^ C/n^^e^r^^yC^ (Qa/tfernta/ cTU. tSrurrtte' t^e/iM&riJ Wniwrtirfy . o/// CHAPTER VI. LIFE IN OUDE. 1856-1857. Lieutenant Johnson started from Bombay on the 4th March, 1856, on his long journey to Oude. It was for the most part through native states and a very wild country. He longed to have some shooting on the way, but had to hurry on and report himself to Outram as soon as possible. Oude was favour- ably spoken of, and tigers and pig were said to be " walking about like cats," so he was in high spirits at the move. The country was in a somewhat un- settled state, but no outbreak was then apprehended. He wrote the following letter to his mother on the march : — * ' Bursad, April 4th. u You will have no idea where Bursad is, till I tell you it is one of the halting-places between Bombay and Lucknow, where I arrived last night, en route for 86 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Oude. I have been travelling just a month to-day, and have as yet only accomplished about two-thirds of the trip, and find I cannot get on with my kit, servants, and horses more than about twenty miles a day. It is a long march : between eight and nine hun- dred miles, all overland : quite a new country. I feel going up to Lucknow and joining a new appointment quite like beginning a new life, and I don't dislike the idea of it, though it is a nuisance leaving all one's friends behind in another presidency. This is the worst of Indian life : one makes acquaintances for a year or two, and then, just as one begins to find out the people one likes, one is sent away, perhaps some five hundred miles. " Now for an account of my trip, which is rather a curious one, and so far as comfort is concerned there is very little. Sometimes I ride, sometimes I put my bed in a cart, and come along in that way at night, for it is too hot to travel by day just now ; sometimes I walk, sometimes come in the mail-cart. This last conveyance would amuse you, and I assure you that travelling in one at night is most alarming, and the excitement even beats tiger-shooting on foot out and out The cart is a square red box on two wheels, with a bar all round to hold on by. Two horses, one in the shaft, the other attached on the LIFE IN OUDE. 87 off-side. The road is bad in places, and very uneven, and it is as much as you can do to see it ; but with- out moon or lamps, away they go, as hard as ever they can lay legs to the ground, change every six miles, and I suppose seldom come to grief. It was the most reckless driving I ever saw ; it was as much as I could do to hold myself in with both hands, and the coachman, as he calls himself, keeps on licking the horses from the beginning of the stage to the end, perfectly indiscriminately as to whether they are doing their best or not. There are travellers' bunga- lows every twenty or thirty miles or so, with chair, table, and bedstead inside, but nothing more. I find the people on the road very hospitable, and wher- ever there are officers or civilians I am generally taken in and done for, as soon as they find out who I am, and where I am going. I was in a fix on my birthday [March 14]. My servant had made a mistake and had taken all my kit on twenty miles ahead, consequently I had not a single thing ; but fortu- nately a Colonel Browne was marching down with his wife and family, and very kindly asked me over to tiffin, which I made serve for breakfast, dinner, and everything. I see I am posted to the 1st Cavalry ; Daly, 1st Fusiliers ; and Hope Johnstone, the Com- mandant and Adjutant, both Bombay officers. Daly 88 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. is a first-rate officer, a man of great judgment and energy, and we must show the ' Qui hais • how to raise a corps in style. Lord Elphinstone has given me a letter of introduction to Lord Canning, which is more than I could expect, after refusing the appointment he offered me." * The rest of his march is described in a letter to his brother from Bibiapore, April 29th. " It was a roughish trip of more than nine hundred miles, and in many places, instead of finding travellers' bungalows, I was disappointed and had to put up under a tree, which, as I had no tent, and 150 of hot wind blow- ing, was anything but comfortable. I was lucky one day in bagging a tigress not far from the road. I got news of a soft place down at the bed of a river ; halted under a tree, and with great difficulty got fifteen niggers out of the villages, who didn't seem to admire the fun much at first. They beat for some time, and * Captain Daly, afterwards General Sir Henry Daly, was one of the most distinguished cavalry officers in India at that time. He raised the 1st Punjaub Regiment at the end of the last campaign, for which he received the thanks of the Directors. He afterwards com- manded the Corps of Guides, with which well-known regiment he made his celebrated march from Lahore to the relief of Delhi, in the summer of 1857. He was a very intimate friend of Johnson's, and had the highest opinion of him. " Of all true heroes," he wrote, "none greater than Jehan " (one of Johnson's nicknames) ; and again, " The services of no man, living or dead, better merit recognition than Jehan's." LIFE IN OUDE. 89 out came a fine tigress in all her glory. I had Walker's gun in my hand, but would not take the chance with that, and had just time to snatch Lord Craven's rifle from a man a few yards behind and take a quiet pot at her just as she was passing us, and bowled her over beautifully. One ball caught her just below the heart, another just below the shoulder-blade. She did not seem to like it much, gave a most uncomfortable roar, but did not come at us, I am happy to say. She got into some reeds and bushes, where the niggers particularly wished me to go after her. We could not find her pugs anywhere out of the reeds, so surrounded the place, and found her dead about two hours afterwards. "I believe had I had time to halt at some other places I could have had some good sport. I went out twice : the first day I saw only a sambre ; the next we found a panther, which went clean away ; we put up a fine tiger, beating home, which slipped away behind us. I came through a very wild country, with plenty of pig ; but both self and horses had enough to do marching all night, without pig-sticking by day. One night coming along asleep in a cart, where I had put my bed, a robber had the impudence to come sneaking about for anything he could lay hold of, and caught hold of my head, thinking, I suppose, it 90 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. was a piece of goods. He pretty soon let go, how- ever, when he found out what it was, and made off, with me after him ; but I could not make much of a run of it with slippers and sleeping-drawers, and I only succeeded in boning the man who was with him, and whom I gave over to the nearest guard- room. " I got to Lucknow, April 22nd, just the day General Outram left. I missed him by five minutes only ; I was sorry not to see him, to thank him for all he has done for me. I found a note from him ask- ing me to go and stay there on my arrival at Luck- now. Lucknow is by far the finest city I have seen in India ; the country is very flat, but is wooded and pretty, scattered over with mango and neem groves ; and in some parts not unlike Guzerat. We are only raising the regiment now, and have as yet got only about two hundred and fifty men ; but from what I can see at present, I think it will be a beautiful regiment : the men certainly are the finest I have seen anywhere. We are at Bibiapore, about five miles from Lucknow ; there is one house for all of us ; a good-sized house and six rooms in it — three above and three below. Captain Daly, a Bombay officer of our 1st Fusiliers, is the Commanding Officer, and a first-rate officer he appears to be. From what LIFE IN OUDE. 91 I have seen he is the smartest officer I have served under." He writes again : " My new Commanding Officer and I agree famously, and our ideas on Irregular Cavalry are very similar, and I think in time we shall raise as good a regiment as any in the Service. We have drill parades every morning except Sundays, and anything like the vice of the horses I never saw ; they kick and bite anything they come near, and some of them are so bad they are obliged to be kept constantly blindfolded. Our Adjutant, Hope John- stone, got kicked the other morning; and another horse came a good way out of the ranks on purpose to kick my Arab's Choice, and then went quietly back again. He struck the poor old- horse on the fleshy part of the thigh, and did not hurt him much ; but he seemed much surprised at being kicked for nothing, and looked round with the white of his eye, as much as to say he would remember him the first opportunity. I wish you could see some of our men : they are so much the most picturesque troops we have ; it is the finest branch of the army. " We are all together in one house by itself in the corner of a wood of mango trees, about five miles from the city. I cannot tell you half enough about Lucknow yet, for the only time (the morning) when 92 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. it is cool enough to get out, we are at drill. The heat is something awful, but it is not unhealthy ; and the natives look stouter and stronger and cleaner, and dress better than in any part of India I have been in. We all dine and breakfast together : i.e. Daly and his wife, the adjutant, doctor, and myself; so we are obliged to be very orderly, and put on an extra allowance of manners for the lady. I have a room with the doctor, whose name is Greenhow." The room they occupied was on the ground floor. The well was a source of amusement to " Jehan," who had inherited a mechanical turn from his father, and used to experiment with a wheel in the watercourse, thinking to get perpetual motion. When he was in Guzerat he had amused himself with inventing and building a cart with very large wheels to go over the sand as lightly as possible ; it was very substantially built to take out in the jungle, with a movable seat, and a pole to put a couple of bullocks in at night: this was at a time when there was hardly such a thing as a made road in Guzerat. The life at Bibiapore, when raising the regiment, was very quiet. He writes : — " Generally speaking, the appointment of second in command is the most idle in India, and were it not that we were raising a new regiment, I should have LIFE IN OUDE. 93 little to do except attend parades. This was one of my reasons for not asking for this line of service on my return to India, for I should much prefer more work and more pay. We get up every morning at 4 for parade ; come back about 7 for a cup of tea ; breakfast at 10; dinner 7.30; bed 9.30. I have never passed so regular a life anywhere as here, therefore one will have the satisfaction of knowing if one's health fails here, it will not be from want of regularity or temperance. We never have more than one bottle of beer a day (Daly sharing that one with me), half a glass of sherry at two o'clock, and a glass at dinner. Smoking I have given up, except one pipe after dinner. The greater part of the day is spent in read- ing, making up pattern bridles and saddles, and in carpentering, etc. I have asked to be recommended for the Sattara Police ; there is nothing I should like better. Sattara is about the best climate in India. It is in the gift of Lord Elphinstone. At any rate, I shall not stay long in the Bengal Presidency. Our presidency beats it out and out in climate, and I prefer it. I should be sorry to leave Daly and the regiment ; and if I were sure of good health, I should not mind remaining." It was, perhaps, natural to one of Johnson's cha- racter that, after a time, his enthusiasm in raising the 94 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. regiment wore off, and he got tired of the monotonous drill life. Colonel Daly wrote to recommend him for the police appointment, and his having been a good deal at Sattara when the Southern Mahratta Horse was raised, besides having such good testimonials, gave him a very good chance ; but events took him elsewhere. Later, in a letter to his mother, he says: "You will probably read in the papers a great deal of talk of an expedition to Persia, which I fancy will end in smoke. I fancy the state of finances at present won't allow of a war, until there is actual necessity for it. All India seems excessively quiet just now, particularly Oude. The people must be glad their country is out of the hands of such an imbecile old king. I don't know if you have ever read ■ the Life of an Eastern King,' * but in it you will read about the palace of the Dilkoosha. It is a pretty-looking building, the centre of a large park, which lies between this and Lucknow ; the grounds contain antelope, black buck, blue bulls, monkeys, and peacocks to a great extent — all preserved ; and we are at a corner of the park near the banks of the Goomtee ; and now * Knighton (Wm.), " The Private Life of an Eastern King," com- piled for a member of the household of Nussir-u-Deen, King of Oude : sm. 8vo, plates. LIFE IN OUDE. 95 the floods are out, the country is looking perfectly beautiful." This Dilkoosha Palace is interesting, as the place where, a few months afterwards, General Havelock died. It is now only a picturesque ruin. On the 30th September, 1856, the regiment marched from Bibiapore to Secrora, a distance of sixty-two miles, where they relieved the 5th Irregulars. Just at this time there was a sale of the arms and accoutre- ments of the ex-king of Oude, and Johnson bought many curiosities in the shape of swords, shields, and matchlocks to decorate his house, all of which were stolen afterwards, together with his favourite Arab's Choice, by the mutineers. He described the march to his mother : — "Secrora, October 21st — We marched from Bibia- pore on the 30th, and reached this October 9th ; the roads were bad, and in many places under water and difficult to cross. The Gogra was the worst, and just now, after the rains, it is very much flooded and full of islands and sandbanks. We took three days to cross it, and a very disagreeable job it was. It will give you some idea of what it is like, if you fancy two boats of about forty feet long lashed together, and a platform about twenty feet square on the top of them, perfectly open, without any sort of protection to prevent the horses kicking one another overboard. 96 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. If you can imagine this, and then put eight or ten horses on, whose chief object appeared to be to kick and bite one another as much as possible, you will be able to form some idea of what precarious sort of work it was. It is quite marvellous to me that some horses were not smashed. One horse was kicked clean up into the air, and, of course, out into the middle of the river. It did not matter much about their tumbling overboard, for they could always swim ashore on some of the islands, but some tumbled backwards into the bottom of the boats, and were hurt a good deal in this way, but none were killed. " Secrora is not a very lively place ; the society consists of Captain and Mrs, Boileau and his adjutant. They gave us a picnic on the river, and appeared very sociable ; and Mrs. Boileau has quite won my affection with the most delicious lobster salad I ever tasted. The chief amusement was fishing, eating, and drinking. Boileau and I were out shooting the other day, and found a few black partridges ; they are great beauties, very game birds, something like a grouse, and will quite repay me for the want of society here. There is nothing for any one from Bombay to talk about, except the Persian expedition, and certainly it is very annoying to be out of the presidency now, for, had I been there, I should have had a pretty good LIFE IN OUDE. 97 chance of being appointed to it in some capacity or other. I sent down two telegraph messages to General Stalker, offering my services with the Irregular Horse, or in any other line more convenient. I can't help thinking that the Shah will give in, and even if the force sails, they may very likely come back again, which would be a bore ; but it would be still more annoying if anything serious were to take place, not to be in it." Soon after this, Johnson had a serious fall, when out pig-sticking with his friend Doctor Greenhow. He wrote to his brother: — "We had a very successful picnic the other day, and found no end of the bristly, but the ground was awful : long grass full of all sorts of hidden impediments, such as holes, mounds, and blind ditches. The number of purls was quite laugh- able; you hear of a man being knocked into the middle of next week ! / was knocked into the middle of the last three months, not being able to remember anything that happened during that time. The first thing I remember when I 'came to' was finding myself riding home between the doctor and the adjutant, with a wet handkerchief round my head, and being told that I and the pony had come over in one of these blind ditches, going very fast close to a pig ; and that I had come on my head, and had been H 98 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. talking ridiculous nonsense for three hours. I am thankful it was no worse, and I am all sound again ; but I got a terrible shaking. Government has passed me ^45 for travelling up here — a wonderful piece of liberality in these days ! I am going to invest it in an elephant for tiger-shooting in the Turrai in hot weather ; the jungle is so thick that it would be impossible to get on these without one. We can see the tops of the Himalayas early in the morning ; I hope we shan't see them in the hot weather, for it would be too tempting — for we can't get there, neither may we go to the tops of the hills : all that country belongs to the Rajah of Nepaul, and they fight un- common shy of Englishmen since the annexation of Oude. Some of our best politicals never thought favourably of it ; but now that it is annexed, there is little chance of the king getting it back again. The Persian expedition, as you will read, has left Bombay. They have given the Shah lots of time to put Bushire in a good state of defence, at any rate." Johnson was very shortly to join the Persian expedition, and this sketch of his service with the new Irregular Cavalry may end with an extract from a despatch to Brigadier-General Grey, commanding the Oude Force, dated 22nd September, 1856, in which the Chief Commissioner of Lucknow, referring to the LIFE IN OUDE. 99 1st Oude Cavalry, expresses his "satisfaction at the state of efficiency which the regiment has attained in so short a period, and the pleasure the Chief Commissioner experiences in being able to submit to Government your commendatory notice of Captain Daly and the officers of the regiment." Captain Daly wrote later : " Major Johnson, of the Bombay Army, served under my command as second in command of the 1st Oude Cavalry, during which time he had charge of the regimental treasure-chest and accounts of the men. A more zealous officer, a more upright, truthful gentleman I never served with. Major John- son's kindly temper made him a favourite with all, both officers and men." In November, 1856, war was declared against Persia by the Governor-General of India, Lord Canning, the city of Herat having been taken by Persian troops in defiance of treaties. Preparations were made by Lord Canning, who followed Sir Herbert Edwardes' advice in making a treaty with Dost Mohammad, the Amir of Cabul, and by grants of money and arms helping him to drive the Persians from Herat. The command of the Indian Army was offered to Sir James Outram, who was at the time in England on sick leave ; and on his arrival in Bombay, Outram applied for ioo TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. the services of Havelock, to command the Second Division. Havelock was then at Agra, and left for Bombay in January, 1857. Major-General Stalker had already landed at Bushire in December, in command of the land force, and had taken the fort there. Johnson, as we have seen, had telegraphed to General Stalker, offering his services, if he could be spared. In January he received telegraphic orders to join the force in the Persian Gulf, and he immediately went down by mail-cart from Oude to Bombay, and did the journey of 1030 miles in ten days. ( ioi ) CHAPTER VII. THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. JANUARY-JUNE, 1857. " You will be glad to hear," wrote Johnson to his brother, January 7th, 1857, "that I have good chance of employment with the Irregulars under Jacob. A message came from Outram to me yester- day, through Lord Elphinstone, telling me that if the Supreme Government would let me go to Persia, the Bombay Government would place me under Colonel Jacob for Arab levies. Colonel Jacob is one of the