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 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
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 A HISTORY OF CSITISH INDIA. 
 
 By Sib William Wilson Httmer, K.C.S.I., C.I.E., &c. 
 
 Vol. I.— introductory TO THE OVERTHROW OF 
 
 THE ENGLISH IN THE SPICE ARCHIPELAGO, 
 
 1623. With 4 Maps. 8vo. 18s. 
 
 c 
 
 Vol. II.— TO THE UNION OF THE CLD AND NEW 
 
 COMPANIES UNDER THE EARL OF GODOLPHIN'S 
 
 AWARD, 1708. Svo. 16s. c 
 
 THE LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER, 
 K.C,S.I., G.I.E., Ac. 
 
 By Fbancis Henry Skbine, F.S.S. 
 
 With 6 Portraits (2 Photogravures V and 4 other Illustrations. 
 
 8vo. 16s, net. 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London, 
 New York and Bombay. 
 
 ; 

 
 THt ,INDIA OF THE QUEEN ' 
 
 
 J 
 
 * * 
 
 AND OTHER ESSAYS 
 
 BY THE LATE 
 
 SIR WILLIAM* WILSON HUNTER 
 
 K.O.S.I.,'C.I.E., LL.B., &c. '^ ^ 
 
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 EDITED BY LADY HUNTER 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 * 
 
 INTRODUCTION BY FRANCIS HENRY SERINE 
 
 INDIAN CIVIL SEEVICE (rKTIRED) 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 ' LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
 NEW YORK AND ioMBAY 
 
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 DEDICATION 
 
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 , / dedicate these Essays to the dear memory of their 
 Author, who loved the races of India, and ever strove to 
 reveal their needs and aspirations to his countrymen, t 
 
 J. H. 
 
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 I • CONTENTS 
 
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 * » PA8K 
 
 INTRODUCTION . . * a . . ix 
 
 I. THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 1 
 
 I. THE EXPANSION OF INDIA 1 
 
 II. CONSOLIDATION 11 
 
 III. CONCILIATION " 20 
 
 IV. JUE NEW LEAVEN 30 
 
 V. WHITHER? * 41 
 
 II. POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA . . * . . 53 
 
 III. > THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 75 
 
 IV. ENGLAND'S WORK, IN INDIA 97 
 
 THE WORK DONE: »• 
 
 *' ' I. PEOTBCTION OF PERSON AND PROPERTY ... 97 
 
 * II, DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE . 117 
 
 • -, THE WORK TO BE DONE: 
 
 * 
 
 III. THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE FOOD SUjpPLY TO THE 
 
 » GROWING POPULATION' . ^ . . .* . 133 
 
 IV. THE MAINTENANCE OF A GOVERNMENT ON EUROPEAN 
 t STANDARDS OF EFFICIENCY ^ FROM AN ASIATIC 
 
 ® SCALE OF REVENUE 167 
 
 4 
 
 V. A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS . ... .193 
 
 VI. OUR MISSIONARIES ^ . 211 
 
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 viiu v» c ^ CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 VII. A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT . ^ . .231 
 VIII. A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 251' 
 
 I. THE S'xART . . . . '. . . 251 
 
 < II. THE JOURNEY 258 
 
 III. THE END 266 
 
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 INTEODUCTION 
 
 ' I DO lo^e these Indian races so much, 9jid I do so, long to 
 obtain a hearing for India in "Europe ! ' Thus wrote Sir 
 William Hunter in early manhood, when the glamour of the 
 East fell upon him and inspired the guiding principles of his 
 strenuous career. They were * first to enable England to learn 
 India''s wants ; next to help. England to think fairly of India ; 
 and, finally, to make the world feel the beauty and pathos of 
 Indian life/ The firstfruits of this resolve were seen in the 
 ' Annals of Rural Bengal,"" which told the ryofs simple stoay 
 and the blind struggles of his masters at the dawn of Bl'itish 
 rule. For more than a third of a centmy no year passed by 
 without its contribution to Indian literature from the same 
 practised and sympathetic pen.» Apart from his books, which 
 woitid fill a library, Sir William Hunter's many-^ided energy 
 found an outlet in j ournalism ; and mdJiy of his ephemerides 
 havfi a value extending far beyond the day for which they were 
 wi-itten. Lady Hunter has m&sde a selection of the most note- 
 worthy ; and s)ie is deeply indebted to the editors of ' The 
 Times,' the ' Pioneer ■" of Allahabad, the ' Nineteerith Century,' 
 the •* Fortnightly ' and ' Contemporary * Reviews : to Messrs. 
 isnlith & Elder and Messrs. W. H. Allen &'Co. for permission 
 to reproduce them in a permanent form. * 
 
 In 1887 Sir AVilliam IJunter bade farewell to the land 
 which he had served so well, and retiu-ned to English life. A 
 tirAe when the innermost fibres of our national existence were 
 stirred by the first Jubilee was propitious for a review of the
 
 xv , ikTRODUCTION 
 
 changes which had passed ovei' India during the Victorian era. 
 He comphed with a reccuest thaf he should describe them in 
 ' The Times ' ; and ' The India of the Queen ' afforded him 
 some solace in the deep distress caused b^ the loss of l^is only 
 ^daughter. These brilliant essays were published in the leading 
 journal between November 4 and December 8, 1887 ; and they 
 attracted ^vide notice by the grace of their style and ihe 
 sympathy which thiills in every line. ' The Expansion of Jndia,' 
 with which the series opens, enunciates a truth which had been 
 grasped , by no pre^ ious writer. As in physics tlfe greater 
 attracts ^\\e less, so the possession of India had, in fifty years, 
 converted our gi'oup of islands set in a Northern sea from a 
 Eiu-opean into an Asiatic Power. Fussia is undergoing the self- 
 same evolution, and the forces let loose in its progi'ess will 
 change the whole cmrent of civilisatioK. In India the process 
 has assumed tlu'ee well-marked phases. The first was an era of 
 conquest ; and its presiding spirit was the Maf-quis of Dalhousie, 
 T*hose life-story was told by Sir William Hunter in 1891. 
 Entering on his high office with an earnest desire to promote 
 peace and material progress, he believed himself compelled by 
 the inexorable logic of events to annex the Punjab, Oudh, and 
 the greater portion of Burma. This policy was one of the 
 many cause** of the cataclysm of 1857, which is a landmark in 
 Indian history. Speaking broadly, the Mutiny came of an 
 attempt to centralise while the moral and material appli'^nces 
 were wanting which alone coulJ weld all India into a homo- 
 geneous whole. It was not merely difference of race and 
 language which kept its peoples apart ; for we have again and 
 again seen alien communities knit together by loyalty ' to a 
 common Head. Nor was it even divergence of religion, which 
 is independent cf racial distinctions and sometimes^ destroys 
 them. The nations of India were .isolated by the distances of 
 their peninsula, which is fifteen times larger than the United 
 Kingdom and is scanned by rivers and mountain ranges on an 
 almost inconceivable scale. A strong central government became
 
 / 
 
 INTRODUCTION . jci, 
 
 possible only when railways and steam' navigation had annihi- 
 lated space and pierced the barriers ei»ected by Natiu-e. Nor, 
 at Queen Victoria's accession, were moral influences more favour- 
 able to the rulers encajnped, as ^i were, in the ruidst of a hostile 
 pjopulatipn. Our Hold on India Avas of the slightest.^ 
 For the British public these distant possessioris were a sealed 
 book, and they were regarded as a cloie preserve for the 
 Com^any> European servants. When an attempt was made 
 to infringe this monopoly of office by' the appointment to the 
 covenante'd service of Ram Mohan Ray's adopted so^j, it was 
 hastily abandoned owing to the tlamoiu- evoked in .Calcutta. 
 The Feudatory Princes were thoroughly alarmed by Dalhousie's 
 annexations ; and each be^aeved that his dynasty's interests 
 were at the mercy of a foreigner's caprice. Intrigue and self- 
 interest were rampant among them, and they agreed only in 
 regarding every measure adopted by the intruders with intense 
 suspicion. The masses were plunged in ignorance, a prey to 
 fanaticism and unreasoning panics. Every reverse sustained by 
 our arms during the campaigns undertaken by Amherst; and 
 Auckland was hailed throughout India with undisguised satis- 
 faction. ' It is true that, for at least a generation before the 
 Mutiny, higher instruction was within the reach of youths 
 belonging to the wealthier classes ; and that the foundations of 
 a systjem of national education were Mid in 1854. But its 
 proriuct served only to intensify the forces of revolt. The man 
 who is now known to have prompted the Cawnpore massacres 
 had 'been^ a pupil at a British college. De Tocqueville has 
 pointed out that a weak government's period of greatest danger 
 is that in which it attempts self-reform. 
 
 'On the restoration of- peace England made a determined 
 attempt ^^to set her Indian house in order. Jt is needless to 
 recount the measures adopted with this end in view. Some of 
 them have not stood the test of time, but others were inspired 
 byjtrue statecraft. An age of conquest was followed by one of 
 consolidation, whose principles were typified by Lord Lawrence.
 
 ( 
 
 xi^i , ikTRODUCTION 
 
 \ C ( 
 
 Its keynote was struck by the Queen's Proclamation of 1858. 
 We learn fi'om Mr. Sidney Lee's ^recent Biography how large a 
 shai'e her late Majesty took in framing the noble words which 
 are regarded as their Magna Clj^rta by educated Indians. Tne 
 Princes received an« assmance that the feifdal right of annexing 
 their territories bn the failure of natural heirs would no longer be 
 exercised. The people at large learnt that, as far as was possible, 
 they would be admitted to a share in the task of gfjverninent. 
 These pledges have been fulfilled to the letter. The assump- 
 tion of jiirect adnynistration by the Crown resulted in the 
 transfer pf supreme control to the Secretary of State, who is 
 answerable to Parliament for his action. In India all the 
 threads of government were gathered up by the Viceroy, whose 
 Council developed into a Cabinet on the European model. This 
 tendency to centralise, which has r4)bbed local officers of much 
 of their prestige, was made possible by the network of railways 
 which overspread the peninsula, and by its postal and tele- 
 graph sei*vices, which compare favourably with those of any 
 coun'try. The new ties forged by that great civiliser, commerce, 
 were strengthened by the legal codes which are among the most 
 precious legacies of the Victorian era. Like Justinian^s ' Digest,' 
 those masterpieces of lucidity and precision have given common 
 ideals to cojTimunities opposed in race, religion, and langua'ge. 
 
 As the conscience of England awoke to a sense of her 
 responsibilities towards this distant Empire it was feltj.that 
 material bonds would not suCSce to maintain a connection 
 essential to the welfare of both. The outcome^ was ca policy of 
 reconciliatioiu, which found its highest expression in I^ord Mayo. 
 While the nighYmare of absoi-ption was finally lifted from the 
 Feudatories, educated Indians of every class gained a sub- 
 stantial share in the sweets of office. The masses Icvere still 
 unfit to participate in political po^er ; and it was necessary to 
 interpose an educative stage between the existing centralisation 
 and a full recognition of the people's right to manage tkeir 
 local affairs. The series of measures introduced by Lord Ripon 
 
 1.
 
 INTRODUCl^ION 
 
 I 
 
 Xlll 
 
 was an* attempt to bridge over l;his period of probation. 
 Despite an dndtie preponderance o^ the legal element in the 
 .rural and municipal Boai'ds established during his viceroyalty, 
 »the new orijanization has* undoubtedly awakened a sense of 
 pulSTic duty throughout the Empire. , 
 
 Having traced the evolution of Victorian -'India, Sir William 
 Hun tei-* describes the forces brought intoiplay and predicts their 
 ^Fectioy. Until the eve of the Mutiny such education as 
 existed was iyn a pin-ely religious basis. NoW creeds originate in 
 man's ^jnvironment ; and, varying in grandeur with its influence, 
 they become a potent factor in Jais physical and mental develop- 
 ment. The essayist has seized the innermost spirit of Hindu- 
 ism and Islam. He projes that both are strongly vital, that 
 they retain a large measure of elasticity, and that they exercise 
 a beneficent influence ^on aboriginal tribes who are haunted by 
 the imaginary tenors of deriibn-worship. The British adminis- 
 trators'" attitude towards these social forces is dictated by ex- 
 pediency, and its rationale was convincingly stated in the report 
 of a gieat Education Commission which Sir William 'Hunter 
 presided over in 1881. Our public instruction has thus been 
 remodelled on a secular basis ; and the outcome is to be found 
 in ' the upheaval of new ideas, the quickening of new social and 
 political forces, and in the deadening of the old fanaticism, the 
 dismemberment of the old superstitiouLit, the death of old beliefs." 
 
