stood so much in need. But between him and that rest many years of care and toil were yet to intervene. 22 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVII. CHAPTER XVII. NOVA SCOTIA. 1867-1868. RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS IN XOVA SCOTIA MOVEMENT FOB REPEAL OF THE UNION JOSEPH HOWE PROVINCIAL DELEGATION TO ENGLAND MISSION OF DR. TUPPER HIS INTERVIEW WITH MR. HOWE IN LONDON MR. TILLEY'S VIEWS SIR JOHN MACDONALD'S VISIT TO HALIFAX HIS REPORT TO THE GOVERNOR GENERAL POSITION OF MR. HOWE VIOLENCE OF THE AGITATION FOR REPEAL CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN SIR JOHN MACDONALD AND MR. HOWE " BETTER TERMS " TO NOVA SCOTIA MR. HOWE ENTERS THE CABINET OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD. WHILE the great work of consolidation was thus quietly going forward at the capital, a very different order of things pre- vailed down by the sea. We have already noticed the disastrous result that followed the first appeal of the General Government to the people of Nova Scotia, when out of nineteen members of the House of Commons eighteen were returned pledged to do their utmost to detach the province from the Confederation. The first elections for the provincial Legislature were equally decisive. Out of thirty-eight members only two were returned as favourable to the continuance of the union with Canada. While the Federal members, to whom only it belonged to discuss the relations subsisting between the province and the Dominion, were comparatively moderate in tone, being in- fluenced, to some extent, by the national spirit that pervaded the large assembly in which they found themselves at Ottawa, the members of the provincial Legislature, whose functions, according to the constitution, were limited to local affairs, at once proceeded to consider the burning question of the day, passed an address to the Queen praying for the repeal of the Union with Canada, and despatched delegates to England for 1867.] NOVA SCOTIA. 23 the purpose of laying this address at the foot of the Throne, and of explaining and supporting the representations upon which it was based.* The head and front of the agitation was Joseph Howe, a man of rare intellectual gifts, who for many years had been leader of the Liberal party in Nova Scotia. Between him and Dr. Tupper there had existed, ever since the entrance of the latter into public life, a steady and persistent antagonism. Mr. Howe was not one of the delegates either to Charlottetown or to Quebec in 1864, his duties as Imperial Fisheries Com- missioner at that time having necessitated his absence. It may be that had he shared with Dr. Tupper the distinction of being one of the framers of the new constitution he might not have regarded it with such disfavour. It is not improbable also that his misunderstanding with Mr. Hincks about the railway negotiations of 1852, to which I have already ref erred, t predisposed him to hostility to everything Canadian. Whatever was his motive, he threw himself with amazing energy into the struggle which in 1867 convulsed Nova Scotia. Mr. Howe was, in many respects, well fitted to lead a popular agitation, possessing, as he did in generous measure, those qualities of head and heart which make a man beloved of his fellows. He had long been a conspicuous figure in Nova Scotia, and was passionately devoted to his native province. In addition to these qualifications he was incomparably the finest public speaker, the greatest natural orator that British North America has ever produced. It is not to be wondered at, there- fore, that with such a leader the agitation for repeal in Nova Scotia threatened to assume formidable dimensions. Impressed with the gravity of the situation, the Canadian Government judged it expedient to despatch a representative to England, not to argue the case for Canada, but for the purpose of affording the Imperial authorities full information as to the grounds on which repeal was asked by Nova Scotia. The Ministry abstained from sending one of their own members, on the ground that such action might be interpreted to imply an * The delegation was composed of Messrs. Joseph Howe, William Annand, J. C. Troop, and H. W. Smith, t See ante, vol. i. p. 109. 24 MEMOIES OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVII. admission, on the part of the Dominion, that the possibility of repeal was a subject for discussion. At the same time, it was felt that the mission was one of extreme delicacy and responsi- bility, and that an injudicious selection might be attended with the gravest consequences. The Government finally chose Dr. Tupper and the Hon. A. T. Gait to represent them before the Imperial Government. Mr. Gait declined the proffered honour. He disagreed with Sir John Macdonald as to the right mode of dealing with the question of Nova Scotia's recalcitration, holding that it should be met in England with the Federal and Imperial argument, and not treated from a Nova Scotian point of view. Mr. Gait from the first had manifested much interest in this question. A month before the debate in the House of Commons over Dr. Tupper's appointment,* he wrote thus to the Prime Minister : " At the risk of your telling me that my advice is uncalled for and unwelcome, I am compelled, by my anxiety to see the Confederation succeed, to write you about Nova Scotia." f He then goes on to advise that Parliament should be prorogued, and not meet on the 12th of March, nor until the deputation from the Local Legislature of Nova Scotia had returned from England with their answer. Sir John differed with Mr. Gait on both these points, but was unable to bring the ex-Finance Minister to adopt his views, although, from the first sentence in the following letter, it would look as if Mr. Gait had agreed to undertake the mission and afterwards changed his mind.t * March 19, 1868. t From the Hon. A. T. Gait to Sir John Macdonald, dated Sherbrooke, February 10, 1868. \ This Nova Scotia mission serves to illustrate the different views entertained by certain of Sir John's colleagues on the subject of party loyalty. Sir Alexander Gait, though generally a Conservative, was never a party man. He could not be brought to understand the necessity for sometimes deferring his judgment to that of the recognized leader, without which spirit of subordination all party government becomes impossible. Even in the routine of politics he chafed under the ordinary rules of discipline, and the cry of non serviam was ever ready on his lips. This quality did not arise from mere selfishness or jealousy, for Sir Alexander Gait was a man of large and generous mind, but was rather to be ascribed to an inconstancy of purpose which was constitutional with him. Sir Charles Tupper, on the other hand, is a conspicuous type of another class of statesman. Was it in the interests of the party or for the success of Confederation 1868.] NOVA SCOTIA. 25 " Ottawa, March 23, 18G8. "MY DEAR TUPPER, " You will see by the papers that Gait regularly sold Cartier about the mission to England. It has, however, done no harm except to himself. In order to destroy the argument that your mission was hostile to Nova Scotia, and an insult to it, as Blake and Holton declared, I carefully prepared the Order in Council, a copy of which I enclose you. " The debate was spirited, but is shockingly reported, in fact not reported at all. It will serve, however, to show to you how necessary it is that you should adopt the most conciliatory tone with your Nova Scotia friends. " I trust you will be able to arrange matters with Howe, and I shall look eagerly for a telegram. " I will write you next mail respecting the fisheries. " In great haste, " Yours always, " JOHN A. MACDONALD. " The Hon. Chas. Tupper, C.B." Upon his arrival in London Dr. Tupper lost no time in entering upon the delicate mission with which he had been charged. He at once sought out Mr. Howe, with whom he had an important conference. What passed thereat is thus related by himself : " I called and left a card for Mr. Howe (who was not in) immediately after my arrival, and saw Annand and Smith, but made no reference to politics. Last Monday morning Howe came to see me here, and we spent two hours in the most intimate and friendly, I may say unreserved, discussion of the whole question. He met me by the observation that he could not say he was glad to see me here, but that he expected me, as he knew that, under the circum- stances, I must come. He said that if the Government and Parliament refused to do anything, he intended to tell the people of Nova Scotia that he was ready to adopt any course they might decide upon. I told him that I considered it due to my own character, as a public man, as well as to the best interests of my country, to obtain the approval of Nova Scotia to the Union : that I had, that he should not enter the Cabinet ? He himself suggests that his place be taken by another. Were his services required in England ? He sails by the next steamer. Would it promote the great work of conciliation, alike dear to his leader and himself, that he forego the acceptance of a position of honour and emolument which has just been offered to him ? Without hesitation it is declined. 26 MEMOIUS OF SIR JOHN A. MAODONALD. [CHAP. XVIL after careful consideration, decided that it could be done, despite all opposition, and had refused the chairmanship of the Railway Commission, in order to leave myself untrammelled and strengthen my hands for the work ; but that I was tired of fighting, and knew that the struggle must be most injurious to all concerned. I told him I expected him to do all in his power to obtain repeal, both with the Government and Parliament ; but that, in case he failed, he must see that persisting in a course of antagonism to the Dominion and Imperial Governments would only end in the ruin of himself and his party, and be the cause of immense mischief to the country. I told him if, on the other hand, he went back to Nova Scotia and told them that, before entering upon any further antagonism, they had better give the Union a fair trial, he would find the Government and Parliament of the Dominion not only ready to make any practicable concession to the interests of N.S., but to give the public sentiment of the people, as expressed at the election, the fullest weight. That a seat in the Government and the position declined by myself would afford the means of doing justice to the claims of the Nova Scotia party, and that I would unite my fortunes with theirs and give them the most cordial support. He appeared deeply impressed by my statements, and said a great many civil things, but expressed his fears that, if he took that course, his party would abandon him. I told him that, between us, we could rally to his support three-fourths of the wealth, education, and influence of the country, and that I could assure him that he would thus entitle himself to the most favourable consideration of the Crown. The Duke has entered warmly into my views, and has invited Howe and myself to visit him at Stowe Park next Monday." * Mr. Howe presented the case for Nova Scotia with all the energy and skill for which he was justly celebrated, but his efforts, though aided by the eloquence of John Bright, proved unavailing. As was generally expected, the Home Government absolutely declined to allow Nova Scotia to dismember the Confederation into which she had voluntarily entered. This determination was communicated in a despatch from the Duke of Buckingham to the Governor General, dated the 4th of June, 1868.t It effectually extinguished the last hope in the minds of those anti-Confederates in Nova Scotia who were amenable to reason. Fortunately for the province, Joseph Howe was in that category. Had he been of the stamp of those men who con- trolled the local Legislature, there is little doubt that the whole province would have been speedily in a blaze, and the fire thus kindled would not have been easily quenched. Mr. Howe * From the Hon. Charles Tupper to Sir John Macdonald, dated London, April 9, 1868. t Journals, House of Assembly, Nova Scotia, 1868, Appendix 9, p. 2. 1868.] NOVA SCOTIA. 27 realized the responsibility that pressed upon him. Aware that everything had been done that could be done, he shrank from the consequences which he knew full well must result from further persistence in his opposition to the established order. Gradually he came to see the wisdom of a policy of conciliation and of compromise. Meeting with Mr. Tilley soon after his return from England, he invited him to breakfast, and discussed with him the great question of the day. He expressed his strong desire for a peaceable solution of the difficulty, but stated his belief that the acceptance of office by a few leading anti- Confederates, without any previous reconsideration of the terms of Union, would merely result in exposing them to the execration of the whole province without in any way improving the general position. " He, however, led me to understand," wrote Mr. Tilley, " that an amicable arrangement once effected, a combination or reorganization might be made, and the support of the Antis secured to work out our destiny. The rest of his remarks amounted to this : ' Appoint a Royal Commission, let it decide. If that cannot be done, let a friendly conference be opened between the Dominion Government and the leading Antis in Nova Scotia, including the members of the local Government; the Dominion Government to make some proposal for their consideration ; or, if that would be inconvenient, a friendly talk to see if some agreement cannot be arrived at, with the understanding that by- gones be by-gones, and that they meet as gentlemen anxious to find a solution of the difficulty.' Now, you will observe that this means just this : we will abandon our opposition to Confederation, if some concessions are made. This is an advance in the right direction. The reasonable men want an excuse to enable them to hold back the violent and unreasonable of their own party, and this excuse ought to be given them. He told me that the delegates, the members of the local Government, and a few of their leading friends met yesterday, and had decided upon a call of the members of the General and local Parliaments for the 3rd of August, to decide what course they had better take (the local Legislature meets on the 6th). He said, if any advances were to be made, it was of the utmost importance that steps in that direction should be made previous to their meeting. He thought a visit from you, about that time, would do much good, and we all hope that you will see your way clear to come in this direction about the 1st of the month. They will do nothing until that meeting takes place. I cannot but think that a visit from you, accompanied, perhaps, by Cartier, would be productive of the most beneficial results. He did not indicate what changes they wanted, and I rather suspect that the nature of the concessions is of less importance to them . than the fact that concessions have been made. Our future may greatly depend upon the deliberations of the next three weeks. I cannot urge too 28 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVII. strongly the importance of your visiting Halifax before the 3rd of August ; all bere, who see and understand the state of affairs, agree with me upon this point. I am not an alarmist, but the position can only be understood by visiting Nova Scotia. There is no use in crying peace when there is no peace. We require wise and prudent action at this moment ; the most serious results may be produced by the opposite course." * Mr. Archibald, a keen observer of the situation, also wrote much to the same effect, and concluded his letter thus : " From all this the general deduction is, that we have here a ' nodus deo vindice dignus,' that, if you can possibly do it, you should come down here yourself. An hour's conference between you and Mr. Howe, and a mutual interchange of views, would do more to clear the atmosphere than anything else. It would give Howe immens3 power if he has the inclination, as I believe he has to control the storm he has raised. Everybody here, whose judgment is valuable, thinks negotiation the remedy, and you the man. With temper and feeling to deal with, the proposition should not pass through a local channel, and, in any event, the effort to settle the matter would be of incalculable value." f Messrs. Howe and Tupper returned from England on the same steamer. The latter, on his arrival at Halifax, at once proceeded to Ottawa for the purpose of reporting the result of his mission. He found that Sir John had gone to Toronto. Thither Dr. Tupper followed him, and urged upon his chief the importance of his paying a visit to Nova Scotia and conferring with Mr. Howe in person. This advice, coinciding with that already received from Messrs. Tilley and Archibald, was fol- lowed, and towards the close of the month of July, Sir John Macdonald, accompanied by Messrs. Cartier, William McDougall, Tupper, and JohnSandfield Macdonald, left Toronto for Halifax. This last gentleman was a great personal friend of Mr. Howe. Like him he had opposed Confederation, but when Confedera- tion became an accomplished fact he accepted the situation, and did his utmost to promote the working of the new constitution. Immediately on reaching Halifax, Sir John Macdonald communicated with Mr. Howe, suggesting an informal meeting, which Mr. Howe agreed to. J * From the Hon. S. L. Tilley to Sir John Macdonald, dated Windsor, N.S., July 17, 1868. t From the Hon. A. G. Archibald to Sir John Macdonald, dated Halifax, July 17, 1868. J " Government House, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Saturday, August 1 (1868). " MY DEAR MR. HOWE, I have come to Nova Scotia for the purpose of 18G8.] NOVA SCOTIA. 20 A record of the negotiations which followed is preserved in a letter which Sir John addressed to the Governor General shortly after his return to Ottawa. " [Confidential.] " September 4, 1868. "MY DEAR LOKD MONCK, " According to your desire, I now send you an account of my visit to Nova Scotia and its results. " When in Toronto, early last month, I received a letter from my colleague Mr. Tilley, who was then at Halifax, inform- ing me of a confidential conversation he had just had with Mr. Howe, in which, among other things, that gentleman ex- pressed a wish that I should visit Nova Scotia and see some of the leading men personally. As the Nova Scotia Legislature was to meet in a few days, and also a Convention composed of the anti-Union members of the Dominion Parliament and of the local Legislature and also of the provincial Government, both Mr. Tilley and Mr. Howe thought it well that I should be on the spot before any action was taken by the Convention. " I at once proceeded to Halifax, accompanied by Sir George Cartier, and the day before the meeting of the Convention saw Mr. Howe. " He told me frankly that, if he saw any course open to him by which he could continue to press for repeal of the Union, with any hope of success, that he would do so, and that he had so stated to all his friends ; but that he had not hesitated to- declare that he would oppose any attempt at resistance to the law, either active or passive, as well as all attempts at annexa- tion to the U.S. seeing what can be done in the present state of affairs, and should like of all thing* to have a quiet talk with you thereanent. " I shall he ready to meet you at any time or place you may appoint. The General has kindly given me up his office here, and, if it would suit your convenience, we might perhaps meet here after church to-morrow. Believe me, yours faithfully, JOHM A. MACDOXALD. " The Hon. J. Howe." " Fairfield, August 1. MY DEAII Siu JOHN, I have just received your note, and will wait upon you at J-past 1 to-morrow. Yours truly, JOSEPH HOWE." 30 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVII. " He stated further, that the feeling of dissatisfaction was as widespread and as strong as ever, and the difficulties were so great that he did not see his way out of them. " He asked me if I had any course to suggest. I answered that the Duke of Buckingham's despatch to Your Excellency precluded you or your advisers from even contemplating the possibility of Nova Scotia severing itself from the Union, as H.M. Government had declared against the repeal, from Imperial as well as from colonial considerations. That it was open to Nova Scotia to press for such alterations of the Act of Union, short of severance, as it might think expedient, and that the proper place to do so was in the Parliament of the Dominion. That the constitution was now on its trial, and that probably experience might show the necessity of reform in some particulars, but that we were bound to give it a fair trial. " I added that the despatch invited the attention of Your Lordship and your advisers to the grievances complained of, in matters relating to taxation, commercial regulations, and the fisheries, and that we were quite ready to discuss all such matters. That I knew it was contended that the financial arrangements in the Union Act were unjust in several particulars to Nova Scotia, and that the Government of Canada would be quite ready to remove any proved grievance in that respect. " I pressed Mr. Howe strongly to give the Government the advantage of his influence and assistance by becoming a member of it, and pointed out to him several instances in which the interests of Nova Scotia were suffering from the want of a due representation at the Council Board. " He stated that he was not at all prepared to take that step. That in the present excited state of feeling in N.S., he would not be able to take with him the people. That some of the more violent were already suspicious of him, and he would be at once charged with desertion from the cause, and thus his usefulness would be destroyed. "He informed me that there was already a good deal of jealousy between the members of the Dominion Parliament and those of the provincial Legislature. That the former were generally in favour of a moderate course, but that the majority of the local members were, as yet, in favour of continued 1868.] NOVA SCOTIA. 31 agitation. He hoped much, however, from the action of the Convention, and would endeavour to get them to agree to enter into a friendly discussion with Sir George and myself ; and he advised me in the mean time to see as many of the lead- ing people as possible. " This I did, and found that while a large majority were in favour of severance, if possible, yet, with a few exceptions, they were not prepared for any violent or illegal courses. Among the most violent were the members of the provincial Govern- ment. They had come into office on the repeal cry, and, as it was generally alleged, felt that their continuance in power depended upon the continuance of the agitation. I found a minority of them, however, moderate men, but quite unable to resist the violent counsels of their colleagues. " The Government affected to consider that our visit there was an official one, and that we were charged by orders from England to make certain propositions to them. They accord- ingly, through the Lieutenant Governor, informed me that they were ready to receive any propositions. " My answer was that we were charged with no such pro- positions, but that we were there to inquire for ourselves into the state of feeling, and into the alleged grievances ; and I stated our desire to enter into a frank discussion on the subject with the Convention or with a committee thereof, which had been appointed to report on the best means of continuing the agitation for repeal. We were subsequently informed that the committee was not prepared to enter into any discussion, but would be ready to hear any statements that we had to make. " The Convention sat with closed doors, but I ascertained that Mr. Howe, their chairman, pressed for a free discussion, as he had agreed with me he would do, but was unable to carry it. He had even great difficulty in carrying the resolution that I should be allowed to make a statement ; indeed I believe it was adopted only on his casting vote. " Although the resolution was not very conciliatory in its terms, we thought it better to accept it and to meet the Convention. I accordingly went, accompanied by Messrs. Cartier, Kenny, and Mitchell, and we were received with sufficient courtesy. 32 MEMOIES OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIL " At the request of the chairman I addressed them at some length, and Sir George briefly. We took the line suggested privately to us by Mr. Howe as most likely to be effective. " I shall not weary Your Excellency with the details of our remarks, but we generally stated that, although debarred from entering into the political aspects of the question, we were quite ready to deal witli the financial side, and invited the local Government to send its representatives to Ottawa and attempt to arrive at an amicable solution of the commercial and financial questions. " We stated that, so long as they conscientiously believed that the interests of Nova Scotia would be best served by severance of the Union, they had a perfect right to urge the repeal of the Act by legal and constitutional means, and that we could not complain so long as they confined themselves within those limits. I pointed out that meanwhile Nova Scotia was suffering from her interests being unrepresented in the Govern- ment, and from the position taken by her representatives in Parliament, who held aloof from all active concern in the legislation or administration of affairs of the Dominion ; and I referred to the course taken by O'Connell, who, while with his followers pressing for the repeal of the Union between England and Ireland, in Parliament entered actively upon their duties as members of Parliament, and gave a general support to the Government of the day, and had consequently great influence in the administration of Irish affairs and in the protection of Irish interests. " Mr. Howe, as chairman, then asked a few questions in connection with our statements, and we withdrew, every member of the committee thanking us for our explanations. " I was glad to see that the Convention adopted the course suggested by us, and, in their resolution which they passed previous to breaking up, agreed that their exertions for the repeal of the Act should be conducted in a legal and con- stitutional manner. "Mr. Howe expressed liimself afterwards as pleased with the result, and said that our explanations had given consider- able satisfaction, even to the violent ; and this was corroborated from other quarters. 1868.] NO VA SCOTIA. 33 "The next thing to be done was to induce the local Legislature to proceed with the public business, and not adjourn again, as they threatened to do on the ground that they would not consent to work the constitution at all. Moderate counsels, I am happy to say, prevailed, and, as you see, the local Legislature, after making a solemn protest to save their position with the country, that their proceeding to legislation must not be considered as an acceptance of the constitutional Act, proceeded to accept it by going on with the work of legislation, and it is hoped that they will rise within a week or two without taking any revolutionary steps. I do not appre- hend that there is much danger of this, as it is evident that, although the speeches on the floor of the House are very violent, the leading men are beginning to see the necessity of acquiescence. I shall not, however, be easy on that head until the prorogation. "I had interviews with nearly all the members of the Dominion Parliament, and was pleased to find that a large majority of them are ready to work in harness ; but, in order to do this effectively, they must go, to a very considerable extent, with the people, and only come round by degrees. " Under these circumstances I agreed that Mr. Howe and his friends would be considered by the Canadian Government as friends, and as such would have a fair share of influence in recommending to local appointments in Nova Scotia; but I arranged with Mr. Howe that for the present all the more important appointments that could be kept open without injury to the public service should not be filled up, until the state of public feeling would enable himself and his friends to come to the aid of the Government. "As rumours were then extensively prevailing that the American Government were about to open negotiations for the renewal of the Eeciprocity Treaty, I got Mr. Howe to promise that he would proceed, if asked by the Canadian Government, as one of a delegation to Washington to watch the progress of the question. " Thus the matter stands at present, and I have great hopes that if no untoward accident occurs and the local Legislature is prorogued quietly, the time is not distant when Mr. Howe will be able to come into the Government. So soon as he VOL. II. D 34 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVII. feels strong enough to take this step I think all danger will be over, as, although there will doubtless still remain a consider- able party for secession, yet his influence is such that those who will continue to support him, together with the Union party (which though in a minority is strong in numbers, and influential from its wealth and intelligence), will form a majority of the people. " I may mention that Sir George, as Minister of Militia, had a good deal of intercourse with the officers commanding the militia and volunteers, and found that a very good spirit prevailed. "On the whole my report to Your Lordship is, that our mission was much more satisfactory in its results than we had reason to expect ; but we say as little about it as possible, lest it- might compromise those gentlemen who are known to have been in consultation with us at Halifax. "I need scarcely say that my communications with Mr. Howe were entirely confidential, and that I communicate them to you as such. " So soon as the prorogation takes place I am to address a letter to Mr. Howe, the terms of which will be settled between us, and which, though marked ' private,' he is to use among his friends, with the view of inducing them to come to his support in case he or some leading man of his party should take office. " I shall conclude my long letter by saying, first, that we received most valuable assistance from General Doyle, with whom we consulted in every step we took ; and secondly, that although before our arrival an obscure paper suggested rude treatment, we were received with kindness and courtesy wherever we went, both from union men and anti-Con- federates. " Believe me, my dear Lord Monck, " Faithfully yours, "JOHN A. MACDOXALD." Mr. Howe's position was indeed one of great perplexity. The trusted leader of a great party, the beloved of a whole people, the father of a cause, he now stood exposed to the 1868.] NOVA SCOTIA. 35 reproaches of those who for years had confided in him, of having deserted and betrayed them. From many quarters inquiries came to him from anxious friends who had read in the newspapers that " Joe Howe " had turned " Confederate." It was as though the people of Ontario had been told that " John A." had become a " Grit." They could not believe it. Still, they would like the assurance straight from himself. These letters, some of them strangely pathetic in tone, Mr. Howe answered in a kindly spirit, explaining over and over again the position in which he was placed. Thus he writes : " In answer to your letter I may say that, up to this hour, I have accepted nothing and done nothing inconsistent with the general tenor of my life. I am dealing with the difficulties around me with a single eye to the good of my country ; but let me add that treason and filibustering expeditions, to tear the province to pieces, are not included in my programme." * And again : " Especially ought I to ponder, who have been largely trusted by the people of Nova Scotia to whom at this moment they are justified in looking for counsel and advice who cannot escape from responsibility if I would. I hope to live and die in Nova Scotia, and must be careful of her reputation and my own. In all the struggles of the past, for the elevation and advance- ment of our country, it has been my boast that no life was lost nor a pane of glass shattered. I owe it to the living that this policy shall not be abandoned. I owe it to the dead, who in honour and sobriety fought by my side, that in the autumnal season of my life I shall not go mad and turn our country into a, shambles. " I have given two years to the battle for a repeal of the British American Act, at what personal sacrifice perhaps only I and my own family know. It has rarely fallen to the lot of any man to confront so formidable a combina- tion. Arrayed against us were the Queen's name, the Houses of Lords and Commons, the Governor General, three Lieutenant Governors, thirty-five delegates, including many of the ablest men in British America, the Canadian press, and, until recently, nearly the entire press of England. How I have borne myself in presence of this vast combination is now a matter of history. My speeches and published papers are before the world, and the honourable men with whom I have been associated, who have shared my labours and my inmost thoughts, know well that I exerted during those two years every faculty with which nature had endowed me, to recover the independence of my native province. "In this case the battle was to the strong; and when I returned from England twice defeated, I would have been justified, as Lee was, in laying * From the Hon. Joseph Howe, dated Halifax, October 5, 1868. 36 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVII. down my arms ; and had I done so and accepted the situation frankly, my honour would have been as untarnished as that of the unsuccessful soldier is at this day. I have not laid down my arms nor accepted the situation, but I am still labouring in the interests of my country, and utterly regardless of my own, to make the best of a bad business, and to recover what I can out of the wreck that has been made of our provincial organization." * It was indeed time for loyal men to dissociate themselves from a movement which was rapidly becoming seditious. Threats of appeal to the United States for aid were beginning freely to be heard throughout the province, not only in obscure corners but in the high places of the land, within the walls of the Legislature, nay, in the Councils of the Crown itself. On the 3rd of September, 1868, Mr. Martin I. Wilkins, the Attorney General of the province, was reported to have thus delivered himself in the House of Assembly : " I give notice now to England and to Canada, and they will hear my voice, that, if before the next session of this Assembly, redress is not given and the constitution restored to the people, the people will no longer submit. You'll hear no more of constitutional and gentle means after that. We'll not be without a revenue. We'll pass a revenue law. We'll send for the collector of customs at Halifax, and bring him to the Bar of the House and order him to obey our law. This will be done before next session." . . . " If these means won't avail we'll appeal to another nation." An animated correspondence between the Lieutenant Governor and his Attorney General,! which was afterwards communicated to the press, took place over this outbreak. It serves to show the state of public feeling when a man holding the position of Attorney General of the loyal old province of Nova Scotia would venture so to express himself. This unseemly episode marks the highest point in the repeal disorder. A few days afterwards, the Legislature was prorogued, and ere it met again the adhesion of Messrs. Howe * From the Hon. Joseph Howe to the Eastern Chronicle, dated Fairfield, October 24, 1868. t See Halifax press, September 7, 1868, and Appendix XVII. The accuracy of the above version of the remarks of the Attorney General was denied by Mr. Wilkins. It is a coincidence that the report of the Morning Chronicle, the organ of the dis- affected party, substantially agrees with that of the Reporter from which I quote. Mr. Wilkins' denial was officially accepted by the Lieutenant Governor, who, however, continued to hold private views on the subject, which he communicated to Sir John Macdonald. 1868.] NOVA SCOTIA. 37 and McLelan to the Union cause had robbed the agitation of its dangerous character. Upon his return from Halifax Sir John Macdonald addressed himself to the task of completing the good work that had been begun in the mind of Mr. Howe. An interesting correspondence between the two leaders took place,* that illustrates the skill with which Sir John gradually brought his great opponent to realize the wisdom and patriotism of the course he urged, and depicts the process of thought by which Mr. Howe was led to this conclusion. The details of the readjustment of the financial relations between the Dominion and Nova Scotia, popularly known as the " Better Terms," were discussed and agreed upon in a correspondence which took place during this period between Mr. Eose, the Finance Minister of Canada, and Messrs. Howe and McLelan.f This having been effected, no further reason for delay existed, and, on the 30th of January, 1869, Joseph Howe entered the Cabinet of Sir John Macdonald as President of the Privy Council. * See Appendix XVIII. t See Sessional Papers, No. 9, vol. ii., 1869. The "Better Terms" were sanctioned by Parliament in the session of 1869 (32 & 33 Viet., c. 2). 144645 38 MEMOIRS OF Silt JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIIL CHAPTER XVIII. THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 1857-1870. GLANCE AT PAST NEGOTIATIONS NATURE OF HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY'S CLAIM RUPERT'S LAND RED RIVER SETTLEMENT AGREEMENT FOR TRANSFER ARRIVED AT WITH COMPANY HON. WILLIAM MCDOUGALL APPOINTED LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR HIS ABORTIVE ATTEMPT TO ENTER THE TERRITORY REVOLT OF THE HALF-BREEDS MISSION OF BISHOP TACHfi MURDER OF SCOTT MILITARY EXPEDITION TO FORT GARRY MANITOBA ACT. THE framers of the Act uniting Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, in making provision for the admittance of Rupert's Land, showed themselves not unmindful of the fact that, adjacent to the new Dominion, there lay a vast extent of British territory, the incorporation of which was essential to the completion of the scheme of Confederation. The acquisition of this territory had long been contemplated by Canada, though prior to 1867 the question could scarcely be said to have advanced beyond the contemplative stage. In 1857, as we have seen, the Canadian Government sent a repre- sentative, in the person of Chief Justice Draper, to England for the purpose of watching the inquiry which took place in that year, before a committee of the House of Commons, into the claims of the Hudson's Bay Company to the North- West. That committee, which included such eminent personages as Lord John Russell, the late Lord Derby, and Mr. Gladstone, reported to the effect that terms should be agreed upon between the Company and the Imperial and Canadian Governments, in order that the territory might be made available for settle- ment. 1857-67.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 39 On the 22nd of January, 1858,* the Colonial Minister addressed a despatch to the Canadian Government, inviting their consideration of certain branches of this important subject, including the question of the boundary between Canada and the Company's possessions. To this despatch both branches of the Legislature replied by an address t to Her Majesty, stating that, in their opinion, the only mode of arriving at a satisfactory settlement was by referring the questions of the validity of the Company's charter, and the boundary of Canada on the north and west, to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. To this proposition the Hudson's Bay Company would not agree. Subsequent proposals were made during 1858 and 1859 by the Imperial Government to the Company and rejected. For some years thereafter matters remained in abeyance. In 1863-4 negotiations for ceding to the Crown the territorial claims of the Hudson's Bay Company took place between the Colonial Minister and the Company, which led to the latter offering to accept one million sterling as full payment of all their territorial and trading claims east of the Eocky Mountains. The Hon. George Brown, at that time a member of the Govern- ment of Canada, was in England, commissioned to discuss this question. He pointed out to the Colonial Secretary the un- reasonableness of such a proposal, at the same time advocating the expediency of securing, without delay, the extinction of the Company's claims. Mr. Brown further contended that the cost of abolishing this huge monopoly should not fall upon the people of Canada, who had neither created nor recognized it, and added that the Canadian Government would be prepared to assume the duty and expense of opening up communication with the country, and establishing a form of Government therein. In 1865, the delegation which visited England on the subject of Confederation, again brought up the question of the North- West Territory, and urged upon Her Majesty's Ministers the desirableness of negotiating with the Hudson's Bay Company for its acquisition by Canada. In both these instances the efforts of the Canadian Government were unattended by any practical result, and the first day of July, 1867, saw the * See Appendix No. 3, Journals, House of Assembly, 1858. t See Journals, House of Assembly, 1858, pp. 1028-1029. 40 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CUAP. XVIII. question in pretty much the same position as it had occupied twenty years before. It may perhaps conduce to a clearer understanding of this subject briefly to inquire what the pretensions of the Company really were in respect to the North- West, and what was the condition of the country to which they laid claim. The whole of British North America was divided, for the purposes of the Company, into four departments : the Western, the Northern, the Southern, and the Montreal. Speaking generally, the first-named comprised the country to-day known as British Columbia ; the Northern, the territory lying between the Eocky Mountains and the 90th degree of west longitude ; the Southern, the region east of the 90th degree, and north of the province of Canada, which latter formed the Montreal department. The Northern, Southern, and Western divisions were so named altogether with reference to the geographical position in which they stood to Hudson's Bay itself. At no time were they all claimed by the Company, which contented itself with asserting the ownership of such territory only as was watered by streams flowing into Hudson's Bay. In the Northern department (with which we are specially concerned) the height of land separating the waters flowing into the Arctic Ocean from those falling into Hudson's Bay begins at Mount Hooker, near the head waters of the Athabasca, and trends north- eastward towards the Melville Peninsula. The whole extent of country lying south of this line, and as far as the United States boundary, and east to the 90th degree of longitude, was styled Eupert's Land, over which the Company asserted rights of proprietorship, exclusive trade, taxation, and government.* Towards the region lying to the north and west of Eupert's Land, indifferently spoken of as the North-West Territory and the Indian Territory, the Hudson's Bay Company occupied a different relation. Under the provisions of the Imperial Act, 1 and 2 Geo. IV., c. 66, the Company was granted a monopoly of trade with the Indians of that region for twenty-one years. This licence was renewed for a further period of twenty-one * In order to appreciate the magnitude of this claim, it is only necessary to bear in mind that the waters of the Bow River which wash the base of the Kocky Mountains flow ultimately into Hudson's Bay. 1857-67.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 41 years by a Crown grant, dated 30th of May, 1838. After its expiry, in 1859, the Hudson's Bay Company possessed no exclusive privileges in the North- West Territory, nor did they assert any. Traders were free to come and go as they chose, but the remoteness of the country and the difficulty of access rendered this whole region a veritable terra incognita. To Canada it was practically inaccessible, and, so long as the Company's claim to the intervening territory held good, entirely useless. Beyond the fact that the Canadian courts of justice were invested with a general jurisdiction over the whole country * a jurisdiction which was very rarely exercised the North-West Territory appears to have been entirely ignored, alike by England and Canada. Without law, government, or admini- stration of any kind, it lay far beyond the reach of those civilizing influences to which it is only now beginning to respond. A somewhat better condition of things prevailed in Eupert's Land, the affairs of which were administered by the chief officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, styled the Governor, assisted by a Council of sixteen factors, who were practically nominated by himself. In this local Governor and Council was vested the executive power, derived from the Governor and Company in London. Justice was administered by a law officer of the Company, called the Eecorder,t as nearly in accordance with the laws of England as circumstances would permit. Besides these divisions of the North- West Territory and Eupert's Land, there existed a third, or rather a subdivision of the second, namely, the Eed Eiver Settlement, which was founded by the Earl of Selkirk in 1811, on lands purchased from the Hudson's Bay Company, which the Company subse- quently bought back from Lord Selkirk's heirs. The Eed Eiver Settlement, known also as Assiniboia, comprised the country lying within a radius of fifty miles from the confluence of the Assiniboine and Eed rivers that is to say, the site of the present city of Winnipeg, where stood Fort Garry. This little settlement, containing about ten thousand persons, red, white, * By the Imperial Acts, 43 Geo. III., c. 138, and 1 & 2 Geo. IV., c. 66. t The Recorder exercised jurisdiction over all matters, civil and criminal. The Court of Queen's Bench of Lower Canada had concurrent jurisdiction. 42 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. and mixed, was, both ecclesiastically and civilly, the centre of Eupert's Land. Here were the cathedral churches of the Roman Catholic Bishop of St. Boniface, and of the Anglican Bishop of Rupert's Land. Here resided the Governor ; for this tiny colony was blessed with Home Rule, possessing, as it did, a Governor of its own,* who held a commission direct from the Company in London, assisted by a local Council, which was composed of ten or twelve of the leading residents, also nomi- nated by the Company. Here, too, the Recorder, or judge, held his court, and here the criminals of the district were confined. The population of Rupert's Land was made up of Hudson's Bay officials, who were chiefly Scotch, the descendants of Lord Selkirk's hardy companions, and half-breeds, both Scotch and French the latter a simple, ignorant people, who chafed at times even under the mild, paternal sway of the Hudson's Bay Company, and viewed, with a jealous apprehension, born of complete isolation from their fellow-beings, any step which tended to bring them into communication with the outside world. Such was the position of affairs in the North-West previous to Confederation.! The exclusive claims of the Com- pany in regard to it were not admitted by Canada, which periodically disputed their validity. At the same time, the question, viewed simply as an extension of our borders, had not come to be regarded as one of practical interest, it being very generally felt that, so long as Upper Canada contained a large proportion of its best lands available for settlement, any acquisition of new territory was not immediately desirable. Certain far-reaching minds, however, saw in the question something more than the mere multiplication of Canadian farms. They realized the importance to the maintenance of British rule on this continent, of the route to the Pacific * This officer was distinct from the Governor of Rupert's Land. Sometimes, however, as in the case of Sir Francis Johnson, the late Chief Justice of the Province of Quebec, one person was at the same time Governor of Assinihoia and Recorder of Rupert's Land. t See evidence of Sir George Simpson before a select committee of the House of Commons, Imp. Parliamentary Papers, Reports from Committees, 1857, sess. 2, vol. xv. Also see sketch of the Xorth-West of .America by Mgr. Tache, Bishop >f St. Boniface, 1868 ; also Appendix No. 17 to Journals, House of Assembly, Canada, 1857, vol. xv. 18C5-67.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE SOUTH-WEST. 43 being secured. Thus Sir John Macdonald, writing on the 27th of March, 1865,* says : " We have carried the scheme (Confederation) through both Houses by majorities of about 3 to 1. We have voted a million of dollars for permanent defences, and we send a mission to England to ' take stock ' of the situation, to ascertain exactly where we are in our relations with the Home Government, and to concert measures in case of war, which, on this side of the water, we think imminent. Should nothing prevent, the mission will sail on the 12th April, and will be composed of Cartier, Gait, Brown, and myself. We shall have every oppor- tunity of talking the subject of the North- West over with you. My own opinions are unchanged. If Canada is to remain a country separate from the United States, it is of great import- ance to her that they (the United States) should not get behind us by right or by force, and intercept the route to the Pacific." But not even Sir John Macdonald in 1865 realized the value of that country otherwise than as a highway to the Pacific, for he continues : " But in any other point of view, it seems to me that that country is of no present value to Canada. We have unoccupied land enough to absorb the immigration for many years, and the opening up of the Saskatchewan would do to Canada what the prairie lands of Illinois are doing now drain away our youth and strength." Yet mark the progressive nature of his mind. Less than three years after he had penned the above lines, we find him writing as follows : " The Hudson's Bay question must soon be settled ; the rapid march of events and the increase of population on this continent, will compel England and Canada to come to some arrangement respecting that immense country. We shall ventilate the subject during the ensuing session of Parliament, which commences on the 6th of November, and shall be able to judge what the feeling of Parliament is." f On the 4th of December, 1867, Mr. McDougall introduced into * To Mr. (now Sir) E. W. "Watkin. t From Sir John Macdonald to Mr. Charles Bischoff, dated Ottawa, October 17, 1867. 44 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. the House of Commons a series of resolutions, upon which an address to the Queen was subsequently based, praying Her Majesty to unite Rupert's Land and the North-Western Terri- tory with Canada. In the course of the debate upon these resolutions, Sir John Macdonald thus addressed the House : " It is imperative to find a broad country for the expansion of our adventurous youth, who are not satisfied to look here and there for an isolated tract fit for settlement. It has con- sequently always been a political cry in Western Canada that this country must be obtained ; no sentimental cry either, but one eminently practical a cry expressive both of principle and interest. If this country is to remain British, it is only by being included in the British North American scheme ; and, in addition to the necessity which we recognize, with a stronger power in our front and flank, of extending over the whole of the British possessions here, the just and beneficent institutions of Government which we ourselves enjoy, we are also swayed by the interested object of finding fresh lands for the outlet of our adolescent population. There is no use in saying that we have enough land already. The area of the first thirteen states was sufficient to contain the population of the entire Republic, and yet the tendency of the people has been ever and continuously westward. There the reading of the Scripture precept has been : ' Train up a child in the way he should go, and the way he goes is west.' If we are to refrain from action now, we cannot be surprised to find a foreign power established to the west of us. It has been said that England desires to get rid of us. This I deny. It has been said that under the influence of new principles of universal brotherhood, the old doctrines of love of country and nationality are becoming old- fashioned and effete; but such is not the opinion of the Government of England, of the Parliament of England, or of the people of England. It is not the feeling of England that her dominions are too large already ; and we have the pledge of England that, when a shot is -fired against us, we shall be defended by the whole might of her Empire. With such assurances what have we to fear ? If the country was offered to us free, should we hesitate to obtain the extension westward we so much require? Should we be deterred, then, by this 1867-68.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 45 Hudson's Bay bug-bear of a claim which, if well-founded, might be disposed of within moderate limits ? If offered to the United States the recent purchasers of a tract of ice adjoining can we doubt that they would consent to pay for it an amount equal to the whole debt of Canada four times over ? It was but the absorbing interest of the late inter- necine war that prevented the country from having been over- run already." ^ How well do the above utterances illustrate the leading thought that was ever present in Sir John Macdonald's mind. True it is that, in the interval between 1865 and 1867, he had come to see that the speedy colonization of the North-West would not prove an injury, but, on the contrary, would promote the development of Canada. Further information had imparted new light. But, in 1867, his paramount idea was what it had been in 1865 the idea which ran through all his public utterances, whether made in youth, manhood, or old age. No matter on what subject he spoke, it was always the same thing the maintenance of British rule, the extension of the British Empire, the advantages of British connection. To fix deep the foundations of England's dominion upon this continent, to cultivate a spirit of loyalty to the Crown and a feeling of oneness with the motherland, to make men realize that they did not cease to be Canadians by being British subjects nay, that the only way in which they could continue to be Canadians was by remaining British subjects, these were the objects for which Sir John Macdonald unceasingly strove. The address went home, and was duly acknowledged in the sense indicated in the following letter from Sir John to Mr. Cartier : " [Confidential.] " Ottawa, February 10, 1868. "MY DEAR CARTIER, " I send you a note that I received on Saturday night from Lord Monck, which speaks for itself. I would send you the Duke's letter, only that Lord Monck, as you see, wants it back. It is marked ' private and confidential,' and states that the Hudson's Bay resolutions would be before the Cabinet on 46 MEM01ES OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. the next Tuesday, the letter being dated the 23rd January, and that he hopes to be able to answer during the week. He says it is well that Lord Monck should know that the legal investigation, which has been made by the law officers of the Colonial Office and the law officers of the Crown, has resulted in so decisive a conclusion in favour of the rights and powers of the Hudson's Bay Company, that it will, in his opinion, be found impossible to vest any powers in Canada over the Territory without an Act of Parliament, and, probably, without an arrangement with the Company. He goes on to say that the solution of the difficulty appears to him to be found in the principles laid down in the proposal of the Duke of Newcastle. He says that immediate action by us is required, in order that an Act may be introduced into the Imperial Parliament at the earliest moment. " Thus you see, my dear Cartier, we are exactly at the point we started from, and the Hudson's Bay question is adding to our Intercolonial difficulties. Will you be good enough to arrange with Langevin and Chapais to be here by the 18th, if possible ? . . . " Yours very faithfully, "JOHN A. MACDOXALD. " The Hon. George E. Cartier." It does not appear that all Sir John Macdonald's colleagues privately shared his disappointment at this check to the pro- gress of the negotiations. Thus Mr. Cartier, replying to the above note, writes : " Respecting the Hudson's Bay matter, I think that we ought not to be hasty in considering it. I must say that I am not surprised at the intimation of the Duke of Buckingham : I almost expected it. You must recollect that, when we discussed the other day the Intercolonial Railway question, I stated to McDougall that, with regard to the Hudson's Bay question, we might be called upon, in some way or other, to arrange with the Hudson's Bay Company before the Imperial Government would make to us a transfer of the North- West Territory. Now it is evident that we must, at the outset, face the money question, and I think that we ought not to be in too great a hurry." * * From the Hon. G. E. Cartier to Sir John Macdonald, dated Quebec, February 13, 1868. It may interest those who are in the habit of saying that, after the affair of the honours in 1867, the personal relations which had existed between Messrs. 1868.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 47 Mr. Campbell was still more emphatic in advocating delay : " I think the refusal of the Colonial Office to give us the Hudson's Bay Territory is the best thing that could have happened to us. I yielded my opinion to yours at the time, but the probabilities of difficult}' and expense in governing such a country were very great, and it seemed to me unwise to undertake them in advance of our being able to deal with the lands and resources of the country. I shall be glad to see a course adopted which will place before the country the amount which the Hudson's Bay Territory is to cost, broadly and squarely, and with our eyes open. We can then decide whether we can take it at that cost or not, but any other means of dealing with the subject will, I think, be unsatisfactory. " It will be awkward to acknowledge our error and retrace our steps : but we must meet that." * A few weeks later the official reply was received from the Duke of Buckingham.f By it the Canadian Government was informed that the law officers of the Crown had given it as their opinion that the validity of the Hudson's Bay Company's charter could not be successfully disputed. This had reference only to Kupert's Land, but the Colonial Secretary rightly surmised that, so long as the " North- West Territory " remained separated from the Dominion by the possessions of the Hudson's Bay Company, Canada had no desire to assume any responsi- bility in regard to it. The Duke further intimated that the transfer of Eupert's Land could only be effected by arrangement with the Company, under the authority of an Act of the Imperial Parliament, which Act was subsequently passed, and received her Majesty's assent on the 31st of July, 18684 On Sir John Macdonald's return from Halifax, he imme- diately addressed himself to this question. At a meeting of the Cabinet, held on the 17th of September, it was decided to send a delegation to England to negotiate with the Hudson's Macdonald and Cartier were never as before, to know that this letter, written a few months after that occasion, contains no trace of any interruption of their old-tiniu friendship. It is addressed to " My dear Macdonald " and closes in the phraseology invariably employed by Sir George Cartier when addressing Sir John, " Believe me, my dear Macdonald, your devoted friend and colleague, George Et. Cartier." * From the Hon. A. Campbell to Sir John Macdonald, dated Kingston, February 12, 1868. t Journals, House of Commons, 1867, pp. 367, 368. % Imperial Act, 31 & 32 Viet., c. 105. 48 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. Bay Company, through the medium of Her Majesty's Govern- ment, for the transfer of the Territories. On the 18th of Sep- tember, Sir John thus writes to his colleague, Mr. Campbell : " I got your telegram stating your desire to go to England, and we had the matter up yesterday. It has been decided, as I telegraphed you this morning, that Cartier, McDougall, and yourself are to go. Cartier was a little unwilling that I should stay behind, and there are a good many reasons why, perhaps, he is right, but the balance of convenience is in favour of my staying. I ought to be here when the new Governor arrives. I must watch the expiring efforts of Fenianism, and I ought to be here in order to aid the progress of the Union cause in Nova Scotia. And, besides all this, I see that it will clearly devolve upon me to get up anything like a show of legislation for next session. For all these reasons, I have made up my mind to stay. It is, however, arranged that, if I receive a telegram across the cable, that I am wanted in England, I am to leave at once. You must sail by the 7th October." Notwithstanding Mr. Campbell's expressed desire nay, in view of his telegram, I think one might say of his anxiety to form one of this delegation, at the last moment he declined to go, much to the annoyance of Sir John, who told him that he "had never been so angry in his life." This action on Mr. Campbell's part had nothing to do with questions of public policy : it simply suited his personal convenience to change his plans, and the student of Canadian politics may not be sur- prised to learn that personal convenience was ever with Sir Alexander Campbell a potent consideration in his relations with Sir John Macdonald. Sir George Cartier (who had been created a baronet in August) and Mr. McDougall sailed early in October. Scarcely had they landed in England when Mr. McDougall was attacked by a serious illness, which incapacitated him from attending to business for some weeks. Soon after his recovery, and before any agreement had been reached with the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, the Government of Mr. Disraeli went out of office, and Lord Granville succeeded the Duke of Buckingham as Colonial Secretary. All this involved delay. After much negotiating an arrangement was arrived at, under which the Hudson's Bay ]869.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 49 Company agreed, in consideration of the sum of .300,000, to surrender all their interest in the North- West to the Crown, with the reservation of one-twentieth of the fertile belt,* and 45,000 acres adjacent to the trading posts of the company. While in England, Sir George Cartier was in constant com- munication with Sir John Macdonald, to whom he wrote long and interesting letters on the subject of Mr. McDougall's illness (which at one time threatened to be fatal), the progress of the negotiations, and the general topics of the day. Sir George was an excellent correspondent, despite the fact that his English was not idiomatic and that he wrote a shocking hand. The arrangement entered into by Messrs. Cartier and McDougall was accepted by the Canadian Parliament in an address passed on the 1st of June, 1869,f wherein Her Majesty was prayed to unite Eupert's Land with Canada, on the terms therein set forth, and also to unite the North- West Territory on the conditions contained in the address that was passed during the previous session. The deed of surrender from the Hudson's Bay Company to Her Majesty is dated November 19, 1869. It was understood that the formal transfer would take place on the 1st of December following. In anticipation of this the Canadian Parliament passed an Act, which was assented to on the 22nd of June, providing for the temporary government of Eupert's Land and the North- West Territories, when united with Canada. Under the authority of this Act, the Hon. William McDougall was, on the 28th of September, appointed Lieutenant Governor of the North- West Territories, and the same day left Ottawa for his dreary sovereignty. What followed is well known. The half-breeds of the Eed Eiver district, alarmed at the rumours of the transfer of the country to Canada, and fearful that their interests would be sacrificed, forcibly prevented Mr. McDougall's entrance into the Territory, and, under the leadership of Louis Eiel, established a provisional Government * " For the purpose of the last article, the fertile belt is to be bounded as follows : on the south by the United States' boundary ; on the west by the Rocky Mountains ; on the north by the northern branch of the Saskatchewan River ; on the east by Lake "Winnipeg, the Lake of the Woods, and the waters connecting them." (Article 6, Deed of Surrender.) t See Journals, House of Commons, 1869, p. 169. VOL. IL E 50 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. and defied the authorities, until subdued by military force. I do not propose to examine the merits of the controversy which has raged about the figure of Mr. McDougall, further than is neces- sary to show Sir John Macdonald's course throughout the affair. For some time previous to the date fixed for the transfer, there had been indications of the approaching change. One party of Canadian surveyors was engaged in building a waggon road eastward from Fort Garry to the Lake of the Woods. Another party was employed in making a pathway from Lake Superior westward to the Lake of the "Woods. A telegraph line w r as in course of erection, and, in the summer of 1869, the surveyors of the department of Public Works, presided over by Mr. McDougall, began to organize a system of surveys in the North-West. While Canada was thus getting ready to assume her respon- sibilities, it does not appear that the Hudson's Bay Company took any steps to prepare the settlers for the change of govern- ment. NOT did they give any hint to the Dominion authori- ties of the state of feeling afterwards known to have prevailed at the time, among the half-breeds of the Eed Eiver. It seemed, also, as though circumstances conspired against a peaceful transfer being effected. The two most influential men in the North- West were Governor McTavish and Bishop Tache. It so happened that, at the time of Mr. McDougalTs visit, the Governor was prostrated by a serious illness, while the Bishop was far away in Rome, attending the Ecumenical Council then meeting in the Eternal City. The absence of the one and the incapacity of the other were the more unfortunate, in that the subordinate officials, both of Church and of State, regarded the change with anything but favour the Company's officials, because it meant the passing out of their control of a country in which they had come to be considered as lords paramount : the majority of the Catholic clergy, because they were French- men, owing no allegiance to Her Majesty, and inspired by no feeling of regard for Canada. The ill-feeling was further aggravated by the inconsiderate- ness shown by the Canadian surveying parties in running their lines through the lands of the half-breeds. These people saw 1869.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 51 in the proceeding an attempt of the Canadian Government to deprive them of their property, and they resented it accordingly. It will be seen from the published correspondence that Sir\ John Macdonald attributed to the lack of conciliation, tact, and prudence shown by Canadian surveyors during the summer of 1869, much of the trouble which afterwards occurred. At the time, however, he knew nothing of it, for it was only after Mr. McDougall had left Ottawa that he learned that Colonel Dennis had observed this discontent on the part of the half-breeds in the preceding summer, and had reported it to his chief, who apparently thought so little of the circumstance that he did not even mention it to his colleagues. ^ During the winter of 1869-70, Sir John Macdonald wrote long and very full accounts of the Eed River difficulty to Sir John Eose, who, a short time before, had retired from the Dominion Government, to become a member in the firm of Morton, Eose, and Co. Mr. Eose was at that time a financial agent of the Government of Canada in London. Between him and Sir John Macdonald there ever existed a warm and sincere attachment, which is reflected in their letters. By means of this correspondence one is enabled to ascertain exactly what Sir John thought and did in relation to the North- West troubles, almost from day to day. Shortly before Mr. McDougall's appointment, Mr. Howe, Secretary of State for the Provinces, proceeded to Fort Garry, in order to prepare the way for the new Governor, who does not seem to have appreciated the endeavour, for he afterwards charged his late colleague with pursuing a very different course. While at Fort Garry Mr. Howe wrote to Sir John Macdonald a letter which certainly does not strengthen Mr. McDougall's suspicion. "Winnipeg, Fort Garry, October 16, 1869. "My DEAR SIR JOHX, " I have been here a week, and shall leave for home in three or four days. I shall probably meet McDougall on the way, and will give him the benefit of my observations. For many reasons, which I will explain when we meet, my visit here has been opportune and useful. Any amount of absurd rumours were afloat when I came, and a good deal of strong prejudice 52 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIIT. had been excited. Some fools wanted to get up addresses, and have me speak at a public meeting. " This I declined, but by frank and courteous explanations to leading men, who largely represent the resident population, I have cleared the air a good deal, and I have done my best to give McDougall a fair start. All will now depend on his tact, temper, and discretion. " Believe me, yours ever, "JOSEPH HOWE." Mr. McDougall left Ottawa with instructions to proceed to Fort Garry, and make all preliminary arrangements for the organization of the government of the North- West, on hearing of the transfer of the country to Canada. Until officially notified to that effect, he was not to assume the functions of Lieutenant Governor, but was to act in every respect as a private indi- vidual When the news of his check reached Ottawa, Sir John Macdonald at once wrote him, counselling patience, prudence, and moderation, as follows : " [Private.] " Ottawa, November 20, 1869. "MY DEAR MCDOUGALL, " I have yours of the 31st ult., and regret that you have had some little opposition in the commencement of your reign. " Your despatch was read yesterday in Council, with all its accompanying documents, and we came to the conclusion that it would be inexpedient to give you any instructions. The circumstances will vary from day to day, and we think that we had better leave you to make such arrangements as you think best, having every confidence in your prudence and tact. " The point which you must never forget is that you are now approaching a foreign country, under the government of the Hudson's Bay Company. You are going there under the assump- tion that the Company's authorities assent to your entering upon their territory, and will protect you when there. You cannot force your way in. The case is precisely as if a Canadian, going to New York, would find that he would be opposed in entering Buffalo. He ought not to attempt to force his way past them, but should communicate with the United States 1869.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 53 authorities, leaving them to clear the way for his ingress, and to protect him while within their bounds. " It occurs to me that you should ascertain, from Governor McTavish, the two leading half-breeds in the Territory, and inform them at once that you will take them into your Council. This man Eiel, who appears to be the moving spirit, is a clever fellow, and you should endeavour to retain him as an officer in your future police. If you do this promptly, it will be a most convincing proof that you are not going to leave the half-breeds out of the law. " Our Lower Canadian colleagues are intensely disgusted at the action of the French priests, as described by you. I hope you will allow no impatience at their factious and irrational conduct to induce you to hold out any but conciliatory language to them. After you are fairly in the saddle, if they attempt to obstruct your administration, you can act summarily with them. "The course taken by Stoughton Dennis in pressing for strong measures to be taken against parties interfering with his surveys, was exceedingly injudicious. He is a very decent fellow, and a good surveyor and all that, but he has got no head, and is exceedingly fussy. He was in the country simply on sufferance, in anticipation of its future transfer to Canada : on finding any serious dissatisfaction amongst the natives or residents, he should have at once struck work and awaited your arrival. It is, of course, important to have land surveyed for settlement as early as possible, but that is a secondary con- sideration to your entrance on your duties with the general assent and support of the people. It is, however, difficult at this distance to give you anything like advice, as, long ere this reaches you, circumstances may have altered, so I can only wish you well through with it. ... " Believe me, my dear McDougall, " Yours faithfully, "JOHN A. MACDOXALD." And again (November 23rd) : " I hope no consideration will induce you to leave your post that is, to return to Canada just now. Such a course would cover yourself and your party with ridicule, which would 54 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. extend to the whole Dominion. I am in great hopes that, by patience and kindliness, you may be able to subdue the present excitement." And again (November 27th) : "You speak of crossing the line and being sworn in the moment that you receive official notice of the transfer of the Territory. Now, it occurs to us that that step cannot well be taken. You ought not to swear that you will perform duties that you are, by the action of the insurgents, prevented from performing. By assuming the government, you relieve the Hudson's Bay authorities from all responsibility in the matter. As things stand, they are responsible for the peace and good government of the country, and ought to be held to that responsibility until they are in a position to give peaceable possession. A proclamation, such as you suggest, calling upon the people, in your capacity as Lieut. Governor, to unite to support the law, and calling upon the insurgents to disperse, would be very well if it were sure to be obeyed. If, however, it were disobeyed, your weakness and inability to enforce the authority of the Dominion would be painfully exhibited, not only to the people of Eed Eiver, but to the people and Govern- ment of the United States. An assumption of the government by you, of course, puts an end to that of the Hudson's Bay Company's authorities, and Governor McTavish and his Council would be deprived even of the semblance of legal right to interfere. There would then be, if you were not admitted into the country, no legal government existing, and anarchy must follow. In such a case, no matter how the anarchy is produced, it is quite open by the law of nations for the inhabitants to form a government ex necessitate for the protection of life and property, and such a government has certain sovereign rights by the jus gentium, which might be very convenient for the United States, but exceedingly inconvenient to you. The temptation to an acknowledgment of such a government by the United States would be very great, and ought not to be lightly risked. We have formally notified the Colonial Office by cable of the situation of affairs, and stated the helplessness and inaction of the Hudson's Bay authorities. We have thrown the responsibility on the Imperial Government, and they will 1869.