best soldiers, and perhaps the most practical man we have, so it will be a good thing for me to serve under him ; at least, if they will let me go. You will read all about the fall of Bushire ; it seems to have been a much more hollow affair than was anticipated, and it is to be hoped that the Shah received the declaration of war before the bombard- ment took place, otherwise it may create a sensation 102 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. at home." The following is the diary of his journey from Lucknow to Bombay : — "January loth, 1857. — Received an order from Lucknow, which had been sent up from Calcutta, to proceed at once to Bombay by dak* at the public expense, and on arrival to report myself to Government. Sent a small amount of kit off on two shooters (running camels) to Lucknow, to await my arrival ; also sent my pony to Nawab- gunj, about half-way, to await my arrival. litk. — Left Secrora on the Arab's Choice about 9 a.m., and after taking leave of the Dalys, Greenhow, and Bax (our select little circle), rode down all through the lines to wish our fellows good-bye there, when all the native officers on their horses and ponies accom- panied me to Kuttra Ghat. Crossed the river at Kuttra, on to a pony on the other side, and rattled along to the Gogra about eighteen miles ; found a dhooly waiting for me on the other side of the river, which brought me into Nawabgunj at 4 ; on to my pony there, and into Lucknow at 7 ; and passing Partridge's house found him at dinner. Ate dinner for a quarter of an hour, and cantered on into the city to find my kit, and get a shigram (mail carriage) ready to go on to Cawnpore. Every * Dak, i.e. post service. THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 103 one asleep, and no one inclined to do anything. Went up to see Lady Outram, and found her with Mrs. Fayrer at the Residency, just returned from the hills. Remained there talking till about nine, and then left in a shigram, very comfortable, and slept nearly all the way. Arrived at Cawnpore at 9 a.m. on the 12th. Great delay here in getting a fresh carriage, and did not start until I.I 5 J arrived next day (13th) at Agra at 8 in the evening ; pitch dark, rain and thunder-storm; so thick and stormy could hardly find the halting-place. Lucknow, 62 miles; Cawnpore, 53; Agra, 179— total 297 miles in 59 hours : not bad for India. A very hard beefsteak for dinner at 9.30 p.m. ; wrote three letters, and sleep. " Up at 3 a.m. on the 14th, and left Agra at day- break. No time to see the Taj, or other sights : very unfortunate, but can't be helped. People say the Taj is the finest work in India, and that it even exceeds the anticipation of most travellers. So much the more my regret, having been disappointed in most other sights in India. Good road the first ten or fifteen miles, then sticky mud and heavy sand. Made road again towards Gwalior — 79 miles. Found that Sir R. Hamilton was there, therefore I knew Bill Cumming would be with him. Drove up to Cumming's 104 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. tent, found they had all gone to a big dinner and Durbar with Scindia. However, Sir R. Hamilton's butler gave me a cold saddle of mutton and a bottle of A i treble X to wash it down with, and they all returned about ten. Sat up with Cumming, Hunt, and the others till two, and turned in till six. Cumming and I went over and breakfasted with Mrs. Murray, a sister of Mrs. Babington's. "Left Gwalior at 9 a.m. on the 15th. Sir Robert looking remarkably well, and as hospitable and good natured as ever. Arrived at Ghanaghat at 7 p.m. — 62 miles. Going a sharp canter across country down a very stony hill, one horse came head over heels, or rather heels over head, and got completely under the cart, his head resting against one wheel and his heels against the other. The other horse tumbled over him, and lay resting on some large boulders of rock. A more complete smash I never saw, and how these horses got off without any bones being broken is a miracle to me. After some delay, got them up and harnessed them again the best way we could (one without a bridle, the bit having been smashed in the fall), and came along again as lively as ever. Saw some pretty Brinjaree girls, and, for a wonder, a very pretty cooly girl, who blushed ! What next ? Very open rocky country, with every facility for road- THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 105 making ; but this country belongs to Scindia, who does nothing till Sir R. Hamilton makes him. A good road is being made this side of Gwalior, when you go across country again ; ground so rough, obliged to hold myself in. Coachman occasionally chucked into your lap. Not pleasant, as they are often greasy and high, indulging plentifully in bad tobacco and garlick. Very unlucky day — only 48 miles. " Left Ghanagnat at 5 a.m. ; arrived at Sipree at 7 — 24 miles. Breakfasted with Colonel Harris, a very worthy old man and good officer, one whom I would like to see with us up the Gulf; also Wilson, the handsome doctor who lives with him. Left again at 9.30 ; horses all tired and bad ; at a walk nearly the whole way, and English mail tiring all the horses. Only reached Budderwass after sunset ; a stupid, uninteresting country. Colonel Havelock 24 miles ahead of me. This shows the glorious uncertainty of travelling along this road : doing the first 18 miles easy in two hours, the remaining 20 taking me nine. However, I found a large duck, which I immediately turned into the alabaze pan, and made an excellent dinner, and what's the odds, so long as you're happy. Roads very sticky from late rain. "Left Budderwass at 2 a.m., 17th; bad roads and 106 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. tired horses. Reached Goona at 7; remained half an hour to grease wheels and have a bit of breakfast. Came along well to Dewass ; good roads, jungly- country. Crossed Parbuttee River ; black soil this side of Dewass ; not a bad day altogether. Arrived at Shahjahanpore at daybreak, 18th; bolted three eggs and two cups of tea, and came on, doing a very good day — 116 miles. Very pretty tank at Dewass, but the country from beginning to end is flat and uninteresting, and becomes warmer and warmer as you go south. Came from Shahjahanpore to Indore between 8 and 3. A good road, and horses better ; a good deal of cultivation, but not to be com- pared in this respect to Oude. Oude and Guzerat are the most fertile countries I have seen in India ; the former the best. " At Indore found I could not have a cart, so came on in a dhooly, starting at 7 p.m. on the 18th. Came on all night, and arrived at Googra at 8 a.m. on the 19th ; detained here, waiting for kit to come up. Left Googra at 12 same day; arrived at Shirpoor at 9 a.m. the 20th ; very curious kicking horses all the way. Left again at 12 ; arrived at Dhoolia about five. Went straight to Sam Mansfield, who gave me some dinner and a bath (how delicious !). Left again at 9; arrived at Nassick at 3 (21st); THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 107 came on straight, remaining a short time at Egat- pooree. Came on at a gallop all down the Thull Ghat, and arrived at Wassing railway station, 50 miles from Bombay. Jumped out of the cart and went to sleep on the grass, pretty well tired out, having rested nowhere for the last 200 miles, except for an hour or two. Found Walker and his wife at the station at Thanna, and Harpur, who came with me to Bombay. Put up at the Adelphi, and went back to Thanna to dine with Harpur." Notwithstanding this hurried march, Johnson found, on his arrival at Bombay, that he would have to wait there over a fortnight for a transport. He goes on with his journal from the Adelphi Hotel : " Toler- ably comfortable, being nicely situated on the race- course, which, as the races were going on, was very convenient. Rather alarmed, after my stay there for a few days, at a married couple and three children— two English girls, one tall and pretty, the other small and plain, also a European servant-maid — all being put in my room to sleep and live there ! Rather a curious proceeding, I thought. However, I am used to everything now, and didn't mind it much, except that there was an incessant row, one child squalling incessantly; in fact, I suffered all the incon- veniences of a family man for a short time, without 108 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. any of its advantages. The room was partitioned off by canvas screens into four parts, the two girls occupying the one next to me ; they kept up an in- cessant talk most of the night, and their ideas were most amusing. A few days afterwards I dined and breakfasted with them at the table d'hote, and got up a desperate flirtation with the pretty one, who I found full of fun and up to anything, when they all disappeared, via the Cape to England ; and I got an order from the Quartermaster-General to attend at his office for orders regarding some horses to go up under my charge for the Light Field Battery at Hyderabad. So here I am on the Mirzapore, one of the Scinde Horse transports, en route to the Gulf, via Kurrachee, where I shall drop these horses and go in this same ship up the Gulf. We are being towed by the Assaye, in company with others — the Alabama and Lord George Bentinck. We left Bombay, February 7th, having shipped the horses without an accident, greatly to my relief. "Kurrachee, February 2$th. — I have landed all the horses, I am happy to say, without accident. Captain and crew very civil; they don't care much about h's here. * 'Ere, 'Arry, those 'orses down in the 'old arn't got no 'ay.' " The following letter was written to his mother from THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 109 Bombay, in addition to the journal : " February 22nd. — My last letter will have prepared you for a move in this direction, and here I am in Bombay waiting for a transport to take me up. A day or two after my last letter I received a telegraphic order from Calcutta directing me to proceed at once to Bombay by dak, and report myself to Government. The literal mean- ing of travelling by dak, is being shut up in a box, called in these parts a palky, and carried on men's shoulders. This mode of conveyance doesn't exactly suit my ideas, and as the pith of the order was to get to Bombay as sharp as I could, I came down by mail-cart, and accomplished the trip much quicker than I expected. Receiving the order on the 10th, I started on the morning of the nth, and reached this on the morning of the 22nd, making it exactly ten days, the distance being upwards of 1030 miles. "I have had some roughish trips during my life, but nothing ever the least to equal this. Certainly some of these coachmen deserve a medal for the reckless, break-neck way they drive. They go all night, light or dark, moon or no moon, with no lamp. They couldn't go the pace over such ground with lamps. A great part of the way there is nothing more than a beaten track by way of a road : over hills, and through jungles, and across rivers. I shall always no TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. look back upon this excursion as the most remark- able one of my life. I was detained in some places by rain, and met with other hindrances I could not foresee, which obliged me to make up for lost time by going all the faster. We came through many interest- ing places — Agra, Gwalior, Indore, — but of course I had no time to see the lions. They gave poor Colonel Havelock, who was travelling six hours ahead of me, a bad upset into the middle of a corn- field, and bruised his nose and arm a little, but being a small, spare man, he fell light, and is none the worse for it, and has gone on to command a Division. As you may suppose, I had very little sleep all the way, and only one real dinner ; this was with a Mr. Mansfield, of the Civil Service, coming through Dhoolia. "I suppose by this time the Persian War is beginning to create some excitement at home, and perhaps it would have been better had they left China alone, till this Persian business is over. All the best of our men have gone on, as well as the pick of the regi- ments, and I am looking forward to joining them with much delight, so many of my friends being there. I can't help thinking with many others that the whole expedition is a great mistake, for I can't see any great object to be gained, even should it turn THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. m out favourably ; and now that the hot weather is coming on, nothing, I fancy, can be attempted on any grand scale, and every one dreads fearful sickness among the troops ; but still they go on sending more and more. Somehow or other, people at home, and some out here also, seem to have been seized with a panic all at once that the Russians contemplate an attack upon us ; and to prepare for this crisis, we send a force from this country in a totally opposite direction, thereby denuding our frontier of some of our best troops. I suppose it is some grand stroke of diplomacy that we out here know nothing about, and are therefore not able to form an opinion. Mis- take or no mistake, I intend to come out with a Brevet Majority, i.e. if I come out at all. "I hear all the thermometers burst at Bushire in June or July. On ahead, towards Bagdad, the climate is better, and I fancy we shall be sent up somewhere in that direction. I should be glad of any maps of Persia, and of those parts of Turkish Arabia neigh- bouring on the Tigris and Euphrates, and any books or journals you can find that give information on these parts. I have a superb outfit for this campaign, not much in quantity, but very select in quality. I am beginning to think the military profession is not a money-making business, at any rate; all these 112 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. continual changes make it difficult to keep out of debt. " Having been obliged to leave all my kit, horses, and servants behind at Secrora, I have to fit myself out afresh. I wish my regiment were going up. The ist Oude Irregulars would astonish a large amount of Russian cavalry, I think. We despair of any grand affair with the Persians ; if they bolt as fast as they did at Bushire, there will be no getting near them. The Persians never could fight yet, and I conclude never will. " Journal: March ist. — Just at the last moment, as we were under way, got an order to tranship myself from the Mirzapore to the Eliza, and take charge of all on board. So off I went, and in the dark, my next move after getting safe on deck, was tumbling neck and crop down the hold, very nearly pulling my arms out of their sockets in laying hold of a beam to save myself. After making fast to the Alabama, we all three started for Bushire in tow of the Assaye steam frigate. We went on quietly enough till Tuesday, when a gale set in dead in our teeth, enough to blow a pipe out of one's mouth, and all that night I felt sure one of our hawsers must snap every minute. However, we rode it out, and anchored off Bushire roads about three p.m. the Monday week THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 113 following. As far as scenery is concerned, it is by far the most uninteresting coast I have ever sailed along, being nothing but bare rock, without the slightest variety from beginning to end. " Tuesday, 10th March. — It blew so hard we were obliged to let out fifty fathoms of chain, and the Assaye came drifting by us with two anchors down, but fortunately stopped before she got ashore. " Wednesday, nth. — The more I look at Bushire through the telescope, the more I feel convinced it's the most rotten-looking place I ever saw, and unless it's a very important place for trade, I can't imagine the Honourable John Company sending troops to garrison such a place. If you can fancy a bleak, sandy plain, without a blade of vegetation -except a few date trees here and there, that look as if they were ashamed of themselves, and a very dirty town built of mud, and filled with flies, dates, and dust, you will be able to form a very accurate idea of Bushire. Received sailing orderstoproceed to Mohamra without delay, under sail. Started at three p.m., and the next morning found us just ten miles from the spot we started from, which shows the glorious uncertainty of the Eliza under canvas. " Saturday, 14th. — A good strong breeze in our favour all last night ; and this morning ran up the I ii4 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Euphrates and anchored with the rest of the fleet about 4 p.m. "Sunday, March i$th. — King and I were sent to report our ships to Colonel Havelock. Went accord- ingly and met many old friends — McPherson,* of the Highlanders; Hunt of ditto; Nuttall, and several others. "Monday, 16th. — The Agdalia, Golden Era, Suldana, Alabama, and several others brought up close astern of us. The Pioneer came in with news of General Stalker's death. He was a general favourite through- out the whole army ; and there could not be a better or more honest servant to Government. In many respects, with his kind and gentle manner, he reminded me of Sir George Cathcart. Heard very bad news : thunderstruck with the intelligence that all the Cavalry and one troop Horse Artillery were to return to Bushire. " Tuesday, ijth. — Got under way very much disgusted, and ran down the river ; passed the Mir sapor e aground. Spoke the Hugh Lindsay steamer, who told us to 'return/ and received in reply three very loud cheers from the Eliza. "The state of affairs just now is as follows : General Outram is expected every day, when we are to go on and take Mohamra. I send you a rough outline * Afterwards Sir Herbert McPherson. THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 115 of the whereabouts of Mohamra. I dare say it will be a hollow business, after all, but better than Bushire. The Sybile, French frigate, which is round here, came down from Bussora the other day, and declared the Persians are full of confidence. However, I look upon their getting a good thrashing as a dead cer- tainty ; nothing can equal the spirits and esprit of our corps from beginning to end, and I expect it will be a clasp at least, if not a medal. No one seems to have the slightest idea of the force of the Persians, but probably it may be about 10,000 or 15,000. Our force consists of Her Majesty's 78th Highlanders (7 companies), Her Majesty's 64th (7 companies), one troop Horse Artillery, a Light Field Battery, one squadron Scinde Horse, the Light Battalion of Native Infantry, the 23rd Native Light Infantry, the 26th Native Infantry, and a few others." The following was to his mother : — " I hope you don't think I ought not to have volunteered for this, because I shall be very much distressed, dearest mother, if I hear that you are in a state of mind about me. Everything must be a trifle, after Inker- man. If I had a wife and brats depending upon my existence, you might consider it decidedly wrong, but as it is, being in the Army, the more work I see of this kind the better. A surgeon, for instance, takes Ii6 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. every opportunity of slashing off legs and arms whenever there is an opportunity, and is considered all the more expert in consequence. I sincerely hope this Persian expedition may turn out well, but I certainly cannot look upon it in a more favourable light than the ' Persian folly.' I heard a capital argument to this. A man talking about the Persians and Russians threatening India, said that if a man came to break his door open to rob the house, he certainly would not run out at the other end, and I certainly would not give that old villain Dost Moham- mad twelve lakhs a year to be my door-keeper. * Regarding the Queen's medal for valour, I shall be very sorry if you try for it : even were there a chance of getting it, I should not take it. I look upon it in this light : If a volunteer or outsider were to serve with my regiment, and get the prize medal, I as a member of the regiment should be very much dis- gusted : and the 20th received me so kindly I should be sorry for anything to occur to damp that feeling." Johnson was present at the bombardment and taking of Mohamra, which he always described as very tame after the Crimea; and he accompanied the only detachment of Native Horse sent in pursuit of the Persian Army. On the 24th of March the expedition anchored in front of the fortifications of THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 117 Mohamra ; on the 26th, fire was opened on the Persian works, the principal magazines were blown up, and the place was taken. On April 5th peace was signed at Paris. The following letter was written on April 19th from the camp : — * Probably this will be my last from Mohamra, for we all expect shortly to be on the move for Bushire or India. All our prospects of a campaign into Persia are effectually damped