 Such is the New Leaven, which forms the subject of the 
 fourth essay. The aspiratioyis of an educated class are fraught 
 with political danger, but they are, on the whole, preferable to 
 those arising from bigotry and ignorance. Tbp Princes have 
 gained a loftier sense of duty towards thtrir subjects 'and of 
 ' loyalty to the Paramount Power. The imminence of a collision 
 with Fiussia in 1885, and the war cloud wl;iich hung over the 
 North-VVestern Frontier two years later, elicited a very different 
 feeling from that which was excited by the old campaigns in 
 TJurma, Afghaiiistan, and the Punjab. The feudatory chiefs 
 then vied with each other in proffering, money and troops for
 
 I 
 
 XI 
 
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 INTRODUCTION 
 
 the Empire's defence. Sir William Hunter urged that acl vantage 
 should be taken of these ifignificar^ impulses • tnat the armed 
 rabble maintained by the Native States should be fashioned bv*^ 
 European discipline into a second^liVie of defence. The aspira- '• 
 tions of the educated classes were formulated by the National 
 Congresses which iiad met annually since 1885, and found in 
 Sir William Hunter ai doughty champion. He advocated the 
 establishment of the Indian Councils on a representative ba/gis, 
 and claimed for them the right of interpellating the Goverimient 
 and criticising the budgets. The Secretary of State's "council 
 should, he thought, be strenglhened by the infusion of an 
 Indian element. Anticipating an event which was probably due 
 to his prompting, he declared that ^ny English constituency 
 which should choose an Indian to represent it in Parliament 
 would deserve well of the Empire. ^ , 
 
 ' Popular Movements in India,' which appeared in^ the 
 'Contemporary Review' for February 1891, deals with the 
 effect on our Eastern policy of the preceding essays. A well- 
 equipped force 25,000 strong had been formed from the armies 
 kept up in native States ; and the ' Imperial Service Troops ' are 
 a welcome addition to the Empire's defences. The defects of 
 the system arise from the dearth,, of European officers and of 
 medical equipment ; the mutual jealousies still felt by Indiicn 
 Princes ; and the tendency shown by all volunteer organizations 
 to fluctuate in interest and efficiency. The Congress agitation 
 received a powerful stimulus froei the publicity given to its' 
 propaganda by ' The Times.' Mr. Charles Bradlaygh, the 
 member for Northampton, who was approaching the close of nis 
 stormy* career, wa;>the riiouthpiece of the movement in ParVa- 
 ment. With the excessive zeal which is the demagogue's mark 
 he had introduced, a Bill during the session of 1890k which 
 contemplated large additions to the strength of the Provincial 
 Councils and a cut-and-dried system of electoral colleges bearing 
 a fixed ratio to population. Sir William Hunter did no^ 
 conAder India ripe for numerical representation ; and gave his
 
 INTRODUCTJoN , . ijcv 
 
 support ^o a counter-proposal madt^ by Lord Cross, who was 
 then Secretary of State. I^ndgr his. Bill, which was discussed 
 by Parliament in 1890, the principle of election was restricted 
 to municipalities, District "Boards, and similar public bodies. 
 The new departure "was ultimately carried., into effect by Lord 
 Lansdowne, who also conceded the right of interpellating and 
 ' c/f discussing the Budgets. It satisfies the political ambitions 
 of educated Indians ; but its value is lessened by the virtual 
 monopoly oi^ representation secured by the lawyer class, ^ 
 
 The? ' Ruin of Aiu-angzeb,"' published in the ' Nineteenth 
 Century ' of May 1887, probably suggested the policy outlined 
 in * The India of the Queen.' It traces, with true poetic 
 instinct, the story of an i^nperial bigot who sapped the whole 
 fabric of Mughal rule by his lack of human sympathy and 
 respect for alien creeds. \. pregnant moral is drawn by the 
 concljiding sentence : ' It was by the alienation of the native 
 races that the Mughal Empire perished ; it is by the incorpora- 
 tion of those races into a loyal and a united people that ihe 
 British rule will endure.' But the germs of the new policy of 
 conciliation are to be found in ' England's Work in India,' 
 which reproduced the substance of two lectmes delivered at 
 Edinburgh dming the winter of 1879-80. The first was a 
 codnterblast to those mischievous and unpatriotic doctrines 
 which proclaim to the world that England's hold on India is 
 rooted in fraud and bloodshed and upheld by spoliation. The 
 Second lectme set forth the E>npire's demands and the manner 
 in ".vhich ,they might be met. Every measm'e proposed in ' The 
 India of the Queen ' was outlined in the earlier wo^'k. 
 
 -Buckle's * History of Civilization,' which irmde a de^p im- 
 pression on Sir William Hunter at the dawn of his active life, 
 enlarge s on the influences of physical environment in moulding 
 the character of a nation. Modern thought inclines to a belief 
 that, in the case of European communities, the historian laid 
 undue stress on this factor. But it is admitted on all sides 
 
 that Bengal is emphatically the offspring of its rivers, whose 
 
 a 

 
 xv\ , , 
 
 INfRODUCTION 
 
 mysterious workings appealfed vividly to the poetry in Hunter's 
 nature. The materials for*' A Riv^ of Ruined Capitals,' which 
 appeared in the ' Nineteenth Centm-y ' of January 1888, were 
 gathered dm'ing a tour undertakeji in the preceding Februarj^ 
 thi'ough the upper reaches of the Hugli and its confluents. It 
 shows the Gangetic Delta in the making, and recounts the 
 efforts made by sciencA to protect Calcutta, which is the last 
 survivor of many great cities entombed in the treacherorMs flood. 
 e ' Om* Missionaries ' and«^ ' A *]Forgotten Oxford 'Movement ' 
 deal Avith ^ subject w]tiich was very near their writerV heart. 
 It has been said with perfect' ' truth that the bent of every 
 Anglo-Indian's career is determined at his first station. Sir 
 William Hunter's began at Suri, the ^headquarters of a Baptist 
 Mission whose venerable chief became one of his closest friends. 
 The sympathy with missionary effbrt^whif h he retained through 
 life is rarely seen in Indian officers, whose attitude is coloured 
 by the neutrality imposed on Government by the instinct of 
 self- preservation. It bore fruit in ' The Old Missionary ' (1889), 
 a poem in prose which will keep his memory green for many a 
 year to come. In February 1888 he lectured before the Society 
 of Arts on ' The Religions of India,' and his peroration was a 
 noble defence of missionary enterprise. ' Speaking as an 
 Englishman,' J he said, 'I declare my conviction that it is ihe 
 highest modern expressiQjn of the worldwide national life of om" 
 age. I regard it as the spiritual complement of England's 
 instinct for colonial expansion ax\^ imperial rule. And I believb 
 that any falling off in England's missionary efforts willj.be a aure 
 sign of swiftl^^-coming national decay.' In the following June 
 he presided at titP" inaugm^al meeting of the Centennial Confer- 
 ence on Foreign Minions ; and he discoursed on the same theme 
 in the * NineteentKCentury ' for July 1888. His plea fori support 
 was tempered by sound common sense. Purge yom- propaganda, 
 he said, of bigotry and cant ; treat all organized religions with 
 respect, and lay stress on the spirit of Christianity rather th^n 
 undiluted dogma. 

 
 JNTR0DUC2^I0N , ,:^vii 
 
 The^ University of Oxford, which has been the birthplace of 
 so many phases of our national life^, has endowed India with a 
 mission which regards alien creeds in a liberal spirit and seeks 
 
 * to win over the educated cla'Sses, not by declamation but by apply- 
 ing" the Socratic method of argument.. Until Sir William 
 Hunter gave an account of ' A Forgotten Oxford Movement ' 
 in the ^-Fortnightly Review "* of May 189G, it was universally held 
 that 16.98 marked the origin of foreign missions. He showed 
 that the movement dated back io 1681. Its founder was 
 Dr. John Fell, one of the best-remembered of Oxford Bishops, 
 whose fiery zeal induced the magnates of Leadenhall Street to 
 employ their chaplains ' in the pious design of propagating the 
 Christian religion in the East Indies.' This new departure soon 
 spent its force. The pastors attached to the Company's semi- 
 monastic factories in the East had their hands more than full 
 in the ministrations requn'ed by their flocks, tempered with 
 occasional lapses into commerce. Moreover, the band of mer- 
 chants on whom the burden • of empire was thrust eventijally 
 had to give pledges to respect the beliefs of their subjects. 
 
 The concluding sketch, ' A Pilgrim Scholar,"" was published 
 by the * Pioneer ' of Allahabad during the spring of 1885. The 
 writer's peisonal tastes were certainly not those of the ascetic. 
 Like Walter Savage Landor, he ' warmed both hands at the fire 
 of life,' and valued it rather for the -eensations with which it 
 may be filled than for its length. But he had a true reverence 
 
 •" for the ideals of self-sacrificetand self-devotion ; and the career 
 o^ the lonely Hungarian scholar who endured severe privations 
 id the pursuit of science touched an inner chord in his natru'e. 
 And we get a glimpse of Hunter's own meii4r.l struggles in his 
 eloquent description of those of Csoma de Koros, who, ' in 
 addition to his physical sufferings, had to^ wrestle with those 
 spiritual demons of self-distrust, the bitter sense of the world's 
 neglect, and the paralyzing uncertainty as to the value of his 
 labours.' Such touches as these are in themselves sufficient 
 warrant for rescuing this beautiful story from oblivion.
 
 xviji, , INl^RODUCTION 
 
 It has been truly reinai'ked that Sir William , Hunter was 
 the discoverer of India in as- real a s^nse as those early naviga- 
 tors who carried home such wondrous tales of its riches and 
 glory. He left an enduring mark ^)n its administration, and in- 
 spired his countrymen owith a sentiment of it^ potentialities and 
 gi'andeur. Had he survived to take part in the late imperial 
 pageant he would havt seen the full result of his tealfchings. 
 He would have heard Lord Curzon of Kedleston proclaiming 
 to the representatives of one sixtti of the human racef' assembled 
 at Delhi that 'to the niajority of these millions the 'King's 
 Government has given freedom fiom invasion and anarchy ; to 
 others it has guaranteed their rights and privileges ; to others 
 it opens ever-widening avenues of hon^iuable employment ; to 
 the masses it dispenses mercy in the hour of suffering, and to 
 all it endeavom's to give equal justice^, immunity from oppres- 
 sion, and the blessings of enlighteniiient and peace. To have 
 won such a dominion is a great achievement, to hold it by fair 
 and fTighteous dealing is a greater ; to weld it by prudent states- 
 manship into a single and compact whole will be, and is, the 
 greatest of all.' 
 
 F. H. SKRlNE. 
 
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 I 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE* QUEEN 
 
 « • 
 
 I 
 
 THE EXPANSION OF INDIA ' 
 
 During the fifty years of* Queen Victoria's reign, three vast 
 enterprises have been going; on in India — a work of conquest, 
 a work of consolidation, 'md a work of concihation. But, 
 momentous as are the changes thus effected by the direct action 
 of England's servants in the Eiist, still gi'aver national conse- 
 quences have been brought about by the altered relations of In^ia 
 to Great Britain. In the early part of the reign the foreign«policy 
 of England was a policy of European responsibilities imposed 
 by the Treaty of Vienna and bequeathed by Waterloo. During 
 the latter part of the reign the foreign interests of England have 
 been Asiatic interests, domirJated b}' the requirements of an 
 Asiatic frontier and by the necessity of a safe pt^th to India. 
 The Suez Canal is now a more powerftil factor in England's 
 slttitude to the Great Powers than would be a dozen Spanish 
 nfarriages. The occupation of, Egypt has ousted from public 
 view the integi-ity of the Ottoman Empire. The neutralisation 
 of Afghanistaii has taken the place of the neutralisation of the 
 Black Sea. . ,^, • 
 
 "Not less imperative are the new military obligations laid 
 upon England. Great Britain has become the recruiting gTound 
 for an ^irmy in Asia. Service with the Queen's colours now 
 means chiefly service in India. Lord Wolseley has insisted on 
 the duty of maintaining at home a number of infantry exceed- 
 ing the whole battalions serving abroad, in order to supply the 
 demand for mature troops capable of resisting hot climates 
 
 • B
 
 2r, , THE INDIa of THE QUEEN 
 
 < r 
 
 How seriously India intensifies this strain may be realised from 
 the fact that in 1837 sh,e only employed 19,000 men of the 
 English Army, while in 1887 she requires 65,000. At the 
 former period the East India Con?.pany had its separate Euro- 
 pean force, naval And military ; fhe whole burden of theP*''tish 
 
 /5:rmament in India iiow falls upon the Queen's ships and the 
 Queen"'s troops. But, the altered relations of India to Great 
 Britain make themsefves as acutely felt in the English farmhouse 
 and market town as in the Foreign Office and at the Horse 
 
 r Guards. In 1837 'India vms a retail dealer in luxiu'ies, sending 
 away ten millions sterling a year of articles chiefly for t>he rich. 
 In 1887 she appears as a wholesale exporter to the extent of 
 about 90 'inillions sterling, a cotton spinner, and a cheap grain 
 merchant on an enormous scale, supplying piece goods to the 
 Asiatic market and food to the English labourer, in keen com- 
 petition with the Norfolk wheat grower and the Lancashire 
 mill hand. Above all, the control of India has passed dm-ing 
 the fifty years from a limited body of experts in Leadenhall- 
 street to the British Parliament and the nation at large. 
 
 c I pm-pose to exhibit in their political aggregate the two-fold 
 series «of changes which have thus taken place — the changes in 
 India and the changes in the relation of India to Great Britain. 
 The occasion seems opportune for such a review. Op the one 
 hand, our Imperial dealings with India have given rise in Eng- 
 land to diplomatic responsibifities and military exigencies 
 formerly unknown, and involve a close Parliamentary supervfsion 
 which, I believe, will s'nortly disclose new difficulties. On the 
 other hand, we have reared up in India a population greatly in 
 excess of the numbers that the qountry supported and fed undor 
 any previous rule. A small section of that population has been 
 swiftly educated in the ideas which Europe conqbered for herself 
 by centuries o^-^durance and self-discipline. We have nurtured 
 two generations of University youth in India on the strong 
 meat of English political eloquence ; they quote to us the 
 ' Areopagitica ' of Milton, and the ' Representative Government ' 
 of Mill. But the mass of the people still remain face to face 
 with th^ primitive struggle for existence in an Asiatic country — 
 a struggle no longer mitigated for the survivors by the sharp 
 Asiatic cauteries of unchecked famines and internal war. We 
 
 ^
 
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 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN . - ' 3 
 
 thus find our^lves confronted by a small but able and oratorical 
 class, trained tcT political ^spiratior^ which the general state 
 of* India allows us only gradually to satisfy ; a class keenly alive 
 
 ,to the hard lot of the groat body of their countrymen, well 
 a.v&i^ of the palliat^es which representative institutions in Eng- 
 
 •land have applied to social suffering, and eager to be allowe(I< 
 to make trial of similar institutions for themselves. 
 
 The*effbrts of nati^'e gentlemen from India to wrjii their vv^ay 
 into Pai'liament form a new and significant feature in British 
 electioneering. The presence of eten two oi- three of these 
 gentlemen in the House of Commons, if well informefj as to the 
 local facts, persistent in their^ demands, and united in action, 
 n)ight lead to important changes in our methods *of Indian 
 government. Foiled for the moment in their attempts with 
 British constituencies, the educated natives have brought the 
 whole weight of their influence to bear upon the Government 
 in India. A Viceroy^so frfin and sagacious as Lord Dufferin 
 has t4)und it expedient to publicly try their claims to ^a larger 
 share in the administration. During the past ten months a 
 Commission on which the natives are ably represented has bden 
 hearing evidence throughout India. It will shortly re-as^mble, 
 with an ex-Lieutenant-Governor of well-known native sym- 
 pathies m president, to settle its report. The Public Service 
 Commission in India and the Indian candidates for Parliament 
 at home are concurrent indications of a new force with which 
 Indian statesmen have henceforth to reckon — namely, the fixed 
 resolye. of the educated natives to secure for themselves a larger 
 share in the government of their country. 
 