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 55 doubtless urge the Hudson's Bay people by cable to take active and vigorous steps. Meanwhile, your course has been alto- gether right. By staying at Pembina you will be at an easy distance from the territory, and can, it is hoped, open com- munication, singly or otherwise, with the insurgent leaders." December 8th : " As to yourself and your position, you will find that you will be fully sustained here. Meanwhile, let me press upon you to remember the famous axiom of William Pitt, that the first, second, and third requisites for a statesman are patience. Do not let yourself, by any feeling of impatience or irritation, however natural it may be, show that you have any distrust of the Hudson's Bay authorities. I have no doubt of the good faith of the Company in England, and of Governor McTavish, but have little doubt that you are correct in the idea that the subordinate officials dislike excessively being set aside by new comers. That feeling is a natural one, and is to be removed by kindness and confidence, and not by any appear- ance of suspicion or reserve. The Montreal Herald and the Globe have got correspondents in Fort Garry, and they both seem to write very fairly. The St. Paul Press also, edited by Mr. Whelock, from Nova Scotia, seems to report fairly. They all unite in stating that the oriyo mali was the exceedingly indiscreet and offensive airs put on by Snow and Mair. You must bridle those gentlemen, or they will be a continual source of disquiet to you." On receipt of the intelligence from Red River, Sir John Macdonald at once caused Lord Granville to be informed, by telegraph, of what had taken place, and advised to make no immediate change in the governing power of the North- West. He pointed out that, upon the surrender of the Territory by the Company to the Queen, the responsibility for the peace of the North- West would devolve upon the Imperial authorities, and not upon the Government of Canada, which absolutely declined to accept the transfer in the then disturbed state of the country. At the same time, Sir John telegraphed Mr. Piose, instructing him not to pay over the purchase money until the Company were prepared to give peaceable possession. This attitude of the Canadian Government was far from agreeable to the Hudson's Bay Company, which pressed for the 56 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. acceptance, by Her Majesty's Government, of the surrender on the 1st of December, the date originally fixed. The Colonial Office was equally desirous to accept it, and turn over to Canada the responsibility of dealing with the difficulties. This Sir John was determined should not be done. " I cannot understand," he writes to Mr. Eose (December 5th), "the desire of the Colonial Office, or of the Company, to saddle the responsibility of the government on Canada just now. It would so completely throw the game into the hands of the insurgents and the Yankee wire-pullers, who are to some extent influencing and directing the movement from St. Paul, that we cannot foresee the conse- quences. On the other hand, the delay leaves McTavish in power, and all his subordinate officials, with full authority to keep peace in the country and prevent matters going to extremities." And to Mr. McDougall (December 12th) : " My previous letter will have told you our action in England. It has stirred up the Hudson's Bay Company, and they have doubtless sent, and will continue to send, urgent messages to everybody under their influence, to act energetically in putting an end to this state of anarchy. From Eose's letters, it is obvious that both the Colonial Office and the Company would like to throw the whole responsibility on Canada, and, if we- once accepted it, they would leave us to get out of the trouble the best way we could. By our .positively declining to do so, and insisting upon getting peaceable possession, we shall, I have no doubt, secure the active co-operation of both ; and if it be necessary, in the spring, to send a force by Fort William, it will be, I have little doubt, a combined force of regulars and volunteers." To the remonstrances of the Imperial Government against delay, Sir John Macdonald replied, that while Canada's desire to possess the North- West had in no way abated, it was never contemplated that the transfer was to be a mere interchange of instruments. The Company, he submitted, stood pledged to- convey, not only their title, but the Territory itself. That there would be an armed resistance was totally unexpected, at any rate by the Canadian Government. In regard to the difficulty which had arisen, he expressed his opinion that the Company could not be acquitted of blame. They had an old and fully 1869.] THE ACQUISITION OF TEE NORTH-WEST. 57 organized Government, to which the people appeared to render ready obedience. Their Governor was advised by a Council, in which some of the principal residents of the settlement had seats. They had every means of information as to the state of feeling existing in the country. They knew, or ought to have known, the light in which the proposed negotiations were viewed by the people under their rule. If they were aware of the feeling of discontent, they ought to have apprised the Imperial and Canadian Governments of its existence. If they were not aware of the disaffection, the responsibility for such wilful blindness, on the part of their officers, should rest with them. For more than a year before the outbreak negotiations had been in progress, and it was, Sir John maintained, the duty of the Company to have prepared the people under their rule for the change, to have explained the precautions taken to pro- tect the interests of the inhabitants, and to have removed any misapprehension that might have existed among them. It does not appear that any steps were taken in that direction. The people were suffered to remain in the belief that they had been sold to Canada, with an utter disregard of their rights. When Governor McTavish visited Canada in June, 1869, he was in frequent communication with the Dominion Government ; yet he never intimated that there was a suspicion of discontent existing, nor did he make any suggestions as to the best mode of effecting the transfer with the assent of the inhabitants. In regard to the statement made by Lord Granville, that throughout the negotiations, it had never been hinted that the Company were to be bound to hand over the Territory in a state of tranquillity, Sir John observed, that the reason why no express stipulation to that effect was made was that it had been assumed by all parties that the Company had both the right and the power to hand over the Territory. It was in a state of tranquillity, and no suggestion had been made of the possibility of such tranquillity being disturbed. He added that the resistance did not come from outsiders, but from those born and bred under the Company's rule ; and concluded by reiterating his view that the wisest course was to continue the authority of the Company, while steps were being taken to reconcile the people to the change. 58 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. " Any hasty attempt by the Canadian Government to force their rule upon the insurgents would probably result in armed resistance and bloodshed. Every other course should be tried before resort is had to force. If life were once lost in an encounter between a Canadian force and the inhabitants, the seeds of hostility to Canada and Canadian rule would be sown, and might produce an ineradicable hatred to the union of the countries, and thus mar the future prosperity of British America. If anything like hostilities should commence, the temptation to the wild Indian tribes, and to the restless adventurers who abound in the United States (many of them with military experience gained in the late civil war), to join the insurgents would be almost irresistible. Already it is said that the Fenian organization looks upon this rising as another means of exhibiting its hatred to England. No one can foresee the end of the complications that might thus be occasioned, not only as between Canada and the North-West, but between the United States and England. From a sincere conviction of the gravity of the situation, and not from any desire to repudiate or postpone the performance of any of their engage- ments, the Canadian Government have urged a temporary delay of the transfer. This is not a question of money it may be one of peace or war. It is one in which the present and future prosperity of the British possessions in North America is involved, which prosperity hasty action might permanently prejudice. Even were the 300,000 paid over, the impolicy of putting an end to the only constituted authority existing in the country, and compelling Canada to assert her title by force, would remain. It is better to have a semblance of a government in the country than none at all. While the issue of a proclamation would put an end to the government of the Hudson's Bay Company, it would not substitute the govern- ment by Canada therefor. Such a government is physically impossible until the armed resistance is ended, and thus a state of anarchy and confusion would ensue, and a legal status might be given to any government de facto formed by the inhabitants for the protection of their lives and property." * A fortnight after the above was written news reached * Extract from Minute of Council, December 16th, 1869. 1869.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH- WEST. 59 Ottawa that Mr.- McDougall had, on the 1st of December, assumed the functions of Lieutenant Governor, and had attempted to effect an entrance into his Government by a coup de main. Sir John Macdonald has left on record his opinion of this course, and of the consequences which it entailed, in a letter addressed to Mr. Eose : "[Private.] " Ottawa, December 31, 1869. "MY DEAR EOSE, " I have yours of the 13th. McDougall has made a most inglorious fiasco at Eed Eiver. When he left here he fully understood that he was to go as a private individual to report on the state of affairs at Eed Eiver, but to assume no authority until officially notified from here that Eupert's Land was united to Canada. He wrote to that effect to Governor McTavish immediately on his arrival at Pembina, stating that he would take no action until officially notified. " Notwithstanding this, from mere impatience at his uncomfortable position at Pembina, and before he could pos- sibly have received instructions in answer to his report of being stopped on the way, he chose to assume that, on the 1st of December, the surrender was made by the Company and the Order in Council passed by the Queen, and that the Order in Council was to appoint the day of its issue as the day of the Union. He issued a proclamation under the Great Seal of the new province, formally adding it to the Dominion. He then entered into a series of inglorious intrigues, particulars of which I do not yet know, with the Swamp Indians near Eed Eiver, and with the Sioux Indians at Portage la Prairie, and sent the irrepressible Stoughton Dennis, in his capacity of ' Conservator of the Peace,' as he dubbed him, to surprise the Stone Fort. Dennis took possession of the fort, and held it for a little while, and then, as I understand it, after having first summoned all the loyal residents to join him, published a proclamation declaring the inexpediency of their organizing themselves on the rumour that Eiel was going to send a deputation to treat with McDougalL What has become of Dennis I do not know, but it is said that he has abandoned 60 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. the Stone Fort, and is lurking somewhere. All these move- ments aroused Eiel, who collected his forces, and has a large band at Fort Garry, estimated variously at from 300 to 700 men. " By the way, I forgot to mention that CoL Dennis, while at Fort Garry, consulted the Eecorder, Black, as to the advisa- bility of declaring martial law. Did you ever hear such frenzy ? " Kiel, in order to starve McDougall out, took possession of the Hudson's Bay post, two miles from Pembina, and McDougall thereupon retreated to St. Paul, where I understand he will be to-day. " All this has been done in the direct teeth of instructions, and he has ingeniously contrived to humiliate himself and Canada, to arouse the hopes and pretensions of the insurgents, and to leave them in undisputed possession until next spring. He has, in fact, done all in his power to prevent the success of our emissaries, who were to arrive at Pembina on Xmas Day, and who would, I think, if things had been kept quiet, have been able to reconcile matters without any difficulty. As it is now, it is more than doubtful that they will be allowed access to the Territory or intercourse with the insurgents. " If my fears should be realized, the only thing left is the preparation of an expedition in the spring, via Thunder Bay. All this I tell you, of course, in confidence. "McDougall has weakened our case enormously with the Imperial Government, but we must put the best face possible on matters. We have undoubted information that the insur- gents have been in communication with the Fenian body in New York, and letters have been interchanged. O'Donoghue, the young priest, has thrown off the ecclesiastical garb, and avowed himself a Fenian. The governing body at New York will send neither men nor money, but have been most liberal with promises. They have, I believe, sent an agent to stir them up. It is said that General Spear, one of the U.S. Generals of the last war, and whom you may remember to have been in command at St. Albans in '66, is the man who has gone. " By the middle of January we may expect to hear from 1870.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NOETH-WEST. 61 Donald Smith, the Hudson's Bay man, and from Mr. Thibault ; but, as I fear they will be unsuccessful, we must at once address ourselves to preparations for the spring. In this view, we must know what Her Majesty's Government will do, and most likely we shall next week address a despatch to Lord Granville on the subject. Our Council will re-assemble on Monday, the 3rd of January, and I shall endeavour to get the result of our deliberations off by the first Allan steamer afterwards. Campbell has arrived, and is looking well, although using his crutch. His mem. on postal matters, which, I take it, was drawn by you, is a capital paper, and I should think ought to bear good fruit. Personally, I see no objection to your being on the Montreal Bank London committee. I shall bring it up in Council to-day, and telegraph you the result this afternoon. " Believe me, yours sincerely, "JOHN A. MACDONALD. "The Hon. J. Rose, &c., &c." The " emissaries " referred to by Sir John Macdonald were the Very Beverend Mr. Thibault, Colonel Charles de Salaberry, and Mr. (now Sir) Donald A. Smith, who had been sent up by the Dominion authorities to endeavour to bring the insur- gents to reason. Mr. Thibault had spent thirty-seven years in missionary work in the Eed Eiver district, and knew intimately every one of the leaders among the half-breeds. Colonel de Salaberry was, as his designation imports, a military man. He was also a member of one of the most distinguished families of the province of Quebec, his father having been the hero of Chateauguay. Mr. Smith was an officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, ostensibly going as such, though provided with a commission from the Canadian Government, to be used if occasion required. His special mission was to endeavour to bring about the dispersion of the half-breeds, and the dissolu- tion of their committee. Dr. Tupper also paid a visit to the Eed Eiver at this time, and had a conference with certain of the disaffected leaders.* The vicissitudes experienced by all * " Dr. Tupper went up to bring back his daughter, Mrs. Cameron, and got into Port Garry. He was in the country for about two days, and did more good than any one else who has hitherto gone there." (From Sir John Macdonald to the Hon. John Rose, dated Ottawa, January 21, 1870.) 62 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. these gentlemen are duly recorded. Suffice it to say here that their efforts at conciliation proved unavailing, and, as a dernier ressort, Bishop Tache was summoned from Borne to act the part of peacemaker. The Bishop had spent the best years of his life in the North- West, and, by his devotion to the cause of the half-breeds, had gained an almost unbounded influence over those people. Promptly he responded to the call, and set out for Ottawa, where he arrived on the 9th of February. A week later, he left for the seat of the disaffec- tion, bearing with him a letter of instructions from the Prime Minister.* It is difficult to say what results the Bishop might have been able to accomplish, had he arrived earlier on the scene. Unhappily, five days before he reached Fort Garry, the murder of Thomas Scott made it clear to all men that the time for conciliation was over, and that stronger measures were imperatively called for. Before, however, the news of the ghastly scene, enacted at Fort Garry on the afternoon of the 4th of March, had reached Ottawa, Sir John Macdonald had pretty well made up his mind that order could be restored in the Territory only by military force. Thus, on the llth of March, he writes to Mr. Eose : "The propositions adopted at the Red River conference are, most of them, reasonable enough, and can easily be disposed of with their delegates. Things look well enough, were we only assured of Riel's good faith. But the unpleasant suspicion remains that he is only wasting time by sending this delegation, until the approach of summer enables him to get material support from the United States. It is believed by many that he is in the pay of the U.S. --We may settle upon the terms of the constitution to be granted to the North- West with the delegates, when they arrive here, and pass an Act for the purpose, but that will not prevent Riel from refusing to ratify the arrangement, if he pleases. Meanwhile, he is in possession of the country, and is consolidating his Government. The foolish and criminal attempt of and to renew the fight has added greatly to Riel's strength. He has put down two distinct attempts to upset his * See Appendix XIX. 1870.] THE ACQUISITION OF THE NORTH-WEST. 63 Government, and American sympathisers will begin to argue that his Government has acquired a legal status, and he will be readily persuaded of that fact himself. -Besides, the longer he remains in power, the more unwilling will he be to resign it, and I have, therefore, no great confidence in his ratifying any arrangements made here with the delegates. Under these circumstances the preparations for the expeditionary force must not be delayed. We shall receive the delegation with all kindness, and, I think, beyond a doubt, make an arrange- ment with them ; but we shall, at the same time, prepare for the expedition to leave by the end of April or beginning of May." The conclusion of an arrangement with the Imperial Government, respecting this expedition, was attended with a good deal of difficulty. Lord Granville, while agreeing to send troops on condition that Canada first accepted the transfer, laid down in Sir Clinton Murdoch's instructions that the military were not to be employed to force the people to unite with Canada in other words, writes Sir John to the Governor General, " They are to be of no use. If we accept the country we are committed to its conquest, and must go on ; we cannot return the country to Her Majesty or to the Hudson's Bay Company. Again, why should we be called upon to pay for troops that may be ordered not to act when they get into Fort Garry?"* Eventually an arrangement was arrived at between the two Governments, and, in May, a combined force of regulars and Canadian militia, under the command of Colonel (now Lord) Wolseley, advanced on their bloodless mission to Fort Garry, Eiel and his followers decamping on the first sound of the bugles, which told the loyal inhabitants of Red River that the long-looked-for succour was at hand. On the 2nd of May, Sir John Macdonald introduced a Bill into the House of Commons to provide for the establish- ment and government of the province of Manitoba. On the 3rd, the fiscal agents of the Canadian Government in London were instructed to pay over the purchase money. On the 20th, * From Sir John Macdonald to His Excellency, Sir John Young, dated Ottawa, Sunday, April 10 (1870). 64 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XVIII. the Hon. A. G. Archibald, who, in 1869, had been re-elected to Parliament for Colchester, was appointed Lieutenant Governor of the newly erected province, and, on the 23rd of June, an order of the Queen in Council formally transferred Eupert's Land and the North-West Territories to the Dominion of Canada. The selection of a Lieutenant Governor was a matter of some concern. One error of judgment had been committed in this regard: another might be fatal. On his return to Ottawa in the preceding January, Mr. McDougall had tendered the resignation of his office which the Prime Minister thought it well to accept. Before all hope of a peaceable solution of the difficulty had died away, Sir John Macdonald had some idea of appointing Governor McTavish of the Hudson's Bay Company. A little later, Mr. Donald A. Smith's name occurred to him as a fit man. Subsequently, Colonel Wolseley intimated his willingness to accept the position, but the appoint- ment of a military Governor was not considered expedient. Finally, the Premier's choice fell upon Mr. Archibald. Sir John's speech in introducing the Manitoba Bill was heard by Sir Stafford Northcote, who thus describes his impressions : " After luncheon, I went up to the House of Commons, and was just in time to hear Sir J. Macdonald's speech, introducing the North- West Bill. He seemed feeble and looked ill, but spoke with great skill. He makes no pretensions to oratory, but is clear and dexterous in statement, and gave very ingenious turns to his difficult points." * Sir Stafford Northcote had arrived just in time. Before the sound of Sir John Macdonald's voice was heard again within the walls of the Canadian Parliament, many months were to elapse, and when he next addressed the House of Commons it was on a subject with which the future Earl of Iddesleigh had much to do. * Lang's "Life of the Earl of Iddesleigh," vol. i. p. 331. CHAPTER XIX. ADMINISTRATION. 1867-1871. RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CABINET RETURN OF SIR FRANCIS HINCKS SIR ALEXANDER GALT GOES INTO OPPOSITION BILL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SUPREME COURT CHARACTER OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD's APPOINTMENTS TO THE BENCH OFFER OF THE CHANCELLORSHIP OF ONTARIO TO MR. EDWARD BLAKE CONDITION OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD's PRIVATE AFFAIRS HIS ILLNESS TRADE AND FISHERY RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES APPOINTMENT OF A JOINT HIGH COMMISSION. THE Cabinet formed on the 1st of July, 1867, although constructed with exceptional care, was destined, through the operation of various causes, to undergo an unusual number of changes in the first two years and a half of its existence. It behoves us now to consider the reasons which influenced Sir John Macdonald in the steps taken by him to maintain the strength of his ministry. The art of " cabinet making," as he used to call it, so peculiarly the function of the Prime Minister, was one in which Sir John Macdonald, by reason of his intimate knowledge of men, and his far-reaching sagacity, was deeply skilled, and in which he rarely, if ever, made a false move. The loss of a colleague, at once so experienced and accomplished as Mr. Gait, within a few days of the meeting of Parliament, was no light matter. The old saying, how- ever, which avers that no man is indispensable, received thereby another illustration, for in Mr. John Eose, Sir John Macdonald found a Finance Minister in all respects the equal of the late occupant of that office. Mr. Eose was eminently fitted to discharge those duties which had been relinquished by Mr. Gait. In addition to qualifications of a VOL. II. F 66 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XIX. high order, he was gifted with a courteous and pleasant manner, which rendered him a universal favourite,* while his singularly happy disposition and affectionate nature had long before won for him a high place in the regard of Sir John Macdonald. Circumstances ordained that, for the last twenty years of their lives, the ocean should roll between them, yet a regular and frequent correspondence ever kept their friendship bright. The worst thing I ever heard Sir John Macdonald say of his friend was this : " Eose has a bad habit of economizing all the small words in his telegrams to such a degree, that I am often in great doubt as to his meaning. This always was a peculiarity of his." A few days after the meeting of Parlia- ment, Mr. Eose was sworn of the Privy Council, and appointed Minister of Finance. Thus far all was well. Succeeding vacancies, however, were destined to be not so easily filled. In considering them, it is necessary to bear in mind the arrangement which governed the selection of the Ontario portion of the Cabinet. When the first Government of the Dominion was formed, although Con- federation was adopted with the object of putting an end to the unhappy sectionalism which existed between Upper and Lower Canada before the Union, yet, as it was important that the Administration should receive, at the approaching elections, the support of all men really desiring the success of the new system, it was agreed, so far as Ontario was concerned, that, as in the last Parliament of the province of Canada there had been more Eeformers than Conservatives, and as in the proposed Cabinet Ontario would have only five representatives, three of these should be of Liberal antecedents, and two Conservatives. This understanding was merely a temporary arrangement, for, at the time it was entered into, the political complexion of the new Parliament was, of course, unknown, and it was agreed that the future was to take care of itself. The effect of the elections was to reverse the relative * To this rule apparently there was no exception. Mr. Rose took up his residence in London, in the autumn of 1869. He was scarcely settled, ere the Red River trouble occurred, yet in March, 1870, Lord Granville writes of him to Sir John Macdonald : " The presence of Sir John Rose here has heen of great use and comfort to me. It is impossible to have an abler or more pleasant man with whom to transact business." 1868.] ADMINISTRATION. 67 strength of the Reform and Conservative supporters of the Government, yet the Cabinet representation was suffered to remain undisturbed, until the question of filling the vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Fergusson Blair came to be con- sidered, when strong objections were made by the Conservatives to the appointment of a Liberal.* It was urged by the former that the very same reason which led to the selection of Mr. Fergusson Blair, in July, 1867, called, in 1868, for the appointment of a Conservative. The Prime Minister acknowledged the force of this argument advanced by the main body of his supporters, but, before any steps were taken in the matter, the appointment of Mr. Rowland to the Lieutenant Governorship of Ontario made another vacancy in the Liberal section of the Cabinet. In view of that event, Sir John, a short time before it actu- ally took place, discussed the situation with Messrs. McDougall and Howland, and explained to them the reasons which rendered a further continuance of the old arrangement impracticable. He, however, considered himself bound to maintain the coalition principle, and expressed his opinion, that while the change in the relative strength of parties rendered it necessary for three Conservatives and two Reformers to be in the Cabinet, he thought the Liberal leaders should have some voice in the selection of the new Conservative. Messrs. McDougall and Howland agreed as to the fairness of this proposal, and it was ultimately settled that Messrs. J. C. Aikins and Alexander Morris should be asked to join the Administration. Sir John Macdonald was afterwards accused by Mr. McDougall and the Globe of having broken faith with the Reform section of the Cabinet in the appointment of Mr. Morris. Sir John, in his time, was often exposed to accusations as unjust and unfounded as this one, but seldom has it happened that the means of refutation, clear, distinct, conclusive, have lain so ready at hand. It is not merely that his own reasonable explanation to Parliament of the circumstances bears the stamp * " I find a rumour is prevailing that McKenzie, of Lambton, is a possible successor to poor Blair, but do not credit it. Nevertheless, I think it only my duty to advise you that it is causing considerable uneasiness in the Conservative ranks. and would be most distasteful, etc." (From to Sir John Macdouald, dated Ottawa. March 14, 1868.) G8 MEMOIRS OF SIS JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CIIAP. XIX. of probability on its very face Messrs. Rowland and Aikins have, over their own signatures, borne public testimony to its absolute correctness.* It is true that Mr. Aikins was un- willing to share with a single Liberal (that Liberal being Mr. McDougall) the responsibility of representing the party in the Cabinet. It is equally true that he consented to do so with Mr. McDougall's successor, and it may be only a coincidence that his objections were finally overcome on the very day that Mr. McDougall ceased to be a member of the Administration .f Such are the facts in connection with the appointment of Messrs. Morris and Aikins, which, at the time, caused some stir in the political world. It will be seen therefrom how little ground there was for the oft-repeated charge that, by these appointments, Sir John Macdonald in any way compromised his word, or violated any engagement. If he erred at all in his treatment of the Liberal wing of his party, it was, as pointed out by himself, on the side of generosity. " It is rather hard upon me that I should be pitched into * " In reply to that part of your letter which refers to the proposed arrangements for filling the vacancies in the Government, consequent upon the death of Mr. Blair and my appointment to my present position, I had several conversations with yourself :ind Mr. McDougall before I left Ottawa, upon the subject, and it was understood that you should fill the two vacancies as soon as satisfactory arrangements could he made for the purpose. After discussing the personnel, and having given full consideration to the availability and claims of all the parties, it was decided that it would be satisfactory if one of the places was filled by Mr. Morris, and the other by Mr. Aikins, or some other Reformer of good standing. We considered Mr. Morris a gentleman possessed of high character, experience, and good attainments, and entertaining progressive views of politics, and having been the originator and medium by which the coalition of 1864 was brought into existence, we concluded that he would be acceptable to all who desired to support the present Government." (From Lieut. Governor Ilowland to Sir John Macdonald, dated Toronto, November 19, 1868.) " On Mr. McDougall's arrival at Ottawa, I had a further conversation with him, in which he urged me to join the Government without another Reform colleague from Ontario, stating that Sir John found it impossible to assent to that proposition. Mr. McDougall, however, suggested that if I came in at once, the other appointment from Ottawa could stand over for some time, though, when it was made, the vacant seat would be filled as necessity required, and the name of Mr. Morris was mentioned as the person likely to be appointed. I agreed to this course." (Extract from memorandum read by Hon. J. C. Aikins in the Senate, February 17, 1870.) t Mr. Howland was appointed Lieutenant Governor of Ontario on the 3rd of July, 1868. Mr. McDougall ceased to be Minister of Public Works on the 8th of| December, 1869, on which day Mr. Aikins entered the Cabinet as Secretary of State of Canada. Mr. Alexander Morris had been sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Inland Revenue on the 16th of November previously. 1869.] ADMINISTRATION. 69 by Mr. McDougall for not taking care of the Eeformers, and, at the same time, be grumbled at by my own party for giving everything to that portion o Her Majesty's liege subjects in Ontario. The appointment of yourself, in the first place, and of Mr. McDougall, in the second, was, I think, a sufficient proof of my desire that their claims should be recognized. In order to oblige him and give him a legal adviser, in whom he had confidence, I allowed him to select Albert Eichards for the North- West, although that gentleman had always been strongly opposed to myself. I think this appointment caused more dissatisfaction among my Conservative friends than any other." * The Lieutenant Governorship of Ontario was, in 1868, looked upon as a great prize, worthy, in the estimation of Mr. Alexander Campbell, of the First Minister himself. Sir John did not want it. Neither in regard to Lieutenant Governorships, any more than Chief Justiceships, did he ever think of himself, though, if my surmise be correct, there was at that time another Prime Minister not quite so disinterested. In like manner there were several aspirants to the honour of representing the Governor General in the North- West, yet Sir John Macdonald finally gave both these positions to his Liberal colleagues. It is undoubtedly true that the coalition was destined to become a fusion, but this was no new thing. It had happened in Canada before, and for the same reason. Its cause lay not in the bad faith, or treachery, or deceit of anybody, but in the marvellous gift which Sir John Macdonald possessed of drawing men towards him, and inspiring them with a sense of personal attachment stronger than party ties. Mr. Aikins was a Liberal, and joined Sir John Macdonald's Cabinet as such. So in their day did Messrs. John Eoss and Thomas Spence, Sidney Smith and Isaac Buchanan, Fergusson Blair, and others whose names will readily recur to the student of Canadian history. Mr. Aikins was no exception to the general rule. I am not aware whether he still calls himself a Liberal or not, but this I know, that, from the day on which he became a Minister of the Crown, Sir John Macdonald had no more loyal or true-hearted colleague than James Cox Aikins. * From Sir John Macdonald to Lieutenant Goyernor Howland, dated Ottawa. February 3, 1870. 70 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XIX. But the Prime Minister's difficulties were not yet over. Not long before Mr. McDougall's acceptance of the Lieutenant Governorship of the North- West Territories left the third Ontario Eeform seat empty, Mr. Eose, who represented a Quebec constituency, resigned the office of Finance Minister, for reasons which I have already stated. Thus a new minister from both Ontario and Quebec, or rather from a limited section of each province, had to be found. A qualified offer of the portfolio of finance was made to Mr. Gait,* in the month of September, only to be declined, while the fewness of the Ontario Liberals supporting the Administration rendered the choice of a successor to Mr. McDougall a well-nigh impossible task. At this juncture there re-appeared on the scene a Canadian statesman who, for the fifteen years previous, had been representing his Sovereign in a distant part of her dominions. It seems a long time since we bade adieu to Mr. Francis Hincks. In the interval, he had been Governor of Barbados and the Windward Islands, and also of British Guiana. In 1869 he returned to Canada, with a record of honourable service, and the decoration of Knight Commander of the most distinguished order of St. Michael and St. George. Sir Francis Hincks had scarcely touched Canadian soil before Sir John Macdonald realized that he was the very man he was looking for. A financier of unquestioned ability, he would prove a worthy successor to Mr. Eose. A Liberal who for years had led the Upper Canadian Eeformers, he was in every way qualified to represent, with Mr. Aikins, that party in the Cabinet. The idea happily conceived was rapidly executed. Sir John met Sir Francis in Montreal, accompanied him by boat to Ottawa, and on the way propounded his scheme, which Sir Francis readily fell in with. On the 9th of October, he was sworn of the Privy Council, and appointed Finance Minister. A few weeks later he was returned for North Eenfrew, in spite * The condition being that he should abjure certain recently developed views on the " Independence of Canada." The proposal was made by Sir George Cartier, with the sanction of the Prime Minister. (See the correspondence, Debates, House of Commons, February 21, 1870, pp. 126, 127.) There is reason to believe that Sir John was not at all put out by the refusal of an offer which he authorized primarily to please his French supporters, between whom and Sir Alexander there existed, at that period, an entente cordiale. 1869.] ADMINISTRATION. 71 of the violent opposition of that portion of the Keform party which acknowledged the sovereignty of George Brown.* Mr. Eose's place as the English representative for Lower Canada was taken by Mr. Christopher Dunkin, who is remem- bered chiefly as the author of the Local Option law which bore his name.t The result of these Cabinet changes was on the whole satisfactory, notwithstanding the fact that the appointment of Messrs. Hincks and Morris resulted in the defection of one or two supporters of the Government, including Mr. Gait, respecting whose change of attitude Sir John Macdonald writes : " Gait came out, I am glad to say, formally iu opposition, and relieved me of the difficulty connected with him. His warm alliance with the Lower Canadian French rendered it necessary for me to put up with a good deal, as you know. But he is now finally dead as a Canadian politician. The correspondence between Cartier and himself, in which he comes out squarely * " The Globe is perfectly frantic at Hincks coming into office, and on this point Sandfield Macdonald and George Brown agree. All that the Eeform party really wanted was a leader of pluck, around whom to rally, in order to throw off the dictatorship of the Globe ; and Brown knows right well that it throws him back fully ten years. Xo step has been left untried to frighten me from appointing him (Hincks), but the game was too clear to admit of a doubt." (From Sir John Macdonald to Alexander Morris, Esq., dated Ottawa, October 10, 1869.) For a fuller explanation of the reasons which influenced Sir John in his selection of Sir Francis Hincks, see Appendix XX. t 27 & 28 Viet., c. 18. Sir John's first choice was Mr. John Henry Tope, respecting whom he wrote, on the 27th of September, 1869, to Sir George Cartier : " It is necessary that immediate steps should be taken to fill Eose's place. The man for our money is Pope. He is able and energetic and popular with all our friends of British origin, both from ITpper and Lower Canada, as well as with your compatriots. . . I suppose Pope will be at Eose's dinner, and you can hare a talk with him. I would advise that you should take no refusal." There is nothing among Sir John's papers to show that this offer was ever made, or, if made, why it was declined. It would appear from the above that the Prime Minister, following the custom of former days, left the selection of the new Quebec minister with Sir George Cartier, who may have had reasons for preferring Mr. Dunkin to Mr. Pope. Mr. E. H. Pope, M.P., however, to whom I have applied, tells me he always understood his father could have had the position at that time, but his business engagements were such as to render it impossible for him to accept. Be this as it may, Sir John Macdonald' s desire to have Mr. Pope for a colleague did not fade, for, on the retirement of Mr. Dunkin, two years later, Mr. Pope succeeded him as Minister of Agriculture. Mr. Pope was sworn of the Privy Council on the 25th of October, 1871. 72 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XIX. for independence, has rung his death-knell, and I shall take precious good care to keep him where he is. ... Great attempts have been made to get hold of Sandfield by Gait and Co., but without success. He is sound and true, and for the best of reasons. His only safe policy is to adhere to the present arrangement." * Occupied with the thousand and one cares that make up the life of a Prime Minister, it is difficult to understand how Sir John Macdonald found time to fulfil those manifold duties of a departmental character which demanded his attention. Yet, as Minister of Justice, he was ever a busy man, and the statute- book of the country bears ample witness to his untiring industry as a law-maker and law-reformer. During the years 1868-1870 he devoted much pains to the preparation of a Bill to establish a Supreme Court for Canada. This measure, which he regarded as being in an especial manner the work of his own hands, was first introduced during the session of 1869, more for the purpose, however, of inviting suggestions and criticisms, than with the object of having it become law. It was again brought forward in 1870, by Sir John, who explained its provisions at some length. Circumstances, however, prevented its reach- ing a second reading, and not until five years later, under the auspices of another Administration, that which I may call Sir John's pet scheme was enrolled on the statute-book. The Minister of Justice of that day took occasion fittingly to acknowledge the labour and care that had been devoted by Sir John Macdonald in preparing the measure, which it became his duty to submit for the consideration of Parliament.t The concern which Sir John Macdonald ever evinced for the due administration of justice, and for the character of his appointments to the Bench, has long been proverbial. From the day on which, at the beginning of his official career, he pressed upon Eobert Baldwin the Chief Justiceship of * To Sir John Rose, dated Ottawa, February 23, 1870. t Among the countless suggestions which Sir John received in regard to the framing of this measure, I may refer to one from Mr. Alpheus Todd, the late Librarian of Parliament. Mr. Todd proposed, in view of the proviso for the Governor in Council obtaining the opinion of the Court upon constitutional questions, that, following English precedent, all the members of the Supreme Court should be members of the Privy Council, forming, as it were, a Canadian Judicial Committee. 1869.] ADMINISTRATION. 73 Upper Canada, he seems to have considered the duty of advising these appointments as one of the highest and most important trusts committed to his charge. An astute politician, he was by no means indifferent to the influence and power of patron- age, and, in the distribution of the favours of the Crown, thoroughly believed in the wisdom and propriety (other things being equal) of preferring his political supporters to his political Opponents. That was his ordinary practice, as it is the rule of every party leader. But, when Sir John Macdonald came to select a man for the judicial office, he knew neither friend nor foe. His sole inquiry was, who, by his high character, legal attainments and experience, is best fitted to uphold the prestige and dignity of the Bench. To advocate the appoint- ment of any one on other grounds, whether political or personal, was to invite a rebuke such as this which, in 1864, he addressed to a high public functionary who sought a judgeship for his own son : "I am sorry that I cannot recommend J. as judge for the county of . My relations with yourself and your family are such that it would give me great pleasure to aid in helping any man of the name of ; but J. is not fit for a judgeship, and I cannot, in conscience, appoint him. Careful and painstaking as he is, he would be a good admini- strative officer, and I shall have great pleasure in adopting the earliest opportunity of giving him an administrative, but not a judicial, office." * Not only did he object to having unfit persons recommended to him for the Bench, but he resented any unsolicited advice in such matters, even though the suggestion was good in * O OO tJ itself. I remember very well his displeasure on receiving a petition, signed by all the barristers of a certain district, praying for the appointment of one of their number. " would make a good judge," said Sir John, thinking aloud, as he sometimes did; "but, if those fellows don't withdraw their requisition, I won't appoint him. This sort of thing * Four years later, he wrote to another gentleman, who had made a similar request on behalf of a political friend: "I cannot possibly appoint a judge. and I am rather surprised that you should ask me to do so. If anything turns up in a non-judicial way, I will do what 1 properly can for him." 74 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XIX. is most unseemly," he added, as he laid the paper down. At the same time, he was much given, especially in regard to the higher judicial offices at Toronto, to consult those who were in a position to furnish him with sound advice. I have shown, in an earlier chapter, how, when he was Attorney General of Upper Canada, he frequently had recourse, on such occasions, to Chancellor Blake, and I cannot find a happier illustration of his manner of making these appointments, after Confederation, than by referring to an incident which the elder Mr. Blake's name and office alike suggest. In 1868, the retirement of Mr. Draper from the Chief Justiceship of Upper Canada, called for a general reorganization of the Bench. To aid him in effecting the best possible arrange- ment, Sir John sought the opinion, among others, of Mr. Edward Blake, the eldest son of the late Chancellor, already eminent both in his profession and in politics. Mr. Blake was, at that time, leader of the Opposition in the Ontario Legislature, and one of Sir John's most formidable opponents in the House of Commons. Yet this fact never seems to have weighed for a moment with the latter in considering how best he could add to the strength of the courts. Thus, he writes to the Chancellor whom he proposed should succeed Mr. Draper, as Chief Justice of Ontario : " I am a good deal puzzled about the Court of Chancery. ... If, however, Blake would take the Chancellorship, I think that, for the good of the Court, I ought to appoint him." And again : " I waited for you at Toronto as long as I could, but I was issuing a Koyal Commission to them under the Act 31 Viet, c. 38. He hoped the committee would sit at once, and report the best and most expedient mode of securing that object, either by Bill or by Commission. On the 17th of April, Mr. Cameron, the chairman, reported the opinion of the committee that it was advisable that a Bill should be introduced empowering the committee to examine on oath witnesses brought before them. A Bill was introduced accordingly on the 18th of April, passed the House of Com- mons on the 21st, the Senate on the 29th, and received the Eoyal assent on the third of May. On the same day Mr. Cameron moved " that it be an instruction to the select committee that the witnesses brought before it should be examined upon oath." This was unanimously agreed to. On the 5th of May the committee reported, among other things, that in view of the absence of Sir George Cartier and the Hon. J. J. C. Abbott, two- members of the House of Commons of Canada, and of the impossibility of the investigation with which the committee was charged being either carried on or completed in a proper or satisfactory manner without an opportunity being afforded them of being present and hearing the testimony adduced before the committee, it was advisable that the committee should adjourn until Wednesday, the second day of July, if Parliament should then be in session. From the proceedings of the com- mittee, it appeared that this resolution was carried by three to two. On the 6th of May the recommendation of the committee 1373.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 167 was concurred in by a vote of one hundred and seven to seventy- six. It then having been ascertained and admitted by all parties that the committee could not sit after prorogation, and that the House could not confer that power upon it, it was arranged that the House, after disposing of the business of the session, should adjourn to a period beyond the 2nd of July, the day appointed for the meeting of the committee, giving suffi- cient time for the committee to complete their report on the inquiry entrusted to them. The day of re-assembling was finally fixed as the 13th of August; but it was distinctly stated by Sir John Macdonald that the meeting on that day would be merely a formal one, that no business would be transacted beyond the reception of the report of the committee ; that the members need not return, and that none would be required save the Speakers of both Houses in the chair, and the members of committee, who were to make their report, which would be read and published and would go before the country with the evidence. Mr. Holton, a member of the Opposition, said that to do any business there must be a quorum ; to which Sir John Macdonald replied that if a quorum were necessary a sufficient number of members could be collected in the vicinity of Ottawa for the purpose, a quorum being the Speaker and nineteen members. On this distinct understanding that the meeting was to be purely formal, and no business transacted but the reception of the report, and that Parliament would then be prorogued, the House agreed to the adjournment. So little was it within the contemplation of any member that Parliament would meet again in midsummer for any busi- ness, that Mr. Blake, at an early period of the discussion on this subject, stated that, as it seemed to him that no committee appointed by the House could live after the prorogation of Parliament, the correct course would be to introduce a short Bill authorizing select committees in special cases to sit during the recess. Meanwhile His Excellency the Governor General had trans- mitted the Bill enabling special committees to take evidence on oath to Her Majesty's Government for consideration, and, as His Excellency afterwards stated, expressed his own views in 168 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. favour of the competence of Parliament to pass it, and entered at length into the reasons which induced him to come to that opinion. His Excellency was also pleased to state that Sir John Macdonald, while expressing his opinion that the Act was ultra vires, hoped, although in a matter of this kind he was not in a position to press his advice, that his Excellency would see his way to assent to the Bill, and not to reserve it for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure. The Bill was disallowed on the advice of the law officers of the Crown in England, on the ground that it was not competent for the Parliament of the Dominion to pass such a measure ; and the disallowance was at once made known by proclamation. It was argued at the time, in some of the public prints, that the disallowance might have been withheld until after the committee had taken the evidence and completed its labours. To have done so would, however, have been obviously a breach of duty -on the part of the Governor General. The Act was disallowed, not on the ground that it was an unwise and inex- pedient Act, but because it was absolutely void and illegal. All proceedings under it would have been illegal without any disallowance, and had His Excellency postponed the proclama- tion he would have deliberately sanctioned the administering of illegal oaths, giving countenance and effect to an Act which he had been advised was altogether void. He would, besides, have been deliberately thwarting the intention of Parliament, which was that the witnesses in the inquiry should give their testi- mony under the obligation of a legal oath, and with the liability of being indicted for perjury in case of wilful false swearing. No witness could have been convicted of perjury, no matter how gross, under the Act in question. It was, therefore, the clear duty of His Excellency, without delay, to make the decision of Her Majesty authoritatively known by proclamation. When the committee met on the 2nd of July in Montreal, they had the proclamation of disallowance before them, and they came to the conclusion that they could nbt depart from the instruction given them by the House of Commons to take the evidence under oath. In order to enable the committee to proceed without delay, Sir John Macdonald repeated the offer 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 169 of the Government to issue a Eoyal Commission under the Act 31 Viet., c. 38, and addressed a letter to the chairman of the committee to that effect. It was understood that Messrs. Cameron (the chairman), Blanchet, and McDonald would have accepted the commission had the committee unanimously agreed to do so, but not otherwise. Messrs. Dorion and Blake having refused to act on the Commission, the offer was rejected. The committee having refused, the Commission had nothing left but to adjourn until the 13th of August. While all progress in the inquiry was frustrated by the course taken by Messrs. Dorion and Blake, an attempt was made to excite and prejudice the public rnind on the subject by the publication, in the Montreal Herald of the 4th of July, of a number of letters and telegrams written by Sir Hugh Allan to Messrs. McMullen and Smith of Chicago, and some persons unknown, in the United States, on the subject of the Canadian Pacific Railway. Now, Mr. Huntingdon, in his place in Parliament after the committee was granted, on two several occasions attempted to read some papers of which this correspondence formed a part, but the Speaker decided, and the House acquiesced in his decision, that such a course was irregular and unfair, that it was out of order, and that " upon the point of order, as well as on the strong justice of the case, he ruled that the honourable member should not be allowed to proceed." The publication of this correspondence induced Sir Hugh Allan to make a statement on oath, which was published in the Montreal Gazette of July 5th, and in which he substantially denied the truth of the charges made by Mr. Huntingdon, or of any corrupt bargain, or, indeed, of any bargain having been made between him and the Government or any member of it. On the publication of these papers it seemed to be the general impression that Sir Hugh Allan's affidavit had sufficiently met the case as presented by the correspondence published in the Herald. So matters rested until the 18th of July, when a letter appeared in the Montreal Herald, from Mr. G. W. McMullen of Chicago, the person above referred to. This communication contained some very grave charges against members of the Administration, and certain documents were attached to it, to 170 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. which were appended the names of Sir George Cartier and Sir John A. Macdonald. Mr. McMullen's letter was a tissue of abominable misrepresentation, and the appended papers, which had been purloined, were ingeniously misused in order to support the allegations in the letter. This publication was made, like the previous one, to prejudice the public mind, and, from the gravity of the statements, naturally caused great public excitement. The Opposition press made strong appeals to the public, and urged the reassembling of Parliament on the 13th of August, to take immediate action on the Pacific Eailway matter. The members of the Opposition were strongly pressed to be in their places in Parliament and to proceed with the inquiry. ISTow, it so happened that the main strength of the Opposition came from Ontario and Quebec, and they could, at a few hours' notice, be assembled at Ottawa. On the other hand, all the members from British Columbia were supporters of the Government, as were a large majority of the members from the province of Nova Scotia, and a considerable number from New Brunswick. The Opposition evidently hoped to be able, if they succeeded in securing a breach of the arrangement under which the House was adjourned to the 13th of August, and if business were pro- ceeded with, to obtain a majority by surprise, and to carry a vote of want of confidence. It would have been physically impossible for the Ministerial supporters to have reassembled in full strength on the day of adjournment. The British Columbia members were far away on the shores of the Pacific, some were in Europe, and some in the United States; and besides this, several members would have found it impossible to attend in midsummer, the height of the business season ; and thus the Opposition, by a breach of faith with the House, would have been enabled to convert their minority into a majority. On reference to the journals it will be found that the opinion of the House was clearly expressed when the chairman of the committee moved that the select committee should have leave to sit although the House was not sitting at the time the com- mittee met. Mr. Dorion moved, in amendment, " that inasmuch as the committee will have no power either to force the attendance 1873.] TEE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 171 of witnesses or to compel them when in attendance to give testimony without the action of this House, it is essential to the proper conduct of the investigation that it should be prosecuted under circumstances that will admit of the prompt exercise of the authority of the House. It is therefore necessary that the House should sit on the day to which the committee has leave to adjourn." On reference to the debates it will be found that Mr. Dorion stated that he would add, that " there was nothing to prevent the House meeting on the 2nd of July and sitting for ten or fifteen days, or until the inquiry should have been gone through." Mr. Thompson, a British Columbia member, protested against the proposition that the members from the distant provinces, who were anxious to get to their homes, should return to Ottawa on the 2nd of July, and Mr. Dorion's motion was lost, the "yeas " being 66 and the "nays" 101. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the will of the House of Commons was that its members should not reassemble in July or August for the transaction of business. The con- sequence was, that, notwithstanding almost every Opposition member from Ontario and Quebec was in his place, and although a number of Ministerial supporters, who would not otherwise have been in attendance, came when they heard of the efforts made by the Opposition to collect their forces, there were upwards of sixty members absent, every one of whom would have had a right to complain of being prevented from performing his duties as a member of the Legislature by the breach of the understanding. Supposing the House had proceeded to deal with the matter, they could only have done so either by rescinding the resolution which appointed the committee, and taking the matter into their own hands, or by rescinding the instruction to the committee to take the evidence on oath. Now both those resolutions, to refer the matter to a select committee, and that such committee should swear the witnesses, were unanimously adopted in a full House, and could not, with- out great unfairness and injustice have been rescinded without giving the absent members an opportunity of voting upon them. 172 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. It was argued in the newspapers that there might have been an adjournment for a period long enough to enable the members to assemble, instead of a prorogation. But the very act of the House in discussing the question of adjournment and voting upon it would have been a breach of the understanding. Each member had a right, under that understanding, to be present at every discussion and vote of the House ; and no discussion or vote could properly be had in his absence. Besides, the Government had no power to make the House adjourn, while it had the power to carry out the agreement by prorogation. Neither His Excellency nor his advisers could foresee what would be the result of a discussion if it were entered upon. It might, and from the course taken by the Opposition members and the tone of the Opposition press, probably would have ended, not in an adjournment, but in a surprise vote of want of confidence. Had such a vote been given, the Governor General would have been placed in a position into which no one had a right to force him. The statement that the meeting on the 13th of August would be only a formal one, and that Parliament would be prorogued on that day, was made by the First Minister with His Excellency's sanction. If, therefore, he had disregarded the vote of want of confidence, he would have been brought into apparent collision with the representatives of the people. It he had yielded to the vote and dismissed his Ministers, he would have been liable to be charged, not only by his Ministers, but by every absent member, with having dealt unfairly by them. The purpose of giving sufficient time for the assemblage of all the members could as well be effected by prorogation as by adjournment, the only difference, and that a substantial one, being that by a prorogation the promise to Parliament would be kept, while by an adjournment it would be violated. Indeed, so thoroughly was it understood that the members need not return on the 13th of August, that by the Act of that session, c. 31, which increased the amount of salary or indemnity to be paid to members for their attendance in Parliament, it was specially enacted as follows : " The said amendments shall apply to the present session of Parliament ; and if in the said present session either House should adjourn for a longer 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 173 period than thirty days, such adjournment shall, for the purposes of the said Act as hereby amended, be equivalent to a prorogation." This provision was made so that the members need not wait until the 13th of August, the day of actual prorogation, for the payment of their salaries and travelling expenses to their several homes, but that the 23rd of May, on which day the Governor General assented to all the measures of the session, and on which the House adjourned until the 13th of August, was, for all but the one purpose of receiving the report of the committee, substantially a prorogation.* Parliament, then, having met to receive the report of a com- mittee which had done nothing, was immediately prorogued, despite the vigorous remonstrances of the Opposition, who had assembled in full force in anticipation of carrying a surprise vote of want of confidence against the Ministry, in the absence of many of its supporters. To find a parallel to the scenes enacted on that memorable 13th of August, it is necessary to go back nearly twenty years in the history of Canada, to that day of June, 1854, when Lord Elgin came to the rescue of his Ministers by an abrupt proro- gation. I speak, of course, merely of the coup d'ceil presented to a spectator, not of the causes which produced the excitement, for, beyond the shouts of " privilege " which resounded through- out the chamber, and the angry protests of an incensed Oppo- sition, the two occasions had little in common. What a commentary on the shortness of life and the mutability of human affairs does this retrospect afford ! Of the members of the Assembly in 1854, only three Sir John Macdonald, Sir Francis Hincks, and Mr. John Young sat in the Parliament of 1873. Messrs. MacNab, Cartier, William Lyon Mackenzie, John Sandfield Macdonald, and many less conspicuous figures had passed away. Of the Opposition leaders in 1873, all were new men ; Mackenzie, Blake, Dorion, Huntingdon, not one of them was in public life on the day when George Brown poured * The foregoing account of the proceedings consequent upon Mr. Huntingdon's motion is taken almost word for word from a memorandum on the subject prepared by Sir John Macdonald. A few verbal changes necessary to the present use of the paper have been made, and so much of it (e.g. the text of Mr. Huntingdon's motion) as is already public property has been omitted ; but the statement of facts, as well as the comments and opinions expressed thereon, are in Sir John's own words. 1 74 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. out the vials of his wrath on the Hincks Administration, and John A. Macdonald stood forth " for the liberties of the people of Canada." Nor are the changes wrought by time less remark- able when we consider its effect upon the mutual relations of those who remained. In 1854, Francis Hincks occupied the position of First Minister, while foremost in the ranks of the Opposition, its rising hope, was the member for Kingston. In 1873, Sir John Macdonald, as the absolute chief of a great party, which had held power almost continuously during the interval we are considering, had no more loyal and devoted follower than the Prime Minister of twenty years before. On the day following the prorogation, a Eoyal Commission was issued under the great seal, authorizing and empowering three judges* to investigate into and report the evidence bearing upon the charges made by Mr. Huntingdon. It began its sittings on the 18th of August, and examined thirty-six witnesses, including Sir John Macdonald and several members of his Government Sir Hugh Allan, Messrs. Macpherson and Abbott. Mr. Huntingdon, who was duly summoned to appear, and was requested to furnish a list of such witnesses as he might wish to examine, declined to attend, or to facilitate the inquiry in any way, holding that such action on his part would be inconsistent with his duty as a member of Parliament, and a breach of the privileges of the House. Sir John Macdonald gave his evidence on the 17th of September, a date full of significance to him in after years. A few days later he addressed this statement to the Governor General : " Ottawa, October 9, 1873. "MY DEAR LORD DUFFERIN, " The evidence in the Pacific Eailway investigation is now being printed, and will shortly be ready. In addition to this, I understand a gentleman in Montreal is preparing a condensed statement of the case and evidence for circulation. The public in Canada will thus be fully informed of the case as it has been presented before the Commission. I think it, how- ever, due to your Excellency to send you a statement myself of the facts. * The lion. Charles Dewey Day, the Hon. Antoine Polette, and James Robert Gowan, Esq. 