by the news of peace, and all I can look forward to now, is a tedious march back to Lucknow. We don't know yet what are the terms of peace, but as far as we can learn, they are not half so good for us as might have been expected, and it is the general opinion that unless it was the intention at the commencement to carry on the war in earnest, it has been nothing more than an enormous expen- diture of money and nothing gained. The Persian Army has all gone to ruin, disbanded and broken up ; the state of the country is most thoroughly rotten ; the army, since it has been licked out of Mohamra, has been looted and robbed in all directions, and the Arabs are paying them off for all sorts of tyranny practised on them on their march down. The Government is so thoroughly bad, that I believe many of the tribes would be too glad to be relieved of it, and we could have marched on to Shiraz and Ispahan with very n8 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. little opposition. Possibly we should have had a fight at the top of the passes, where they would only have run away again, and we should have gone on quite comfortably. " Last week we got up a little picnic, and ' did ' Bussora, about thirty miles up the river. We hired a native boat and had a very pretty sail, and put up in Mr. Taylor's house, Assistant to the Consul at Bagdad. Most of the place is in ruins, and what with plague and cholera, the place has decreased from about 70,000 to 6000 in the last twenty years, and an intelligent Armenian told me he thought about two more choleras would finish the remainder. The bazaar was better built than the one at Smyrna, and there are some pretty gardens on the river, containing the most delightful conglomeration of fig, vine, date, mulberry, peach, pomegranate, and other trees. Some of the Arabs were such fine-looking fellows ; they came in marketing from a long distance in the desert. They reminded me much of the Circassians you see at Constantinople, only a little darker in complexion. The different costumes and figures you saw in the bazaar made about as picturesque a sight as you could see anywhere — Armenians, Turks, and Kurds with belts full of daggers. The women, as at Cairo and Alexandria, wear a blue veil over the entire face, THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN, 119 therefore I can't tell you what they are like ; the people were very civil, and Bussora has not seen so much tin for many a day, as it has since our force has been up here. All the tops of the houses have flat roofs, and in the mornings and evenings this is the coolest place, and we often used to go and smoke our pipes up there. We appeared to attract much curiosity among the Bussora ladies, and we saw numerous heads in all directions, greatly to the indig- nation of the jealous old Turks. One fellow sent over to say that if we looked at his wife any more, he would cut her throat, or cut his own. We told him to cut his own if he liked, but if he played any tricks with any one else, we should hand him over to the efTendi. We heard nothing more of him,- but most likely the poor woman got a good licking after we were gone." The next letter is dated "Persian Folly Force, Mokamra, May 3rd. — Here we are still, why or wherefore is more than I can say ; one would have supposed that after peace has been signed, the most sensible thing would have been to send all the troops back to India, before the monsoons set in : but no, they say they must remain here till the treaty is ratified. During my absence here, Daly is trans- ferred as commandant to the corps of Guides in the 120 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Punjaub ; and Forbes, of the 1st Bengal Irregular Cavalry, is put in to succeed him in the 1st Oude Cavalry. Had I remained quietly and comfortably in Oude, I should now be commanding the regiment in Daly's absence, and on rejoining the corps I ought to be Daly's locum tenens. The news from Mohamra will not take up much room ; the most important productions of the place are dates, flies, and fleas : the last to any amount, they come out of the ground in all directions. We have an expedition to Bagdad in contemplation, but I should not wonder if the whole force was out of this by the end of the month. In Bagdad I should expect to see nothing more than Bussora magnified ten times. There is some very fine hog-hunting there, but without horses I don't see how this is to be managed. Lugard, Adjutant-General for Queen's troops in Bombay, is perhaps the best man we have here. There are several good men on the staff. Briggs, Hogg, Cook, and Willoughby having joined our party, we are shortly going to pitch another tent. Several officers have been taken seriously ill after breakfast. You ask what it is, and are told by the authorities it is peculiar to Mohamra to be sick after breakfast. The number of flies affects the food. We have two months of flies, and then two months of an insect of a far worse genus. THE PERSIAN CAMPAIGN. 121 Pleasing prospect for us! Thermometer is to be 112 at sunrise, 122 noon, 114 evening." Just after this they got orders to return to Bombay, and Johnson was one of those told off for the Dakotah sailing transport. He wrote from Bombay to his mother, May 27th : a A few lines to tell you of my safe arrival from Mohamra, with several other Bashi- Bazouks. Nicholson, an old Guzerat friend of mine, going down sick ; Nicholetts, Leith, Neave, and Brad- ford, made up the rest of our party, with 162 horses and a quantity of bullocks. All of these, being senior officer on board, I had to look after, and the heat sometimes was something so awful it was fortunate the horses arrived safe. We came down part of the way in tow of the Semiramis war steamer, and then, after putting in at Muscat to coal, it began to blow so hard that we were obliged to let go and sail. We found Muscat a better place than we expected : it is situated something like Balaklava, land-locked in the same way, only the cliffs not so precipitous. We landed and ' did ' the place satisfactorily. We found the town about as dirty as Bussora, full of Arabs and Persians. At Muscat we found some bad fruit, which to us was a great treat ; where it came from we could in no way comprehend. When we asked, they pointed in the direction of a mass of rocks 122 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. without a blade of cultivation of any kind : you see nothing but range over range of bare rocks all round you. I am thinking of starting for Calcutta June ist. Not having seen any papers since the 14th of April, you will learn more from them of the rows in the North- West than I can tell you." ( 123 ) CHAPTER VIII. THE INDIAN MUTINY — SHIPWRECK. JUNE, 1 857. There had been for some time rumours of disaffec- tion among the sepoys in the North- West Provinces, and news of the outbreak of mutiny among the native regiments at Meerut, Ferozepore, and Delhi, had by this time reached Bombay. General Have- lock had arrived at Bombay from Persia, and was anxious at once to hurry overland to join the Commander-in-Chief, who was believed to be march- ing on Delhi ; but the risks of doing so were great, and Lord Elphinstone would not permit it ; so Havelock had, instead, to go to Galle in the hope of catching there the mail steamer for Calcutta. He left Bombay on the 1st of June, in the P. & O. steamer Erin, with Captain Baily; his son (young Henry Havelock), Johnson, and a few others with him. Johnson wrote to his brother from the Erin, off Cochin, June 4th — "You will wonder where in 124 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. the world I have got to now, so I'll tell you. I am on my way to Galle to catch the big steamer from Cochin to Calcutta, and am going on from thence to the North-West Provinces to shoot Bengal sepoys. I remained in Bombay a week, and intended to have taken a run up to Poona to see the regiment, but on account of this row all our services are required with our respective regiments in Bengal, and I thought it best not to delay. So here we are, on board the Erin, the ship that ran down the Pasha some years back off Singapore. We left Bombay on the ist, and expect to be at Galle to-morrow, where we shall move into the Bengal, which will take us up to Calcutta in eight or nine days or so. The Erin is tolerably comfortable : commissariat very good, except the tea, which is a go between that article and coffee. However, as much good claret as you can drink supplies the deficiency without grumbling. Such curious critters by way of servants — Chinese without eyes, and with most glorious pigtails, down to the bottom of the calf of the leg ; they are very clean, and make excellent servants. Our party consists of General Wilson, Havelock (Adjutant- General for Queen's troops in Bengal), young Have- lock (his son), and a few others, merchants of sorts for Ceylon and Shanghai. Not a bad party THE INDIAN MUTINY. 125 altogether, and having beautiful weather, we have as yet had rather a jolly trip than otherwise. "I suppose this disgraceful mutiny has created great excitement in England as well as in India. The worst of it is, I hope, over now, although the accounts were but seedy when we were in Bombay. Nothing to create any alarm has occurred, I am happy to say, on our side of India, and I dare say if a little grape had been scientifically administered in the first instance at Meerut, it would have put a stop to all further proceedings. When it is all over, I dare say it will do good in many respects. It will show the Bengalese that their system of soldiering is quite a mistake, at any rate, and create an entire reform, which was much wanted. I am not the least afraid of any of the Irregular Cavalry turning against us ; in fact, the mutiny has been solely brought about by the Bengal Infantry of the line, and the sooner these fellows are hanged the better. It is just what you might expect in an army where the officers are afraid to keep up a sufficiently strict discipline amongst their men. Have you seen the very mild orders that have come out from the Governor-General ? It is not much to the purpose to ask mutineers to keep quiet. The only way it will be done, is to show them you can make them give in. Rather an 126 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. unfortunate occurrence took place just before my departure from Bombay. I had just drawn about seventy pounds from the Pay Office to pay my way back to Oude, brought it back, and put it into my writing-case, and a negro coolly walked off with the whole of it ! Rather inconvenient, just at starting, and there is not the slightest chance of ever recovering a farthing of the money. How curious India will be after this mutiny ! Of course no more ladies will come out ; you have no idea what atten- tion will be paid to the army now." In the envelope of this letter is written : " We have just been shipwrecked, but all hands on shore safe." The Erin was wrecked on the west coast of Ceylon, a few miles below Colombo, off a small village called Kalutara South. The coast is very dangerous, with many reefs and sandbanks ; it was a very bad time of year (June 7th), and she struck at night. The captain was in his cabin, and it is said that the officer was misled by his compass, which was a new one ; but as it went to the bottom nothing could be proved. A star had been taken, and the course was supposed to be right. Fortu- nately the sandbank on which the Erin struck was near the shore. It may still be seen, just opposite to the little village of Kalutara, and quite recently one THE INDIAN MUTINY. 127 of the paddle-wheels of the unfortunate vessel was visible in the sand. It was through Johnson's presence of mind, which never failed him in time of need, that the alarm was given. He was the first to hear the breakers, and to assist in sending up blue lights and rockets, and in firing off the gun. He lost most of his kit, which was in the hold, and there was not time to get it out before the ship went to pieces. The Commander, Captain Baily, is still living at Colombo as agent to the P. & O. Company there (he is well known as the best judge of precious stones in the island). In writing about " Billy " Johnson's conduct at the time, he says : " I remember him well : we were both comparatively young men when the Erin was lost, and his behaviour at the time fixed him in my memory. I thought he was the pluckiest man I ever saw. He was below when the saloon was half full of water; got his powder-flask out of his revolver case, and stood with the sea rushing over him, and primed the gun which we were firing. We had got cartridges up, but the priming powder was wet." Johnson's own letter to his mother gives a graphic account of the shipwreck : — "On board Fire Queen, "125 miles S.E. of Madras. " Rather an unfortunate termination to my trip 128 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE, with the ' Persian Folly/ to be first robbed of seven hundred rupees, and immediately after to be ship- wrecked, instead of more honours, and a Brevet Majority, as I expected. I won't grumble though, for * misfortunes will occur in the best-regulated families/ and perhaps we are very well out of it, for had we struck a mile north of Kalutara, it would have been the last you would ever have heard of the old Erin, 1 Master William/ and all the rest of us. Joking apart, I assure you we are all very thankful it was no worse ; for to end one's career by being drowned like so many insignificant kittens, it is not exactly what one would prefer, to say the least of it. And now you will like to know the particulars, which I will condense as much as possible. Well, you already know we were en route between Bombay and Point de Galle on board the Erin, iron paddle P. & O. boat, running between Bombay and China. On Friday afternoon, took the sun as usual, and found ourselves a hundred and sixty miles from Galle ; took the sun again at four the same afternoon, and a star at ten, and then the captain turned in. We were running then under topsails, with the current in our favour, eleven and a half or twelve knots an hour. " Young Havelock and I were sleeping in our usual THE INDIAN MUTINY, 129 places on the top of the skylight. The least thing awakes me sleeping, and about one, hearing a peculiar noise, I sat up and listened, and thought to myself we must be in shallow water, amongst a lot of breakers. Havelock saw me sitting up, and asked me what was the matter ; but I did not answer him, not knowing what was the matter. Just then a heavy shower of rain came on. I rolled up my bed like a shot, and sung out to Havelock if he did not look sharp he would be washed down in five minutes. I had been below only three minutes, and had turned in again under the stern window, thinking that I must have mistaken the noise of the rain on the water for breakers, when, first, came a very slight bump, then two together — bump, bump ; then bang, bump, a roll and a dash simultaneously ; and so we went on being dashed about till the end of the chapter, expecting the ship (iron) to go to pieces every minute, and not knowing in the least where we were, which made it much worse ; and not being accustomed to being shipwrecked, I thought the position most particularly disagreeable, and felt a very peculiar sensation, commonly called ' funk,' — very much what I felt at Inkerman when I found myself alone, surrounded by Russian riflemen, all deliberately shooting at me. Every one looked particularly astonished ; there was K 130 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE, a great deal of rushing about, much jaw, but very little done. Blue lights and rockets were sent up ad libitum, but no reply from the shore. At last, know- ing the habits of niggers ashore in a storm, how they roll themselves up like hedgehogs, seeing nothing, and hearing very little, I suggested that we might fire off one of the guns on board ; and I assisted to get up some blank cartridge (which we did with difficulty) ; but these not being rammed home sufficiently, made but a poor report ; however, it was the first they heard of us ashore. It was not of much consequence, how- ever, for nothing could be done, or rather nothing was done, until daylight. What amused me most was, during the commotion, a man in a great state of excitement, ramming his head into my stomach, with a ' Here you are, sir,' and putting a bundle of shotted cartridges into my hand, by way of some blank ammunition for the gun ! Fortunately I felt the shot inside, or we should the next moment have astonished the village with a volley of grape. " Well, in the morning boats put off and took us ashore, and most of our baggage ; and they got the specie out and the mails, and about nine the poor old Erin broke in two, with about £150,000 of opium on board, and most of the ship's officers' baggage. After she began to break up, the scene on shore was THE INDIAN MUTINY. 131 highly ridiculous — every sort of thing being flung overboard in the hope of its being washed ashore — chairs, boxes, beds, cushions, a cow and calf, sheep, cocks and hens, ducks and geese (these seem to vote it rather a lark than otherwise), a horse (who didn't). Poor Baily, the captain, was very much cut up about it : he had only been in command about six months. The officer on watch was to blame, for not keeping his eyes and ears open when the squall came on. . . . I think, had the wheel been put over immediately the ship struck, she might have been saved ; but they stopped and backed engines, which was useless, as we were going under topsails twelve knots an hour. The rudder was smashed very shortly after we struck. So much for this. If you look on the map, you will find a place on the west coast of Ceylon, about half way between Colombo and Galle, called Kalutara. We found very comfortable quarters ; Mr. Templar, the judge, took us in and did for us ; and the same night we went on into Galle. We were too late, how- ever, for the steamer, which had gone on to Calcutta the day before ; so we got a lift up in the Fire Queen t which had been sent down from Calcutta to Galle for European troops ; but there being no Europeans to send from there, she was ordered back, and to touch at Madras. I lost some of my silver kit and camp 132 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. kit on board the Erin, which will put me to some inconvenience. It was down in the hold, and they could not get it out. Such a dirty steamer this, and cockroaches as big as young rabbits." On his arrival in India he found that he had suffered still greater losses, for, in his absence, all his house- hold goods — horses (including his beloved "Arab's Choice"), and everything he possessed — had fallen into the hands of the mutineers. Amongst his treasures was a very valuable collection of armour and weapons ; and for all these losses he only received compensation in part. He arrived at Calcutta in the Fire Queen on the 17th June. Sir Henry Havelock, and Sir Patrick Grant, who was then Commander-in-Chief at Madras, were on board. Sir Patrick presented Havelock to Lord Canning with the words, "My Lord, I have brought you the man ; " and Havelock was forth- with despatched to support Sir Hugh Wheeler and Sir Henry Lawrence, who were holding the mutineers at bay at Cawnpore and Lucknow. The dauntless and heroic Neill had already gone on with his "Lambs" — the 1st Madras Fusiliers — and had quelled the outbreak at Allahabad. On June 25th, Havelock left Calcutta, he and his little band travelling by rail and road to Benares. THE INDIAN MUTINY. 133 Johnson, on arriving with Havelock at Calcutta, had received orders from Lord Canning to proceed up country, and officiate as second in command of the 1 2th Regiment Irregular Cavalry. He accordingly went up to Benares, but was unfortunately attacked there with severe illness. He had been very ill while he was at Calcutta, and in the doctor's hands ; but he made light of it, and hurried on as soon as possible. He wrote to his mother from Benares, July 14 : — "You will be surprised to see my letter dated from Benares, but I came up here a few days since, intending to drop down the river to a place called Chupra, and from thence to Segowlee (where the 12th Irregular Cavalry were) ; but, unfortunately, I am laid up here with my side troubling me again, and having had leeches and a blister on yesterday, I am quite unable to move out of bed. The pain, however, is nothing serious, and I shall be well, I hope, in a few days ; but it is a bore just now to be laid up, during the present state of affairs, when every Englishman is wanted for work. . . . Matters in this part of India just now are looking up, and General Havelock has given the mutineers a good thrashing between Allahabad and Cawnpore, and will march on and relieve Lucknow. I should have gone on with him, had I been well. Several men from Oude are here 134 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. just now. Boileau from Secrora is one ; you have heard me speak of him before ; he is the husband of the lady who used to make such lovely lobster salad. He has lost everything, except his wife and children (who are safe in Lucknow), and the horse he rode away upon. All my things were plundered at a place called Nawabgunj, between Secrora and Lucknow, so I have not the slightest chance of ever seeing them again — four rifles and a gun, swords, shields, and many trophies of much value. The * Arab's Choice ' and the brown Arab colt are supposed to be safe in Lucknow.