 The problem of Indian itatesmanship, as prescribed by 
 the. Queeji's Proclamation and defined by pledges from her 
 Miitisters, is not how to resist these demands but ^ow far it is 
 safe to concede them. The British governmei?!!> of India*must 
 
 ^be a strong government, the British administration of India 
 must be efficient. It is evident that constitutional checks well 
 suited to a country like England, homogeneous as to its people 
 and trained by 800 years of corporate action in peace and in 
 war, might be dangerous for a congeries of long hostile races 
 who, within the past century, and without any effort of their 
 own, have been brought together under a central Government. 
 • 4 £ 2 •
 
 4 ^ c , THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 It is also evident that the central rulers, in cc^nsidering the 
 claims of any one class hof^^^ever intelligent and patriotic, must 
 assure themselves that the vigour of the administration will n'6t 
 be impaired for the whole peoples As long as the British 
 nation guarantees, by its arms and diplomafy, the Indian Iflv^'es 
 
 •ffom external enemies, and as long as it stands responsible for 
 the internal peace and good government of the country, so long 
 must it adopt the means which seem to it best suited to these 
 ends. But if it is to continue to rule in the spirit in which it 
 
 ■has hitherto ruled, it miftt reconcile those meaJis with the 
 aspiration^ ^vhich its own example of constitutional -govern- 
 ment has created, and M'hich it» fearless system of Indian Public 
 Instruction has deliberately encouraged, among the educated 
 classes in India. 
 
 ' The Times ' has described in a series of brilliant letters 
 the advancing prosperity of the United States. I think that 
 no man with a practical experience of 'Indian legislation can 
 have read without envy that marvellous record of national 
 well-being. It is a record of internal progress (and by the 
 wcrd ' internal ' I wish to reserve the question of external 
 tariffs) made in harmony with economic laws, in a land which 
 is still in excess of the needs of the people, and by a people 
 who have adopted more thoroughly than any otheit race on 
 earth the maxim of Uhi bene ibi patria. The progress of India 
 during the past fifty years has 'been not less wonderful, and, 
 considering l^e lower level from which India started, in some 
 respects even more rapid. But in India the progress has, been 
 made, as regards the fundamental question of population^ in 
 defiance of economic laws, and in a land which no longer 
 suffices for the wants of a people who cling to thei\' placp of 
 birth with a^tenacity unknown in any other country. America 
 is arP exampla-ef the excellent results to be obtained from 
 putting new wine ijito new bottles. India illustrates the risk 
 of putting new wine into old ones. In the present article I 
 shall briefly show how, during Queen Victoria's reign, the vast 
 receptacle was put together for the liquid. Subsequent articles 
 will disqlose the ferments which we have poured in, and will 
 indicate some of the products which may be expected shortly to 
 come out.
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 At the {'•ccession of Queen Victoria in 1837 the map of 
 India remained practically Jts it had »been revised on the close 
 ^i the Maratha war in 1818, the year before her Majesty ""s 
 •birth. An extension, insig!iificant in regard to population and 
 r€?^ehuc, had been ^ade to the eastern frontier, and the people 
 of the little State of Coorg had involuntarily sought the prc>'» 
 tection ^ of British rule. The twenty years of calm ended 
 suddenly in a war tempest, lasting over twenty years of disasters, 
 victories, and annexation, and dying away only after the 
 thunderclap^ of the Mutiny had, cfeared the |iir. During the- 
 Queen"^ reign eight great wars have been waged, in India, 
 besides minor military operatif>}?s sometimes of a difficult nature. 
 'Ten territories have been conquered or annexed, witJi a popula- 
 tion of about 45 millioi^s of people, and an area exceeding 
 400,000 square miles. Sir Richard Temple states the latter 
 figure at 528,700, including certain tracts brought less directly 
 under British admimstration. Broadly speaking, therefore, 
 Quetn Victoria's reign has witnessed the acquisition of nearly 
 one-fourth of the present population and about one-half of the 
 present area of British India. The lirst fact to be fimly 
 grasped is that when her Majesty ascended the throne the 
 Indian territories imder English rule were little more than a 
 half of tlie British India of to-day. 
 
 This vast expansion of territory has led to organic changes 
 in the methods of Indian government. Its influence has been 
 intensified and rendered uniform by the circumstance that, with 
 , the exception of Burmah, the expansion has been inland to- 
 \v3,rds the north and west. In the early part of the Queen's 
 reign, the Governor of Lowei-» Bengal was in fact as in name 
 the Gov irnor- General of India. Great bodies of troops were 
 massed in and around his capital, Calcutta. Besides the local 
 garrison the headquarters of the army were in Fort "\^Mlliam, 
 and the headquarters of the Bengal Artillery at Dum Dum, 
 seven miles off. The strong cantonment of Barrackpur lay 
 sixteen miles up the river, and Chinsura, with its magnificent 
 accommodation for European troops, about ten miles above. 
 A line of military stations stretched thence along the ,valley of 
 the Ganges to Dinapur, 636 miles northward by the river, 
 supported by cantonments tlu'own out to a distance on Hoth
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 sides. Lower Bengal is now shorn of its ancrent military 
 strength. The headquart^s of ther Bengal Artillery were re- 
 moved to Meerut, 1,000 miles to the north-west, in 1854, after 
 Lord Dalhousie''s wars. The pernfanent headquaiters of the 
 army were transferred in 1865 to Simla, still further oflP, in the 
 <jfunjab. Chinsur^ is now a solitude of palatial barracks with- 
 out a soldier. Barrackpur has become a charming su,burb of 
 Calcutta, still with a few troops, but chiefly prominent of late 
 years for the little differences of^ season ticket-holders with the 
 ^-ailway company, The lin^^ of cantonments up the lower valley 
 of the Ganges is abantjoned for strategic positions in the far 
 north-west. I have seen the Sj^acious mess-house of a Bengal 
 station offered at auction for 40Z. and sold eventually for the 
 value of the old wood in its doofs and windows. Native 
 soldiers are dotted here and there, but the nearest military 
 place of strength to Calcutta is now *Dinapur, high above the 
 limits of the Delta, and 343 miles by railway (or 636 by river) 
 from the capital. The port of arrival and debarcation of the 
 British troops is transferred from Calcutta to Bombay. The 
 sea* of the Government is necessarily fixed at the headquarters 
 of the Army, Simla, during the greater part of the year. The 
 Viceroy of India is completely dissociated from the Governorship 
 of Bengal. 
 
 While the war-array of British India has thus advanced 
 inland the external relations of the Indian Government have 
 moved still fu5^ther to the north-west. During the first years 
 of Queen Victoria's reign the Indian Foreign Office was cstill 
 ' the secret and political department." Its business was chiefv 
 ' political ' business, consisting of transactions with feudatory or 
 native States. Four such States, or groups of States,^ severely 
 taxed the resources and tried the patience of Indian diplo- 
 matistf. The luxmious Muhammadan Court of Oude, a Sodrm 
 of profligacy and misrule, oppressed the northern valley of the 
 Ganges. The religious and military confederation of the Sikhs 
 ruled the Punjab beyond our furthest frontier on the north- 
 west. A warlike aristocracy held Scinde in the extreme, west. 
 The powerful Maratha State of Nagpur occupied the heart of 
 India. Oude is now a British province, the Punjab is now r. 
 British province, Scinde is a British province, Nagpur is a
 
 THE INDIA OF T1\e QUEEN 
 
 British ^province. The management of these vast territories 
 has passed from the Political Department to the Home Depart- 
 ment of the Government of India. Other great native States 
 .remain, and under the assured policy of the Queen's rule will 
 alw'.a-ys remain ; but. the most 'critical problems of Indian dipio- 
 » macy no longer arise out of our feudatory relations. The 
 dangers which the armies of India are now 'prepared to face, 
 
 ' £fhd whfch the Indian Foreign Office now-» laboiirs to avert, lie 
 far to the west of Oude, and of Scinde, and of the Punjab. 
 The same iri'esistible march of events which* impelled our troops 
 northviards from the mouth of tHe Ganges ri^er to the mouth 
 of the Khyber Pass and beyoud^the Bolaii has transferred our 
 .chief diplomatic problems from' the Courts of Hindo'itan to the 
 great dividing line of Central Asia. 
 
 The expansion of the* British power in India during her 
 Majesty's reign and concurrent changes in the methods of ad- 
 ministration, hereafter to» be described, enable the Queen's 
 Government in India to act with an overwhelming force, 
 unknown in the days of the Company. I have mentioned that 
 one exception exists to the north-western tendency of that ex- 
 pansion — the conquest of Burmah. The three wars which, in 
 1824-26, 1852, and 1885, led to the annexation of this province, 
 tell their own story of the increased weight of resources which 
 the Indian Government now brings to bear at every point of its 
 empire. The first Burmese \far in 1824 lasted over two costly 
 and bloody years ; and five more years were spf^it in guerilla 
 fighting before order could be finally evolved. The second 
 
 * Burmese war in 1852 was of less, but still of serious difficulty. 
 The actual military operations proved incomplete. Standing 
 cajnps of banditti maintained their positions during two years, 
 aiKl eight yegtrs elapsed before a completely successful adminis- 
 t^tion was established. The third Burmese wa? in 1885 was 
 not so much a campaign as a military progress. The country 
 has been flooded with troops and armed police, recruited from 
 the distant northern races who, 40 years Ago, were our most 
 formidable enemies. There is every reason to hope that within 
 two years and a half of the landing of the force in 1885, Upper 
 ^Burmah will have peacefully settled down under civil rule. Yet 
 the territories now annexed exceed the acquisitions of 1826 and
 
 8 ^ ^ THE INDIRA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 < f 
 
 1852 put together ; and their geographical position presented 
 
 difficulties which the East India Company might well have 
 hesitated to face. On all the three occasions the provocation 
 was equally persistent, and the necesjsity for war equally impera- 
 tive. But the history of the past' two years, in Burmah form^ a 
 significant contrast to the wars of 1824 and 1852 for complete- 
 ness of design, foi'' swiftness of execution, and for that truest 
 humanity which, by Vhe employment of all available means, 
 shortens the pangs of the new birth. 
 
 This aggregation of forqe, with the whole might of England 
 in reserve, has arlned \\ath a giant's strength the Governirent of 
 India. It "is a most sdlemn dutr of the British nation to see 
 that that Covernment does not use it as a giant. I believe, and 
 I shall give reasons for my belief, that the increasing coiitrol of 
 Parliament is an absolutely necessary complement of the expan- 
 sion of India under the Queen. But before passing to changes 
 of system, it may be Avell to get a vclear^ idea of the type of 
 Indian statesman to Avhom the expansion has been chiefly due. 
 There have been many conquering Governor- Generals in India 
 under the Queen, from the histrionic Ellenborough, a few years 
 after her accession, to Lord Duff'erin in the year of her jubilee. 
 But one man towers wdth majestic forehead and dauntless eyes 
 above the rest. During the Marquis of Dalhousie's gov<",rnment 
 the period of conquest and annexation found its climax ; in his 
 character the highest qualities of an Indian subjugator were 
 summed up. Jle came earnestly desiring peace. Throughout 
 his long rule of eight years his mind was full of schemes of sober 
 development. He founded the modern Department of Public 
 Works. He opened the Ganges (^.anal. He gave the gi'cat im- 
 pulse from the Indian side to the overland route, and ^o steajtn 
 communication, v'/d the Red Sea, with England. ' He cut the 
 first sod of an Indian railway. Under his orders the first liip 
 of electric telegraph posts across India was set up. His en- 
 gineers metalled a longer mileage of roads than had been con- 
 structed by the four-^preceding Governor-Generals. His Revenue 
 officers settled the assessment of the soil, and recorded the land- 
 rights of the people throughout a larger area. He introduced 
 cheap postage into India. On the system of Public Instruction 
 inaugoirated during his rule the education of India still rests. 
 
 i
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN . )9 
 
 But JLord palhousie came to India at a time when peace 
 was not possible.' Three n^onths after his arrival his prede- 
 ces'sor's scheme for governing the Punjab by a Sikh protectorate 
 broke down beneath its own> weight of Ministerial corruption, 
 military ambition, ^nd femaib intrigue. The Queen Regent 
 had taken her Prime Minister as her parahiour. Two British 
 officers were treacherously massacred, awaiting hand-in-hand 
 * tlreir death, and foretelling with their last' words the day when 
 England would avenge their blood. The first operations of 
 our hasty border levies failed. ^An Afghan force poured 
 through the passes, seized the frontier capital, and streamed 
 onwards to swell the Sikh army.jj, Lord Dalhousie's Government 
 had no alternative but to conquer or to be effaced in' the Pun- 
 jab. The battle of Chilianwallah saAv British guns and British 
 colours lost on the field, and made the spring of 1849 a time of 
 )nourning throughout England. By the victory of Gujarat 
 the Punjab was annexed. -On the distant south-eastern ex- 
 tremity of the Empire, the ill-treatment of British merchants 
 and seamen by the King of Burmah, and the insults to our 
 naval officer sent to remonstrate, forced on another war, ending 
 in the annexation of Pegu. Within India, under many pf the 
 feudatory Princes, fifty years of British guarantee from external 
 attack and internal revolt had delivered over the people to a 
 callous misrule. It is impossible to read a matter-of-fact 
 narrative of what men witnessed day by day in a native king- 
 dom, like Colonel Sleeman"'s Journey through OucJe, Avithout a 
 sense of guilt that such a state of thingJ> should have grown up 
 under British treaties and should have been maintained by 
 British troops. Lord Dalhousje kept faith with the feudatory 
 I'rijices tcy the letter, but he availed himself of the precedents of 
 the^Mughal Empire to intervene on the failure of natural heirs. 
 Tl^s is not the place either to attack or to defend the Doctrine 
 of Lapse which brought several of the native States under 
 direct British rule. In each case Lord Dalhousie acted within 
 what he believed to be his rights, and in eacrf case he believed 
 himself bound to take action by his duty to the people. His 
 private diary bears witness to the anxious desire to do justice 
 with which that pained and noble heart accepted the task thus 
 forced upon it. As one who has examined the Coulston mai/iu-
 
 10. 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 scripts, I may be permitted to say that the C9dicil to Lord 
 Dalhousie's will, which forbids th^ publicatioii of his journals 
 till fifty years after his death, has proved not only a misfortime 
 to his own memory, but a serious loss to each succeeding 
 Governor-General. The great pro-consul Reclined to add fuel 
 ^o the strife which raged on Indian questions during the period 
 between the close of his rule and his death. But the whole 
 nature of the man stands revealed in one passage of Kis diary, 
 in which he sums up the gi-ound for his last and gTeatest act of 
 annexation, the absorption- of*^Oude. He believed that the 
 British Government lay under a solemn obligation to fr«e from 
 oppression a people from whon^ it had taken away the possi- 
 bility of fi-eeing themselves. ' With this feeling on my mind, 
 and in humble reliance on the blessing of the Almighty, for 
 millions of His creatures will draw freedom and happiness from 
 the change, I approach the executiop of this duty, gi'avely and 
 not without solicitude, but calnAy and altogether without 
 doubt.' By such a type of master-builder the expansion of 
 India during Queen Victoria's reign was chiefly wrought. 
 