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 175 " In 1870 the Governments of Canada and British Columbia entered into a provisional arrangement for union, one of the conditions being the construction of a railway from Canada proper to the Pacific. " In the session of 1871, when I was at Washington attend- ing as one of the Treaty Commissioners, the terms of union were submitted to the Canadian Parliament for approval, and concurred in after a strenuous resistance from the Parliamentary Opposition. They contended that the railway was a work altogether beyond the resources of Canada, and rang the changes on the burden of taxation that would be thrown by it on the people. The Administration, however, were obliged to carry the measure, or to abandon all hope of the union with British Columbia, and they did carry it. Such, however, was the feeling aroused in the country by representations of the enor- mous cost of the road, that the Ministerial supporters became alarmed, and, when a suggestion was made by the Opposition that the road should not be built by the Government, but by a railway company of capitalists, aided by subsidies in land and money, it was received with such favour in the House that the Government thought themselves obliged to yield to it. " Sir George Cartier, who led the House in my absence, in order to carry the Union, was obliged to promise that he would submit a resolution that the road should be built through the agency of an incorporated company, as I have mentioned. I think it probable that, had I been present, I would have per- suaded the House to accept the Union without this condition. " I do not think I am wrong in believing that the Opposi- tion pressed this suggestion for the purpose of preventing the construction of the railway. They did not believe that a body of capitalists could be found ready to undertake the work, and, when Sir George Cartier brought forward his resolution that the road should be built by an incorporated company, Mr. Dorion moved an amendment that the words ' and in no other way ' should be added. This amendment, however, was not carried. " This was the only action taken in the session of 1871, it being understood that the Government should, in the session of 1872, be prepared to submit a scheme, and that meanwhile the preliminary surveys should be undertaken by it. 176 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. " No steps were taken by the Government in the matter, except by commencing the surveys, until the autumn of 1871. It being a matter, however, of exceeding interest, the subject was much discussed by the press, especially as to the extent of the aid in land and money that would be required from the Government. " Reference was made to the grants to the several Pacific Railway Companies by the United States, and public opinion seemed to settle down that a money grant of at least from twenty-five to thirty millions of dollars would be necessary, together with a grant of at least fifty millions of acres of land. " About this time, Mr. Waddington, an English gentleman, formerly of British Columbia, who had spent a great deal of money in that country in railway surveys, waited on me, saying that he had asked several American gentlemen of means to come to Ottawa and make a proposition to the Government for the construction of the railway. " I told him that the movement was premature, as the Government would enter into no arrangement until authorized by Parliament to do so. He pressed that I should see them, and Sir Francis Hincks and I met them, we two being the only Ministers then in town. " I told them that we were glad to see that our railway attracted the attention of foreign capitalists, but that with respect to this particular enterprise, we were unable to entertain any propositions until a scheme was laid before our Parliament, and sanctioned by it. They were a good deal disappointed, but showed us a list of American capitalists, who, if satisfactory arrangements could be made, would undertake the work. " This offer aroused the attention of the Government to the expediency of interesting Canadian capitalists in the enterprise, and we accordingly individually spoke to our leading men in Montreal, Toronto, and elsewhere, stating that it would be too bad to allow the Americans to carry off a work of such importance, and urging them to attempt to get up a Canadian company. " Sir Francis Hincks, when in Montreal, spoke to Sir Hugh Allan, he being believed to be the richest and one of the most enterprising men in the Dominion, and he at the same time 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 177 mentioned the names of the Americans who had offered to undertake the work. "In the same way I spoke to the Honourable D. L. Macpherson of Toronto, a gentleman who had made a fortune by railway contracts. "Both these gentlemen set to work, Sir Hugh Allan communicating with the Americans, and Mr. Macpherson with leading men in the Dominion, the hope of the Government being that these two gentlemen, with the strength that they would each gather round them, would coalesce and form a Pacific Railway Company. " The application of the Americans was not made a secret of in any way ; on the contrary, it was used as a means of inspirit- ing Canadians to undertake the enterprise. " The discussion of the subject in the press developed great sectional jealousies between the two provinces of Ontario and Quebec, and especially between their commercial centres, Montreal and Toronto. "Toronto was afraid that the road would be built in a direct line from Manitoba towards Montreal, and run so far north of Toronto as to take all the western trade past it to the rival city. It was known that Sir Hugh Allan had made some arrangements with the Americans, and the cry was raised at Toronto, in order to weaken the Montreal combination, that these Americans were not actuated by a legitimate desire to get a profitable contract, but that they wished to get control of our Canadian line in order to make it subsidiary to the American railway interests. This opinion was strengthened by the fact that the list of American names submitted by Mr. Waddington and his party included the names of several gentlemen largely interested in the railway system of the United States. " The public feeling had grown to such an extent against the connection of American capitalists with the undertaking that, by the time Parliament met in 1872, it was quite clear that they must be excluded. " Sir Hugh Allan and Mr. Macpherson came to Parliament each with a railway Bill of his own. The Government did not desire to evince any preference for one company over the other. They therefore announced that they would not oppose the VOL. n. * N 178 MEMO JUS OF Silt JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. incorporation of any bodies of capitalists, for the purpose of building the railway, and accordingly Sir Hugh Allan's company, called, "The Canada Pacific Eailway Company," and Mr. Macpherson's company, called " The Interoceanic Company,'* received Acts of incorporation. "The Government brought in a measure of their own providing for a subsidy of thirty millions of dollars and a grant of fifty millions of acres of land to be given to the company to whom the building of the road might be entrusted. This pro- position was not considered as at all excessive, and was accepted as a reasonable one by Parliament, Mr. Macpherson in his place in the Senate declaring that he did not think it sufficiently liberal. "The Government measure further provided that the privilege of building the road might be given to either of the incorporated companies, or to an amalgamated company com- posed of the two; or, if the Government thought it more advantageous, they were empowered to grant a Eoyal charter to another and distinct company. "So soon as Parliament was prorogued the Government endeavoured to procure the amalgamation of the two in- corporated companies. It was felt to be impossible to give the work to either to the exclusion of the other. To have done so would have aroused against the measure, and against the Government, the hostility of the province whose company was excluded. " Sir Hugh Allan always expressed his desire for amalgama- tion, but the Interoceanic and Mr. Macpherson objected. Mr. Macpherson professed to dread the influence of the Americans through Sir Hugh Allan, and, although the latter had pledged himself to the Government and to Parliament that all connection with the Americans had been severed by him, such assurance was not satisfactory to Mr. Macpherson. It afterwards proved that Mr. Macpherson's suspicions were not without foundation, as the private correspondence published between Sir Hugh Allan and his American friends showed that he was still keeping up a connection with them, in the hope that he would be able to overcome the feeling against them. The real and principal reason, however, for Mr. Macpherson's 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 179 objection was a rivalry as to who should be the president of the company, both being desirous of connecting themselves in that position with the great work. Had Mr. Macpherson been sure of obtaining the position of president, it is certain that the amalgamation would have taken place, and that both he and Sir Hugh Allan would have been members of the same board. " The general elections were to commence in July, and I was naturally very anxious to go to the country with a completed scheme. I spared no effort, therefore, to effect an amalgamation, and on several occasions had nearly succeeded. "As to the presidency, my own opinion was that it was really of little consequence who should be the figure-head, but that, as between the two, Sir Hugh Allan, from his infinitely greater wealth, and from the fact of his having been the first to take up the subject, as well as his having largely connected himself with other railway lines which would be auxiliary to and in effect connect the Pacific Eailway with the Atlantic Ocean, should have the preference. " The feeling in the province of Quebec on the subject had become intense. Sir Hugh Allan had put himself at the head of several railway enterprises, and was selected by the voice of the whole province as their representative man. He was especially and pecuniarily interested in all these lines of railway from his position as a ship-owner. " The Montreal Ocean Steamship Company, in which he has the chief interest, had practically the control of the Canadian freight and passenger trade to Europe. "An opposition steamship line was announced as being about to be formed under the auspices of the Grand Trunk Eailway of Canada, which railway, as you know, is the great artery of trade and transport through the two Canadas to the sea. Sir Hugh Allan felt that his steamship line would get no fair play from the Grand Trunk Eailway Company, but that all its efforts would be directed to sending the current of freight and passengers by the new line. He therefore took up warmly the Northern Colonization Eoad, which is intended to connect Montreal with Ottawa. He encouraged the North Shore Eailway, which is the one to connect Montreal and Quebec, and he also became party to a project for building a railway 180 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. from Ottawa to Toronto by an interior route, thus establishing a rival line to the Grand Trunk Eailway from Toronto to Quebec. " His connection with these lines made him, as I have said, the representative man in Lower Canada, and his support was of great consequence to Sir George Cartier and the French Canadian wing of the Government. " A coolness had arisen between them, as Sir George was believed, justly or unjustly, not to favour the Northern Coloni- zation Eoad. He had, from its inception, been intimately connected, professionally and otherwise, with the Grand Trunk Eailway, and was charged by his countrymen with throwing cold water on all rival schemes. Sir George, however, finally agreed to give his influence and countenance to the Northern Colonization Eailway, and the other roads with which Sir Hugh Allan had, as I have mentioned, connected himself. " These roads, it must be remembered, did not form portion of the Pacific Eailway scheme, and the Canadian Government had no connection with them. The Northern Colonization Eailway was incorporated by an Act of the Legislature of the province of Quebec, and Sir Hugh Allan was naturally anxious to obtain the powerful support and influence of Sir George, with the Government and Legislature of that province, in order to obtain aid in money and lands. " This being understood between them, Sir Hugh gave his strong support, as he had done previously for many years, to Sir George Cartier and his friends at the general election. " While this matter was being arranged at Montreal, I was at Toronto pressing the amalgamation, with good hope of success, and Mr. Abbott came up from Montreal, as agent for Sir Hugh Allan, to negotiate the details. Mr. Macpherson and he nearly came to terms, the only question really in difference between them being the presidency. " Such being the case, I considered that the amalgamation would be carried out, but, as the elections were then going on, it was felt to be impossible to enter into the details until they were finished. " And now as to the expenditure of money at the elections. In Canada, as in England, elections cannot be conducted without 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 181 expenditure of money. There are legitimate expenses which must be incurred by those candidates who are resolved in no way to infringe the law ; and the legal expenditure in the rural constituencies, which are of large area, with bad roads and a sparse and scattered population, is necessarily large. " In addition to strictly legal disbursements, there is a cause of expense which, though against the letter of the law, has by all parties been considered necessary, and the law is in this particular a dead letter that is, the conveyance of voters to the polls. By universal consent this seems to have been considered so necessary, that never in my experience of twenty years has the hiring of carriages for that purpose been pressed before a committee on controverted elections. At every general election in Canada, therefore, political parties have always created funds for the purpose of assisting their candidates. At this particular election we had every reason to expect a stern contest, especially in the province of Ontario. "The leaders of our Parliamentary Opposition had got possession of the Government of that province, and, we knew, would use all their power and influence against the Ministerial candidates for the Dominion Parliament. " The Treaty of "Washington, which had been accepted on the whole by the other provinces, was unpopular in Ontario, and our Government, and myself especially, was charged with having sacrificed its interests. This question was the chief battle to be fought at the polls. " Besides this, we were charged with having made an im- provident arrangement with Nova Scotia, to the disadvantage of the tax-payers elsewhere, by the settlement which we made in 1868. By this settlement, Nova Scotia, previously almost in a state of rebellion, was reconciled to the Union, and con- federation made a success. Still the cry was most successfully used in western Canada against us. Added to this was the ever- popular appeal to the people against the increase of the burthens which would be imposed upon them by the construction of the Pacific Railway. " As Your Excellency has perhaps had an opportunity of knowing, I had been for some time desirous of quitting official life, believing that I required, and had earned, a night of rest. 182 MEMOIRS OF Sill JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. My colleagues, however, as one man, stated that they would not go into the contest without me, and I nerved myself for the struggle. "From my point of view, I considered that on the result of the elections depended the continuance of Confederation. I may be wrong, but my opinion then was, and still is, that in the hands of the present Opposition, connected with and sup- ported, as they are, by the ' alien,' ' annexation/ and ' indepen- dent ' elements, Confederation would not last ten years. " We had, amidst great difficulties, administered the affairs of Canada for five years, under the new constitution, with less friction than could have been anticipated. We had soothed provincial jealousies and ambitions, and conciliated the recal- citrant provinces, but still the embers of disunion were hot. I thought that with five years more over our heads we might safely consider that the gristle had hardened into bone, and the union been thoroughly cemented. " When, therefore, Sir George Cartier and I parted at Ottawa, he to go to Montreal, and I to Toronto, I asked him to do what he could with our friends in his province in the way of getting us pecuniary subscriptions to our central fund at Toronto. We spoke of several parties in Montreal who would be likely, from party attachment, or from interest, or from other moving cause, to aid us, and Sir Hugh's name was, of course, mentioned, as being the richest man in Canada, and the one most interested in procuring the return of members in favour of the large, I may say, the Imperial policy which had characterized our administration. Aid had come to the fund from Montreal from several quarters, and I was not surprised to receive a communi- cation from Sir Hugh Allan, that he would contribute twenty- five thousand dollars to the Ontario fund. " As regards myself, I was made the medium through which the subscriptions were paid, but it might, had he so chosen, have been remitted through any other channel. " I did not consider it at all an unusually large subscription from a man of his wealth. Others, with not a twentieth part of his means, subscribed from five to ten thousand dollars. I however, of course, expected that Sir Hugh would feel himself called upon to contribute to the Quebec fund. 1873.] TEE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 183 " I may say here, that no portion of the election fund, whether subscribed by Sir Hugh Allan or any one else, was used in my own election. I paid all the expenses of that contest, which was a severe, and, for a small constituency, a costly one. " I had forgotten to state, in the first part of my narrative, that it was not until the 26th July, 1872, when my own election was going on at Kingston, that I gave up the idea of effecting an amalgamation between the two companies before the conclusion of the election. " On that day I saw Mr. Macpherson, and the consequence of our conversation was, that I sent to Sir George Cartier the following telegram : " ' Have seen Macpherson. He has no personal ambition, but cannot, in justice to Ontario, concede any preference to Quebec in the matter of the presidency, or in any other particular. He says the question about the presidency should be left to the Board. Under these circumstances I authorize you to assure Allan that the influence of the Government will be exercised to secure him the position of president, the other terms to be as agreed upon between Macpherson and Abbott, and the whole matter to be kept quiet until after the election, then the two gentlemen to meet the Privy Council at Ottawa and settle the terms of a provisional agreement. This is the only practical solution of the difficulty, and should be accepted at once by Allan. Answer.' "On the 30th, I received a letter from Sir Hugh Allan, stating that he had, on that day, made an arrangement with Sir George Cartier respecting the position of his company with respect to the Pacific Eailway, to the effect, among other things, that, if the attempts at amalgamation failed, the construction of the railway should be confided to the Canadian Pacific Eailway Company, of which he was the head. He did not send me a copy of his arrangement with Sir George, but merely stated what he considered its purport. "I at once saw that, if Sir George had entered into any such arrangement, he had made a grievous mistake, which the Government could not too soon repudiate. I immediately telegraphed him that I could not agree to any such arrangement, 1 84 MEMOIRS OF S1H JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIIT. and that I would go down to Montreal the following night and see him on the subject. " On receiving my message, Sir George communicated it to Sir Hugh Allan, and it was then agreed that the arrangement should be considered as waste paper, and that the whole matter should stand over until after the elections, and be considered as resting on the basis of my telegram of the 26th. " I may say here, par parenthese, that, on reference to the arrangement which Sir George made, he did not profess to bind the Government, but merely stated that he would use his influence to have it carried out. He, of course, had no power to make an arrangement on behalf of the Government, not having been authorized to do so. " It is too evident, however, from the evidence that has come out before the Commissioners, that Sir Hugh Allan took undue advantage of the failing health and waning mental faculties of Sir George. " After this, on securing my own election, I went to Toronto for the purpose of aiding my friends. The contest over the whole province, as was anticipated, proved to be severe in the extreme, and we were getting the worst of it. Every member of the Ontario Government went into the field, either as a candidate or a political agent, aud its whole power was used to defeat my friends. "As the Provincial Government has all the local and county patronage of every kind, and the whole control of the sale and disposal of the public lands, timber, and mines, you may easily fancy the extent of the power they can exercise. Every manufacturer of lumber who wished to get an area of country for lumbering purposes, and every person having got, or wishing to obtain, or retain, a mining license, was trans- formed into an electioneering agent. I had, of course, cries- for help from all sections, and redoubled my exertions to procure it from every available source. "Among others, I wrote to Sir George Cartier to procure from Sir Hugh Allan ten thousand dollars more, and again to Mr. Abbott. In writing to Sir George, I was quite unaware of the extent to which he had committed himself in Montreal. His persistence in offering for East Montreal, against all advice, 1873.] TEE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 185 was most distressing. It was known that, if elected at all, it must be after an enormously expensive contest, and I pressed him to take a rural constituency, where he would have been returned by acclamation. " Not until after his death, and the evidence was produced, were any of his colleagues aware of his insane course. As I have already said, it showed too clearly that mind had broken down as well as body. Of course, I can only say this to you, as I would rather suffer any consequences than cast any reflections on his memory before the public, or say any- thing that would have even the appearance of an attempt to transfer any blame that may attach to these transactions to one who is no longer here to speak for himself. "No member of the Government here knew or had any suspicion of the nature of the arrangement made between. Sir George and Sir Hugh Allan, or of the papers signed by the former, until they were recently published. I certainly did not. "I think I have given you a statement of all the facts connected with the raising of money for election expenses that particularly affect myself. The evidence before the Commission, which is very full and unreserved, tells the whole story. "The Government have been subjected to an ordeal that no Government, that I am aware of, has ever before been exposed to. Their arrangements for the elections have been, laid open by the deliberate theft of papers from Mr. Abbott, for which theft the thief has been paid by members of the Opposition in Parliament. I believe that, notwithstanding the- publicity unwarrantably given to these transactions, no stain can rest upon the Government. " Mr. McMullen, the agent of the American capitalists, who attempted to get possession of our railway and were frustrated in the attempt by the Government, has endeavoured to connect the loan of money by Sir Hugh Allan with the granting of the Pacific Ptailway Charter. This was done with the object, first, of revenging themselves on the Government for refusing to admit them to a share of the enterprise, and, in the second place, of killing the enterprise itself. 186 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. " The American Northern Pacific Kail way, -which has since come to grief with the fall of Jay Cooke and Co., dreaded nothing more than the successful commencement of our Canadian line, hence the deliberate attempt to destroy the line and the prestige of all connected with it. " The advances made by Sir Hugh Allan, however, had no connection, expressed or implied, with the Pacific Eailway charter. He subscribed to the fund, both in Ontario and Quebec, in the face of a positive intimation from the Govern- ment here, through me, that the road would not be given to his company, but only to an amalgamated company. "There could be no necessity for the advance of a single sixpence by him in order to secure him an interest in that amalgamated company. The right of his company to be fully represented in it could not be resisted, and he, as the most prominent man of his company and province, would, as a matter of course, assume a powerful position on the amalga- mated board. No Government could exclude him or his company from that position, and the Government informed him that he and his company would get that position, and would get no more. "Sir Hugh Allan therefore knew, before he subscribed or paid any money, the extent of the interest which his company would have in the road. It would be neither more nor less than that agreed upon between Mr. Abbott on his behalf, and Mr. Macpherson as the representative of the other company. "Sir Hugh Allan's position with regard to the Pacific Kailway was, therefore, assured beyond a doubt, if the con- struction of the line went on at all. His danger was that, if the Opposition carried the country at the elections, they would reverse the whole railway policy of Canada. They had already declared against the immediate construction of that work in its entirety. They were using the cry against it vigorously at the polls, to defeat those men who, if elected, would uphold the railway policy of the Government, and, if the construction of the Pacific Eailway were abandoned or even postponed, the detriment to Sir Hugh Allan's interest would have been enormous. The other lines of railway with which he had involved himself to a large amount, and which were to extend 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 187 from the Eastern terminus of the Pacific Eailway proper at Lake Nipissing, back of Toronto, to the Atlantic at Quebec, ran imminent risk of being also postponed. The local traffic of the country did not require the Grand Trunk Line and this interior line; but, if the Pacific Railway were once con- structed, there would be ample work for both in the future, as well as for Sir Hugh's fleet of steamships. "It was, therefore, of importance, to his interests and the undertaking with which he had so connected himself, that a Parliament favourable to such enterprises, and to the develop- ment of the country thereby, should be elected, and, as a man of business, he expended his money accordingly. And it suited the purposes of the Ministerial party to accept his subscription, as well as the subscriptions of others. "The Conservative party in England does not repudiate the action of the brewers and distillers and the Association of Licensed Victuallers in electing candidates in their interests, and we did not repudiate or reject the influence of the railway interest. Our misfortune was that, by the base betrayal of these private communications, the names of certain members of the Government, including myself, were mixed up in the obtaining of these subscriptions. Had this betrayal not taken place, it would have been only known that Sir Hugh Allan, and the railways with which he had been connected, had taken a decided line in supporting one party in preference to another, by their influence and money. "To sum up this matter shortly, I would repeat that Sir Hugh Allan was informed, before he subscribed a farthing, that his railway company would not get the privilege of building the railway. He was informed that that work would only be entrusted to an amalgamated company, under the terms of the Act passed by Parliament ; that such amalgamation would be effected on terms fair to the provinces of Ontario and Quebec, as agreed upon between the representatives of the two rival companies ; and that such amalgamation would only take place after the elections. "When, in November last, all attempts at effecting an amalgamation failed in consequence of the position taken by the Ontario Company, the construction of the road might fairly 188 MEMOIRS OF SIH JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. have been given to Sir Hugh Allan's company, but the Govern- ment declined to do so. " Under the powers vested in them by the Government Act, they issued a Koyal charter in which they gave the preponder- ance of interest to the province of Ontario, according to popu- lation. They gave a fair representation to every one of the other provinces, and, of the thirteen shareholders and directors of which the company was composed, only one was the nominee or the special choice of Sir Hugh Allan, The others were selected "without the slightest reference to him, some of them against his most strenuous opposition, and they included three of the incorporators of the Ontario Company, two of whom had been directors in that company. " In that charter there were no advantages given, nor could they be given, by the Government. Parliament had decided what the subsidy in money and land should be, and that was given and no more. But the charter was carefully drawn with the one object of preventing, by any splitting up or transferring of stock, the clandestine admission of American capitalists as shareholders. The Government did not even use the influence, which I had promised Sir Hugh, with the members of the board of the two companies, if amalgamation had taken place, in order to get for him the position of president. As has been proved before the Commission, the directors, without any inti- mation of preference on the part of myself or any of my colleagues, selected Sir Hugh, from his wealth and business connection with kindred works, as their president. " This has been a most unfortunate business for us, amount- ing to a calamity, but we must bear it, as best we may, believing and knowing that we made no unworthy barter, or barter of any kind, of the powers entrusted to us, for the sake of securing support at the elections. " I know that Your Excellency will, under the circumstances, pardon me for this long story. " Believe me, my dear Lord Dufferin, "Very faithfully yours, "JOHN A. MACDONALD. "P.S. It has been stated in the English press that I should not have mixed myself up in these money matters, but 1872.] 277^ CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 189 should have left it to our Carlton and Keform Clubs. This may be true, indeed is true, if such clubs existed; but, as a matter of fact, the leaders of political parties have always hitherto acted in such matters, and there can be no special blame attached to a leader for continuing the invariable practice on this occasion. "J. A. M.D. " His Excellency the Governor General, Quebec." Sir John Macdonald's correspondence of this period .abounds with confirmation of his statement that no bargain or agreement of any kind was made by him with Sir Hugh Allan in relation to the charter for the Canadian Pacific Eailway. Thus, on the 17th of April, 1872, he writes to Sir John Eose : " The Pacific Railway occupies the attention of our capital- ists at present almost to the exclusion of everything else. First there is the Hugh Allan Company, composed of Jay Cooke and Co., Scott of Philadelphia, and other Yankee millionaires ; second, the Montreal Company proper, consisting of Brydges, Eeekie, and that set ; and third, the Ontario Company, headed by D. L. Macpherson. "There will, I have no doubt, be a coalition between numbers two and three, and Allan will, I think, be obliged to abandon his Yankee confreres. If so, we shall have a strong company of Canadian capitalists who will undertake and finish the railway. We intend to be liberal both in money and lands, as it is of importance to settle that country at once." And six months later (October 24th) : " I wrote you a long letter about railway matters, and I send you, confidentially, copies of the correspondence. If Cartier is in town give them to him, and say to him that I sent them to you instead of to him, as I thought it likely he would be off to Nice, or somewhere on the continent. These papers, with my letter of last mail, will post you exactly as to the present position of affairs. Council assembles to-day, and we shall take up the question and settle our policy. I fancy that it will result in our issuing a new charter to a new company, on the board of which will be represented all the provinces, thus : The board to consist of thirteen, of which five will come 190 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. from Ontario, four from Quebec, and one from each of the other provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Manitoba, and British Columbia. The stock will be allotted in the same proportions : five-thirteenths to Ontario, four-thirteenths to Quebec, and so on." On the 16th of December, he wrote to Sir Alexander Gait: " The Government had and have only one object, and that is to build the Pacific as speedily and on as reasonable terms as possible. I went to Toronto to see McPherson, and at one time thought the matter was arranged, but McP. finally took the position that Allan must be excluded from the presidency, as the president for the first year would settle the whole policy of the company. It was to no purpose that I argued that the P. was only one of a board, and that the board, if well selected, would settle the policy and force it on the P. If D. L. M. had only gone on the board he would have been V.P., equally potential with Allan, and would have been backed in all things reasonable by his co-directors. Just consider : with D. L. M. and four Ontario men ; Collingwood Schreiber, a Toronto man (brother-in-law of Hon. George Allan), for Nova Scotia ; Burpee, the civil engineer, for New Brunswick ; Donald Smith, for Manitoba ; and a B. Columbian, what could Allan do in the way of selling the roadway to the Northern Pacific, or Jay Cooke and Co. ? The thing is preposterous ! " I was so anxious to include McP., that I stood alone in Council as to the exclusion of members of Parliament from the direction, lest I might affect his seat in the Senate. After he finally declined I gave up the point. Had he gone on the board, I assume, as a matter of course, they would have sent a sub-committee, of Allan, McP., and some one else, to England to arrange financial matters. Now we must make the best of things as they stand, but nothing has distressed me so much for a long time as McP.'s drawing back." On the 4th of January, 1873, to Sir George Cartier : " With respect ' to the Pacific Eailway, the matter stands thus : Macpherson and the Interoceanic Company have declined to amalgamate with the Pacific Kailway Company. The Government, therefore, came to the conclusion that it would 1873.] TEE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 191 not do to give the Canada Pacific Railway Company, headed by Sir Hugh Allan, the contract, as it would have been a false start, and would have united all Ontario against them. We therefore decided to give the charter to a selected body of capitalists, and have made considerable progress. I shall enclose you a rough draft in galley of the proposed charter. " We have decided that no members of Parliament shall be on the board of directors, as first appointed. Ontario is to have five members, and I have already selected Mr. Maclnnes, a wholesale merchant of Hamilton, whose wife is a daughter of Sir John B. Eobinson; John Walker of London, a rich man and a friend of Carling's ; and the partner of the Hon. Frank Smith, Senator, Toronto. There are two vacancies to be filled up, and I think it likely that Sandford Fleming will be one of them. " The Quebec men are not yet selected, but there will be no difficulty about them. We propose meeting on the 14th instant to settle the terms of the charter and get the machinery in motion. "As Donald A. Smith cannot be on the board, being an M.P., I think it would be well to put Sir Stafford Northcote on, if he will act. I have asked Smith to write Northcote to that effect. The New Brunswickers have selected Mr. Burpee, a civil engineer, and brother of the member for St. John, as their representative. Tupper is now at Halifax, and will select his man for Nova Scotia. I scarcely know whom to choose for British Columbia. Cornwall, as a Senator, is not eligible. However, we will put on some man as a locum tenens for the present." A week after Mr. Huntingdon made his motion, Sir John wrote to Sir George Cartier : " You will have seen by the papers that on Wednesday, the 2nd, Huntingdon rose in his place and made a statement, which I send you. He had given us a verbal notice that he was going to move as to the Canadian Pacific Railway, when we went into ways and means, so our friends were prepared for the vote. " Having made his motion, he sat down without offering a word of explanation. I immediately took advantage of his 192 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. blunder, and had the members called in and a vote taken, which resulted in a majority of 31 ; with three of our friends then in town accidentally absent, viz. Cluxton, Kobillard and Blanchet. " This vote was very satisfactory, but Council felt that we could not properly allow it to remain in that position. I accordingly, the very next day, gave notice that I would move for a committee. It was fortunate that we took that course, as we found great uneasiness among our friends who had voted with us. It looked so like stifling an inquiry that they were afraid of the consequences to themselves in their constituencies. I am satisfied that if the question had been brought up again on a specific motion it would have been carried. Our course, therefore, in spontaneously asking for the inquiry was fortunate in all respects. The committee has now been struck. It consists of Hillyard Cameron, McDonald of Pictou, Blanchet, Blake, and Dorion. This is a first-rate committee. McDonald of Pictou is as true as steel, and is, I think, the ablest man in the House of Commons. He has at once taken the very first rank and position in it. Huntingdon's motion is, I understand, founded altogether on letters written by Allan to McMullen of Chicago. "The imprudence of Sir Hugh in this whole matter has almost amounted to insanity. His language has been as wild as his letters, and, between you and me, the examination must result greatly to his discredit. So far as the Government is concerned, I have no fear but that the report must be a satis- factory one. Allan and Abbott must both be here to give their testimony." The Commission having finished its labours, which were wholly inquisitorial, Parliament was summoned for the 23rd October, to receive its report. An amendment to the address was immediately offered by Mr. Mackenzie, the leader of the Opposition, to the effect that, in view of the facts disclosed before the Commission, the Ministry had merited the " severe censure " of the House. The debate lasted a week, but before it was over numerous defections from the Government ranks showed that the Ministry was doomed. If anything could have saved it, it would have been the speech in which the Prime 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 193 Minister reviewed and replied to the charges which had been made against him. His effort on that occasion one of the greatest of his life was looked forward to with an interest which was only exceeded by the enthusiasm which it evoked. When, on the afternoon of Monday, the 3rd of November, he rose to address the House, every member was in his place, and the galleries were thronged with an expectant multitude, many of whom had come from a distance to hear the anxiously looked- for explanation of the leader of the Government. The Governor General, debarred by official etiquette from being present, was represented by Lady Dufferin, who remained to the end ; and by her side, an equally interested listener, sat the present Prime Minister of England.* In eloquent and pathetic language Sir John Macdonald recounted his connection with the railway negotiations, and indignantly repudiated the charge that he had betrayed those interests which he had been commissioned to guard. Going over the ground at greater length than in his letter to the Governor General, he maintained that he had made no bargain with Sir Hugh Allan, and that Sir Hugh had received no special power, privilege, or advantage over the other members of the directorate. He spoke with great vigour for upwards of four hours, and concluded with this appeal to his countrymen, whom he had served so long. " Sir, I commit myself, the Government commits itself, to the hands of this House, and far beyond the House, it commits itself to the country at large. We have faithfully done our duty. We have had party strife setting province against province; and more than all, we have had in the greatest province, the preponderating province of the Dominion, every prejudice and sectional feeling that could be arrayed against us. I have been the victim of that conduct to a great extent ; but I have fought the battle of Confederation, the battle of Union, the battle of the Dominion of Canada. I throw myself upon this House ; I throw myself upon this country ; I throw myself upon posterity ; * Government House, Ottawa, November 1, 1873. " DEAR SIR JOHN, Pray excuse the liberty which your kindness encourages me to take. But I am leaving for Quebec to-day, having very little more time. But it' I were perfectly certain that you were going to speak on Monday I would give up Quebec and stay to hear you ; and if you would therefore tell me if this be settled you would confer a favour on Yours very truly, ROSEBEHY." VOL. II. 194 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIII. and I believe, and I know, that, notwithstanding the many failings in my life, I shall have the voice of this country, and this House, rallying round me. And, sir, if I am mistaken in that, I can confidently appeal to a higher court to the court of my own conscience, and to the court of posterity. I leave it to this House with every confidence. I am equal to either fortune. I can see past the decision of this House, either for or against me ; but whether it be for or against me, I know and it is no vain boast for me to say so, for even my enemies will admit that I am no boaster that there does not exist in this country a man who has given more of his time, more of his heart, more of his wealth, or more of his intellect and power, such as they may be, for the good of this Dominion of Canada." For the first and last time of his life he failed or perhaps I should not say he failed, as before he rose he must have felt that the judgment of the House was against him, but then and then only was his supreme effort in vain. His majority, not large in April, had been steadily melting away. A sense of extreme uneasiness pervaded the Ministerial ranks, which was ominous for the Administration. There was a " sound of going O o on the tops of the mulberry trees," a feeling of impending change everywhere abroad. Apart from those, on the one hand, who were clamorous for his fall, and those, on the other, who were prepared to stick by their leader through thick and thin, there were some who, while ready to acknowledge that Sir John Macdonald personally was free from blame that he had been drawn by circumstances beyond his control that he was the victim of atrocious calumnies that, in spite of Sir George Cartier's weakness, he had steadfastly protected the interests of Canada, both against American speculators and against the approaches of Sir Hugh Allan that, although it had never entered into his thoughts to make a single illegitimate concession in consideration of the support and assistance he expected on other grounds to receive from Sir Hugh Allan were impelled to the conclusion that a Government which had benefited politically by large sums of money derived from a person with whom it was negotiating on the part of the Dominion, could no longer command their confidence or 1873.] THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY. 195 support, and that for them the time had come to choose between their conscience and their party. He who had spent his life in reading the minds and hearts of politicians, was not blind to what was going on about him. He resolved to spare the Conservative party the injury that must result from open schism, and many old-time followers the pain which public abandonment of their leader must entail. On the day follow- ing the conclusion of his speech, and without waiting for the result of the vote of want of confidence, he placed his resigna- tion in the hands of the Governor General, and on the same afternoon announced its acceptance to the expectant House. A new administration was speedily formed under the leader- ship of Mr. Mackenzie. Parliament was prorogued, and dissolu- tion immediately followed. In the ensuing elections the Liberal party swept the country from end to end. Their triumph was complete. The great obstacle to their success was removed. Overwhelmed in the ruin which had overtaken his party, he had fallen, like Lucifer, never to rise again. So said all his opponents,* and not a few who called themselves his friends. He himself said nothing. After announcing the resignation of his Ministry, Sir John Macdonald moved the adjournment of the House. He then went over to his office, directed his secretaries to pack up his papers, drove home, went upstairs to his bedroom, and remarked quietly to Lady Macdonald, "Well, that's got along with." * Not quite all. A prominent member of the Liberal party in the Senate thus addressed him two days after his resignation : Ottawa, November 7, 1873. " DEAR SIH JOHN, Being sure that your time and thoughts have been intensely preoccupied these last few days, I have refrained from seeking an opportunity of paying my respects to you in person. I should, however, feel ill at ease if I left Ottawa without finding some means of making known to you that charges, doubts, admissions notwith- standing, I entertain a confident expectation that you will continue to occupy a large, if not the largest, space in the public mind. I have pored not a little over some portions of our country's history, and I conclude therefrom, that a good wholesome appetite for power, and tenacity of office, have very generally characterized our most eminent men, who have not infrequently sustained their positions by recourse to means not altogether in conformity with the letter of the law, and I cannot for a moment doubt that your great services to the Dominion and to the Empire will live long after the details of the Pacific affair are buried in oblivion. " With best wishes for your health and prosperity, I remain very faithfully yours, EOBT. POORE HAYTHOHNE." 196 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIIL " What do you mean ? " said she. " Why, the Government has resigned," he replied, arraying himself in his dressing-gown and slippers, and picking up two or three books from a table close by. " It's a relief to be out of it," he added, as he stretched himself on the bed, opened a volume and began to read, intimating that he did not wish to be disturbed. That was all he said on the subject at the time, nor did he allude to it again. There were no bitter reflections upon those of his supporters who had failed him in the hour of need no harsh words against those who had passed over to his foes, no repining at fortune. He knew that he had made the best fight possible. The fortunes of war had gone against him, and he accepted defeat without a murmur. And, indeed, this habit of mind was eminently characteristic of Sir John Macdonald throughout his career. No matter what happened of a disagreeable nature he invariably would say, after the first momentary exclamation of surprise, regret, or it might be annoyance, " Well, it can't be helped," and would then dismiss the subject from his mind. Shortly after the change Sir John removed to Toronto, to resume the practice of his profession, and to bide his time. He had not long to wait. Before two years had elapsed it began to be manifest that the closing words of his speech had found an echo in the hearts of the people of Canada. He had been buried under the great inundation, but the wave which had overwhelmed him receded as quickly as it had risen, and when it again advanced he found himself borne forward to his old position at the head of affairs, by the potent forces of a national reaction. ( 107 ) CHAPTER XXIV. THE RESTORATION. 1878. SIB JOHN MACDONALD'S PROPOSAL TO RETIRE REFUSAL OF HIS PARTY TO SERVE UNDER ANOTHER LEADER THE " OLD GUARD" POLICY IN OPPOSITION TURN OF THE TIDE FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION THK NATIONAL POLICY GENERAL ELECTION, 1878 RESTORATION TO POWEK VISITS TO ENGLAND IN 1879 SWORN OF HER MAJESTY'S PRIVY COUNCIL MEETING WITH IMPERIAL STATESMEN VISIT TO HUGHENDEN CONVERSATIONS WITH LORD BEACONSFIELD THE AYLESBURY SPEECH IN 1884 OFFER OF THE GRAND CROSS OF THE BATH VISIT TO WINDSOR CASTLE INVESTITURE BY THE QUEEN WITH THE G.C.B. EMPIRE CLUB BANQUET TORONTO AND MONTREAL DEMONSTRATIONS. IT is not proposed to follow, in these pages, Sir John Macdonald's political career during the period which intervened between his restoration to power in 1878, and his death in 1891. The largeness of the subject, the nearness of the time, and the presence amongst us of so many of the actors in those eventful scenes, render any adequate performance of such a task im- practicable just now. In the remaining chapters I shall, there- fore, discarding chronology, content myself with indicating his views on public questions not directly bearing on Canadian politics, leaving to the future the record of his later and more renowned triumphs. Immediately after the resignation of the Ministry, Sir John called a caucus of his followers, at which he urged upon them the importance of losing no time in organizing as an Opposition and formulating a plan of attack upon the Treasury Benches. He told them, as leader of the party, the person most attacked in the past, and most likely to be attacked in the future, that it was a question for them to consider whether 198 MEMOIRS OF SIM JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. they had not better choose another leader, a younger man, who had not been calumniated as he had been, adding that they should not allow any feelings of sympathy or of sentiment to interfere with the good of the country and of the party. One and all refused to fight under any other leader than their beloved chief. With much earnestness he besought them to think well of the suggestion of " an old man who had done his share of the fighting," and to weigh the whole matter carefully. With the object of giving them time for reflection, he adjourned the meeting until the next day, when he proposed to meet them and receive their answer. Punctually at the appointed hour he was in his place, to find himself alone. Not a single member of the party was anywhere to be seen. They would not, by their attendance, lend colour to the idea that they had even contemplated the possibility of a change of leader. Sir John had experienced many a triumph; he was destined to achieve many more, but at no time in his life, not on the ever-memorable 17th of September, 1878, not even when he was borne through the passes of the Eocky Mountains to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, over the railway which is, perhaps, the greatest monument of his courage and resolution, did he experience a prouder and more heartfelt satisfaction, than when he walked from the deserted committee-room to the House of Commons, there to receive from his devoted followers the assurances of their undiminished attachment, conveyed in ringing cheers which presaged his future triumph. In the general election of 1874, the Conservative party, taken by surprise and weighted with all the disadvantageous circumstances which attend defeat, were well-nigh annihi- lated. Sir John Macdonald himself narrowly escaped defeat in his own constituency, was unseated on a petition, and re-elected by a majority even smaller than before. Out of 206 members of the House of Commons, the Conservatives did not number more than 45. The once great party had dwindled to a mere handful, to be pitied rather than feared. The Ministerial forces, rejoicing in their new-found strength, over- flowed that portion of the chamber allotted to them, and, encroaching on the other side of the House, surrounded and 1874-77.] TI1E RESTORATION. 199 almost engulfed the little band to the left of the Speaker. Nor was it only on the floor of Parliament that the outlook was dark. Like Frederick the Great at the beginning of the Seven Years' War, or Cortes in the valley of Otompan, wherever Sir John Macdonald looked he saw a hostile array drawn up against him. At Toronto, Quebec, Halifax, Fredericton, and Charlottetown, all the provincial Governments were active in their support of the federal administration, and animated with a common desire to crush him at the coming election. But his was not the heart to despond. He felt within himself the strength of his personality in the great province of Ontario. He knew that he had not deserved defeat in 1873, and his knowledge derived from long acquaintance with the people of his own province, told him that there were thousands who already repented of their rashness, and who impatiently awaited an opportunity of atoning for the past, by restoring him to his old position at the head of affairs. But he did not trust to sentiment alone. In the words of a distinguished French Canadian writer,* "he constructed with consummate skill the engine which destroyed the Mackenzie administration. From the very first he saw what a tactician could do with Protection, and, in so masterly a manner did he cover his troops with that rampart, that it was impossible for the Liberals to turn their flank." During the sessions of 1874 and 1875, the Conservatives made little or no fight in Parliament, it being in accordance with Sir John Macdonald's tactics to conceal as far as possible the numerical weakness of his party, by avoiding divisions in the House. His leadership during those two years illustrates admirably his policy of playing the waiting game. He knew that no good could possibly result from publishing to the country every morning that his party numbered scarcely one- fourth of the House; so he was content to bide his time, assisting in the legislation, much of which had been framed by himself, and quietly awaiting an opportunity for striking a blow. In due time that opportunity arrived. In September, 1875, the appointment of Mr. Thomas Moss, M.P., to the Ontario Bench, created a vacancy in the representation of * Hector Fabre. 200 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. West Toronto. Sir John felt that to carry this metropolitan constituency in the face of both the Ottawa and Ontario Governments would be the signal to the rest of the Dominion that the tide had turned. The task, however, was no easy one ; few believed it possible, and it required all his persuasion to induce Mr. John Beverley Eobinson to take the field in the Conservative interest. To the astonishment of the Ministry, Mr. Eobinson was successful by a sweeping majority. His victory marks the beginning of that reaction which culminated on the 17th of September, three years later. A few days after this triumph, Sir John attended a banquet given in Montreal to his friend, and afterwards his colleague, Mr. Thomas White. On that occasion he delivered an impor- tant speech, every line of which breathed war against the Administration. In the session of 1876 he announced in Parliament his scheme for improving the commercial condition of the country, and, in the following summer, expounded it to the people at a series of political picnics held throughout Ontario. These picnics proved immensely successful, and were repeated in 1877. In the session of 1878 he again pressed on Parliament the adoption of his policy of protection to native industries, and defined it in a carefully drawn amend- ment to a motion to go into supply.* His attitude towards that great question was briefly this : that, while the principle of free trade, viewed as an abstract proposition, was indis- putably sound, its successful application in the concrete depended upon conditions which were not always present, and which certainly did not exist in Canada. It was, he contended, the duty of a statesman to deal with facts, not to speculate in theories, and to adopt such a policy as would * " That this House is of opinion that the welfare of Canada requires the adoption of a National Policy, which, by a judicious readjustment of the Tariff, will benefit and foster the Agricultural, the Mining, the Manufacturing and other interests of the Dominion ; that such a policy will retain in Canada thousands of our fellow country- men now obliged to expatriate themselves in search of the employment denied them at home, will restore prosperity to our struggling industries, now so sadly depressed, will prevent Canada from being made a sacrifice market, will encourage and develop an active interprovincial trade, and moving (as it ought to do) in the direction of a reciprocity of Tariffs with our neighbours, so far as the varied interests of Canada may demand, will greatly tend to procure for this country, eventually, a reciprocity of Trade" (Journals, Ilouse of Commons, March 12, 1878, p. 78). 1878.] THE RESTORATION. 201 best meet the varying needs of the country. Free trade, in the absolute sense of the term that is, the liberty of buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market did not anywhere exist. The example of England was quoted, but England, while she had thrown open her ports to the world, found the markets of all other nations shut against her. Nor, supposing the anticipations of Bright and Cobden had been realized, and all Europe had imitated England's example, did it follow that a policy which suited an isolated country of limited area, dependent to a large extent upon the rest of the world for food, whose manufacturing interests had been created and fostered by centuries of protection, could be applied with advantage to the Dominion, whose geographical and economic conditions were widely different from those of the United Kingdom. Canada was a new and poor country, lying in close proximity to a great nation, whose markets were rigorously closed against her. Under a low tariff her struggling industries found it impossible to compete against the wealth, skill, and acquired capital invested in the great manufactories of the United States which had been built up by protection, and her skilled artisans and labourers were in consequence obliged to seek in a foreign country that employment which was denied them at home. Was there no remedy for this state of things ? Sir John asked. Was Canada for ever to languish under a system which was steadily depleting her, merely that her rulers might continue faithful to the maxims of Cobden, every one of whose prophecies made with respect to the future of free-trade had been falsified by time ? To do this, was, in his opinion, to degrade political economy to a superstition. He, for his part, was not prepared to make a fetish of free trade. Bather, he argued, did it become practical statesmen, charged with the responsibilities of government, to frame and carry out such a policy as would, by encouraging and developing our great natural resources, attract capital to the country, stimulate private enterprise, provide our people with employment at home, and so make Canada in fact, what she was already in name. The Government of Mr. Mackenzie met this proposal with an emphatic negative. While admitting the serious character 202 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. of the commercial depression then prevailing, they attributed its cause wholly to circumstances beyond their control, and denied the power of any government to remove it by legislation. They would have nothing to do with protection, which the Prime Minister ridiculed as an attempt to relieve distress by imposing additional taxation. He announced the resolve of his Government to adhere to a revenue tariff, and to trust to a natural revival of trade to restore prosperity to the country. With the issue thus clearly joined, the two parties went to the polls. The result of the election was phenomenal. In the erstwhile Liberal province of Ontario, Sir John Macdouald captured no less than sixty-three seats out of eighty- eight. In Quebec the majority was equally decisive, and in the new Parliament, the leader of the little band of forty-five " the old guard," as he used affectionately to call them found himself supported by one hundred and forty-six members, out of a house of two hundred and six. This unparalleled revulsion of popular feeling surprised no one less than him to whose personal magnet- ism, apart altogether from questions of trade and tariffs, it was largely due. Yet it was not until the eve of the battle that Sir John could be prevailed upon to give his opinion as to the result. He had a rooted objection to counting upon the future, and especially to speculating upon the chances of an election contest. " An election is like a horse-race," he used to say, " in that you can tell more about it the next day." On this occasion, although he has told me he felt as sure as one could feel of anything that had not occurred, that the Mackenzie government was doomed, he maintained his habitual reserve far into the summer. Lady Macdonald has related that, during the eventful campaign of 1878, she could not obtain the slightest intimation of what he thought the issue of the fight would be. Towards the end of July it became absolutely necessary, for domestic reasons, that she should know whether they were to continue to occupy their Toronto house or not. Accordingly she brought the subject up, and, explaining the circumstances under which she desired to know, pressed him to give her some hint of what he thought was going to happen. Then for the first time he spoke. " If we do well, we shall have a majority of sixty ; if badly, thirty." He had eighty-six. 1879.] THE RESTORATION. 203 On his return to power Sir John Macdonald's first care was to bring into effect his " National Policy," in the framing of which he so thoroughly carried out his ante-election promises as to extort from Mr. Mackenzie, who all along professed him- self as unable to believe that the Conservative leader really meant to introduce protection, the reluctant admission that in legislation he had "gone the whole hog." This paramount duty accomplished, he felt free to revert to his trans-continental railway policy, which he was more than ever determined to carry out. "With the object, among others, of awakening interest at home on this subject, and his kindred policy of developing the North- West, he sailed for England in July, 1879. There were few pleasures in Sir John's estimation com- parable with a visit to England. The sea voyage, the rest and freedom from official worries, the change of air and scene, all contributed to render the trip agreeable. But what he enjoyed most of all was intercourse with Imperial statesmen. " I do not," he writes, " think there is anything in the world equal in real intellectual pleasure to meeting the public men of England. Their tone is so high and their mode of thinking so correct, that it really elevates one. When I read occasionally of the loss of the prestige and position of England, I am incredulous if only from the one fact that the statesmen of England are far superior to those of any other nation, east or west." ' Ten days after his arrival in London, Sir John received the Queen's commands to attend at Osborne for the purpose of being sworn a member of Her Majesty's Privy Council, to which he had been summoned seven years previously. The ceremony took place on Thursday, the 14th of August, 1879, in the presence of the Duke of Northumberland, the Duke of Bichmond, the Lord Chancellor (Earl Cairns), and Mr. Home Secretary Cross. Immediately after taking the oaths, Sir John took his seat at the Board. Shortly afterwards, the Queen held a Council, before which he, not being a member of the Cabinet, withdrew, to resume his place a few moments later, when the Cabinet Council was over. During this visit Sir John received much notice from * To His Honour Judge Gowan, dated Ottawa, June 27, 1871. 204 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MAC DONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. leading men, among others from Lord Beaconsfield, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, Lord Carnarvon, Sir Stafford Northcote, and his particular friend, the Eight Honourable W. H. Smith. Perhaps I cannot better illustrate the attention paid him, than by transcribing a page of his engagement-book. "Saturday, August 16th. Appointment with Sir Michael Hicks-Beach at twelve o'clock. Left for Highclere (Lord Carnarvon's country seat), to spend Sunday. Met at dinner Lowe and wife, Cardinal Howard, Meade, of Colonial Office, Sir Lintorn Simmons, etc. "Sunday, 17th. Rained all day. Took a walk after luncheon. After dinner had a long conversation with Lord Carnarvon and Cardinal Howard. "Monday, 18th. Returned from Highclere." The remainder of the week was spent chiefly in receiving callers and deputations on public business. "Saturday, 23rd. In the morning saw General Creagh and Mr. Barron. Evening, Forget-me-not at Lyceum with Agnes (Lady Macdonald) and Clara. "Sunday, 24:th. St. Paul's in the morning. St. Alban's, High Holborn, in the evening with Agnes, who also went to Westminster Abbey, at 3 p.m." Then follows another week of business interviews. " Monday and Tuesday, September 1st and 2nd. Hughen- den. " Wednesday, 3rd. Saw Sir Michael Hicks-Beach at 12.30. Dined with Sir Henry Tyler at Army and Navy Club. Pleasant dinner. " Thursday, September th. Visited W. H. Smith at Henley-on-Thames. Spent Thursday from 11 a.m., till Friday at 10.10 a.m. Met Sir Houston Stewart, Vice-Admiral, and Wm. Mackenzie Murray, etc. "Friday, 5th. Long conversation with Sir Michael Hicks- Beach." His previous acquaintance with Mr. Disraeli had been confined to one or two interviews more or less formal, and separated by considerable intervals of time. It was, therefore, ivith much satisfaction that, one day towards the end of August, lie received a cordial invitation from Lord Beaconsfield, to pay 1879.] TEE RESTORATION. 205 him a visit at his country seat. On Monday, the 1st of September, he went down to Hughenden, dined with Lord Beaconsfield, the only other person present being Mr. James. Daly, one of the latter's private secretaries, and stayed the night. After dinner, they spent a short time in the library, discussing among other things the classics, which subject was introduced by Lord Beaconsfield, who lightly descanted upon the great poets, orators, and philosophers of Athens and Rome.* In the course of the evening, his host asked Sir John if he smoked. " No," was the reply. " Perhaps you do not mind the smell of smoke ? " said Lord Beaconsfield. " Not at all," answered Sir John. " In that case," said his host, " we will adjourn to the smoking-room;" adding, with that delicate consideration for those who served him, which was equally characteristic of his guest for it was just what Sir John would have said "I know Daly cannot get along without his cigar, and he wants to hear us talk." The smoking-room was at the top of the house, and formed a sort of auxiliary library ; it was a large comfortable room, appropriately furnished, yet wearing, withal, a certain air of quaintness not ordinarily met with in an English house. Around the walls hung the portraits of the five Prime Ministers the county of Buckingham has produced,! which Lord Beacons- field took occasion to point out to Sir John, remarking, as he did so, that he doubted whether there were three men in England who could give off-hand a list of the Prime Ministers since the accession of the House of Brunswick. Here the two statesmen held a long and interesting conversation, principally about Canada, its people, and its resources. That Sir John * I observe that Sir William Fraser, in " Disraeli and His Day," p. 476, ridicules the statement by Sir Stafford Northcote (tide Lang's " Life of," vol. ii. p. 178), to the effect that Lord Beaconsfield was a classical scholar. Of course I am not qualified to express any opinion on the point, but this much I may say, that most certainly he introduced the subject during Sir John's visit to Hughenden. " We discussed the classics," were Sir John's exact words, and the impression conveyed by them at the time was, that Disraeli and he had just such a conversation as Sir Stafford Northcoto v relates took place on the occasion to which he has referred. t Lord Shelburne, the two Grenvilles, the Duke of Portland, and himself. 206 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. made the most of his opportunity can be seen in the speech made by Lord Beaconsfield at Aylesbury a few days later, in which he extolled the "illimitable wilderness" of our great North- West, then awaiting cultivation and settlement.* They also, Sir John told me, related their several experiences in early political life ; and Lord Beaconsfield added to the charm of the occasion by giving some interesting sketchy descriptions of remarkable characters of years gone by Count D'Orsay among the number, whom he used to meet in the old days at Lady Blessington's. " D'Orsay," said Lord Beaconsfield, in reply to a question of Sir John, " was a strikingly handsome man as handsome as Saul." "An ordinary Englishman," observed Sir John to me, " would have likened him to Apollo, but Disraeli had rather a way of putting forward his Jewish lineage. I recollect that, among other questions, he asked me how long I had been in public life. ' Thirty-five years,' I replied. * Ah/ said he, ' I beat you ; I have been forty years, as long as David reigned.' " f In bidding his guest good night, Lord Beaconsfield said to him : " You have greatly interested me, both in yourself and in Canada. We are going into our elections shortly, but come back next year and I will do anything you ask me." Sir John returned next year ; but, alas, for the instability of human greatness, the general election of 1880 had intervened, the Conservative Government was overthrown, and Mr. Gladstone * " Let us look for a moment at the situation of Canada. The situation of Canada is most peculiar. Since the surrender of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the settlement of their affairs, the Dominion of Canada has become possessed of what I might almost describe as an illimitable wilderness, a wilderness of fertile land, not backwoods to be cleared, but treeless prairie land." (From a speech delivered by the Right Hon. the Earl of Beaconsfield, K.G., at Aylesbury, on the 18th of September, 1879.) t Through the exceeding kindness of the Earl of Derby, I have had the advantage of Lord Beaconsfield' s private secretary's recollections of this inter- view. Lord Ilowton was not at Hughenden at the time, but I learn from him that whenever Lord Beaconsfield spoke of Sir John, especially after this visit, it was nlways of one whose abilities he recognized, and in whom he took much interest. Mr. Daly, as I have said, was present throughout Sir John's visit. By the favour of Lord Derby I sent my account to him for any observations that might occur to him, and he has replied that, in the main, it accords with his recollection of what took place. 1879.] THE RESTORATION. 207 ruled England. Before Sir John's next visit, Lord Beaconsfield was dead. Sir John, who was much gratified by Lord Beaconsfield's complimentary allusions at Aylesbury to Canada, thus ex- pressed his acknowledgments. " Stadacona Hall, Ottawa, October 7, 1879. "DEAR LORD BEACONSFIELD, "Canada has been in a state of pleasurable excite- ment ever since she received, by cable, the announcement that you had made a speech at Aylesbury in which she was favour- ably spoken of. Last mail brought us the full report, and your speech has been published in cxtenso by our newspapers, and eagerly read through the length and breadth of the land. The gratification of our people is extreme. They say, truly, that this is the first occasion on which a Prime Minister of England has given prominence to Canada, her capabilities, and her future the first time that it has been proclaimed by such high authority that England has an especial interest in Canada, can look to her largest dependency for food supply, and become independent of foreign nations. The speech will be worth much to Canada, and will send thousands of strong arms and cheerful hearts to us, instead of adding to the strength of other, and possibly hostile countries. " This is ' Imperialism ' in its best aspect, and one might well suppose that every Englishman would rejoice at the prospect held out by it and you. Yet I see that the Opposition press in England are attacking the speech and impugning its accuracy. The attacks must fail, as the statements made by Your Lordship are substantially correct, and will be fully sustained. In one instance you actually understate the advantages held out to the intending settler in Canada. It is not required of him to reduce his 160 acres of ' homestead ' or free-grant land ' to perfect cultivation ' within three years. He is only required to reside on it for the three years, to put up a habitable residence, and to break up and cultivate such portion of the grant as shall satisfy the Government agent that the occupant really means to be a settler. " There are one or two points of minor importance which 208 MEMOlfiS OF SIH JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. may, perhaps, bear correction. In speaking of wages Your Lordship says, ' The rudest labourer will get 12s. a day, and a skilled labourer 16s. or 18s.' Now, as a general rule, agri- cultural labourers are hired by the month, and not by the day, and they are paid 312 to 816, or even $18 per month, with board and lodging added. Except for a few days in harvest, hiring by the day is not known, then the wages run from 81 to 82 per diem, according to the state of the labour market, and the skill of the labourer, board and lodging always added. Again, you mentioned that there is an extensive emigration from the Western States of the United States into ' the illimit- able wilderness of Canada.' Now, there always has been, and still is, an annual emigration from the older Atlantic States to those of the Far West, but not, I think, as yet in any great degree to the North-Western Territories of the Dominion. There is already a considerable exodus from the United States of Canadians who had left their own country and are now returning sadder and wiser men. Some Americans have also come to us, and, from the decided superiority of our country for agricultural purposes, I anticipate, in the not distant future, a large influx of Yankees more, perhaps, than, from a political point of view, is desirable. As yet, however, they have not come in great numbers. From Western Canada, that is from the Province of Ontario, there has been a very large emigration of farmers to the Canadian Far West. They are selling their cleared and improved farms at from $30 to $40 per acre, and afford a great opportunity to English tenant farmers who may shrink from encountering the hardships of the wilder- ness, of purchasing, at very low rates, beautiful farms in good order. " I am satisfied that Messrs. Pell and Read of the Eoyal Commission, who are now on this continent, will more than sustain your statements as to the agricultural capabilities of Canada. You have also near you Lord Elphinstone, who visited our North- West this year, and has become a large land- holder there. He is, I believe, about to settle two of his sons there. Pray pardon me for obtruding this long letter upon you. Your kindness at Hughenden has emboldened me to do so, and has at the same time increased, if possible, my earnest 1884.] THE RESTORATION. 209 wishes, as a life-long Conservative, for the permanence and success of your administration. " Believe me to be, dear Lord Beaconsfield, " Very faithfully yours, "JOHN A. MACDONALD." I pass over his visits to England of 1880 and 1881, the former of which was devoted to the formation of the syndicate which undertook and constructed the Canadian Pacific Eailway, and come to that of 1884, in some respects the culminating point in his career. Since his visit to Hughenden great changes had taken place in England, or rather in Downing Street, for ten years ago a change of government did not mean to the United Kingdom what it implies to-day ; but Sir John Mac- donald found himself the object of as much attention under Liberal auspices as he experienced when his own political friends were at the head of affairs. He had not long arrived in London, and made himself comfortable at his old quarters, Batt's Hotel, Dover Street, Piccadilly, before he received the following gratifying intimation from the Prime Minister : " 10, Downing Street, Whitehall, "November 15, 1884. " DEAR SIR J. MACDONALD, " In acknowledgment of your long and distinguished services, Her Majesty graciously authorizes me to propose to you that you should receive the honour of a Grand Cross of the Bath. " Believe me to remain " Faithfully yours, "W. E. GLADSTONE." To which Sir John replied : " Batt's Hotel, Dover Street, " November 15, 1884. "DEAR MR. GLADSTONE, " I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your note of to-day, informing me that the Queen has graciously authorized you to propose to me that I should receive the honour of a Grand Cross of the Bath. " I gratefully accept this distinguished mark of Her Majesty's VOL. II. P 210 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. favour, and I am especially gratified that this announcement should be made through you, and the honour conferred through your kind intervention. " Believe me to be, dear Mr. Gladstone, " Faithfully yours, "JOHN A. MACDONALD." To those who may not be aware of the full import of this notification, I may say that no less an authority than Lord Beaconsfield has declared the Grand Cross of the Bath to be practically the highest meritorious distinction in the power of the Sovereign to bestow. In Sir John Macdonald's case, the honour was enhanced by the intimation that Her Majesty proposed to decorate him herself. A few days after the date of Mr. Gladstone's letter, he received the Eoyal commands to go to Windsor, on Tuesday the 25th of November, to dine and sleep at the Castle. The ceremony of investiture took place before dinner, in the presence of the Earl of Derby, Mr. Gladstone, Sir J. M'Neill, and some members of the Eoyal Family. As the guests stood awaiting Her Majesty's entrance, what thoughts may have passed through Sir John Macdonald's mind ? Perhaps he recalled that November afternoon at Ottawa, when he confidently appealed to the future for that vin- dication which was denied him at the time. Perhaps he thought of the insolent prediction of his great rival, made twenty-six years before, that he was then about to retire from public life, a " thoroughly used-up character ; " or it may be that his memory led him back to his early youth, to the day of his first visit to Windsor Castle, and to the description he wrote his mother " of the magnificence of the royalty of England." We can only conjecture. All he told me was, that before the ceremony he had a conversation with Mr. Gladstone, who was exceedingly cordial and pleasant, and that when he knelt before his Sovereign, Her Majesty was pleased to supplement the formal act of investiture with a few gracious words, expressive of the pleasure she felt in thus recognizing his loyal and faithful services to the Empire. Sir John Macdonald spent the Sunday preceding his visit to the Queen as the guest of the Prince of Wales at Sandringham. 1884.] TEE RESTORATION. 211 On Monday he was entertained at dinner by the Beaconsfield Club. On the day following his return to London from Windsor, he attended a banquet given at the Empire Club, where a brilliant company had assembled to do him honour. The chair was occupied by the Marquis of Lome. Upwards of eighty noblemen and gentlemen were present, including the Duke of Sutherland, the Marquis of Salisbury, the Marquis of Normanby, the Earl of Kimberley, the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Carnarvon, the Viscount Bury, Sir Henry Holland, Sir Charles Tupper, Sir T. Brassey, Mr. W. H. Smith, and many other distinguished personages. Among the letters of apology was one from the Prince of Wales, expressing the great regret of His Eoyal Highness that he was not able to be present " to do honour to his old personal friend, Sir John Macdonald." The question of Imperial federation was at that time attracting a good deal of attention in England. It was known that Sir John had had the principal part in carrying out a scheme of colonial federa- tion, which might prove the forerunner of the larger idea. Much interest, therefore, was felt in learning his views upon the great question of Imperial unity. As I propose in another chapter to devote a brief space to this subject, I shall content myself here with saying that his speech at this dinner conveyed the assurance that the people of Canada, both from a strong sentiment of loyalty as well as from a consideration of their political, moral, and material well-being, were fully resolved to maintain and strengthen by every available means the connec- tion with the mother country. I have not space to record all the kind and complimentary things said of him that night, whether by Lord Lome, whose Prime Minister he had been, or, on behalf of the Conservatives, by Lord Salisbury, who had no better wish for Canada than that in her future " she may have many statesmen who will shed as much lustre on her history and confer as many benefits upon her people as Sir John Macdonald ; " or, on behalf of the Liberals, by the Earl of Kimberley, who said that " the whole company were met for the purpose of signifying in the person of Sir John Macdonald, an ardent desire for the unity of the whole Empire." * The gratification experienced by Sir John * For the full account of this dinner and the reports of the speeches there 212 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXIV. Macdonald at this spontaneous testimony of Imperial regard was naturally great, yet, keenly as he must have appreciated this splendid tribute to his political services, he was before the year closed to receive two demonstrations upon which he placed even a higher value than that of the Empire Club. For there he was comparatively a stranger. There he represented an idea, and he could not avoid the reflection that the honours of which he was the recipient were largely paid to the Prime Minister of Canada, to the foremost colonial statesman. But at home there awaited him the expression of a people's love for himself personally not for the Prime Minister, or the Colonial statesman with Imperial ideas, but for their own " John A.," the fortieth anniversary of whose entrance into public life was celebrated at Montreal and Toronto in November with an enthusiasm that knew no bounds. Sir John Macdonald paid his last visit to England in the autumn of 1885. He intended returning in 1886 among other reasons to receive the degree of LL.D. from the University of Cambridge * but public business compelled him to change his plans. Had he lived, there is little doubt he would have gone in the summer of 1891. It was during his stay in London in 1885 that Sir John suggested to Cardinal Manning, with whom he was on terms of personal friendship, the propriety of extending to Canada the honour of representation in the Sacred College. He pointed out that the occupant of the Archiepiscopal See of Quebec, the delivered, see the Times, Standard, and other London papers of the 27th;of November, 1884. * " Christ's College Lodge, Cambridge, June 22, 1886. " SIR, I am directed by the Council of the Senate of this University to intimate to you their anxiety to offer to you the highest honour at their disposal the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Laws. " Should you be pleased to accept it they are anxious that you should receive it on July 9th, a day on which a large party organized by the Eeception Committee of the Exhibition are expected to visit Cambridge. " We consider that such action on your part would much enhance the interest of their visit, and would be gratifying to them, as it would be to us. " An answer addressed to me at the Athenaeum, Pall Mall, will find me there until Saturday. " I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient faithful servant, " C. A. SWAINSON, Vice Chancellor. " The Right Hon. Sir John Macdonald, Premier of Canada." 1885-6.] THE EESTOEATION. 