* " As to my regiment, it has gone ; a few Sikhs only remain. In fact, the whole of the Oude Contingent has mutinied, almost to a man — three regiments of cavalry, ten of infantry, three batteries of native artillery, and about two thousand police. Doesn't it sound ridiculous ? and Sir Henry Lawrence holding his own at Lucknow all this time with a few Europeans. I regret very much being absent when the thing occurred. I think I could have held some of the men together, at any rate ; but there is no saying ; perhaps I might have been decapitated like the rest. I should have been commanding that party that started under Hayes (Military Secretary * They were never recovered. THE INDIAN MUTINY. 135 to Sir H. Lawrence), who was murdered with Barber, Fayrer, and the others. The slaughter amongst officers, women, and children has been awful ; and I don't expect the country will be quiet till we have had remuneration by blowing away from guns some twenty thousand. It is a sad thing; and I can't help thinking that many an innocent victim will suffer, who has been misled by these cowardly lying villains. However, there is only one way to treat a mutiny, otherwise there is an end to all discipline for the future. " Holmes's * troops have mutinied as well as the Gwalior Contingent. The former from Indore marched on Mhow, and old Piatt, with the 23rd, a battery of artillery, and some of the 1st" Cavalry, gave them a most awful licking. The most curious state of affairs exists now in India — the greater part of the Bengal Native Army have all gone mad at the same time. Government calls it a Mussulman row, but I believe myself that the most bigoted of the Brahmin Hindoos are the mischief-makers, and that the Mussulmans do the fighting part of the business. They are a much more open race than the Bengal Brahmins. One article will be much * He was Commandant of the 12th Irregular Cavalry, of whom Johnson later took command. 136 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. required in India when the troops arrive : i.e. small powerful river steamers, drawing but little water ; with a good supply of these, the work could be done in half the time, not only for troops, but for heavy ammunition, commissariat stores, etc." Johnson lay at Benares sick for several weeks, and during this time the state of affairs had become much worse. Havelock reached Allahabad on the 30th of June, where he met Neill, who was there equipping the advance column, which left the same afternoon, under the command of Major Renaud, for Cawnpore. Havelock intended to follow with a stronger force on July 4th, but was delayed three days by the task of forming the Corps of Volunteer Cavalry, which afterwards did such fine service under Barrow. On July 7th Havelock marched from Allahabad with the main column, and marched (as an old sergeant of the 84th Regiment told the writer) " fighting all the way." But before their start, sad news had come of the massacre and destruction of the gallant little garrison of Cawnpore. Havelock's " Ironsides " did not number two thousand men. But what they lacked in quantity was made up in quality, for finer soldiers never stepped. Their first battle was at Futtehpore, July 12th — Havelock's first engagement as a General in command. Eleven guns were THE INDIAN MUTINY. 137 taken. The next was at Cavvnpore, fought on the 1 6th of July, and on the following morning the English took possession of the station. But, alas ! they were just too late. It will be remembered that after the massacre at the Ghat (of which tidings had been received by Havelock on the 1st of July) the unfortunate women and children had been taken back to Cawnpore, and confined in a single bungalow by Nana Sahib. When he heard of the approach of Havelock's column, he ordered them to be imme- diately slaughtered. First, the men, of whom there were but few prisoners, were brought out and killed ; and then he sent down the sepoys of his guard to shoot the women and children. It is said that they fired over the heads of the hapless prisoners ; at all events, few were killed ; so the Nana sent for some butchers out of the city to finish off the work with knives. The ghastly tale is told by Mr. Shepherd, a civilian resident in Cawnpore, in his narrative of the siege. He writes : — * "The native spies were first put to the sword, and after them the gentlemen : they were brought out from the out- buildings in which they had been confined, and shot with * Mr. Shepherd's narrative was shown to the writer by Professor G. W. Forrest on her voyage home from India in 1895, an( i tne extracts were made by his kind permission. 138 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. bullets. Then the poor females were ordered to come out, but neither threats nor persuasions could induce them to do so. They laid hold of each other, and clung so close that it was impossible to separate them, or drag them out of the building. The troopers, therefore, brought muskets, and after firing a great many shots from the doors and windows, rushed in with swords and bayonets. Some of the helpless creatures in their agony fell down at the feet of their murderers, clasped their legs, and begged them in the most pitiful manner to spare their lives, but to no purpose. The fearful deed was done deliberately and completely, in the midst of the most dreadful shrieks and cries of the victims. There were between a hundred and forty and a hundred and fifty souls, including children. The doors of the building were then locked for the night (16th July). Next morning it was found that some ten or fifteen women had managed to escape by falling or hiding under the murdered bodies of their fellow-prisoners. Fresh orders were there- fore sent to murder these also ; but the survivors, not being able to bear the idea of being cut down, rushed out into the compound, and seeing a well there, threw themselves into it without hesitation. The dead bodies of those murdered by the butchers on the preceding evening were then ordered to be thrown into the same well." Another account of the scene is given by a sergeant of the 57th, who went with Havelock and Neill into the house of blood, a few hours after the massacre. He relates that the Nana, when he heard of Havelock's pushing forward, ordered all the THE INDIAN MUTINY. 139 prisoners to be killed, and appointed a hundred of his men to kill the men, and a hundred more to kill the women and children, and served out a hundred rounds of ammunition. These men fired upon the poor creatures, but, it is supposed, missed them intentionally by firing over their heads. So the Nana sent into the city for some thirty of the lowest caste men — butchers — to kill them with knives. They were men of a low outcast tribe, but even of these degraded creatures only five would do the frightful work. Three of the five were faint from heat and blood, and only two remained to finish it. One of them fell into the hands of Havelock's soldiers, and he confessed that he had broken three weapons in the ghastly work, and finished off with a cavalry sword. He said he was forced to go on by the Nana's men. All this took place at the very time that the battle of Cawnpore was being fought outside. When Have- lock's men entered the city they were righteously maddened by what they found. The floor of the house where the women and children had been confined since the massacre of the men at the Ghat, rather more than a fortnight before, was a pool of blood. All round the walls were the marks of the bullets and the stains of blood, with tresses of hair, 140 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. articles of clothing, letters, toys, ornaments, and other piteous relics. The soldiers followed the tracks of blood which they found on the grass out- side, and traced them to the brink of the well, which had been covered by the sepoys with branches of trees, in the vain hope of hiding it from the English. They found it full to the brim with the mangled and mutilated bodies of English women and children — some dead, some dying — all thrown in together. Is it a wonder that the vengeance taken was a terrible one — that the soldiers were driven almost to desperation ? Neill's retribution was merciless. He forced the highest caste men to lick up the blood, which, according to their creed, would send them to destruction : then many of them were blown from guns, and the tree stands now, on which numbers were hanged. Even Havelock said, " Are there not some prisoners ? do they not encumber us ? " It took his men several days to bury the dead : some in the well, some in another well, which had been the scene of many a gallant deed, some in another large grave, and some in a small cemetery close by what was the House of Blood. Often there were three and four in one grave. The House of Blood was razed to the ground : it was not thought right THE INDIAN MUTINY. 141 that it should be left standing. Over the well, and hiding it from view, stands now the Memorial — a lovely angel of spotless white marble, — and around the base runs this inscription : " Sacred to the perpetual memory of a great company of women and children who near this place were cruelly massacred by the followers of the rebel named Dundhoo Puath, but commonly called Nana Sahib of Bithoor, and cast, the dead with the dying, into the well below, A.D. July 16th, 1857, and in graves close by." On one cross is the appropriate inscription : " Our bones are scattered at the grave's mouth, as when one cutteth and cleaveth wood upon the earth." The ground all round the Memorial is consecrated, and close by is the Memorial Church, dedicated to All Souls, the walls of which are entirely covered with marble tablets to the memory of the victims of the massacres. Beside the Memorial, stands the tree where hundreds of mutineers were hanged by Neill's orders. In the peace and beauty of the scene it is hard for the visitor to Cawnpore of to-day, to realize the piteous tragedy of the spot. 142 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. CHAPTER IX. THE MUTINY— AFFAIR AT HUTGAON WITH THE BOATS, UNDER MAJOR VINCENT EYRE, SEPT. 10,1857. Lieutenant Johnson, as we have seen, was lying ill at Benares during the time that the terrible things related in the last chapter happened. On the 5th August he wrote the following letter to his mother from Benares : " Altogether things in general have a much worse appearance than when I last wrote : in fact, the whole of Bengal is in the most delicious state of rebellion you ever heard of, and it strikes me the whole matter must end in a big campaign in the cold weather, or rather as soon as a sufficient force comes out from England. I hope to be at the fall of Delhi yet. Up to the last accounts Delhi was not likely to fall for some time. Some of our best men have been wounded there. Neville Cham- berlain has been dangerously wounded. Daly also, I am sorry to say, has been wounded, with many others. THE MUTINY. 143 The last accounts, too, from General Havelock are not good : he had been obliged to halt for reinforce- ments, and the mutineers have broken down a bridge before him. Havelock has about 2000 men with him. The enemy have probably 10,000. They make every sort of difficulty to prevent his advance, and Havelock will have to fight his way by inches. However, I expect to see him come out with flying colours: He is a very fine old fellow, settles down in a fight, and becomes as cool as a cucumber. " People here look as if they would like to eat you raw, bones and all. However, the whole country now had better have its mutiny, and then there will be a reaction, decidedly a considerable reaction, when 10,000 troops from England begin to make an advance in the cold weather. Just now all Europeans work under a sad disadvantage, on account of the heat ; besides, the country is half under water, and it is impossible for an army to move except on the Grand Trunk Roads. There is only one good road between Cawnpore and Lucknow ; if Havelock gets off this he finds himself immediately stuck in the mud. The loyal 12th Irregular Cavalry have gone : they distinguished themselves by killing the Com- manding Officer Holmes, his wife and family, and the doctor, his wife, and family ; and had I not been 144 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. detained here by weakness, there is not the slightest doubt what my fate would have been. You know I was on my way to join Holmes. I have heard from private sources that I have been appointed comman- dant of a new yeomanry corps of cavalry to be raised, and am daily expected in Calcutta. I have received nothing direct from Government, but shall write about it to-day, for perhaps they do not know where I am. I am better than when I last wrote, but not able to move yet." The following despatch refers to this appointment : " Council Chamber, Fort William, Calcutta, "August 4th, 1857. " Sir, " I am directed to request that you will have the goodness to order Lieutenant W. T. Johnson, of the 6th Bombay Native Infantry, lately doing work with the 12th Irregular Cavalry, and who is believed to be detained in or near Benares, to proceed immediately to Calcutta, for the purpose of being appointed to the command of the Bengal Yeomanry Corps. " I am, etc., " R. I. H. Birch, Colonel, " Sec. to the Government of India, " Military Department. " To the Officer commanding, Military Department, Benares." THE MUTINY. H5 Johnson was at this time ordered by his doctor to go home for change, and his cousin, Colonel Henry Turner, wrote about him as follows : " I have written strongly urging him to go home, and I do hope he will follow my advice ; we must be thankful that his illness prevents his being in the midst of these horrid mutineers, where his life would be often endangered when least expected. His regiment of cavalry is one of those that has mutinied, and three of the officers with it (and their families) were murdered. Thank God Billy was not with them ! He is quite safe where he is, and in Bengal we may hope that the worst is over. We shall ere long hear that Lucknow has been relieved, and that General Havelock's force has gone on to reinforce the army in front of Delhi." The following letter was written by Johnson to his mother on August 18th, from "The Mint, Benares." "Not a letter have I received from England for nearly three months, so I suppose these have all been looted by these beggarly mutineers. The mail from England is just in here, via Calcutta. At last I am glad to see the mutiny is beginning to create some excitement at home, and I have just been reading the speeches after the first arrival of the news in England of the Meerut affair, and the siege of L 146 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Delhi. Disraeli in some respects seems to take a pretty correct view of the case ; the Earl of Hard- wicke more particularly so, in recommending troops to be sent overland at once. Had troops been sent overland in the first instance, they might now be on their way up the Indus, having disembarked at Kurrachee. They would by this means get water transport as far as Mooltan. Reinforcements for the Force now before Delhi would reach us much sooner in this way than via the Cape and Calcutta ; I should say six weeks sooner. " And now for the mutiny out here. I don't think matters are much worse since I wrote last ; sixty- two regiments of Native Infantry, eight of Regular Cavalry, seven of Irregular Cavalry, the whole of the Oude, Gwalior, and Indore Contingents having mutinied, and being all loose about the country, you can fancy there is rather a confusion in the state of affairs in general; and the whole of the country from the Punjaub down to the Hoogly is in a most unsettled state at present, and will remain so for some time to come, I am afraid. It is difficult to give people in England, who have never been in India, a correct idea of what is going on, but perhaps you may gain some little insight from the following remarks. Although almost the whole of the Bengal THE MUTINY, H7 Army has mutinied, I don't think mutiny is at all the feeling of the country at large, and I feel there is hardly a village throughout the disturbed districts that would not be too glad of a settlement of affairs, to be as they were before. Just now they are all living in a most uncomfortable state of alarm, being liable to be plundered and insulted in every way, by bands of these brutal mutineers and rebels, at present wandering about the country. " To show you that the peasantry are not against us : when all the Oude mutineers went out to fight General Havelock on his march to Lucknow, the villages from without came in and supplied the garrison of Lucknow most handsomely with provisions. Also at Delhi, our camp is supplied with all the necessaries of life, when the mutineers are in great want within the city. The men who have mutinied have made themselves enemies on all sides ; the country people and villagers they have robbed and otherwise ill-treated, hate them ; all the old pensioners ditto, because, if they gain the day (which there is no chance of), what will become of the pensions ? Now the beggars have mutinied they don't know what to do. They can't work together, and they get licked whenever they come across a force under European discipline. 148 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. They can loot small villages, and destroy property and life where there is no opposition, but nothing more. Most of them have gone to Delhi, and I have heard lately that the Mohammedans and Hindoos have been fighting amongst themselves there, which I think very probably is the case. "Regarding the settlement of matters again in Bengal, it is a question of tin, guns, and ammunition. As long as we can keep treasure, big guns, and ammunition from falling into the hands of mutineers, we shall have the advantage; but with the country in this state we should, I think, find great difficulty in collecting revenue in the disturbed districts, and I am afraid for a short time this will prove a great drain on England. When once established, and a better system laid down with respect to the expendi- ture of the revenue, I hope the country will thrive more than ever ; there will be no more sepoys to pension, no King of Delhi, and no petty Rajahs to eat and swindle away the revenues. I shall wind up now, or you will declare I speak like a book, or am writing a sermon on the subject ; but since these two great nations — England and India — have become so dependent on each other, it is impossible not to think seriously on the subject. " General Havelock found himself so hard pressed THE MUTINY. 149 on his advance into Lucknow, he has turned back and recrossed the Ganges into Cawnpore, where he remains for reinforcements : in the mean time rein- forcements on the river are detained at Dinapore to go up the Gogra under Outram. The country up to the end of September between Fyzabad and Lucknow is impassable for artillery, on account of swamps and rain. At any rate, a movement in this direction must delay the relief of Agra. If Agra is allowed to fall into the hands of the muti- neers just now, it will most materially delay the settlement of that part of the country round Delhi. There are no end of ladies at Agra ; two or three siege trains, besides kits of ammunition, and I dare say a good lot of treasure. If they concentrated the troops at once at Cawnpore, and then went on at once to Agra, and from there reinforced our army before Delhi, it might shorten matters considerably. Lucknow could hold out, until another force came to the relief via Cawnpore. " This is most fearful weather for the poor European soldiers to work in : it is the climate they have to fight, not the mutineers. I am much better; side nearly well. A telegram came to me the other day from Lord Dunkellin, Military Secretary to the Governor-General, to say that if Lieutenant Johnson ISO TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. was anywhere near Benares, he was required imme- diately in Calcutta, to take command of the Bengal Yeomanry Cavalry. I sent back word that I was too sick just then, but I trusted I should be fit for duty very shortly. This is very flattering to me, and the pay would probably be ;£ioo a month. Unfortunate my being sick just now ; when they hear I cannot take it at once, they will very likely put in some one else." This was his last letter from Benares. Shortly after- wards, Sir James Outram, who had been appointed to the military command of the Dinapore and Cawnpore Division, passed through Benares with re- inforcements for Lucknow. Johnson was, as we have seen, ill at the time, and his doctor had ordered him to go home ; but he was not the man to shirk duty or danger. He knew that General Outram had no cavalry of any sort when he arrived at Benares, and was also aware how greatly General Havelock was feeling the deficiency of cavalry at Cawnpore. He therefore requested permission of General Outram to accompany his reinforcements, and proposed to make the attempt to bring up, by forced marches, all the men of his regiment — the 12th Irregular Cavalry — who remained faithful. The greater part had mutinied, as we have seen, but a remnant were faithful under Russeldar Muhammad Bukah Khan. General THE MUTINY. 