 V 
 
 /
 
   ) . j 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN » il 
 
 
 
 ) 
 
 .9 ' 
 
 ■Ji 
 
 J 
 
 9 
 
 II o 
 
 CONSOLIDATION 
 
 I -3 
 
 -)   «' 
 
 ' ) 
 
 After '-' Lord Dalhousie, the conqueror, and shortly before 
 Lord Lawrence, the consolidattyr of India under the Queen, 
 Came Lord Canning, who, in regard to his work as in^ sequence 
 of time, holds an internie^iiate place between the two. On 
 Earl Canning fell the double burden of losing a large part of 
 India and of retrieving the4oss. The Mutiny of 1857 was the 
 price paid for attem'pting to unite India under a central 
 Govornment without the material appliances and the moral 
 influences necessary to maintain unity. That attempt had 
 been made, on a larger or smallei- scale, by Afghan, Pathfijn, 
 Mughal, and Maratha. Its uniform history had been n slow 
 aggregation of territories separated by race and by nature, 
 reaching ^a climax of strength under some exceptionally vigorous 
 ruler, and ending in disintegration and revolt. Distance and 
 space, mountains and deserts, vast intervening regions of forest, 
 and mighty rivers, had placed barriers to any ceritral Govern- 
 ment in India, barriers which the native dynasties had been 
 able for a time to overstep, but never in the long run to over- 
 come. It is only during the jecond part of Queen Victoria''s 
 reign thit the railway, the steamship, and the telegraph have 
 rendered the resources of the Empu-e swiftly avai^ble at every 
 pfi-'.nt within it, and made a united India a permanent possi- 
 bility. Lord Canning in 1 857 had not only to contend against 
 the old centrifugal forces in India, and against distances which 
 might well have broken any Power with a heart less high and a 
 resolve less stern than England ; he had to fight the battle 
 with an army drained of its ablest officers for the civil -,adminis- 
 tration of the lately annexed provinces, and at first with 
 generals avIio, in the most critical posts, as at Meerut ixxuS. 
 
 \
 
 lU. THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 Cawnpore, were incapacitated by age or by rrresolution of 
 character. « ^ , • 
 
 Nor were the moral influences which have since welded India 
 into an Empire less conspicuously absent than the material 
 appliances of centralisation. Lord Canning had to depend- on 
 ^ the shifting self-interests of Princes who, until Lord Mayo's 
 rule 12 years later, never knew the sentiment of personal loyalty 
 to the Thi'one. He had to deal with peoples for whose en- 
 lightenment no serious effort had been made till three short 
 years before his arrival ; peoples left a prej to 1?he panics of 
 ignorance, liable to false and fatal alarms as to our intentions, 
 and subject to those storm-was;es of fanaticism which Western 
 education'-in India has since dammed up in sluggish backwaters 
 and reduced to a sceptical calm. AVorst of all, he had to act 
 through men in high places, some of whom were grossly ignorant 
 or culpably negligent of the feelings, of the native army, while 
 others were paralysed by routine. ^The dfficial historian of the 
 iNIutiny has had sorrowfully to record that the rumour of the 
 greased cartridges was no fable ; and although steps were taken 
 tq prevent the covers smeared with cow's fat from defiling the 
 mouths of the Sepoys, the flame which the panic had kindled 
 could only be bui-ned out by the fiercer fires of war. Lord 
 Canning put down the Mutiny, proclaimed the Queen's rule 
 throughout India, and reached England only to die. 
 
 A Plan of Government, published mth an air of authority 
 in 1793, had^ suggested that ' a Viceroy ' should be appointed 
 for British India. But' the East India Company, while ndJling 
 on various occasions to di-aw closer to the Crown, held itself ^as 
 far aloof as it dared from Parliament. It was an aphorism of 
 Leadenhall-street, an aphorism asso(;iated Avith more .^.han one 
 great name, f^hat if ever India was lost it would be lost in the 
 Horse of Commons. There was truth in the saying from V.ie 
 Leadenhall-street point of view. The India of the retired 
 nabob in the last century, when the lawful pay of the Company's 
 servants formed but a small part of their gains, was lost in 1773 
 and 1784 in Parliament. The India of the first quarter pf the 
 present century, with its commercial monopoly and its too ex- 
 clusive government by Eiu-opean officials, was lost in 183 3 and 
 18*3 in Parliament. The India of the middle of the century,
 
 THE INDIA OF THlE QUEEN 1^ 
 
 with its close pborough of patronage, a close borough which 
 sometimes indeed sent to India noble representatives, was in 
 1853 lost in Parliament. But in each case the loss to the 
 Company and its servants pv,oved a gain to India and the British 
 nation. The Act fqi' the better government of India in 1858 
 did not bring India for the first time under the control of the 
 House of Commons. It provided that instead of that control 
 being enforced by a great inquest held every 20 years on the 
 renewal of the Company"'s charter, or on very special occasions 
 between, it., should be daily ex^ercised by her Majesty's 
 Ministers, responsible for their acts each evening in Parliament. 
 A corresponding change wag introduced into the adminis- 
 trative mechanism for giving effect to Parliamentary super- 
 vision. To the outward world the Secretary of State appeared 
 to step into the place of the President of the Board of Control, 
 and the Secretary of State's Council seemed the natural suc- 
 cessor of the Court ®f Directors. But beneath this show of 
 continuity a fundamental difference lay hid. The Court of 
 Directors supervised, on their own initiative, the whole ordinary 
 administration of India. They drew up the despatches to ^he 
 Governor- General, and their special knowledge of^ India 
 rendered it difficult for the President of the Board of Control 
 to exercise his undoubted right to criticise or alter what they 
 had written. His interference was chiefly confined to his own 
 allotted departments, the regulation of treaties, and the declara- 
 tion of war or peace. Even in these department?, his decisions 
 were usually forced upon him by the previous action of the 
 Governor-General in India, or were powerfully influenced by 
 the Indian experts in the Court of Directors. It often only 
 remaine(J for the President of the Board of Control to sanction 
 what the Company or its servants had done. The power of 
 ii^^^itiative in the control of all great Indian questions, a^i.le of 
 internal administration and of external policy, now rests, not 
 with the Secretary of State's Council, but with the Secretary of 
 State himself. The despatches to India issue under his single 
 signature and in his name. ' I have considered in Council,' he 
 says, the facts of the case, and then he proceeds to give his 
 decision thereon. He may not only overrule his Council, but 
 he and the permanent officials under him can to some extent
 
 it^. THE INDIJ OF THE QUEEN 
 
 regulate what individual questions shall be sulmiitteci to his 
 Councillors. The Council is still strong in Indian experience, 
 but it has not the power of initiative possessed by the CoUrt 
 of Directors. Personal Indian experience, moreover, is no^v 
 supplemented (it never can be superseded) l^y carefully compij^ed 
 and published information regarding each district and province ; 
 f^ and, so far, the Council has lacked that representative character 
 which gave to the C6urt of Directors their abiding strength. 
 Nor can the Viceroy by previous action force the hand of the 
 Secretary of State," as the G'jvemor-General coyld confront 
 with the fait aclompli the President of the Board of Control. 
 The old 'despatches from the Company's servants in India 
 solicit approval for what they have done ; the present des^ 
 patches from the Indian Government request sanction for what 
 it proposes to do. The telegraph informs the Secretary of 
 State, day by day, of every important intention of the Govern- 
 ment of India, and enables him in «ach case to stay action if he 
 sees fit. 
 
 While the control of India has thus been consolidated in 
 the hands of the Secretary of State, the Government of India 
 has been firmly gathered up into the hands of the Viceroy. 
 Apart from cases of emergency or high importance, in which 
 the Viceroy may by law act independently of his colleagues, 
 modern practice has rendered the Governor-General in Council 
 a more compact and automatic body than it was under the 
 Company, "^he open opposition of the Council, which for a 
 time crippled Warren Hastings, had long ceased to be possible. 
 But down to the last year of the Company, the system of work 
 tended to keep the Governor-Geijeral and his Council asunder. 
 The discussion of every case was done in writing. T^e 
 members of Council recorded elaborate minutes, which travelled 
 in locked mahogany boxes from the house of one member fa 
 another, varied by Ulysses-like wanderings after the camp of 
 the Governor-General, perhaps 500 miles off. He governed 
 most who wrote *^most, and the personal influence of the 
 Governor-General, except on questions of policy which he 
 pleased to make his own, was apt to be lost in the mass of 
 manuscript. 
 
 Jjord Canning remodelled his Council into a Cabinet, with
 
 i! « ^ 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN iJS 
 
 himself as m-esident. Each member of Council has now 
 become a minister in charge of a separate department, and 
 responsible directly to the Viceroy ^r its work. Matters of 
 ^•outine seldom go beyond the member in charge ; questions of 
 more importance are generall}. settled between the member and 
 ^he Viceroy. Only when they differ, or when points of special 
 interest or of public policy are involved, does the Viceroy 
 circulate the papers to his colleagues. Lurd Lawi-ence further 
 developed this reform. A great deal more is now done by 
 personal discussion. The secretary of each department has a 
 day a yeek with the Viceroy, lays before him the facts of every 
 important case, and receives his orders upon it. Another day 
 a. week is given to the oral discussion of the most important 
 cases by the Viceroy and his Council. Under the Company, an 
 indolent Governor-General might leave all but the most capital 
 questions to be fought out by his members of Council in 
 writing. A masterful. Viceroy might treat the lucubrations of 
 his Councillors as of merely academic interest, and amid the 
 multiplicity of minutes take his own course. But, unless he 
 had the tact and the iron will of Dalhousie, he quickly found 
 his relations grow strained with his Council, and his position 
 sooner or later made uncomfortable by their friends in the 
 Court of Directors. A masterful Viceroy would now find it 
 more difficult to pursue his own way without fair discussion, 
 and an indolent Viceroy, unless bereft of the sense of humour, 
 would feel his appearances in Council ridiculous. But the 
 daily personal influence of a Viceroy who gives his mind to his 
 -work has immensely increased under the Cabinet system of 
 transacting business. 
 
 The consolidating forces which have thus reorganised the 
 Parliamentary control and the Viceregal government of India, 
 m,ake themselves equally felt in the administration. At the 
 beginning of the Queen's reign the district officer was the 
 one conspicuous figure in the internal lilanagement of the 
 country. Far-off things called boards fJad councils and 
 governors were known to exist, but their existence was scarcely 
 realised by the people. The head of the district, or ' collector,' 
 was a king in his own right, and his subjects troublt?d them- 
 selves with few speculations as to the ultimate sanctions on 
 
 )
 
 « 
 
 lb . THE INd\a of the QUEEN 
 
 which his authority might rest. One by one hi^^ prerogatives 
 have been curtailed by the Provincial Governments. Fifty 
 years ago those Governments had riot the knowledge requisite 
 to safely curb the collector's power ^f the initiative. District' 
 now within eight hours of Cabutta were described in the 
 ' Calcutta Review ' shortly before the Mutiny as ' quite unex- 
 / plored.' Famines, pestilences, agrarian agitations, tribal move- 
 ments, the upheavals* of sects and castes — in short, all' the less 
 common but inevitable incidents of Indian rule — took the 
 Government by surprise. No regular census, ^hat i^iitialstep to 
 a knowledge of the people, n5d ever been attempted in Bengal ; 
 and the fitst census m this lieutenant-governorship disclosed, in 
 1872, the^existence of twenty -fivL millions of British subjects 
 above the previous official estimates. The facts regarding each 
 administrative division, town, and village of any size in British 
 India, with an account of their physical aspects, their history, 
 peoples, and products, are now ranged in, 120 printed volumes, 
 drawn up and indexed on a uniform plan, upon the shelves of 
 the Indian secretariats. This enormous work is only an out- 
 ward symbol of the efforts made by the Provincial Governments 
 during the Queen's reign to inform themselves regarding the 
 local conditions of government. The railway enables a governor 
 to visit as many districts in a few months as formerly occupied 
 his tour during as many years. 
 
 The district officers now complain that their duties are 
 being narro\^ed to writing reports, and to carrying out the 
 orders of Government (thereon. The commissioners, or high 
 local officials intermediate between the collectors and the 
 Government, lament that they have become mere post-offices 
 for the transmission of these documents. The Boards of 
 Revenue, which formerly supervised the district administration 
 from the provincial capitals, perceive themselves drifting into 
 the** position of secretaries to the Lieutenant-Governor, and 
 expect the day when they will be formally constituted his 
 councillors. Mdnwhile the persomul of the Provincial 
 Governments has been strengthened in proportion to their 
 increased duties. Where one chief secretary sufficed, ""'three 
 separate "^"secretariats, each with a complete staff, now fence 
 round a Lieutenant-Governor. A new race of beings, called 
 
 i 
 (
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 17 
 
 heads ol depe'rtments, director-generals, and inspector-generals, 
 who existed only in a rudimentary form under the Company, 
 firtnly enforce the control which the secretariats initiate. A 
 ^nancial councillor of the A'^iceroy lately bewailed his lot, fallen 
 in evil days, when ' ^he Finance Minister of India had become 
 a mere secretary to the Secretary of State'. I comfort myself, 
 however,' he added, ' by the reflection that my successor will be 
 only his^clerk."* Yet the Finance Minister is, and must always 
 bcj, the most powerful member of the Government, next to the 
 Viceroy. ^ * 
 
 '• Th'i same complaint of excessive centralisation comes from 
 every class of Indian' administrators. Whether centralisation 
 has really been carried too far cannot yet be with ' certainty 
 pronounced. The district officer still stands as the visible 
 representative of British rule to the people. The administrative 
 machine seems to work with a smoothness and rapidity formerly 
 unknown. Mistakes d,re mure easily corrected ; misconduct is 
 more promptly checked ; from a cheaper judicial agency equal 
 results are obtained. Whether good work will be equally en- 
 couraged, honest workers as firmly supported, and the individu- 
 ality of the administrators as usefully developed, time* alone 
 can show. Any forecast is complicated by the circumstance 
 that, while the initiative of the collectors has been curtailed, a 
 new administrative mechanism of rural unions, district boards, 
 and municipal bodies has been created. It may seem to the 
 next generation that the decay of the district officer was merely 
 a natural stage in the growth of local self-government. To 
 'Respondent critics of an older school it appears the first step 
 towards disintegration. One ihing is certain. The increased 
 strength, the prompter action, and the fuller knowledge which 
 the heads of pi'ovinces now bring to bear on the district adminis- 
 tri.tion, permit of local self-government being tried undei-y^fer 
 conditions, because imder a more vigilant control. 
 