213 cradle of Christianity on the continent of America, was, by reason of his distinguished name and social position, eminently fitted to adorn a dignity, for which Sir John doubted not he possessed higher qualifications. Three months after Sir John's return to Canada, he received this letter from Cardinal Manning : "Archbishop's House, "Westminster, S.W., April 3, 1886. "My DEAR SIR JOHN MACDONALD, " I have reason to hope that my letter to the Holy Father has not been without result, and that in the next Consistory you will find your wishes fulfilled. Let me thank you for giving me the opportunity of doing the least act in showing my veneration for the Church in Canada. . . . " Believe me, my dear Sir John, " Yours very truly, " HENRY E. CARD. MANNING, " Archbishop of Westminster." At a Consistory held on the 7th of June, 1886, the Most Eeverend Elzear Alexandre Taschereau was created " Cardinal Priest of the Holy Eoman Church." 214 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MAC DONALD. [CHAP. XXV. CHAPTEK XXV. IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. SIR JOHN MACDONALD'S ATTITUDE IN REGARD TO IMPERIAL FEDERATION HIS ADVOCACY OF THE POLICY OF INTER-IMPERIAL TRADE CORRE- SPONDENCE WITH THE RIGHT HON. W. H. SMITH DEFENCE TRADE WITH AUSTRALASIA IMPORTANCE TO IMPERIAL UNITY OF THE CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY HOME RULE : LETTERS TO LORD LISGAR AND THE EARL OF CARNARVON ON THE SUBJECT OF PROFESSOR GOLDWIN SMITH'S CRITICISMS ADDRESS BY CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE IRISH QUESTION CONSIDERED SIR JOHN MACDONALD's COURSE IN RELATION THERETO. To a colonial statesman of Sir John Macdonald's stamp, the phrase " Imperial Federation " possessed an attractive sound. With the general objects of that movement Sir John was in full sympathy. On the occasion of the establishment of the Imperial Federation League (November 18, 1884) in London, he was present, and made a speech concurring in the views there expressed by Lord Normanby and others, as to the desir- ableness of drawing more closely the bonds which united the colonies with the mother country. At the banquet in his honour a few days later, he adverted, as we have seen, to this subject, and again expressed himself as favourable to the objects of the league. At the same time he pointed out that the many and great difficulties which stood in the way of Imperial federation rendered any immediate attempt to lay down cast- iron rules, or to submit to the colonies a cut-and-dried formula, manifestly inexpedient. The problem presented by the league could only be solved after much interchange of opinion between Imperial and colonial statesmen. For this purpose time was necessary. Sir John always declined to commit himself to any of the theories advanced by certain of the more enthusiastic 1884.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. 215 members of the league, believing that none of them were practicable. During the last few years of his life, when asked if he were an Imperial Federationist, he would reply somewhat after this fashion : " That depends upon what you mean by Imperial federation ? I am, of course, in favour of any feasible scheme that will bring about a closer union between the various portions of the Empire, but I have not yet seen any plan worked out by which this can be done. The proposal that there should be a Parliamentary federation of the Empire I regard as impracticable. I greatly doubt whether England would agree that the Parliament which has sat during so many centuries at Westminster should be made subsidiary to a federal legislature. But, however that might be, I am quite sure that Canada would never consent to be taxed by a central body sitting at London, in which she would have practically no voice; for her proportionate number of members in such an assembly would amount to little more than an honorary repre- sentation. That form of Imperial federation is an idle dream. So also, in my judgment, is the proposal to establish a uniform tariff throughout the Empire. No colony would ever surrender its right to control its fiscal policy." But while Sir John Macdonald regarded both these schemes as unworkable, he by no means despaired of the future of Imperial federation. Indeed, I may say that he looked upon it as necessary to the continuance of the Empire's greatness, that some form of co-operation some common bond, other than their common allegiance should be established between the colonies, uniting them with one another, and with the motherland. That bond, in his opinion, should be one of material interest. Parliamentary federation we could not have, but he saw no insuperable difficulty in the way of a commercial union between England and her great colonies. A union for purposes of defence and trade was, in his judgment, the true Imperial policy. Take, for example, the case of the Dominion. Sir John Macdonald believed that a mutually preferential commercial arrangement between England and Canada under which a small duty should be levied upon foreign corn coming into the United Kingdom, and a similar advantage accorded to British manufactures by Canada, would not raise the price of food in 216 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOSN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. England,* and would result in a large and permanent develop- ment of trade, both to the mother country and the colony. In reply to the objection that this policy was at variance with the deeply rooted attachment of Englishmen to the doctrine of free-trade, he would answer that the time was rapidly approaching when the power of that superstition would be broken, and when Englishmen would awake to the supreme folly of sacrificing their material interests to the worship of a theory which was every day being disproved by the stern logic of facts. Shortly before his death, Sir John Macdonald received two remarkable indications of the change in public sentiment at home, which he confidently predicted. In January, 189.1, Sir Gordon Sprigg, at that time Premier of Cape Colony, delivered an address to the City of London branch of the Imperial Federation League, in which he urged the adoption of the Imperial trade policy advocated by Sir John Macdonald. The next day's Times contained a leading article upon this address, in which this significant passage occurs : " When, however, we come to deal with a commercial union, we tread upon ground that has to be traversed with caution. Sir Gordon Sprigg tells us that free-trade is not a fetish in the colonies, and that the theories of the text-books are not allowed to stand in the way of any fiscal measure that seems advantageous. As to the text-books, they are getting somewhat out- worn even here. Our modern economists have so many qualifications to make in the fine, square-cut doctrines of the older school, that the science is rapidly becoming unrecognizable. There is still a considerable amount of fetish worship, but the ideas upon which any commercial union must rest will not in future incur the furious and unreasoning hostility that would have greeted them twenty years ago. It is getting to be understood that free- trade is made for man, not man for free-trade, and any changes that may be proposed will have a better chance of being discussed upon their own merits, rather than in the light of high and dry theory backed by outcries about the thin end of the wedge. The British Empire is so large and so com- * His view was that a duty of something like five shillings a quarter on foreign corn would suffice to secure the English market to the colonies, and at the same time would not affect the cost of bread. Sir Charles Tupper, in two able papers (Nineteenth Century for October, 1891, and April, 1892), sets this forth with great clearness. He shows from official reports that, in the years 1890 and 1891, when the price of com varied ten shillings and sixpence a quarter, the fluctuations had to reach practically ten shillings a quarter before it made a halfpenny difference in the four-pound loaf. In the latter article Sir Charles Tupper states that, during the Canadian elections of 1891, he had several conversations with Sir John Macdonald upon this subject of " inter-imperial" trade, and that their views practically coincided. 1891.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. Ill pletely self-supporting, that it could very well afford, for the sake of a serious political gain, to surround itself with a moderate fence. There would, of course, be some economic disadvantage in a customs union, but if a larger political advantage could be gained, there is no sound reason that we know of why the transaction should not be regarded, like any other, in the light of expediency." * A fortnight after these words were written the Canadian Parliament was dissolved. The general election which followed was on the question of commercial union with the United States, which Sir John Macdonald opposed. The polling took place on the 5th of March. On the 7th, the Eight Honourable W. H. Smith, then First Lord of the Treasury, and leader of the House of Commons, wrote him : " [Private.] " 3, Grosvenor Place, S.W., March 7, 1891. "My DEAR SIR JOHN, " Let me congratulate you on success. It is not so big as I should have wished, but I am very glad indeed, for the sake of the old country, that you have won. " It is disquieting to see that Ontario and Quebec have not given you a majority, but there, I suppose, the McKinley Tariff hits hard. " What can we do ? What course is open to us ? Retaliatory duties are, I fear, almost impossible for us here, as they could only be placed on bread stuffs, and our workmen are easily inflamed by a cry of dear food ; but what other method exists to preserve our own market and re-open yours ? " Do not understand me" as advocating such duties, but I am sensible of the extreme gravity of the situation, and of the future, and I want light. " For the present your elections give us time to breathe and to think. Understand, I write for myself alone, and in strict confidence. " Yours sincerely, " W. H. SMITH." This cry for light, coming from the leader of the Imperial House of Commons, was a distinct admission that free-trade was not all-in-all, and was so interpreted by Sir John Macdonald, who thus replied : " [Private.] " Earnscliffe, Ottawa, April 8, 1891. "My DEAR MR. SMITH, " Pardon me for not sooner answering your kind note of congratulation. * Times, January 15, 1891. 218 MEMOIRS OF SIM JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. " During the contest I forgot that I was an old man, and overworked myself. I am now only gathering myself together and working off arrears of correspondence. * * * * " ' How can we be aided by the mother country ? ' is the question of the day, and it is hard to answer. " Nothing effectual can be done until after Lord Salisbury goes to the country. If he win which Heaven grant some Imperial policy can [be framed and carried out. Meanwhile, manufacturers and their working people must, or rather should, be taught, that they can find friendly and expanding markets in the colonies, if they are treated in the same spirit. Take Canada, for instance : our tariff is a revenue tariff in substance, and averages 30 per cent., while the prohibitory tariff of the U.S. averages fully 60 per cent. Now, Canada has undertaken the development of her resources on so large a scale that she must have revenue, and from various causes can only look to customs and excise for it. While, therefore, she cannot promise a reduction of her customs duties, she will be quite ready to give British goods a preference of 5 or even 10 per cent, in our markets if our products receive a corresponding preference in England. The United States are the chief rivals of English manufacturers with us at present ; with such a differential scale of duties as I suggest, all that we do not make ourselves would be supplied by the mother country. " I see that Mr. Cecil Khodes is in favour of such a policy, and I have little doubt Australasia would adopt it. " The Americans boast that such is the extent and diversity of their soil, and climate, and products, that they are independent of the rest of the world. But they cannot compare with the British Empire in those respects. It is a world in itself. But I must not weary you with my speculations. " Again thanking you for your good wishes. " Believe me " Yours very sincerely, "JOHN A. MACDONALD.* " The Rt. Honble. W. H. Smith, M.P., etc." * Had Sir John Macdonald lived eleven months longer, he would have received a still more significant indication of the fulfilment of his predictions that English states- men were fast coming to view this question in the light of practical experience. Ill 1891.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. 219 Sir John Macdonald had long favoured the idea of a preferential arrangement with the mother country. A few weeks before his death, he makes this clear, in a letter to a friend : " I agree with you that we should have a Eeciprocity Treaty with England. Years ago,* I, with Sir Leonard Tilley and Sir Charles Tupper, made a proposition to that effect, while we were on a visit to London. The difficulty is that no English statesman has yet mustered courage to take up the question. Lord Salisbury will probably go to the country next summer, and, if successful, I shall renew the proposal. We can hope nothing from Gladstone, so we must watch events." f With respect to the question of defence, Canada, under the administration of Sir John Macdonald, by the construction of an Imperial highway across the continent, and by the grant of a speech delivered at Hastings, May 18, 1892, the Marquis of Salisbury, then Prime Minister of England, gave utterance to these words : ' ' England only maintains the position which she occupies by the vast industries existing here, but a danger is growing up. Forty or fifty years ago everybody believed free-trade had conquered the world, and prophesied that every nation would follow the example of England. The results, however, are not yet realized. Despite the prophecies of the free-trade advocates, foreign nations are advocating protection. They are excluding us from their markets and are trying to kill our trade, and this state of things seems to grow worse. We live in an age of war tariffs. An important point is, that while nations are doing everything to obtain each other's commercial favour, none is anxious about the favour of Great Britain, because Great Britain has stripped herself of the armour and weapons with which the battle is to be fought. Now as to the attitude which we have taken. Regarding it as disloyalty to the glorious and sacred doctrines of free -trade to impose duties on anybody for the sake of anything we get, thereby may be noble, but it is not business like. On these terms you will and do get nothing. If you intend to hold your own in this conflict of tariffs you must be prepared to refuse nations which injure you access to your markets. We complain most of the United States, and it so happens that the United States mainly furnishes us with articles which are essential to the good of the people and with raw material which is necessary to our manufacturers. We cannot exclude either without serious injury to ourselves. I am not prepared, in order to punish other countries, to inflict dangerous wounds on ourselves. We must confine ourselves to those matters wherein we shall not suffer much whether importations continue or diminish. While we cannot raise the price of food and raw material, there is an enormous mass of imports, such as wine, spirits, silk, gloves and lace from countries beside the United States, which are merely luxuries, and of which a diminished consumption might be risked in order to secure access to the markets of our neighbours. I shall expect to bo excommunicated for propounding such a doctrine, but I am bound to say that I think the free-traders have gone too far." * In 1879. t To J. S. Helmcken, Esq., M.D., dated Ottawa, March 30, 1891. 220 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. liberal subsidies to Atlantic and Pacific lines of steamships, has provided means of rapid communication between the centre and the extremities of the Empire, which must not only further the material development of each part, but also promote the security of the whole. She has thus shown in the most practical manner her willingness to co-operate in the Empire's defence, and given a pledge that her efforts in the future will not be less than they have been in the past. In regard to the possibility of trade with Australia, Sir John was an enthusiast in his views. He firmly believed that the community of interests between the mother country and her great colonies, which he strove to promote, would surely be established, and that Canada, from her geographical position in relation to Great Britain, the East, and Australia, could not fail to reap untold benefits thereby. It was the fixity of this belief which enabled him to carry to completion, in the face of opposing forces of every kind, his project of uniting the Atlantic with the Pacific by a railway running exclusively through British territory. The Canadian Pacific Railway is now an accomplished fact, and no one who witnesses the desire of the public men of Canada and Australia for closer inter- course, can doubt that before many years the anticipations of its builder will be realized, and that Canada, as the essential link between England and her far distant colonies, will share in the prosperity and greatness which Sir John Macdonald hoped and believed would distinguish, for ages to come, the mighty Empire whose interests lay so near his heart. Among the latest important utterances of Sir John Mac- donald on the subject of British connection, I may refer to a speech delivered by him on the occasion of the public banquet of the Queen's University, Kingston, at which he reiterated and emphasized the conviction of a lifetime in these words : "I am satisfied that the vast majority of the people of Canada are in favour of the continuance and perpetuation of the connection between the Dominion and the mother country. There is nothing to gain and everything to lose by separation. I believe that if any party or person were to announce or declare such a thing, whether by annexation with the neighbouring 1889.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. 221 country, the great republic to the south of us, or by declar- ing for independence, I believe that the people of Canada would say ' No.' We are content, we are prosperous, we have prospered under the flag of England ; and I say that it would be unwise, that we should be lunatics, to change the certain present happiness for the uncertain chances of the future. I always remember, when this occurs to me, the Italian epitaph : ' I was well, I would be better, and here I am.' "We are well we know, all are well, and I am satisfied that the majority of the people of Canada are of the same opinion which I now venture to express here. For the language which I heard this morning, the language which I have heard this afternoon, and the language which I have heard to-night show that, at all events, all who are connected with the University of Queen's are men in favour of the continuance of the connection between the Dominion and Great Britain. I say that it would bring ruin and misfortune, any separation from the United Kingdom. I believe that is the feeling of the present Parlia- ment of Canada, and I am certain that any party, or the supposed party, making an appeal to the people of Canada, or any persons attempting to form a party on the principle of separation from England, no matter whether they should propose to walk alone, or join another country, I believe that the people of Canada would rise almost to a man and say, ' No, we will do as our fathers have done. We are content, and our children are content, to live under the flag of Great Britain.' " Upon the burning question of Home Eule for Ireland, the antithesis of the idea of Imperial unity, Sir John Macdonald's views can be clearly outlined. It is scarcely necessary for me to say, that, in relation to this, as to all other questions of Imperial concern, he was a Unionist to the core, and, as such, deprecated the policy of Mr. Gladstone, which he regarded as fraught with danger to the security, if not the existence of the United Kingdom. At the same time, it is equally true that he entertained a sympathy for the Irish race in their misfortunes, which centuries of misgovern- ment had entailed. From the beginning of Mr. Butt's agitation in 1870, he had given his attention to the problem that their unsatisfactory political condition presented. While 222 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MAC DONALD. [CHAP. XXV. in Washington, in 1871, he found leisure, among his pressing duties as High Commissioner, to elaborate a scheme for the local self-government of Ireland, which at that time might have gone far to satisfy the legitimate aspirations of its people. Thus, in 1871, he wrote to Lord Lisgar : " As I have finished my treaty-making work, I propose to jot down, as suggested by Your Excellency, a summary of our conversation when I had the pleasure of visiting you at Spencer Wood in September last. " Ireland is now demanding a home Parliament and home legislation, and, at the same time, it is evident that the Parliament of the United Kingdom is unable to do all the work that is thrown upon it. It is worth while, therefore, to consider whether the wishes of Ireland might not be gratified to a reasonable extent, and, at the same time, the British House of Commons be relieved of a portion of the work, the accumulation of which at present clogs and impedes Imperial legislation. " The repeal of the Union and the restoration of the Irish Parliament, with all the powers that it enjoyed in 1800, is, it seems to me, entirely out of the question. With the feeling of hostility to everything English that now exists and will long continue in Ireland, it is certain that the Legislature of the latter would at once commence to undo everything that has been done by the united Parliament. Public men would vie with each other in expressions of enmity against England and the English, and that party would be the most popular which would adopt the most extreme course in thwarting the policy of Britain, both foreign and domestic. "The establishment of a home Parliament with limited powers, such, for instance, as those conferred on the provincial legislatures of Canada, would, if possible, be still more objectionable. Great impatience at the restrictions would at once be displayed, and an agitation early commenced for their removal, reviving all the old reminiscences and struggles about Poyning's law and the commercial regulations of yore. Every attempt would be made to overstep their jurisdiction by Bills so ingeniously drawn as to leave a doubt whether they were ultra vires or not. 1871.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. 223 " We, as you know, have found great difficulty in keeping the subordinate legislatures in Canada from exceeding their powers, but our difficulty is as nothing when compared with the trouble that would be given to the Imperial Government by the Irish Legislature. What they could not do by Bill, they would endeavour to do by resolution, petition, address, remonstrance, etc., etc. "Experience shows us what continued agitation will do as to Irish matters. In the long run the English people and Parliament will, from a mere sense of weariness, yield, as they have always done, to Irish turbulence, and then would come the severance from England. "This severance would in such case be complete, for the sentiment of loyalty and of attachment to monarchical institu- tions seems altogether to have faded away in Ireland. The consequence would be a rampant democracy, such as we see at this moment dominating in Paris. "How, then, can the proposed object be attained without danger to the Empire ? I think it can be done on the divide et impera principle. My plan is shortly this : "That the members from each of the four provinces of Ireland, who are elected to the Imperial Parliament, should form Grand Committees, to meet in their several provinces in annual sessions, say in November. In these committees all measures of a local and private nature should be initiated, and upon them should be conferred limited powers of direct taxation. These powers might be very limited at first, to be afterwards increased, as experience proved that it might be done with safety. " In carrying the measures through these local bodies, all the forms and checks of the House of Commons should be observed and maintained, and the Bills, after third reading, returned to the clerk of the House of Commons, the only question to be raised there being whether the measures were ultra vires or not. " I need not trouble you with any details as to the measures which might properly be entrusted to the local bodies, but reference might profitably be made to the division of powers between the local and general legislatures of Canada in that regard. 224 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. "While an Irish Legislature, even with limited powers, might be too strong to be kept in proper restraint, these four separate bodies could not become formidable. There would be little danger of their joining together in any concerted action. " It would be well to reserve to the Imperial Government and Parliament authority to suspend the powers of any of the Grand Committees, in case of persistent abuse. This would operate as a check, and, if put in force against any one province, would be a significant and, I think, a sufficient warning to the others. " In order to relieve the House of Commons effectually of the private and local legislation, which hampers it so much, and obstructs the progress of legislation in an Imperial sense, the same system might be adopted for England and Scotland. England might be divided into 'north' and 'south' of the Humber, or into as many sub-divisions as was thought expe- dient, and the ancient principality might have a little Parlia- ment of its own, in the shape of a Grand Committee. " The Scotch members manage Scottish affairs at present in a committee-room at Westminster. They, however, attend to all measures, whether of a public or private nature, affecting Scotland. This custom has, I suppose, originated in the pledge given in the Act of Union, that the laws of Scotland should not be altered except for the manifest advantage of the people of Scotland. Under this stipulation, no matter how important the alteration of a Scottish law may be to Imperial interests, yet, if it be not for the manifest advantage of Scotland, it cannot be altered without a breach of the spirit of the Union Act. It would, however, I suppose, gratify Edinburgh and the Scottish Lion if a Grand Committee, such as I have mentioned, with like powers, were to assemble there. The Scotch members could still attend to matters of a general nature as they do at present. "If a general plan of this kind were adopted, the only measures of a private or local nature which would remain for the British Parliament to deal with would be those affecting more than one of the provinces. In Canada, for instance, when an Act of incorporation for a railway is wanted, application 1871.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. 225 must be made to the Parliament of the Dominion, if such railway is to extend beyond the bounds of any one province. The Imperial Parliament would therefore have ample time to dispose of the great questions of general and Imperial interest, which are alone worthy of its attention. "It may be said that this plan would entail a great amount of work on the members. I am satisfied that it will considerably diminish it. "Your experience must have shown you how much time is wasted by the intermingling of private with public business, and how even a great measure is impeded in its progress by the necessity of adjourning over private Bill days. "The provincial Assemblies having nothing but private business to do, would give: the measures full consideration, and despatch them in half the time they would occupy if before the central Parliament; and, in the same way, the progress of legislation at Westminster, not being obstructed by discussions on petty matters, would be greatly accelerated. "On the whole, it is pretty clear that no greater draft would be made on the members by this arrangement than at present, while they would be nearer home and more accessible to their constituents desiring to consult them on local matters. "It would, I think, be a mistake to elect men to sit in these local Legislatures only. There is no necessity for it. The men so selected would be inferior in every way, and, being elected for local purposes, would represent only local interests and prejudices. Besides, they would be setting themselves up in opposition to the general Parliament, and would take pride in doing so. The members elected for the Imperial Parliament represent the people in every way as much as mere local representatives could do. They understand their interests as well, and any provincialism in their politics and undue subservience to local prejudice would be cured by their chief responsibility being as members of the Imperial Parlia- ment. "I would propose that after a local measure, reported by Grand Committee, has received one reading in the Commons, it should go to the Upper House. The House of Lords wants work, and the great functions of that august body as a regulator VOL. II. Q 226 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. of the legislation of the country cannot be better exercised than in the supervision of this local legislation. The Lords would keep such legislation in some degree of harmony, and prevent eccentric attacks on the rights of property, which might be popular in some quarters or provinces. " Such are the general outlines of my plan, which I send to Your Excellency for what they are worth." * Fourteen years later he thus addressed Lord Carnarvon, at the time the newly appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, on the t same subject : "I have watched Your Excellency's progress with great interest, have wondered at your success, and still more at Lady Carnarvon's courage. May your course continue to have all the success it deserves. I presume that the subject of local and municipal government will greatly engage your attention. I do not fear giving the Irish people considerable powers of local self-government and taxation so much as many in England do. They are frightened by the conduct of the city and town corporations, and by the accounts of the abominable corruptions of New York and other cities in the United States. " But in rural America, whether British or Eepublican, experience has, I think, shown that the Irish people can be trusted. The Celtic Irishman, like the French peasant, tho' not so steadily industrious as the Anglo-Saxon, is saving, economical, has few wants, likes to hoard his gains, and has a horror of taxation. He will vote for extravagant expenditure in cities, as, from the concentrated wealth there, the burden of taxation must fall chiefly on the rich, and the taxes are expended in city improvements, from which he gets much more as wages than he contributes as a tax-payer. The more money in the city purse, the more jobs for the working man. In the country it is quite different, and our experience in Canada is that the * Dated May 11, 1871. The following day he wrote : " In ray letter of yesterday I suggested that a Grand Committee should be appointed for each of the four provinces of Ireland. This may be considered too many, and if only two such com- mittees were established they might not be too powerful for management. It might, perhaps, be more convenient that, while England should be divided into several provinces, the committees for those provinces should all sit at Westminster. So it might, perhaps, be with respect to Scotland, but I should think that the old national feel- ing would be gratified by seeing the ghost of a Parliament re-assemble at Edinburgh." 1871.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. 227 Irish farmer is as chary of voting for an increase of taxation for municipal or school purposes as his English or Scotch neigh- bour. In fact, he is penurious to meanness. He knows his vote for an increase is certain to take money out of his pocket, and that no portion of it will come directly back to him. I have no doubt that the Americans have the same experience. It seems to me that if a measure could be framed for Ireland, by which the poorest cotter would be obliged to pay something for his hut, or his pig and his cow, and so that any increase voted by the municipal body would involve an addition to his rates, he would be slow to add to his own burdens for the sake of largely taxing the castle or the manor house. He would, no doubt, like to have the pleasure of taxing his landlord to any extent, if he could do so without taxing himself. If the normal rate, for instance, were a farthing on the pound, he would be slow to increase it to a ha'penny, if he has to pay the additional farthing ; but the municipal body should not be allowed to fix the values of property for taxation, or to grant exemptions, as they should be statutory. The smallest hut should pay a fixed rate on the pound ; the house with two windows ; the house with two storeys, and so on, should do so too, and so with the acreage. This was the old system in Upper Canada, and it worked well. Now larger powers are given. Values are assessed fairly, and the Irish have learned to be like other people. But as a commencement in Ireland, it seems to me that our old system would be the safer. All this may be very crude and inapplicable to Ireland, and prove my ignorance of its conditions. However, I have thought that you would not dislike to know our experience as to the fitness of our Irish for self-government." * Sir John Macdonald's course in relation to the addresses on the subject of Home Eule passed at various times by the House of Commons of which he was leader, has been criticized and misrepresented at home by Professor Goldwin Smith and others whom Mr. Goldwin Smith has misled. It seems proper, there- fore, that I should briefly narrate what actually took place in the Canadian Parliament in regard to this subject, and make * To His Excellency the Earl of Carnarvon, dated Kiviere du Loup, September 8, 1885. 228 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. clear Sir John Macdonald's share of responsibility in connection therewith. On the 27th of February, 1888, the Times published a letter from Professor Goldwin Smith on "Canada and Com- mercial Union," in which this sentence occurs : " I have seen something of protectionist ' loyalty.' It was not from that quarter that, when we were struggling to prevent Canada from being used to abet the dismemberment of the United Kingdom, sympathy or assistance came. The political chief of this commercial interest it was who, to conciliate the Irish vote, set going a series of Home Rule resolutions in Canadian Legislatures. He was represented the other day, no doubt with the same object, by a member of his Cabinet at the Nationalist meeting of Sir Thomas Esmonde. In discerning who really love her, England is sometimes as blind as Lear." Three times within recent years the House of Commons of Canada adopted addresses to Her Majesty on this subject. The first occasion was in 1882, when a series of resolutions were proposed by a private member, acting as spokesman of the Irish Home Eulers on both sides of the House. Sir John Macdonald was in nowise responsible for their introduction. Through his influence they were modified, and, as passed, the address was such as no Unionist could take exception to. The nature and extent of these modifications can best be judged by a comparison of the original resolutions and their final form, which I give, omitting the formal paragraphs. RESOLUTIONS, 1882. As originally proposed. As acquiesced in ly Sir John " We would most respectfully pray, Macdonald. may it please Your Majesty, that some " We desire respectfully to suggest such form of local self-government to Your Majesty that Canada and its may be extended to Ireland, as is inhabitants have prospered exceed- now enjoyed by the provinces com- ingly under a federal system, allowing prising this Dominion of Canada, and to each province of the Dominion under which Your Majesty's Canadian considerable powers of self-govern- subjects have prospered exceedingly, ment, and would venture to express so that Ireland may become a source a hope that, if consistent with the of strength to Your Majesty's Empire, integrity and well - being of the and that Your Majesty's Irish subjects Empire, and if the rights and status at home and abroad may feel the of the minority are fully protected and 1882.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND ROME RULE. 229 same pride in the greatness of Your Majesty's Empire, the same venera- tion for the justice of Your Majesty's rule, and the same devotion to, and affection for, our common flag, which are now felt by all classes of Your Majesty's loyal subjects in this Dominion. " We would further most respect- fully pray that Your Majesty would be graciously pleased to take into Your Majesty's favourable considera- tion the cases of those persons who are now suffering imprisonment in Ireland, charged with political of- fences, with a view to extending to them Your Most Gracious Majesty's Royal clemency, so that, with their release, the inestimable blessings of civil liberty may be once more re- stored to all parts of Your Majesty's Empire." secured,* some means may be found of meeting the expressed desire of so many of Your Irish subjects in that regard, so that Ireland may become a source of strength to Your Majesty's Empire, and that Your Majesty's Irish subjects at home and abroad may feel the same pride in the greatness of Your Majesty's Empire, the same veneration for the justice of Your Majesty's rule, and the same devotion to, and affection for, our common flag as are now felt by all classes of Your Majesty's loyal subjects in this Dominion. " We would further express a hope that the time has come when Your Majesty's clemency may, without injury to the interests of the United Kingdom, be extended to those per- sons who are now imprisoned in Ireland charged with political offences only, and the inestimable blessing of personal liberty restored to them." The only result produced by this address was a polite invitation to the House of Commons from Mr. Gladstone to mind its own business.! * The Journals of the House of Commons read " sure means," and this rendering is to be found in Hansard and the Votes and Proceedings, The word "sure" is nevertheless a misprint. The original manuscript reads " some," and the following extract from a letter addressed, a few days after the adoption of the resolutions, by Sir John Macdonald to the Governor General makes it clear that this is the rendering he understood. The italics are his own. " Your Excellency will see that the fifth paragraph, instead of praying for Home Rule unconditionally, now ' ventures to express a hope that, if consistent with the integrity and well-being of the Empire,' and if the rights and status of the minority are fully protected and secured, some means may he found of meeting the expressed desire of so many of Her Majesty's subjects in that regard." (From Sir John Macdonald to His Excellency the Marquis of Lome, dated Ottawa, May 2, 1882.) t The Colonial Secretary wrote : " Her Majesty will always gladly receive the advice of the Parliament of Canada on all matters relating to the Dominion, and the administration of its affairs ; but with respect to the questions referred to in the address, Her Majesty will, in accordance with the Constitution of this country, have regard to the advice of the Imperial Parliament and Ministers, to whom all matters relating to the affairs of the United Kingdom exclusively appertain." (Despatch from the Earl of Kimberley to the Marquis of Lome, dated Downing Street, June 12, 1882.) 230 MEMOIRS OF SIE JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. In 1886 the question was brought forward by Mr. Blake, who invited the House to " hail with joy " the Home Eule Bill of that year. Sir John Macdonald voted against Mr. Blake's resolutions, and caused to be carried an address reiterating in general terms the hope expressed in the resolutions of 1882. As before, I place this resolution and amendment in parallel columns. RESOLUTIONS, 1886. As proposed by Mr. Blake. "That this House hails with joy the submission, by Her Majesty's Government, to the Parliament of the United Kingdom, of a measure recognizing the principle of local self-government for Ireland. " And humbly to express to Her Majesty the earnest hope of this House, that the principle of the said measure may .be affirmed, and that it may form the basis for such a settlement of this great question as shall conduce to the peace, happiness and prosperity of the Empire." As acquiesced in by Sir John Macdonald. " That this House, having reference to the tenor of the said answer,* does not deem it expedient again to- address Her Majesty on the subject, but earnestly hopes that such a measure, or such measures, may be adopted by the Imperial Parliament as will, while preserving the integrity and well-being of the Empire and the rights and status of the minority, be satisfactory to the people of Ireland, and permanently remove the discon- tent so long unhappily prevailing in that country." Once more, in 1887, the question came up in the form of resolutions condemnatory of what is called the " Coercion Bill." Sir John Macdonald voted against these resolutions, and in favour of an amendment, which I give below. RESOLUTIONS, 1887. As adopted by the House of Commons, Proposed Amendment, acquiesced in Sir John Macdonald voting Nay. " That this House has learned with profound regret of the introduction into the Imperial House of Commons of the Coercion Bill above mentioned, and earnestly hopes that a measure so subversive of the rights and liberties of Her Majesty's subjects in Ireland may not become law. by Sir John Macdonald* " This House learns with regret that it is considered necessary to pass a coercive measure for Ireland, and it re-affirms its convictions as expressed in the Resolutions of 1882 and 1886, that a plan of local government for Ireland which would leave unimpaired the links connecting See note t on p. 229. 1886-7.] IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND HOME RULE. 231 " That this House again expresses Ireland with the British Empire and the hope that there may speedily guard the rights of the minority, be granted to Ireland a substantial would be conducive to the prosperity measure of Home Rule, which, whilst of Ireland and the stability of the satisfying the national aspirations of Empire." the people of Ireland for self-govern- ment, shall also be consistent with the integrity of the Empire as a whole." Any one who takes the trouble to examine the qualified and guarded language of the resolutions to which Sir John is committed, cannot fail to perceive how little truth there is in Professor Goldwin Smith's insinuation that he compromised his loyalty in order to conciliate the Irish vote. It is surely not inconsistent with the most devoted loyalty to venture " a hope that, if consistent with the integrity and well-being of the Empire, and if the rights and status of the minority are fully protected and secured," some means may be found of meeting the wishes of the people of Ireland ; or to regret not, as the original resolution proposed, the introduction of the Coercion Bill, but the existence of the necessity. that called for such a measure, a very different matter. Such unexceptionable statements must surely command the assent of the staunchest Unionist. Indeed Professor Goldwin Smith himself makes this plain. Writing to the Times* he says " Mr. Gladstone, in his pamphlet on the Irish Question, once more asserts that he has the British race in the Colonies on his side, and he exults in the belief that England, in upholding the Union, is deserted by all her children. Once more, so far as Canada is concerned, I traverse his assertion. A resolution in favour of his policy, moved in the Canadian Parliament by his friend Mr. Blake, was thrown out by an overwhelming majority, and an amendment which any Unionist might Jiave subscribed was carried in its room." Even in their original form the addresses give no counte- nance to any disloyal or separatist feeling. On the contrary, they are profuse in their expressions of loyalty to the Queen and of the contentment of the Irish in the Dominion. It is an undoubted fact that there exists in Canada a very general sympathy with the Home Eule cause. This is partly clue to the favour with which the federal system is regarded amongst us, which finds expression in a laudable desire to * September 1, 1886. 232 MEMOIRS OF SIH JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXV. extend to others a share of the advantages we enjoy. Especially is this the case in Lower Canada, where the French Canadians, apart altogether from the merits of the question, are, in the abstract, Home Eulers almost to a man. The catch-words of " liberty," " freedom," " the right to manage our own affairs," " English dictation," and so forth, recall the struggles of their fathers for responsible Government, and, without stopping to reflect that there is no real analogy between Quebec and Ireland, they are led by sentimental considerations, highly creditable, no doubt, to their generous instincts, to sympathize with an agitation the nature of which many of them very imperfectly apprehend. In Ontario and the Maritime Provinces the Liberals as a rule are in accord with their party in the Imperial Parliament, while many Conservatives for the same reason are Unionists. But among those unfriendly to Home Eule are not a few whose opposition is not to the extending to Ireland of the principle of self-government, but to the influence of the Pope, who they firmly believe is personally conducting the Home Eule movement from the Vatican with the sinister design of subverting the liberties of the people of England. The number of Home Eulers in Ontario is large, but once convince the Orangemen that the grant of self-government to Ireland would not redound to the advantage of the Eoman Catholic Church and it would be larger still. For one reason or another, therefore, I greatly doubt whether a motion condemnatory, let us say, of the principle of Mr. Gladstone's latest Home Eule Bill would obtain ou its merits the support of one-third of the number of any legislature in Canada, nor do I believe that all the party pressure in the world could carry such a resolution through the House of Commons. That Sir John Macdonald, in the face of such circumstances, should have been able on two occasions to eliminate what, from a Unionist point of view, are the objectionable features of the Home Eule resolutions we have been considering, and to reduce them to mere expressions of contingent hope, is at once evidence of his views upon the Irish question and of his rare skill in the management of the House of Commons. ( 233 ) CHAPTER XXVI. GENERAL. SIR JOHN MACDONALD'S VIEWS on THE BICAMERAL SYSTEM THE HOUSE OP LORDS THE CANADIAN SENATE HONOURS PRECEDENCE THE OFFICE OF GOVERNOR GENERAL HIS RELATIONS WITH THE VARIOUS GOVERNORS THE FRANCHISE EDUCATIONAL QUESTIONS THE DUAL LANGUAGE THE FRENCH CANADIANS CALUMNIES. AMONG constitutional questions few possessed for Sir John Macdonald greater interest than the bicameral system. He frequently spoke of it as destined to be in the near future a practical issue of great importance. On more than one occasion he has been known to counsel young men to make a special study of the subject, adding that the time so employed would be well spent. His view of the necessity for a second chamber may be expressed briefly by the story told of Washington, which Sir John was fond of relating. It is said that on his return from France Jefferson called Washington to account for having agreed to a second chamber. " Of what use is the Senate ? " he asked, as he stood before the fire with a cup of tea in liis hand, pouring the tea into his saucer as he spoke. "You have answered your own question," replied Washington. " What do you mean ? " " Why did you pour that tea into your saucer ? " "To cool it," quoth Jefferson. "Even so," said Washington, "the Senate is the saucer into which we pour legislation to cool." This illustration, Sir John used to say, was perfect. Indeed 234 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. the all but unanimous opinion of Imperial statesmen,* coupled with the fact that every British colony possessing responsible government recognizes the utility of a second chamber,f was to his mind a general admission of the necessity for an Upper House, and limited useful discussion to the nature and con- stitution of that body. Of that ancient and venerable assemblage, the House of Peers, the oldest legislative body in the world to-day, he held the opinion of the vast majority of educated Englishmen, whether Conservative or Liberal, that it is one of the glories of the Empire, and that any attack upon it is an attack upon the constitution of which it is an integral part. "With Lord Selborne,} he looked upon the House of Lords as " an institution now unique in the civilized world; not unique because it is out of date, but unique because it fills a place among our institutions, the want of which is a deep misfortune to most other countries. To have an assembly which is to us a living memory of all that is illustrious and great in the deeds and lives of the greatest and most illustrious of our ancestors, an assembly whose very constitution must and does stimulate to public virtue those who have inherited the duties and the names of those great men an assembly which represents the elements of permanence and stability in our institutions and in our society an assembly which is continually recruiting itself from the people, and which always receives those recruits, not as if it looked down upon them because they had not * "The existence of a second chamber is confirmed by reason itself, because tyranny may proceed from a body as well as from one man ; and it is a protection that the ruling body should be divided into two branches, the emulation and even the rivalry of which may prevent dangerous measures from being hurried through" (Professor Bryce, Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, vol. cccxxxvi. p. 479, May 17, 1889). Among the authorities collected by Sir John Macdonald on the question of an Upper Chamber, and especially in regard to a second chamber in the colonies, I may quote Thorold Kogers (in " Lords' Protests," vol. i. p. 27), Bonamy Price (in Contemporary Review, vol. xxxviii. p. 947), Escott (" England and its People," vol. ii. ch. 23), Sir David Wedderburn (in Nineteenth Century, July, 1881), Kebbel (Fortnightly Review, May, 1882), and Fitzgerald (Victoria Review, October, 1882). t Lord Kimberley, in a despatch dated February 2, 1882, to the Governor of Natal (adverting to proposed reforms in that colony), observed : " There is at present no instance of a single chamber with full parliamentary powers in a British colony under responsible Government" (Commons Papers, 1882, C. 3174). J Speech at Lord Mayor's Banquet, November 9, 1872. GENERAL. 235 hereditary distinction, but with cordial goodwill," such an Assembly he viewed as " a most valuable, a most priceless element in our institutions, and one that should always be valued and always be maintained by Englishmen." We have already seen Sir John Macdonald's opinion of the constitution of the Canadian Senate, which was largely the work of his own hands. It is true that, at an early period of his career, he favoured an elective Upper House, but eight years' experience of this system was sufficient to change his views, and to convert him into a firm upholder of the nomina- tive principle. Every year since Confederation strengthened the conviction of his matured judgment, and showed him more and more clearly the advantages of the nominative over the elective system. To his mind the chief among the objections to a Senate chosen by the popular vote, was the ever-present danger of its members claiming the right to deal with money Bills, and the consequent possibility of disputes with the House of Commons. The proposal that the provincial legisla- tures, whose members are elected for purely local purposes, should choose the senators to legislate on matters of general concern, was also objectionable, being opposed to the spirit of the constitution, which confined the local assemblies to a strictly limited sphere of action. He held that the system unanimously agreed to at the Quebec Conference had worked well, and should be undisturbed. A senatorship, in his opinion, was an important and dignified office, and a worthy object of ambition to any Canadian. Among the useful attributes of the Senate is its jurisdiction in the matter of divorce. Speaking one day on this subject, Sir John observed that the late Lord Westbury had told him that, when he sat in the House of Commons, he had rather a stiff encounter with Mr. Gladstone on the estab- lishment of a divorce court in England, against which Mr. Gladstone took strong grounds, "and Gladstone was fight too," observed Sir John, " for of this I am convinced, that the establishment of the divorce court in England has been productive of much mischief. In former times, the procedure with respect to divorce was the same as in force in Canada to-day that is, it could only be obtained from the Upper House 236 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. of Parliament. In those days divorces were rare, expensive, and hard to get, and the morals of the community were spared the columns of scandal with which the English papers are occasionally filled. The only objection was on the ground of expense. It was urged that divorce was a luxury accessible only to the rich. The establishment of the divorce court in Canada would mean cheap and easy divorces, which would lead to great laxity in the marriage relation, and, by the publication of evidence in the press, would have an injurious effect on the morals of the community. They are beginning to see that now in the old country. I hope it may be long before we have anything of the kind in Canada." Germane to the question we have been considering, is that of Imperial honours. Not only did Sir John Macdonald approve of the bestowal of these marks of distinction upon colonists, he did all that lay in his power to extend the practice, and to reduce it to a system. Writing to Lord Knutsford, in 1889, he says : " I can quite understand Her Majesty's desire to raise the degree of Knight Bachelor from the discredit into which it has in some degree fallen. One would like to see a Victorian knighthood as much esteemed as in the days of Queen Elizabeth. But it seems to me expedient that some liberal system should be worked out and put in practice with regard to the colonies. The idea of the mother country and her colonies being one great Empire seems more and more to be taking possession of the public mind, and colonists should be taught to look up to the Empress- Queen, as the fans honoris. The monarchical idea should be fostered in the colonies, accompanied by some gradation of classes. At present, with some few exceptions, Canadians are all on one democratic level, as in the neigh- bouring republic, and this fact, among others, is appealed to by the annexationists in Canada as proving that our national sympathies are with the Americans, or should be so." As far back as 1873, Sir John Macdonald pressed on the Home Government the expediency of recognizing colonial merit by a more liberal distribution of Imperial honours. He was especially desirous that the Chief Justices of the several provinces of the Dominion should not be overlooked. In GENERAL. 237 a letter addressed on the 15th of August of that year to the Governor General he discusses the constitution of the various provincial courts and the personnel of the judiciary, and concludes thus : " I see that all the Chief Justices in India are knighted, and I think it will be found that the same rule prevails in most of the colonies of the Empire. Surely the chief judges of the Supreme Courts of the Dominion, with its present population of four millions, should be placed on the same footing ! Leaving out British Columbia, Manitoba, and Prince Edward Island for the present, as being too young or too small, the adoption of the rule will involve only eight knighthoods, or seven if the judge in equity in Nova Scotia be omitted, as not having the title of Chief Justice. Surely this number cannot be considered excessive. It should be remembered that these judges are not huddled together, and do not form members of one society. They are sprinkled over half a continent. "I think that the adoption of this rule would give great satisfaction to the Bar of the Dominion, and as you have already learned, the Bar are really the aristocracy, the govern- ing power in this country, as in the United States. I propose to carry out my promise to you ere long, and write you in full my imperfect ideas on the subject of the mode in which honours should be conferred in this country, and the extent to which the system may be advantageously carried out." A few weeks after writing this letter, Sir John Macdonald went out of office, but in this, as in other matters, we see the steadfastness with which he advocated what he believed to be for the advantage of the Dominion. On his return to power in 1878, we find him again pressing this subject on the atten- tion of Her Majesty's Government, in a memorandum addressed to Lord Lome,* which goes at length into the history of the distribution of honours in Canada since 1841. The special object he had in view at this time was to acquaint His Excellency with the fact that, seven years previously, Lord Lisgar, then Governor General, had informed him that he had recommended Sir George Cartier, and Messrs. Tilley, Tupper, and Campbell, for K.C.M.G/S, and that he had reason to believe his suggestion * March 6, 1879. 238 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. would be acted upon. This information was communicated to those gentlemen at the time, but, before the necessary steps had been taken, changes in Canada and England prevented the carrying out of the recommendation. Less than three months after the receipt by Lord Lome of this memorandum, Messrs. Campbell, Tilley, and Tupper received their stars. In the mean time nothing had been done in regard to the judiciary. After waiting a few years, Sir John Macdonald again returned to the charge in a letter to Lord Lansdowne. After pointing out that, prior to 1867, many Canadian Chief Justices had been honoured with knighthoods, and some of them with baronetcies, he continued : "The courts in the several provinces have not lost their importance, or the extent of their jurisdiction by the Union, and the population and wealth of these provinces have largely increased since that time, yet, with one exception, no rank has been conferred upon any Chief Justice since 1867. That ex- ception is Sir Antoine Aime Dorion, who was knighted on leaving political life in 1874, to accept the Chief Justiceship of the Queen's Bench in the province of Quebec ; while the other Chief Justices in the Dominion, who were fully the equal of Sir Aim6 Dorion, were unnoticed after years of judicial service. The opinion seems to prevail in England, that the provincial judges are of inferior status to that of the judges of the Supreme Court of Canada, a court only established a few years ago. Two judges of that court, Sir William Eichards and Sir William Eitchie, were very properly knighted on appointment as Chief Justice. The court over which the latter presides is one of appellate jurisdiction from the different provincial tribunals, and has therefore a nominal superiority in rank, but the provincial Superior Courts are really more important, and their decisions are held in as great respect as those of the Dominion Court of Appeal. Now, it is a subject of common remark in Canada, that, while in most Crown colonies the Chief Justices have been honoured, the Bench of the great province of Ontario, with a population approaching that of Scotland, and soon to exceed it, has been altogether unnoticed. Since Confederation, two Chief Justices have been knighted in Newfoundland, and one of them made a K.C.M.G. Had that island joined the GENERAL. 239 Canadian Union, as was proposed in 1867, they would probably, like their brother judges, have been ignored. The only two judges of provincial courts now bearing titles are Sir Aime Dorion, whom I have mentioned, and Sir Matthew Begbie, Chief Justice of British Columbia, who, though knighted since Confederation, holds his title apparently for services rendered while British Columbia was a Crown colony. "I hope that Your Excellency will concur in the opinion that this apparent and noticeable neglect should not be allowed to continue, and I venture to suggest some rule for the dis- tribution of titles among Canadian judges. I do not propose the adoption of the practice which obtains in England, of knighting all judges of the 1 Superior Courts, but I think that the rule might be established of knighting the Chief Justices of the Superior Courts of the four large provinces (Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick), on appointment to office." * This representation was not without its effect, as the sub- sequent appointments of Chief Justices Meredith, Wilson, Gait, Allen, Johnson, and Lacoste show. In fact, Sir John Mac- donald's suggestion has been adopted in its entirety, and it is now understood that the appointment of Chief Justices in the four larger provinces is always followed by the offer of knight- hood. Nor were Sir John Macdonald's efforts confined to procuring a due recognition of the higher judicial offices. He saw no reason why excellence in science, literature, or commercial pursuits should not receive the same distinction by the Crown in Canada as in England, and the honours conferred within the last ten years upon Professors Dawson, Wilson, and Dr. Grant, as well as upon Messrs. Donald A. Smith, Gzowski, and Hickson, attest the success which attended his efforts in this direction. I trust that nothing I have said will lead any one to suppose that Sir John Macdonald desired anything like an indefinite * " I have been long pressing Her Majesty's Government to lay down a rule that the Chief Justices of Ontario and Quebec should be knighted on appointment, as the Judges in England are. . . . The rank and status of a chief justice is much higher than that of a knight bachelor, and my reason for pressing the appointments was that it looked rather absurd to see the chief judge in every little Crown colony knighted, while not one in Ontario was so distinguished." (From Sir John Macdouald to C. J. Wilson, dated Ottawa, January 3, 1887.) 240 MEMOIRS OF SIS JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. multiplication or indiscriminate grant of honours in this country. Nothing in his opinion would be more certain to defeat the object he had in view. His words on this point are very plain, and must commend themselves to all those who desire to see British institutions develop in this Dominion.* The following letter, addressed by Sir John Macdonald to the Governor General on the subject of proposed changes in the table of precedence now in force in Canada, discloses his views on certain questions of interest in official circles : " Earnsclifle, Ottawa, April 15, 1886. "DEAR LORD LANSDOWNE, "Sir Alexander Campbell has seen the members of Council about the question of precedence. " They are all agreed that the Dominion has outgrown the position in which the General commanding at Halifax should represent Her Majesty in case of the Governor General's temporary absence, and unite in thinking that the Governor General should be empowered, in the event of leave of absence, to appoint, under his seal-at-arms, the Chief Justice or other judge of the Supreme Court as Administrator. "It might also be provided that, in the event of the Governor General's sudden decease, the Chief Justice, if within the Dominion, or, in his absence, the senior judge, should assume the Administration until a successor is appointed. " You will observe from the proposed table of precedence t that a change is made, giving to members of the Cabinet precedence over Lieutenant Governors of provinces. Personally, I have no opinion in the matter, and should be well satisfied to * " In conclusion, I beg to say that I hope the practice of conferring honours will not degenerate into a matter of course, and a number of honours be bestowed upon each change of Ministers. In our new country, many men enter political life who, although good men in themselves and capable of administering public affairs, are, from want of early education and manner as well as of social position, not qualified for honorary distinction at the hands of the Sovereign. In such cases there is danger of a degree of ridicule attaching to the persons honoured, which may extend to the honour iteelf , and impair its value in public estimation ; and this danger will be increased when (as must not infrequently happen) the disadvantages of want of education and manner are shared by the wife with her husband." (From Sir John Macdonald to His Excellency the Governor General, dated Ottawa, March 6, 1879.) t See Appendix XXVII., for this table, which was never authorized. GENERAL. 241 leave things as they are, giving the Lieutenant Governor the pas. My colleagues, however, are unanimous the other way. " You will also observe that, by number 6 in the table, the Moderator of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, and the General Superintendent of the Methodist Church, are placed next after the Archbishops and Bishops. As we have no State Church in Canada, and every denomination stands on the same footing, this seems reasonable enough. I think I mentioned to Your Excellency the other day, that the head of the Methodist Conference in England is about to be presented at Court in his representative capacity next after the Bishops. " I would draw Your Excellency's attention to the fact that the general officers commanding Her Majesty's regular forces and militia, and the admirals in the North Atlantic and Pacific stations are placed as number 8. Formerly the general officer commanding at Halifax stood next to the Governor General, as being the person who, in the latter's absence, would assume the office of Administrator. If the suggestion to appoint the Chief Justice Administrator is adopted, this would seem to be the proper position for the general and admirals. "My colleagues are divided as to giving rank to ex- Lieutenant Governors of Provinces. I spoke to Your Excellency on this point a few days ago, when you did me the honour of coming to Earnscliffe. I do not see how ex-Lieutenant Governors of Provinces can get rank after their duties cease, when retired Viceroys and Governors General cease to have any rank as such at Court in England. "With respect to the question raised by as to the comparative rank of the Lieutenant Governor of the Province of , and the officer commanding the troops and naval forces, that will depend upon the decision of Her Majesty's Government on the suggestions made by my colleagues. "In regard to the precedence to be given to the new Cardinal, I presume the best way to settle it would be to give a Cardinal the same rank in Canada as would be accorded him in England. Cardinal Wiseman was, as Cardinal Manning is, an Archbishop, to which office ecclesiastical duties in England are attached. As such they have been accorded rank at Court, but I am inclined to think that neither Cardinal VOL. II. R 242 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. Weld nor Cardinal Newman have had precedence given to them at Court qua cardinalcs. They are princes of the Church of Eome, and stand in the same position, as regards precedence, as other foreign noblemen. However, there can be no harm in our giving to Cardinal Taschereau the same position as Cardinal Newman would have at the Court of St. James. "I return to Your Excellency the draft despatch on this subject that you were good enough to send me. " I observe that you express no opinion on these subjects, but Lord Granville, doubtless, would like to know what you think of them. "My colleagues think that whatever position may be given to Lieutenant Governors of Provinces, the following words should be added: 'At Ottawa, and elsewhere out of their own provinces ; but, within his own province, each to take precedence of every one, save the Governor General and the members of his Cabinet.' " Believe me, dear Lord Lansdowne, " Yours very faithfully, "JOHN A. MACDONALD." The office of Governor General the outward and visible sign of British connection was, in Sir John Macdonald's opinion, an institution of the highest importance, and one that could not be safeguarded with too great care. When, in 1888, the action of the Queensland Government, in attempt- ing to obtain from the Imperial authorities a promise that the name of the proposed new Governor of that colony should be submitted to them before the selection was definitely decided on, raised the question of the appointment of Colonial Governors, Sir John, being invited to express his opinion, caused Her Majesty's Government to be informed by telegraph that the "Canadian Government consider the present system of appointing the Governor General perfectly satisfactory, and would greatly regret any change. Eeference to Government here for nomination or approval would introduce a disturbing element, and might eventually lead to the election of Governor, a change to be deplored." The present manner of appointment directly by the Crown, GENERAL. 243 gives to the colonies an executive head, entirely unconnected with local parties, and for that reason qualified to hold the balance between them. If the Governor General does any- thing unconstitutional, an appeal always lies from him to Her Majesty's Government, whose servant he is. The cost to Canada of the maintenance of the office Sir John considered as money well spent, and he deprecated the attempts made in Parliament from time to time to investigate too closely the expenditure under that head. I recollect, when some voluntary economy on the part of a former occupant of Eideau Hall was announced, Sir John's remark that, "though well meant, it was a mistake; for," said he, "the people of Canada like to see the dignity of the office fully maintained." Such, indeed, he considered the chief function of the Queen's representative in this country, for I need scarcely say that, in Sir John's opinion, the Governor General in all matters (save those of direct Imperial concern) should, equally with Her Majesty, be ready at all times to accept and act upon the advice of Ministers enjoying the confidence of the House of Commons. Of his personal relations with the earlier Governors under whom he served I have already spoken, and my remarks are equally applicable to Lords Dufferin, Lome, Lansdowne, and Stanley of Preston. No one who was much with Sir John could fail to mark the exquisite admixture of courtesy and deference which characterized his manner towards the Queen's representative, sometimes rather oddly contrasting with their respective years, or to observe the consideration and respect which the various Governors paid to the veteran statesman who had been chief adviser to them all. Sir John's term of office under Lord Dufferin was com- paratively short, yet it was of sufficient duration to convince him of the advantage to Canada of that nobleman's connection with the Dominion. When in Opposition, at the period immediately preceding the general election of 1878, he, feeling assured of his speedy restoration to power, wrote privately to Sir Stafford Northcote, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, suggesting the expediency, on public grounds, of Her Majesty's Government asking Lord Dufferin to retain his position as Governor General for two years longer. After recounting the 244 MEMOIRS OF S1H JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. reasons which prompted him in the interests of Canada to make this request, he goes on to say : "I can quite understand that a Conservative Government might want this important position for a political friend, and, as a Conservative, I should, in ordinary times, be glad to see one of the same political principles as myself governing us; but the expediency of setting aside this feeling just now is so obvious, that I venture to urge it seriously on your attention." Circumstances prevented the fulfilment of Sir John's wishes with respect to Lord Dufferin, but, in his successor, Canada acquired another friend whose interest in her welfare did not cease with his term of office. Of Lord Lome's relations with his Prime Minister I will only say that they were uniformly agreeable, and it was with sincere regret that, in the autumn of 1883, Sir John bade adieu to a Governor General who, during his whole term, had cordially co-operated with his Ministers in the administration of public affairs. Of Lord Lansdowne, "the ablest Governor under whom I have served, with possibly the exception of Lord Lisgar," it is not necessary to say anything, for he himself tells us his experience of association with Sir John Macdonald in words as graceful as I doubt not they are sincere : " Government House, Ottawa, May 23, 1888. "DEAR Sot JOHN, "I am a bad hand at leave-taking, and my difficulty does not diminish when I feel deeply what I have to say. I do not, therefore, like to trust to this afternoon for an opportunity of saying good-bye to you, and of telling you how sorry I am to part with you, and how much I have appreciated your kindness and confidence. I have often made the reflection that the position of a Governor General in this country is one that might be very agreeable or almost unendurable, according as his relations with his Prime Minister were or were not friendly, frank, and characterized by complete trust on each side. When I look back to the last four or five years, I can see how large a portion of their happiness and comfort has been due to the fact that our relations could be described in these words. " Nor am I using an idle phrase when I say it has been an advantage to me, not only in respect of the Government of Canada, to be in constant communication with one whose experience of the public affairs of the Empire has been as wide as yours. " I will not ask you not to forget us, because I am quite sure you will GENERAL. 245 remember us, and not unkindly. I wish you good-bye, and as much happi- ness as is compatible with a servitude from which your country will, I suspect, not allow you to emancipate yourself. "I hope we may yet meet and talk over the past and the future of Canada ; in the mean time, think of me as a friend who wishes to preserve your friendship, and is grateful for your kindness to him. " I am, dear Sir John, " Yours sincerely, " L." The illustrious nobleman who has recently gone from our midst left no written record of his feelings towards Sir John Macdonald, nor indeed is any necessary. Those of us who recall the early days of June, 1891, and who witnessed the personal solicitude of the Governor General for the dying statesman's condition ; who beheld him, evening after evening, on the lawn at Earnscliffe in the attitude of anxious expectation and during those days the eyes of all Canada were fixed on Earnscliffe ; who saw him follow his Prime Minister to the grave, need not be told Lord Derby's opinion of I might almost say affection for Sir John Macdonald. No Governor was so mindful of Sir John Macdonald's feeble health and advanced years as Lord Stanley, for to none were they so apparent. On this subject I will but say that the delicate personal consideration which he experienced at the hands of the late Governor General was peculiarly grateful to him. I trust I shall not greatly err, if I add that his appreciation of Lord Stanley included the gracious lady who, during the last years of his life, so admirably fulfilled the duties devolving upon the wife of the Governor General of Canada.