151 Outram at once accepted Johnson's offer of his services, and gave him instructions to bring up this remnant and all of the regiment that he could muster without delay, and join him by forced marches. Johnson started the same day, and proceeded to Azamgarh, with an escort of only two horsemen : brought the remainder of the regiment up, and by forced marches joined the column even sooner than he expected. This was when the rebellion was at its height : nearly the whole of the Irregular Cavalry in Bengal had mutinied : the officers in his own regiment had been killed, and when he joined the force he did it at the risk of his life. General Have- lock said openly, "Johnson is a great fool to trust himself with these men ; they will be sure to cut his head off some day." But the young officer had great influence over natives. He trusted them, and they believed in him. This remnant of the regiment stuck to him stanchly throughout, and he commanded them in all the engagements between Cawnpore and Lucknow, under Generals Havelock and Outram. Subsequently, at the Alumbagh, the remnants of the 1 2th and of the 3rd Irregular Cavalry served together. They performed many valuable services, and so much did their behaviour meet with the approval of Govern- ment, that after the relief of Lucknow, every one of 152 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Johnson's men received a step of rank in promotion, besides a reward in money of a hundred rupees ; and the senior native officer under him received a special mark of appreciation, in the shape of a sword of honour, from the Governor-General. The following letter, from General Sir James Outram, written somewhat later, shows his opinion of the regiment : "My dear Johnson, • Colonel Napier has shown me your note, and I answer it myself. I most highly appreciate the conduct of the detachment of the 12th Irregulars : first, for the faithful devotion they have displayed to the Government when all others of their class, and even of their regiment, were faithless ; secondly, for their gallantry since they have come under my com- mand ; and you may depend upon my doing ample justice when, in my reports to Government and the Commander-in-Chief, I have the power to promote, and to confer the order of merit, and shall be most happy to promote every man to such rank as you may please to recommend, as well as to confer the order on such as you may consider to deserve the distinction, on your furnishing me with a nominal roll ; and this I would do in the most public manner THE MUTINY, 153 on a general parade, as I also purpose doing to the native troops of the garrison. I doubt whether you have the power to promote, as you purpose ; but if you have, and would prefer doing it yourself to my doing so, you may. " Sincerely yours, "J. OUTRAM." Outram wrote again, December 28th, i860 : " Major Johnson, of the Bombay Army, commanded a corps of Irregular Cavalry in the force under my command during the operations connected with the relief of Lucknow Residency and re-conquest of Oude, 1857-8, and I most willingly record my testimony as to his great worth as a gallant and zealous cavalry officer. Besides showing the utmost activity and forwardness in the field on all occasions, he lost no opportunity (and he had many) of rendering me efficient aid in miscellaneous services, which demanded the exercise of intelligence and zeal. Thus, during the time we were shut up in the Residency, he was most useful in obtaining information, and accomplish- ing important objects, by means of the Sikhs under his command." The men's rewards were well deserved, for they were the few out of many thousands that remained 154 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. faithful to Government. The 12th Irregular Cavalry were the only native cavalry at the relief of Lucknow. In speaking of this forced march, Johnson used to say, " It was the most difficult duty I ever performed during my military career, but it was also the most successful." The following letter to his mother describes this period : " Camp Gopeegunj, ■ Halfway between Benares and Allahabad, " September 6th. • I am writing regardless of the departure of mails and everything else; but I am so delighted at re- ceiving a packet of sweet letters from Enborne, I feel obliged to write a line out of sheer joy, not having received any for more than three months. I think it is a hard case I am to be scolded so much for losing my money. You all seem to take it to heart much more than I did. I intend to take the change out of these natives before long. " I wrote last from Benares ; since then General Outram passed up through there with reinforcements for General Havelock, and ordered me to bring up all the remaining portion of the 12th Irregular Cavalry, and to join him with all speed, either at Allahabad or Cawnpore. So off I started the same THE MUTINY. 155 day ; dropped down the Ganges to Ghazeepoor ; rode up to Azamgarh ; arrived there late on the evening of the 1st September. Took command of the regiment (or rather of all that is left of it), and issued an order to be ready to start at two the next morning. This Bombay way of doing business seemed rather to astound the Bengalese. They made all sorts of excuses not to start ; but we did march, and precisely at two ; and here we are at Gopeegunj, and have done twenty miles a day ever since. Diarrhoea has been bothering me again. I have had it more or less ever since I left ; but I am better now, and hope I shall not knock up. I want to see us well through this mutiny, and then come home for a long time, for I am sure my health requires it. I would not like to leave India just now ; in fact, if I possibly can, I intend to be at the relief of Lucknow, and the more rebels I am able to kill, the more happy I shall be. I never experienced such a wish for revenge for the deaths of so many of our countrymen as I do now. I dare say it is very wrong, but I can't help it. " I shall send this off at once, for I have lots of work on hand, as you may suppose. We march at eleven or twelve at night, and don't get to our ground till seven or eight in the morning. The weather is much improving. I think you will hear of 156 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. an effectual smash in the mutiny ere a fortnight after you receive this. We came up from Ghazeepoor to Azamgarh with an escort of only two sowars.* Met with nothing but civility from the country people ; they were awfully civil, alarmingly polite. They were quite the contrary a month ago. My sowars, however, are all very * koosh,' f and have behaved famously as yet. However, I am perfectly liable to have my throat cut at any moment, but I don't anticipate it. I received such a kind letter from Holmes { just before his death. I must send you a copy of it some day ; I have time for nothing now except duty." About this time he received the following note from Sir James Outram : " Camp Kurranea [no date], 1.30 p.m. " My dear Johnson, " Though your note is dated 7.30 a.m., those rascally horsemen have only this moment brought it in, and so have forfeited the hundred rupees reward I promised them. Captain Dawson, who takes this note to you, will explain the object of your dawr, and will accompany you to Hutwa Pass, the place of rendezvous with Major Eyre, who has * Horsemen. f Happy. % C« O. of the 12th Irregulars. THE MUTINY. 157 with him twenty guns and a hundred and fifty Europeans. We calculate that Hutwa Pass is about ten miles from your camp ; thus your men will have done forty miles in one day, which I shall long re- member in their favour. But I am disappointed to find you have only forty men. Where are all the others ? If their horses are done up, their best plan will be to follow our march leisurely, and overtake us as convenient. We shall be to-morrow at Futtehpore. You will of course remain with Eyre, who will over- take us before we reach Cawnpore, or, at any rate, before we cross the river. I send you my own watch, set to our time. " Sincerely yours, "J. OUTRAM." On the ioth September, Captain Johnson, in com- mand of the 1 2th Irregular Cavalry, and Lieutenant Charles Havelock, second in command, joined Major Eyre at Hutgaon. Major Eyre had been sent on by General Outram to make a dawr, and attack a party of insurgents from Oude, who had crossed the Ganges near the village of Koondun Puttee. As they were approaching the rebels, he sent Johnson on to account for them, who hastened with all speed to the spot, and found the enemy had reached their boats 158 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. with a view to escape across the river into Oude. Johnson was only just in time to dismount his men, and use them as riflemen. Had he been five or ten minutes later, the rebels would all of them have escaped. He had not even time to link the horses together (though they were so done up with the heat and forced marches, that there was but little risk of their straying), but opened fire on the mutineers at once, which they returned ; and he succeeded in holding them in check until Eyre came up with two companies of Her Majesty's 5th Fusiliers, when short work was made of them, and but few escaped. This successful expedition was the means of preventing a daring invasion of the territory through which the Grand Trunk Road passed, which, at that critical time, it was of the greatest importance to keep open. Here was one of those occasions in which Captain Johnson's ready wit and presence of mind stood him in good stead. Had he not, on the spur of the moment, turned his cavalry into infantry and held the rebels at bay, they must all have escaped. It was a position where cavalry could not act, and when Johnson arrived the mutineers were in the act of pushing off their boats. It was, moreover, a position of great risk, for the odds were as 300 THE MUTINY. • 159 to 40. Had the mutineers charged, the little force must have been annihilated, the enemy would have got away, and the communication with the base of operations would have been cut off. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. The following Despatches from General Outram and Major Eyre relate to the Action at HUTGAON. I. Major-General Sir James Outram to the Deputy A djutant- General. Camp, Thureedon, nth September, 1857. I have the honour to report, for the information of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, that on arriving at my camp, Katogun, on the 9th inst., I received definite informa- tion that a party of insurgents from Oude, amounting to from three to four hundred, with four guns, had crossed the Ganges near the village of Koondun Puttee, fifteen miles north of Khaga, on the Trunk Road between Futtehpore and Allahabad. On joining Major Simmons' column at this place, I despatched, under Major Eyre, a party consisting of a hundred men of H.M.'s Fusiliers, fifty of H.M.'s 64th, mounted on elephants, with two guns, and completely equipped with tents, two days' cooked provisions, and supplies for three more. Captain Johnson's detachment of the 1 2th Irregular Cavalry, consisting of forty men, made a forced march, and concentrated with Eyre's party 160 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. at Hutgaon Khas yesterday evening, having completed forty miles. For the further proceedings, I beg to refer His Excellency to Major Eyre's despatch. His reputation as a successful leader had been already so well established, that I purposely selected him for this duty, in the perfect confidence that he would succeed. The importance of his success will, I am sure, be fully appreciated by your Excellency and the Governor-General. I now consider my communications secure, which otherwise must have been entirely cut off during our operations in Oude, and a general insurrection, I am assured, would have followed throughout the Doab, had the enemy not been destroyed, they being but the advance guard of more formidable invaders; from which evils having been preserved by Major Eyre's energy and decision, that officer and the detachment under his command are, I consider, entitled to thankful acknowledgment from Government, which I am confident will not be withheld. II. Major Vincent Eyre, commanding a Field Force, to Colonel Napier {afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala), Military Secretary. Koondun Puttee, September nth, 1857. I am happy to have it in my power to report, for the information of Major-General Sir James Outram, that the expedition he did me the honour of entrusting to my command has been attended with entire success, and the daring invasion of this territory from Oude has been signally punished. I arrived at Hutgaon last evening at THE MUTINY. 161 dusk, where I was joined by Captain Johnson's troop of 1 2th Irregular Horse, forty in number. As they had marched twenty-four miles, and were in need of rest, I halted till half-past one a.m., when we had the advantage of moonlight to pursue our march to Koondun Puttee, where we arrived at daybreak. The Oude rebels, having been apprised a little previously of our advance, had fled precipitately to their boats, about half a mile off. I ordered the cavalry under Captain Johnson and Lieutenant Havelock to pursue them, and followed myself with all practicable speed with the infantry and guns. We found the cavalry had driven the enemy into their boats, which were fastened to the shore, and were maintaining a brisk fire on them from the bank above. On the arrival of Hill's Fusiliers and 64th Foot, under Captains Johnson and Turner, the fire of our musketry into the densely crowded boats was most telling; but the enemy still defended themselves to the utmost, until the guns under Lieutenant Gordon opened fire, when the rebels instantly threw themselves panic-stricken into the river. Grape was now showered upon them, and a terrific fusillade from the infantry and cavalry was maintained, until only a few scattered survivors escaped. Their number appeared to be about three hundred. Previously to their plunging into the river, they threw their guns overboard, and blew up one of their boats, where, I regret to say, one man of Hill's (54th) was killed, and ten more or less injured, of whom five were Europeans and five natives. All the officers mentioned above distinguished themselves highly, and the conduct of the men was all that could be desired. Lieutenant M ibz TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Impey, of the Engineers, and Mr. Volunteer Tarbey have likewise by their zeal and usefulness merited my thanks and commendation. P.S. — Having heard of another party of rebels at the Ghat, higher up the river, I have despatched the cavalry to reconnoitre. III. Extract from Major Vincent Eyre's Despatch on the following day, September I2th. In the postscript of my despatch of the nth inst, I mentioned having sent the forty of the Irregular Cavalry troopers under Captain Johnson to reconnoitre, and if possible to intercept a party of Oude rebels, said to have landed at Ukree Ghaut. They had, however, retreated across the river, before Captain Johnson's troop could get at them, but a small fort that had been recently erected by the rebels was destroyed by Captain Johnson. I was informed by Mahomed Zuboor Khan, the Thanadar of Koondun Puttee, that, had not the Oude invaders been checked, and a portion of them destroyed by our troops, it was their intention to overrun the whole country between Futtehpore and Allaha- bad, with a view of interrupting our communications and impeding our operations. ... I take this opportunity of mentioning that the detachment of the 12th Irregulars had already marched twenty-four miles when they received the sudden order to join me at Hutgaon ; and although the men and horses had been a whole day without food, they galloped on the whole way to meet me, a distance of nine THE MUTINY. 163 miles farther, guided by that energetic officer Lieutenant Dawson, who also took a conspicuous part in their subsequent operations.* IV. General Vincent Eyre to Major Johnson. Hotel des Bains, Boulogne-sur-Mcr, 27th March, 1871. Your letter of the 23rd reached me on Saturday, and recalled old times, when I had the privilege of being enabled to render some service to the State, through the agency of good soldiers like yourself, who both knew what was to be done and how to do it. On the particular occasion in question, I perfectly well remember how much I was indebted for the success at- tendant on your promptitude in driving the Oude rebels to their boats, and there holding them in check until the arrival of the infantry and guns to complete their destruc- tion. In my despatch given at the time, I endeavoured to render full justice to yourself and young Havelock. V. The action with the boats is thus referred to in Marsh- man's * Life of Havelock," p. 394 : " At Hutgaon Major Eyre was joined by Lieutenant Johnson, the commandant, and Lieutenant Charles Havelock, second in command of the * Extract from General Orders from the Government Gazette : " The conduct of Major Eyre and his officers was highly appreciated by His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief and the Governor-General in Council.'* 164 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIERS LIFE. remnant of the 12 th Irregular Cavalry, forty in number, who had remained faithful to Government. They had hastened from Benares by forced marches to overtake Sir James Outram, and when they joined Major Eyre, had been twenty-four hours in the saddle, and required rest. The major halted his little force until an hour after midnight, when it recommenced its march, and came up at daylight with the enemy, who immediately fled to their boats and endeavoured to recross the river. "Lieutenant Johnson, with prompt decision and great judgment, dismounted the greater portion of his men, and by a continued carbine fire, succeeded in preventing the removal of the boats till the European infantry could come up. " In announcing this action to the Commander-in-Chief, Sir James stated that a general insurrection would have followed in the Doab, or province lying between the Ganges and Jumna, had not the enemy been destroyed, they being but the advance guard of more formidable invaders." VI. Extract from Recomme?idation Rolls. Lieutenant Johnson, 6th Bombay Native Infantry, com- manding 1 2th Irregular Cavalry, highly distinguished himself in Major Eyre's attack on the rebels at Hutgaon, and in the advance to Lucknow. (Signed) D. S. Dodgson, Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General Umballa, 20th July, 1858. THE MUTINY. 