 The consolidation of India under the Queen is not, however, 
 a mere question of the mechanism of government. The old 
 Customs' lines, which strangled internal trade and divided 
 province from province, have been swept off the map of India 
 dui'ing the second half of her Majesty's reign. Unless one 
 remembered the years of effort required to effect this refoim, 
 
 J c
 
 I 
 
 ( • 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 it would now be difficult to realise the state of things which 
 preceded it. Actual hedges of tl^orns and cactus bushes and 
 prickly pear walled out the products of one territory frAm 
 another. Regiments of Customs' r)fficers walked up and do\vi.' 
 the sides of these hedges along 'imaginary geographical lines. 
 Those lines were oifce, indeed, the bitterly contested frontiers 
 ( of hostile States. ' Before the beginning of the reign they had 
 lost their meaning. *^ Differential duties on a prime riecessary 
 of life — salt — continued, however, during more than 40 years 
 to be levied in the several ^Pftsidencies. The railways which 
 rendered a united India possible also rendered necessary the 
 equalisation of duties and the abolition of the internal Customs' 
 lines. Etvch succeeding Viceroy ^ince the Mutiny has laboured 
 at the task of making unity a reality in India. But as Lord 
 Dalhousie stands conspicuous as the conqueror, so will Lord 
 La^vrence and Lord Northbrook be memorable as the consoli- 
 dators of India under the Queen, iJrxid the brothers Strachey as 
 the breakers down of the old artificial bamers between its 
 provinces. Lord Mayo did not live long enough to fully earn 
 tl?e name of consolidator, although his three short years won for 
 him, as I shall show in my next article, perhaps a higher title. 
 
 While India has thus been compacted and knit together by 
 the ties of government, by the fibres of trade, and by bands of 
 iron and steel from railway centres in every province, its popu- 
 lation has been incorporated under a system of common codes. 
 Each race re!:ains its domestic law, and the special conditions of 
 each Presidency are provided for by local legislation. But the 
 protection of person and property, with the punishment Ox 
 offences against either, the tranj^actions of commerce, the busi- 
 ness of daily life between man and man, are placed under the 
 sanctions of ^ common law. To any one who ha* in his menysry 
 th^J^iiperial rescript which prefaced the Institutes of Justinian, 
 the central authority '•non solujii armis decoi-atam sed etiam 
 legibus armatarn^ and who looks back on the results of Roman 
 legislation on the modern world, the Indian codes may well 
 appear the most endming monuments of consolidation under 
 the Qu^en. Those codes have been described by two masters 
 of exact and vigorous English, Sii* Henry Maine and Sir James 
 Stephen, themselves veterans in Indian codification. Any 
 
 /
 
 THE INDIA OF ^HE QU^EN 'l9 
 
 attempt to enter upon the subject is forbidden by the limits of 
 this Review. Bu^ as an imp<Jrtial observer whose Indian experi- 
 ence has included the twenty-five years during which the codes 
 Arere introduced, I may be permitted to say that it is almost 
 impossible to overraZfe the benefits which tjiey have conferred, 
 '/hey have cheapened and simplified justice to .the people ; they 
 have improved the quality of the justice done ; they have raised 
 th^ standard among those engaged in its administration, whether 
 on the Bench or at the Bar. From a legal point of view it has 
 been said that the'^difference betwe^ii India before the codes and 
 • since thS bodes is the difference between IMia without A law and 
 with a law. From the politi(ial point of view it njay with 
 greater accuracy be added that the difference is the difference 
 of the Indian peoples withctit a bond of union and with one. 
 Separated, like the nations of the Roman Empire, by religion, 
 by race, and by language, tllev^ are at length brought together 
 under a common law. 
 
 T4iis work has been done by a series of Englishmen, each in 
 his turn singularly fitted for the part of the task which fell to 
 his share. The philosophical acumen of Sir Henry Maine was 
 succeeded by the strong-fisted common sense of Sir James 
 Stephen, to be followed by Lord Hobhouse's cautious industry, 
 the long dkperience and technical skill of Mr. Whitley Stokes, 
 and Mr. Ilberfs ^ fine hand. One weak point in Indian codifi- 
 cation has been the lack of that acquaintance with actual 
 difi^iculties in Avorking, which, it would , appear, can only be 
 gained by a leading practice in the Indian courts. This has at 
 length been remedied by the appointment for the first time, as 
 law member, of an acknowledged head of the Indian Bar. 
 Oxfierd is Addini^ one more to the manv services which she has 
 rendered to India by publishing an admirable ed?tion of the 
 Indian codes. Tlie Clarendon Press could not have commemo- 
 rated the Queen's jubilee by any nobler monument of work done 
 by Englishmen during her Majesty's reign. » 
 
 ' Sir Courtenay Peregrine Ilbert, K.C.S.I. 
 
 c 2 
 
 \
 
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 (. 
 
 ( 
 
 \ 
 
 (   
 
 (. 
 
 20' 
 
 THE^ INDIA QF THE QUEEN 
 
 c. 
 
 c 
 c 
 
 e 
 
 
 ( 
 
 
 t III 
 
 r 
 
 
 CONCILIATION 
 
 
 The Roy^l Proclamation which in 1858 declared the transfer of 
 India from the Company to the Queen gave three pledges to 
 that country. To the Princes of India the Crown frankly re- 
 linquished the right, which the Cor(ipany had lately enforced, of 
 resuming the great fiefs of the Empire on the failure of natural 
 heirs. To the people of India the Crown gave an assurance of 
 their employment in the government 6f the country without 
 distinction of religion or race. To both Princes and people the 
 Queen proclaimed her deep personal concern in their welfare. 
 I propose to narrate the chief measures by which these three 
 pledges have been fulfilled — the measures by which the sense ot 
 self-interest, that fidelity to the salt, which formed the allegiance 
 of India to the Company, is being transmuted into a-sentiment 
 of loyalty to the Throne. The first two involved new departures 
 in policy which could only receive effect through her Majesty ""s 
 representatives. The third was an expression of the mind of 
 the Sovereign direct to the people, coming from the Royal heart, 
 and depending for its performance on the Royal will. It may 
 be convenient, therefore, first briefly to call to mind how the 
 Queen's personal intentions to India have been carried out.^ 
 
 It is not too much to say that on every occasion which, oince 
 IcC^, has stirred India the Queen has made her individual in- 
 fluence felt to a decree not conceived of by any previous Sovereign 
 of England. In times of India's rejoicing the telegraph has 
 never failed to flash the message that the Queen also rejoiced 
 with her people ; in seasons of suffering, that she suffered with 
 them., In the domestic joys and sorrows of her own life the 
 sympathies expressed by India have been acknowledged with a 
 simplicity and pathos that go straight to the heart of Asiatic
 
 ^ ' 
 
 THE INDIA OF/FHE QUEEN ' 21 
 
 races. In the great calamities which at intervals have befallen 
 tl^e country, whether in tht? outburst of grief and wrath Avith 
 which the Princes and people lamented Lord Mayo's death, or 
 when they have had to mourij the loss of their own great chiefs, 
 ce during the long Hgony of famine, or amjd the swift destruc- 
 tion of pestilence and flood, there have never Ijeen wanting Royal 
 words Ojf tenderness, consolation, and peac$. Nor has the Royal 
 purse been found closed in the hour of India's need. The Queen 
 has not lacked sympathy towards her Indiar\ servants and troops 
 in their successes' or their trials. But she has recognised, with a 
 fine dynastic tact, that the joys and sorro^ws of her I:<idian sub- 
 jects lie outside the scope of mjlitary achievement or the Govern- 
 ment ' Gazette.'' There is not a province in which her name is 
 not associated with some movement for the good of the people. 
 It is known throughout the length and breadth of the land that 
 the widespread efforts now* being made to bring medical relief 
 to the women of India had their origin in words spoken in 
 pri^rate by the Queen. 
 
 Until the present reign no Prince of the blood royal had 
 ever set foot in India. Each of the Queen's three sons nbw 
 living has visited India, and one of them, the EAike of 
 Connaught, is there pursuing a soldier's career. The Duke of 
 Edinburgh came in 1869, bearing messages of motherly love 
 from the Sovereign to her people. His visit awakened chords 
 which had lain mute since the overthrow of the Mughal dynasty. 
 It was the seal of peace after the great struggle which placed 
 ^ndia* under the Crown, an Act of Oblivion for the painful 
 memories which that struggle had left behind. The Prince of 
 Wales's journey through India* in 1875-6 called forth a burst 
 o^passicAiate loyalty such as had never attended the progress 
 of any Delhi Emperor. The great feudatories fek for the first 
 time that they were no longer passive units in an irresistible 
 organization of political skill and militasy force, but living 
 members of an Empire under a living head., As the Queen's 
 Proclamation in 1858 had addressed the understanding, so the 
 Heir^Apparent's visit in 1876 appealed to the eyes of the people. 
 It presented in a magnificent series of pageants the* national 
 significance of the change from India under the Company to 
 India under the Crown. It heralded that ' still closer union of
 
 / 
 
 ^ ( • 
 
 22' THF; INDIA ,0F THE QUEEN 
 
 India with the British Monarchy which was consummated on 
 the Delhi ridge on Januai^y 1, \STi .■ The Diike of Connaugbt's 
 work in India has been of a non-spectacular and strictly practical 
 character. He afforded, however, the unusual sight of an 
 English General, soon after his arrival in the country, address- 
 ing the native troops in their own tongue. He has come at a 
 time when two greatcinilitary problems are pressing for solution 
 — the provision of younger and technically trained native 
 officers for our native regiments, and the possibility of utilising 
 the armies of tbe feudatory' 'States. His Royal Highness }ias 
 applied Mmself to thgt part of the question which directly con- 
 cerns himself as a Presidency Corrimander-in-Chief, and is under- 
 stood to be advocating a military college for native officers, 
 which will do for them what Sandhiti'st has done for the British 
 subaltern. India has been a country of new growths under the 
 Queen ; of a new era of industry,^ vf^ith new manufactures and 
 new commerce ; of new military aims on the part of the 
 Princes, and of new political aspirations on the part of the 
 people. But when one looks back on the race-hatreds of 1857, 
 the most unexpected as well as the most beautiful of the new 
 growths in India is the sentiment of personal loyalty to the 
 Thi'one. That sentiment is in no small measure due to the 
 spirit in which the Sovereign and her sons have during thirty 
 years fulfilled the words of personal affection which the Queen 
 in 1858 spoke to the Indian people. 
 
 The main pledges, of the Royal Proclamation involved 
 political or constitutional changes which had to be worked out; 
 not by the Sovereign herself, but by her representatives. The 
 most conspicuous of these promfSes was addressed to the Princes 
 of India. The native chiefs include rulers of eveiy degioe, 
 from the grelat potentate with ten millions of subjects and an 
 aiVny of 40,000 men, who raises his oavti revenues, stamps his 
 own coinage, and exercises absolute powers of life and death, 
 down to the owner of a few acres exempt from British taxation, 
 or the hill rajah entitled to a chair in durbar. In the aggre- 
 gate they govern nearly 600,000 square miles and a population 
 exceedifig 56 millions, and they maintain a force returned at 
 350,000 men, with 4,000 guns. The origin of their authority 
 was as various as are the degrees in which they are permitted 
 
 /
 
 THE INDIA OFJTHE QUEEN '33 
 
 to exercise it. Some trace their descent from the gods of the 
 Hiindu Pantheon or the he^oes of the prehistoric epics, many 
 to a time before the Mughal dynasty. A large number were 
 mei'ely the civil or military, officers of that dynasty, whose 
 $«<flaries had taken tVie form of grants of land, originally resum- 
 able at the Imperial pleasure or on the death^of the incumbent. 
 , Others jvere soldiers of fortune who had jysen out of the ruins 
 of the Mughal Empire, and whose success had beeji legitimated 
 by treaties with the East India Company. , But one deep and 
 universal serrtimenl: pervaded the -.hole — the df?sire to transmit 
 
 ' to their successors their dignity and their^ States. The right of 
 many of them to do so had always been doubtful ; during the 
 last years of the East India Company it was subjected to well- 
 defined limits. It was allowed in the case of natural heirs, but 
 denied in the case of an adopted son. The question was sur- 
 rounded by many difficulties, historical and juristic. But, 
 broadly speaking, the Company held that while an adopted son 
 continued the legal and religious persona of the adoptive father, 
 he did not, as a matter of right, continue his political status ; 
 and that the succession to a feudatory throne must, in sijch 
 cases of adoption, be regulated by the dictates of public Expedi- 
 ency. Lord Dalhousie enforced this doctrine, and several native 
 States came under direct British rule. A feeling of uncertainty 
 in the very matter in which certainty was most valued spread 
 among the feudatory chiefs. It stands in history as the chief 
 political incentive which co-operated Avith religious fanaticism 
 /yid* military insubordination to produce the disaster of 1857. 
 
 The Royal Proclamation of 1858 skilfully re-appealed to 
 this common sentiment. It cflt away all technical difficulties, 
 AVi-iether ^f original title or of Hindu law, or of treaties, or of 
 custom, or desuetude. It gave once and for all 'jo the Princes 
 of India an indefeasible hereditary title to their States. "Mew 
 grants were issued to chiefs of rank, the s'jialler ones reposed 
 under the general terms of the Proclamation., That Proclama- 
 tion did in 1858 for the feudatory Princes throughout all India 
 
 • what.-the Permanent Settlement had done in 1793 for the land- 
 holders of Bengal. It took a vast heterogeneous coll action of 
 powerful men, whose rights varied widely both in extent and in 
 origin, and it united them into a body of firm supporters of the 
 
 * 
 
 \
 
 (   ( 
 
 24 '' THE INDIA f}F THE QUEEN 
 
 ,\ 
 British rule by placing them on a common basis of permanent 
 
 title derived from the Bi-itish Gb\'ernment. The feudatory 
 Princes and the Bengal landholders alike realise that their 
 present status is the creation of ^ht English Government, and 
 depends upon the stability of that Go\ernment. On tkp 
 slightest symptom ^of British rule being threatened from without 
 they have been eager^ in their offers of military and pecuniary 
 aid. The Permanent Settlement of 1793 conferred the inesti- 
 mable boon of indefeasible title on the Bengal landholders in 
 return for payment of a fixeR revenue. The sole Conditions of 
 the grant.to the feudatory Princes in 1858 were fidelity to their 
 engagements and loyalty to the Crown, 
 
 The Indian Foreign Office now works on the definite principle 
 that it has got to make the best o£. a body of potentates who 
 have become as permanent a part of the framework of Indian 
 Government as the Peers have been of the British Constitution. 
 One result of this principle is that, in cases of misconduct by a 
 feudatory chief, the Foreign Office proceeds against him at, an 
 individual, but takes the utmost care to preserve his dynasty. 
 Oil the occasions, now happily rare and becoming still more 
 infreqiient, of a Prince grossly misgoverning his people, or 
 resorting to poison, or conniving at murder, he is removed from 
 a position for which he has proved himself unsuited. But 
 effectual steps are at the same time taken to continue the 
 feudatory independence of his State. Sometimes a native 
 council of regency is appointed, sometimes joint Prime Ministers, 
 English and native, or his heir, however distant, or sdn\e 
 collateral member of the family, is at once placed on the State 
 cushion. This principle unexpectedly elevated, not many years 
 ago, a herd-boy to the throne of the premier Hindu" State^f 
 India. <• 
 
 «rtt would, however, be a poor policy which contemplated only 
 cases of misconduct The whole relations of the Indian Foreign 
 Office are now mqre cordial and more forbearing towards the 
 feudatory chiefs. It interferes with them less, it respects their 
 native methods of doing business more, it is the chanv,el of 
 honours «from the Sovereign to those who govern well. It has 
 become almost a fixed rule of practice that the Viceroy should 
 be* his own Foreign Minister, retaining in his own hand the
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 25 
 
 Foreign Office portfolio, with no Member of Council between 
 hi-tfiself and the feudatory cMefs. Ho is in direct and friendly 
 (contact with them, and takes every opportunity to gather them 
 around him at solemn Stata functions as the visible represen- 
 ^ive of the Queei\. Above all, he laboiu-s by precept and 
 example for the education of their sons. The greater native 
 States, or groups of States, have now their Indian Etons, 
 p^i-sonally inaugurated by the Viceroy or under his direct 
 auspices, where the future Princes of India receive a manly and 
 liberal trainlmg, -^as nearly on tfie lines of an English public 
 schooFas the pomp and exclusiveness of the Indian feudatories 
 permit. 
 