* While adhering to my original intention of leaving to the future the recital of Sir John Macdonald's later political achievements, I may be permitted to say a word on a subject which he considered of great importance, namely, the Franchise Act of 1885. Imperial Federation, no doubt, was desirable, * When the appointment of Lord Stanley of Preston was announced, after expressing Ms satisfaction at the choice of Her Majesty, Sir John Macdonald added : ' ' His wife is a charming person. I was at Knowsley Hall when Colonel Stanley (as he was then) and his bride arrived from their honey-moon, and I recollect very well Lord Derby's words in introducing me. " Allow me, Mr. Macdonald, to present to you Lady Constance Stanley once Lord Clarendon's daughter and now mine." 246 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. but to consolidate the various Canadian provinces was, after all, his immediate concern, and to perfect the work of 1867, the great object of his life. So long as the Federal Parliament, the paramount authority, did not control the franchise by which its members were elected, Confederation was incomplete. Immediately after the general election of 1882, Sir John applied himself to the preparation of a measure designed to remedy this defect. In conformity with his usual treatment of important questions, this Bill, though introduced in 1883 and again in 1884, was not passed until 1885, after a prolonged resistance on the part of the Opposition, to which Sir John thus alludes in a letter to Lord Carnarvon : " Les Kochers, St. Patrick, Kiviere du Loup, " September 8, 1885. "DEAR LOED CARNARVON, " I have been down here with my belongings for some weeks, trying to restore my exhausted energies after a six month session in which your Parnellite obstruction was outdone. " The chief subject of contest was a Franchise Bill for the Dominion ; and as it is, in my opinion, the completion of the Federal Constitution which you had so great a hand in constructing, I am sure you will take an interest in knowing that that constitution has at last been perfected. Ex necessitate, the Act of 1867 your Act provided that the provincial franchises, until altered by the Federal Parliament, should be used for Dominion representation. As they did not greatly differ, those franchises were allowed to continue until now. But the provinces had begun to tinker at their electoral franchises, and in some cases legislated with the direct object of affecting the returns of the Federal Parliament, so that the independence of that Parliament was threatened, to such a degree that it had to be dealt with. " Our Eadicals, or Grits, as they are called, violently opposed the change, as they had got possession of several of the pro- vincial Legislatures, and could alter the franchises in those provinces at will. For two months and a half they used every means of obstruction, but patience and firmness defeated GENERAL. 247 obstruction in the end. On one occasion the House sat from three o'clock p.m. on Thursday until Saturday night at twelve without adjournment. "With the Canadian Pacific Railway finished and my Franchise Bill become law, I feel that I have done my work, and can sing my Nunc dimittis. Lady Macdonald joins me in kind regards to Lady Carnarvon and yourself. " Believe me, " Your Excellency's very faithful servant, "JOHN A. MACDONALD." The main principles underlying Sir John Macdonald's Franchise Act are (1) uniformity of the suffrage, and (2) the recognition of a property qualification as determining the right to vote. He desired uniformity because he believed that, in a young country like Canada, composed of divers elements, whatever assimilates the political conditions of the various provinces ought to be sought after and promoted. The qualification, while fixed at a standard sufficiently low to admit large numbers of new voters, was intended to be a barrier against the domination of a mere mechanical majority. The idea that a man should vote simply because he breathed was ever repellant to Sir John Macdonald's conception of government. I have heard him express the opinion with much energy that no man who advocated universal suffrage had any right to call himself a Conservative. He favoured the extension to single women of the privilege of voting on the same terms as men,* his argument being that the exclusion of women otherwise duly qualified was at variance with the theory of a property qualification, and that any departure from this fundamental rule was fraught with danger to the stability of our institutions. Apart from this paramount reason he was * " I believe that is coming as certainly as came the gradual enfranchisement of woman from being the slave of man until she attained her present position as almost the equal of man. I believe that time is coming, though perhaps we are not, any more than the United States and England, quite educated up to it. I believe the time will come, and I shall be very proud and very glad to see it, when the final step towards giving women full enfranchisement is carried in Canada " (Sir John Macdonald : speech on introduction of Franchise Bill, Commons Debates, 1885, p. 1134). 248 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. prepared to welcome the advent of a new and powerful con- servative factor in politics, whose tendency he believed would be to strengthen the defences against the irruption of an unbridled democracy. There remains but one question of practical politics in relation to which I propose to outline Sir John Macdonald's attitude. I refer to those issues of race and religion which periodically threaten the peace of Canada. It must be apparent to the most careless student of Sir John Macdonald's history, that, British and Protestant though he was, at no time in his career had he any sympathy with that fierce intolerance of everything French or Eoman Catholic which at the present time is abroad in the province of Ontario. As far back as 1854, we find him counting on his " friendly relations with the French." In 1855 he introduced and carried a Bill in the interest of the separate schools, against the bitter opposition of George Brown. In 1863 he supported by speech and vote Mr. E. W. (now Senator) Scott's Act, establishing a system of separate schools. In 1867 he perpetuated this right to the Eoman Catholics of Ontario, and at the same time provided the French Canadians with liberal guarantees for the security of their language, institutions, and laws. In 1870 he secured, OF thought he had secured, like privileges to the Eoman Catholics of Manitoba. We are not left in doubt as to his view of what was intended by the operation of the Manitoba Act. In the very beginning of the present agitation in that province, he thus addressed a member of the local Legislature, who had applied to him for counsel : " You ask me for advice as to the course you should take upon the vexed question of separate schools in your province. There is, it seems to me, but one course open to you. By the Manitoba Act, the provisions of the B.KA. Act (sect. 93) respecting laws passed for the protection of minorities in educational matters are made applicable to Manitoba, and can- not be changed ; for, by the Imperial JAct confirming the estab- lishment of the new provinces, 34 & 35 Viet., c. 28, sect. 6, it is provided that it shall not be competent for the Parliament of Canada to alter the provisions of the Manitoba Act in so far as it relates to the province of Manitoba. Obviously, therefore, the GENERAL. 249 separate school system in Manitoba is beyond the reach of the Legislature or of the Dominion Parliament." It is true that the highest legal tribunal in the Empire has put a different interpretation on the Manitoba Act, but with the merits of this question we are in nowise concerned here. My object is merely to show what were the views of him who had by far the greatest share in the framing of this piece of legisla- tion, as to its scope and effect. On the kindred question of the dual language his opinions were equally decided and outspoken. He fully sympathized with the French Canadians in their natural attachment to their mother tongue, and in the summer immediately preceding his death, carefully noted and put by for use in the session of 1891, the following extract from a speech by Mr. Gladstone, which he observed expressed (mutatis mutandis} his own views on the proposal to abolish the official use of the French language in Manitoba. "There appears to be a desire I will not say the evidence is demon- strative, but, still, in the manner in which the question is brought forward, there seems to be a desire to a great extent to substitute the British for the Italian language in Malta. Well, I am opposed to any such substitution. I think, and my mind goes back to the case of Wales, that there is nothing in the world that the Welsh would so vividly resent as any officious attempt to change the language of their country. And, gentlemen, they are perfectly right. The union between a nation and its language, the union between even a small people like Wales and its language, is a due and an affectionate union; it is bound up with all its traditions; and when we went into Malta we engaged to respect their traditions, and no attempt, no policy, I do not care where it began I believe it began in some former time but we have evidence before us now which induces me to say, that, in my opinion, the Maltese have been sacredly promised the preservation of their language and institutions, and are entitled to claim among the very first elements of that promise, that we shall pay due respect to the customs established among them and inherited from their forefathers, which are bound up with all their ideas, and which above all they wish to retain." * In holding these views, Sir John Macdonald could not be charged with any antecedent prejudices in favour of the Eoman Catholic religion or the French Canadian race ; rather do I think that to the entire absence of prejudice in his large and liberal * From speech of the Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone to the Wesleyans, reported in the Weekly Times, August 1, 1890. 250 MEMOIRS OF SIX JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. mind is to be ascribed the cause which determined his political attitude on these questions. While, like Disraeli, he admired the ecclesiastical polity and admirable discipline of the Church of Eome, he had not, so far as I am aware, any sympathy with her theological system. Nor do I think that the stately forms of Roman Catholic worship appealed even to his senses. In fact, I have heard him say that he liked a religious service to be as simple as possible. I surmise, for I cannot speak from absolute knowledge, that, in common with many excellent Christians, he cared little for the principle of dogma in religion, or for the doctrine of a visible Church. We must, therefore, look elsewhere for the reasons which guided his course. In my opinion (and it is all a matter of opinion) he sided with the Eoman Catholics, in the beginning of his career, partly because he believed their claims were just, and partly because of the natural generosity of his nature, which prompted him to espouse the weaker side. The alliance once contracted eventually begot mutual obligations ; for it must not be forgotten that, if Sir John Macdonald stood by the Roman Catholics, they stood by him. Indeed, for many years, as we have seen, he was sustained in power by the almost united support of Lower Canada. While thus united by the political traditions of many years to Lower Canada, whose inhabitants he viewed as a quiet, moral, law-abiding, tolerant people, Sir John Macdonald was by no means blind to the defects of the French character, chief among which he placed a predisposition to fall a prey to demagogues, and an extreme sensitiveness on matters affecting their race. I have heard him say too (though this can scarcely be called a defect), that a Frenchman, whether in France or in Canada, no matter what his intellectual calibre may be, finds great difficulty in really understanding the British constitution, for the reason that his mind is too logical to allow him to accept the paradoxes which abound therein. He illustrated his point by saying, that the French mind cannot conceive how it is that many prerogatives of the Crown exist only because they are never used, and that the moment they were exercised they would cease to be. Of all the charges brought against Sir John Macdonald by his political opponents, that of corruption was perhaps the most GENERAL. 251 common. It was not generally alleged that he actually used his position to enrich himself or the members of his own family, though such imputations occasionally were made. The stand- ing charge, however, was that he never scrupled to reward his political friends in various illegitimate ways out of the public treasury, and that in this practice is to be found the secret of his long continuance in office. My experience during the last ten years warrants a different conclusion. I have observed that almost every political supporter lost to him during the decade was alienated by his refusal to be influenced in the execution of his high office by considerations of a political or a private nature. A notable instance of this has recently been furnished to the press, by a gentleman who considered himself aggrieved because Sir John would not give him, at a nominal price and without competition, a timber limit, which had previously been applied for. Many other instances of Sir John's resolve to protect the public interest could be cited. For example, in 18 8-, tenders were invited for a large public work. When the time for awarding the contract approached, Sir John Macdonald was at Eiviere du Loup. While there he received an urgent telegram, followed by a letter from an M.P., begging him to use his influence with the Minister of Public Works to extend the time for receiving tenders. To this corre- spondent Sir John thus replied : " I have yours of the 7th instant, and had previously got your telegram about extension of time for opening of tenders for . Such an extension of time, at the request of intending contractors, would be unprecedented, and would give rise to all kinds of charges against the Public Works Department. The knowledge that such extension was given in any one case would have a disturbing effect on all future advertisements for tenders. There would be no end of applications on the part of friends (after having perhaps found out what the previous tenders amounted to) for further extension. We are always very glad to help our friends as far as we properly can, but we must consider the public interest first. This work had been advertised for tender for a month or more." A few weeks before the general election of 1887, an active parliamentary supporter wrote him, advocating certain changes 252 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. in the public service in his constituency, which would involve the superannuation of an employee. Sir John answered to the effect that he did not see how this could be done. His corre- spondent replied with some warmth, that, if it were not done, " we," meaning the Conservative party, " may as well put up the shutters." This called forth a rejoinder from Sir John, very nearly in these words. " You say that if is not super- annuated, we may as well put up the shutters. Now, you know, as well as I do, that is not a fit subject for superannuation. To pension him at this time, on the eve of an election, would be a job that I would rather smash twenty Governments than sanction." A few weeks later, he was in the thick of the election. His own contest in Kingston was, as usual, a hard one. One morning, in the month of January, a gentleman, reputed very well off, called at Earnscliffe, and after transacting the business that had brought him there, said, " Sir John, I know you are having a hard time of it in Kingston. I know, too, you are not over- well provided with this world's goods. I should very much like to be allowed to give you a subscription towards defraying your own election expenses." With that he put down an envelope containing a considerable sum of money, and took his leave before Sir John could say a word. I was not in the room at the time, but during the day Sir John told me of it, adding, " I know that is actuated by the best of motives, and I would not hurt his feelings for the world ; nevertheless, in view of the fact that he is (or recently has been) a Government contractor, it would not do for 'me to touch a penny of this. I want you to take this package, seek out , and return it to him with my thanks, explaining why it is impossible for me to accept his kind aid." This I did on the same day. Some years before the date of which I have been speaking, Sir John, during one summer, occupied the country house of a friend who had relations with the Government. At the end of the season he inquired as to the rent, and was informed there was nothing to pay. This he would not hear of. It was in vain that the owner represented that Sir John had done him a service by occupying a house that otherwise would GENERAL. 253 have remained empty. He insisted upon paying full value for the use of the property, and, the owner remaining obdurate, he sent his cheque by post. Similar examples of his scrupulous care in all matters affecting his relations with anybody who might, at any future time, ask a favour of him as head of the Government, could be multiplied indefinitely. In fact, some people might be disposed to think that he carried this caution to the verge of eccentricity. When the city of Vancouver was in its infancy, or, rather, before there was any city there at all, Lady Macdonald one day expressed the wish to purchase two lots on what is now the town site, and asked Sir John's permission to do so. Said she, " I don't want any money ; I have three or four hundred dollars of my own, and the Colonel" (her brother) " will give me three or four hundred more." " No, my dear," he replied, " you had better not ! " " Why ? " said Lady Macdonald. "Well, if you were to buy any lots out there, the first thing I should know would be that a post-office or a custom- house was put on them without my knowing anything about it, and I should have it thrown at me in Parliament that you had been paid for them ten cents more than they were worth." So the lots were never bought. It is, of course, inevitable that he who fills the office of Prime Minister should be a mark for calumny of every degree and kind. It is incident to the position, the penalty of great- ness. Nevertheless, I am disposed to think that few men have been exposed to the bitterness of party rancour to the extent which it was Sir John Macdonald's fortune to experience at the hands of a portion of the Canadian press. I do not refer to any criticism, however violent or unjust, of his public acts, nor even to ungenerous allusions to his personal failings. I speak now of the malignant inventions deliberately set afloat with the express object of defaming his character and of causing pain to those who loved him. I will not dwell at any length on a topic at once so disagreeable and so humiliating to a Canadian, but it is necessary that I should give one or two 254 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVI. instances of this shocking mode of warfare, against which the Conservative chieftain had to contend. Sir John spent the summer of 1873 at Eiviere du Loup with his family. It was the period of the "Pacific scandal," and, consequently, a time of unusual political excitement. On the afternoon of the 5th of August, Lady Macdonald received an ambiguously worded telegram of inquiry from a friend, as to the state of her husband's health. A few minutes later another came, followed by more of mysterious import, all hinting at something apparently too dreadful for expression. Lady Macdonald at once took them to Sir John, who equally with herself was at a loss to divine their meaning. Telegraphic inquiries soon brought the truth. The Montreal Witness, the day before, had published what purported to be telegraphic intelligence from Eiviere du Loup, to the effect that Sir John Macdonald had attempted to commit suicide by jumping off the pier at that place.* On the following morning the Toronto Globe published the statement in the form of a special from Montreal, in which city, it was good enough to add, the rumour had caused a "very painful sensation." It was speedily shown that no such telegram had ever been sent from Eiviere du Loup, or received at Montreal, and that the whole affair was deliberately manufactured to feed the excitement which the publication of the McMullen corre- spondence, a few days before, had produced. The only notice Sir John took of this outrage was to despatch reassuring telegrams to his relatives and intimate friends, one of which read, "It is an infamous falsehood. I never was better in my life.'.' As far as he personally was * The following is the paragraph as it appeared in the Witness of the 4th of August, 1873. " SAD OF THB PREMIER. A telegram was shown to several gentlemen in the city this forenoon anent the doings of Sir John A. Macdonald, at Riviere du Loup.J It stated that yesterday afternoon Sir John attempted to commit suicide by jumping from the wharf into the water. He was rescued, but now lies, it is asserted, in a precarious condition." The Globe's report next day was substantially the same as the above. On the 6th it published, under the form of a correction, an insinuation that something had happened to the Premier, which his friends were endeavouring to hush up. The italics are mine. " The sensation concerning the Premier is rapidly dying out under the influence of repeated assurances that the rumour was without foundation " (Globe, August 6, 1873. Telegram from Montreal). GENES AL. 255 concerned, newspaper attacks, even of a nature so vile as this one, affected him but little. Indeed, he used to say they rather gratified his vanity than otherwise, reminding him, as they did, how, when a boy, he invariably found the best apples growing on a tree at whose foot lay the greatest number of sticks and stones. One can imagine, however, the pain these atrocious falsehoods must have inflicted upon the absent members of his family, as well as the shock to his wife and daughter by his side. I pass over fourteen years, and come to the days immediately preceding the general election of 1887. Only those who have accompanied a Prime Minister through a general election can realize the demands that such an ordeal makes upon the resources of a party leader. During this particular campaign, Sir John worked harder than at any corresponding period, save only at the election of 1872. His correspondence was enormous, and its management severely taxed the energies of himself and three secretaries. After a hard day's work we had suspended operations for dinner, to resume our labours immediately afterwards, when the evening papers were brought in, among them the Toronto Globe* containing a long circum- stantial account, headed "The Premier's Condition," of Sir John Macdonald's "mental collapse," accompanied with an editorial on the " strange, sad, and probably incredible story," which, while in part true, they " on the whole " declined to believe. The whole tone of the article conveyed the impression that their refusal to do so was merely an exercise of the charity which thinketh no evil at the expense of their judgment. Sir John, who was in excellent health at the time, read it all, smiled, and told us the story of his " suicide " in 1873. * January 22nd. 256 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVII. CHAPTER XXVII. LAST DAYS. THE SUMMER OF 1890 VISIT TO PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND TO HALIFAX AND ST. JOHN GENERAL ELECTION OF 1891 FAILING HEALTH LAST ILL- NESS DEATH UNIVERSAL MOURNING THE QUEEN'S LETTER STATE FUNERAL UNVEILING 'OF BUST IN ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL LORD ROSEBERY'S SPEECH " si MONUMENTUM REQUIRIS CIRCUMSPICE." I HAVE now arrived at the kst scene in the drama we have been so long considering. The summer of 1890 was a fine one, and Sir John Mac- donald seemed greatly to enjoy his quiet retreat at Riviere du Loup. In August he paid a short visit to Prince Edward Island, where he had not been for twenty years. He returned to Ottawa early in September, and towards the end of the month left for Nova Scotia, on a short political tour. After two or three days spent at Halifax, where he addressed a large audience in the open air, he ran over to St. John, to see his old friend Sir Leonard Tilley. While there, he held another meeting, leaving for Ottawa early next morning, by special train over the Canadian Pacific Railway's " short line." It was his first trip over this route, and he appreciated the novelty, especially the sight presented by the New England forests, then in the full glow of their autumnal splendour. During the whole day we had the train to ourselves. He spoke more than usual about the future, and seemed full of vigour. His good health continued throughout the autumn. I seldom saw him better than in the months of October and November. I recollect telling him so, and remember his jaunty reply that he felt " tolerably well for an old chap." On the 2nd of February, the day on which the report 1891.] LAST DAYS. 257 advising the dissolution of Parliament was agreed to in Council, I drove home with him to dinner. He was full of energy, and was busy outlining his election address * until a late hour. It was then he talked over the plan of campaign, and told me he would direct the battle from Toronto, as he did not feel able to move about as much as in 1887. Circumstances prevented his leaving Ottawa as early as he wished, and it was not until Sunday night, the 15th of February, that he started for Toronto. As I always feared would be the case, he was insensibly drawn into the conflict, and was unable to resist the urgent appeals to him from all parts of the province. On Tuesday, the 17th of February, he addressed a large political meeting in Toronto. On Wednesday he went to Hamilton and spoke, on Thursday to Strathroy. On Friday he was in London. On Saturday he spoke at Stratford, St. Mary's and Brampton, and returned to Toronto more fatigued, I thought, than on similar occasions in the past. On the next night he left Toronto for Kingston. The weather in the west had been mild, but it was bitterly cold in Kingston. To this sudden change of tem- perature I attribute the chill, from the effects of which he never fully recovered. On Monday he remained in bed. On Tuesday he came downstairs about noon, and met some political supporters from Napanee, who pressed him to run out there next day and hold a meeting. He was very loth to go, but finally consented; and, on Wednesday the 25th, he started on the fatal trip. The day was raw and bleak. On his arrival at Napanee he was driven in an open carriage to the town hall, where the arrangements for the meeting were very bad. The crowd was so dense that they invaded the platform from which he was speaking. I saw that he was warm and tired, and did my utmost to induce the local politicians to allow him to return to his car. Nothing, however, would satisfy them but his presence at another meeting in a different part of the town. The open carriage was again called into requisition, and he was driven through the town, where the performance was repeated. When he returned to the car there were several telegrams awaiting him. I went to his room to take his * See Appendix XXVIII. VOL. II. S 258 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVII. instructions, and found him lying across the bed, his face of an ashen grey. "I am exhausted," he said, and indeed he looked it. On his return to Kingston he took to his bed, and remained there until we left for Ottawa. While in Kingston those about him had daily consultations with Doctor Sullivan, who was afraid of congestion of the lungs, and said that his heart's action was alarmingly weak. Immediately on his return to Ottawa (the morning of election day), Sir John went to bed. A special wire ran to Earnscliffe, and when evening drew on I took him up the news to his bed-room. With the intelligence of his own election, that of his son and some personal friends, he seemed gratified, but said little. About ten o'clock, that is when the result of the elections in not more than half the con- stituencies was known, and the fate of the Government still hung in the balance, he said, "I think that will do for to- night," turned over, and went to sleep. That, however, was nothing extraordinary, for, on the night of the general election of 1887, he remained in the library only until half-past nine o'clock, and the result was by no means assured when he rose, took his candle, said, " Good night, gentlemen," and retired. He remained in bed, or indoors, a great part of the month of March, with an occasional run into town, and was very miserable throughout April and the beginning of May. It was after he began to go out that I first became seriously alarmed. He did not seem to gain strength, and complained again and again of feeling weak. His colour, too, was bad ; that ashen hue of which I have spoken being often on his face, especially at the close of a long day's work. On Tuesday, the 12th of May, I went over to his private rooms in the House of Commons as usual. About a quarter to four he came in, and went into the inner room, called me, and said that he was to meet his Excellency the Governor General with Sir John Thompson at four o'clock. I noticed at the time that there was something wrong with his speech. I had had no experience of paralysis, but I felt sure this was a premonition of something serious. I came back to tell him Sir John Thompson would be there very soon. He said, " He must come 1891.] LAST DAYS. 259 at once, because he must speak to the Governor for me, as I cannot talk. There is something the matter with my speech." When the interview was over, his Excellency and Sir John Thompson spoke to me privately on the subject, and both expressed their greatest concern, Lord Stanley saying he felt sure there was cause for alarm, as he had seen similar symptoms in the case of one who died of paralysis. After they left Sir John came into the outer office and spoke to me. For the first time in my life I noticed a trace of nervousness in his manner. "I am afraid of paralysis," he said; "both my parents died of it, and," he added slowly, " I seem to feel it creeping over me." I at once called a cab, and there being some delay, he and I walked down the Parliament grounds to meet it. He was then better, and got into the cab without difficulty. I begged him to let me drive home with him, but he would not permit it, saying, " There is no necessity." He added, "You must be careful not to mention this to Lady Macdonald." There was a ball at Government House that evening, on my way to which I called at Earnscliffe, and found Sir John in bed reading. His speech was almost restored again, and he had seen the doctor in the mean time. This attack passed off, and on Saturday, the 16th, he gave a dinner, at which he looked wretched, but on Monday morning he seemed better, and all through the week was more like his old self. On Saturday, the 23rd of May, he gave another dinner. On the morning of that day he asked me to prepare a list for a dinner on the 30th, which, alas ! he was destined never to eat. On looking over it, he said, " Thursday is a holiday, is it not ? " I answered that it was. " Well," said he, " I think we might give a dinner on Thursday as well as on Saturday. However, let that stand until Monday." At dinner, on the 23rd, he was in capital spirits. When I left him at 10 o'clock I thought he was almost himself again. But on Monday morning I learned that he had been very unwell all day Sunday. It appeared that, on Saturday night, after his guests had gone, he threw himself into an easy-chair, and the room being warm, a window was opened, and the draught affected him. On Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday 2 GO MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVII. he was weak and miserable, and those about him were much alarmed. During the night between Wednesday and Thursday, about half-past two, he suddenly called out of his sleep to Lady Macdonald, who immediately went to him, and found that his left arm was partially paralyzed. ' On Thursday morning he was better, and the paralysis seemed to be wearing away. He appeared to feel the gravity of the situation, for he insisted on signing a certain document connected with the disposition of his property. I asked him when he wished to sign it. He said, "Now, while there is time." Afterwards he saw Sir John Thompson, with whom he showed an inclination to discuss public business, a disposition which the Minister of Justice, in view of his serious condition, discouraged as far as possible.* During the morning he instructed me to prepare for him two resolutions, of which he intended giving notice in the House of Commons ; one respecting the North Shore bonds, and the other about what is known as the Carleton Branch of the Intercolonial Eailway. He spoke several times during the day in regard to these matters, and was not satisfied until I had brought him one of the draft resolutions, and explained that in the absence of some necessary information I was unable to prepare the other one. All that day he was much interested in public affairs, and his mind was as bright and active as ever. On Friday morning, the 29th of May, he was the same as on the previous day, having passed a good night. About eleven o'clock he inquired, as he had done a hundred times before during slight indispositions, what letters there were. I answered that there were not many, and few of any importance, and asked if I should bring them up. He replied with a slight gesture of * Sir John Thompson, in speaking of this interview, has said, that at it, Sir John Macdonald's intellect was as acute and vigorous as on the first day he ever saw him. The last piece of business he transacted was the granting of leave of absence to Mr. B. Davies, an official of the Prince Edward Island Railway. Mr. Davies is an old man, an offence towards which, as Sir John observed, he was very indulgent. The last letter he signed was addressed to his friend Mr. E. W. Rathbun of Deseronto. That was on "Wednesday. The last letter he dictated was to Senator Boulton, on Friday. I am not able to say with certainty what was the last letter he wrote with his own hand, but am inclined to think it was a note to Mr. Speaker White on Wednesday. He certainly wrote nothing more than his name after Wednesday. 1891.] LAST DAYS. 261 impatience, " Yes, of course." I did not bring them all up, however, but only a few of minor importance, to which he dictated some replies. I observed that he soon got tired, and I left the room about twelve. Shortly afterwards Dr. Sullivan (his Kingston physician) saw him for a few minutes. About half-past two he sent for me -about a trivial matter. When I left him he was reading the North American Review, and seemed easy in mind and body, so much so that the members of his family were encouraged to hope that the worst had passed. Indeed his composure might have deceived any one unversed in medical science. While, from his expression of the day before, " I will sign now while there is time," as well as from what I afterwards learned that the doctors had told him, there is little doubt that on that Friday afternoon Sir John fully realized the extreme gravity of his condition, yet- neither by voice, look, nor manner did he manifest the slightest disquietude. The history of Sir John's last illness is in some respects an epitome of his life. As long as he could he strove against the sense of weariness that oppressed him, and when at length the inexorable laws of nature asserted their sway, he assumed that quiet dignity which ever marked his acceptance of the inevitable, and calmly awaited the last dread summons. At half-past three his doctor called, and after spending a few minutes in the office, went upstairs. He sat down by the bedside, and put a few questions, which Sir John answered as usual. About four o'clock, while conversing quietly with Dr. Powell, he gently leaned his head back on the pillow, yawned once or twice, and became apparently unconscious. The doctor at once saw that he had received a second stroke, this time complete right hemiplegia. From that moment, he never spoke nor exhibited more than a sort of semi-consciousness. He remained in this condition for eight days, passing quietly away at a quarter-past ten, on the evening of Saturday the 6th of June. The moment of his death was peaceful ia the extreme. In the afternoon the final change came. His respiration, which had previously been very rapid, now became abnormally slow, and gradually slower and slower, until it ceased altogether. During his illness messages of inquiry from all parts of the 262 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVII. Empire rained down upon Earnscliffe. From far-off India came the sympathy of the Viceroy, addressed to Lady Macdonald, in the brief but expressive words, " I grieve for you and for Canada." The Queen's solicitude showed itself in daily inquiries of the Governor General. On hearing of the death of her faithful servant Her Majesty telegraphed : " I am deeply grieved at the news of the death of Sir John Macdonald. He will be a great loss to Canada and to his Sovereign. Pray express my deep sympathy with Lady Macdonald. " VICTOKIA B.L" Her Eoyal Highness the Princess Louise, the Marquis of Lome, the Eight Honourable W. H. Smith, Sir Charles Tupper, Lord Mount Stephen, Sir Donald Smith, and other friends of the dead statesman at a distance testified to their grief. At home the demonstrations of regret were well-nigh universal In addition to the individual sympathy of hundreds, nearly every public corporation in Canada placed on record, in the form of an address to Lady Macdonald, their sense of the loss sustained to the country by the death of the Prime Minister. When all was over, Her Majesty addressed the heart-broken widow in a letter full of gracious sympathy, which only one who had experienced the like affliction could feel. " Windsor Castle, July 2, 1891. " DEAR LADY MACDOXALD, " Though I have not the pleasure of knowing you personally, I am desirous of writing to express what I have already done, my deep sympathy with you in your present deep affliction for the loss of your dear distinguished husband. " I wish also to say how truly and sincerely grateful I am for his devoted and faithful services, which he rendered for so many years to his Sovereign and this Dominion. " It gives me much pleasure to mark my high sense of Sir John Macdonald's distinguished services by conferring on you a public mark of regard for yourself as well as for him. "Your health has, I trust, not suffered from your long and anxious nursing. " Believe me always " Yours very sincerely, " VICTORIA, R.I." 1891.] LAST DATS. 263 To which Lady Macdonald replied : "Earnscliffe, Ottawa, July 27, 1891. " MADAM, " I have received with the deepest emotion and with feelings of profound gratification the kind letter of sympathy with which Your Majesty has deigned to honour me on the sad occasion of my great loss and crushing sorrow. " The words of gracious acknowledgment in which Your Majesty is pleased to refer to my beloved husband's long and faithful services and devotion to Your Majesty's Throne and Person are indeed the richest earthly consolation I can ever know, and in gratefully receiving the high mark of favour by which Your Majesty has been pleased further to express this acknowledgment, I beg to convey my profound sense of Your Majesty's goodness to me and to him whose useful and unselfish life has now, in the providence and wisdom of God, been brought to a peaceful close. " With every assurance of renewed devotion and loyalty to Your Majesty and the Empire. " I have the honour to remain " Your Majesty's faithful humble servant, " AGUES MACDOXALU.'' A few days later it was officially announced that, in recog- nition of her husband's distinguished services to the Empire, Her Majesty had been pleased to grant to Lady Macdonald the dignity of a Peeress of the United Kingdom, with the title of Baroness Macdonald of Earnscliffe. Parliament was sitting at the time of Sir John Macdonald's death. On Monday afternoon Sir Hector Langevin,* the senior member of the late Cabinet, formally communicated the melancholy news to the House of Commons, which at once ordered a State funeral, and adjourned for eight days to allow of a fitting expression of the national grief. On Tuesday and part of Wednesday the body lay in state in the Senate Chamber, where it was visited by thousands of high and low degree, who thronged to take a last look at the familiar face of the great leader. There, clad in the uniform of an Imperial Privy Councillor, and covered with the flag he had so long upheld, at his side the insignia of his orders, and on his breast a wreath of white roses, bearing the legend, "From * For Sir Hector Langeyiu's speech on this occasion, as well as the graceful and eloquent tribute of Mr. Laurier, the leader of the Opposition, see Appendices XXIX. and XXX. 264 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXYIL Her Majesty Queeu Victoria, in memory of Her faithful and de- voted servant," lay all that was mortal of Sir John Macdonald. On Wednesday, after a stately and solemn pageant, the like of which had never before been witnessed in Canada, the remains of the deceased statesman were borne to Kingston, where, on Thursday, the llth of June, they were laid in Cataraqui cemetery, near the grave of his mother, in con- formity with his expressed desire.* On the following day a memorial service, held in Westminster Abbey, gave those of his friends who were in London an opportunity of paying their tribute to the illustrious dead. Seventeen months later, in the presence of a distinguished company, the present Prime Minister of England, then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, unveiled a bust, erected to the memory of Canada's great son, in the crypt of St. Paul's Cathedral. The bust, which is of white marble, stands in the south aisle of the crypt chapel, and represents Sir John Macdonald in the uniform of a Privy Councillor, with the star of a Grand Commander of the Bath on the breast, and the chain of that Order over the shoulders. On the pedestal is this inscription : " The Ptight Honourable Sir John Alexander Macdonald, P.C., G.C.B., D.C.L., for 19 years Premier of the Dominion of Canada. Born 1815, died 1891. 'A British subject I was born, a British subject I will die.' " In the course of a brief address, Lord Eosebery said " We are gradually collecting within this cathedral the Lares and the Penates the household gods of our commonwealth. Up above there sleep Wellington and Nelson, those lords of war who preserved the Empire ; below here we have effigies of Dalley and Macdonald, who did so much to preserve it. We have not, indeed, their bodies. They rest more fitly in the regions where they lived and laboured ; but here to-day we consecrate their memory and their example. , We know nothing of party politics in Canada on this occasion. We * " I desire that I shall be buried in the Kingston cemetery near the grave of my mother, as I promised her that I should be there buried." (Extract from Sir John Macdonald's will.) The burial plot of the Macdonalds lies on the left hand side of the main road running through the Cataraqui cemetery. On the death of Miss Macdonald, in 1888, Sir John and Dr. Williamson had a conversation on the subject of a common monument, which was duly erected. Sir John's grave lies immediately to the left or west of this monument as one enters the gate of the plot, facing north. On the other side of the monument is the grave of Mrs. Williamson ; while to the left of Sir John's, the graves lie in the following order sister, father and infant son, mother, wife. 1801.] LAST DAYS. 265 recognize only this, that Sir John Macdonald had grasped the central idea, that the Britisli Empire is the greatest secular agency for good now known to mankind ; that that was the secret of his success, and that he determined to die under it, and strove that Canada should live under it. It is a custom, I have heard, in the German army that, when new colours are presented to a regiment, the German Emperor first, and then his princes and chiefs in their order, each drive a nail into the staff. I have sometimes been reminded of this practice in connection with the banner of our Empire. Elizabeth and her heroes first drove their nails in, and so onward through the expansive eighteenth century, when our flag flashed everywhere, down to our own times, when we have not quailed or shrunk. Yesterday it wrapped the corpse of Tennyson ; to-day we drive one more nail in on behalf of Sir John Macdonald. This standard so richly studded imposes on us, the survivors, a solemn obligation. It would be nothing were it the mere symbol of violence and rapine, or even of conquest. It is what it is because it represents everywhere peace and civilization and commerce, the negation of narrowness, and the gospel of humanity. Let us then, to-day, by the shrine of this signal statesman, once more remember our responsibility, and renew the resolution that, come what may, we will not flinch or fail under it." Among the many tributes to Sir John Macdonald's memory, I desire specially to refer to the following lines from the pen of Mr. Gustavus Wicksteed, between whom and Sir John there existed a warm friendship for upwards of fifty years. Mr. Wicksteed, who was born in 1799, is still hale, and looks forward to experience the unique distinction of having lived in three centuries. " ' Quis desiderio sit pudor aut modus Tarn cari capitis ? ' HOR., lib. i., Carm. 24. " In death's cold arms our country's father lies When shall his equal glad her longing eyes ? " By distance parted when her people were, Estranged and separate, scattered here and there, He, by a compact firm and wisely planned, Gave them for country all Canadian land. And stretched o'er mountain steep and prairie broad, For friendly intercourse, an iron road. " Long with consummate statesmanship he swayed The councils of the nation he had made, Contended for the right with tongue and pen, And won by kindly deeds the hearts of men ; And old-time friends and old opponents vied In patriot sorrow when Macdonald died." 266 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVII. During Sir John Macdonald's last visit to Halifax, Professor Weldon, M.P., who was present and spoke at the public meeting addressed by the Prime Minister, uttered a remark which I have often recalled. In alluding to the central figure of the day's proceedings, he observed that, notwithstanding the demonstrations of welcome he had witnessed, people did not fully realize how great a man was in their midst. "In the time to come," he added, "when the things of to-day have assumed their true proportions, all men will recognize what Canada owes to Sir John Macdonald, and they will go about erecting statues to him in the market-places of the people." It was fitting that, in the heart of the Empire he loved so well, the first memorial of Sir John Macdonald should have been raised. To Hamilton belongs the honour of being the first city in Canada to illustrate Professor Weldon's prophecy. There, a few months ago,* the successor of Sir John Macdonald, in the presence of assembled thousands, unveiled a statue to the memory of his late chief. Sir John Thompson's speech on that occasion, which was a noble and tender eulogy of his departed leader, will be found elsewhere, t It is a matter of regret that the limitations of this work prevent the insertion here of other speeches delivered on that occasion, and parti- cularly of the tribute which Sir Oliver Mowat, a life-long political opponent, paid to the memory of one with whom, in youth, he had been closely associated. Montreal, Toronto, and Kingston will soon share the dis- tinction now possessed by Hamilton. A national monument is also in progress of erection at the capital, and, ere many years pass away, I doubt not that Professor Weldon's words will receive their literal fulfilment, that everywhere the people of Canada will raise statues to the memory of Sir John Macdonald, thus justifying, in a double sense, the application to him of the famous epitaph which his name must ever suggest in this Dominion, where those who "seek his monu- ment " need only to " look around." * November 1, 1893. t See Appendix XXXI. ( 267 ) CHAPTER XXVIII. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. SIB JOHN IN HIS OFFICE HOME LIFE AFFECTION FOR HIS DAUGHTER AMUSEMENTS LITERARY TASTES PARLIAMENTARY DINNERS ANECDOTES BIRTHDAY OBSERVANCES POETIC TRIBUTES PHYSICAL COURAGE DEVOTION OF HIS FOLLOWERS KINGSTON ASSOCIATIONS RESEMBLANCE TO LORD BEACONSFIELD " OLD TO-MORROW " "NO RESENTMENTS 1 ' PRIVATE SECRETARIES SIR JOHN IN PARLIAMENT HIS POLITICAL CON- SISTENCY GRAVER MOMENTS RELIGIOUS FEELINGS CONCLUSION. WHEN first the announcement was made that these memoirs were in contemplation, a hope was very generally expressed in the Canadian press, that, while any record of Sir John Mac- donald's career must necessarily be in great part devoted to public affairs, they might disclose something of his personal characteristics and of his private life ; that here and there a glimpse might be afforded of the statesman abstracted from the State. This natural desire I must now attempt to gratify, though I have great doubts of my ability to meet it satisfactorily. Indeed, were it not that his practice of transacting official business under his own roof established a point of contact between his public and domestic life, it would have been more than difficult for one outside of his immediate family to know anything of the private hours of a statesman, who allowed him- self no relaxation from the daily task of administering the affairs of the Dominion. It is now many years since Sir John Macdonald found that the interruptions at the Government Offices were such as to render it impossible for him to do more than receive the con- stant stream of callers, who had, or who fancied they had, business to transact with him. He was, therefore, compelled to seclude himself many hours a day in his " workshop," as he 268 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. called it, at Earnscliffe, a snug retreat into which only his secretary could venture unannounced. There he descended every morning about half-past nine, to read and answer the pile of letters that awaited him. He attached great importance to the conduct of his correspondence, and made a point of answering all letters addressed to him as promptly as circum- stances would permit. No correspondent was too humble or illiterate to receive a kind acknowledgment. Sir John wrote an easy flowing hand, and with the assistance of a secretary could despatch, in a quiet morning, an immense amount of correspondence. He preserved every letter written to him. To this rule there was no exception. He was not so careful to keep copies of the letters written by himself, though the omissions for the most part were confined to unimportant communications. In the matter of spelling he adhered closely to the British usage, and disliked excessively the utilitarian method of orthography in vogue in the United States. With the view of discouraging its spread in Canada, he caused a minute of Council to be passed, directing, that in all official publications, the English practice should be uniformly followed.* He sometimes dashed off important letters on the spur of the moment, but after writing them he would frequently let them lie for twenty-four hours, especially if they conveyed reproof, or contained unwelcome intelligence of any sort. Sometimes the delay caused him to modify his original words and occasion- ally to recall them. He was always particular about a corre- spondent's initials or titles. " There are few things," he used to say, " a man resents more than to receive a letter in which his name is misspelled," and he would take a good deal of trouble to avoid such a fault. The callers at his house in the morning were, as a rule, confined to his colleagues, to whom he was always accessible, and to those who came by appointment, a large and constantly increasing number. Despite all the precautions that could be devised, his luncheon hour was often invaded to such an extent that he found himself obliged to resort to the French system of dejeuner at noon. This plan had its advantages, for while visitors might have no scruple in interfering with luncheon, the * See Appendix XXXII. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 269 sound of the breakfast gong seldom failed to dislodge the greatest bore. In order to add to the obligation of these dejeuners, Lady Macdonald frequently invited a few friends to breakfast, and thus contrived to secure to her husband a pleasant relaxation of an hour in the midst of his busy day. 'Sir John's appetite was small and easily satisfied. On rising he took a cup of tea in his bedroom. His dejeuner consisted of a minute portion of fish, game, or often a marrow bone, of which he was very fond ; toast and butter without salt. Occasionally, when he saw anybody at breakfast with an appetite like his own, he would tell them of Lady Eose's remark to him on a like occasion, that " only innocent people ate breakfast." He generally managed to devote at least two hours a day to his departmental duties. His afternoons were spent in Council, which generally rose in time for him to dine at half-past seven. The half-hour before dinner was given up to his invalid daughter, whom he loved with all the warmth of his affectionate nature. His first words on entering the house frequently were, " Where is my little girl ? " He would sit down beside her, and talk over the events of the day. Such conversations, brimful as they were of light badinage, in which they both excelled, were delightful to listen to. Sometimes he joined in a game with her, or read to her some story in which she was interested. His dinner was simple in character, a single dish and a glass of claret often sufficing for his moderate wants. His leisure evenings were generally spent in the library, looking over the newspapers, or playing a game of " patience " of which he was very fond, and in the mysteries of which he was always ready to instruct any of his little daughter's friends who displayed curiosity to know what he was doing. Most of the time in which I knew him, he played " patience " several times a day. Often before going to Council, when his carriage was at the door, he would sit down at the table sacred to this amusement, and play a game, which he said had the same soothing effect upon him as a cigar upon a smoker. When he moved into summer quarters at the seaside, those whose duty it was to look after the arrangement of his temporary office always took care to provide a small table and a pack of cards for his exclusive use. I never knew him to play whist, or bezique, or any other 270 MEMOIRS OF SIR JODN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. game of cards save "patience." When invited to join in a rubber he always declined, saying that he was too old to learn. On one occasion he went further, and related to us a story of his experience at cards. " In 1842, a lot of us sat down to play cards. There was John Cartwright, uncle of Sir Eichard, M.R for Lennox and Addington ; Mackenzie Eraser ; Yarker, the banker ; Prior, a fellow in the Ordnance, and myself. We played loo, and I won everything. They then said that they must have their revenge. We played again, and I won. I am most unlucky, and this was a mere stroke of luck. I then said I will come back, but it must be for the last time, as I am leaving for England in a day or two. I came back and won the third time, nearly two thousand dollars in all, went home and had six months holiday on that money, and never played for money since." What most impressed those who saw Sir John Macdonald at home, was the faculty he had of divesting himself of the cares of State. To watch him joining in a round game with a merry group of children, or sitting at the fireside chaffing with Lady Macdonald and his daughter, reading amusing paragraphs out of the newspapers, or descanting upon the topics of the day, one found it hard to realize that he was the same man who, a few hours before, had been harassed by the grave and perplexing problems which awaited him on the morrow. He retired early, but as a rule, not to sleep, for to the very last he was much given to reading in bed. But sleep came when courted, and, after a good night's rest, he was always ready to approach the questions which he had banished from his mind the evening before. Sir John was an omnivorous reader: history, biography, travels, philosophy, in fact everything except perhaps natural science. If there was one class of literature he preferred, I think, it was political memoirs, one of his favourite books being Stanhope's " Life of Pitt." He also read constitutional works a good deal, and thought much of Bagehot, respecting whom he used to tell a story. On one of his visits to England he dined at the house of a gentleman whom he knew but slightly. Most of the company were entire strangers to him. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 271 The conversation turned on constitutional history, and Sir John happened to remark that he thought Bagehot the best authority on the British constitution. " I am glad to hear you say that," said his left-hand neighbour, " for I am Mr. Bagehot." Sir John read novels of all kinds, but latterly he used to say they had lost interest for him. He followed the magazines, in particular the Nineteenth Century, the Contemporary, the Fort- niylitly, the Forum, and the North American Review. He also regularly read the Saturday Review, the Spectator, the St. James' Gazette and the New York Nation, besides the leading Canadian papers. Sir John was a prince of entertainers, and his parliamentary dinners were something to be remembered. It was his desire that every member of both Houses of Parliament who supported him should dine at Earnscliffe twice during the session. He never invited a member of the Opposition to dine with him during the session, for two reasons. In the first place, his majority was generally so large that it took him the whole session to entertain his supporters ; and, in the second place, he used to say that members of Parliament liked nothing so much as fighting their political battles over again round his table, recounting to him and to each other the stories of their political campaigns. Indulgence in general conversation of this sort in the presence of a single member of the Opposition would be at variance with the laws of hospitality, and Sir John's aim was that his dinners should be, not only the discharge of a social obligation, but a means of creating a feeling of good fellowship among his followers. Mr. Hector Fabre, in the brilliant article from which I have already quoted, says : " Sir John Macdonald knows the House as each of us knows his office. He holds its every clue, big and little. The moment a new Parliament looms above the horizon he measures and gauges it, and quickly sees what he can make of it. He studies its face and analyzes it. He soon discovers those among the newly elected who are to be his constant adversaries, those whom he can use on occasion, and those in fine who will one day bow to his yoke. He is a keen judge of men, but more especially of members. He never confounds iron with steel, much less pure gold with base lead. He could after a first session mark with a red cross those who are never to be his, and with a blue those who would sooner or later belong to him. It is not that he 272 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. is a sorcerer, but that he is deeply skilled in things Parliamentary. He knows the stuff of which each man is made : lie knows how far it may be moulded so as to present a splendid courtier, or how far it will remain intractable in the hard granite of a Roman statue." All this is most true, and, as regards the red and blue crosses, literally exact. At the beginning of a new Parliament he took the list of members, scored out the names of those he knew were none of his, ticked off his out-and-out supporters, and specially marked the few doubtful members. As time went on the attitude of the latter became defined, and more frequently than otherwise it happened that eventually the colour of their tick was blue. For social purposes these nondescripts were generally marked as Conservatives, and those whose privilege it has been frequently to have dined with Sir John Macdonald at his own table, will not think it an extravagant assumption to predicate that this circumstance may not have been altogether unconnected with their ultimate political course. Sir John's reputation as a raconteur was widely established and justly deserved. He had an inexhaustible fund of anecdotes, which he was wont to draw on at his party dinners with marvellous effect. I shall relate only one which he generally kept for those of his friends who were rigid total abstainers. Many years ago there resided in what is now the county of Elgin a gentleman of the name of Colonel Talbot, who belonged to the family of Lord Talbot de Malahide. Colonel Talbot had obtained from the Crown a large grant of land in the early days of the province, and had settled on it. He was a gentleman of the old school. One day Sir James Alexander, who was at the time engaged in collecting materials for a history of Canada, passed near by Port Talbot, and called on the Colonel, who received him hospitably, and pressed him to remain to dinner. Shortly after sitting down, the host turned to Sir James and said, " Do you drink sherry or claret ? " " Neither, thank you," replied Sir James. The Colonel looked keenly at his guest, but said nothing, evidently making up his mind that he had some reason for not taking wine at the moment. When the cloth was removed and the decanters were placed on the table, he said again to him, " What wine do you drink, Sir James ? " The latter replied, " Thank you, I never drink wine." PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 273 " The devil you don't," replied Colonel Talbot, reaching his hand for the bell-rope ; " Order Sir James Alexander's horse," he said to the servant, and he then and there turned his guest out of his house. I may mention here a good story, also of an after-dinner flavour, which was told of Sir John, not by him. Without vouching for its truth, I give it for what it is worth. It is related that, many years ago, Sir John was present at a public dinner, at which he was expected to deliver a rather important speech. In the conviviality of the occasion he forgot about the more serious part of the duty of the evening, and when at a late hour he rose, his speech was by no means so luminous or effective as it might have been. The reporter, knowing that it would not do to print his notes as they stood, called on Sir John next day, and told him that he was not quite sure of having secured an accurate report. Sir John received him kindly, and invited him to read over his notes. He had not got far when he interrupted him : " That is not what I said." There was a pause, and Sir John continued, " Let me repeat my remarks." He then walked up and down the room, and delivered a most impressive speech in the hearing of the delighted reporter, who took down every word as it fell from his lips. Having profusely thanked Sir John for his courtesy, he was taking his leave, when he was recalled to receive this admonition : " Young man, allow me to give you this word of advice. Never again attempt to report a public speaker when you are drunk." Sir John Macdonald always observed his birthday, and liked others to remember it. On the llth of January the mail bag was of portentous size, while all day the telegraph brought congratulations from far and wide. His last birthday was no exception to the rule. Among many congratulatory letters he received was one from an unknown little maiden, who wrote him a childish note to announce that her birthday was on the same day as his. She added a hope that he would not follow the " mean " example of a small boy of her acquaintance, who had not answered a letter she had written to him. To this youthful epistle Sir John replied : * VOL. II. T 274 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CiiAP. XXVIII. " Earnscliffe, Ottawa, January 6, 1891. "MY DEAR LITTLE FRIEND, " I am glad to get your letter, and to know that next Sunday you and I will be of the same age. I hope and believe, however, that you will see many more birthdays than I shall, and I trust that every birthday may find you strong in health, and prosperous, and happy. " I think it was mean of that young fellow not to answer your letter. You see, I have been longer in the world than he, and know more than he does of what is due to young ladies. " I send you a dollar note, with which pray buy some small keepsake to remember me by, and, " Believe me yours sincerely, " JOHN A. MACDONALD." The Prime Minister's birthday afforded an opportunity to Canadian poets and poetesses, of which they never failed to take advantage. Astronomers tell us that our globe periodically passes through an enormous shoal of meteors, which it en- counters only upon a particular day. It is true that occasional shooting stars rush through our atmosphere at other times, but the meteoric stream envelops us only on the 13th of November, three times in a century. This natural fact supplies an apt analogy to Sir John Macdonald's experience in the matter of poems, the only difference being, that the periodic time of the poems was once every twelve months instead of thirty-three years. It does not do to push similes of this sort too far ; still, it is a fact that, like the meteors, the vast majority of the verses were inconsiderable objects. On the other hand, some were not wholly without merit. On the first day of his seventy- fourth year, he received a poetic tribute from his friend, Mr. Plumb, then Speaker of the Senate, from which I make a brief quotation. " My DEAR Siu JOHN, The years fly fast, Each, seeming shorter than the last, As swifter turns the spinsters' wheel When shorter runs the thread they reel, PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 275 Or, as the shuttle quickest flies When smallest is the woof it plies, Till birthday upon birthday steals Crowding upon each other's heels. I try no longer to keep count, Or reckon up the dire amount, But, shirk or juggle as I may, I cannot gain an hour's delay. Yet there are some, the poet sings, For whom the Gray -beard furls his wings, And checks the sand grains in his glass, And bids their stream more slowly pass. And plainly, lapsing years disclose That you're a favoured one of those. Your wondrous vigour all admit, And length of days add strength to it, You lead by wise and gentle sway While willing followers obey. * * # * Long may your honoured years increase, Crowned with prosperity and peace. With heartfelt joy this day we hail, Best wishes speed by wire and rail, While Britain's flag on sea and shore Salutes our staunch old seventy-four." Mr. Plumb's effort contributed to the periodic display. The following is from a stray visitant, which reached Sir John at the seaside in the summer of 1883, at a time when he was not so busy as usual. He read the poem from beginning to end, and handed it to Colonel Bernard with the remark that, " apart from their extravagant eulogy, these verses are not at all bad." "* * * * * In leafy pomp, long may the maple stand Emblem of thee, as of thy cherished land. With kingly port, amid its forest peers, The lordly tree its lofty crest uprears. Successive seasons vying homage pay, And changing glories emulous display, To crown its state and royally maintain The spreading honours of its sylvan reign. Its summer wreaths, gay with umbrageous bloom, 'Neath autumn's touch a richer tint assume. Charmed at the view, the lingering sun delays His wintry flight, and, mild in mellowing haze, 276 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP.XXVII1. Bright o'er the shining splendour beams awhile The soft effulgence of his farewell smile. So thou, by grace of bounteous nature crowned Leader of men, hast ready suffrage found. The power, through force, that others lawless wield, To thee, unsought, a willing people yield. Thy rising fame, bright in its glowing prime, Has brighter grown with lengthening lapse of time ; Till now, when reached the autumn of thy days, With brightest splendour full its glories blaze. After breakfast Sir John usually drove to the Government offices. It is to these drives, always too short, that I am indebted for much of what I have been able to set down here respecting his private tastes, and opinions of men and things. Though sometimes so absorbed in thought that he would not utter a single word from the time he entered his carriage until he left it, he, as a rule, spoke more freely to me when walking or driving than at any other time. He was a keen observer of nature in all her moods, and noticed everybody and everything round him. I remember that he was ever on the alert to note the changes of the seasons, and particularly the first signs of spring. Those who have observed the softened look that marks a Canadian winter scene, just before positive evidences of the sun's growing power are apparent, can appreciate these lines of Coleridge which Sir John sometimes quoted on a bright winter's day towards the end of February, as he looked out over the glistening expanse of the frozen Ottawa to the Laurentian hills decked in their snowy mantle : " And Winter, slumbering in the open air, Wears on his smiling face a dream of spring." These drives recall another characteristic of Sir John Mac- donald. I refer to his physical courage. Twice I have seen him threatened with danger from runaway horses, and on both occasions have marvelled at his coolness and self-possession. I have seen him, when seventy-one years of age, ride one hundred and fifty miles on the cow-catcher of the engine that carried him over the Eocky Mountains, and, when suspended nearly three hundred feet over a torrent, order the train to be stopped PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 277 on the trestle, in order that he might enjoy the sublime prospect ivhich that elevated position afforded. When prudence demanded that a guard should be set over his house, he would give the necessary assent, from a sense of duty, but, so far as he personally was concerned, I do not think all the threats of violence he received in his life ever gave him a moment's concern, for his physical constitution was such that he did not know what fear was. The devotion which Sir John Macdonald inspired was almost without parallel. There was nothing that his followers would not do or suffer for him, and this devotion extended through all ranks, and was strong among those who had never even seen him. I remember once being on an election tour with him and some of his Ministers. He was then travelling through Ontario, addressing large audiences several times a day. This was always a tax upon his strength, and occasionally it happened that, when he had spoken twice in a day, tired nature gave out. This occurred at a country town where he had been advertised to appear on a certain evening. Great preparations had been made to receive him, and, among other marks of distinction, a torchlight procession had been organized. From far and near the country people had come to do honour to the chieftain. As evening drew on, a large crowd gathered at the railway station. In due time it was announced that Sir John was too fatigued to appear, but that his colleagues would represent him. A murmur of disappointment succeeded this announcement. A moment afterwards I saw a stalwart farmer deliberately throw his lighted torch in the mud, exclaiming, in tones of bitter disappointment, " I have driven twenty-three miles to-day over bad roads to carry a torch for John A., and I'll be d d if I carry it for any one else." Among the residents of Kingston is a certain Mrs. , who is an ardent politician and worshipped Sir John. This worthy lady is not of a devotional turn of mind, and does not very often trouble the church. On one occasion, however, two or three years ago, she was present The sermon was on the ingratitude of the Jews, and the way they treated the early Christians was commented upon. Mrs. listened attentively thereto. She was observed by many to be visibly 278 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. affected by the recital. The clergyman thought that he had made an impression. Some days afterwards, he called upon his penitent, and, after a few commonplaces had passed between them, mentioned that he had noticed her presence in church the previous Sunday, and observed with satisfaction that his words had not been wholly ineffectual. The old lady, who above all things is honest, was unwilling to appear for a moment in a false light, and replied, " Oh, dear no, it was not that, but when you was talking it made me think how them d d Grits do persecute John A." Though Sir John Macdonald, while at the head of affairs, was obliged to reside at Ottawa, he always kept up as far as possible his connection with Kingston, which was closely associated with his whole life. After the death of their mother, Miss Macdonald went to live with her married sister, Mrs. "Williamson, whose husband for many years was, and still is, a professor of Queen's University. Dr. Williamson owned a comfortable residence a little way out of town. This place, which is known as Heathfield, was formerly the property of Mrs. Mackenzie, the widow of George Mackenzie, with whom Sir John studied law. I have said that Miss Macdonald went to live with her sister, but this does not accurately describe the complicated family arrangement governing affairs at Heathfield, which, as nearly as I could master it, was as follows : Heathfield was owned by Dr. Williamson, who let it to Sir John as a home for his sister Louisa. Dr. Williamson and his wife boarded and lodged with Miss Macdonald. Miss Macdonald bought ten acres from the Doctor, a portion of which was devoted to the purposes of a kitchen garden. The Doctor had his own kitchen garden besides, out of which he partly supplied the household with vegetables, and regularly charged the establishment with everything thus furnished. When Sir John visited Heathfield, he, as the tenant in occupancy, sat at the head of the table, Miss Macdonald at the foot, and the Professor and his wife at each side this in their own house. The frequent allusions made by Sir John Macdonald, in his home letters, to " the Professor," is an indication of the PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 279 regard which he entertained for that remarkable man, who, in his ninetieth year, remains a marvel to all who enjoy the pleasure of his acquaintance. Dr. Williamson is a Presby- terian minister, and, as such, is versed in theology. He is, moreover, an excellent classical scholar, a botanist and geologist of no mean repute, while, I believe, astronomy and mathematics are his special studies. His retiring nature alone has prevented his great erudition from being more generally known. It is no exaggeration to say that this quiet, unassuming old gentle- man, about whom the world knows little, is scarcely less eminent as a scholar than his illustrious brother-in-law was as a statesman. Mrs. Williamson died in 1876. Miss Macdonald, between whom and Sir John existed a strong family likeness, survived her sister twelve years. She was a delightful old lady, with mucli of that fascination of manner which distinguished her brother. Though long an invalid, her cheerful and kindly disposition rendered her a universal favourite. Her death, in 1888, was a great grief to Sir John. Another resident of Kingston scarcely less dear to him than those whom I have mentioned, was his cousin Mrs. John Macpherson, the sister of his first wife, who, surrounded by her children and grand- children, still enjoys a vigorous old age. Sir John Macdonald's likeness to Lord Beaconsfield has often been remarked. It is commonly thought that this resemblance was merely physical or, rather, facial, but those who have known both statesmen intimately say, that it went further, and at times Sir John's manner and modes of ex- pression reminded them more of Lord Beaconsfield than even Ms physical appearance, respecting which Sir Charles Dilke has observed : " The first time that I saw Sir John Macdonald was shortly after Lord Beaconsfield's death, and as the clock struck midnight. I was starting from Euston station, and there appeared at the step of the railway carriage, in Privy Councillor's uniform (the right to wear which is confined to so small a number of persons that one expects to know by sight those who wear it), a figure precisely similar to that of the late Conservative leader, and it required, indeed, a severe exercise of presence of mind to remember that there had been a City banquet from which the apparition must be coming, and rapidly to arrive by a process of exhaustion at the knowledge that this twin brother of 280 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. that Lord Beaconsfield, whom shortly before I had seen in the sick room, which he was not to leave, must be the Prime Minister of Canada." * Sir Charles Dilke goes on to say " that the main point of difference between Sir John Macdonald and Lord Beaconsfield is the contrast between the former's buoyancy and the latter's well-known sphinx-like attitude." Sir John's face was not so impassive as Lord Beaconsfield's, possessing as it did more of light and shade. At the same time, the natural expression of his countenance was grave, and no one could possibly look more like a sphinx when he chose. Sir John had the reputation of being a procrastinator, and to this idea is due his sobriquet of " Old To-morrow," which Punch f so delicately and gracefully alluded to in these lines, published at the time of his death : " Punch sympathizes with Canadian sorrow For him known lovingly as ' Old To-morrow.' Hail to ' the Chieftain ' ! He lies mute to-day, But fame still speaks for him and shall for aye. ' To-morrow and to-morrow ' Shakespeare sighs. So runs the round of time ; man lives and dies. But death comes not with mere surcease of breath To such as him. ' The road to dusty death ' Not ' all his yesterdays ' have lighted. Nay, Canada's ' Old To-morrow ' lives to-day In unforgetting hearts, and nothing fears The long to-morrow of the coming years." Like many another popular idea, this estimate, so far as it ascribed his habit of deliberation to a constitutional defect, was fallacious. Eather was it the outcome of his quality of caution, which regulated his life, and ever prompted him to weigh all the circumstances of a case before taking action thereon. This was illustrated in many ways ; for example, in his choice of colleagues, and in his administration of patronage. It is very easy for a Prime Minister to invite a man to enter his Cabinet, but it is very difficult to repair a hasty selection. It is equally easy to fill a vacant office, but the step once taken is practically irrevocable. It has often been remarked by those who are not Prime Ministers that, by promptly filling vacancies as they occurred, he would have saved himself much trouble and * " Problems of Greater Britain," p. 44. t June 20, 1891. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 281 annoyance arising from the difficulty of deciding between the merits and claims of numerous aspirants thereto. Such a course might have saved him embarrassment, but, in his opinion, delay was often advantageous to the State, and to the party interests he was commissioned to guard. He preferred, as a general rule, to " hasten slowly," to weigh well all the circumstances, to keep his hand free as long as possible, and to act only in the light of the fullest knowledge he could gather. Such a course, he has observed, often saved him from the disastrous consequences of hasty and ill-considered action. He was a firm believer in the efficacy of time as a solvent of many difficulties which beset his path, and his wisdom in this regard has time and again been exemplified. In matters of departmental administration there may have been some colour for the charge of procrastination, but this was due, not to indolence, but to the impossibility, even by working twelve to fourteen hours a day, of finding adequate time to devote to their consideration. .Akin to this habit of caution was the patience to which he himself attributed no little of his success as a party leader.* In this particular is seen his power of will, for by nature Sir John Macdonald was inclined to be impatient, and even at times irritable, yet, in spite of this, he acquired a habit of self- control which formed one of the most remarkable traits in his character. He often quoted Pitt's saying, that "the first, second and third requisites of a Prime Minister are patience," and no statesman ever laid this truth more deeply to heart. Another rule of conduct which Sir John Macdonald laid down for himself was that illustrated in the axiom, " A public man should have no resentments." " ," he said to me one day, " is governed entirely by his hates a fatal mistake in one who aspires to success in politics." Naturally of strong likes and dislikes himself, there were many men in public life whom he regarded with feelings the reverse of cordial, but he never allowed any personal feeling to interfere with his public duty. * " The great reason why I have always been able to beat Brown is that I hare been able to look a little ahead, while he could on no occasion forego the temptation of a temporary triumph." (From Sir John Macdonald to M. C. Cameron, Esq., dated Ottawa, January 3, 1872.) 282 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. An apt illustration of this occurs to me. Under circumstances set forth elsewhere in this volume,* a coolness once existed between himself and Sir Alexander Gait, which culminated in 1876. One of his first acts, on returning to power in 1878, was to offer Sir Alexander Gait the position of High Commissioner for Canada in London. On learning this, an intimate friend expressed surprise that he should have done so. " Have you forgotten," said he, " Gait's treatment of you while you were in opposition ? " " Forgotten it ? no, I can never forget it ; but Gait is the most available man for the position, and do you think that under such circumstances I should be justified in gratify- ing my private resentment (if I had any) at the public expense ? " I trust I shall not be considered as desirous of giving undue prominence to the office I once held, if I devote a brief space to those friends of Sir John Macdonald who in past years occupied towards him the confidential relation of private secretary. Of the late Chief Justice Harrison, his first secretary, I know little, save that the friendship between him and his patron continued unbroken through Mr. Harrison's political and judicial career. More than thirty years after their official connection had terminated, when the Chief Justice had been long in his grave, Sir John's kindness was extended to those who had no claim whatever upon him, save that of close relationship to " my first secretary Harrison." Sir John's next secretary was Colonel Bernard, afterwards his brother-in-law. His period of service was also before my time. I enjoyed the privilege of his friendship in later years, when, despite the fact of his being a confirmed invalid, his courtesy of manner and varied store of information rendered his companionship at once entertaining and instructive. He has lately followed his old chief, and in him we have lost the only person really qualified, by reason of long and intimate association with Sir John Macdonald, adequately to perform the duty that I am now attempting to discharge. To Colonel Bernard succeeded Mr. Charles Drinkwater, at present the widely known secretary to the Canadian Pacific Eailway Company. The years of his incumbency comprised * See Appendix XXXIII. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 283 the most active period of Sir John Macdonald's career, and the Macdonald archives from 1864 till 1873 furnish ample testimony to the assiduity shown by Mr. Drinkwater in the performance of his arduous duties. On the retirement of Sir John in 1873, Mr. Drinkwater re-entered the railway world in which he has been so successful. On Sir John's restoration to power in 1878, Mr. Harry Kinloch became his private secretary. Ill health compelled Mr. Kinloch to retire after a short period of service. He was succeeded by Mr. Frederick White, the present Comptroller of the North- West Mounted Police, who served his chief for many years with a devotion rare even in a liegeman of Sir John Macdonald. Mr. White's nominal tenure of office was from 1880 till 1883, but for many years before and after that period Sir John Macdonald largely relied upon his invaluable assist- ance, which was always of " great use and comfort " to him. Only those who have been Sir John Macdonald's secretaries can form any just estimate of the uniform thoughtfulness and consideration he manifested in his dealings with them, a con- sideration which extended to the trivial events of everyday life. It is true that he was exacting in his demands. He required all a man's time. The thought of holidays never entered his mind. But to those who caught his spirit and were willing to be on duty all the year round, no life could be more pleasant than constant association with a statesman who ever conveyed the impression to Ms secretary that he was a co-worker with him in a common cause, who rarely gave a direction unaccompanied by an explanation of the reasons for it, who courted suggestions of all kinds, and even invited criticism of his own work. " I want a memorandum on such a subject," he would say, explaining in a few words what was in his mind. " I wish you would try your hand at it." If the secretary expressed a doubt as to his ability, he would add, " Never mind what mess you make of it, the worst attempt will give me some useful idea. See what you can do." This enviable position was attained only after much prelim- inary service, for Sir John Macdonald was naturally reserved, and was slow to give his confidence. " I do not want any ont about me whom I cannot trust implicitly," he would say, which 284 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. meant that the coming man had to undergo a long period of probation, during which interval he rarely came in contact with the chief, who recognized only his principal secretary. Yet, even to those in training, Sir John Macdonald's consideration extended itself. Perhaps a single illustration may not be beneath the dignity of this history. A few weeks before his last illness he sent for me. " I am going up to Toronto on Monday," he said. " I want you to come with me. See about the arrangements as usual." A few minutes later he rang. " By the way," he said, as I entered, " I don't think Mr. Beard " (his assistant secretary) " has ever had a trip anywhere with me." I replied that he had not. " Well," said Sir John, " if you don't mind, I think I'll take him up to Toronto with me. It will give the young man a change." This consideration extended even to his servants, among whom was his faithful attendant Chilton. When Sir John left Ottawa for the country in 1885, he instructed Chilton, who lived in town, to bring his wife out to Earnscliffe to take charge of the place. Shortly after reaching Eiviere du Loup the need of a messenger became apparent. I pointed this out to Sir John, who observed, " I think I'll send for Ben. The sea air will do the old man good " (he was twenty years younger than Sir John). So he instructed me to write Chilton to come down. After the letter had been addressed a thought struck him, and he added with his own hand a postscript to the effect that, as Mrs. Chilton would be alone at Earnscliffe, she was to invite her married son and his wife to take their father's place during his absence. These incidents may be trivial, some may regard them as out of place, but it seems to me they afford more clearly than a ream of State papers an insight into the character of Sir John Macdonald. Though always effective in debate, Sir John Macdonald lacked many of the qualifications of an orator. His voice, while pleasant, was not strong, nor remarkably distinct ; and a slightly hesitating manner, which disappeared under the influence of excitement, rather impeded the flow of his ideas. He rarely prepared his speeches, preferring the impromptu semi-conver- sational style of the English House of Commons, to the more studied methods to which we are accustomed. Yet, while he PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 285 could not be called a great speaker, there was no place in which he showed to more advantage, or was more at home, than in the House of Commons, where his lightest utterances always commanded universal attention. The report that the " old man was speaking" would always clear the lobbies and smoking- rooms of the House at any hour of the day or night. Much of this interest was no doubt due to his position, but more to his unique personality. His style, like everything belonging to him, was peculiarly his own. Mr. Fabre thus admirably portrays his lighter moods : " An actor Sir John undoubtedly is. Graceful and pleasant in bearing, quick and ready in word and action, he acts his speeches as much as he delivers them; he acts with voice, head, and gesture. The inflections he gives to his voice awaken his dormant energy : he warms to his work, the hand ever in motion gives as it were a fresh impetus to every shaft as it falls from his lips and imparts to it a twofold force of irony. Sir John is, indeed, given to lashing himself, particularly in his opening sentences : but the process seldom fails in its effect : his energies are aroused, the name bursts and the adversary is scorched. Sir John excels in reply ; he is, above all, brilliant in retort. He is languid at times in stating his case, and rather gropes through his opening sentences ; but when he is stung in the fight, and has to give back a blow, he is himself at once, and his keen incisive words, piercing the flesh like a highly tempered blade, never fail to draw blood. Yet he is too clever and too well versed in the knowledge of mankind to be cruel : his executions are always amusing : they extort a smile even from his gloomiest victims themselves." In the ordinary routine of debate he was clear and skilful in argument, possessing in a high degree the faculty of com- pression, of seizing the salient points of any argument in which he was interested. His speeches seldom exceeded an hour in length, and frequently occupied less time, forming a marked contrast to the set orations of another distinguished Canadian, who rarely spoke in Parliament without exhausting the whole subject he rose to discuss, and who, by reason of his desire to avail himself of everything that bore on his argument, frequently succeeded in producing weariness rather than conviction in minds less gifted than his own. Sir John, on the other hand, was somewhat impatient of detail. He never wasted his time looking up authorities or wading through official papers. When he wished to speak on a subject calling for research, he briefly indicated the line he proposed to take to some one to whom 286 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MAC DONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. he confided the task of getting up the facts. When these were marshalled in due order in the narrowest possible com- pass, he would devote a few moments to their assimilation, and then, often provided with nothing more than a few notes, generally on the back of an envelope (which he not infrequently contrived to mislay), he would deliver a short speech, presenting, despite the technical inaccuracies inseparable from extempore delivery, a luminous exposition of the whole subject. This was the nearest approach to preparation in which he indulged, save on rare instances, when the magnitude of the question demanded exhaustive treatment. Such, for example, was his speech on the Washington Treaty in 1872, when he spoke for six hours, or his speech in the following year on the Canadian Pacific scandal. His speeches on the National Policy in 1876 and 1879, and on the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1880, follow in importance. The after-dinner speech he himself liked best was that delivered in Montreal at the " White " Banquet in 1875. Sir John's habitual demeanour in Parliament was marked by that old-fashioned courtesy now rapidly becoming a lost art. Though by nature somewhat hasty, he seldom suffered himself to be provoked. With one or two exceptions he was on friendly terms with those who most violently opposed him, and even to those with whom Ms personal relations were most frigid he was always ready to do justice. I cannot refrain from giving an illustration of this. Some years ago, Sir John received a letter from no less a personage than Mr. Erastus Wiman, conveying to him the startling intimation that a dark plot was on foot to wrest Manitoba from the British Crown, by an armed insurrection, and among the promoters of this nefarious scheme were Mr. Edward Blake, then leading the Opposition, and Sir Eichard Cartwright, his first lieutenant. To this preposterous invention Sir John replied : " [Private.] " Riviere du Loup, September 11, 1884. "MY DEAR MR. WIMAN, " Thanks for yours of the 6th instant. I can quite understand 's mode of action. He goes to Washington PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 287 and exaggerates the state of feeling in Manitoba. Most pro- bably the gentlemen he sees receive him politely, and say they will be very glad if Canada can be induced to join the Union. With this statement he proceeds to Winnipeg, and pursues the same course iof exaggeration. I don't believe a word of his statement about Mr. Blake and Sir Eichard Cartwright. The latter has expressed his belief in the future independence of Canada, but that is all. Neither of them would countenance for a moment anything like a rising in arms. I shall look forward with interest to your promised communication after visiting Washington. I shall be at Ottawa after this week. I need not say how much obliged I am to you for the interest you take in this matter. " Believe me " Yours faithfully, "JOHN A. MACDONALD. " Erastus Wiman, Esq., 314, Broadway, New York City." When he had finished dictating this letter, which he did with perfect gravity, he smiled grimly, and said, " This is a new role for me, defending Blake and Cartwright." I asked Mm what motive Wiman could have had in writing such rubbish. " Oh," replied he, " he wants to ingratiate himself with me, and he thinks this statement, with which he has been stuffed, will be acceptable to me, because it reflects upon my opponents." As a stump speaker Sir John was inimitable, and never failed to arouse the enthusiasm of the people, who loved his merry way of appealing for their support. Nothing can better illustrate his power in this direction than is afforded by the story of the Scotch farmer, a Eadical of the straitest sect, who, at the close of a political meeting, in the earlier stages of which he had shown a disposition to interrupt the speaker, stole round, Nicodemus like, to the back of the stage, and hurriedly shook hands with Sir John, evidently desirous to escape the observation of his political friends. A criticism of Sir John Macdonald, not infrequently heard, is, that he possessed no fixed convictions on public questions, but was ever ready to trim his sails to popular opinion, in short, that he was an opportunist. Indeed, this has been so often 288 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. repeated that it has come to be looked upon almost as a truism by those who have never taken the trouble to inform them- selves upon the point. Not many weeks ago I heard a gentle- man, by no means ill-disposed towards the memory of the late Conservative leader, observe, that it was "well known" that, prior to 1878, Sir John Macdonald had always been a free- trader, and that he adopted protection solely for the reason that he believed it to be the most effective weapon that could be employed against the Mackenzie Administration. I cannot help feeling that, however incomplete in other respects these memoirs may be, they furnish ample proof of the fallacy of this estimate of Sir John Macdonald's character. Let us begin with the question of protection. In order to determine whether Sir John's economic views remained uniform through- out his life, it is necessary to recall what they were at a given time, say in 1878. It is, no doubt, perfectly true that Sir John never considered protection, any more than free-trade, a dogma divinely revealed, applicable in all circumstances and under all conditions. To do so would, in his judgment, have been even more reprehensible than participation in the fetish worship practised by the devotees of Cobden. His attitude on this general question, as we have seen, was, to use the words employed by the Times in a moment of unwonted candour, that while free-trade is ideally the more excellent way, " free-trade was made for man, not man for free-trade, and that if it were to our advantage ' to surround ourselves with a moderate fence/ there was no sound reason . . . why the transaction should not be regarded in the light of expediency." So much for theory, now for the facts. What was Sir John Macdonald's course in relation to this question as regards Canada ? We have more than once referred to the fact that, so long ago as 1846, in the course of his second session, he advocated, from his place in Parliament, protection to native industries.* In 1850 he belonged to an association one of whose chief aims was to promote a " commercial national policy." -f- In 1858 he was a member of an administration whose Finance Minister announced protection to native industries as the policy of the Government. In the general election of 1861 he, at various * See ante, vol. i. p. 42. f See ante, vol. i. p. 71. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 289 times and places, explained and defended this policy.* Lastly, on the eve of the general election of 1872, seven years before the introduction of the National Policy, Sir John wrote : "At the hustings in Western Canada and in all the con- stituencies, except Toronto, the battle will be between free- trade and a national policy. The farmers are indignant at the Opposition having taken the duty off American cereals last session, and they all say, and say truly, that if I had been here, instead of at Washington, it would not have occurred. It is really astonishing, the feeling that has grown up in the West in favour of encouragement of home manufactures." t It will be observed that these views of Sir John Macdonald, expressed in 1846, 1850, 1858, 1861, and 1872, are in close agreement with the position taken by him in regard to protec- tion to native industries during the last fifteen years, and when it can be shown that the opinion held by a man at thirty-one, was his opinion at thirty-five, at forty-three, at forty-six, at fifty-seven, at sixty-four, and at seventy-six, it is, I think, not unreasonable to assume that he maintained it unchanged through life. * See ante, vol. i. pp. 207-209. In an address to the electors of the city of Kingston, dated June 10, 1861, he said, alluding to this subject : " We have, however, readjusted the tariff on imported articles, so as to secure sufficient revenue, and, at the same time, incidentally to encourage home manufactures. The success of our policy in this respect is already shown hy the numerous manufactories of every description, which have sprung up iu both sections of the province." At Caledonia, in the course of the same campaign, he said: "Now, in making the readjustment of the tariff, we adopted this system : in the first place we took off the duties on the necessaries of life which the poor man uses, as much as possible ; in the second place, we increased those on articles of luxury which the rich man buys ; and, in the third, we raised the taxation of those goods which our own mechanics can manufacture, so as in a manner to give them incidental protection." At St. Catharines he spoke thus : " It is said that we have increased the taxation of the country. Some of you will be surprised to hear that we have not raised the taxation higher than it was during the time of Mr. Ilincks. "We have, however, readjusted the tariff, reducing the duties on articles of necessity and raw materials, and increasing those on what is required for home manufacturing this being a direct encouragement to our artisans and mechanics. It is as if formerly there had been half a dollar duty on a hat, and half a dollar on a silk neck-tie ; whereas now there are three-quarters of a dollar on a hat and one quarter on a silk neck-tie, thus protecting the maker of hats, which we can manufacture in this country, and letting the consumer have his silk neck-tie cheaper, which we cannot produce." t To George Stephen, Esq., dated Ottawa, February 20, 1872. VOL. II. U 290 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. So, also, with the question of education, to which I have already referred.* As for his relations towards the French Canadians, it is superfluous to add a word to what I have said. For years ;ind years he fought their battle against George Brown and the Globe, and to the very end of his life continued to be their friend. So also in regard to the acquisition of the North- West, the Intercolonial Railway, the Canadian Pacific Railway, and other large questions of the past forty years his policy was uniform throughout. There is just one exception to this general rule. It is true that in 1856 he favoured an elective Upper Chamber, while afterwards he upheld the nominative principle. On this subject the experience of eight years caused him to change his mind, and satisfied him that the plan of appointment by the Crown was preferable to the elective system. But in this change there is no reason to attribute motives of expediency ; for it is a fact that, at the Quebec Conference, the members from all the provinces, save Prince Edward Island, were unanimous for a nominative Senate. That object would have been attained with equal certainty had he formed one of a minority in opposition to it. Finally, let us take the paramount subject of British connection. At what period in Sir John Macdonald's life did his loyalty wane ? Was it in 1837, when he carried his musket to uphold the Queen's authority ? Was it in 1844, when he declared his resolve to resist, from whatever quarter it might come, any attempt to weaken Canada's union with the mother country? Was it in 1850, when he joined a society whose first object was declared to be the maintenance of British connection ? Was it in 1858, when he resigned office as a protest against what he viewed as an indignity offered by the Opposition of that day to Her Majesty ? Was it in 1867, when he expressed in the most solemn and emphatic manner, in the presence of the Queen herself, Canada's resolve to abide " under the sovereignty of your Majesty and your family for ever " ? Was it in 1879, when he was sworn of Her Majesty's Council as a recognition of his eminent services to the Empire ? Lastly, was it in 1891, when he reiterated in the most formal and impressive * See p. 248. PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 291 manner his resolve to die a British subject ? Let those who are disposed to question the uniformity of his political conduct, trace his course in relation to the events which have engaged public attention in Canada during the last forty years, and, so far from attributing inconsistency to him, they will, I venture to think, unite in the opinion that the history of constitutional government discloses few examples of statesmen possessed of more settled convictions or greater constancy of purpose than animated Sir John Macdonald. Sir John Macdonald was so philosophical, so given to accept things as they were, that he very rarely indulged in cynicism. For that reason the few occasions on which he did so are strongly marked in my recollection. To so great a mind the defects of constitutional government must have been no less apparent than its many and great advantages, yet I never heard him, even by implication, refer to them, except once. On the eve of the general election of 1887, the issue of which he thought more than doubtful, he observed to me with a touch of bitterness in his tone, " Here we are going to the country for its verdict upon our policy and general administra- tion of the public affairs of Canada ; yet we stand to be defeated, not by reason of anything we have done or left undone, but, in one province (Quebec), because in the ordinary course of justice a rebel* has suffered death for his crimes, and, in another (Ontario), because Lord Salisbury will not grant Home Eule to Ireland." By the endeavour of certain extremists in Parliament to force the Government to disallow the Jesuits' Estates Act in 1889, those ministerial supporters who represented Ontario constituencies were placed in an extremely awkward position. A few days before the vote was taken, one of them in a quandary came to confer with his leader on the subject. I happened to enter the room when the M.P. was leaving. As the door closed, Sir John said, " is a plucky fellow. He has already seen me about the vote on the Jesuits' Estates Act. He is naturally apprehensive of the consequences to him of sticking to the Government, yet he won't desert us. He has come in now to tell me that he was elected to support me, and * Louis Kiel. 292 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. he is going to do it, though he knows full well that in voting with the Government in this matter he is committing political suicide. It is examples of this sort that reconcile one to public life. And yet," he added, speaking with much emphasis, " you will find that, in less than a week, this man, who is deliberately sacrificing his political future rather than abandon his leader, will be stigmatized as a traitor." His name (why should I withhold it) is George Dickinson, ex-M.P. for Carleton, and he was only one of many who, on that occasion, risked their political lives for the sake of the " old man." Sir John Macdonald seldom alluded to the past, but, walking through the Senate lobby on his way to the office in the House of Commons one day, he said, pointing with his cane to the various portraits of the ex-Speakers that adorn the walls : " Poor was a good fellow ; he was my colleague for many a day ; dead, dead, nearly all gone. Why," exclaimed he, looking back, " whenever I come this way, I feel as if I were walking through a churchyard ! " He did not often speak of death. I remember, however, on one occasion, it was the evening of his sister Louisa's funeral, we were sitting by the fire together, that he told me this story, a slightly different version of which is to be found in Stanhope's " Conversations with the Duke of Wellington." " There is somewhere in Europe a monastery, a rule of which is, that, when any member of the Order dies, his portrait is painted and hung up in a place specially devoted to that purpose. In the course of time a picture gallery of very con- siderable proportions grew up, the care of which devolved on a member of the society. One day this old monk remarked to some visitors to whom he was showing the pictures : " ' Do you know that when I look upon the years I have spent gazing on these unchanging faces before me, and when I reflect upon the number of my companions who have died and taken their places upon these walls, I feel sometimes as if, after all, they ' (pointing to the pictures) ' were the realities, and we are the shadows ! ' ' About a month before Sir John's last illness, the conversa- tion at the breakfast table one morning turned upon death. Said he, " I cannot conceive how any one could consent to live his PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 293 life over again." Somebody said, " Should you like it ? " He said emphatically, " Certainly not." I did not quite catch his meaning, so I remarked, " With all your experience to guide you ? " " Ah," said he, " that is a different matter. I do not mean that at all What I mean is, to begin and lead your past life all over again, exactly as it has been led." Sir John Macdonald was a firm believer in the truths of Christianity. Although I never heard him discuss religious subjects, I have frequently remarked his reverential spirit as disclosed in little things. For example, in his letters, whenever he spoke of plans for the future he invariably qualified his statements by the letters " D.V.," and if they were accidentally omitted by his secretary he would add them with his own hand. Though, from the very nature of his duties, he was more than ordinarily absorbed in the cares of this world, he was regular in his attendance at divine service, and always found time personally to conduct family worship. He usually attended the Church of England with Lady Macdonald, but, as I have already had occasion to say, he cared little for external forms of worship, and was at all times ready to accept the ministrations of the Presbyterian and Methodist Churches. He was in full sympathy with the objects of the Salvation Army, for which organization he had always a kind word, and ofttimes some- thing more. Such, in brief, are a few of the notes which illustrate at once the strength and tenderness of Sir John Macdonald's character, a character not unmixed with the alloy of human weakness. No man was more deeply conscious of his own shortcomings. He sometimes alluded in his speeches to what he called his " manifold sins of omission and commission," and always with the plea that to him much should be forgiven by the people of Canada because he "loved much." This appeal was not made in vain. The very reflection that so great a man needed forgiveness at the hands of his fellow-men, the very acknow- ledgment that the leader, equally with his followers, was compassed with infirmity, enlarged the sympathy which he always inspired, and thus even in his weakness Sir John Macdonald was strong. The Conservative chieftain was a great man, and, unlike 294 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. [CHAP. XXVIII. many who have made their mark, his was a complete and well- proportioned greatness. One knows not which most to admire, the amplitude of his intellect, his fertility of resource, the loftiness of his spirit, or the consummate foresight, tact, and patience which he displayed in his administration of the complex affairs of the Dominion. Yet, above and beyond all, there was one quality which must ever be regarded as his special characteristic, the chiefest of his gifts his great power of sympathy. Whoever it was that first said Sir John Macdonald was " intensely human," struck the key-note of his character. He knew every chord of the human heart, he understood every passion that swayed man's nature. His intellectual gifts, joined to his rare talent for command, would no doubt have raised him to eminence, but it is to the indefin- able faculty which he possessed of entering into the minds and hearts of others that I ascribe his long continuance in power. This quality, largely inborn, was assiduously cultivated. He never neglected an opportunity of adding to his knowledge of mankind or of profiting by it, and thus, by the constant habit of speaking kind words and of doing kind acts in his own inimitable way, he so grounded himself in the affections of a whole people as to enjoy, amid the unrest and change going on all round him, power almost interruptedly for well-nigh forty years. My task is ended. I freely acknowledge that the relation in which I stood to Sir John Macdonald, and the sentiments of gratitude and affection which I cherish for his memory, render difficult the exercise of that impartiality at once so desirable and so rare in a political biography. However that may be, I have at least provided material for the use of future historians, who, enjoying the advantage of perspective and free from the disabilities under which I labour, will be able to form a more dispassionate estimate of his life and work. As to the ultimate judgment of history upon Sir John Macdonald there is no room to doubt. The lapse of years bringing with it the fulfilment of that which the extraordinary elevation of his gifted mind enabled him to see from afar, cannot but add lustre to a name that will ever remain deeply PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS. 295 graven in the hearts of the Canadian people, for whom no spot will retain more grateful or more abiding associations than the little hill outside the city of Kingston, where, under the waving pine trees, John Alexander Macdonald awaits the resurrection of the dead. APPENDICES TO VOLUME II. APPENDIX XVI. (See p. 20.) " [Private.] " Ottawa, January 18, 1869. "Mv DEAR SIR JOHX YOUNG, "I feel it my duty to call your attention to a matter of great importance, on which I think it will be well that your Excellency should receive explicit instructions from Her Majesty's Government. " Previous to the union of the provinces, the Governor of each province either assented to or withheld Her Majesty's assent to, or reserved for Her Majesty's assent, such Bills passed by the Legislature as he thought proper, and he was specially enjoined by the Royal instructions to reserve certain classes of Bills therein specified. The same practice is continued by the Union Act with respect to legislation of the Parliament of Canada. " The Act provides that the Lieutenant Governor of each province may reserve Bills for the consideration of the Governor General, but there is no provision by which the latter is to take Her Majesty's pleasure on such legislation. The Royal instructions are also silent on this point. " In the absence of instructions I presume that Your Excellency would exercise the powers of assent to, or reservation of Bills, under the advice of your Council. " Now, although the powers of the provincial Legislatures are considerably more limited than those possessed by the same Legislatures before the Union, yet they have jurisdiction in very many cases to which the Royal instructions would seem to apply. I mean, that a provincial Legislature may pass a Bill under our present constitution which, if it were passed by the Parliament of the Dominion, would be reserved by you under such instructions. " If you turn to the 7th paragraph of the instructions you will see that it is quite competent for a local Legislature to pass Bills coming within the 2nd, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th classes therein mentioned. " Again, doubts have already arisen as to the respective jurisdictions of the local and general Legislatures. " It is difficult to make the local Legislatures understand that their 298 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. powers are not so great as they were before the Union, and there has already been shown a tendency to enlarge them, and, in case of doubt, to give them- selves the bene6t of the doubt, and construe their powers in the largest sense. In fact, the question that convulsed the United States and ended in the Civil War, commonly known as ' the States rights ' question, has already made its appearance in Canada. " There will be no difficulty in managing this question if some principle of action is laid down by the Colonial Office and steadily adhered to. You have, of course, a check on unconstitutional legislation by the use of the veto power vested in you by the Union Act ; but you may have a body of advisers composed of ' States rights ' men, who will look more to sectional than to general interests. " The natural tendency of public men is in that direction. Each member of your Government holds his position from his supposed influence in his own province, and he will be disinclined to lessen that influence by acting for the Dominion and against his province should their interests come in conflict. " This is more especially the case now, when the General Government is new, and the Dominion has no associations, political or historical, connected with it. We are all yet mere provincial politicians. By-and-by it is to be hoped that some of us may rise to the level of national statesmen. " It would, under the circumstances, I think, be satisfactory to yourself to have specific instructions, in your capacity as an Imperial officer, as to your course : " 1st. When an Act of a provincial Legislature relates to any of the classes or subjects mentioned in the 7th paragraph of the Koyal instructions. " 2nd. When it is, in your opinion, unconstitutional or in excess of the power of the local body. " In addressing this to Your Excellency I feel that I am, to some extent, travelling out of my beat ; but my anxiety for the well-working of the new constitution, with the framing of which I had a good deal to do, will, I hope, be a sufficient excuse. " Believe me, my dear Sir John Young, " Faithfully yours, ix A. MACDONALD." ( 299 ) APPENDIX XVII. (See p. 36.) " [Private.] " Government House, Halifax, Nova Scotia, " September 15, 1868. "My DEAR SIR JOHX, " I have begged Lord Monck to keep you au courant of all that has been going on here, by forwarding to you my letters to him, but I may as well, in case he (Lord Monck) has failed to do so, send you newspaper extracts which will explain everything concerned with a small affair I have had with my Atty. Genl. I hope you will agree with me in thinking that, constitutionally, I was justified in asking from him, as one of my Ministers, an explanation of words attributed to him in debate, while I have passed over endless rebellious speeches made by independent members in the H. of A. He backed out * * * * and a majority of the members of the Assembly passed a vote of censure upon me for having called the Atty. General to book, which I forced them to expunge, so now we have kissed and made friends again. I am nervous as to the speech I shall have to deliver on Friday next. I have written off a short one, but whether or not it will suit my advisers remains to be seen. You will see by the accompanying newspaper clipping that Howe, although walking within five minutes' walk of the H. of A., would not go, with his brother delegates, to receive the thanks of the House. I have not seen him lately, so I am at a loss to guess upon what grounds lie absented himself so pointedly. I fear the people of the country are ' ahead ' of our friend ' Joe,' and that he will have great difficulty in restrain- ing them. Nothing can be more violent than the tone of all the members of the H. of A., including my own Council ; and if the Morning Chronicle is to be allowed to continue to fulminate its treason throughout the land, I do not know how we are ever to get the country quiet. I send you one or two specimens. Pray give the accompanying letter to Lady Macdonald, and " Believe me to be yours sincerely, ''HASTINGS DOYLE." Sir John thus replied to General Doyle as to the constitutionality of the latter's course : " As regards the privileges of the Assembly you would, perhaps, have been technically more in the right had you, in your first communication, not referred 300 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. to his reported language expressly as having been delivered in the House of Assembly. This is, however, a mere verbal criticism, and does not really affect in substance the constitutionality of your course. Wilkins might ]>erhaps have bothered you had he declined to enter into any discussion as to any speech delivered by him in Parliament, but his answer made you complete master of the position." * * From Sir John Macdonald to His Excellency General Doyle, dated Ottawa, September 21, 1868. ( 301 ) APPENDIX XVIII. (Seep. 37.) " [Confidential.] " Ottawa, September 4, 1868. " My DEAR HOWE, " Since my return, I have been watching, with great interest, as yon may suppose, the proceedings of your Legislature. " "Wilkins' resolutions are strong enough in all conscience, and there has apparently been a good deal of violent speaking, but, on the *whole, the proceedings seem satisfactory enough. " I am very glad that the Legislature has set to work to attend to the legislation actually required, and I hope there will be no revolutionary action before prorogation. ' In Canada here, I think the feeling of satisfaction is very general at the resolution to limit the attempts for repeal to legal and constitutional means, and I think, too, that there is a general desire to make things pleasant for Nova Scotia. We are to appoint the railway commissioners in the beginning of next week, as well as the chief engineer, and we intend to set to work vigorously on the construction of the line. " This is one instance in which the unhappy state of affairs with you operates greatly to the disadvantage of Nova Scotia. We want a good man to represent her interests specially on the Board. We cannot appoint a Union man without giving offence to the majority in Nova Scotia, and an Anti won't take the office. I shall therefore appoint some subordinate officer of the Government to the situation pro tern., in the hope that ere long things may be in such a position with you as to enable you to recommend a man to us. " I do not believe that there is yet any truth in the rumours about reciprocity, but that question will be upon us before we know it. In such case, we depend on your going to Washington. " Whenever you think it well for me to write you the letter that we discussed at Halifax, I shall be ready to do so, and it will have the con- currence of all my colleagues. " I should like to hear from you as to the exact line that you would desire me to take ; but I suppose that the matter had better stand over until after your prorogation. 302 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOEN A. MACDONALD. u Would it not be well for you to press Annand to come up and discuss the financial question ? " Believe me very faithfully yours, " JOHN A. MACDOXAI,I>. The Hon. Joseph Howe, Halifax, N.S." " [Confidential.] " Halifax, September 15, 1868. " MY DEAR SIK JOHN, " I was in the country when your letter of the 4th arrived, and did not get it till yesterday. In replying to it, I wish to define at the outset our relative positions, and the basis on which our correspondence, if any satis- factory result is to be attained, ought to proceed. " So many absurd lies get into the newspapers in all the provinces that we cannot on these points be too explicit or candid with each other. If any good comes of our correspondence, it can only be by ultimately taking the population of British America into our confidence. Our oral communications, so far as they went while you were here, might have been published on the house-tops, and I shall write nothing to you which you are not at liberty to print whenever you choose, or to show to any of your friends in the mean time. " Up to the period of your departure my public action was limited to these three points : " 1. That you and your friends should come and go in peace, and witli the courtesies of war ; " 2. That you should have a fair hearing, and be at liberty to submit, in writing, through any channel you chose to select, whatever you had to propose; and, " 3. That until all peaceful and loyal methods of dealing with the difficulties with which we were perplexed had been exhausted, it was wise to limit the agitation for repeal to legal and constitutional means. " On your part it was assumed that, however the difficulties had arisen, you recognized the necessity for dealing with them in a just and generous spirit, and were prepared to make an effort to place the relations of the colonies on a footing of mutual confidence and co-operation. " On one point we both agreed, that any attempt to break down the Opposition by mere patronage would be a failure, and that no public man in Nova Scotia, whose support would be worth having, could take office under the Dominion Government until he could bring with him the confidence and support of the province. " It is perhaps to be regretted that you were not prepared to submit, in official form, the explanations and proposals made to the committee of the convention, because, in the absence of any definite propositions, matters have drifted for a month, until the excitement has increased, and the cry for repeal or annexation is heard all over the province. APPENDIX. 303 " The visit of General Butler and his friends made for the purpose, scarcely disguised, of encouraging the annexation feeling, with oflers of men and money, has added new complications, and we have just escaped collision between the Governor and the local Legislature, which, whatever the result of a dissolution might have been, would, had a rupture been forced, have increased the feeling of bitterness and exasperation. " The danger is now over, the session will close hi a few days, and, if anything is to be done, no time should be lost in making the effort. " The first step should be for you to put in writing the substance of your oral statements to the committee. Let this be done without delay. I will then show the paper to a few friends, and perhaps give you our views in writing. Nothing may result from this negotiation, but, if it fails, and trouble comes after, we shall have the satisfaction of knowing that we have exhausted the sources of friendly negotiation, and, besides, Her Majesty's Government will then be able to discern in what we agree, and, should that point be arrived at, where our interests are irreconcilable. " Pending this negotiation, it will be sound policy to make no appoint- ments in or for Nova Scotia, because all selections hitherto have been made from the minority of the population, and those officers, with the unpopular persons crammed into the Senate, create feelings the very reverse of those you desire to cultivate. By this course you risk nothing, because, should we be compelled to resume our old attitudes a month or two hence, you will then have all the patronage to strengthen your Government in any way you please. " I still adhere to my pledge to help you to get a reciprocity treaty. I have made no secret of your offer and its acceptance, and would probably act with the full concurrence of the merchants of Halifax. " Butler's committee have, I think, endeavoured to spread the appre- hension here, that no treaty can be got without annexation. " Counter statements to those handed to you by Tims and the Accountant General have been made in our Legislature. The Committee of Public Accounts will report in a few days, and Annand will make a financial state- ment. I will endeavour to get the facts sifted out, so that we may arrive at definite data about which there can be no further dispute. " In the mean time, " Believe me yours truly, "JOSEPH HOWE." " [Confidential.] ' Ottawa, September 26, 1868. " MY DEAR HOWE, "I have yours of the loth instant. " Your suggestions as to the basis on which our correspondence should be carried on are quite satisfactory to me, and your statement as to the nature of our conversations at Halifax I accept as correct in every particular. "The newspapers, both with us and in Nova Scotia, have been filled with all kinds of absurdities. I do not think that we should in the slightest degree regard them. 304 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. " It is unfortunate that the occurrences in the provincial Legislature have revived the feelings of irritation that I had hoped were beginning to subside. I always was apprehensive of this ; but you, as I understood, thought that, so soon as the resolutions protesting against the Duke of Buckingham's despatch were adopted, things would go on smoothly. " I am afraid that Blanchard's forcing a discussion on Wilkins' resolutions was very injudicious, and fanned the flame. However, the House has now been prorogued, and I suppose will not re-assemble for eleven months or so. During that time moderate men have their opportunity, and will, I hope, embrace it. " My three previous letters were written for the purpose of impressing upon you, as strongly as possible, my sense of the great injury caused to Nova Scotian interests by the present state of affairs, and it occurs to me that you can make great use of this argument with your friends. " While Nova Scotia suffers, the Canadian Government also suffer. If we delay the filling up of important offices in Nova Scotia, we are charged with neglect of duty. If we appoint union men we are told that it is an insult to the majority of the people. If we offer to appoint one of the majority we are told that we are attempting to bribe him. This state of things surely should not last. " You say that it is perhaps to be regretted that I was not prepared to submit, in an official form, the explanations and proposals made to the committee of the convention. I thought that this matter had been perfectly understood between us. " You suggested my writing you a letter before I left Halifax, and said you would answer it in a month or so. I stated that if it was to be postponed so long, I might as well defer writing until the end of the month, or about the prorogation, and that I would then write with the concurrence of all my colleagues. This would, of course, give my statements more weight than if they came from myself alone. " Our Council will re-assemble next Monday, and, after consulting with them, I shall write you in full. My letter will, however, be merely a repetition of the statements made before the committee, and, as the whole of the Provincial Ministry were present when the statements were made, it will give them no new information. It will, I hope, strengthen your hands. " From all I can learn of matters in Nova Scotia, and I hear much from both sides, I am satisfied that you have only to declare your will that the present constitution should have a fair trial, and your will will be law. All your own friends, all the moderate Antis, and the whole union party will rally round you, and you must succeed. " I have heard nothing further from Washington as to reciprocity, but I still hope that your services will be required before New Year. " Believe me " Yours faithfully, "Jonx A. MACDOXALD. "The Hon. Joseph Howe, Halifax, N.S." APPENDIX. 305 " [Confidential and separate.] " Ottawa, November 4, 1868. "Mv DEAR HOWE, " I duly received your letter in answer to mine of the 6th of October, and I have called Rose's attention to the question of Finance. He has been, for some time, busily engaged in an examination of the subject, and hopes in a few days to be in a position to communicate with you thereupon. Mean- while, I desire to write you a letter for your own eye alone, which, after having read, you may put into the fire or return, as you please. " Believing as I do, and as I think you do, that it is time to put an end to the present anomalous state of things, and that all further attempts on the English Parliament will be fruitless, I think that some decided line of policy should be taken in the interests of Nova Scotia, as well as of the Dominion. " It is hopeless to expect any change of opinion in the present Provincial Government. They are a body of men who have risen to the surface only on the repeal cry, and their incapacity for administration is so well known, even to themselves, that they can hope to retain office only by a continuance of the agitation. It is quite evident that they are reckless of the effect on Nova Scotia, or the ruin to its interests, so long as they remain in power ; they would rather 'reign in hell than serve in heaven.' To wait, then, for any signs of conversion on their part is to be like the peasant in the fable, who sat by the river side until the river should pass by. " I look upon you as the sole means, but the certain means, of arresting their downward course. " Mirabeau would have arrested the French Revolution had he not prematurely died. You are the Nova Scotian Mirabeau, and judging, I am glad to say, by the state of your health when I last saw you, I do not think you will have your French prototype's untimely fate. "What course is there open to you to attain this desirable result? My idea is this, that the financial question should be settled in a manner favour- able to Nova Scotian interests, and that this once effected you should openly appeal, in the spirit of your late admirable letter, lately published, to the loyalty, moderation, and good sense of the whole people. You will have, of course, the extreme men, the political hacks, and those who have nothing to lose, to confront; but you will have all your own friends, political and personal, all men of property who desire the cessation of this ruinous agitation, and the whole union party at your back. You can get up an enthusiasm on your side if you please. The local Government will either be whipped in, or you can place them in such a position that, upon a dissolution and an appeal to the people, you can, with your united forces, secure, in the local Parliament, a majority who will give their confidence to Ministers in whom you confide. " This, you will say, is a bold game, but, ' out of the nettle, danger, you will pluck the flower, safety. 1 " If some such course as this is not adopted, how is it to be visible to the world that there is a reaction in Nova Scotia, even though it is well understood that such a reaction exists ? Your local Parliament will sit for three years VOL. H. X 306 MEMOIRS OF SIH JOHN A. MACDONALD. yet. Its members are so deeply committed to the support of the present anti- confederate Government that they cannot well retrace their steps, and so the disease, which is now in its acute and therefore curable form, will become a chronic and inveterate sore. There is a glorious and patriotic game before you ; let me urge you to play it. " You have, by a life-long service of pecuniary disinterestedness, in the public cause, earned the right to rise far above the fear of an unworthy suspicion that you are actuated by mercenary motives. Let no fear of such an imputation deter you from this course. " Pray pardon my writing so strongly to you, but the exigency of the case requires speedy and energetic action. " It is to be regretted that Annand cannot, or, rather, will not come here. I did not much expect that he would, as it is his game to prevent all rapproche- ment. Anything that will quiet or diminish the anti-union feeling will weaken his hands and diminish his power. But if you ask him to come and he won't, and if a man like McLelan therefore will come, he (Annand) will be put in the wrong, and the prestige of having effected an advantageous settlement for Nova Scotia will transfer the game to your hands. It would do so more effectually if you would come accompanied by McLelan. This is, however, altogether for your consideration ; meanwhile, I shall hurry Rose (who, however, needs no spur) as to the financial resume. " In your last telegram you say that another letter is on the way, which I shall look for with great interest. " Believe me " Yours sincerely, "JOHN A. MACDONALD. "The Hon. Joseph Howe, Halifax, Nova Scotia." " [Confidential.] "Halifax, November 16, 1868. " Mv DEAR SIR JOHN, " I have been so much engaged, writing public letters and discussing the state of affairs with old friends, that I have not, until this forenoon, had half an hour to reply to your letter of the 4th instant. I assume that my public letters are reprinted in the Canadian papers, and that you see them all, but for fear that you should not, you will find one or two of the last enclosed. You will scarcely understand, however, how matters move here without running your eye over the " Anti " and other Halifax papers, which you can get from some of the printers with whom they are exchanged. " On my return home, and long before I saw or had any communication with you, I had made up my mind that any further appeals to England were hopeless, unless we could revive the old idea of a union of the Maritime Provinces and go over with a scheme of Government in our hands. All the delegates shared this opinion. On my way out I saw Mr. Munn, a wealthy merchant of Newfoundland, who gave me no encouragement to expect aid APPENDIX. 307 from that island, and two friends who had been sent to New Brunswick and Charlottetown had brought back discouraging accounts from those provinces. Under these circumstances I took it for granted that we would all fall back upon the view that nothing more could be done in England. This opinion I expressed without any reserve : but delegations are pleasant things, and I soon found that some of my friends were not disinclined to have another, and that the local Government naturally felt that, so long as the cry for repeal could be kept up, they would have the protection of a powerful party to shield them from all criticism of the policy or acts of the Administration. " Having the control of all the ' Anti ' newspapers secured by a distribution of the public printing among them, this policy was soon indicated; and, before the convention met, the country were informed that the prospects of repeal were brightening, that a new Parliament and another delegation would work wonders, and that, if they did not, then a seizure of the revenue offices and annexation would settle the question. "In accordance with this policy, from the moment it was known that the Canadian Ministers were coming down, to insult and bluff them off was part of the programme. My protest and expressed determination that they should be heard, and that any terms they might offer should be fairly considered, disturbed this policy, and at once all sorts of rumours were set in circulation, to which point was given in the subsidized press. " When the convention broke up I took no further part in the movement, but, if asked, gave my opinions freely. Thinking to frighten and silence me, the repeal papers were set to work to praise me one day and threaten me the next I took no notice of this sort of thing till everybody could see that the provocation had been ample, and then gave my views frankly to the country, with what effect it is perhaps too early yet to conjecture. I should have done this even if convinced that, at first, not a dozen persons were with me, because I should depend upon the sober second thought of my countrymen to come right at last and do me justice. " But I should deceive myself, and you too, if I allowed you to suppose that I could lead them as I like. As a whole they are intelligent, keen politicians, and deeply feel what they regard as great wrongs. They have, besides, got the idea into their heads that your government is not to be trusted, and that you are a sort of wizard that, having already beguiled Brown McDougall, Tupper, etc., to destruction, is about to do the same kind of office to me. The independence of my position alone enables me to fight this battle, and I must hold it or be beaten. It is true that I might take office and carry my county with me, but I would not at present carry the country ; and, from the first, I have always said that to do less would only be to make a wreck of myself, leaving all the work to be done over again. " At present there is, in many quarters, hope from the new Parliament, but the widespread feeling in favour of annexation to the United States now complicates matters a great deal. You can have no idea how rapidly this feeling has developed. There are whole districts where the sentiment of loyalty is dead, where no ' enthusiasm ' can be evoked by anybody. 308 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. " Mirabeau was an able man, but unprincipled and as ugly as the devil ; and, besides, the French Court, having no sincere desire to make just concessions, was not worth saving. They played with a revolution, and lost time till it was too late to save the nation. You have lost some time. Had we been met at Ottawa last winter in the same spirit which you evince now, things might have taken a different turn. But the past is behind us, and cannot be recalled. Looking to the future, I must fight my battle here in my own way, and it will be sound policy for you to allay the discontent, so far as you honourably can, by the most liberal concessions that are compatible with justice to the other portions of the Dominion. " I have not had time to give you my views on the constitutional aspects of the question, but will do so shortly. In the mean time, think whether our section of the Senate cannot be reconstructed or made elective. Fancy all the Senators from Ontario or Quebec taken from a minority of the people, and including the most unpopular men in the province ! You could not reconcile your people to that state of things. Turn this over in your mind, and see if some remedy cannot be suggested. "Rose writes in the best spirit, and I hope to have his report this week. " If any answer is to come to the minute and resolutions, it should be here without delay. If the question is to be left to the decision of the new Cabinet, they should not hang fire, but decide promptly. " A most distasteful appointment has just been made of a postmaster at Weymouth. Enclosed is an extract of a letter from Savary. Show it to Campbell, and ask him to direct Woodgate to be more careful in future. " Pray present my compliments to Lady Macdonald, and, " Believe me " Sincerely yours, " JOSEPH HOWE." " [Confidential.] " Ottawa, November 24, 1868. "Mr DEAR HOWE, " Thanks for yours of the 16th. " I wrote you on the 20th, urging again the expediency of your coming up. Meanwhile Rose has completed his memorandum on the financial position. We have now an interregnum. We have no Governor, and of the members of our Council some are in Europe, and some scattered over the Dominion. Rose is, therefore, unable to submit his minute to Council, and the document has, as yet, no official value. " As you are naturally anxious, however, to see the mode in which the question presents itself to us, I send you, confidentially, a copy which has been furnished me by him. He desires that, until it receives the sanction of his colleagues, its examination may be confined to yourself, McLelan, and E. M. McDonald, and we shall be glad to have your remarks on it at your APPENDIX. 309 convenience. I may say, that I have gone over the matter carefully with Rose, and generally agree in his conclusions. " I think a meeting had afterwards better be arranged at some point to be agreed on. This, as I have already stated, is the best place ; as many pro- positions agreed upon, provisionally, between you and Rose, could at once be submitted for the consideration of the Government, and settled without delay or correspondence. " I await your leisure for your remarks on the constitutional aspect of the question there is no hurry as to them. " With respect to the constitution of the Senate as to number, you are much better off than you would be as one of the United States. You have 12 out of 72, or one-sixth. In the United States you would have 2 in 74, or one thirty-seventh. " You complain that the Senate is crammed with your opponents, but then you must remember that the Government could not well appoint Senators who were pledged to destroy the constitution under which they would have held their commissions. There will be little or no difficulty, however, on this head. Of the twelve you reckon Mr. Locke to be a friend, there is the vacancy caused by poor Weir's death, and I believe that two others are prepared to resign their positions in order to facilitate any arrangement with you. " Believe me, in haste, " Faithfully yours, "Jons A. MACDONALD. " The Hon. Joseph Howe, Halifax. " P.S. Herewith you have Rose's report, and his letter to me enclosing it." " [Confidential.] " Halifax, December 4, 1868. "Mv DEAR SIR JOHX, "Rose's report has been received. He will show you my note thereanent " Having brought out all the points that ought to be considered, I have laid down my pen, and shall let the fellows blaze away. My position is now understood. I am not responsible for deceiving the country with the repeal cry, nor for the waste of time and money in another delegation. " If there are breaches of law or annexation movements, everybody now knows that I do not sanction them, and that they will, if tried, be contrary to my advice. " The members of the local Government are, of course, very savage, and a great many of the more ardent repealers sympathize with them and not with me, but I have reason to believe that sound thinkers in all parts of the country are beginning to reflect, and that justice will be done to me by-and-bye. " The responsibility rests on the locals to get repeal, and when they break 310 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. down, as they must, my policy will be justified. If they then attempt violence, Doyle and they may settle the matter. " I shall not, just now, trouble you with constitutional questions. You could not volunteer material changes, and if I wish to press any I can do this better perhaps in Parliament. The Senate, I fear, will be the lete noire. " Disraeli having resigned, Gladstone will soon be in a position to declare his policy, and, whatever it is, he should declare it without reserve and with- out delay. " Annand called a few of the repealers together a few nights ago. They declared that to send another delegation was the only thing that could be done, though but small hopes of success were entertained. " What news has the Governor General ? Is any answer to come to the Minute of Council ? "What of reciprocity? We may expect General Butler to take special charge of Nova Scotia when Congress meets. " The skirmish between Blanchard and McDonald will do no harm. " Believe me, my dear Sir John, " Yours truly, "JOSEPH HOWE." " [Confidential.] "Halifax, January 4, 1869. "Mv DEAR SIR JOHX, " Your letter of the 23rd has come to hand. It is better that Rose should not come here, for the reasons you give. I have some engagements which will keep me in this province till the 12th, but, after that, as soon as may be, McLelan and I will go on to Portland, notifying Rose by telegraph of the exact time and our whereabouts. We shall not trouble you meanwhile with criticisms of the financial reports, but will be prepared to discuss the whole subject fairly with Rose when we meet. " The ' victory ' is, I think, fairly on the cards, but the battle has been a hard one, and there is a good deal of sullen resistance yet to be overcome. I wrote more than I at first intended, but stopped when I had brought out and illustrated all the salient points of the argument. "Enclosed you will find my latest deliverance, which nobody has attacked or replied to. " It is now pretty clear to everybody that my opinions have never changed since I left England ; that the quarrel with old friends was forced upon me by their own folly ; that Gladstone's Cabinet has been composed, as I months ago predicted it would be, of determined supporters of the Act of Union ; that a delegation would be a forlorn hope, sent to scale walls where no breach had been made, and that I will be no party to annexation intrigues or revolutionary movements. " The newspapers are now quiet, and the locals sorely perplexed. They could get an answer from Bright or Gladstone in two days for 10, but no message has been sent, for the best of all reasons they know what the answer APPENDIX. 311 must be. Doyle's despatch must soon bring one, which I agree with you in thinking will be ' prompt and decisive.' When it comes there will be a further falling off of rational and moderate men. Disraeli's sudden resignation was not expected. Annand's intention was, I assume, to slip away to England with his delegates, putting off the meeting of the House till midsummer ; a pleasant trip and six months' exemption from responsibility of any kind would thus have been secured. The future was to have been left to the chapter of accidents. But the complexion of the Cabinet staggers some of his colleagues, who have discovered that no resolution sanctioning a delegation was passed in the convention or the Legislature. They will not now venture to send one till the answer comes to Doyle's despatch, when, if it is decisive, such a move- ment would be sheer folly. What will next be done it is vain to conjecture. They are then pledged to seize the revenue offices and inaugurate a revolution. Will they have courage to do either ? We shall see. I presume they will call the House together before doing anything. A general strike, as suggested by me in August, is the only thing that is practical, but that involves sacrifices which I doubt if they are prepared to make. " What you say about Newfoundland is confirmed by my own letters from the Island. " Judge Bliss has resigned, or will resign within a few days. Legislation is required before a new judge can be appointed. Wilkins is hungry for the place, and Annand anxious to be rid of him. They will perfect the legislation if you will first promise W. the place. Do nothing of the kind. He is not fit for the Bench nor does he deserve promotion, but the longer the suspense lasts the greater fool he will make of himself. It is already beginning to be known what he is at. When the matter comes officially to your knowledge, take plenty of time to deliberate. " As respects general patronage the time has come when some use can be made of it. Hitherto I have declined all applications to sign recommenda- tions to the Dominion Government, giving as a reason to everybody that, as I was not a supporter of it, I had no right to ask favours or interfere with its patronage. Matters have so far changed that this reason can hardly now be given, and, besides, it is not wise to continue the system of giving all places to a minority of the population if better can be done. If you agree with me, it may be as well to direct the heads of departments to notify me when vacancies occur or new arrangements are to be made. If there are objections to this being done state them frankly. You can write me by Rose to Portland. " Wishing Lady Macdonald and yourself many happy returns of the festive season, " I am, my dear Sir John, " Very truly yours, "JOSEPH HOWE." 312 MEM02BS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. APPENDIX XIX. (See p. 62.) " [Private.] " Department of Justice, Ottawa, Canada, " February 16, 1870. " MY DEAR LORD, " Before you leave Ottawa on your mission of peace, I think it well to reduce to writing the substance of the conversation I had the honour to have with you this morning. " I mark this letter 'private ' in order that it may not be made a public document, to be called for by Parliament prematurely ; but you are quite at liberty to use it in such a manner as you may think most advantageous. "I hope that ere you arrive at Fort Garry, the insurgents, after the explanations that have been entered into by Messrs. Thibault, de Salaberry, and Smith, will have laid down their arms, and allowed Governor McTavish to resume the administration of public affairs. In such case, by the Act of the Imperial Parliament of last session, all the public functionaries will still remain in power, and the Council of Assiniboia will be restored to their former position. " Will you be kind enough to make full explanation to the Council, on behalf of the Canadian Government, as to the feelings which animate, not only the Governor General, but the whole Government, with respect to the mode of dealing with the North-West. We have fully explained to you, and desire you to assure the Council authoritatively, that it is the intention of Canada to grant to the people of the North-West the same free institutions which they themselves enjoy. " Had not these unfortunate events occurred, the Canadian Government had hoped, long ere this, to have received a report from the. Council, through Mr. McDougall, as to the best means of speedily organizing the Government with representative institutions. " I hope that they will be able immediately to take up that subject, and to consider and report without delay on the general policy that should immediately be adopted. " It is obvious that the most inexpensive mode for the administration of affairs should at first be adopted. As the preliminary expense of organizing the Government, after union with Canada, must, in the first instance, be defrayed from the Canadian treasury, there will be a natural objection in the Canadian Parliament to a large expenditure. APPENDIX. 