165 VII. The Secretary to the Government of India, Military Depart- ment, to the Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General. With reference to your letter of the 16th inst, forwarding Major Eyre's account of his successful operation against a party of rebels who crossed from the Oude side of the Ganges into the Doab, I am directed to acquaint you, for the information of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, that the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council highly appreciates this further good service rendered by Major Eyre and the detachment under his command, and has noted with satisfaction the energy and sound judgment exhibited by Major Eyre and his officers in the execution of it. 66 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. CHAPTER X. BATTLE OF THE ALUMBAGH AND SIEGE OF LUCKNOW. SEPTEMBER I 5-25, 1857. It was dusk on the evening of September 15th when General Outram arrived at Cawnpore. Two days earlier Captain Johnson, with his loyal troopers, chiefly Sikhs and Punjaubees, all splendid fellows, had joined the column, as also had Lieutenant De la Fosse * and his three companions, the sole survivors of the siege of Cawnpore, who had escaped after the massacre at the Ghat. They swam six miles down the Ganges, until a friendly Rajah allowed them to go ashore, and gave them shelter. When he gave them leave to go away, they just happened to fall in with the relieving force.f * Now Major-General De la Fosse, C.B. t Lieutenant De la Fosse had, during the sie^e of Cawnpore, earned the sobriquet of " De la Fosse of the burning gun," in the following manner, referred to in the narrative of Mr. Shepherd, a civilian of Cawnpore, and quoted in Mr. G. Forrest's " History of the Mutiny." THE SIEGE OF LUC KNOW. 167 Generals Outram and Havelock met at Cawnpore, only three months after their parting on the abrupt close of the Persian Campaign, and Outram, with a chivalry and generosity which have seldom been equalled, waived his rank, gave up the command to General Havelock, and accompanied the force to Lucknow in his civil capacity, as Chief Commissioner of Oude, tendering his military services to General Have- lock as a volunteer only, and joining the Volunteer Cavalry. We have seen how Havelock arrived in Cawnpore on the 1 6th July. He had been waiting there for reinforcements up to now. On the 16th August he "This day," Mr. Shepherd says, "I saw a very daring and brave act done in our camp about midday. One of our ammunition waggons in the north-west corner was blown up by the enemy's shot, and whilst it was blazing, the batteries from the artillery barracks and the tank directed all their guns towards it. Our soldiers being much exhausted with the morning's work, and almost every artilleryman being either killed or wounded, it was a difficult matter to put out the fire, which endangered the other waggons near it. However, in the midst of all the cannonading, a young officer of the 53rd Native Infantry, Lieutenant De la Fosse, with unusual courage, went up, and lying himself down under the burning gun, pulled away from it what loose splinters he could get hold of, all the while throwing earth upon the flames. He was soon joined by soldiers, who brought with them a couple of buckets of water, which were very dexterously thrown by the lieutenant, while the buckets were taken to be replenished from the drinking water of the men close by. The process of pitching earth was carried on amidst fearful cannonading of about six guns, all firing upon the burning waggon. At last the fire was put out, and the officers and men escaped unhurt." 168 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. had marched to Bithoor, where an obstinate battle took place ; the enemy lost two hundred and fifty killed and wounded, and the English loss was forty ; but Havelock's men were so exhausted by sunstroke and cholera, that on their return to Cawnpore many fell out on the road to die. His force, indeed, had been fearfully reduced ; sickness, constant fighting, and cholera, had made terrible ravages amongst them, and they were much too weak to attempt a march on Lucknow until reinforcements came, which was not until a month later. About this time Johnson wrote the following letter to his mother : " With the Oude Field Force, " September 18th, 1857. "I write you a line, perfectly regardless of mail departures, but probably shall not have much time to myself for the next six or seven days, when I hope to be able to tell you we have relieved Lucknow. We are now going to cross the river ; six guns, some Sikhs, and two companies of Highlanders are already across. But it is no joke crossing a river like this with such an army. A bridge was made across the river in three days, a bit of engineering that has never been done before in the face of an enemy. If it were only a month or two later, the weather would be THE SIEGE OF LUC KNOW. 169 beautiful ; as it is now, it is awful for Europeans ; but every one is in excellent spirits. I don't think the work between this and Lucknow will be as severe as some people suppose, and I hope the 12th Irregulars will distinguish themselves. I've got the command, and they are the only native cavalry in the field ; therefore, as you may suppose, I have a delicate game to play. They behaved very well the other day with the affair at the boats on the Ganges. Had we not been there the infantry would have seen nothing of them till they were well out of shot " (for particulars see Major Eyre's and General Outram's despatches of the 12th and 13th September*). "I think some of the 13th Irregular Cavalry have been given every encouragement not to serve the Euro- peans ; but General Outram is much in my favour, and supports me. I am quite sure that it is of the greatest importance, that the native soldiers who have remained faithful, should now meet with every encouragement on the part of Government. The enemy over the river get only four pice a day ; they are very short of large ammunition. They have several guns in position ; we shall take them. Their bullocks, horses, and means of carrying away their guns are bad. I could write you such a long } * Given in chap, ix., Appendix. 170 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. amusing letter, with so much interesting news. My health is better. I hope to last till the relief of Lucknow. With the blessing of Providence, I hope we may get through this duty without any severe loss." The army under the command of General Havelock (Outram having waived his rank) numbered 3179 men, all told. It was composed of the 84th Regiment, with two companies of the 64th attached, the 5th Fusiliers, and the 1st Madras Fusiliers, under the command of General Neill ; the 78th Regiment, the 90th Light Infantry, and Bradyer's Sikhs, commanded by Colonel Hamilton. The Artillery Brigade con- sisted of Maude's Battery, Olphert's Battery, and Eyre's Battery of 18-pounders, under the command of Major Cooper. Barrow commanded the Volunteer Cavalry, and Johnson the Native Cavalry. Captain Crommelin was Chief Engineer. The column began its march from Cawnpore on September 20th, and at once successfully engaged the enemy at the village of Mungulwar, and on the fol- lowing day (the 21st) at Busseerutgunj. On the 22nd they halted at Bunnee, on the Sye, and Havelock ordered a royal salute to be fired, hoping that the sound of it would reach the ears of those anxiously waiting in the Residency at Lucknow, but the wind THE SIEGE OF LUC KNOW. 171 was not in the right direction. On the 23rd they marched on again to the palace of the Alumbagh — a park and pleasure-ground of one of the princes of Oude, about five miles from Lucknow ; and here it was that the battle of the Alumbagh was fought* " The enemy's line extended nearly two miles, and was supposed to consist of 10,000 men, while a body of cavalry, estimated at 1500, was massed on their right. The General was anxious to turn their right flank, but they had planted themselves, as they had often done, behind a morass, and the turning movement could only be accomplished by a considerable circuit. To cover this operation, the General brought up his heavy battery of 24-pounders and his two 8-inch howitzers. "The enemy's guns, which were masked by trees, had preserved silence during the reconnaissance; but as the advancing column came within their range, a withering fire was opened, from which our troops suffered to some extent. But the heavy battery came up, and, deploying on a dry spot on the left of the road, soon succeeded in silencing the enemy's artillery, and in driving back their cavalry. They stood the shock of this heavy ordnance — so rarely seen in the field — only for a few moments, and then broke up in confusion. Our troops and guns followed them as closely as the nature of the ground would permit. But one of their * Marshman's "Life of Havelock," p. 403. 172 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. guns, planted on the road, and admirably served by the well-trained artillerymen of the Oude Force, still continued to send destruction among our troops, when Lieutenant Johnson, by an act of gallantry not surpassed in any action during this campaign, without waiting for orders, charged it with twenty troopers of his Irregular Cavalry, sabred the gunners, and silenced the gun. Finding himself unsupported a thousand yards in advance of the Force, and the enemy keeping up a galling fire from neighbouring cover, he was compelled to abandon it and retire ; but the dread inspired by this dashing charge deterred the enemy from serving it again, and the troops were free from its molestation during their further advance." Johnson's gallant action in taking this gun is thus described in Mr. Archibald Forbes's " Havelock," p. 184: "Outflanked on their right and their centre and left, crushed by the fire of Eyre's heavy guns, the rebel army began to break. But there obstinately remained in action on the road one of their guns, which was admirably served by the well-trained gunners of the Oude force, and whose fire had bowled over several of Johnson's Irregular horsemen. Johnson was an extremely practical young man. With a dozen of his troopers at his back, he galloped up the road a good thousand yards out to the front, rode straight on to the obnoxious gun, sabred the gunners, pitched the ammunition into the ditch, and the gun after the THE SIEGE OF LUCKNOW. 173 ammunition, and then cantered quietly back, till he met the main body on its advance. In all this campaign there was no pluckier action." Just after the battle of the Alumbagh, the news was received by General Outram that Delhi had fallen. He immediately announced it to the troops, and, as an eye-witness of the scene told the writer, " such a cheer was raised as might almost have been heard in England." The following letter, from Johnson to his mother, mentions the affair with the gun at Alumbagh, in which he took so active a part : " General Havelock has mentioned my name, for nothing except volun- teering and making myself generally useful. . . . Outside, at the fight at Alumbagh, my men really had some fun, and behaved uncommonly well. When we left Cawnpore I had only about fifty men and native officers ; and just before the action of the Alumbagh, on the 23 rd, I was ordered to send half my detach- ment back to look after the baggage, which was threatened with cavalry ; thus I was obliged to send poor Warren, my adjutant, back with half the men, greatly to my disgust and his too. No one seemed to care a straw about the baggage when we all expected a general action on ahead. Well, on we went — galloped through a bit of water with the Volunteer 174 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Cavalry, and took one gun, without the loss of a man, I believe, and then stood still to be shot at. I was under Barrow, who was my brigadier. We were not long before starting again ; and I knew the next best thing to do was to take the next gun, which had been bowling 9-pounders at us for the last half-hour or so, down the road. So at it I went with my five and twenty men. Greatly to my relief, they never fired a shot as we came on ; and we took the gun without much difficulty. We chopped up a few of the men, and the rest ran away. ... I only lost one man killed, and a few men and horses wounded : my own mare got a shot through the hock." As we come to the account of the first relief of Lucknow, it may be well briefly to refer to the events which had taken place there up to this date. At the time of the annexation of Oude, in February, 1856, Lucknow was one of the finest cities in India. It was densely populated, and filled with temples, mosques, and palaces of the greatest magnificence and beauty, and had a large number of wealthy inhabitants. Owing to the hopelessly bad government of the whole province, the king was deposed and pensioned by the British Government, and finally went to Calcutta, in March, 1856. For a time things went smoothly, but early in May the following year a mutiny broke out THE SIEGE OF LUC KNOW. 17 S amongst the native troops in Lucknow, and a little while later the mutiny at Meerut took place. Sir Henry Lawrence, the Chief Commissioner of Oude, had recently been appointed Resident at Lucknow, and he did all he could to prepare for the storm which he saw was coming, by collecting supplies and stores, fortifying the Residency and Muchee Bhawun, and bringing in the ladies and children, and the boys of the Martiniere College, into the Residency. These boys were in time trained into soldiers, and afterwards proved of the greatest use during the siege. On the 30th May, 1857, the native regiments in Lucknow all broke out into open rebellion, and the troops at the out-stations followed. But it was not until a month later, on the 30th June, that the actual siege began. On that day the ill-fated battle of Chinhut took place, at a village about eight miles off, whence (it had been reported to Sir Henry Lawrence) a small body of rebels were about to march on Lucknow. He determined to meet them, and marched out at 6 a.m. with this object. But the European force was vastly outnumbered ; the heat was intense ; the native artillery drivers deserted to the enemy ; the native cavalry took to flight ; and the result was disastrous. Our troops had to retreat, 176 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. fighting all the way, and closely pursued by the enemy; the workmen employed on the Residency fortifications deserted, the supplies were stopped, and the Residency was placed in a state of siege, in which it remained four and a half months. On the 2nd July Sir Henry Lawrence was wounded by a shell, which burst in his room. On the previous day a shell had fallen in the very same spot, and Sir Henry was urged to leave the room and go to another ; but he laughingly refused, saying " he did not believe the enemy had an artilleryman good enough to put another shell into that small room." He was removed to Dr. Fayrer's house, and lingered in great agony until the 4th of July, when he died. He was buried in the churchyard close by, " with the men," as he desired ; indeed, at that time many were buried in one grave. On his tomb are the simple words he himself wished to have there : " Here lies Henry Lawrence, who tried to do his duty. May the Lord have mercy upon his soul." The incessant cannonading went on day after day, and week after week, and constant and desperate attacks were made on the Residency. On the 20th July a mine was exploded near the Redan, and the mutineers boldly advanced, but were repulsed with much loss. On the 10th August, on the 18th THE SIEGE OF LUCK NOW. 177 August, and on the 5th September, assaults were made and repulsed ; and every day and every night the ceaseless fire of cannon and musketry went on. Brigadier Inglis, who had succeeded Lawrence in the command, wrote as follows of this time : " The whole of the officers and men were on duty during the eighty-seven days that the siege lasted, up to the 1st relief. In addition to incessant military duty, the force was nightly employed in repairing defences, moving guns, bury- ing the dead, and in fatigue duties too numerous to mention. Notwithstanding all their hardships, the garrison made no less than five sorties, in which they spiked some of the enemy's heaviest guns, and blew up two of the houses from which they had kept up their most harassing fire. Each man was taught to feel that on his own individual efforts alone depended in no small measure the safety of the whole position. This consciousness incited every officer, soldier, and man to defend the position assigned to him with such desperate tenacity, and to fight for the lives which Provi- dence had entrusted to his care, with such dauntless determination that the enemy, despite their constant attacks, their heavy mines, their overwhelming numbers, could never succeed in gaining one single inch of ground within the bounds of the straggling position, which was so feebly fortified, that had they once obtained a footing in any of the outposts, the whole place must inevitably have fallen." The patience and courage shown by the women N 178 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. were marvellous, all through those anxious days. No place was safe ; all were alike exposed. Cannon balls and bullets passed through doors and windows ; houses were constantly blown up, and even the rooms of the banqueting hall (turned during the siege into the general hospital) were completely exposed. The sick, wounded, and dying were, however, throughout devotedly nursed by the ladies. One of the mutineers, an African rifleman, nick- named " Bob the Nailer," was stationed on a turret of Johannes's House, just outside the walls. This position commanded the road, and extended as far as the general hospital, and Bob's aim was so unfail- ing, that literally no one escaped him. It was im- possible even to cross the road, except when he was loading his rifle, and it was equally impossible to hit him, because he was protected by the turret. At last it was determined to blow up the house by a mine, which was carried under it from the Martiniere Post, and Bob the Nailer perished in the explosion. The horses and other animals suffered terribly from hunger during the siege, eating each other's tails off, as in the Crimea. The following anecdote was told to the writer by a woman who was in Lucknow all the time. She sent out her native servant one day THE SIEGE OF LUCKNOW, 179 to let loose a gentleman's horse, which was tied up. The man did not return, so they went to look for him, and he was found lying dead. The starved horse had seized the poor fellow by the back of his neck, and had bitten his head off. In August the entire garrison was put on reduced rations ; the women had three-quarter rations, the men and children half; this allowance was later on still further reduced, and the necessaries of life were at a fabulous price.* The present writer, when recently visiting Cawn- pore and Lucknow, found it almost impossible to realize the fearful scenes of the past. The Baillie Guard Gate, Aitkin's post, Dr. Fayrer's house where Lawrence died, the Residency itself, with the cellars underneath, where the women and children were kept, the Treasury and the post-office, both scenes of the sharpest conflict — all these historic ruins are still standing. The crowded churchyard where Lawrence and the other heroes lie, is close to the Residency, though the church itself was entirely destroyed during the siege. It must be remembered that the Residency grounds were simply surrounded by a mere wall, and the houses of the city came up so close to the line of defence, that the Sepoys within the * Some prices are given in Johnson's letter below, p. 192. 