 Towards these results each succeeding Governor-General 
 under the Queen has toiled. But one Viceroy stands con- 
 spicuous as the c;onciliator of the Princes of India — the 
 lamented Earl of Mayo. I cannot conclude this part of my 
 subject more fitly than by the words which that great-hearted 
 rulei" addressed to the chiefs of Rajputana, in the speech in 
 which he laid down the plan for "a college for their sons : — 
 
 ' I, as the representative of the Queen, have come here jto 
 tell you, as you have often been told before, that the desire of 
 her Majesty's Government is to secure to you and to your 
 successors the full enjoyment of your ancient rights and the 
 exercise of all lawful customs, and to assist you in upholding 
 the dignity and maintaining the authority which you and your 
 fathers have for centuries exercised in this land. ' 
 , > But in order to enable us fully to cany into effect this '©■ur 
 fixed resolve, ve must receive from you hearty and cordial 
 assistance. If we respect youi^ rights and privileges, you must 
 rJso resffcct the rights and regard the privileges of those who 
 are placed beneath your care. If we support *you in your 
 power, we expect in retm-n good government. We dcirg,nd 
 that everywhere, throughout the length and breadth of Raj- 
 putana, justice and order shall prevail ; that every man's 
 property shall be secure ; that the traveller shall come and go 
 in safety ; that the cultivator shall enjoy the fruits of his 
 labour and the trader the produce of his commerce ; ^that you 
 5hall make roads, and undertake the construction of those 
 works of irrigation which will improve the condition of the 
 
 \ 
 \
 
 26' THE INDIA pF THE QUEEN 
 
 people and swell the revenues of your States ; that you shall 
 encourage education and provide fdi'.the relief of the sick. ^ 
 
 ' Be assured that we ask you to do all this for no other but 
 your own benefit. If we wished yoij to remain weak, we should 
 say, " Be poor, and ignorant, and disorderly^" It is because v^« 
 ■wish you to be strong that we desire to see you rich, instructed, 
 and well-governed. Jt is for such objects that the servants of 
 the Queen rule in India, and Providence will ever sustain t\vt 
 rulers who go^'ern for the people''s good. 
 
 ' I am here o^ply for a tiirel The able and ean-nest officers 
 who surreund me will, at no distant period, return to their 
 English homes. But the power which we represent will endure 
 for ages.*' Hourly is this great Empire brought nearer and 
 nearer to the throne of om- Queen, c The steam-vessel and the 
 railroad enable England, year by year, to enfold India in a 
 closer embrace. But the coils she seeks to entwine around her 
 are no iron fetters, but the golden chains of affection and of 
 peace. The days of conquest are past ; the age of impr.>ve- 
 ment has begun. 
 
 t ' Chiefs and Princes, advance in the right way, and secure 
 to youv children's children, and to future generations of your 
 subjects, the favouring protection of a Power which only seeks 
 your good.' 
 
 Such are the principles which now guide the Government of 
 India in its daily dealings with the feudatory chiefs. They 
 explain the passionate sorrow and resentment with which the 
 Pi-hlces of India mourned for Lord Mayo's death. They alsp 
 explain the new aspirations of the feudatory chiefs to incor- 
 porate themselves more actively in the defence of the Empire — 
 aspirations which lately found expression in the NizamV mggni^^ 
 cent offer. I may be permitted to add that they account, too, 
 for#.the satisfaction given in India by a peerage created a few 
 months since. Loi;d Dalhousie and Lord Mayo, the conqueror 
 and the conciliator of India under the Queen, both passed from 
 this world under circumstances which rendered it difficult for the 
 Crown to confer a permanent acknowledgment of their services. 
 But bothttheir families are at present represented in India in one 
 household — that of the Governor of Madras, Lord Connemara> 
 The third pledge of the Royal Proclamation in 1858 was to
 
 THE INDIA OF {THE QUEEN " 27 
 
 • I 
 
 the people. It promised that, so far as might be, public employ- 
 ments in India should be.ftpen to all her Majesty's subjects 
 >vithout distinction of race or creed. In some respects this 
 pledge may be regarded as"* a.^ development of the policy pre- 
 ^ribed by Parliamthit in 1833, and embodied in measures of 
 the Indian Government and Legislature during a series of years 
 extending: from 1821 to 1843. But it has been carried out in 
 the India of the Queen in a spirit unknown in the India of the 
 Company. In the first place, the position and prospects of the 
 branches of the -public service formerly open ^to natives have 
 bcenliteliberately improved. Their pay,^ their pens'pns, their 
 independence in action, the degree of initiative allowed to 
 them, and the place assigned to them alike in ttte official 
 hierarchy and in social eiLkeem have been greatly enhanced. 
 A widely spread taint of bribery had been bequeathed to the 
 early native services by the Muhammadan system of direct 
 payments for all judicial and, indeed, all official acts. This 
 evif had to be provided against in the Penal Code, compiled 
 under the Company and passed soon after its downfall, by 
 clauses against coiTuption in public servants of a searchi/ig 
 severity unknown to any other body of civilised law.' That 
 taint has been purged away, except among the police underlings 
 and the'lowest classes of native officials. To take one example 
 — when India came to the Crown, the native judicial service 
 was under-paid, weak in numbers, deficient in qualifications, 
 and generally believed to be corrupt. The rural administration 
 gf justice has now practically passed to native officers, ^11 
 paid, highly qualified, and absolutely free from suspicion of 
 bribery. A Hindu gentlemai^ is at this moment acting as 
 Chief Jiistice of Bengal, the highest judicial post in India. 
 Native Judges sit upon the benches of her M'ajesty's Higli 
 Court in each of the Presidency towns, and conduct in the 
 lower grades the immense preponderance, of judicial work 
 throughout the districts. 
 
 While the position of the branches of the service formerly 
 avaiUble to natives has been improved, new branches have been 
 thrown open to them. Native gentlemen exercise a # powerful 
 voice in making and modifying the laws of India, as members 
 of the Viceroy's and the Provincial and Legislative Councils.
 
 28^' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 They are graded with European officers in all th^ gi*eat depart- 
 ments, Revenue, Education, andtPublic Works. The Cove- 
 nanted Civil Service, that sacred college of sons and nephews in 
 the days of the Company, is now open to the youth of India by 
 the same methods as it is open to the youtk of England. Tie 
 new limit of age bekrs hard upon the Indian candidates, and 
 this, with other details, has probably not yet reached its final 
 adjustment. In the meanwhile another channel of entrance has 
 been provided by direct appointments in India, and one-sixth 
 of the Covenanted' Civil SgrVice must by* l^w be eventually 
 composed of natives of that country. The great body of 
 administrative offices not reserved under statute for the Cove- 
 nanted Civil Service, which is n6\v a service of control rather 
 than of administrative mimdice, are^ already filled by natives of 
 India. 
 
 Her Majesty's Indian subjects now claim a fair share, not 
 merely in the administration, but also in the government of 
 their country. These aspirations form part of that momentous 
 question Whither.? which all men who have taken a serious 
 p?rt in the conduct of Indian affairs under the Queen are at 
 this n>3ment asking themselves. In my concluding letter I shall 
 endeavour, with such lights as I possess, to deal with that 
 question. But meanwhile it has been found in India^ that an 
 intermediate stage exists between the fair admission of the 
 natives to the administration, and their incorporation into the 
 political management of the country. That intermediate stage 
 is»lxjcal self-government! What Lord Ripon practically replied 
 to the people was : — ' We neither allow nor deny your claims at 
 present to a share in the government of the country. But we 
 ask you to prove yom* fitness by shoAving us how you can ryje 
 your own visages.' Tliis was the constraining political nedes- 
 sii^^ underlying Lord Ripon's measures for the development 
 of local self-government in India. Initial mistakes were made. 
 They will be forgotten. The Parliamentary method of first 
 trying to find out what everybody would like obscured for a 
 time the autocratic method which every Viceroy of India has 
 had sooi^jer or later to adopt — namely, to realise the force of 
 the accomplished fact among heterogeneous races and to keep 
 his programme to himself. The question of local self-govern- 
 
 /
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN -29 
 
 I 
 
 ment was complicated by the soreness of an important section of 
 the community caused by thfe Criminal Jurisdiction Bill. But 
 when we look back to the solid work left behind by the late 
 Viceroy, not as foreshadowed in too eloquent sermons of his 
 ^cretariat, but as Embodied in lasting laws, it is difficult not to 
 feel that the advance was made on the trVie lines, and that a 
 great question was dealt with in a great arid Imperial spirit. 
 Much of the actual legislation was necessarily done by the 
 Provincial Legislatures, but Lord Ripon was rightly recognised 
 alike by his suppoi^ters and his d|)pt)nents, as the mainspring of 
 tlie Miole. 
 
 It is vain to expect that local self-government will perma- 
 nently satisfy the aspirations Vhich the Queen's Prtyclamation 
 and English education havr, awakened in India. But meanwhile 
 it has accomplished two things. It has supplied a fair answer 
 at an intermediate stage in the growth of political rights, an 
 answer which not only proved the good will of the Government, 
 but. which will also test the fitness of the governed. The policy 
 of which it formed a chief part "produced a popular conviction 
 in India, to an extent never existing before, that the Engljsh 
 Viceroy was earnestly interested in, and deeply sympathised 
 with, the people. Lord Ripon had the gift of making great 
 populatfons regard him as their personal friend. The Viceroy- 
 alty of India is a many-sided office. It allows free scope to the 
 most widely different types of character. But no English 
 statesman who fills it in a noble spirit can fail to jfeave his last- 
 ing mark for good upon the country. 'To each Viceroy his'^'^jvn 
 special task. Indian history, which knows men neither as 
 Whigs nor as Tories, but sim<ply by the work which they do 
 for Indin, while it assigns to Lord Mayo the position of the 
 conciliator of the Princes, will also recognise in J^ord Ripon a 
 conciliator of the people.
 
 30 . THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 c 
 c 
 c 
 
 THE NEW LEAVEN 
 
 The Mutiny of 1857 found the people of India perilously igPxdrant 
 of the character and the aims of the Government. It also 
 fomid theci a prey to those panit,:s of fanaticism which sweep- 
 across uninstructed and superstitious^races. But shortly before 
 that disaster a policy had been inaugurated which was destined 
 to modify profoundly this state of things. Sir Charles Wood's ^ 
 great despatch of 1854 had laid lipon the Indian Government 
 the duty of educating the Indian people. Until then this du.ty, 
 so far as it had been fulfilled at all, had been discharged by 
 pundits and maulavis of the ancient credulous learning and by 
 Christian missionaries. The Company had, indeed, endowed or 
 assisted many noble institutions ; and educational committees, 
 guided by philanthropic Englishmen, whose memories ivre still 
 held in honour in India, laid the groundwork of a system of 
 general instruction. But these efforts were on a scale altogether 
 inadequate tcr the work to be done. At first, indeed, the 
 Cqc-vpany only aimed at' winning the popular esteem which ^ in 
 the East attaches to a royal patron of learned religious men. 
 Its next aspirations were confined to training up a sufficient 
 number of young Indians to assist it, on low pay, in thr details 
 of the administration. 
 
 The real instruction of the people was carried on by different ' 
 methods and in other hands. The ancient Sanscrit tols, or 
 colonies of colleges^ still shed their old-world lights in rural 
 India, giving their shorter preliminary course of philosophy in 
 seven years, and a more adequate curriculum in fourteen or 
 twenty-one ; but chiefly priding themselves on their gray-headed 
 students, who devoted their whole earthly existence to the life 
 
 ' Viscount Halifax.
 
 ^ 
 
 • THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN >31 
 
 
 of a learner. In every village the little boys squatted under 
 some spreading tr-ee or in a v^aX hut, writing and ciphering on 
 the strewn sand, and listening to stories of gods and heroes 
 from a poor but holy prec^tor, Avhom they propitiated with 
 pumpkins and a monthly dole t)f rice. While the Hindu pundits 
 thus pursued their ancient routine, the education of the Muham- 
 madans remained undisturbed in the hands of their own religious 
 • instructors. In the mosques and in the verandah or courtyard 
 oT every Musalman noble some servant of Islam varied his calm 
 round of daily pray<?r by teachings t^je youth Ihe principles of the 
 fai^-v The recftation of the Koran ascended hourly from thou- 
 sands of such boy groups, swaying their* supple little brown 
 bodies backwards and forwards^ in rhythmic time as they chanted 
 the Arabic texts, of which they were never taught the meaning. 
 The higher Muhammadan education was conducted by theo- 
 logians who basked in the Imperial presence, and whose decisions 
 on knotty points of doctrme "issued with more than Imperial 
 authority. To zealous Christian propagandists such instruction, 
 Hindu and Muhammadan alike,- was the mere teaching of the 
 devil. The missionaries threw themselves with passionate 
 energy into the work of imparting more excellent ^hings. 
 There is no brqjach of the Latin Church, whether Catholic or 
 Protesta«t, which has not left some name dear to India as that 
 of a public instructor. All honour to those early voices crying 
 in the wilderness— alike to the Jesuits, De Nobili and Beschi ; 
 to the martyr, De Britto ; to the Carmelite, Fra-»Paolino ; to 
 the Lutherans, Ziegenbalg, Schultze, "and Schwartz ; to -the 
 • >> Baptists, Carey, Marshman, and Judson ; to the Presbyterians, 
 Duff, of Calcutta, and Wilson of Bombay ; to Henry Martyn, 
 that beaijtifid young spirit of the Anglican Church ; and to the 
 vfho\e noble a]*my of Christian workers, by whatsoever sect they 
 were sent, and from whatsoever country they came, who, before 
 the national conscience of England had awakened and while 
 the official conscience in India still remained' inert, entered on 
 the great task of educating the Indian people. 
 