313 " As it would be unwise to subject the Government of the Territory to a recurrence of the humiliation already suffered by Governor McTavish, you can inform him that, if he organizes a local police of twenty-five men or more, if absolutely necessary, that the expense will be defrayed by the Canadian Government. " You will be good enough to endeavour to find out Monkman, the person to whom, through Colonel Dennis, Mr. McDougall gave instructions to communicate with the Salteaux Indians. He should be asked to surrender his letter, and informed that he ought not to proceed upon it. The Canadian Government will see that he is compensated for any expense that he has already incurred. " In case a delegation is appointed to proceed to Ottawa, you can assure them that they will be kindly received, and their suggestions fully considered. Their expenses, coming here and returning, and whilst staying in Ottawa, will be defrayed by us. " You are authorized to state that the two years during which the present tariff shall remain undisturbed, will commence from the 1st January, 1871, instead of last January as first proposed. " Should the question arise as to the consumption of any stores or goods belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company by the insurgents, you are author- ized to inform the leaders that, if the Company's government is restored, not only will there be a general amnesty granted, but, in case the Company should claim the payment for such stores, that the Canadian Government will stand between the insurgents aqd all harm. " Wishing you a prosperous journey and happy results, " I beg to remain, with great respect, " Your very faithful servant, " JOHN A. MACDOXALD. " To the Right Reverend the Bishop of St. Boniface, Fort Garry." 314 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. APPENDIX XX. (Seep. 71.) EXTRACT FROM A LETTER WRITTEN BY SIR Joiix MACDONALD, ON THE SUBJECT OF HIS ACTION IN SELECTING SIR FRANCIS HINCKS FOR THE OFFICE OF FINANCE MINISTER, DATED NOVEMBER 17, 1869. "!N the first place, I felt myself bound in honour to carry out the coalition principle, at all events for this Parliament. The Government went to the polls in 1867, as a coalition, and received a very considerable support from that section of the Keform party that adhered to Rowland and McDougall. In fact, in the western part of Ontario, a good many of our Conservative friends were elected by Reform aid, and by the split in the Reform ranks which the coalition effected. "Rowland and McDougall having both left the Government, I looked around me for their successors. After the course taken in denunciation of the coalition by McKenzie and Blake, I could not ask them to join the Government. They would have refused, and, even if they had assented, their appointment would have been a just cause of offence to my own friends and the friends of my colleagues now in the Government. I would then have been obliged to have taken two persons of no mark or likelihood, bringing no strength, and who would have been completely read out of the Reform party as traitors, by the Globe and the Globe's influence. "When Hincks arrived in Canada, I felt that he was just the man I wanted. When he left in 1854 he was Prime Minister, the head of a Reform Government, and the leader of the Reform party ; and he had more supporters in the Parliament elected that year than any other man in Canada. His defeat was owing to a junction of the Conservatives of Upper Canada (who were there in a miserable minority) with the seceded Grits headed by Malcolm Cameron, John Rolph, and George Brown, and the Rouges of Lower Canada. On the fall of his Government, through his instrumentality the reins of power were put into Conservative hands in the person of Sir Allan MacNab, I acting as his lieutenant ; and from that time until the last election, if the Conservatives have in fact ruled the destinies of Canada, it was owing to that coalition. During the remainder of his stay in Canada, that is for the whole of the first session after our coming into power, Hincks behaved with all loyalty to the Government, and gave us an unswerving support. On his return to Canada, he has found that his old Reform friends are still true to him. They have hitherto been obliged to submit in silence, from sheer lack of APPENDIX. 315 pluck, to the misguidance of Brown. They now know that in Hincks they will have a leader who is not afraid of him or any other man living, and the strongest proof I can give you of their desire to sustain him is shown in the fact that four undoubted Liberals in the present House of Commons, who were frightened for their lives before, offered through me to resign their seats in favour of Hincks. I will give you their names when we meet. No one felt more convinced than did Brown of the great blow to him and to his section of the Reformers that Hincks' appointment would be. He became literally frantic, and raked up all the old stories against Hincks in the most blackguard style. " Now, before Hincks left Canada, and after he had given up place and power, he did what every honest man would do under the circumstances, he challenged a Parliamentary inquiry as to the conduct of himself and his colleagues. If you look back to the journals of that time you will find that the committee was composed of men of intelligence and undoubted honour, with the exception of Brown himself: and that committee, after a careful and full investigation (during the course of which, by the way, Hincks was treated with a good deal of unfairness), he was cleared from all moral delinquency of every kind. That decision 1 felt then, and feel now, to have been a just one, and I would ask you what more could any man do under the circumstances than Hincks did at that time. " A good deal has been said in the newspapers about my expression, now become historical, about being ' steeped to the lips in corruption.' These words of mine were not applied in any way to Hincks personally, but to his whole Administration, and they were based upon the charges strongly and circumstantially made by the Globe and the Grit press, on the authority of Malcolm Cameron and other men who had been in the Government of Baldwin and Hincks. Now, it is a fact that every one of Hincks' colleagues, excepting James Morris, subsequently became my colleagues, and were sustained by the Conservative party, and I see no reason why he himself should be considered as under a taboo. Since the action of the committee in 1854-55, 1 have never said one word against Sir Francis. I considered that he had received a full and impartial trial, and an honourable acquittal. " That he will add strength to the Ministry I have no doubt. A sufficient proof of that is the accession of Aikins to the Government. He was a Grit of the most Grittish stamp, and was one of those who, beguiled by Brown, voted with us and against Hincks' Government in 1854. He has told me that he has regretted that vote ever since. Now Aikins declined last year to come into the Government with McDougall alone, as he did not think that he (McDougall) was of sufficient strength or ability to lead the Reform wing of the coalition. He says now that things are all altered, that he recognizes in Sir Francis a man under whom the Reformers can rally, and has come into the Government unreservedly and unconditionally. " The adhesion of Aikins is of great strength to Hincks and to us. He is an Irish Protestant and the representative layman of the whole Wesleyan- Methodist community, who look up to him as their political leader. With 316 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. him in the Cabinet, the friends of the Government may confidently rely on getting the Methodist support at the next general elections, which, as you know, is of no little consequence in anything like a close struggle of parties. Then, again, I think sure that Hincks' course on the banking and currency questions will meet with the approbation of Western Canada. While he sees much to admire in Rose's scheme, he is not committed at all to its details, and can modify the measure in such a way as to give the country the same amount of security, and, at the same time, not hamper the banking institutions. " For the last twelve years the cry has been, however unjust, that our currency and banking, as well as our tariffs, have always been subject to Montreal influences, and been worked to Montreal advantage. This has grown into the public mind, and it has been said that no matter what party is in the result is the same. We had either Gait or Holton or Rose. And a general belief prevails that King's resignation of the active management of the Montreal Bank is only preparatory to his making a bold push as a political financier. " Hincks has always been and is now quite unconnected with any Montreal interests, and stands quite independent of them ; and I feel confident that the result of his action on the question will be to secure the support of the western banking institutions, and, indeed, of the eastern ones as well, who object to the enormous power of the Montreal Bank. " There are some Conservatives who are afraid that Hincks may perhaps play his own game to their injury as a political party. I have no fears of that kind. I know him well, and believe him to be as true as steel ; and, besides, his interests lie in quite another direction, as I will explain to you when we meet. " I may mention that I have talked this matter over with Hillyard Cameron, and those other Conservative friends that I have had the opportunity of meeting, and they all agree as to the policy of my course. Cameron says that I was bound in honour to carry out the coalition frankly, and while, of course, he recognized some of the inconveniences connected with Hincks' long absence from the country and the revived charges against him, felt so strongly the importance of his success that he wrote, while here, a letter to Deacon of Renfrew, the county master of the Orange body there, entreating him to give his support to Hincks against Findlay. D. L. McPherson, Carling, and others are enthusiastic upon the point." ( 317 ) APPENDIX XXI. (Seep. 98.) "The Arlington, Washington, March 25, 1871. " MY LORD, " Availing myself of your kind permission, I now desire to state in writing the reasons why I did not concur in the proposition made by Her Majesty's High Commissioners conceding to the Americans the right of fishing in the in-shore waters of Canada, for a term of years, in exchange for the admission of coal, salt, lumber, and fish, free of duty, into the United States. " The right of Canada to exclude Americans from fishing in the waters within the limits of three marine miles of the coast of the Dominion is free from doubt, and not contested by the Government of the United States. " In the despatch of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the Governor General of Canada, of the 16th of February last, it is stated that Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that such right ' is beyond dispute, and can only be ceded for an adequate consideration.' " Now the admission of the articles above referred to into the American market free of duty, is not an adequate consideration, and I believe that view will be entertained by the Government and people of Canada. " The duties on coal and salt are certain to be repealed at the next meeting of Congress in December, as is admitted by the United States High Com- missioners, and the unpopularity of these taxes is such that there is no chance of their being re-imposed. Their repeal cannot, therefore, be taken into consideration as forming any portion of an equivalent. " The compensation proposed is, therefore, practically reduced to free fish and lumber. " The removal of the duties on these articles, although they may be of sufficient importance to allow them to be accepted as make-weights in addition to some other substantial equivalent, cannot be considered of themselves as in any degree an adequate consideration. " The steadily increasing price of mackerel (the chief and most valuable portion of the inshore " catch " of fish) in the markets of the United States, which has risen within a few years from some six or nine dollars to twenty- eight dollars per barrel, shows that Canada has a certain market for her fish, and that the duty is in a great measure, if not entirely, paid by the consumers. The Americans will purchase our mackerel whatever the price may be. " So with the article of lumber. The supply from their own forests is altogether inadequate to meet the American demand, and the chief, if not the 318 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. only value of the concession would be, the admission of certain inferior qualities of lumber into the United States, -which is of so little value that it will scarcely bear the cost of transportation free of duty. " Canada, therefore, by the proposed arrangement will be called upon to cede the privilege of using her fisheries without anything like an adequate consideration, and I do not think she can properly be expected to make so great a sacrifice. " As it appears that the United States Government will not return to the free-trade arrangements of the Treaty of 1854, some other equivalent must be sought. " The only one that suggests itself to me is a substantial payment in money in addition to the admission of the four articles referred to, free of duty. "I therefore deem it my duty to express again to Your Lordship my strong conviction that the proposed arrangement will not be accepted by Canada, and I may add that it would be difficult for me to justify or defend it in the Canadian Parliament. " I have the honour to be " Your Lordship's very obedient servant, "JOHN A. MACDONALD. " The Right Honourable the Earl de Grey and Ripon." "Washington, March 27, 1871. " Memorandum. " On Saturday, March 25th, at 11 a.m., I placed in Lord de Grey's hand a copy of my telegram of the 22nd instant to the Canadian Government, and of their answers of the 24th. I then stated : " That the proprietary rights of Canada to the fisheries were indisputable and undisputed, and that Her Majesty's Government had promised the Government of the Dominion that they would only be ceded for an adequate consideration ; " That I did not consider that the proposition which it had been deter- mined, after lengthened discussions, and the rejection of several other proposals, to make to the American Commissioners, namely, to cede the right of fishing in our inshore waters for a term of years in exchange for the admission of coal, salt, lumber, and fish free of duty, would give Canada an adequate consideration ; " That the duties on coal and salt were certain to be repealed at any rate, and that the proposed compensation was therefore practically reduced to free fish and lumber ; " That if some other substantial equivalent were given, the removal of the duties on those articles might be accepted as make-weights, but could not be considered as of themselves a sufficient compensation ; APPENDIX. 319 " That the Americans would purchase our mackerel (the most important portion of the catch of fish in our waters) whatever the price might be ; " That the case was the same with regard to lumber that the Americans have no sufficient home-supply and therefore must buy it from us, and that the chief value of the concession to us would be the admission of certain descriptions of lumber of such inferior quality as scarcely to bear the cost of transportation free of duty ; " That I therefore wished to be understood as not concurring in the proposition ; " That in my opinion its adoption would be extremely distasteful to the people of Canada, and that I doubted its acceptance by the Canadian Parliament. "JOHN A. MACDONALD." 320 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. APPENDIX XXII. (See p. 131). " 1311 K. Street, Washington, April 27, 1871. "MY DEAR SIR JOHX, " I observe in the telegram from Sir George Cartier, of which you sent me a copy yesterday, a passage to the following effect : '"The Queen's Government have formally pledged themselves that our fisheries should not be disposed of without our consent ; to force us now into a disposal of them for a sum to be fixed by arbitration and free fish would be a breach of faith and an indignity never before offered to a great British possession.' " It is difficult to read these words without supposing that they are intended to imply that H.M. Government contemplate the adoption of some course of proceeding which would be a breach of faith with Canada, and would offer an indignity to that portion of the Queen's dominions. "I feel bound, therefore, to let you know without delay that I distinctly Crown- The gallant race who first bore to our shores the blessings of civflixatioa passed by an easy transition from French to F.nglish rule, and now form one of the most law-abiding portions of the community. These pioneers were speedily recruited by the advent of a loyal band of British subjects, who gvn up everything that men most prize, and were content to begin life anew in the wilderness rather than forego allegiance to their Sovereign. To the descendants of these men, and of the multitude of Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen who emigrated to Canada, that they might build up new homes without ceasing to be British subjects to you Canadians I appeal, and I ask you what have you to gain by surrendering that which your fathers held most dear ? Under the broad folds of the Union Jack, we enjoy the 336 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. liberty to govern ourselves as we please, and at the same time we participate in the advantages which flow from association with the mightiest Empire the world has ever seen. Not only are we free to manage our domestic concerns, but, practically, we possess the privilege of making our own treaties with foreign countries, and, in our relations with the outside world, we enjoy the prestige inspired by a consciousness of the fact that behind us towers the majesty of England. The question which you will shortly be called upon to determine resolves itself into this ; shall we endanger our possession of the great heritage bequeathed to us by our fathers, and submit ourselves to direct taxation for the privilege of having our tariff fixed at Washington, with a prospect of ultimately becoming a portion of the American Union ? I com- mend these issues to your determination, and to the judgment of the whole people of Canada, with an unclouded confidence that you will proclaim to the world your resolve to show yourselves not unworthy of the proud distinction that you enjoy, of being numbered among the most dutiful and loyal subjects of our beloved Queen. "As for myself, my course is clear. 4i A. British subject I was born a British subject I will die. With my utmost effort, with my latest breath, will I oppose the ' veiled treason ' which attempts by sordid means and mercenary proffers to lure our people from their allegiance. During my long public service of nearly half a century, I have been true to my country and its best interests, and I appeal with equal confidence to the men who have trusted me in the past, and to the young hope of the country, with whom rests its destinies for the future, to give me their united and strenuous aid in this, my last effort, for the unity of the Empire and the preservation of our commercial and political freedom. " I remain, gentlemen, " Your faithful servant, "JOHN A. MACDOXALD. "Earnscliffe, Ottawa, February 7, 1891." ( 337 ) APPENDIX XXIX. (See p. 263). SPEECH DELIVERED BY Sra HECTOR LANGEVIN ON THE OCCASION OF THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DEATH OF SlR JOHN MACDONALD TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 8, 1891. MR. SPEAKER; having to announce to the House the sad event that has been known for two days now, I was afraid I could not trust to my memory, and I, therefore, thought it desirable to place in writing what I wished to say. Accordingly, I will now read the observations I desire to offer. Mr. Speaker, as the oldest Privy Councillor it falls to my lot to announce to the House that our dear old chief, the First Minister of Canada, is no more. After a painful illness of two weeks, death put an end to his earthly career on Saturday evening last. To tell you, Mr. Speaker, my feelings under the circumstances is more than I can do. I feel that, by the death of Sir John A. Macdonald, Canada has lost its greatest statesman, a great patriot, a man of whom any country in the world would be justly proud. Her Gracious Majesty the Queen never had a more devoted and loyal subject than the grand old man, whose loss we all deplore and regret from the bottom of our hearts. For nearly fifty years he has directed the public affairs of this country. He was among the Fathers of Confederation the most prominent and distinguished. He put his whole soul into that great undertaking, knowing full well that the confederation of all the British North American provinces would give to our people a country and institutions to be proud of, and to the Empire not only a right arm, but a great and safe highway to her Indian and other possessions. He told me more than once how grateful he was to the people of Canada to have allowed him to have consolidated that great work. The fact is, his love for Canada was equal to that he had for his own mother country. Mr. Speaker, when the historians of Canada write the history of the last fifty years, they will have to write the life of Sir John A. Macdonald, and, in writing his life, they may not agree with all his public acts, but they cannot fail to say that he was a great man, a most distinguished statesman, and that his whole life was spent in the service of his country, dying in the midst of his official duty, not having had a day's rest before he passed to a better world. I need not express, Mr. Speaker, my own personal feelings. Having spent half of my life with him as his follower and as his friend, his departure is the same as if I lost half of my existence. I remember how devoted he was, not only to the old province of Canada, but how chivalrous he showed VOL. II. Z 338 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. himself to the province of Quehec, and specially to my French Canadian countrymen. He had only to say a word, and, instead of being at the head of a small band of seventeen Upper Canada members, he would have had all the representatives of his province behind him. But, as he told me several times, he preferred to be just to his French compatriots and allies, and the result was that, when Confederation came, the province of Quebec had con- fidence in him, and on his death-bed our great chief could see that his just policy has secured peace and happiness to all. Mr. Speaker, I should have wished to continue to speak of our dear departed friend, and spoken to you about his goodness of heart, the witness of which I have been so often, but I feel that I must stop ; my heart is full of tears. I cannot proceed further." ( 339 ) APPENDIX XXX. (See p. 263.) SPEECH DELIVERED BY THE HON. MR. LAURIER, LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION* ix THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, ON THE OCCASION OF THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DEATH OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD, JUNE 8, 1891. "MR. SPEAKER ; I fully realize the emotion which chokes the hon. gentleman. His silence, under the circumstances, is far more eloquent than any human language can be. I fully appreciate the intensity of the grief which fills the souls of all those who were the friends and followers of Sir John Macdonald, at the loss of the great leader whose whole life has been so closely identified with their party, a party upon which he has thrown such brilliancy and lustre. We on this side of the House, who were his opponents, who did not believe in his policy, nor in his methods of government we take our full share of their grief for the loss which they deplore to-day is far and away beyond and above the ordinary compass of party range. It is in every respect a great national loss, for he is no more who was, in many respects, Canada's most illustrious son, and in every sense Canada's foremost citizen and statesman. At the period of life to which Sir John Macdonald had arrived, death, when- ever it comes, cannot be said to come unexpectedly. Some few months ago, during the turmoil of the late election, when the country was made aware that on a certain day the physical strength of the veteran Premier had not been equal to his courage, and that his intense labour for the time being had prostrated his singularly wiry frame, everybody, with the exception, perhaps, of his buoyant self, was painfully anxious lest perhaps the angel of death had touched him with his wing. When, a few days ago, in the heat of an angry discussion in this Parliament, news spread in this House that of a sudden his condition had become alarming, the surging waves of angry discussion were at once hushed, and every one, friend and foe, realized that this time for a certainty the angel of death had appeared, and had crossed the threshold of his home. Thus we were not taken by surprise, and, although we were prepared for the sad event, yet it is almost impossible to convince the unwilling mind that it is true that Sir John Macdonald is no more, that the chair which we now see empty shall remain for ever vacant, that the face so familiar in this Parliament for the last forty years shall be seen no more, and that the voice so well known shall be heard no more, whether in solemn debate or in pleasant and mirthful tones. In fact, the place of Sir John Macdonald in this country was so large and so absorbing that it is almost impossible to conceive 340 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. that the political life of this country, the fate of this country, can continue without him. His loss overwhelms us. For my part, I say with all truth his loss overwhelms me, and it also overwhelms this Parliament, as if indeed one of the institutions of the land had given way. Sir John Macdonald now belongs to the ages, and it can be said with certainty, that the career which has just been closed is one of the most remarkable careers of this century. It would be premature at this time to attempt to fix or anticipate what will be the final judgment of history upon him ; but there were in his career and in his life features so prominent and so conspicuous, that already they shine with a glow which time cannot alter, which even now appear before the eye, such as they will appear to the end in history. I think it can be asserted that, for the supreme art of governing men, Sir John Macdonald was gifted as few men in any land or in any age were gifted gifted with the most high of all qualities, qualities which would have made him famous wherever exercised, and which would have shone all the more conspicuously the larger the theatre. The fact that he could congregate together elements the most heterogeneous and blend them into one compact party, and to the end of his life keep them steadily under his hand, is perhaps altogether unprecedented. The fact that during all those years he retained unimpaired not only the confidence, but the devotion the ardent devotion and affection of his party, is evidence that, besides those higher qualities of statesmanship to which we were the daily witnesses, he was also endowed with those inner, subtle, undefinable graces of soul which win and keep the hearts of men. As to his statesmanship, it is written in the history of Canada. It may be said without any exaggeration whatever, that the life of Sir John Macdonald, from the date he entered Parliament, is the history of Canada, for he was con- nected and associated with all the events, all the facts which brought Canada from the position it then occupied the position of two small provinces, having nothing in common but their common allegiance, united by a bond of paper, and united by nothing else to the present state of develop- ment which Canada has reached. Although my political views compel me to say that, in my judgment, his actions were not always the best that could liave been taken in the interest of Canada, although my conscience compels me to say that of late he has imputed to his opponents motives which I must say in my heart he has misconceived, yet I am only too glad here to sink these differences, and to remember only the great services he has performed for our country to remember that his actions always displayed great originality of view, unbounded fertility of resource, a high level of intellectual conception, and, above all, a far-reaching vision beyond the event of the day, and still higher, permeating the whole, a broad patriotism a devotion to Canada's welfare, Canada's advancement, and Canada's glory. The life of a statesman is always an arduous one, and very often it is an ungrateful one. More often than otherwise his actions do not mature until he is in his grave. Not so, however, in the case of Sir John Macdonald. His career has been a singularly fortunate one. His reverses were few and of short duration. He was fond of power, and, in my judgment, if I may say so, that may be the APPENDIX. 341 turning-point of the judgment of history. He was fond of power, and he never made any secret of it. Many times we have heard him avow it on the floor of this Parliament, and his ambition in this respect was gratified as, perhaps, no other man's ambition ever was. In my judgment, even the career of William Pitt can hardly compare with that of Sir John Macdonald in this respect ; for although William Pitt, moving in a higher sphere, had to deal with problems greater than our problems, yet I doubt if in the intricate management of a party William Pitt had to contend with difficulties equal to those that Sir John Macdonald had to contend with. In his death, too, he seems to have been singularly happy. Twenty years ago I was told, by one who at that time was a close personal and political friend of Sir John Macdonald, that in the intimacy of his domestic circle he was fond of repeating that his end would be as the end of Lord Chatham that he would be carried away from the floor of Parliament to die. How true that vision into the future was we now know, for we saw him to the last with enfeebled health and declining strength struggling on the floor of Parliament until the hand of fate pinned him to his bed to die. And thus to die with his armour on was probably his ambition. Sir, death is the law, the supreme law. Although we see it every day hi every form, although session after session we have seen it in this Parliament striking right and left without any discrimination as to age or station, yet the ever-recurring spectacle does not in any way remove the bitterness of the sting. Death always carries with it an incredible sense of pain ; but the one thing sad in death is that which is involved in the word separation separation from all we love in life. This is what makes death so poignant when it strikes a man of intellect in middle age. But when death is the natural termination of a full life, in which he who disappears has given the full measure of his capacity, has performed everything required from him, and more, the sadness of death is not for him who goes, but for those who loved him and remain. In this sense I am sure the Canadian people will extend unbounded sympathy to the friends of Sir John Macdonald to his sorrowing children, and, above all, to the brave and noble woman, his companion in life and his chief helpmate. Thus, Mr. Speaker, one after another we see those who have been instrumental in bringing Canada to its present stage of development, removed from amongst us. To-day, we deplore the loss of him who, we all unite in saying, was the foremost Canadian of his time, and who filled the largest place in Canadian history. Only last week, was buried in the city of Montreal, another son of Canada, one who at one time had been a tower of strength to the Liberal party, one who will ever be remembered as one of the noblest, purest, and greatest characters that Canada has ever produced, Sir Antoine Airne* Dorion. Sir Antoine Aime" Dorion had not been in favour of Confederation. Not that he was opposed to the principle ; but he believed that the Union of these provinces,'at that day, was premature. When, however, Confederation had become a fact, he gave the best of his mind and heart to make it a success. It may indeed happen, sir, that when the Canadian people see the ranks thus gradually reduced and thinned ot those upon whom they have been in the habit of relying for guidance, that 342 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. a feeling of apprehension will creep into the heart lest, perhaps, the institutions of Canada may be imperilled. Before the grave of him who, above all, was the father of Confederation, let not grief be barren grief; but let grief be coupled with the resolution, the determination that the work in which Liberals and Conservatives, in which Brown and Macdonald united, shall not perish, but that though united Canada may be deprived of the services of her greatest men, still Canada shall and will live." ( 343 ) APPENDIX XXXI. (See p. 266.) SPEECH DELIVERED BY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR JOHN THOMPSON, K.C.M.G., PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA, ON THE OCCASION OF THE UNVEILING OF A STATUE TO SIR JOHN MACDONALD, AT HAMILTON, ONTARIO, ON THE IST OF NOVEMBER, 1893. " I HAVE unveiled the image of one of the most illustrious men of our generation. I have spoken of this being the first statue erected to his honour in Canada, but before it had been erected his bust had been unveiled in the cathedral of St. Paul's in the heart of England, as the memorial of one whose services to the Empire deserved to be ranked with those of Wellington and Nelson. These ' lords of war,' as Lord Rosebery said, ' preserved the Empire.' Sir John Macdonald accomplished no less in his labours to consolidate that Empire. As time goes on other statues will be raised to his memory in various parts of Canada, and yet the grandest thing for his memory will be that his fame needs no monument to extend or to preserve it. At the time of his death it was poetically and truthfully said, ' His work a nation stands his monument.' Of no man of any period can it be more truly said that he was the father and founder of his country. After a lapse of some years, when political asperities have ceased to mar the true estimate of the man, this will no longer be a point on which Canadians shall differ. His life was one of incessant political warfare ; much of it was passed in times when the bitterness of strife between public men was far greater than it is to-day, and yet, from the moment of his death, the leaders of the party to which he was opposed have spoken generously of his great public services, his great devotion to the interests of his country, and his wonderful hold on the affections of the people. One of those leaders I am glad to see here to-day and I am sure it will be gratifying to him at an age when long public life has brought its only sure gift, a crown of grey hairs, to lay a flower on the monument of the statesman who was his personal and professional friend, although for long years his political opponent. The history of Sir John Macdonald is the history of a long and successful struggle with the greatest difficulties which government in the colonies has presented during the past fifty years. Of these difficulties the statesmen of older countries have but a very faint idea. In Canada they seem to have been greater than anywhere else. His earlier life was passed in a province where the scope of political ambition was confined to that province. The difficulties of its government had been such that to make 344 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. administration possible it had to be divided, then reunited, and seemed likely to be divided again. The vast country to the west of her borders was a region of romance and rare adventure. With the provinces to the east communication was so difficult that a letter took weeks to reach its destination. Practically they were as remote as Europe is from us to-day, but Sir John lived to see, as the fruits of work in which he took a leading part, nearly all British North America united under one system of government, and connected by railways and other means of communication unequalled in then* complete- ness in any part of the world. He saw the vast regions of the North-West held as the great domain of Canada, and traversed by railways east and west, and north and south. In the province of Canada there were burning questions about which half the population had taken up arms against the other half, and were ready to do so again and again. Some of those questions the clergy reserves, the seigniorial tenure, the educational policy have passed out of politics into history ; others of them, some of them arising from the rivalries of race, and some from proximity to the United States and from the conditions of business and of politics, there are still present with us, but in a modified form, and with prospects that they will disappear as our people become more numerous and our resources become developed. Great honour is due to those who hi times past aided Sir John in the settlement of those questions, but his career seems to embrace all others, and his mind seems to have risen to each great struggle which came on in turn, and to have called to his aid the men who were needed to carry his projects to consummation. He was the master builder among the many who did noble work in the structure of the nation. But it is not my task to-day to give you a narrative of Sir John Macdonald's life, or even of the great events in which he took part. I have only time to recall some of these by name, and then to say a few words to you about the leading features of his personal character and career. This last seems to be the more pleasing, and is, perhaps, even the more necessary part of my duty. History will take good care to record those great events, but it may not preserve so faithfully as we could wish some of the features of Sir John's character which were best known to those who were close to him from day to day, for it is eminently true of him, as was said of a .great British statesman, that 'he leaves not only the memory of great achievements, but also the tender traditions of personal affection and social charm.' In the first place, Sir John's love of Canada and his desire to serve her must be put far in the front of all his characteristics. His daily thought might be expressed in Webster's words : ' Let our object be our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country.' ' Nothing but our country ' in the sense that Canada was to be first of all in every consideration of public policy or personal action. His true and deep Canadianism was the ' pillar of cloud by day, and the pillar of fire by night,' to the hundreds of thousands whom he led as no man could have led by a mere party banner. It has been well said that, as this patriotism was the mainspring of all his action, so it was the source of the wonderful command which he had over the masses of his countrymen. He came into public life a stripling, just when he was advancing on a professional APPENDIX. 345 career in which he might look forward to honour, ease, and wealth. He left that career at a summons which he considered the urgent call of duty. He supposed he was leaving it but for a very brief period to meet a crisis which might be past in a year or two. I once had to consult him as to the propriety of one of our friends coming forward at an election when there was a prospect of his having to retire at the end of a single session. I asked him if he would approve of such a step, and his answer was : ' Yes, certainly. Those are the terms on which I came into public life.' Nearly fifty years went by, and the call of duty which summoned him in his youth was only superseded by the last summons that comes to man. In the next place, I must mention his wonderful devotion to the interests of the Empire. This has made him more than a Canadian statesman. It has placed him in the shrine of the Empire's heroes. When he died, the Queen knew that her wreath upon his coffin covered the breast of as faithful a servant of the Crown as ever lived within her realm of England. The thought of the unity of the Empire was bright within him when, as a youth, he carried his musket during the disturbance of 1837. It breathed in his first election address of 1844, in which he said : ' The prosperity of Canada depends upon its permanent connection with the mother country, and I shall resist to the utmost any attempt (from what- ever quarter it may come), which may tend to weaken that union.' It animated him to the close of his life ; for in the great political struggle which was the final one, he spoke of ' This, my last effort for the unity of the Empire and the preservation of our commercial and political freedom.' He endeavoured to stimulate the same feeling in other colonies, and to strengthen British connection in other parts of the Empire. The policy ot uniting the provinces, of railway connection from ocean to ocean, and of steam communication on both oceans, with the mother country and with other possessions of the Crown, all went in this direction. Another feature of Sir John's character that we, who knew him best, will long delight to remember, was the great amiability and gentleness of his nature. His patience was most remarkable. We know how he was daily beset by cares and difficulties, and by the worries which unreasonableness and selfishness make some men inflict without necessity and without a thought. It sometimes seemed to us that kindness, humour, and forbearance were the only shields which he turned to - such attacks. He made all possible allowance for those who tried his endurance, and, with rare magnanimity, waited, without resentment, for the second thought of those who judged his actions hastily, when a sharp reply would have been given by most men. All this in one who relished the fierce conflict of debate, who was accustomed to ask no quarter in a fight, and to deal hard blows at his adversary, helps greatly to account for his wonderful success in dominating his party, and in attaching it to himself as no party was ever attached to a leader before. Everywhere his supporters hesitated to disregard his slightest wish not because they feared him, but because they loved him. It used to be a popular delusion that when he took a new colleague he required from him his resignation in advance. I soon found that when he took a new colleague, the new comer's relations to his chief were controlled 346 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. by affection and not by command. In that tie he had all the control that he needed over those who served under him. Even if Sir John had not been a statesman of such a high order, his quality as a parliamentarian would have made him a great man. He was a parliamentarian in the true sense of the word in the sense in which that word has been applied to some of the great men who have adorned the Parliament of Great Britain. He was a most vigorous and effective speaker. Naturally quick, clear, and intense, he was full of earnestness, which went farther to convince and persuade than eloquence generally does, and his tact and urbanity in debate and in the ' management ' of the House won for him day by day the admiration of his opponents and the unbounded confidence of his friends. How well these qualities served him can be appreciated only by those who reflect on the difficulties of parliamentary life in Canada, the difficulties arising from a tendency to split up into classes and sections in consequence of race feelings and of sectional interests. In his long parliamentary career how well justified are those words of his, uttered long before its close : ' I know that in the long career of political life I have made many mistakes, that the Government of which I am a member has, of course, made errors and been guilty of omission as well as commission ; but I can honestly say that the desire was good and the motive good.' " A false estimate of Sir John's character is formed by those who regard him as having been selfish, or even as having been actuated by mere love of power. It was truly said of him, by one who could well describe him, ' The people believed that Sir John sought the office of First Minister only that he might best minister to the country, and the people's judgment was right. It was not an office that a self-seeking man could have kept for a single session.' Sir John himself said, more than thirty years before his death, ' If a man desire peace and domestic happiness, he will find neither in performing the thankless task of a public officer.' Again, how memorable are those words, which he uttered later in a great crisis : ' I have fought the battle of Confederation, the battle of Union, the battle of the Dominion of Canada. I throw myself upon the House, I throw myself upon this country, I throw myself upon posterity, and I believe that, notwithstanding the many failings of my life, I shall have the voice of this country and this house rallying round me. And, sir, if I am mistaken in that, I can confidently appeal to a higher court to the court of my own conscience and to the court of posterity. I leave it with this House with every confidence. I am equal to either fortune. I can see past the decision of this House, whether for or against me, but whether it be for or against me, I know, and it is no vain boast for me to say so, for even my enemies will admit that I am no boaster, that there does not exist in Canada a man who has given more of his time, more of his heart, more of his wealth, or more of his intellect and power, such as they may be, for the good of this Dominion of Canada.' " We who knew him well know that, for years before the end came, he longed for rest and retirement ere he should reach the close of his life. Day after day was filled by unceasing toil, unwearying watchfulness and painful labours at details. Night after night, when men in all other occupations APPENDIX. 347 were enjoying rest in their homes, he was at his work in the House ot Commons, seldom leaving his place until early morning often the last to leave, and often beginning a long and arduous effort after midnight. This was not selfishness in a man who had sacrificed wealth and honours that he might have earned, and the peace and happiness of domestic life, which he loved fully as well as any other, and for which his whole nature craved when he had reached the three score years and ten. It was not mere love of power which kept him to those daily and nightly tasks. It was devotion to a duty which became more pressing and unavoidable as years rolled by. He could be replaced when he was no more, but while his services could be had no man could replace him. On the first day when he was seized with his last illness he passed out of the House of Commons in the afternoon, and beckoned me to follow him. We went to his retiring-room, near the chamber, and, as he sank into a chair, he told me that he had been attacked by some affection of the throat. His condition was too plain to be mistaken, but I tried to cheer him by speaking of his need of rest, and of the desire of his colleagues that he should spare himself the toil of attending at each day's session. I shall never forget his words as he turned his pallid face to me and said, ' It is not that ; I am worn out.' He knew that the rest for which he had longed in vain had nearly come, but that he must meet it at the grave. No doubt he had a love of fame ' the sovereign passion of public men,' but what public man, worthy of his calling, is without it ? In truth, unselfishness and devotion to duty are among Sir John's highest characteristics. He was ambitious in the best sense of the word. He was ambitious to infuse into the minds of his countrymen sentiments and ideas which were wider than the issues of party ambitious to make Canada great ambitious to silence the voice of faction and the noise of discord ambitious to leave this country and the Empire better off for the toils and sacrifices of his life. Ladies and gentlemen, I have performed in the few minutes that were available to me, what I described at the beginning of my observations, as indeed a loving task a loving task because we all loved, with all our hearts, the great man whose political fortunes we followed, whose political principles we believed, and whose statue stands unveiled before you to-day. But as I have spoken of this duty to you as a task of love, I must tell you that it is a task of sadness too, because in recalling him to memory the voice of affection stirs one's heart so deeply that remembrance of the past, with its personal feelings and personal affections, is almost too much for the man who has this duty to perform. But how much sadder is the task made when I recall that, though but a little over two years ago we laid his body in the tomb, this afternoon, in the city of Montreal, the grave lies open to receive his successor. When I remember that to-day we are unveiling the statue of one great public man, and at this time to-morrow we shall be laying another great public man another great son of Canada in his last resting-place upon this earth. The man who succeeded him was worthy to be his successor. Sir John Abbott's great qualities of brain and heart, his great qualities of statesmanship, his great abilities and great desire to serve this country will never be thoroughly 348 MEMOIRS OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD. understood by the Canadian people, because his career as First Minister was so short. But in remembering the services of the two, in remembering the great characteristics of the two, in remembering the great love for Canada, the great attachment to Canada, the great desire to serve Canada, of the two, and the great devotion to British connection of the two I say it of the last as well as of the first, without fear of contradiction or carping the great love of Canada and the great patriotism of these men, places upon us who have public duties to discharge, either in connection with the Ministry or as simple voters and electors in this country, a great responsibility which we ought to consider well this afternoon. The sight of that statue of the departed leader in your public place, and the memory of the man who succeeded him in public life as Premier of the Dominion of Canada the memories of these, which will do honour to this country, I care not what political or personal failings they may have had, place upon us the responsibility of carrying on you as electors, us as public men the task which they laid before them, and in the execution of which they strove with the genius of master hands, guided by the inspiration of heaven which falls upon truly patriotic men. I thank you, citizens of Hamilton, for the noble work which you have done in erecting the first statue to Sir John Macdonald. Addressing this vast assemblage which is here to see that statue unveiled, I beseech you that you will learn by looking upon that figure the lessons which he whom it repre- sents desired that his countrymen should learn and should practise : devotion to the interests of Canada our country, and the determination that the banner of England shall continue to wave over this country as long as time shall last. How fortunate should we be, how fortunate would any man be, could he leave as his immediate successor did, 'not only the record of great achievements, but the traditions of personal affection, and of social charm. 1 Whether this may be our reward or not, let us steadfastly pursue in the future of this country the principles of the great men whom I have mentioned, and, in the words of Lord Rosebery, in unveiling the bust to the late Sir John Macdonald in the cathedral of St. Paul's: 'Once more remember our responsibility, and renew the resolution that, come what may, we will not flinch or fail under it.' " ( 349 ) APPENDIX XXXII. (See p. 268.) " THE undersigned, to whom was referred a communication from Doctor Hurlbert addressed to the Secretary of State on the subject of the spelling of certain English words, and also a letter from the Queen's printer in reference thereto, has the honour to report : " That, in his opinion, the only question with respect to the spelling of such words as ' honour,' ' favour,' ' labour,' ' honourable,' and the like is, what is the mode now accepted by the best authorities in England ; it appears to him to be obvious that the same sj r stem should obtain in all portions of the British Empire. " On a reference to the best dictionaries and encyclopaedias now in use in England, it will be seen that these words are spelt with the ' u,' and that such forms as ' labor,' ' favor,' ' honor,' ' honorable,' etc., are apparently confined to the United States, with the exception of some few instances where they have been adopted in Canada. " In consequence of this reference the undersigned has taken occasion to inquire into the mode of spelling these words in official and legislative use in England, and he has ascertained that the ' u ' is in all such cases retained. " The undersigned therefore recommends the issue of instructions to the effect that in all official documents, in the Canada Gazette, and in the Dominion Statutes, the English practice be uniformly followed. "All of which is respectfully submitted. " JOHN A. MACDOXALD. " Ottawa, May 30, 1890." 350 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. APPENDIX XXXIII. (See p. 282.) "Montreal, Oct 13, 1876. " MY DEAR BERNARD, " I was very sorry to have missed you when in Toronto, but I only remained over for one day. " I have no present intention of going to the West Indies. The fact is, I do not think the Government know what to do about the sugar duties, and it is idle to talk of negotiation without a fixed policy on this subject. " I have some idea of going to England shortly, and should like much to go with you. I would in any case advise you not to put off sailing too long, or you may suffer from the cold at sea. "I have thought for some time of writing you as a mutual friend to ascertain from Sir John the basis on which he would wish our future personal relations to stand. When in Toronto last June, I met him at Macpherson's, and he almost cut me. Of course I infer that the reference I felt obliged to make to his position in my letter to Mr. Ferrier must be the cause, and I have no hesitation in saying I am sincerely sorry, if I have wounded his feelings by the opinion I expressed on a purely public subject. He is, how- ever, necessarily the only judge of how far my action justifies an attitude of personal estrangement, and if he considers that it does, I can only regretfully acquiesce. Will you kindly speak to him and learn his wishes ? If he should unfortunately decide on the rupture of our former friendly relations, be good enough to say to him that, while I bow to his decision, it will in no respect impair or alter my own recollections of our past friendship, nor my wishes for his future welfare. " Yours sincerely, " A. T. GALT. " Colonel Bernard." "Toronto, October 23, 1876. " MY DEAR BERNARD, " As Sir Alexander Gait has written you with regard to the future personal relations between him and myself, I desire to state to him through you exactly how I feel in the matter. He rightly supposes that my coolness at Macpherson's was caused by the reference which he says he felt obliged to make to my position, in his letter to Mr. Ferrier. I did not then, and do not now, see that he was at all obliged by the circumstances to make any such offensive reference. APPENDIX. 351 " He could have indicated his position with sufficient clearness without doing so, more especially as he had decided that that position should be one of inaction. This unnecessary attack (as I consider it) deeply pained me, coming as it did from one with whom I had so long acted and with whom I had so lately been in confidential correspondence. It aroused the unrestrained indignation of my friends, all of whom had been Sir Alexander's friends and supporters in days gone by, and some of them who had been behind the scenes reminded me that it was not thus that I had acted towards him. In 1864 I, with my colleagues, deliberately elected to fall with Sir Alexander on a motion specially directed against himself, when it was quite open to us to have taken the ground that the act complained of was the act of a former administration, for which the then existing Ministry could not constitutionally be held responsible. English precedents were placed in my hands establishing the sufficiency of that ground, and it was pressed upon me that it was unfair to those of the Government who had recently joined us to involve them in the acts of a former Cabinet. I put down, as my surviving colleagues can attest, any attempt to make Sir Alexander the scapegoat ; and I took the first opportunity of preventing the point from being raised in Parliament, by declaring there that we were a band of brothers resolved to stand or fall together. Again, in 1865, I gained the undying hatred of George Brown, which has since been exhibited in every possible way, by sustaining Sir Alexander against him with respect to the Reciprocity negotiations at Washington. It had come to be a question which of the two should retire, and again I stood by Sir Alexander, when a contrary course would perhaps have smoothed my path in Ontario ever since. " I must confess I was quite unprepared for the letter in question, and the more so that Sir A. had then recently both personally and by letter expressed to me his regret at the loss the Conservative party of Quebec had sustained of a leader by the death of poor Sir George Cartier. " Now Cartier was the person with whom Sir Hugh Allan had primarily and principally to do, and was, to say the least of it, as liable to Sir Alexander's censure and to political ostracism as myself. I have heard Sir Alexander's attack on me truly described as ' spitting on Cartier's grave,' and I cannot help thinking that if he had been alive the attack on me would not have been written. But enough of this liberavi animam meam, and having done so, all I desire further to say is, that if Sir Alexander pleases we can meet in friendly intercourse and in society as before. The wound may be considered as healed over, but the scar will, I fear, remain for some time. " Yours faithfully, " JOHK A. MACDONALD. " H. Bernard, Esqr." "Montreal, October 31, 1876. " MY DEAR BERNARD, "I was again in Toronto when yours of 23rd was sent here, so did not get it in due course. " I am deeply obliged by your having obtained from Sir John the frank 352 MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. statement of his views which you inclose. Though much pained by his reproaches, which I think are undeserved, still I feel that it would be un- profitable to discuss their propriety, and still more unsuited to my present object, to revert to matters in which I have, in the past, felt aggrieved myself. The only point on which I desire to say a few words is, on his assumption that I had, in a needless and uncalled for manner, made an attack upon him as a public man. The transaction which called forth my remarks was so essentially and fully a subject for discussion, that I cannot now see how reference to it could have been avoided, and, in saying what I did, I carefully made my observations apply solely to the political bearing of the matter. The only real point, therefore, is whether I might not simply have declined to become a candidate for West Montreal without referring to the position of the two contending political parties, and on this point I will say, in explanation, that I was urged by both sides, but principally by the Liberals, to come forward, and was led into a correspondence with Holton with reference to my deter- mination not to be their candidate, which, coupled with what passed with the other side, made it necessary, in my own opinion, and that of my friends, to state explicitly the position I occupied towards both. So far from seeking to injure Sir John, I may say that I refused to come forward at the general election, when invited by at least two Conservative counties, because, had I then done so, I would necessarily have felt obliged to take ground calculated still further to add to his difficulties. My conscience fully acquits me of all intentional wrong towards him, and I feel quite sure that he cannot seriously blame me for holding and expressing opinions adverse to his public policy, when called upon as a public man myself to declare what I thought. " With reference to that which Sir John says about Sir George Cartier I will only say, in brief, that it has always been a mystery to me, how either of them (knowing them as I did) ever got into the position they did. " In conclusion, I will add, that I shall be heartily glad to meet Sir John on terms of friendly intercourse once more, and trust that the present soreness between us may disappear, under the influence of a wish, I hope, on both sides, that the past should be forgotten as well as forgiven. "I sail for England with my daughter Amy, from New York, on the llth, by the White Star Line. My business will first take me to Scotland for a few weeks, then I go to London, and I have a vague longing to come home by the West Indies. What say you ? "I wish you could manage to sail with me on the llth. It would be a real pleasure for me. " Yours sincerely, "A. T. GALT. "Colonel Bernard." INDEX. Abbott, J. J. C., observations on annexa- tion manifesto of 1849, i. 70, 71 ; Solicitor General, L.C.,inMacdonald- Sicotte Government, 243 ; withdraws therefrom, 1248 ; Sir John Thompson's eulogy of, ii. 347, 348 Address, Sir John Macdonald's last, to the people of Canada, ii. 257, 332- 336 Aikins, J. C., sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Secretary of State of Canada, ii. 68, 69 Alabama claims, ii. 84, 103, 105, 114, 116, 133, 134 ; indirect claims, 148, 149 Allan, George W., i. 103 Allan, Sir Hugh, his connection with the Canadian Pacific Eailway scheme, ii. 176-192 Alleyn, C., Chief Commissioner of Public Works in Macdonald-Cartier Adminis- tration, i. 169 Annand, William, delegate from Nova Scotia to England to oppose Confedera- tion, ii. 23 Archibald, A. G., sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Secretary of State for the Provinces, i. 330 ; de- feated at General Election of 1867, ii. 3, 4 ; resigns office, 6. ; views on Nova Scotia crisis of 1868, 28 ; ap- pointed Lieutenant Governor of Mani- toba, 64 Arthur, H.R.H. (Duke of Connaught), letter to Sir John Macdonald on VOL. II. occasion of latter's illness in 1870, ii. 78 Assiniboia. See Red River Settlement. Aylwin, T. C., i. 35 ; Solicitor General, L.C., in second La Fontaine-Baldwin Administration, i. 65 B Badgley, W., appointed Attorney General, L.C., i. 51 Bagehot, Walter, ii. 271 Bagot, Sir Charles, Administration of, i. 26, 27 Baldwin, Robert, accepts office under Lord Sydenham, i. 24 ; resignation, t&. ; defeated by E. Murney, 33 ; his second Administration, 65 ; retirement, 83, 84 ; justifies Coalition of 1854, 127 ; declines Chief Justiceship, 86 ; death, ib. ; character, 84 ; letter to, 85, 86 Beaconsfield, Earl of, Sir John Mac- donald's visit to, at Hughenden.ii. 205- 207 ; his Aylesbury speech, 206 ; Sir John Macdonald's letter to, 207-209 ; resemblance to, 279, 280 Belleau, Sir Narcisse, joins Macdonald- Cartier Administration, i. 169 ; be- comes Prime Minister, 286 Bernard, Lieutenant Colonel Hewitt, secretary Quebec Conference (1864), i. 268 ; secretary London Conference (1866), 310 ; decorated by Spanish Government, ii. 159 n. ; Sir John Macdonald's Private Secretary (1858- 1864), 282 2 A 354 INDEX. Bernard, Miss, first meeting with Sir John, i. 315 ; engagement, '&. See Macdonald, Lady ; also Macdonald of Earnscliffe, The Baroness. Bernard, Montague, member Joint High Commission (1871), ii. 99, 106 Better terms to Xova Scotia, ii. 37 Bicameral system, Sir John Macdonald's views on, ii. 233-235 Bischoff, Charles, ii. 3, 43 Blaine, James, Speaker U.S. House of Representatives, ii. 89 Blake, Edward, rumoured appointment of, as Solicitor General, West, in Mac- donald-Dorion Administration, i. 254 ; offered Chancellorship of Ontario by Sir John Macdonald, ii. 74, 75; be- comes Prime Minister of Ontario, 142 ; Member C.P.E. Committee (1873), 165 ; his Home Rule resolution in Dominion Parliament (1886), 230 Blake, "William Hume, becomes Chan- cellor of Upper Canada, i. 73 ; corre- spondence with Mr. Macdonald, 232, 233 Blanchet, J. G., member C.P.R. Com- mittee, ii. 165 Bleury, C. C. S. de, M.P.P.for Montreal, i. 41 British America League, principles of, i. 71, 72 British Columbia, admission into Dominion, ii. 143-145 British Connection, Sir John Macdonald's resolution to maintain, i. 33, 318, 319, ii. 118, 220, 221, 290, 291 Brown, George, early days, i. 78, 79 ; espouses no-popery cry, 79 ; defeated in Haldimand, 82 ; enters Parlia- ment, 90 ; opposes second La Fontaine- Baldwin Government, 82, 83, also Hincks-Morin Government, 93, 94, 99 ; supports the Conservative leaders at the polls, 120 ; discomfiture, 124 ; penitentiary charges, 141, 142 ; forms the "Short Administration," 185- 189, 337-341 ; course at " Double Shuffle," 201-203 ; quarrels with his party, 211-214; defeat at General Election of 1861, 231 ; re-elected to Parliament, 246 ; hints at coalition with Mr. John A. Macdonald, in 1862, 247, in 1863, 16. ; arrangement with Mr. J. S. Macdonald, 248, 249; coalesces with Mr. John A. Mac- donald, 258 ; enters the Government, 260 ; member of Confederation Con- ference at Charlottetown, 267, at Quebec, 268 ; renewal of Coalition on death of Sir E. P. Tache', 286, 362- 368 ; subsequent course, 287-289 ; re- tirement from Ministry, 289 ; causes therefor, 292-294 ; correspondence with Mr. Cartier, 370, 371 ; course at Reform Convention of 1867, 320- 322 ; defeated in South Ontario, ii. 3 ; negotiations for extinction Hudson's Bay Company's claims to North- West, 39. Letters from, i. 263, 264, 266, 273, 274, 288, 289, 365, 366 ; letters to, 364-367 Bruneau, F. P., appointed Receiver General, i. 59 Brydges, C. J., letters to, i. 233, ii. 162 Buchanan, Isaac, the father of pro- tection, i. 208 ; joins second Tache- Macdonald Government, 256 ; resigns therefrom, 260 C Calumnies, ii. 254, 255] Cambridge University, offers Sir John Macdonald degree of LL.D. in 1886, ii. 212 Cameron, Colonel Angus, member Militia Commission (1862), i. 236 Cameron, John Hillyard, becomes Solici- tor General, Upper Canada, i. 45 ; Mr. Macdonald's opinion of, in 1854, 102 ; declines office in Cartier-Mac- donald Administration, 235 n. ; candi- date for Speakership, first House of Commons, ii. 6; member C.P.R. Committee (1873), 165 Cameron, Malcolm, member second La Fontaine-Baldwin Administration, i. 65 ; resigns office, 73 ; joins Hincks- Morin Government, 87; the "Coon INDEX. 355 Letter," 88 ; advises Coalition between Messrs. John A. Macdonald and Brown in 1863, 246 Cameron, M. C., defeats William Mc- Dougall in North Ontario (1864), i. 260 ; letter to, ii. 281 Campbell, Alexander, enters into partner- ship with Mr. Macdonald, i. 18 ; political views (1855), 140, 141 ; de- clines seat in Macdonald-Cartier Ad- ministration, 180-182 ; joins second Tache-Macdonald Government, 256 ; member Charlottetown and Quebec Conferences, 267, 268 ; wants to be Prime Minister, 287 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Post- master General, 330 ; asks to be sent to England on Hudson's Bay's Com- pany 's business, ii. 48 ; changes his mind, ib. ; becomes Minister of the Interior, 155 ; recommended for K.C.M.G, 237. Letters from, i. 140, 141, 180-182, 287, 317, 318, 342, 343 ; ii. 47 ; letters to, i. 234 ; ii. 20,48 Campbell, Thomas E., Colonel, member Militia Commission (1862), i. 236 Canadian Pacific Railway, early history of,ii. 161-163.; the Pacific " Scandal," 164- 196 ; Sir John Macdonald's letter to Lord Dufferin re, ii. 174-189 Canals, Canadian system of, i. 105, 106 Capital. See Seat of Government. Carling, John, joins Cartier Macdonald Administration, i. 235 ; letter to, ii. 142, 143 Carnarvon, Lord, correspondence with, on subject of Confederation, i. 388, 389 ; letters to, on Home Rule, ii. 226, 227 ; on Franchise Act, 246, 247 Caron, R. E., conducts negotiations between Draper Administration and the French Canadians, i. 40, 65 ; Speaker of the Legislative Council, 65 Carruthers, John, opposes Sir John Macdonald in Kingston, ii. 152 Cartier, George Etienne, early history, i. 134, 135; joins MacXab-Tache' Government, ib. ; becomes Attorney General, Lower Canada, 157 ; Prime Minister, 199 ; resigns on Militia Bill, 237; joins second Tache'-Macdonald Administration, 256 ; member Confede- ration Conference at Charlottetown, 267, at Quebec, 268, at London, 310 ; correspondence with George Brown, 370, 371 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Militia, 330; declines C.B., 331 n. ; created a Baronet, 332, ii. 48 ; views on acquisition of North-West, 46 ; visits England on Hudson's Bay Com- pany's business (1886), 48 ; Leader of the House of Commons (1871), 87, 88 ; defeated in Montreal East, 155, 156 ; elected for Provencher, 156; goes to England, 6. ; last illness, 157-159, 325-328; death, ib. Sir John Mac- donald's eulogy of, i. 135-137. Letters to-, 217; ii. 45, 46, 71, 134-138, 157, 190-192; letters from, i. 250-252; ii. 46, 157, 158 Cartier, Josephine, announces her father's death, ii. 157, 158 Cathcart, Earl, appointed administrator, i. 41 ; Governor General, 16. ; his opinion of Mr. Macdonald, 45 Cauchon, Joseph, joins MacNab-Tache Government, i. 134 ; resigns, 165 ; becomes a member of the Cartier- Macdonald Administration, 230 ; ap- pointed first Speaker of the Senate, ii. 6 Cayley, W., joins Mr. Draper's Govern- ment, i. 39 ; Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, 103, 210 ; member of various Administrations, 123, 134, 157. Letters from, 51, 52 Chabot, J., Commissioner of Public Works in MacNab-Morin Govern- ment, i. 123 Chandler, E. B., i. 108 Chapais, J. C., Commissioner of Public Works in second Tache-Macdonald Government, i. 256 ; member Quebec Conference, 268 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Agriculture, 330 ; defeated in election (1867), ii. 3 ; called to the Senate, ib. ; retires from the Ministry, 155 Charlottetown Conference, i. 267 Chauveau, P. J. 0., Provincial Secretary 356 INDEX. MacNab - Tache Administration, i. 123 Christie, David, i. 77 Civil Service Act, first, i. 165 Clark, Isabella, Sir John Macdonald's first wife, 61 ; marriage, ib. ; illness, 160, 161 ; death, 176 Clear-Grit Party, rise of, i. 73 ; Conven- tion (1857), 166; schism in, 211-214 ; Convention of (1859), 219 Clergy reserves, explanation of, i. 74-76 ; debates on, 80, 81, 96, 97, 115-117 ; secularization of, 128, 129 Coalition of 1854, i. 122-128, 147, 148 ; of 1864, 258-260, 344-350 Cockburn, James, Solicitor General Upper Canada, in second Tache-Mac- donald Administration, i. 256 ; member Quebec Conference, 268 ; elected Speaker of the first House of Com- mons, ii. 6 Colborne, Sir John, Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, action with respect to the Clergy Reserves, i. 75 Collins, J. E., " Life of Sir John Mac- donald," i. 183 n. Commercial Bank, failure of, ii. 5 Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties, meets at Quebec, i. 292 ; resolutions of, 369 Confederation, outlined by Mr. Gait in 1858, i. 204 ; Mr. Macdonald's views on, in 1861, 228, 229 ; agreement with Mr. Brown to carry, 344-350 ; Con- ference at Charlottetown, 267, at Quebec, 268 ; subsequent changes in resolutions, 355-357 ; resolutions carried through Canadian Legislature, 279 ; New Brunswick elections, ib. ; co-operation of Nova Scotia, 295 ; change of Government in New Bruns- wick, 296, 297 ; Canadian local con- ] stitutions 298 ; causes of delay in negotiations, 300-309, 374-376 ; dele- gation to England, 310 ; evolution of the British North America Act, 311 ; Conference at "Westminster Palace Hotel, 311-313, resolutions adopted at, 377-386 ; the Kingdom of Canada, 313 ; formation of first Dominion Cabinet, 329, 330; proclamation of Union, 331 ; correspondence relating to Draft Bill, 387-390 ; proposed date of union, 390, 391 ; admission of th& North-West Territories, ii. 64, of British Columbia, 143-145, of Prince Edward Island, 146-148 ; negotiation* with Newfoundland, 145, 146 Connolly, Most Kev. Thomas, Arch- bishop of Halifax, letter to, on subject of D'Arcy. McGee's assassination, ii. 12, 13 Connor, S., Solicitor General, Upper Canada, in Brown-Dorion Administra- tion, i. 189 Corrigan, Edward, murder case, causes defeat of MacNab-Tache Government,. i. 145-147 Corruption, charges of, ii. 250-253 Cuban Filibusters, affair of the, ii. 159 I) i Daly, Dominick; the "perpetual secre- tary," i. 23, 30, 45 Day, C. D., i. 23; member C. P. Railway Commission, ii. 174 Defence, questions of, i. 236, 237, 280,. 281 ; ii. 219, 220 Dennis, J. S., ii. 53, 59, 60 Depression, commercial, of 1857, i. 167 Derby, Lady. See Stanley of Preston,. Lady. Derby, Lord. See Stanley of Preston, Lord. Derby, the, in 1865, Sir John Macdonald's- reminiscences of, i. 283, 284 Dickinson, George, M.P., ii. 292 Dilke, Sir Charles, ii. 279, 280 Divorce, Sir John Macdonald's views on,, ii. 235, 236 Dorion, A. A., first elected to Parlia- ment, i. 120 ; member of the Short Administration, 189; joins Macdonald- Sicotte Government, 243 ; resigns therefrom, 244 ; re-enters J. S. Mac- donald's Cabinet, 248; opposes Con- federation, 271, 279 ; member " Pacific Scandal" Committee, ii. 165 INDEX. 357 " Double Majority," question of, i. 40, 156, 157, 178, 179, 182, 229, 245 " Double Shuffle," the, i. 198-204 Doyle, Lieutenant-Governor Hastings, correspondence with Sir John Mac- donald re Attorney-General Wilkins, ii. 299, 300 Draper, W. II., accepts office under Lord Sydenham, i. 23 ; retirement, 26 ; becomes leader of the Government under Sir Charles Metcalfe, 30 ; retires from political life, 60; appointed to represent Canadian Government before a Committee of the Imperial House of Commons re Hudson's Bay Company's claims, 163. Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, 50, 51 ; letter from, 46, 47 Drinkwater, Charles, Sir John Mac- donald's secretary (1864-1873), i. 282 ; ii. 282, 283 Drummond, L. T., his attack on Lord Metcalfe, |i. 38 n. ; member of dif- ferent Administrations, 87, 123, 134, 189; his opinion of George Brown's political course, 222 Dual language, question of, ii. 249 Dufferin, the Earl of, appointed Governor General, ii. 150; Sir John Mac- donald's relations with, 243, 244. Letters to, 160, 174-189, 237 Dunkin, Christopher, sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Agriculture, ii. 71 Dunn, J. H., i. 23 Durham, Lord, Administration of, i. 18- 23 ; his report, ib. Elgin, Lord, assumes the Governorship of Canada, i. 45 ; assents to Rebellion Losses Bill, 68 ; abruptly prorogues Parliament, 117-120 ; Sir John Mac- donald's opinion of, 72 Ellice, Eight Hon. Edward, i. 196 Empire Club Dinner (1884), ii. 211 Evanturel, F., member Macdonald - Sicotte Government, i. 243, 248 ; withdraws therefrom, 248 Fabre, Hector, his descriptions of Sir John Macdonald, ii. 199, 271, 272, 285 Fenian alarms, i. 295, 298, 309, 310, 327 Fergusson Blair, A. J., invited by Lord Monck to form an Administration, i. 255 ; joins Coalition Government in 1866, as President of the Executive Council, 290 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed its President, 330 ; death, ii. 7 Fish, Hamilton, association with, at Washington, ii. 88-137 Fishery relations with the United States, history of, ii. 80-84 Fishing licences, discontinuance of issue to United States fishermen, ii. 82 Fleming, Sandford, his opinion as to selection of route of Intercolonial Railway, ii. 14 Foley, M. H., member of the Brown - Dorion Administration, i. 189 ; his opinion of Mr. Macdonald, 196 n. : forced out of the Macdonald- Sicotte Government, 248 ; becomes Post- master General in second Tache- Macdonald Administration, 256 ; resigns therefrom, 260. Letters from, 196 n., 253, 254 Franchise Act of 1885, ii. 245-247 Fraser, Sir William, ii. 205 n. Free Trade, Sir John Macdonald's views on, i. 208, 209 ; ii. 200, 201, 288 French Canadians, Sir John Macdonald's views respecting, i. 101 ; ii. 248, 290 Gait, A. T., declines to form an Adminis- tration, i. 198 ; joins Cartier-Mac- donald Government in 1858, 201 ; advocates a federal union of British North America, 204 ; announces pro- tective policy, ib. , 205 ; again Finance Minister, 256 ; member Confederation Conferences at Charlottetown, 267, at Quebec, 268, at London, 310 ; retires 358 INDEX. from Coalition Ministry in 1866, 309 ; sworn of the Privy Council and ap- pointed Minister of Finance, 330 ; declines C.B., 331 n. ; resigns office, ii. 4 , ") ; declines Nova Scotia Mission to England in 1868, 24 ; goes into opposition, 71, 72; appointed High Commissioner for Canada, 282 ; corre- spondence with Sir John Macdonald in 1876, 350-352 General elections, 1844, i. 34 ; 1847-48, 59 ; 1851, 89 ; 1854, 120 ; 1857-58, 170; 1861, 230, 231; 1863, 249, 250 ; 1867, ii. 2, 3 ; 1872, 152-154 ; 1874, 195; 1878, 202; 1891, 257 Gibbs, Thomas Nicholson, sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Secretary of State for the Provinces, ii. 155 ; becomes Minister of Inland Kevenue, '&. Gildersleeve, 0. S., correspondence with, in 1857, 172, i. 173 ; opposes Mr. Mac- donald in Kingston in 1863, 250 Gladstone, Right Hon. W. E., condemns Rebellion Losses Bill, i. 69 ; offers Sir John Macdonald the G.C.B., ii. 209 ; views on divorce, 235; on dual lan- guage question, 249 Globe, Toronto, foundation of, i. 78 ; Anti-Catholic policy, 79, 99 ; attacks on Sir Edmund Head, 196, on Sir John Macdonald, i. 199 n., 212, 254, ii. 254, 255 ; on Judiciary of Upper Canada, 204 Gordon, Sir Arthur, opinion of Sir John Macdonald, i. 16; his anti-confederate views, ii. 144 Governor General, Sir John Macdonald' s views on revision of commissions and instructions to, i. 390, on office of, ii. 242, 243 ; personal relations with various, i. 45, 72, 133; ii. 15, 16, 150, 243-245 Governor-General's salary, attempted re- duction of, ii. 15-17 Gowan, J. R., member C. P. Railway Commission (1873), ii. 174; letter to, 203 Gowan, 0. R., i. 47, 49, 51 Grand Cross of the Bath, Sir John Mac- donald's investiture with, ii. 210 Grand Trunk Railway, origin of, i. 108- 110 ; Government aid to, '&., 230 Grant, John, i. 2 Grant, Margaret, i. 2 Granville, Earl, opinion of Sir John Rose, ii. 66 Gray, J. H., letter to, respecting Con- federation, i. 280-282 ; candidate for Speakership first House of Commons, ii. 6 Grey, Lord de, association with, on Joint High Commissions (1871), ii. 85, 140; correspondence with, re Treaty of Washington, 317-323 Habeas Corpus Act, suspension of, in 1866, i. 298 n. Harrison, R. A., Private Secretary to Mr. Macdonald (1854-58), ii. 282 Harrison, S. B., i. 23 Hartman, J., i. 91 n. Haythorne, R. P., letter to Sir John Macdonald on his resignation in 1873, ii. 195 Head, Sir Edmund, assumes the Govern- ment of Canada, i. 133 ; intimacy with Sir John Macdonald, i&. ; course at the " Double Shuffle," 196, 337-341 ; loss of his son, 217, 218; succeeded by Lord Monck, 231 Heath, Charles, i. 10 Helmcken, J. S., letter to, ii. 219 Herbert, Auberon, letter to, on subject of D'Arcy McGee's assassination, ii. 11,12 Hincks, Francis, defeated in Oxford in 1844, i. 34 ; joins second La Fontaine- Baldwin Government, 65 ; becomes Prime Minister, 87 ; railway negotia- tions, 108, 109 ; differences with Joseph Howe, '&. ; ii. 154 ; defeat of his Government, i. 121, 122 ; justifies the Coalition of Messrs. MacNab and Morin, 126 ; appointed Governor of Barbados, 139 ; returns to Canada, ii. 70; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Finance, '&., 314- 316 ; retirement from Ministry, 154j INDEX. 359 Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, i. 139; ii. 151, 314, 315; letters from, 154 Hoar, Judge, American Commissioner, Joint High Commission (1871), ii. 88, 126 Holton, L. H., defeated by Mr. John Rose in Montreal, i. 174; member of the Brown - Dorion Administration, 189 ; of the Macdonald- Dorion Ad- ministration, 248 ; anecdote of, 326 n. ; friendly relations with Sir John Mac- donald, ii. 78, 79 Home Rule for Ireland, Sir John Mac- donald's plan of, ii. 222-227 ; his course in Canadian Parliament in rela- tion to question of, 228-232 Honours, i. 331, 332; ii. 236-240 Hopkins, Caleb, i. 77 House of Lord, ii. 234, 235 Howe, Joseph, railway negotiations, 1852, i. 108, 109 ; tierce opposition to Confederation, ii. 23 ; meeting with Dr. Tupper in London, 25, 26, with Sir John Macdonald in Halifax, 28-34, subsequent correspondence with Sir John Macdonald, 301-311 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed its President, 37 ; visits Fort Garry, 51, 52 ; lecture before Y.M.C.A., Ottawa, 151, 324 ; appointed Lieutenant- Governor of Nova Scotia, 155 ; his railway predictions, 162 n. Letters to, 28, 29 n., 301-306, 308, 309 ; letters from, 51, 52, 302, 303, 306- 308, 309-311 Howland, W. P., joins Macdonald- Sicotte Government, i. 243 ; becomes a member of the Macdonald- Brown Government, 273 ; member London Conference, 310 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Inland Revenue, 330 ; created C.B., 331 n. ; his version of the circum- stances that led to appointment of Messrs. Morris and Aikins to Cabinet office, ii. 68 n. ; appointed Lieutenant- Governor of Ontario, 16. Letters to, i. 289 ; ii. 68, 69 ; letter from, 69 Hudson's Bay Company, C. J. Draper's mission to England re, i. 163; cha- racter of Company's claim, ii. 40-42, negotiations for its extinction, 39, 40, 49 ; half-breed rising, '&. ; acceptance deed of surrender, '&. Huntingdon, L. S., moves for Committee of Inquiry into granting Canadian Pacific Railway contract (1873), ii. 164, 329 Imperial Federation, Sir John Mac- donald's views on, ii. 215 Intercolonial Railway, early history of, i. 106-108 ; negotiations for con- struction of, in 1857, 166, 167 ; legis- lation respecting, ii. 6, 7 ; selection of route (1868), 13, 14 "Inter-Imperial" trade, Sir John Macdonald's views on, ii. 216-219 "Joint authority" scheme of Mr. Brown, i. 220 Jones, D. Ford, defeats A. N. Richards in South Leeds, i. 254 Judicial appointments, Sir John Mac- donald's concern for, ii. 72-75 Kenny, Edward, sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Receiver- General, i. 330 ; administrator of the Government of Nova Scotia, ii. 79 Kingdom of Canada, the, i. 313 Kinloch, Harry, Sir John Macdonald's Private Secretary, 1878-1880, ii. 283 Knighthoods, Colonial, ii. 236 Knutsford, Lord, letters to, i. 312, 313 ; ii. 236 Laberge, C. J., Solicitor-General for Lower Canada in Brown- Dorion Administration, i. 189 ; quarrels with George Brown, 212-214 360 INDEX. La Fontaine, L. H., first Ministry, i. 26 ; second Ministry, 65 ; retirement from political life, 86 ; character, t&. Langevin, H. L., moves want of con- fidence motion against Brown-Dorion Administration, i. 190; Solicitor- General for Lower Canada in second Tache*- Macdonald Government, 256 ; member Confederation Conferences at Charlottetown, 267, at Quebec, 268, at London, 310 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Secretary of State of Canada, 330 ; announces Sir John Macdonald's death to the House of Commons, ii. 263 ; speech, 337, 338 Lansdowne, Marquis of, Sir John Mac- donald's opinion of, ii. 244 ; farewell letter from, 244, 245. Letters to, 238- 242 Laurier, Wilfrid, speech in House of Commons on occasion of Sir John Macdonald's death, ii. 339-342 Legislative Council, made elective, i. 163, 277 Lemieux, Francois, joins MacNab-Tache' Government, i. 134 ; member of the Brown-Dorion Administration, 189 Leslie, James, i. 65 Lieutenant Governors, powers of, i. 275, 297, 298, 354 ; precedence of, ii. 240- 242, of retired Governors, 241 Lisgar, Lord, Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, ii. 150. Letters to, 63, 83, 86, 87, 143-146, 156, 222-226, 297, 298 Local Legislatures, powers of, i. 269, 270, 272, 351-357, 382, 383, 389 Loranger, T. J. J., joins Macdonald- Cartier Administration, i. 169 Lome, Marquis of, Sir John Macdonald's relations with, ii. 244. Letters to, 229, 237, 240 Lysons, Colonel, C.B., member Militia Commission (1862), i. 236 M Macdonald, Alexander, i. 2 Macdonald, Annie, i. 2 Macdonald, Donald, i. 2 Macdonald, |Helen (Sir John Macdonald's mother), marriage, i. 2 ; Sir John's letters to, 12-15, 63, 160-162, 177, 178; death, 241 Macdonald, Hugh (Father of Sir John Macdonald), birth, i. 2 ; moves to Glas- gow, ib. ; emigrates to Canada, 3 ; business reverses, ib. ; death, ib. Macdonald, Hugh John, birth, i. 61, 64 Macdonald, Isabella (Sir John Mac- donald's aunt), i. 2 Macdonald, Isabella (Sir John Mac- donald's first wife). See Clark, Isa- bella. Macdonald, James, i. 3 Macdonald, Jane, i. 2 Macdonald, Jean, i. 2 Macdonald, John (grandfather of Sir John Macdonald), i. 1, 2 Macdonald, John Alexander, the Right Hon. Sir, birth, i. 3 ; parentage, ib. ; embarks for Canada, 6. ; boyhood, 4-6 ; youth, ib. ; studies law, 6, 7 ; admitted to practice, 8 ; first case in court, '&. ; serves in the Rebellion of 1837, t&. ; defence of Von Shoultz, 9-11 ; visits England, 12 ; letter to his mother, 12-15 ; forms a partnership with Mr. A. Campbell, 18 ; elected to Kingston City Council, ib. ; offered re- presentation of Kingston in the Legis- lative Assembly (1844), 32; British con- nection, ib., 71, 318, 319; ii. 220, 221, 290, 291, 336; first election address, ib. ; M.P.P. for Kingston, 34 ; first vote in Parliament, 36 ; first speech, 42 ; recommended by Mr. Draper for Cabinet office, 43 ; Lord Cathcart's opinion of, 44 ; joins the Draper Administration as Receiver General, 49 ; views on the Univer- sity question, 54 ; opinion of Bishop Strachan, ib. ; re-elected for Kingston, 59 ; resigns office, ib. ; private affairs, 60 ; first marriage, 61 ; liter ary tastes, t&. ; ii. 270, 271 ; home letters, 62- 65, 160-162, 216, 237, 284, 291, 316, 317, 318, 319; ii. 77; views on Rebellion Losses Bill, i. 66, 67 ; on the British America League, 71, 72 ; INDEX. 361 personal relations with Governors, 72, 133, 134 ; ii. 15, 16, 150 ; offers Chief Justiceship to Robert Baldwin, 85 ; general election (1851), 89, 90 ; opposition to Hincks-Morin Adminis- tration, 95, 116, 118; plan of cam- paign, 1854, 100-104; attitude towards the French Canadians, 222-224; ii. 248, 290 ; towards Sir Allan MacNab, i. 103, 151-154, 333, 334; action respecting aid to Grand Trunk Rail- way, 111, 230 ; coalition of 1854, 122- 128; becomes Attorney General Upper Canada, 122 ; views on Secularization of Clergy Reserves, 76, 96, 116, 128- 130; eulogy of Sir George Cartier, 135-137 ; opinion of Sir Francis Hincks, 139 ; ii. 151 ; quarrels with George Brown, i. 141 ; penitentiary charges, ib. ; passage at arms with Colonel Rankin, 142-145 ; resigns office, 156 ; views on double majority question, t'6. ; assists at formation of first Tache-Macdonald Administration, 157 ; visit to England (1857), 166 ; becomes Prime Minister, 167 ; recon- struction of Cabinet, 169 ; death of Mrs. Macdonald, 176 ; defeat on the seat of Government question, 186 ; resignation of Ministry, 187; return to office, 199; affair of the "Double Shuffle," 200-204; views on protec- tion, 42, 208, 209 ; ii. 200, 201, 288, 289 ; wish to retire, i. 177, 206, 256 ; ii. 20, 181 ; narrow escape from drown- ing, i. 215, 216 , tenders resignation of his office, 217 ; Orange difficulty in connection with Prince of Wales' visit, 224-228, 342, 343; general election (1861), 230, 231 ; views on Confedera- tion, 228, 229 ; on universal suffrage, 228, 247, 278; defeats Mr. Oliver Mowat in Kingston, 230, 231 ; corre- spondence with Chancellor Blake, 232, 233 ; defeat on Militia Bill, 236, 237 ; resignation, ib. ; death of his mother, 241 ; visits England (1862), ib. ; returns to Canada, 242 ; defeats Macdonald- Sicotte Administration, 245, 246 ; general election (1863), 249, 250; again returned for Kingston, 250 ; stumps Upper Canada against Macdonald- Dorion Government, 254, 255 ; en- sures its defeat, 255 ; again Attorney General, 255 ; second Tache'-Mac- donald Ministry defeated in Parliament, 257 ; deadlock, t'6. ; coalition with George Brown, 258, 344-350 ; acknow- ledgment of Mr. Brown's patriotic course, 259 n. ; efforts to secure election of William McDongall in North Ontario, 260-265 ; personal re- lations with Mr. Brown, 265 ; attends Confederation Conferences at Charlotte- town and Quebec, 267, 268, speech at latter, 268-270 ; " compact " with Dr. Tupper, 271, 272 ; opinion of Mr. Tilley, 273 ; views on exercise of par- doning power, 275 ; preference for a Legislative to a Federal Union, 275, 276 ; views on constitution of the Senate, 276, 277, 388, 389 ; ii. 235 ; of the House of Commons, i. 277, 278 ; on the franchise, 278 ; ii. 245- 247 ; visits England (1865), i. 282- 284; the Derby of 1865, 283 ; D.C.L. of Oxford, 284 ; invited by Lord Monck to form a Government on death of Sir E. P. Tache 1 , 285 ; renewal of coali- tion with Mr. Brown, 286, 362-368, its rupture, 287-290, 292-294 ; invites Mr. Howland to take Mr. Brown's place on tatter's resignation, 289, 290 ; correspondence, re Confederation, with Mr. Tilley, 296, 297, 305-309, 329, with Lord Monck, 299-303, 319, 320, 387, 389-392, with Lord Carnarvon, 388, 389 ; Fenian invasion, 295, 298, 309, 310, 327 ; elected chairman Lon- don Conference, 310 ; the Kingdom of Canada, 313 ; second marriage, 314, 315 ; first meeting with Miss Bernard, 315 ; first audience with the Queen, 318, 319 ; entrusted with formation of first Dominion Cabinet, 319, 320; loyal adherence to the Coalition, 322- 324 ; relations with political opponents, 232, 245, 246, 286, 325-327 ; Cabinet- making, 328-331 ; sworn of Privy Council and appointed Minister of Justice, 329; created K.C.B., 331; titles, 391, 392 ; ii. 331 ; views 362 INDEX. on tenure of Privy Councillor, ii. 3, 4; friendship for T. D. McGee, 8-13; the Intercolonial Railway route, 13-15; opposes reduction Governor General's salary, 15, 16 ; concern for success of new constitution, 19, 20, 298; thinks of entering Ontario Legislature, 20; visits Nova Scotia (1868), 28, 29 ; meeting with Mr. Howe, ib. ; report to Lord Monck of his mission, 29-34, subsequent correspondence with Mr. Howe, 301-311 ; views as to acquisi- tion of the North-West in 1865, 43, in 1867, 44 ; advice to Hon. William McDougall on his appointment as Lieutenant Governor North - West Territories, 62-55 ; opinion of Mr. McDongall's subsequent course, 59, 60 ; his views as to the origo mali, 52 ; declines to accept Territory until peace- able possession can be given, 56-58 ; introduces the Manitoba Bill into the House of Commons, 63 ; reconstruc- tion of Dominion Cabinet (1868-69), 65-70 ; entrance of Messrs. Morris and Aikins, 68 ; offers Sir Francis Hincks portfolio of Finance Minister, 70, 71 ; reasons therefor, 314-316 ; opinion of Mr. Gait's course, 71, 72 ; Sir John Macdonald as a law maker and law reformer, 72 ; introduces Supreme Court Bill, ib. ; character of his ap- pointments to the Bench, 73 ; offers Chancellorship of Ontario to Mr. Edward Blake, 75 ; illness of (1870), 76, 77 ; the fisheries question, 80-84 ; Treaty of AVashington, 1871, corre- spondence re, 85-140, 148, 149, 317- 323 ; opinion of American Statesmen, 126 n. ; of Sandfield Macdonald's de- feat, 142, 143 ; efforts to secure admis- sion into Union of British Columbia, 143-145 ; of Newfoundland, 145, 146 ; of Prince Edward Island, 146-148; general election of 1872, 150-153, 182 ; defeat and death of Sir George Cartier, 155-159 ; decorated by the King of Spain, 159 ; summoned to the Imperial Privy Council, 160 ; receives a testimonial from his admirers, ib. ; resolves on the construction of the Pacific Railway, 162; the Pacific "Scandal," 164-196; explanation of the prorogation on the 13th August, 1873, 167-173; letter to Lord Buffer- in, 174-189 ; speech in Parliament, 193, 194 ; resignation, 195 ; restora- tion to power, 202 ; the National Policy, 200-203 ; visit to England (1879), 203 ; estimate of English states- men, ib. ; sworn of the Imperial Privy Council, 6. ; visit to Hughenden, 204- 206 ; letter to Lord Beaconsfield, 207- 209 ; offer of G.C.B., 209 ; visits the Queen at Windsor Castle, 210 ; visit to Sandringham, 211; dinner at the Beaconsfield Club, ib. ; banquet at the Empire Club, ib. ; offer of LL.D. from Cambridge University, 212 n. ; the Canadian Cardinal, 212, 213 ; Im- perial Federation, 214-216 ; inter-Im- perial trade, 215-219, correspondence with Right Hon. W. H. Smith re, 217, 218 ; Home Rule for Ireland, 221- 227 ; Bicameral system, 233, 234 ; House of Lords,234,235 ; divorce,6. ; honours, 236-240 ; precedence, 240-242, 330, 331 ; office of Governor General, 242, 243 ; female suffrage, 247 ; Manitoba Separate Schools, 248, 249 ; charges of corruption, 250-253; newspaper calum- nies, 253-255 ; visit to Prince Edward Island, 256 ; to Nova Scotia, ib. ; to New Brunswick, ib. ; general election (1891), 257, 258 ; last address to the people of Canada, 332-336; failing health, 258, 259 ; last illness, 260 ; death, 261 ; universal mourning, 262 ; the Queen's letter, ib. ; state funeral, 263, 264 ; unveiling of bust in St. Paul's Cathedral, 264; Sir John in his office, 268 ; home life, 269, 270 ; affection for his daughter, ib. ; amuse- ments, ib. ; Parliamentary dinners, 271 ; anecdotes, 272, 273; birthday obser- vances, 273-276 ; physical courage, 276, 277 ; devotion of his followers, 277 ; Kingston associations, 278 ; re- semblance to Lord Beaconsfield, 279, 280; " Old To-morrow," 280; "no resentments," 281, 282 ; private secre- taries, 282, 283 ; Sir John in Parlia- INDEX. 363 ment, 284-286 ; his political consist- ency, 287-291 ; graver moments, 292, 293 ; character, 294, 295 Macdonald, John A. (infant son of Sir John Macdonald), i. 61, 62 Macdonald, John Sandfield, elected Speaker Legislative Assembly, i. 91 ; speech, prorogation, of June, 1854, 119; declines seat in Macdonald-Cartier Government, 180 ; member Brown- Dorion Administration, 189 ; forms alliance with Mr. Sicotte, 229 ; Prime Minister, 243 ; defeat of his Govern- ment, 246 ; reconstruction, 246-248 ; resigns office, 255 ; opposes confedera- tion, 271, 279; first Premier of Ontario, ii. 20 ; his administration, ib. ; dissolution of Ontario Legislature, 141 ; defeat of his Government, 142. Letter to, i. 179 Macdonald, Lady, marriage, i. 314, 315 ; her devotion to Sir John Macdonald during illness of (1870), ii. 76, 78 ; letter to the Queen, 263 ; ennoble- ment, ib. See also Bernard, Miss ; also Macdonald of Earnscliife. Macdonald, Louisa (sister of Sir John Macdonald), , birth, i. 3 ; letters to, 284, 291, 316-319 Macdonald, Margaret (sister of Sir John Macdonald, wife of Professor William- son), birth, i. 3; letters to, 62-65, 176, 177, 216, 237; ii. 77 Macdonald of Earnscliife, the Baroness, Introduction by, i. v vii Macdonald, William (uncle of Sir John Macdonald), i. 2 Macdonald, William (brother of Sir John Macdonald), i. 3 Macdonell, A. J. (partner of Sir John Macdonald), ii. 76 Macdonnell, Sir Richard Graves, Lieu- tenant Governor of Nova Scotia, Dr. Tupper's letter to, re Confederation, i. 358-361 Mackenzie, Alexander, first elected to Parliament, i. 231 ; offered a portfolio in coalition Government in 1865, 290 ; relations with Sir John Macdonald, 325, 326 ; leader of opposition in House of Commons, ii. 18 ; rumour of his entering the Dominion 1 Cabinet in 1868, 67 n. ; Prime Minister of Canada, 195 Mackenzie, George, i. 6 ; letter from, 7 Mackenzie, William Lyon, i. Ill ; de- claration that Clergy Reserves were the principal cause of rebellion in Upper Canada, i. 125, 219 MacNab, Sir Allan, elected Speaker Legislative Assembly (1844), i. 36 ; Mr. Macdonald's loyalty to, 103, 151- 154 ; forms coalition Government (1854), 122, 123 ; forms MacNab- Tache' Administration, 134; retires from Premiership, 157 ; elected Speaker Legislative Council, 235, 236. Letters from, 333, 334 Macpherson, D. L., his connection with Canadian Pacific Railway, ii. 177-190 Macpherson, L. P., i. 7 Macpherson, Mrs. John, ii. 279 McDonald, Hugh, M.P., sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Militia, ii. 155 McDonald, James, M.P., member Cana- dian Pacific Railway Committee, ii. 165 ; Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, 192 McDougall, William, one of the leaders of the Clear-Grit Party, i. 77 ; Com- missioner of Crown Lands in Mac- donald-Sicotte Administration, 243 ; coalesces with Mr. Macdonald, 260 ; member Confederation Conferences at Chariottetown, 267, at Quebec, 268, at London, 310 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Public Works, 330; created C.B., 331 n. ; appointed Lieutenant Gover- nor of the North- West Territories, ii. 49 ; attempts to enter the terri- tory, ib.; stopped at frontier, ib. ; assumes the functions of Lieutenant Governor, 59 ; Sir John Macdonald's advice to, 52-55. Letters to, i. 262 ; ii. 52-56 ; letters from, i. 288 McGee, Thomas d'Arcy, joins Mac- donald - Sicotte Government, i. 243 ; quarrels with Sandfield Macdonald, 248 ; allies himself with Mr. John A. Macdonald, 254 ; becomes Minister of 364 INDEX. Agriculture in the second Tach-Mac- donald Administration, 256 ; member Confederation Conferences at Charlotte- town, 267, at Quebec, 268 ; waives his right to a seat in the first Dominion Cabinet, 330, 331 ; his assassination, ii. 7-13. Letters from, ii. 8, n., 11 n. McGill, Peter, appointed Speaker Legis- lative Council, i. 61 McMullen, G. TV., his connection with the granting of first Canadian Pacific Railway charter, ii. 169, 170 McTavish, William, Governor Hudson's Bay Company, ii. 50, 64 Manahan, Anthony, opposes Mr. Mac- donald in Kingston election (1844), i. 34 Manitoba, establishment of Province of, ii. 63, 64 Manitoba School Question, Sir John Macdonald's views on, ii. 248, 249 Manning, Cardinal, letters indicating appointment of Canadian Cardinal, ii. 213 Mayo, Earl of, reasons for declining office Governor-General of Canada, ii. 17 Metcalfe, Sir Charles, history, i. 27; arrival in Canada, 28 ; assumes the functions of Governor- General, ib. ; administration,28-31, 38, 39 ; ennoble- ment, 38, 39 ; returns to England, 16. ; death, ib. Militia Bill of 1862, defeat of Cartier- Macdonald Government on, i. 236, 237 Mitchell, Peter, selection of, by Mr. Tilley as his colleague from New Brunswick, i. 329 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Marine and Fisheries, 330 ; extract from letter to, ii. 14 Monarchical idea, should be fostered in Canada, ii. 236 Monck, Viscount, assumes the Govern- ment of Canada, i. 231 ; impatience at slow progress of Confederation negotia- tions, 299-303, 372, 373; entrusts Mr. Macdonald with formation of first Dominion Cabinet, 319, 320 ; resigns office of Governor-General, ii. 17 ; Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, 15 16. Letters to, i. 300-302 ; ii. 29-34, 153 ; letters from, i. 285, 286, 299, 300, 302, 303, 319, 320, 387, 389, 390 Morin, A. N., member of first La Fontaine-Baldwin Government, i. 26 ; joins Hincks's Government, 87 ; co- alesces with Sir Allan MacNab, 123 ; retires from political life, 134 Morris, Alexander, his share in the negotiations which led to the coalition of 1864, i. 344 ; ii. 68 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Inland Revenue, 68 ; appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba, 155. Letter from, ii. 67 ; letter to, 71 Morris, James, Postmaster General, i. 87 ; speaker of the Legislative Council, 189 ; Receiver General, 243 Morris, William, accepts office under Sir Charles Metcalfe, i. 30 ; invites Mr. Macdonald to join the Draper Cabinet, 48 Morrison, J. C., joins MacNab-Tache Government, i. 154 ; fails to secure his re-election, 174; resigns office, 180 ; re-enters the Cabinet, 231 ;. remains a Minister for two years, without a seat in the Legislature, 16. ; retires from political life, 233 Mowat, Oliver, studies law with Mr. Macdonald, i. 8 ; enters Parliament, 174 ; member Brown-Dorion Adminis- tration, 189 ; contests Kingston with Mr. Macdonald, 230 ; member Mac- donald- Dorion Administration, 248 ; coalesces with Mr. Macdonald, 260 ; member Quebec Conference, 268 ; becomes Vice-Chancellor of Ontario, 273 ; letter to, re pardoning power, 275 Murdoch, Sir Clinton, ii. 63 Musgrave, Anthony, Governor of New- foundland, ii. 144 ; appointed Gover- nor of British Columbia on Sir John Macdonald's suggestion, ib. N National policy, Sir John Macdonald's early allusion to, ii. 289 ; inauguration of the, 200-203 INDEX. 365 Nelson, Dr., i. 34 Nelson, Judge, American Commissioner Joint High Commission (1871), ii. 88 Newcastle, Duke of, accompanies Prince of Wales to Canada (1860), i. 224-226 Newfoundland, Confederation negotia- tions with, ii. 145, 146 Northcote, Sir Stafford, description of Sir John Macdonald, ii. 64 ; course throughout negotiations Treaty of "Washington, 106, 112, 113; letter re Lord Dufferin, 243, 244 North- West Territory, negotiations for its acquisition by Canada, ii. 39, 40, 49 ; Hudson's Bay Company's divisions of, 40-42 ; Hon. William McDougall's abortive attempt to enter, 52-61 ; trans- fer to the Dominion, 64 Nova Scotia, pacification of in 1868, ii. 22-37, 299-311 O'Connor, John, sworn of the Privy Council and appointed its President, ii. 155 ; becomes Postmaster General, ib. Ogden, C. R., i. 23 Ontario Government, organization of, . under John Sandfield Macdonald, first general election, ii. 141 ; change of Administration, 142, 143 Orange dissatisfaction over Prince of Wales's visit in 1860, i. 224-228, 342, 343 Ottawa, selection of, as capital, i. 185 ; removal seat of Government to, 291 Oxford University confers degree of D.C.L. on Sir John Macdonald, i. 284 Papineau, D. B., accepts office under Sir Charles Metcalfe, i. 30 Pardoning power, seat of, i. 275 Parker, T. S., M.P., ii. 12 Parliament buildings at Ottawa, vote for construction of, i. 165 ; Mr. Brown's views of, 266 Patience, the game of, ii. 269; the quality of, 281 Patton, James, Solicitor General, West, in Cartier-Macdonald Government, i. 235 Penny, E. G., relations of, with Sir John Macdonald, i. 326, 327 Perry, Peter, i. 77 Piche', E. A., i. 186, 188 Ploughboy, steamer, accident to, i. 215, 216 Plumb, J. B., lines from, ii. 274, 275 Polette, Antoine, member Canadian Pacific Eailway Commission (1873), ii. 174 Pope, James C., member Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties, i. 292 ; Premier of Prince Edward Island, ii. 146, 147 Pope, John Henry, Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, ii. 71 n. ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Agriculture, 6. Portman, Hon. Maurice, letter from, on feeling in England over defeat of Militia Bill, in 1862, i. 242 Powell, Dr. R. W., Sir John Macdonald's physician, ii. 261 Precedence, Sir John Macdonald's views and suggestions re, ii. 240-242, 330- 331 Price, J. H., Commissioner of Crown Lands in second La Fontaine- Baldwin Administration, i. 65 ; speech on Clergy Reserves question, 80 Prince Edward Island, admission of, into Confederation, ii. 146-148 ; Sir John Macdonald's visits to, in 1870, 77 ; in 1890, 256 Prince of Wales, visit to Canada (1860), i. 224-228; reference to Sir John Macdonald. ii. 211 Privy Council of Great Britain, Sir John Macdonald summoned to, ii. 159, 160 ; sworn a member of, 203 Privy Council, formation of Canadian, i. 329-331 Privy Councillors, tenure of office of, ii. 3, 4 ; suggested title of, i. 391 ; ii. 3,4 Protection, Sir John Macdonald's views 366 INDEX. on question of, i. 208, 209 ; ii. 200, 201, 288, 289 Punch, lines on " Old To-morrow," ii. 280 Quebec Conference (1864), i. 268, 351- 354 Queen, Her Majesty the, Sir John Mac- donald's first audience with, i. 318, 319 ; gracious inquiries of, on occasion of Sir John Macdonald's last illness, ii. 262 ; letter to Lady Macdonald, ib. E Eailways, Canadian, early history of, i. 106-111 Ramsay, Thomas, letter from, i. 7 Rankin, Colonel, quarrel with Mr. Mac- donald, i. 142-145 Rebellion Losses question, i. 57, 58, 64- 69 ; disturbances arising out of, 67, 68, 125 Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, its negotia- tion, i. Ill ; ratification, 128; termi- nation, 292 ; ii. 81 Red River Settlement, description of, ii. 41, 42 Reform Conventions, in 1857, i. 166 ; in 1859, 219, 220 ; in 1867, 320-322 Representation by population, question of, i. 98, 155, 166, 170, 191, 211, 212, 219, 220, 228, 234 Richards, A. N. , Solicitor General Upper Canada, in Macdonald-Dorion Admin- istration, i. 254 ; defeat of, ib. ; selec- tion of, as legal adviser to Hon. William McDougall on latter's ap- pointment to Lieutenant -Governor North -West Territories, ii. 69 Richards, W. B., Attorney-General Upper Canada, Hincks-Morin Government, i. 87 Riel, Louis, ii. 63, 62, 291 Ritchie, J. W., member Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties, i. 292 Robinson, J. B., President of the Execu- | tive Council in Cartier - Macdonald Government, i. 235 Robinson, W. B., Inspector General under Sir Charles Metcalfe, i. 36, 37 Robitaille, Theodore, sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Receiver-Gene- ral, ii. 155 Rolph, John, i. 77 ; joins Hincks-Morin Government, 87 Rose, John, accompanies Mr. Macdonald to England (1857), i. 166; becomes Solicitor-General for Lower Canada, 169 ; enters Cartier-Macdonald Govern- ment, 201 ; candidate for Speakership first House of Commons, ii. 6 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Finance, 65, 66 ; resigns, 70; suggested appointment as Joint High Commissioner (1871), 86; Sir John Macdonald's opinion of, 66. Letters to, 59-62, 71, 72, 138, 139, 148, 149, 151, 154, 189, 190; letter from, 327, 328 Rosebery, Lord, his interest in Sir John Macdonald's speech on the Canadian Pacific Railway Scandal, ii. 193 n. ; unveils bust of Sir John Macdonald in St. Paul's, 264, 265 Ross, John, joins MacNab-Morin Govern- ment, i. 123 ; appointed Speaker Legislative Council, t'6. ; resigns, 154 ; joins Cartier-Macdonald Government (1858), 182. Letters from, 148-151 Souge, Le Parti, formation of, i. 79 Rupert's Land, acquisition of, by Canada, ii. 64 8 Salaberry, Colonel Charles, mission to Red River (1869-70), ii. 61 Salisbury, Marquis of, speech at Has- tings on " inter- Imperial " trade (1892), ii. 218, 219 n. San Juan Island, case of, ii. 102, 120, 131 Schenck, General, American Commis- sioner Joint High Commission (1871), ii. 88 Scott (Red River) murder, ii. 62, 79, 80 INDEX. 367 Seat of Government, removal from Kingston to Montreal, i. 33 ; from Montreal to Toronto, 70 ; from Toronto to Quebec, 207 ; dates of various changes of, 70 u. ; Mr. Macdonald's efforts on behalf of Kingston, 70, 162 ; selection of, left to Her Majesty, 165 ; announcement that Ottawa had been chosen, 185 ; discussions in Parlia- ment, 138, 155, 165, 185, 186, 207 Seigniorial tenure, explanation of, i. 111-114; abolition of, 130, 131; " Casual rights," 212-214 Selborne, Earl of, on the House of Lords, ii. 234, 235 Senate, constitution of, i. 275 ; Sir John Macdonald's views on, 276, 277, 388, 389 ; ii. 235 Senators, knighthoods suggested for, i. 391, 392 Separate Schools, Sir John Macdonald's views with respect to question of, i. 138, 170-172; ii. 248 Seymour, Governor, of British Columbia, opposes Confederation, ii. 144 ; death of, ib. n. Seymour, Vice- Admiral, ii. 83 n. Shaw, Helen. See Macdonald, Helen. Shaw, James, i. 2, 3 Shaw, William, i. 2 Shea, Ambrose, member Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties, i. 292 n. Sherman, General, ii. 89 Sherwood, George, joins Cartier-Mac- donald Government, i. 201 Sherwood, Henry, i. 26, 45 ; becomes Attorney General Upper Canada, 51 Short Administration, the, formation of, i. 185-189, 337-341 ; resignation of, 195 Sicotte, L. V., joins Hincks-Morin Government, i. 114; resigns, ib. ; elected Speaker House of Assembly, 121 ; becomes a member of the Mac- donald- Cartier Government, 169 ; goes into Opposition, 207 ; forms an alliance with Sandfield Macdonald, 229, 243 ; forced out of the letter's Government, 248 ; appointed to the Bench, 253 Simpson, John, Provincial Secretary in second Tache- Macdonald Administra- tion, i. 256 ; resigns therefrom, 260 Small, J. E., enters the Government under Sir Charles Bagot, i. 26 Smith, Donald A., mission to Eed River, ii. 61, 129, 191 Smith, Frank, member C. P. Railway Board of Directors (1873), ii. 191 Smith, Professor Goldwin, charge against Sir John Macdonald respecting Irish Question, ii. 228 ; refuted out of his own mouth, 231 Smith, Henry, Speaker of Legislative Assembly, i. 182; letter from, 211 ; letter to, 142, 143 Smith, H. W., delegate from Nova Scotia to England, to oppose Confederation, ii. 23 Smith, James, Attorney General, Lower Canada, under Sir Charles Metcalfe, i. 30 ; retires from the Government, 47 Smith, Sidney, Postmaster General in Macdonald- Cartier and subsequent Administrations, i. 180 ; defeated at general election (1861), 231 ; elected to Legislative Council, #. Smith, Right Hon. W. H., correspondence with Sir John Macdonald, re com- mercial relations between England and Canada, ii. 217, 218 Spanish Order of Isabel la Catolica, Sir John Macdonald offered the, ii. 159 Spelling English, Sir John Macdonald's views on, ii. 268, 349 Spence, Robert, joins MacNab-Morin Government, i. 123 ; defeat, 174 ; resignation, 180; letter from, 218, 219 Stanley of Preston, Lady, ii. 245 Stanley of Preston, Lord, Governor General, ii. 245 Stanmore, Lord. See Gordon, Sir Arthur. Stephen, George, letter to, ii. 289 Stisted, Major General, appointed first Lieutenant Governor of Ontario, ii. 19 Strachan, Captain, letter to, on political prospects in February, 1884, i. 102- 104 Strachan, Right Rev. John, Bishop of Toronto, i. 54, 55 Stuart, Charles, i. 64 368 INDEX. Sullivan, Dr., Sir John Macdonald's Kingston physician, ii. 258, 261 Sullivan, R. B., memher of Lord Syden- ham's Administration, i. 23 ; of second La Fontaine-Baldwin Government, 65 Supreme Court, bill establishing, drafted by Sir John Macdonald, ii. 72 Sydenham, Lord, arrival in Canada, i. 22 ; Administration, 23-26 ; death, 26 Tache", Bishop, mission to Eed River, ii. 62 ; letters of instructions from Sir John Macdonald, 312, 313 Tache", E. P. , member second La Fontaine- Baldwin Administration, i. 65 ; joins MacNab-Morin Government, 123 ; assists in formation of MacNab-Tache Government, 134; becomes Prime Minister, 157 ; resigns, 167 ; his opinion of Mr. Brown, 176 ; again Prime Minister, 255 ; chairman Quebec Conference, 268 ; death, 285 ; letters from, 175, 176, 285 Talbot, Colonel, ii. 272, 273 Taschereau, Archbishop, created Cardi- nal, ii. 213 ; precedence of, 241, 242 Taschereau, J. A., Solicitor General Lower Canada, in Draper Administra- tion, i. 40 Tenterden, Lord, member Joint High Commission (1871), ii. 102, 108 Terrill, T. L., joins first Tache'-Mac- donald Government, i. 157 ; resigns therefrom, 169 Tessier, J. U., member Macdonald - Sicotte Government, i. 243 Testimonial to Sir John Macdonald, ii. 160 Thibaudeau, Isidore, member Mac- donald-Dorion Administration, i. 248 Thibaudeau, J. E., member Brown - Dorion Administration, i. 189 Thibault, Very Rev. M., mission to Red River, ii. 61 Thompson, David, i. 82 Thompson, Right Hon. Sir John, last visit to Sir John Macdonald, ii. 260 ; speech at unveiling of Hamilton Monument, 345-348 Thomson, C. E. Poulett. See Lord Sydenham. Thornton, Sir Edward, Her Majesty's Minister at Washington (1871), ii. 107 Tilley, S. L., Sir John Macdonald's friendship with, i. 272, 273 ; cor- respondence re Confederation, 296, 297, 305-309, 329; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed Minister of Customs, 330 ; created C.B., 331 n.; reports conversation with Mr. Howe, ii. 27, 28 ; succeeds Sir Francis Hincks as Finance Minister, 155 ; recommended for K.C.M.G. in 1872, 237 Times, the, on " inter-Imperial " trade, ii. 216, 217 Titles of honour and precedence, Sir John Macdonald's suggestions re, i. 391, 392 Todd, Alpheus, suggestion as to Supreme Court, ii. 72 n. Treaty of Washington (1871), negotia- tions, ii. 85-140 ; ratification by Canadian Parliament, 140, 149 Trent affair, i. 236 Troop, J. C., delegate from Nova Scotia to England on Anti- Confederate Mission, ii. 23 Trutch, Joseph W., efforts on behalf of Confederation, ii. 145 ; Sir John Mac- donald's estimate of, ib. n. Tupper, Charles, "compact" with Mr. Macdonald, i. 271, 273; letter to Lieutenant Governor MacDonnell re Confederation, 358-361 ; waives his claim to seat in first Dominion Cabinet, 330, 331; created C.B., 331 n. ; visits England on Nova Scotia question in 1868, ii. 24-26 ; conference with Mr. Howe, 25, 26 ; declines chair- manship Intercolonial Railway Com- mission, 26 ; his idea of party loyalty, 24, 25 ; visits North-West during troubles of 1869, 61 ; sworn of the Privy Council and appointed its Presi- dent, 79 ; appointed Minister of Inland Revenue, 155 ; Minister of Customs, j'6. ; views on " inter-Imperial " trade INDEX. 369 question, 216 ; recommended for K.C.M.G. in 1872, 237. Letters to, i. 271, 272, 328; ii. 12, 15, 16, 25, 88-133. Letter from, ii. 25, 26 Union between Upper and Lower Canada, i. 22, 23 Universal suffrage, Sir John Mac- donald's opposition to, i. 228, 278, ii. 247 University question, Upper Canada, i. 54, 55, 72 Yankoughnet, P. M., President of the Executive Council, and Minister of Agriculture in first Tache-Macdonald Administration, i. 157 ; Commissioner of Crown Lands in Cartier-Macdonald Ministry, 201 ; appointed Chancellor of Ontario, 233 ; death, ii. 75. Letter from, i. 226, 227 ; letter to, ii. 74 Yiger, D. B., accepts office under Sir Charles Metcalfe, i. 30 ; retires from the Cabinet, 45 Viger, L. M., Receiver General in second La Fontaine-Baldwin Administration, i. 65 ; resigns office, i. 70 Von Shoultz, case of, i. 9-11 W Wallbridge, Lewis, elected Speaker Legislative Assembly, i. 252 Watkin, E. W., i. 247; letters to, re acquisition of North-West, ii. 43 Weldon, Professor, M.P., ii. 266 Westbury, Lord, ii. 235 White, Frederick, secretary to Sir John Macdonald (1880-1883), ii. 283 Wicksteed, Gustavus, lines on death of Sir John Macdonald, ii. 265 Wilkins, Martin I., anti-confederate speech in Nova Scotia House of Assembly, ii. 36 Wilkison, W. H., i. 174 n. Williams, Senator, American Com- missioner Joint High Commission (1871), ii. 88 Williamson, Mrs. See Macdonald, Margaret. Williamson, Professor, ii. 278, 279 Wilmot, R. D., member Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties, i. 292 Wilson, Adam, Solicitor General Upper Canada,Macdonald-Sicotte Administra- tion, i. 243 ; letter to, ii. 239 Wilson, John, i. 126 Wiman, Erastus, letter to, ii. 286, 287 Wolseley, Colonel, commands Red tiiver expedition, ii. 63 ; applies for office Lieutenant Governor of Manitoba, 64 Woman's Right to the franchise, ii. 247 Young, Sir John, circumstances of ap- pointment as Governor General, ii. 1 7, 18. See Lisgar, Lord. Young, John, Chief Commissioner of Public Works in Hincks - Morin Government, i. 87 ; ii. 173 PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES. VOL. II. 2 B 37, BEDFORD STREET, STRAND, LONDON, W.C. SELECTIONS FROM MR. EDWARD ARNOLD'S LIST, THE LIFE AND LETTERS OP MARIA EDGEWORTH. Edited by AUGUSTUS J. C. HARE, Author of "Memorials of a Quiet Life." "The Story of Two Noble Lives," etc. Two vols., crown 8vo., cloth, 16a. net. THE RECOLLECTIONS OF THE DEAN OF SALISBURY. By the Very Rev. G. D. BOYLE, Dean of Salisbury. One vol., demy 8vo., cloth, 16. With Photogravure Portrait. ALPHONSE DAUDET. A BIOGRAPHICAL AND CRITICAL STUDY. By ROBERT H. SHERARD, Editor of " The Memoirs of Baron Meneval," etc. One vol., demy 8vo., cloth, 15s. SELECT ESSAYS OF SAINTE BEUVE, CHIEFLY BEARING ON ENGLISH LITERATURE. Translated by A. J. BUTLER, Translator of "The Memoirs of Baron Marbot,'* and late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. One vol., 8vo., cloth, 5s. net. WORKS BY THE DEAN OF ROCHESTER. (THE VERY REV. S. REYNOLDS HOLE.) MORE MEMORIES: Being Thoughts upon England spoken in America. By DEAN HOLE. One vol., demy 8vo., cloth. 16. The wide popularity of " The Memories of Dean Hole " ensures a cordial welcome to this further volume of " Reminiscences," by the Dean of Rochester. The Dean again has much that is instructive and amusing to say on many subjects on Art, on Sport, on Horticulture, and on matters Ecclesiastical. A LITTLE TOUR IN IRELAND. By AN OXONIAN. With nearly forty Illustrations by JOHN LEECH, including the famous steel Frontispiece of the " Claddugh." Large imperial IGnio., handsomely bound, gilt top, IDs. Gd. ADDRESSES TO WORKING MEN FROM PULPIT AND PLATFOBM. One vol., crown 8 vo., G. THE MEMORIES OF DEAN HOLE. With the original Illustrations from sketches by LEECH and THACKERAY. Twelfth Thousand. One vol., crown 8vo., Gs. A BOOK ABOUT THE GARDEN AND THE GARDENER. With steel plate Frontispiece by JOHN LEECH. Second Edition, crown. 8vo., 6. A BOOK ABOUT ROSES. Twentieth Thousand. Crown 8vo., cloth, 2. Gti. Selections from Mr. Edward Arnold's List. THE BRITISH MISSION TO UGANDA IN 1893. By the late Sir GERALD PORTAL, K.C.M.G. Edited by EENNELL RODD, C.M.G. With an Introduction by the Eight Hon. Lord CROMER. Illustrated from Photographs taken during the Expedition by Colonel RHODES, with a Portrait by the Marchioness of GRANBY. One vol., demy 8vo., cloth, One Guinea. "The subject of Uganda has for the first time been made attractive to the general reader." Timet. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. MY MISSION TO ABYSSINIA. By the late Sir GERALD H. PORTAL, C.B. With Map and Illustrations. Demy 8vo., 15. SEVENTY YEARS OF IRISH LIFE. Being the Recollections of W. R. LE FANU. Third Edition, one vol., demy 8vo., 16. With Portraits of the Author and J. SHERIDAN LE FANU. " It will delight all readers English and Scotch no less than Irish, Nationalists no less than Unionists, Roman Catholics no less than Orangemen." Times. Cheap Edition. Eighth Thousand. RIDING RECOLLECTIONS AND TURF STORIES. By HENRY CUSTANCE, Thrioe Winner of the Derby. One vol., 8vo., cloth, 2. 6d. "An admirable sketch of turf history during a very interesting period, well and humorously written." Sport ing Life. POPULAR EDITION. With a Prefatory Chapter on Egypt in 1894 by the Author. ENGLAND IN EGYPT. By ALFRED MILNER, Formerly Under-Secretary for Finance in Egypt. Fifth Edition. Large crown 8vo., with Map, cloth, Is. 6d. "An admirable book which should be read by those who have at heart the honour of England." Timet. ' No journalist or public man ought to be permitted to write or speak about Egypt for the next live years unless he can solemnly declare that he had read it from cover to cover." Daily Chronicle. WILD FLOWERS IN ART AND NATURE. By J. C. L. SPARKES, Principal of the National Art Training School, South Kensington, and F. W. BURBIDGE, Curator of the University Botanical Gardens, Dublin. With twenty-one beautiful Coloured Plates of Flowers from water-colours specially drawn for the work by Mr. H. G. MOON. In a- handsome binding specially designed by Sir JOHN STIRLING MAXWELL, Bart. One vol., royal quarto, cloth, gilt edges, 21. This splendid volume was issued in six parts during the year 1894. COMMON-SENSE COOKERY For English Households, based upon Modern English and Continental Principles, with Menus for Little Dinners worked out in Detail. By A. KENNEY HERBERT (" Wyveru "), Don of the Order of the Cordon-Rouge, and Author of " Fifty Breakfasts," etc. One vol., large crown 8vo., cloth, It. 6d. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. FIFTY BREAKFASTS. Containing a great variety of new and simple Recipes for Breakfast Dishes. By Colonel KENNEY HERBERT (" Wy vern "), Author of " Culinary Jottings," etc. Small 8vo., cloth, 2. 6d. LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD, 37, BEDFORD STREET, STRAND, W.C. to tijr infcia Office. Mr. EDWARD ARNOLD'S AUTUMN LIST OF > JFortfuomtng AND EDITIONS. 1894. MEMOIR OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD, G.C.B., First Prime Minister of the Dominion of Canada. By JOSEPH POPE. With an Introduction by the Baroness MACDONALD of Earnscliffe. Two vols., demy 8vo., cloth, 323. With two Portraits of Sir JOHN A. MACDONALD. These two volumes contain the authoritative record of Sir John Macdonald's life. Mr. Joseph Pope, the eminent Canadian bar- rister, who was present for the Dominion of Canada at the Behring Sea Arbitration, was for many years private secretary to, and an intimate friend of, Sir John Macdonald ; and it was in accordance with Sir John's own directions that Lady Macdonald requested Mr. Pope to undertake the work of writing her husband's life, and put at his disposal a large collection of letters and papers which Sir John had carefully preserved. Mr. Pope has made free use of this correspondence, and some valuable appendices accompany each volume. A study of the life and policy of Sir John Mac- donald, who for some forty years was the predominant influence in Colonial politics, and to whose genius the Dominion of Canada is in the main due, is essential to anyone who desires to be con- versant with the affairs and history of Greater Britain, and these Memoirs a faithful and authoritative record of the political and private life of the ' Colonial Beaconsfield' may fairly claim to be the most important work on Colonial politics hitherto published. LONDON : EDWARD ARNOLD, 37 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND. IJubltshrr to the Enfoia aire, Artistique Illustre'e. D6die aux filles de France. A monthly Magazine containing original articles by the best French writers, specially intended for the perusal of young people, is. monthly ; annual subscription, including postage, 145. 16 Mr. Edward Arnold's Autumn List of Cheap Edition. Eighth Thousand. RIDING RECOLLECTIONS AND TURF STORIES. By HENRY CUSTANCE, Thrice Winner of the Derby. One vol., 8vo., cloth, 2s. 6d. ' An admirable sketch of turf history during a very interesting period, well and humorously written.' Sporting Life. VOLUMES OF REMINISCENCES. SEVENTY YEARS OF IRISH LIFE. Being the Recol- lections of W. R. LE FANU. Third Edition, one vol., demy 8vo., i6s. With Portraits of the Author and J. SHERIDAN LE FANU. ' It will delight all readers English and Scotch no less than Irish, Nationalists no less than Unionists, Roman Catholics no less than Orangemen.' Times. RECOLLECTIONS OF LIFE AND WORK. Being the Autobiography of LOUISA TWINING. One vol., 8vo., cloth, 155. With Two Portraits of the Author. 1 There is much to interest our readers in this autobiography. Miss Twining looks back over her work and the changes that have passed over society with the calm reflection won by long experience.' Guardian. ECHOES OF OLD COUNTY LIFE. Recollections of Sport, Society, Politics, and Farming in the Good Old Times. By J. K. FOWLER, of Aylesbury. Second Edition, with numerous Illustrations, 8vo. , IDS. 6d. ** Also a large-paper edition, of 200 copies only, 2is. net. 'A very entertaining volume of reminiscences, full of good stories.' Truth. THE MEMORIES OF DEAN HOLE. With the original Illustrations from sketches by LEECH and THACKERAY. New Edition, twelfth thousand, one vol., crown 8vo., 6s. 'One of the most delightful collections of reminiscences that this generation has seen.' Daily Chronicle. STUDENT AND SINGER. The Reminiscences of CHARLES SANTLEY. New Edition, crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. ' A treasury of delightful anecdote about artists, as well as of valuable pronouncements upon art." Globe. New and Forthcoming Books and Editions. 17 THE BRITISH MISSION TO UGANDA IN 1893. By the late Sir GERALD PORTAL, K.C.M.G. Edited by RENNELL ROOD, C.M.G. With an Introduction by the Right Hon. Lord CROMER. Illustrated from Photographs taken during the Expedition by Colonel RHODES, with a Portrait by the Marchioness of GRANBY. One vol., demy 8vo., cloth, One Guinea. ' The subject of Uganda has for the first time been made attractive to the general reader.' Times. ' In a word, his description of the expedition is one of the most deeply in- teresting records of East Africa ever written. The numerous illustrations in it are very well executed ; and there is an excellent map of the route to, and the countries surrounding Uganda. No one who wants to understand the East African problem can afford to neglect this book.' Daily News. ' For Mr. Rodd's memoir and editing there can wait nothing but the fullest gratitude. It is a valuable monograph of an expert on countries and questions vital to British interests. Even more, perhaps, than the dead diplomatist's official report, this book is at present our most valuable document for the decision of the problems of British East Africa.' Pall Mall Gazette. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. MY MISSION TO ABYSSINIA. By the late Sir GERALD H. PORTAL, C.B. With Map and Illustrations. Demy 8vo., 153. WORKS BY RENNELL RODD, C.M.G. POEMS IN MANY LANDS. Crown 8vo., cloth, 5 s. FED A, with other Poems, chiefly Lyrical. With an Etching by HARPER PENNINGTON. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. THE UNKNOWN MADONNA, and Other Poems. With a Frontispiece by W. B. RICHMOND, A.R.A. Crown 8vo. , cloth, 55. THE VIOLET CROWN, AND SONGS OF ENGLAND. With a Frontispiece by the MARCHIONESS OF GRANBY. Crown 8vo., cloth, 55. THE CUSTOMS AND LORE OF MODERN GREECE. With seven full-page Illustrations by TRISTRAM ELLIS. 8vo., cloth, 8s. 6d. 1 8 Mr. Edward Arnold's Autumn List of POLAR GLEAMS. An Account of a Voyage on the Yacht 'Blencathra.' By HELEN PEEL. With a Preface by the Marquess of DUFFERIN and AVA, and Contributions by Captain JOSEPH WIGGINS and FREDERICK G. JACKSON. With Portrait and numerous Illustrations. One vol., demy 8vo., 155. ' As unaffected as it is entertaining.' Morning Post. ' Lord Dufferin's preface is delightfully characteristic.' Daily Chronicle. ' A most delightful volume.' Daily Telegraph. ' Like a fresh breeze from the sea.' St. Ja mess Gazette. ' The story is told so gaily that we should have liked more of it.' Pall Mall Gazette. Volume X. of THE ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGAZINE. October, 1892 September, 1893. With nearly one thousand pages, and one thousand Illustrations. Super-royal 8vo. , handsomely bound, 8s. Among the Contents of this Volume are two Complete short Novels by BRET HARTE and ROBERT BUCHANAN. Also short Stories by GILBERT PARKER ; the Hon. EMILY LAWLESS ; Mrs. LYNN LYNTON ; GEORGE GISSING ; MAKY GAUNT : GRANT ALLEN, etc. Among other Contributors to this Volume are : Rudyard Kipling ; Henry Irving; Hon. Robert Lyttelton ; Norman Gale; Duchess of Rutland; His Excellency Lord Houghton ; Henry W. Lucy ; Henry Holiday ; Albert Chevalier; Harry Quilter ; George Augustus Sala ; Marquis of Lome, K.T. ; 'A Son of the Marshes'; Mrs. Russell Barrington ; Lord Ribblesdale ; Hon. and Rev. James Adderley, etc., etc. Among the Artists who have contributed to this Volume are : Sir Frederick Leighton, P.R.A. ; G. F. Watts, R.A. ; G. Bernard Partridge ; Wyke Bayliss, P.S.B.A. ; T. Hope McLachlan ; the late Vicat Cole, R.A. ; the late Edwin Long, R.A. ; G. W. Waterhouse, A.R.A. ; Walter Crane; W. Biscombe Gardner : H. Ryland, etc. Hitherto unpublished writings by Charles Kingsley, John Ruskin, and Lord Macaulay also appear in this volume. New and Forthcoming Books and Editions. I g PSYCHOLOGY FOR TEACHERS. By Professor C. LLOYD MORGAN, F.G.S., Principal of University College, Bristol. One vol., 8vo., cloth, 33. 6d. net. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. ANIMAL LIFE AND INTELLIGENCE. With forty Illus- trations and a photo-etched Frontispiece. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. , cloth, i6s. ANIMAL SKETCHES. With nearly forty Illustrations. New Edition, one vol., crown 8vo. , cloth, 33. 6d. THE SPRINGS OF CONDUCT. Large crown 8vo., 3 s. 6d. THE JOURNAL OF MORPHOLOGY : A Journal of Animal Morphology, devoted principally to Embryological, Anatomical, and His- tological subjects. Edited by C. O. WHITMAN, Professor of Biology in Clark University, U.S.A. Three numbers in a volume of 100 to 150 large 410. pages, with numerous plates. Single numbers, 173. 6d. ; subscription to the volume of three numbers, 455. Volumes I. to IX. can now be obtained, and the first number of Volume X. is ready. THE PHILOSOPHICAL REVIEW. Edited by J. G. SCHURMAN, Professor of Philosophy in Cornell University, U.S.A. Six Numbers a year. Single Numbers, 35. 6d. ; Annual Subscription, 123. 6d. AMERICAN PHILOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, TRANSAC- TIONS OF THE. Vols. I. XXIV. Containing Papers by Specialists on Ancient and Modern Languages and Literature. The price of the volumes is 8s. 6d. each, except Volumes XV., XX., and XXIII., which are I2S. 6d. each. Volumes I. and II. are not sold separately. An Index of Authors and subjects to Vols. I. XX. is issued, price 2S. 6d. 2O Mr. Edward Arnold's Autumn List of POPULAR EDITION. With a Prefatory Chapter on Egypt in 1894 by the Author. ENGLAND IN EGYPT. By ALFRED MILNER, Formerly Under-Secretary for Finance in Egypt. Fifth Edition. Large crown 8vo., with Map, cloth, 73. 6d. ' An admirable book which should be read by those who have at heart the honour of England.' Times. ' No journalist or public man ought to be permitted to write or speak about Egypt for the next five years unless he can solemnly declare that he had read it from cover to cover.' Daily Chronicle. THE POLITICAL VALUE OF HISTORY. By W. E. H. LECKY, D.C.L., LL.D. An Address delivered at the Midland Institute, reprinted with additions. Crown 8vo., cloth, 2s. 6d. THE CULTIVATION AND USE OF IMAGINATION. By the Right Hon. GEORGE JOACHIM GOSCHEN. Crown 8vo., cloth, 25. 6d. THE RIDDLE OF THE UNIVERSE. Being an Attempt to determine the First Principles of Metaphysics considered as an Inquiry into the Conditions and Import of Consciousness. By EDWARD DOUGLAS FAWCETT. One vol. , demy 8vo. , 143. LOTZE'S PHILOSOPHICAL OUTLINES. Dictated Portions of the Latest Lectures (at Gottingen and Berlin) of Hermann Lotze. Translated and edited by GEORGE T. LADD, Professor of Philosophy in Yale College. About 180 pages in each volume. Crown 8vo., cloth, 45. each. Vol. I. Metaphysics. Vol. II. Philosophy of Religion. Vol. III. Practical Philosophy. Vol. IV. Psychology. Vol. V. Esthetics. Vol. VI. Logic. THE SOUL OF MAN. An Investigation of the Facts of Physiological and Experimental Psychology. By Dr. PAUL CARUS. With 150 illustrative cuts and diagrams. Large crown 8vo., cloth, 125. 6d. HOMILIES OF SCIENCE. By Dr. PAUL CARUS, Editor of The Open Court, Author of ' The Soul of Man. ' Large crown 8vo. , cloth, 6s. 6d. , New and Forthcoming Books and Editions. 21 POLITICAL SCIENCE AND COMPARATIVE CONSTITU- TIONAL LAW. By JOHN W. BURGESS. Ph.D., LL.D., Dean of the University Faculty of Political Science in Columbia College, U.S.A. In two volumes. Demy 8vo. , cloth, 253. THE MARK IN EUROPE AND AMERICA. A Review ot the Discussion on Early Land Tenure. By ENOCH A. BRYAN, A.M., President of Vincennes University, Indiana. Crown 8vo. , doth, 43. 6d. HARVARD HISTORICAL MONOGRAPHS. Vol. I. The Veto Power : Its Origin, Development, and Function in the Government of the United States. By EDWARD CAMPBELL MASON. Demy 8vo., paper, 53. Vol. II. An Introduction to the Study of Federal Government. By ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, Ph.D. Demy 8vo., paper, 53. BETTERMENT. Being the Law of Special Assessment for Benefits in America, with some observations on its adoption by the London County Council. By ARTHUR A. BAUMANN, B.A. , Barrister-at-Law, formerly Member of Parliament for Peckham. Crown 8vo. , cloth, 23. 6d. THE LAW RELATING TO SCHOOLMASTERS. A Manual for the Use of Teachers, Parents, and Governors. By HENRY W. DISNEY, B.A. , Barrister-at-Law of the Inner Temple. Crown 8vo. , cloth, 25. 6d. SIX YEARS OF UNIONIST GOVERNMENT, 1886-1892. By C. A. WHITMORE, M.P. Post 8vo., cloth, 2s. 6d. 4 MODERN MEN ' FROM THE 'NATIONAL OBSERVER.' Literary Portraits of the most prominent men of the day. Two volumes Crown 8vo. , paper, is. each. A GENERAL ASTRONOMY. By CHARLES A. YOUNG, Pro- fessor of Astronomy in the College of New Jersey, Associate of the Royal Astronomical Society, Author of The Sun, etc. In one vol. , 550 pages, with 250 Illustrations, and supplemented with the necessary tables. Royal 8vo. , half morocco, 123. 6d. PLANT ORGANIZATION. By R. H. WARD, Professor of Botany in the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. 410., flexible boards, 43. This volume consists of a synoptical review of the general structure and morphology of plants, clearly drawn out according to biological principles, fully illustrated, and accompanied by a set of blank forms to be filled in as exercises by the pupils. A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY. By the late Dr. MORRISON. New edition, revised and largely rewritten by W. L. CARRIE, English Master at George Watson's College, Edinburgh. Crown 8vo., cloth, 33. 6d. 22 Mr. Edward Arnold's Autumn List of A HISTORY OF ENGLISH METRE, From the Earliest Times to the Present Day. By Dr. JOHN LAWRENCE. [/// preparation. No comprehensive view of this subject in English is at present in existence. THE LIFE, ART, AND CHARACTERS OF SHAKESPEARE. By HENRY N. HUDSON, LL.D., Editor of The Harvard Shakespeare, etc. 969 pages, in two vols. , large crown 8vo. , cloth, 2is. THE HARVARD EDITION OF SHAKESPEARE'S COM- PLETE WORKS. A fine Library Edition. By HENRY N. HUDSON, LL.D., Author of 'The Life, Art, and Characters of Shakespeare.' In twenty volumes, large crown 8vo. , cloth, 6. Also in ten volumes, ^5. THE BEST ELIZABETHAN PLAYS. Edited, with an Intro- duction, by WILLIAM R. THAYER. 612 pages, large crown 8vo., cloth, 75. 6d. THE DEFENSE OF POESY, otherwise known as AN APOLOGY FOR POETRY. By Sir PHILIP SIDNEY. Edited by A. S. COOK, Professor of English Literature in Yale University. Crown 8vo., cloth, 45. 6d. Leigh Hunt's 'WHAT IS POETRY?' An Answer to the Question, 'What is Poetry?' including Remarks on Versification. By LEIGH HUNT. Edited, with notes, by Professor A. S. COOK. Crown 8vo. , cloth, as. 6d. A DEFENCE OF POETRY. By PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY. Edited, with notes and introduction, by Professor A. S. COOK. Crown 8vo., cloth, 2S. 6d. SELECTIONS IN ENGLISH PROSE FROM ELIZABETH TO VICTORIA. Chosen and arranged by JAMES M. GARNETT, M. A., LL.D. 700 pages, large crown 8vo., cloth, 75. 6d. BEN JONSON'S TIMBER. Edited by Professor F. E. SCHELLING. Crown 8 vo. , cloth, 45. THE PRACTICAL ELEMENTS OF RHETORIC. By JOHN F. GENUNG, Ph.D., Professor of Rhetoric in Amherst College. Crown 8vo., cloth, 73. A HANDBOOK TO DANTE. By GIOVANNI A. SCARTAZZINI. Translated from the Italian, with notes and additions, by THOMAS DAVIDSON, M.A. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. DANTE'S ELEVEN LETTERS. Translated and Edited by the late C. S. LATHAM. With a Preface by Professor CHARLES ELIOT NORTON. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. SPANISH IDIOMS, WITH THEIR ENGLISH EQUIVA- LENTS. Embracing nearly 10,000 phrases. By SARAH CARY BECKER and Senor FEDERICO MORA. 8vo., cloth, IDS. New and Forthcoming Books and Editions. 23 THE INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION SERIES. NEW VOLUMES. THE EDUCATION OF THE GREEK PEOPLE. By THOMAS DAVIDSON. Crown 8vo., cloth. A scholarly treatise, showing the influence of ancient Greek education on modern civilization. SYSTEMATIC SCIENCE TEACHING. By EDWARD G. HOWE. Crown 8vo., cloth. A practical work, illustrating modern laboratory methods of instruction in all branches of science. EVOLUTION OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MASSACHUSETTS. By GEORGE H. MARTIN. Crown 8vo., cloth. RECENT VOLUME. THE INFANT MIND ; or, Mental Development in the Child. Translated from the German of W. PREYER, Professor of Physiology in the University of Jena. Crown 8vo., cloth, 45. 6d. ' Noteworthy as being the first attempt made by a scientific man to initiate the average unscientific reader into the methods of psychological observation.' Educational Review. 'The theoretical parts are reasonable and intelligible, and the practical suggestions arc very good. 1 Pall Mall Gazette. ' An excellent little work, which can be studied with advantage by mothers and all interested in the development of the young.' Leeds Mercury. ENGLISH EDUCATION IN THE ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS. By ISAAC SHARPLESS, LL.D., Presi- dent of Haverford College, U.S.A. Crown 8vo., cloth, 43. 6d. 24 /- Mr. Edward Arnold's Autumn List of EMILE ; or, A Treatise on Education. By JEAN JACQUES ROUSSEAU. Translated and Edited by W. H. PAYNE, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Peabody Normal College, U.S.A. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. EDUCATION FROM A NATIONAL STANDPOINT. Trans- lated from the French of ALFRED FOUILLE by W. J. GREENSTREET, M.A., Head Master o: the Marling School, Stroud. Crown 8vo. , cloth, 75. 6d. THE MORAL INSTRUCTION OF CHILDREN. By FELIX ADLER, President of the Ethical Society of New York. Crown 8vo. , cloth, 6s. THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION. By JOHANN KARL ROSENKRANZ, Doctor of Theologyand Professor of Philosophy at Konigs- berg. (Translated.) Crown 8vo. , cloth, 6s. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION. By Professor F. V. N. PAINTER. Crown 8 vo., 6s. THE VENTILATION AND WARMING OF SCHOOL BUILDINGS. With Plans and Diagrams. By GILBERT B. MORRISON. Crown 8vo. , 45. 6d. FROEBEL'S 'EDUCATION OF MAN.' Translated by W. N. HAILMAN. Crown 8vo., 6s. ELEMENTARY PSYCHOLOGY AND EDUCATION. By Dr. J. BALDWIN. Illustrated, crown 8vo., 6s. THE SENSES AND THE WILL. Forming Part I. of ' The Mind of the Child.' By W. PREYER, Professor of Physiology in the University of Jena. (Translated.) Crown 8vo. , 6s. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTELLECT. Forming Part II. of ' The Mind of the Child.' By Professor W. PREYER. (Trans- lated.) Crown 8vo., 6s. HOW TO STUDY GEOGRAPHY. By FRANCIS W. PARKER. Crown 8vo. , 6s. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES. By RICHARD A. BOONE, Professor of Pedagogy in Indiana University. Crown 8vo., 6s. EUROPEAN SCHOOLS ; or, What I Saw in the Schools of Germany, France, Austria, and Switzerland. By L. R. KLEMM, Ph.D. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo. , 8s. 6d. PRACTICAL HINTS FOR TEACHERS. By GEORGE ROWLAND, Superintendent of the Chicago Schools. Crown 8vo., 45. 6d. SCHOOL SUPERVISION. By J. L. PICKARD. 4 s. 6d. HIGHER EDUCATION OF WOMEN IN EUROPE. By HELENE LANGE. 45. 6d. HERBART'S TEXT-BOOK IN PSYCHOLOGY. By M. K. SMITH. 43. 6d. PSYCHOLOGY APPLIED TO THE ART OF TEACHING. By Dr. J. BALDWIN. 6s. New and Forthcoming Books and Editions. 25 A NEW SCHOOL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By C. W. OMAN, M.A., All Souls' College, Oxford, Author of ' Warwick the King-maker,' etc. A History of England, from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. Fully furnished with Maps, Plans of the Principal Battle-fields, and Genealogical Tables. Crown 8vo., cloth. Mr. Oman's object has been to tell the story of the English nation as a whole ; he has avoided, of set purpose, the method of dealing with any portion of it apart from the rest, in the dry isola- tion of a separate section, and has grappled with the more difficult task of blending the various elements political, religious, economic, etc. that make up English history, into a single perspicuous and consecutive narrative. Mr. Oman's familiarity with the prin- ciples and details of warfare in all ages is well-known, and his accounts of campaigns and battles are none the less interesting because they are intelligible. Most schoolboys are attracted to history by its dramatic and personal side ; Mr. Oman's treatment of it appeals to this sentiment, while at the same time he introduces his readers, almost without their knowing it, to the important matters which lie behind. ARNOLD'S SCHOOL SHAKESPEARE. General Editor: J. CHURTON COLLINS, M.A. Assisted by special editors in the preparation of the different plays. Crown 8vo., each Play One Shilling net. MACBETH. By R. F. CHOLMELEY, M.A., Assistant Master at St. Paul's School. MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM. By R. BRIMLEY JOHNSON, Editor of Jane Austen's Novels, etc. HENRY V. By J. H. F. PEILE, M.A., Headmaster of Bury St. Edmund's School, late Assistant Master at St. Paul's School. KING LEAR. By the Rev. D. C. TOVEY, M.A., late Assistant Master at Eton College. THE MERCHANT OF VENICE. By C. H. GIBSON, M.A., Assistant Master at Merchant Taylor's School. HAMLET. By W. HALL GRIFFIN, Professor of English Literature ai Queen's College, London. THE TEMPEST. By E. L. VAUGHAN, M.A., Assistant Master at Eton College. RICHARD II. By R. BRIMLEY JOHNSON. 26 Mr. Edward Arnold's Autumn List of KING HORN. Edited, with Introduction, Text, Notes, and Glossary, by JOSEPH HALL, M.A. Headmaster of the Hulme Grammar School, Manchester. [In preparation. THE LIBRARY OF ANGLO-SAXON POETRY. CYNEWULF'S PHCENIX. (New Volume.) Edited, with Introduction, Text, and Critical Notes, by Professor W. S. CURRELL, Ph.D., of Davidson College, N.C. BEOWULF, AND THE FIGHT AT FINNSBURH. Edited, with Text and Glossary, by JAMES A. HARRISON and ROBERT SHARP. Third Edition, revised. Crown 8 vo. , cloth, 6s. C^EDMON'S EXODUS AND DANIEL. Edited, with In- troduction, Text, and Glossary, by THEODORE W. HUNT, Professor of Rhetoric and English Language in Princeton College. Revised Edition. Crown 8vo. , cloth, 33. 6d. CYNEWULF'S ELENE. Edited with Introduction, Text, Notes, and Glossary, by CHARLES W. KENT, Professor of English in the University of Tennessee. Crown 8vo., cloth, y,. 6d. ANDREAS : A LEGEND OF ST. ANDREW. Edited, with Introduction, Text, and Critical Notes, by W. M. BASKERVILLE, Ph.D., (Lips.), Professor of English Language and Literature in the Vanderbilt University, is. 6d. ELENE ; AND OTHER ANGLO-SAXON POEMS. Trans- lated into English by JAMES M. GARNETT, M.A., LL.D., Professor of the English Language and Literature in the University of Virginia. 410., cloth, 55. New and Forthcoming Books and Editions. 27 ORIENTAL LITERATURE. OMARAH'S HISTORY OF YAMAN. The Arabic Text, edited, with a translation, by HENRY CASSELS KAY, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society. Demy 8vo., cloth, 175. 6d. net. LANMAN'S SANSKRIT READER. New Edition, with Vocabulary and Notes. By CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN, Professor of Sanskrit in Harvard College. For use in colleges and for private study. Royal 8vo. , cloth, los. 6d. For the convenience of those who possess the old edition, the Notes are also issued separately. 55. HARVARD ORIENTAL SERIES. Edited, with the co-opera- tion of various Scholars, by CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN, Professor of Sanskrit in the Harvard University. Vol. I. The Jataka-Mala ; or, Bodhisattvavadana-Mala. By ARYA-CC'RA. Edited by Dr. HENDRIK KERN, Professor in the University of Leyden, with Preface, Text, and Various Readings. Royal 8vo., cloth, 6s. net. Vol. II. Kapila's Aphorisms of the Samkhya Philosophy, with the com- mentary of Vijnana-bhiksu. Edited in the original Sanskrit by RICHARD GARBE, Professor in the University of Konigsberg. [/ the press. A SANSKRIT PRIMER. Based on the Leitfaden fur den Elementarcursus des Sanskrit of Professor Georg Biihler of Vienna. With Exercises and Vocabularies by EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY, Ph.D., of Columbia College, New York. 8vo., cloth , 8s. THE RIGVEDA. The oldest literature of the Indians. By ADOLF KAEGI, Professor in the University of Zurich. Authorised transla- tion by R. ARROWSMITH, Ph.D. 8vo., cloth, 73. 6d. PUBLICATIONS OF THE INDIA OFFICE AND OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA; Mr. EDWARD ARNOLD, having been appointed Publisher to the Secretary of State for India in Council, has now on sale the above publications at 37 Bedford Street, Strand, and is prepared to supply full information concerning them on application. INDIAN GOVERNMENT MAPS. Any of the Maps in this magnificent series can now be obtained at the shortest notice from Mr. EDWARD ARNOLD, Publisher to the India Office. 28 Mr. Edward Arnold's Autumn List of ENGLISH CLASSICS FOR THE YOUNG. PUBLISHED IN AMERICA BY MESSRS. GINN AND CO. ROBINSON CRUSOE. Edited by W. H. LAMBERT. Cloth, 2S. ARABIAN NIGHTS (Selections). Illustrated. Boards, as. 6d. ; cloth, 33. GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. Boards, 25. ; cloth, as. 6d. VICAR OF WAKEFIELD. Boards, 25. ; cloth, 23. 6d. RASSELAS, PRINCE OF ABYSSINIA. Boards, 23.; cloth, 2s. 6d. LAMB'S TALES FROM SHAKESPEARE. Boards, 23. 6d.; cloth, 35. SCOTT'S TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Boards, 23. 6d. ; cloth, 33. PLUTARCH'S LIVES (Selections). Boards, 2S . 6d. ; cloth, 33. IRVING'S SKETCH BOOK (Selections). Boards, 23.; cloth, 2s. 6d. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY. Boards, 2s. 6d. ; cloth, 33. THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESS (Selections). Boards, 23. ; cloth, 2s. 6d. OLD MORTALITY. Boards, 35. 6d. ; cloth, 4 s. IRVING'S ALHAMBRA. Boards, 23. 6d. ; cloth, 33. Miss CHARLOTTE M. YONGE, Author of The Heir of Redclyffe,' etc., has written Introductions to the following volumes in this series : QUENTIN DURWARD. Boards, 25. 6d. ; cloth, 3 s. THE TALISMAN. Boards, 33. ; cloth, 33. 6d. ROB ROY. Boards, 33. 6d. ; cloth, 45. GUY MANNERING. Boards, 3 s. 6d. ; cloth, 4 s. IVANHOE. Boards, 35. 6d. ; cloth, 45. New and Forthcoming Books and Editions. 29 THE NATIONAL REVIEW. The leading Political Review. Price 2s. 6d. monthly. Among a few of the important articles which have appeared during 1894 are the following: January. 'W. H. Smith as a Colleague,' by Lord Ashbourne ; 'The Garden that I Love,' by Alfred Austin ; and articles by T. Mackay, Lady Frances Balfour, Mrs. Asquith, etc. February. ' The Life of Arthur Stanley,' by Sir Mountstuart Grant-Duff, G.C.S.I.; 'Edward Stanhope,' by the Hon. St. John Brodrick, M.P.; and articles by Hugh Bell, E. J. Cook, etc. March. 'Luxury,' by Leslie Stephen; 'The Referen- dum,' by Prof. A. V. Dicey, Hon. George Curzon, M.P., Earl Grey, K.G. ; A Family Budget by a Family Man ; and articles by H. D. Traill, Miss Taylor, Lord Stanley of Alderley, etc. April. ' Foresight and Patience,' a poem, by George Meredith ; 'The Art of Reading Books,' by the Rev. J. E. C. Welldon; ' The Matabele War,' by F. C. Selous ; and articles by Lord Lilford, T. W. Russell, M.P., George Gissing, etc. May. 'The Home Rule Campaign,' by the Right Hon. J. Chamberlain, M.P. ; 'The Duties of Authors,' by Leslie Stephen ; ' Another Family Budget ' ; ' Eton Cricket,' by the Hon. R. H. Lyttelton ; and articles by H. O. Arnold- Forster, M.P., Sir Herbert Maxwell, Bart., M.P., tic. June. 'The Attack on the Church,' by Sir Richard Webster,' Q.C., M.P. ; 'Ocean Highways,' by the Right Hon. Lord George Hamilton, M.P.; 'The Great Con- spiracy,' by the Rev. Athelstan Riley ; ' Developments of Tennis,' by J. M. Heathcote. July. 'The Colonies and Maritime Defence,' by the Imperial Federation Committee ; 'An Irish Landlord's Budget ' ; ' Harrow Cricket,' by Spencer W. Gore ; and articles by J. L. Mahon, Sir David Barbour, K. C.S.I., etc. August. 'Lords and Commons,' by H. D. Traill ; ' Human Evolution,' by Francis Gallon, F.R.S., and Benjamin Kidd ; ' Sleeplessness,' by A. Symons Eccles, M.B. ; and articles by T. W. Russell, M.P. ; A. C. Benson, the Author of ' A Study in Colour,' etc., etc. THE FORUM. The famous American Review, is. 3d. monthly ; annual subscription, post free, 153. 3nbey to Hutbors, ADDERLEY. Stephen Remarx . 12 ADLER. Instruction of Children . 24 AMARANTHE (L') . . . .15 AMERICAN PHILOLOGICAL ASSO- CIATION . . . .19 ANGLO-SAXON POETRY, Library of 26 ARROWSMITH. Rigveda . . 27 BAUMANN. Betterment . . 21 BELL. Poems ... .9 ,, Name above every Name 9 ,, Diana's Looking-glass . 9 BENSON. Men of Might . . 14 BOYLE. Recollections of the Dean of Salisbury .... 3 BROWN. Pleasurable Poultry Keeping . . 10 ,, Poultry Keeping as an Industry . . 10 ,, Industrial Poultry Keeping . . 10 BURBIDGE. Wild Flowers in Art and Nature ... .8 BURGESS. Political Science . 21 BUTLER. Select Essays of Sainte Beuve ..... 6 CARUS. Soul of Man . . .20 ,, Homilies of Science . 20 CHERBULIEZ. The Tutor's Secret 13 CHILDREN'S FAVOURITE SERIES, n CLAUDE. Twilight Thoughts . 15 CLIFFORD. Love Letters . . 13 CLOWES. Double Emperor . 7 COLLINS. School Shakespeare . 25 COOK. Sidney's Defense of Poesy 22 ,, Shelley's Defence of Poetry 22 CUSTANCE. Riding Recollections 16 DAVIDSON Handbook to Dante . 22 ,, Education of Greek People 23 DICKENS, CHILDREN'S . . 15 PAGE DISNEY. Law relating to School- masters . . .21 ENGLISH CLASSICS FOR THE YOUNG 28 ENGLISH ILLUSTRATED MAGA- ZINE 18 EVERETT. Ethics for Young People . . .15 FAWCETT. Hartmann the Anar- chist . . .13 Riddle of the Uni- verse . . .20 ,, Swallowed by an Earthquake . . 7 FORUM 29 FOWLER. Old County Life . 16 GARDNER. Friends of Olden Time . . .15 GAR BE Kapila's Aphorisms . 27 GARNETT. English Prose Selec- tions . . .22 GAUNT. Dave's Sweetheart . 13 GOSCHEN. Use of Imagination . 20 GOSSIP. Chess Manual . . 6 GREAT PUBLIC SCHOOLS . . 15 GREENSTREET. Fouillee's Educa- tion . . 24 HALL. King Horn . . .26 HANS ANDERSEN. Tales from 14 HARE. Memoir of Maria Edge- worth 2 HARTSHORNE. Glasses and Goblets . 9 HARVARD. Historical Mono- graphs . . 21 ,, Oriental Series . 27 HERBERT. Fifty Breakfasts . 5 ,, Common-sense Cookery 5 Index to Authors. PAGB HERVEY. Golden Reef . . 7 HOLE. Little Tour in Ireland . 4 ,, Addresses to Working Men .... 4 ,, Memories . . .4 ,, More Memories . . 4 ,, Book about Garden . 4 ,, Book about Roses . . 4 HOWE. Science Teaching . . 23 HUDSON. Characters of Shake- speare . . .22 ,, Harvard Shakespeare 22 HUNT. What is Poetry ? . . 22 HUTCHINSON. That Fiddler Fellow . . 13 INDIA OFFICE PUBLICATIONS . 27 INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION SERIES 23 JOHNSON. Richard II. . .25 ,, Midsummer Night's Dream . . .25 KAY. Omarah's Yaman . . 27 KERN. Jataka Mala . . .27 KNUTSFORD. Mystery Rue Soly 12 LAMB. Adventures of Ulysses . 14 LANMAN. Sanskrit Reader . 27 LATHAM. Dante's Letters . . 22 LAWRENCE. English Metre . 22 LECKY. Value of History . . 20 LE FANU. Irish Life . . .16 LOTZE. Philosophical Outlines . 20 MARTIN. Public School System . 23 McNuLTY. Misther O'Ryan . 12 ' MEDICINE LADY, THE,' authors of. This Troublesome World 13 MlLNER. England in Egypt . 20 Modem Men . . . .21 MORGAN. Animal Life . . 19 ,, Animal Sketches . 19 MORGAN. Springs of Conduct . 19 ,, Psychology for Teach- ers . . . 19 MORPHOLOGY, JOURNAL OF . 19 PAGE MORRISON. -Historical Geography 21 NASH. Barerock NATIONAL REVIEW 7 29 OMAN. History of England . 25 PAYNE. Rosseau'sEinile . . 24 PEEL. Polar Gleams . . .18 PERRY. Sanskrit Primer . . 27 PHILOSOPHICAL REVIEW . . 19 POPE. Memoir of Sir John Mac- donald . . . . . i PORTAL. Mission to Abyssinia . 17 ,, Mission to Uganda . 17 PREYER. Infant Mind . . 23 RANSOME. Battles of Frederick the Great . . 14 ROOD. Poems . . . .17 ,, Feda . . . .17 ,, Unknown Madonna . 17 ,, Violet Crosvn . . .17 ,, Customsof Modern Greece 17 SANTLEY. Student and Singer . 16 SCARTAZZINI. Handbook to Dante . . 22 SCHELLING. Jonson's Timber . 22 SHARPLF.SS. English Education. 23 SHELLEY. Defence of Poetry . 22 SHERARD. Life of Daudet . . 3 SIDNEY. Defense of Poesy . . 22 SPARKES. Wild Flowers in Art . 8 STEPHENSON. Farm Dairying . 10 TATHAM. Men of Might . . 14 THAYER. Elizabethan Plays . 22 TWINING. Recollections of a Social Worker . 16 WHITE. Bee-Keeping WHITMORE. Unionist ment . Winchester College Govern- 21 9 YONGK. Classics for the Young . 28 YOUNG. General Astronomy . 21 The following Catalogues of Mr. Edward Arnold's Publica- tions will be sent post free on application : CATALOGUE OF WORKS OF GENERAL LITERATURE. GENERAL CATALOGUE OF EDUCATIONAL WORKS, Including the principal Publications of Messrs. Ginn and Company, Educa- tional Publishers, of Boston and New York, and Messrs. E. L. Kellogg and Company, of New York. CATALOGUE OF WORKS FOR USE IN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS, With Specimen Pages. ILLUSTRATED LIST OF BOOKS FOR PRESENTS AND PRIZES. CATALOGUE OF INDIA OFFICE PUBLICATIONS. CATALOGUE OF INDIA OFFICE MAPS. Price 6d. LIST OF AMERICAN PERIODICALS WITH SUBSCRIPTION RATES. AMERICAN BOOKS. The importation of all American Books, Periodicals, and Newspapers is conducted by a special department, with accuracy and despatch, and full information can be obtained on application. LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD, 37 BEDFORD ST., W.C. JJublisIur to the Iiibia AT ANGE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. IB URL IHTERUBRARY -TWO WEEKS FROM D/ HDN-RCNEWABLE SwJj oan liOANS TE OF RECEIP1 C Form L9-Series 4939 A 000886991 9 t PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE THIS BOOK CARDS University Research Library e c ' H 9 til I 'PI \ I -