180 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. entrenchments could talk to those without, and the rebels were constantly heard mocking the loyal troops. Night alarms were very frequent, and it was at night that the men had to repair defences and bury the dead. Their numbers, too, became so re- duced that each man felt that an enormous responsi- bility rested on him, and each man, therefore, behaved like a hero. There were several places at which a dozen men abreast could have entered — so feebly was the position fortified — and this would no doubt have happened but for the dread the mutineers had of the extraordinary pluck and courage of the " Sahibs." On the 16th August, Sir John Inglis wrote a very urgent letter to General Havelock, describing the straits they were put to, and imploring help. Havelock replied, " I can only say, hold on and do not negotiate, but rather perish sword in hand." Weeks went on, and no news came from the outer world. The death rate for many days averaged twenty, and still the brave little band went on, hoping against hope, for the help that seemed so long to tarry. ( i8i ) CHAPTER XL THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUCKNOW. SEPT. 25, 1 857. Help came at last. On the 23rd of September the sound of artillery was heard in the direction of Cawnpore, and the next day the heavy guns of the relieving force were recognized. The force started from the Alumbagh at eight a.m. on the 25th of September, after a day's rest. There was a choice of roads ; the first was by the Charbagh bridge, and thence on in a direct line for about two miles to the Residency. This was the shortest route, but it was so strongly defended that it could only be taken as a last resort. The second was round by the Dilkoosha Palace, and along the bank of the Goomtee river. The third was a middle course between the two ; by this they would first force the Charbagh bridge, then turn to the right, and go along the bank of the canal to the bridge on the 18a TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. road to Dilkoosha, and then turn sharp round to the left, towards the Residency. The last was the route taken. At the Charbagh bridge there was heavy fighting, and young Havelock was wounded, but the bridge was won. The next desperate struggle took place at the Motee Mahal. The heavy guns were brought into service, and the column suffered heavily. From the king's palace, the Kaiserbagh, the battery manned by Oude gunners was doing terrific damage ; but the High- landers dashed in, killed the gunners, and spiked some of the guns. It was here that Outram and Havelock had a difference of opinion about the advance. Outram proposed to halt, to enable the rear-guard to come up. Havelock, on the other hand, wished to push on without delay. "Let us go on, then, in God's name," said Outram ; and go on they did, but it was at a heavy cost ; of the entire force — some two thousand — about a fourth were killed. From every window and balcony of the narrow street which then led up to the Baillie Guard Gate, a stream of bullets poured upon the gallant band. The Highlanders and Sikhs pushed on with Havelock and Outram at their head. Neill followed with his Madras Fusiliers, " charging," as has been said, THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUCK NOW. 183 u through a very tempest of fire." Even the women hurled down stones and furniture, and the flat roofs were filled with Sepoys, firing down into the street. Brave Neill fell, shot through the head, and many another hero was mown down ; but the Baillie Guard was reached, and the garrison was saved. There was a breach in the wall — the Baillie Guard itself was filled with earth — and Havelock and Outram pushed through this, followed by the eager soldiers, begrimed with dust and blood. The fighting men, the civilians, the women and children, rushed down to welcome their deliverers, and the Highlanders in the exuberance of their joy began to dance the Highland fling, until Havelock came out and put a stop to it. Johnson was with the rear-guard, covering the spare ammunition and the wounded, and he joined the main force about four p.m. In the night, accom- panied by his friend Dr. Greenhow — they had been together, it will be remembered, in the 1st Oude Cavalry — he went out to bring in as many wounded as he might find. They discovered a number of wounded men, whom they brought in, in the course of the night, on the horses, which were led by Johnson's troopers, and by this means many lives 1 84 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. were saved, which would otherwise have been sacrificed. All who had been left behind disabled, would probably have died of their wounds before morning, or have fallen victims to the mutineers ; as indeed was the case next day, when about forty of the wounded unfortunately fell into the hands of the rebels and were butchered ; some killed with daggers, and some burnt to death.* Lieutenant Havelock,f who had been wounded, as we have seen, at the Charbagh bridge, and who was in one of the dhoolies, had a narrow escape of his life. John- son did his best to get the Victoria Cross for his friend Dr. Greenhow for this action. He made no claim for himself, and neither of them received it. Marshman, in his " Life of Havelock," refers to this rescue.^ "The rear-guard, consisting of the 90th, under Colonel Campbell, had been left with two of the heavy guns at the Motee Mahal, to aid the advance of the 78th Highlanders, who had, apparently unknown to them, taken a different path, and joined the main body under the generals. With this rear- * It was not until daylight the following morning that Lieutenant Johnson became aware that these wounded men had been left in the Motee Mahal itself, but he and Surgeon Greenhow had brought in about twenty, all they could find. f Now General Sir Henry Havelock, V.C., etc. X So also Mr. Archibald Forbes, " Havelock," p. 208. THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUC KNOW. 185 guard were the spare ammunition and the wounded. During the night of the 25th, Lieutenant Johnson, whose brilliant charge in the action at the Alumbagh has already been mentioned, dismounted half his troop of Irregular Cavalry, and issuing forth from the Residency with the led horses, proceeded of his own accord in the direction of the Motee Mahal to bring in as many wounded as he might find. He discovered no trace of any enemy in any direction, and it is probable that if advantage could have been taken of this circumstance, which unhappily was not known, the whole of the rear-guard, with the guns, the ammunition, and the wounded, might have reached the Residency before the morning in safety, and the unhappy loss, which partially dimmed the triumph of the day, would have been avoided." Johnson wrote the following letter to his mother during the siege : "Tehri Kothi,* 9th Nov., 1857. " I head this the Tehri Kothi, thinking that long ere this you will have a map of Lucknow before you, * The Tehree Kothee, which was captured on 26th September, is still standing. It is a fine mansion just outside the Residency walls, and near the Baillie Guard Gate, as after the first relief the defences were extended. 186 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. and am writing on the 9th November, so that it may be ready to send out the moment there is an oppor- tunity of its reaching Cawnpore. On the 6th a man came in from Bruce, the superintendent of police, at Cawnpore, saying Sir Colin Campbell, with 5000 bayonets, 600 cavalry, and 36 guns, would be at Alumbagh on the 10th, so we may expect now to be relieved in a few days. "We have now been shut up here since the 25th September, a day which will be celebrated in my memory as the most thoroughly unsatisfactory one I ever passed in my life. What made it so annoying was our being mauled so in the town by an enemy so cowardly in the open. All the cavalry had orders to accompany the rear-guard and the baggage, and we came along very well as far as the Charbagh bridge, when instead of continuing along the straight road to the Baillie Guard, we turned sharp to the right, along the edge of the canal. Then we had the canal — a deep, perpendicular cutting, about thirty feet deep, and nearly dry at the bottom — on our right, and high fields, houses, hedges, and enclosures of all sorts to our left ; the road choked up at intervals with com- missariat carts, shot carts, camels, and bullocks ; the tout ensemble making it rather a lively sort of place for cavalry to work in, as you may imagine. This THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUCKNOW. 187 manoeuvre would have done very well had it been determined to make a dash for the iBaillie Guard by this route with infantry alone, which I have no doubt would have been accomplished with little loss. But the road or track was narrow, uneven, and soft ; just the sort of place for heavy guns and baggage to get in a fix. Let me tell you here the guns we had with us were some of them long iron eighteen-pounder siege guns, and an eighteen-inch howitzer, with twenty bullocks to each ; and unless in a city where there are large enough streets to work and turn in, they become worse than useless. " Well, here we were in the lane, being potted at from all directions among the enclosures, from every corner, window, and hedge about the place, without being able to see where the bullets came from so as to return shot or charge the villains. The rest of the column were by this time about two miles ahead of us, and after being shot at for about three hours, we got the carts to move on, and came along the lanes and enclosures till we reached the leading division about four p.m. " We came through a terrible fire, and it was coming up one of these lanes that poor Warren, my adjutant, was shot dead through the heart 1 88 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. close to me. He was riding alongside of me. He died instantaneously ; he was a dead man before he reached the ground. I jumped off my horse and put him in a dhooly that was passing at the time, and told the bearers to hurry on with him to the front as fast as they could. This little business very nearly cost me my life, for on getting on my horse again I found I was the last in the lane, and a body of the enemy firing straight into me, at about sixty yards. I was in hopes I should have recovered his body, but I never could find it again. I greatly feel his loss, and though I had only been with him about a month, we were great friends. He was a man I could always trust to do any duty for me, and he always did it cheerfully and well. Besides, he was an excellent companion, and always in good spirits. I shall have the painful duty of writing the last account of him to his father. His death will be a great blow to them, for he was evidently a great favourite with them, as well as with his regiment out here. Since his death I have another man, Hay, of the 28th, now doing duty with the Engineers, appointed in his place. I knew him when I was in Lucknow before, and we shall get on well together. General Outram had promised him an appointment, and I asked him to let him come to me as adjutant, which he has THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUCK NOW. 189 sanctioned. He is a quiet, gentlemanly fellow, and I have great faith in him. I am also fortunate in having appointed to me, as doctor, an old friend of mine — Greenhow, of the 1st Oude Cavalry that was. But as yet these appointments have to be confirmed by the Commander-in-Chief. " On our arrival here, on the 25th September, we found the garrison not nearly in the state of starva- tion we had been given to suppose. The ladies and children looked pale and sickly, which one might expect, for although I don't pretend to be well up in babies' food, I fancy tough beef and chupatties are not quite the food for delicate females and grow- ing children. After we had been in Lucknow a few days we found ourselves besieged and unable to get out. Hardinge, Barrow, and I, all tried one night with our various detachments to get out, but we found the fire so heavy that we were compelled to return. Had we gone on, about half of us only would probably have reached Alumbagh, certainly not more. The ground was not such that one could have made a gallop for it, and cut one's self out, or we should have done it, and the enemy were shooting at us all the time in all directions. Thus we came back, and our horses have been starving to death, eating one another's tails off, as they did in the 190 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Crimea. Poor brutes ! it is quite melancholy to see them. As for ourselves, we get beef and wheat enough to eat, but no other luxuries. I thrive wonderfully upon it, being in excellent health, have nearly got rid of the pain in my side, and diarrhoea. The weather and the water are beautiful. The former, with the excitement, has set me up, I expect. " Never was there such an extraordinary siege as this, I should think — the way the little garrison has held out against the thousands and thousands that have been trying to take it. The place, I think, would doubtless have fallen, had it not been for the number of officers shut up in proportion to the men. They certainly deserve any amount of praise that can be given to them. The shaves and narrow escapes from death are extraordinary. One man, an officer, is now going about with a bullet in his brain and doing well — the name, I think, is Charlton. Another officer was looking out for a shot through an embrasure one day, when the enemy fired a twenty- four-pounder full of grape right into him ; his clothes were cut to pieces in four places, a bit of his ear, and some of his hair cut off. Of course he was knocked over and stunned, but he got up and shook himself in half an hour, and was on duty again next THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUCKNOW. 191 day. Some of our men occasionally make good shots with the Enfield. One of the 90th made a very good shot once, and picked off a native swell (one of importance, apparently) as he was reading a proclamation to his men on parade before an attack. " The enemy fired all sorts of things : sometimes telegraph wire rolled up into the shape of a shot ; sometimes a couple of brickbats ; several logs of wood ; sometimes balls of wood (they did little or no damage, but made a great illumination and noise, as they came over), sometimes pieces of shell. My horse has been wounded three times since he has been in here. Up to to-day I have been fortunate in not having been touched myself, nor had I any very narrow shaves. Several round shots have come into our room. One came and lodged in a bag of rupees in a treasure chest, just at the foot of my bed, one evening, as we were all talking quietly just before turning in. The next day another, a nine- pounder, came in like a flash of lightning. First it came through a room full of women and children and servants of all sorts ; then through the next door; then through one of the legs of our mess table, and was brought up at the opposite wall : all the damage it did was bruising one lady's legs. 192 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. Another we had in the middle of the night from the same gun cut a man's (Hall's) pillow clean in two as he was lying fast asleep in bed, not hurting him in the least. Another came through the tumbril just outside the door, and on through the verandah full of my men, and never hurt one of them. Two ladies were shot during the siege, and lots of children. " I continue my letter to-day, the 12th. We have established a telegraph between this and Alumbagh. It told us to-day that the Chief had arrived this morning, and would march on the Dilkoosha the day after to-morrow (the 14th). I wish he was coming the direct route, but dare say it's all for the best, and will end well. " Some of the prices during the siege will amuse you. Cheroots (small ones) sold for two rupees each (4s.) ; a couple of flannel shirts sold for £7 10s. ; a pot of treacle, £4 16s. I bought ten candles one day for 26s., and thought myself very lucky to get them. Coarse sugar, 32^. a pound ; brandy, Sos. a bottle (a man gave a watch one day for a glass of brandy). One pound of rice, 8s. My russeldar (a native officer) had difficulty in getting a leaf of native tobacco for a rupee. The men were reduced to smoking tea-leaves and dried leaves of trees. THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUCKNOW. 193 We are to be on full rations again from to-morrow, but grog and tobacco are what we want most, and there are none. I am happy to tell you there are only 550 sick and wounded to-day; they did badly up to the 3rd November, when suddenly a change for the better came over them, and they have been doing well ever since. Nearly all the cases of amputation have died ; in fact, the slaughter has been awful, and, what is worse, there appear to have been many of the wounded left behind, who fell into the hands of the rebels. " I sent several letters out during the siege ; the last I sent was sewn up in the sole of a man's shoe ; probably none ever reached, as the enemy kept a sharp look-out, and boned most of the men, who were made to work in their trenches. You will have heard of the action at Alumbagh, two days before we came here, so I won't give you a second edition, except to remark that it was ludicrous the way the enemy bolted, leaving their guns in different places, for us to take. The mare I was riding there was shot through the hock by grape. "No one, I think, anticipated the amount of opposition we had coming in here, and it appears that Nana Sing, one of the leading men in Oude, joined the rebels the day before we came in. Nearly o 19+ TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. the whole of the country (Oude) is up against us now : so much for annexation ! I think there must be at least fifty thousand armed men fighting against us here now. "November 14th. — Sir Colin Campbell has advanced to-day as far as Dilkoosha and the Martiniere. They did not appear to have much fighting, which I am glad of, for we have had quite enough slaughter already. I forgot to tell you in the former part of this letter that my name has gone in for a Brevet Majority, as soon as I get my captaincy. General Havelock sent my name in quite unexpectedly to me, but I should have got it anyhow, I think. This will have to be put in orders at the Horse Guards, and I must get Charlie or Freddy* to see this is done, otherwise it will be left out. The Crimea, Lucknow, and Eyre's despatch, ought to give me the Brevet Majority at once, and I think Jem Mac- donald would think so too. I shall be anxiously looking out for two months' English letters to- morrow. "November i$tk, morning. — Sir Colin Campbell did not appear to advance yesterday : probably they were making a road across the canal. We are put on full rations again, and my poor horses are to have * The late Hon. Frederick Craven. THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUCKNOW. 195 two pounds of barley each in future. Heavy firing guns heard in the direction of Dilkoosha ; our own guns, I think, perhaps smashing a few houses before they advance. The enemy also made an attack on us, but then their attacks appear to consist in making a tremendous fire through loopholes and windows. They will find some difference in the way we make an attack (sortie) to-day. The worst of all this firing at night on their part is, it obliges us to sleep in our clothes, and always to be ready to turn out at a moment's notice, in case they could get up their pluck enough to come on properly. I hope Sir Colin Campbell will come in with less loss than we did, and leave none of his wounded behind. "November igtk t 9 p.m. — Just time to finish this. We opened a communication with Sir Colin Campbell yesterday : all the sick and wounded move out to-night. Not a moment for any more : no letters in yet, but we are very anxious for them." In the early part of his letter, Johnson says that so far he had had no very narrow shaves ; so it must have been just afterwards that he had the following wonderful escape. He was standing at a window out of which the panes of glass had been blown, and was looking through his telescope for the coming in 196 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIERS LIFE. of Sir Colin Campbell ; and as he leant against the wooden frame (only two or three inches wide) in the centre of the window, one of the enemy took a quiet " pot " at him. The bullet lodged in the narrow bit of wood behind which he was standing ; he fell back from the shock, but was quite unhurt. When the history of this heroic relief and defence became known, Lord Canning, the Governor-General of India, wrote of the besieged garrison: "The despatches show how thoroughly that gallant band has sustained the reputation of British soldiers for daring, discipline, and determination, whether in the plain, in the hand-to-hand struggle, in the street-fight- ing, or in the more wearying labours of the siege. His Lordship in Council acknowledges with pleasure the cheerful alacrity with which Captain Barrow, commanding Volunteer Cavalry, Captains Johnson and Hardynge, commanding Irregular Cavalry, have come forward to volunteer their services on every opportunity." Sir James Outram's despatch shows how fully he appreciated the spirit of his men : " Alumbagk, November 2$th, 1857. — I cannot conclude this report without expressing to his Excellency my intense admiration of the noble spirit displayed by all ranks and grades of the force, since THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUC KNOW. 197 we entered Lucknow. Themselves placed in a state of siege, suddenly reduced to scanty and unsavoury rations, denied all the little luxuries, such as tea, sugar, rum, which, by constant use, had been to them almost necessaries of life ; smitten in many cases by the same scorbutive affections, and other evidences of debility, which obtained among the original garrison ; compelled to engage in laborious operations, exposed to constant danger, and kept ever on the alert ; their spirits and cheerfulness, zeal and discipline, seemed to rise with the occasion. Never could there have been a force more free from grumblers, more cheerful, more willing, or more earnest. Amongst the sick and wounded this glorious spirit was, if possible/still more conspicuous than among those fit for duty. It was a painful sight to see so many noble fellows maimed and suffering, and denied those comforts of which they stood so much in need ; but it was truly delightful, and made one proud of his countrymen, to observe the heroic fortitude and hearty cheerfulness with which all was borne.* . . . Captain Barrow, command- ing Volunteer Cavalry, Captains Johnson and Hardynge, commanding Irregular Cavalry, though precluded from acting in their proper capacity, have * Here follows a list of those to whom the General offers his acknowledgments for their services during the siege. 