 Since 1854 State education has formed an important instru- 
 ment 'bf British rule in India. The previous committees were 
 organized into a complete system of public instruction, directed 
 by high officers, and spreading u network of schools over every
 
 32^ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 district. The old agencies, indigenous and missionary, were 
 for a time and in certai,ti localiti'^s, looked upon by the new 
 department with a cold eye. But they were unmolested, then 
 aided, and aie now, by the recrnt Education Commission, 
 cordially incorporated into a tiiily national system of State 
 education. The same year, 1857, that witnessed the convulsibn 
 of the Mutiny saW also the Universities of Calcutta, Madras, 
 and Bombay foundea by Acts of the Indian Legislatui'e. Two 
 additional Universities have since been established for the 
 North- Western Provinces af^d*the Punjab. > It is almost impos- 
 sible to convey t^o any one who has not spent the greatftY-f»art 
 of the last thirty years in India a conception of the profound 
 changes »yhich State education has brought about. It is easy 
 indeed to reckon up the schools of , which the State has cogni- 
 sance at 143,000, and the pupils at over 3,400,000. But all the 
 facts of Indian progress express themselves in millions, and the 
 true residts of a great spiritual influence on a people cannot be 
 gauged by statistics, or by the number of its visible habitations, 
 or by any outward magnificence in stone and lime. The marvel- 
 lous uprising of the Indian intellect has been compared with 
 the revival of learning in Europe. But there is this essential 
 difference. The schools and colleges of Europe were still mainly 
 directed by the Church ; the schools and colleges of lindia ai'e 
 directed by the State. The British Government of India, like 
 Matthew Arnold's ideal ruler, is of the religion of all its 
 subjects, anti of the bigotry of none. Thirty- three years ago 
 tfejiX Government founi' Indian education resting on an almost 
 exclusively religious basis. It has reorganized Indian education <• 
 on an almost exclusively seculai; basis. The result is not chiefly 
 one of figmes. It is to be found rather in the upheaval of new 
 ideas, the quickening of new social and political forces, and- in 
 tl^e deadening of the old fanaticism, the dismemberment of the 
 old superstitions, the death of old beliefs. 
 
 This is the New Leaven at work in the India of the Queen. 
 Many Indian thinkers, Hindu, Muhammadan, and missionary, 
 only fear that it has done its work too thoroughly. They look 
 forward, with apprehension to the effects of a national education 
 which is destructive of the national faiths. There is something 
 vei:y touching in the anxious consideration which the Indian
 
 * THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ^33 
 
 Education Commission of 1882 gave to this subject, compared 
 with the meagren^ss of the 'results. .That body consisted of 
 twenty-one men chosen for their administrative ability or 
 educational experience fronir the various provinces of India ; 
 high English officials, Hindus, Muhammadans, missionaries, 
 the representatives alike of the Government and of the great 
 sections of the Indian community. The membci-s conferred 
 *\vith eacR other again and again in private on the effects of edu- 
 cation on the religious character of the Indian races ; their 
 discussions at the mv;etin";s of thotiommission in the Calcutta 
 , ToAv'n-Hall were long and animated. ' On the one hand,' says 
 their report, ' it was argued that moral and religious instruction 
 was the necessary complement ^^o secular instruction ; »that to 
 the people of India, so instinctively religious, such instruction 
 would be thoroughly congenial ; that the necessity of it had 
 been forcibly pressed upon^ the Commission by a number of 
 witnesses, and its abserrce been the subject of many complaints." 
 But after careful deliberation the Commission found itself 
 forced back upon a non possu'nin.'i. It rejected a proposal 
 ' that religious insti'uction be permitted in primary schook 
 maintained by ^boards,' even if the sanction of the local com- 
 mittee were obtained and absolute exemptions provided for 
 children M»hose parents objected. The decision against attempt- 
 ing to teach religion in Government schools and colleges was 
 equally firm, and extended to the prohibition of any examiner 
 setting a question which might call for an expre^Ssion of a 
 candidate's belief. All that the Commission could propose J^r^ 
 •primary schools was that ' inspecting officers and teachei-s be 
 directed to see that the teaching ^nd discipline of every school 
 are such %s to exert a right influence on the manners, the 
 coftduct, and the character of the children, and that for tlie 
 guidance of the masters a special manual be prepared.' The 
 utmost it could recommend for colleges was that ' an attempt 
 be made to prepare a moral text-book, based upon the funda- 
 mental principles of natural religion,' and that a course of 
 lectures be delivered each session ' on the duties of a man and 
 a citizen.' This solemn endeavour of a great and powerful 
 Commission to provide religious teaching for two bundled 
 UiiHions of souls ending in ' a moral text-book,' carried by a 
 
 D
 
 S4 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 ( (■ 
 
 narrow majority, and 'a series of lectures on the duties of a 
 man and a citizen,' which the repdrt feared \Cbuld be ' delivered 
 in a perfunctory manner,' is one of the pathetic spectacles of 
 modern history. * 
 
 While, however, the Indian Government declines to teach 
 religion in the Stafe schools, it also declines to interfere with 
 the teaching of religion in private institutions. To all alike, 
 to the Hindu school, to the Mosque school, to the missionary 
 school, to the schools of the Jews, of the Greeks, the Armenians, 
 the Parsees, and the new 'Sitlstic sects, it 'offers pecuniary aid 
 under pi'inted rules according to their standards of •sCfiular 
 instruction. It is partly owing to this safety valve that the 
 Indian System of public instruction, M'hile profoundly modify- 
 ing Indian religious thought, has produced no violent disruption 
 of the ancient faiths. There has been no spiritual cataclysm. 
 The result, hoAvever, is chiefly due to the well-earned hold which 
 the national religions of India have i!pon the people. The 
 doctors of Islam are confident that their pure monotheism 
 has less than Christianity to fear from modern science. 
 Hinduism is embarrassed by no definite canon of scripture. No 
 oecumenical council, no received and finite tradition, ever 
 sealed up its fountains of inspired truth. Hinduism forms 
 a unique product of plastic conservatism, which has' moulded 
 itself during ages upon the slowly changing needs, social and 
 religious, of the Indian races. For Hinduism is a social 
 organization as well as a religious confederacy. As a social 
 •c>tganization it rests upon caste, but with its roots deep down 
 in the ethnical elements and family life of the people. As a^ 
 religious confederacy it repres^its the coalition of the higher 
 Brahmanical faith with popular rites. c- 
 
 For the masses, Hinduism has constructed a round'"of 
 observances amounting to a perpetual recognition of the 
 Unseen Powers. Its religious year still rests upon the basis of 
 nature, to whose times and seasons the births and apotheoses of 
 deities have, on pain of oblivion, to conform. Its frankly solar 
 cycle of festivals is not obscured by the meteorological vagaries 
 of the<. northern temperate zone. As the sun declines sadly in 
 winter to its lowest point, the people purify themselves from 
 the sins of the past witli lustrations for their ancestors, and 
 
 \
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 35 
 
 bathings in tlie river or the ocean for their own backslidings. 
 The tardy solar re-ascent is celebrated *by mingled ceremonies of 
 retrospect and of hope, culminating in the joyous outburst of 
 the spring festival and the solemnities of high summer. In the 
 tropics the festivals cff a people are the religious life of a people, 
 little affected by educational text-books or by the Govern- 
 ment inspector of schools. For the morw intellectual classes 
 Hinduism provides less material devotions ; and for the most 
 intellectual it has its esoteric truths. Hereditary religions are 
 usually placid*. - The educated Hindus find' a benevolent 
 •scepticism as to the dogmas of their national faith quite 
 compatible with a calm enjoyment of its ritual. One^ of the 
 most eminent of them, a maft full of years and riches and 
 honours, who has established' hospitals, founded schools, made 
 roads and drained marshes thoughout his estates, came last 
 spring to bid me * good-bytf "■ -^vhen I was leaving India for a 
 few months. Like most elderly Brahmans, he had been 
 engaged for years in preparation ^for the future life, living on 
 the simplest diet at the cost of a few pence a day. As he was 
 going away, J said, * I trust I shall find you well on my return 
 in November."' He answered, 'I hope so,' adding gently, 
 * unless before then you hear that I am better.' It is not 
 surprising that a religion which can produce this inward 
 serenity, and which can freely adapt its externals to the chang- 
 ing wants of the age, should fear little from the Stat^ college or 
 the Anglo- vernacular school. , \ 
 
 Rficent careful observers would state the case more strongly. 
 They think that Hinduism has yet much work to do. They 
 point out that its old task of absJi-bing the races of India into 
 a religious 3lnd social federation is still unfinished. The low 
 castes are yearly creeping upwards to higher standards of cere- 
 monial observance, the out-castes are coming within the pale, * 
 the hill and forest peoples are entertaining Brahman priests and 
 copying Hindu rites. Whether the rise of the low castes in the 
 ceremonial scale is a gain to them in this life seems doubtful, 
 but it i% not a question which they will ask us to decide. To 
 the aboriginal races, with their witch-finders and mm'rain- 
 spr^ders, and perpetual fear of sorcerers, and devils, the 
 advantage is more evident. A Brahman has only to set up his 
 . '02
 
 36 THE INDIA, OF THE QUEEN 
 
 [ 
 
 leaf hut in their glens and to mark a stone or trunk of a tree 
 
 u 
 
 with a daub of red painf, and the poor malignant spirits of - the 
 forest flee before the powerful Hindu gods. The legend of the 
 Archangel smiting down the demon with his sword is every 
 year enacted in sorne forest recess of India. An authoritative 
 system of worship is a gi'eat comfort to these backward races, 
 hemmed in by the vncontrolled forces of tropical nature, as it 
 teaches them how to propitiate the mysterious powers and 
 tends to liberate <^heir minds from the terrors of the unseen. 
 I have no symrathy with those who would minimise the results 
 of Christian missionary enterprise in India. But the "^Indian 
 census, in spite of obscurities of classification, proves that 
 Hinduism is a religion which hUs not yet exhausted its mandate. 
 For the hundreds which it loses ti!» Christianity, or to Islam, or 
 to the new theistic sects, thousands of the lower races crowd 
 into its fold. To those races Hinduism means a change from 
 the fear of demons to the Avorship of gods. 
 
 The railways, which have rendered the political unity of 
 India under the Queen possible, tend also to the consolidation 
 of the national faiths. The path of pilgrimage has been made 
 smooth. For the Muhammadans the Passenger Ships Acts and 
 the ocean steamers have deprived the journey to the Prophet's 
 birthplace and tomb of its dangers. Messrs. Cook & Son, 
 under a convention with the Bombay Government, conduct 
 Musalmans to Mecca with the same care and economy as they 
 qfnduct Christians to Jerusalem. For the leading Hindu 
 shrines convenient branch railways have been constructed, which 
 give fair promise of 6 per cent, dividends and shares at 25 
 above par. The more secluded temples still have their old- 
 fashioned worshippers. But the chances of a god doing a large 
 and increasing business are greatly improved by a railway 
 '"station. Juggernaut himself, after defying the calumnies of a 
 century, now finds his popularity imperilled for want of railway 
 communication. The prospects of ' The Lord of the World ' 
 rise and fall as the Secretary of State is rumoured in India to 
 be willing to grant terms to the proposers of the branch Orissa 
 line dt 3 or 3^ per cent. But pilgrimage by return ticket, with 
 children at half- fares, while it promotes joyous gatherings of 
 the people in honour of the gods, is death to fanaticism. 
 
 c
 
 ^ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN *37 
 
 Education in India has its political embarrassments ; but it 
 hag strengthened iSie hands bf the Bi'itish Government. We 
 are no longer, as in 1857, dealing with dense masses ignorant of 
 our aims and a prey to fals» but fatal misrepresentations. If 
 the little cakes or cl^patis of the Mutiny were now forwarded 
 from village to village they would have abbut the same effect 
 that the sending out of the Fiery Cross would in the Scottish 
 'Highlands, or the despatch of the tribal sal-leaf through the 
 San tal glens. The Indian peoples have their grievances, as the 
 Ai-gyllshire cottars have theirs. IJat they now seek redress for 
 . theiT^gi'ievances by methods which wecan watch and understand. 
 IMuhammadans and Hindus still hate each'other enough to like 
 a -street fight when their festijjv'al processions get jammed at a 
 narrow corner, and neither p'*rty will give way. But organized 
 fanaticism is a thing of the past. Instead of the perils of igno- 
 rance, we are now face to fape with the dangers of education. 
 Amid our new difficulties, we sliould not forget the old ones 
 whigh they have superseded. 
 
 The benefits of the change ■- may be realised from many 
 examples. I shall select two drawn from the two gi'ea^ 
 sections of tlie Indian population. Muhammadan agitations in 
 India have usually been stimulated by fatwas, or decisions of 
 the doctA's of Islam, in favour of holy war. Such a fatwa was 
 pronuilgated with solemn pomp in 1857, and the long course 
 of Wahabi disaffection was during forty years supported by 
 similar decisions. A standing camp was maintaii!ed against 
 us j^st.over our north-western frontier, 'recruited from zealous 
 Muhammadans in the Company's territories, and supplied with 
 the sinews of war by subscriptions in the rich cities of the 
 Ganges. One expedition after another was sent against the 
 c^'mp beyond bur border, and one State trial after another 
 strained the credit of the Government in British India. 
 The disaffected leaders conscientiously rested their cause 
 on the religious duty of the Indian Musalmans to bring back 
 a Muhammadan country under the rule of Islam. So serious 
 was this aspect of the case that Lord Mayo, in 1871, per- 
 mitted the evidence in the records of the Government to be 
 erybodied in a work entitled ' The Indian Musalmans — Are 
 
 ;
 
 38' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 they bound in conscience to rebel against the Queen ? ' ' It 
 showed that, according to the beLt authorities, they were ijot. 
 But the criticisms which the little treatise drew forth from 
 learned Musalmans were more valuable than the treatise itself, 
 and disclosed the change which was taking place in the 
 Muhammadan view iegarding this alleged obligation. Orthodox 
 and semi-orthodox doctors of Islam pulled to pieces the 
 decisions which had been issued in support of Jehaa. They 
 based their conclusions mainly on the technical ground that, as 
 the ruling power in India p?ocected the Muhammadan religion, 
 India was not a t)ar-ul-harb, or country of the enemy, ^ut a 
 Dar-ul-Islam, or coiintry where the true faith was practised 
 midisturbed. In such a cour^ry thei*e could be no lawful 
 Jehad, or holy war. This was very satisfactory at the time, and 
 was exactly what the little work had been intended to elicit. 
 