198 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. regularly volunteered for every service in which they or their men could be useful, and have maintained posts or furnished working parties with cheerful alacrity." The high opinion of Captain Johnson expressed above by Sir James Outram was repeated some years later by his Chief of the Staff, Colonel Napier, after- wards Field-Marshal Lord Napier of Magdala, who wrote in 1865 the following statement of Captain Johnson's services : — "Major W. T. Johnson was in command of a squadron of the 12th Irregular Cavalry in Outram's advance on Lucknow. " During this advance Major Johnson particularly distinguished himself in an action with a body of rebels who were defeated and destroyed by a force under Colonel Vincent Eyre, also in action with the enemy at Alumbagh. "On entering the Residency he dismounted his men, and brought in a number of wounded on the led horses. " Major Johnson and his squadron were shut in with the garrison during the remainder of the siege, and assisted in all the duties of the defence. " I am aware that the late Sir James Outram held the highest opinion of Major Johnson as a gallant and THE FIRST RELIEF OF LUC KNOW, 199 excellent cavalry officer, and I am sure would have given him a much more valuable testimonial than mine, were he living. "Major Johnson served with Her Majesty's 20th Regiment in the Crimea, and with the Scinde Horse in Persia. " I beg to recommend him most strongly for any military employment in England that may be avail- able, in which his energy and skill as a cavalry officer would render him valuable." The following was also written, some years later, by Lord Napier, when Major Johnson was seeking a nomination for the Navy for one of his sons. "June 24th, 1876. "Major Johnson, formerly of the Indian Service, has distinguished himself both in India and the Crimea as a gallant and able soldier. The testimonial which was given to him by the officer commanding Her Majesty's 20th Regiment, for his gallant conduct at Inkerman, is one of which any soldier of his stand- ing might be proud. He was a volunteer attached to a British regiment, and rendered essential service in the battle, in which ten officers of the regiment were killed and wounded. u Major Johnson's services were equally distinguished 200 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. in the mutiny of the Indian army. General Sir James Outram held him in the highest estimation. A refer- ence to Major Johnson's record of services will show what a very strong claim he has on the public service. He was obliged to leave the army on account of having sacrificed his health in the public service." 201 CHAPTER XII. THE SECOND RELIEF AND EVACUATION OF THE RESIDENCY. NOVEMBER 9-22, 1 857. On the 9th November, the day on which Johnson began the long letter from the Tehree Kothee, Out- ram heard that Sir Colin Campbell was within a march of Alumbagh. On the evening of that day, Mr. T. Kavanagh, an officer of the uncovenanted service, volunteered to go from the Residency to the camp at Alumbagh, and take important plans and papers from Sir James Outram to Sir Colin Campbell. He was accordingly disguised as a "badmash," or sepoy mutineer, and got to the British camp very early the next morning, having gone right through the enemy's pickets, and through the very middle of the rebels. It was a very brave act, as he ran the risk of being crucified or cruelly tortured, if discovered. He had some very thrilling adventures, but accomplished his mission successfully, and received the Victoria Cross. 202 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. There was a celebrated spy in the Residency called Runjeet Singh, who used to go out and get information for the garrison as to the movements outside. This man accompanied Kavanagh when he was sent with the papers to the Alumbagh. One day Runjeet Singh came back with the news that a regiment of women had arrived, who played something under their arms ! These were, of course, the Highlanders, with their kilts and bagpipes. On the 14th November Sir Colin Campbell arrived at the Dilkoosha Palace. Sir James Outram had recommended him to " give the city a wide berth," so he took the extended route, halted for the night and the following day, and sent a message from the semaphore on the Martiniere : " Advance to-morrow." On the morrow, the 16th, the relieving column accord- ingly advanced up the right bank of the Goomtee river, and attacked the Secundrabagh with heavy fighting. The next day, the 17th, the advance to Lucknow went on with stubborn resistance all the way ; stronghold after stronghold fell ; and after severe fighting the Motee Munzil and the Motee Mahal were taken, and Lieutenant, now Field-Mar- shal Lord Roberts, hoisted the flag of the 2nd Punjab Infantry on the top of the mess-house to show Outram and Havelock where they were. It was near this that THE SECOND RELIEF. 203 the meeting took place of Sir Colin Campbell, Outram, and Havelock, which is represented in the celebrated picture, and the second and final relief of Lucknow was therefore accomplished on the afternoon of the 17th November, 1857. The sick and wounded, and the women and chil- dren, were removed to Dilkoosha Palace during the night of the 19th November, and the remainder of the garrison were taken there at midnight on the 22nd, when in deep silence the Residency was evacuated. The whole force reached the Dilkoosha Palace about dawn on the 23rd. One officer only was left behind. He was asleep in a retired spot, and his friends did not miss him. He awoke to find himself alone, as all the troops had marched away. He fled at once, passing through thousands of mutineers (who did not know that the Residency had been abandoned), and in time he overtook the rear-guard in safety. The relief was overshadowed by an irreparable loss. On the 20th November General Havelock had been attacked with dysentery. His constitution was already shattered by privation and fatigue ; the symptoms grew rapidly worse, and on the morning of the 24th he passed away, at the Dilkoosha Palace. " I have so ruled my life, that when death came I might face it without fear : " these were among his last words. 204 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE, In the afternoon of the same day, shortly after his death, the troops marched to Alumbagh, taking his body on a litter. The next morning he was buried, near a mango tree, on which he had carved, a little time before, the letter H. The tree is still standing beside the memorial. Johnson's health had for a long time been failing ; it was only out of sheer pluck that he had gone on so long. It now gave way completely, and after the march to the Alumbagh he was very dangerously ill. His old friend and comrade, Dr. H. M. Greenhow, who was with him there throughout his illness, and attended him with the greatest kindness, wrote the letter to Colonel Turner * at this time. " Camp Alumbagh, near Lucknow, "December nth, 1857. "I am asked by my friend Johnson, of the 6th Bombay Native Infantry, and now commanding the 1 2th Irregular Cavalry, to write to you, and inform you that he is at present unable to send you a line himself on account of sickness. What he wishes particularly to say is, that he wrote to his mother in England, as soon as Sir Colin Campbell relieved * Johnson's cousin. Afterwards Major-General Turner. THE SECOND RELIEF. 205 Lucknow, about a fortnight ago, but that he is un- certain whether the letter may not have miscarried, as we know several daks have done. Should the letter not reach, Johnson would feel that his mother had not heard for a long time, and he would therefore be glad if you could kindly let her know that he is safe out of Lucknow. We are now within five miles of the city, encamped in the open plain, and in a few weeks shall no doubt commence operations on it. Sir Colin Campbell, after relieving it, went back to Cawnpore, where he has been dispersing the Gwalior Contingent. " At present I am sorry to say Johnson is very far from well ; indeed, for the last ten days he has been laid up with remittent fever, and he is much weakened by it. I trust he will soon take a favourable change, but his knocking about in Persia was but a bad pre- paration for this campaign in Oude. Johnson asks me to tell you his name has gone in for a Brevet Majority." Colonel Turner, in forwarding the above letter to Enborne, wrote from Bombay : " You will see Billy's name in all the despatches, and in Lord Canning's general orders. He is a noble fellow, and his rela- tions must all be proud of him, but I wish he were here instead of where he is. He seems to be in kind hands." 206 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. A short time afterwards Johnson wrote to his mother in a very trembling hand : "Alumbagh, December 28, 1857. " Don't be alarmed at this horribly groggy writing, but it is better than writing by deputy, and it will show you how much better I am. I am thankful to say I have been getting so much stronger the last few days ; in fact, I only take now four grains of quinine a day. But I have just pulled through a very serious illness, and the doctors were very much alarmed about me at one time. They are going to send me home immediately I am strong enough to move. This I feel I am obliged to give in to, especially as my health in India has of late been failing me so much. Do you remember my mention- ing in one of my letters that I thought I should last as far as Lucknow ? Well, I have lasted as far, and am now obliged to give in. It is a bad thing for me having to go away just now, as it will prevent my being present with my sowars at the taking of Lucknow. I expect the taking of Lucknow will not be very severe ; in fact, with the enormous force we are able to bring against it, I should think they will soon give in. I am sorry to come home before seeing the fellows punished. THE SECOND RELIEF. 207 " My name has gone in for a Brevet Majority on promotion to my company; Havelock sent it in. Poor old gentleman ! I noticed a great change in him about a fortnight before he died. He and I were always very good friends, and I am heartily sorry he was not spared a few months longer, just to let him see how much the country appreciated his services. His despatch seems to have been lost, for we have never seen it published anywhere ; but it must turn up in time, for it was a despatch of much importance, containing an account of the first relief of Lucknow. How delightful it will be to see you all again, and to be once more at dear old Enborne ! " I must end this now, for I am very, very weak. I am just able to stand up to-day without support, but cannot walk yet. You have no idea how kind every one of my friends have been : some sending me grapes, some eggs (very difficult to get here), and MacPherson * of the Highlanders, an old friend of mine, sends me port- wine, grapes, and jelly. You would laugh if you saw the place I am living in ; but I am very comfortable. Dr. Greenhow, my old friend, is most kind and attentive ; in fact, I have never experienced so much attention from any one, * Sir Herbert MacPherson. 208 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. and I hope some day I may have an opportunity to repay him. I can't give you the least idea when to look out for me in England, but I shall come over- land, and will write you many letters before I start, I hope." On the 30th January, 1858, Johnson wrote from Benares, to say that he was comparatively well again, and on his way to Calcutta. He was detained there on account of all the conveyances being taken up for the Governor-General ; but he got to Calcutta in time to leave on the 23rd February by the Nubia. He wrote from Calcutta : — " I am thinking of going by Trieste if I can get a chance, and do a little Austria and Germany. I want to see some of the principal arsenals and reviews en route, if I can. I shall not delay very long, though. No English letters again ; the postmasters either don't pass them on or the rebels bone them. I got an old letter a short time ago that had come to Bombay up the Indus, vid Mooltan and Alumbagh, by way of a short cut to Calcutta. A letter from Alumbagh from my Adjutant, Hay, dated 15th, says : ' No fighting yet, but great preparations for the attack on Lucknow. The whole way to Cawnpore the road is covered with supplies and troops — the electric telegraph is into camp, and we begin to feel THE SECOND RELIEF. 209 ourselves the masters of the country again. . . .' I am delighted at the idea of getting out of Calcutta." His next letter to his mother was written on board the Nubia, nth March, 1858 : " You will be glad to hear I passed the Medical Board in Calcutta with very little trouble — they made no hesitation about it whatever, after looking over my case ; in fact, were awfully civil, and told me that my sickness having been contracted in the field, my leave at home should count as service. This was a bit of liberality on their part I was not prepared for, but they are tolerably lenient just now towards all those who were in Lucknow. My health is much better, fever all gone, but I have grown very old, and very yellow, and I have a feeling in my right side as if there were a nine-pound shot lodged in my liver. I'll try and jog it out, though, if I can, between Syracuse and Hamburg, and if some of the diligence travelling and bad roads between those two places don't succeed, I don't know what will. We are not coming vid Marseilles this time, having seen enough of that route, but we are going to do Italy and Austria, starting from Sicily; Palermo probably or Catania, to Naples, Rome, Florence, Verona, Venice, Trieste, Vienna, Prague, as far as Dresden. At some of these places I hope to see some of the reviews, P 210 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. and visit some of the principal arsenals ; people too declare we should not miss the Holy Week in Rome, which they all say is the finest sight in the world. Young Birch and I hope De la Fosse will join our party — the same man that escaped from Cawnpore. The former came into Lucknow with us, and got a shot in the back, which gives him a good deal of trouble — pieces of bone still keep coming away ; but with a little cooking up he'll do for the tour. My great chum, Jim Grant, remained behind at Madras, to stay a fortnight with his brother." He carried out his programme, and arrived in England, April 19th. Shortly after his return he attended the Levee, and was presented by a con- nection by marriage.* He wore the medal and three clasps for the Crimea, the Turkish Crimean medal, the medal and clasp for Persia, and the medal and clasp for Lucknow ; and being the only officer in either of the services who was engaged in all these three campaigns, he attracted the special notice of the Queen, for Lake wrote as follows to Mrs. Johnson, April 30th : " I have this moment received the commands of Her Majesty to tell her any circum- stances relating to Billy which I may know, as she takes much interest in the Indian officers presented * General Sir Atwell Lake, K.C.B. Died 1S81. THE SECOND RELIEF. 211 to her, and has desired inquiries to be made respect- ing him. Will you, if Billy is with you, ask him to send me instantly a statement of his services. . . . Let him be explicit, for it is probable Her Majesty may send for me, and I should like to make out a good story for him. Let him tell of his Crimean and Persian Campaigns. I have but this moment received my orders from the Lord Chamberlain's office, or would sooner have sent to you." The state- ment of services was, of course, sent in with as little delay as possible, but Johnson was afterwards in- formed that it was too late to be laid before Her Majesty. On the 13th June, i860, Colonel Baker wrote from the India Office : " I have the satisfaction of inform- ing you that Secretary Sir Charles Wood, having com- municated with the General Commanding-in-Chief on the subject of your strong claims to receive the Brevet rank of major, in consideration of your services in the field from 1854 to the present time, has been informed that His Royal Highness, agreeably to Sir Charles Wood's recommendation, has submitted to the Secretary of State for War, that you should be promoted to the rank of major, with the date 5th March, i860, the day after you became a captain regi mentally." 212 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIERS LIFE. He had come home on fifteen months' sick- certificate, but on the expiration of his furlough, the examining physician, Sir James Ranald Martin, certified that his health at that time would not allow of his return to India, and that, if he went back, he would die in two years. He applied, accordingly, for a further extension of leave, but it was not granted, and he had no option but to retire. This he did, after his marriage, September 18th, i860, to Mary Amelia, only daughter of Thomas Poyser, Esquire, of Wirks worth, Derbyshire * The volunteer movement was then just beginning, and Major Johnson took a warm interest in it, and early in 1861, was appointed to an adjutancy of volunteers at Liverpool. Colonel Adam Gladstone then commanded the regiment. This appointment he after some time resigned, and in 1865 went to live in North Wales, to manage the property of his cousin, the late Mrs. Oakeley, of Tany Bvvlch. In 1 87 1 he went from Wales to Berlin, at the termination of the Franco-German War, and was in Berlin at the * Four sons and one daughter survive him. The eldest son, Charles Blois, holds the livings of Enborne and Hampstead, in the gift of the Earl of Craven, of which his grandfather and uncle were rectors. The second, Francis William Blois, is an officer in the P. & O. Service. The third, Thomas Gordon Blois, is a lieutenant in the 22nd Punjab Infantry. The fourth, John Ernest Blois, is lieutenant in the Guides Cavalry. THE SECOND RELIEF. 213 triumphal entry in June, and had interviews with the Crown Prince and Princess, and, what he was most anxious for, one with Count von Moltke. Throughout his life he took the keenest interest in his profession, and was always attracted by anything connected with it. On his wedding tour, during the great struggle of Italy, he and his wife witnessed the siege of Gaeta, and the triumphal entry into Naples of the King of Italy and Garibaldi, to whom they were presented afterwards. In 1872 he made a tour round the coast of England, to survey it, with a view of making a second line of defence by means of gunboats. The observa- tions he made, and his ideas on the subject, are embodied in a pamphlet he afterwards wrote, called " Gunboats for Volunteers." The latter years of Major Johnson's life were spent at Seaford, in Sussex, where he eventually settled in 1 88 1, and built himself a house. He used generally to attend the Lucknow Anniversary Dinner, on the 25th September, and in 1893, when he was no longer amongst the survivors, and the chairman, Sir William Olpherts, proposed the " memory of our departed comrades," the name of Johnson was mentioned, together with those of Havelock, Outram, Neill, Inglis, Napier, and other true and faithful servants who had 214 TWELVE YEARS OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE. entered into their rest. He attended the funeral of the last-named old friend in St. Paul's, and was invited to that of him, who wrote of Lucknow — M Hold it for fifteen days ! We have held it for eighty-seven ! And ever upon the topmost roof, the banner of England blew." For some little time before the end, Major John- son's memory had been affected, the result, the doctors said, of a blow on the side of his head — probably a sabre cut received in action, which, in the excitement of the moment, had perhaps hardly been noticed, but which took effect many years after. He died at Seaford, on May 31st, 1893 > anc * with the flag of England, which he loved so well, as his pall, he was laid to rest on June 3rd, in the quiet church- yard of the little Cinque Port, followed by those who loved him, and by a contingent of the 1st Sussex Volunteer Royal Engineers, and a party of the Coast-guards, who asked to be allowed to show him this last mark of respect. A small brass tablet, with a summary of his services, has been placed to his memory in the chancel of the Memorial Church at Lucknow ; it is close to the monument of General Barrow, with whom he fought on the march to the first Relief, and to that of his late chief, Sir James Outram, for whom he had ever a profound admiration and regard. THE SECOND RELIEF. 215 The name of the regiment he commanded at Luck- now — the 1 2th Irregular Cavalry — is engraved on the pedestal of Havelock's monument in Trafalgar Square. In front of the monument are the words which were spoken by the General after the Battle of Bithoor : " Soldiers, your labours, your privations, your suffer- ings, and your valour, will not be forgotten by a grateful country." THE END. 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