 But since then the discussio.n has passed into a very 
 different stage. One Muhammadan wliter after another has 
 examined the philological and the legal significance of Je^ad. 
 A convenient compendium of this class has recently reached me 
 from Maulavi Abu Said Mahomed Husain, of Lahore. It 
 states the case in ten propositions, or points of law, Avith de- 
 ductions fi'om them. The final conclusions are that not only 
 is Jehad or holy war unlawful in India, because the Mu- 
 hammadans there enjoy the full exercise of their religion, but 
 also that a true Jehad can nowhere be waged at present, or, 
 indeed, ' ev^r since the lawful Caliph ceased to exist.' I state, 
 Avittiout criticising, the maulavi's views. Some ^vriters go fur;^her. 
 They insist that Jehad literally means striving or strenuous 
 exertion with a sense of duty to God. They hold that the 
 industrious Muhammadan peasant while driving his .plough, or 
 the Muhammadan clerk while diligently bending over his desk, Is 
 in the true sense waging holy war. The Indian doctors of Islam 
 are not content, however, with stating their own views. They 
 unsparingly condemn the ignorance of the views which preceded 
 them. ' No really learned man,"' says the Lahore maulavi, 
 ' either took part in the Mutiny, or willingly signed the fatwa 
 declariijg it to be lawful Jehad.' 
 
 ' The Indian Musalvians, by Sir William W. HunLer, K.C.S.I. London, 
 Tiubner & Co., 1871.
 
 I 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN '39 
 
 % ^ ' 
 
 The progress of intelligence has exercised an equally 
 powerful influencft on the flindu lyethod of treating their 
 sacred texts. With the exception of the new theistic sects, the 
 Hindus would not formally deny the sanctions of their ancient 
 scriptures any moreHhan the Muhammadans would dispute the 
 sanctions of the Koran. But the Hindus have an effective 
 method of getting rid of the incubus of divine authority when 
 'it sits too heavily on the freedom of human action. They hold 
 that their earlier scriptures embody a more direct inspiration, 
 and have a higher warranty than ;:ricir later ones. A new pre- 
 cept 'cannot supersede an older text. An appeal can, therefore, 
 always be made from modern practice to i?he ancient scriptures. 
 The sensible reformer in India^when he finds the sacred law no 
 longer suitable to the existing state of things, does not say ' Let 
 us make a new law,' but 'Let us go back to an older law.' 
 The appeal is practically ffom the mediaeval scriptures of the 
 last 1,800 years to the Veda. ' These mediaeval scriptures are 
 voluminous, and on their enormous aggregation of doctrine and 
 custom modern Hinduism rests. -The Veda has but a meagre 
 theology. It is a poetical rendering of an old world which hf^s 
 passed away rather than a legal code to regulate the pi'esent 
 stage of human life. The Hindu reformers appeal, therefore, 
 with confidence against present abuses to the Veda, for they 
 know that those abuses will find no support in the Veda, and 
 probably no reference to them whatever. Indeed, they may 
 safely rely on the essential differences of the social* state which 
 the Vejla represents to discover some Veflic text in an opposite 
 sense to the modern custom. The abolition of widoAv- 
 burning was commended to religious Hindus by showing that 
 the Vedic^ texts, so far from enjoining the rite, were opposed to 
 it. The abolition of child marriages is now advocated on the 
 same ground, and the disabilities imposed by the present system 
 of caste will be melted away in the same crucible. But they 
 must first be felt by the Hindus to be abuses. As soon as Hindu 
 gentlemen of good caste really desire to come to England in any 
 numbers they will easily get rid of the prohibition against 
 crossftig the ' black water.' At the beginning of the Queeji's reign 
 the appeal back to the Veda was made by learned Englishmen ; 
 tTiat appeal is now conducted by the Hindus themselves.
 
 40' 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 Indian customs will stand or fall according to their own power 
 of adaptation to the v^ants of < the age. <■ But Indian con- 
 sei*vatism will render the change a slow one. The vis inerfiw 
 is still the strongest force among the masses of the people. We 
 must not forget this fact in considering the aspirations of the 
 educated class. It is in order that we may take a calm and just 
 view of the political products of Indian fermentation that 
 I have dwelt on the religious and social working of the New 
 Leaven. 
 
 tr 
 
 C
 
 \ 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ' 41 
 
 * 
 
 WHITHER ? 
 
 AVhat is to Secome of the India thus conquered, consolidated, 
 and conciliated under the Queen ? It *is no answer that as 
 India went on well enough for a long time under the Company 
 so it may go on well epough for a long time under her 
 Majesty's Government ; for the main problem of holding India 
 set before the Company was exactly the reverse of that which 
 we have now, on pain of public calamity, to solve. The 
 problem under the Company was to divide and govern ; the 
 problem of the Queen's Government in India is to unite and rule. 
 Remember that the India of the Queen to-day is half as lar^e 
 again as the India of the Company at the commencenjcnt of 
 her Majesty's reign. Remember, too, that when the Company 
 allowed* its problem to get the mastery, it fell. The Mutiny 
 was the direct result of uniting the Princes and sepoys in a 
 common animosity and fear before the Government had the 
 appliances for rendering the force of the Empire ^swiftly avail- 
 able at every point. The unification *of popular feeling out- 
 stripped the resources of centralisation. 
 
 The Queen's Government^ has deliberately accepted the 
 risks of^a united India. It is inspiring the Princes of India 
 -^vith coinmoi> aims, it is associating the peoples of India on 
 common platforms, it has bound together the provinces of 
 India by railways and telegraphs, as they never were inspired, 
 associated, or bound together under the Company, Its 
 administration is being centralised as it never was centralised 
 under the Company. The defences of India by land and sea 
 depend upon the British army and upon the British fleet as 
 they never depended under the Company. The foreign policy, 
 ^he internal measures, the daily acts of the Indian Government
 
 42 ' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 are controlled by orders from Westminster as they never were 
 controlled under the Company. The Queen"'s Government of 
 India has preferred the dangers of popular education to the 
 perils of popular ignorance. Foe the isolated hazards of 
 heterogeneous races it has substituted the •talculated risks of 
 a vast coalition of 200 millions of human beings, whom it is 
 binding together by common interests. Those common inter- 
 ests are finding a powerful and persistent advocacy in' a free 
 native Press such as was quite unknown at finy previous period 
 in India. An analogy dra*'n from the Company's century 
 of office is a false analogy when applied to the India of "the 
 Queen ; for the conditions are essentially different, and the 
 problem is no longer how to govern a divided India, but how, 
 having united India, to rule. 
 
 I should be undeserving of public attention if I were 
 to indulge either in optimistic prophesyings or in pessi- 
 mistic forebodings. I shall confine myself to setting forth 
 from such knowledge as I possess a few of the difficulties 
 which surround, and some of the dangers which seem to 
 threaten, the government of a united India. The first question 
 is the. fundamental problem of population. The resiilt of 
 civilised rule in India has been to produce a strain on the 
 food-producing powers of the country such as it had never 
 before to bear. It has become a truism of Indian statistics that 
 the removal of the old cruel checks on population in an Asiatic 
 country is by no means an unmixed blessing to an Asiatic 
 people. The Hindu and' che Muhammadan are alike unrestrained 
 by Malthusian scruples. The restrictions which war, pestilence, 
 and famine formerly imposed ox* their increase they refuse to 
 impose upon their own actions. That increase has of L ±e years 
 expressed itself in large and appalling figures. Sut when we 
 look more narrowly into the figures they are not without some 
 comfort. The increase is most rapid in the parts of India 
 which can best support it. While population in several of the 
 densely thronged Gangetic districts has reached the stationary 
 stage, it increased in thinly peopled Assam by 18 per cent, 
 during the nine years between the census of 1872 and that of 
 1881, and in the Central Provinces by over 25 per cent. While 
 the valley of the Ganges is yearly over-cropped to supply its
 
 \ 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ' 43 
 
 congested millions with food, vast areas of land on the outskirts 
 (jf that valley still await tlie plough- To take only the two 
 Chief Commissionerships already named, the cultivable lands 
 still unoccupied in Assam and the Central Provinces, deducting 
 Government foresis and the area within great private estates, 
 exceed seventeen million acres, or more than the whole area in 
 Great Britain and Ireland returned under corn crops, green 
 crops, gi-ass, and all other crops in 187*^ (before the present 
 depression of agriculture set in), excluding, of couise, permanent 
 pasture. •-> ^^ 
 
 * With thes^ and similar facts before us Tdo not think that 
 
 9 
 
 the increase of popidation is a problen^ which will beat the 
 Queen's Government of Indja. In this, as in other difficult 
 social questions, India has, been passing through a transition 
 stage. During the last half-century of the Company the increase 
 of the people outstripped the appliances for their distribution. 
 The internal peace airti prosperity of British rule led to a gi'owth 
 of population of which even the ablest servants of the Company 
 formed an altogether inadequate estimate. We have the highest 
 authority for stating that shortly before the Permanent Settje- 
 ment in 1793 a third of the Lieutenant-Governorship of JBengal 
 was destitute of inhabitants. AVe have an absolute knowledge 
 that when Bengal passed to the Crown in 1858 the Company 
 under-estimated by one-half the population then transferred. I 
 do not say this by way of reproach. The Company had to build 
 up its rule with the sword in one hand and the Ll'owel in the 
 other, It substituted an immeasurable? superior administration 
 in India for the administration which preceded it. But the 
 truth remains that it bequeathed in Bengal to the Queen's 
 Government a congested population of whose increase it possessed 
 — no accurate knowledge, and for whose distribution it had con- 
 structed practically no railways. The few hundred miles of 
 single line which it left behind in India have multipHed lo 
 13,000. But the increase has been necessarily gradual, and 
 until the routes now in progress to the Central Provinces and 
 to Eastern and North-Eastern Bengal are completed their 
 ultimate effect on the congested districts cannot be known. 
 
 The obvious remedy of emigiation has meanwhile been tried 
 and has failed. The official Gazettes give Ikom time to time the 
 
 >.
 
 44 ' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 statistics of those who seek their fortunes in Assam or beyond 
 the seas, and the amount of the savings which 'chey bring back. 
 But their numbers, although making a fair show in figures, are 
 altogether inadequate to the facts to be dealt with. In a 
 country where there is no poor law, and where caste and the 
 system of coi-porate "family aid which caste represents alone 
 stand between the accidents of poverty and absolute want, men 
 naturally dread to go forth with their women and children from 
 the one spot on earth in which they are sm-e of help in their 
 hour of need. The vernacular school is only very slowly making 
 the Bengal peasant understand that within 500 miles of Ms 
 overcrowded hamlet there are lands which would yield him two- 
 fold better crops at one-fifth of the rent. To a Bengal peasant 
 ftimily, unless aided by the State or by foreign capitalists, a 
 500 miles' jom-ney without a railway is about as practicable as a 
 migration to a moon of Jupiter. The Government has mean- 
 while laboured by legislation to make the existing area of culti- 
 vated land go as far as possible to feed the people. It has 
 stepped in between the monopoly of the soil which over-popu- 
 lafion creates for the landholders and the consequent rise in 
 rents. > It has given a clear and full tenant-inght to the culti- 
 vator, with every legislative encouragement to increase the 
 produce of his fields. But land laws can only mitigate, Svithout 
 remedying, the pressure on the soil in an agricultm-al country 
 in which the population multiplies and the amount of land 
 stands still. ' Dui-ing the past five years an inquiiy has been 
 silently conducted as to the extensions of tillage recently made, 
 and still possible, in every district of British India. How far 
 direct action by Government maj' be practicable in aiding the 
 movements of the people to new lands, is a question whjch must 
 be deliberately reconsidered with a view to the new appliances' 
 of distribution now at the Government's disposal. The spread 
 of education is slowly but surely lessening the peasant's ancient 
 dread of migration, and the railway is every year making it 
 more possible for him to migrate. The battle of civilisation 
 against over-population has not yet been lost, and it may yet 
 be won. ^ 
 
 The difficulties of governing a united India are of our own 
 making. As the prosperity of the people under British rule,
 
 \ 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ' 45 
 
 the cessation of internal wars, and State-aid on an enormous 
 scale in time of famine hive led to an increased population 
 whom it is not easy to feed, so our fearless system of public 
 instruction has inspired thit population with aims and ambitions 
 which it is not possible at once to satisfy. We have taken the 
 young Princes of India out of the seraglio and placed them 
 under high-minded English officers or in schools of chiefs. For 
 
 » the perpetual flattery of women we have substituted a training 
 in manly sports and in manly arts, Their^ tutors and governors 
 have constantly kept before them the English ideal of public 
 duty attaching to a great position. We have done all this 
 because, in the words of Lord Mayo, we wish them to be strong ; 
 
   to realise the high responsibilities of rulers of States, and to be 
 able to discharge those re?ponsibilities in a noble spirit. Can 
 we be surprised that this sort of education is beginning to bear 
 its fruits — that the young Princes of India should no longer be 
 content with the old' role of tlie stage-king in a Court pageant ; 
 tjiat with 55,000,000 people to govern they decline to live by 
 deputy, or to accept an existence of tableaux v'wants ; that with 
 an army of a third of a million at their command they shcyild 
 claim to take a share in the defence of the Empire ? 
 
 In India it is most true that it is the unexpected which 
 happefis. Until a few weeks ago Indian statesmen thought 
 that, although the problems of the people and of the Press 
 might be urgent, yet that the problem of the Princes might 
 well wait. A polite letter from the Nizam to Lord Dufferin 
 has .completely altered the situation*. This young Prince is 
 essentially a product of our new system of educating the feuda- 
 tory rulers of India. He has, brought the whole question to a 
 direct Jfesue by offering 600,000/. towards the frontier defences. 
 '^ Ever since Lord Mayo we have always been able to count upon 
 the swords of our feudatories in event of war. What the 
 Nizam courteously asks is that he may be allowed to share 
 the cost of the needful precautions during peace. He lays this 
 request not only before the Viceroy, but he comes, as the 
 premier Muhammadan vassal of the Queen, directly before the 
 British nation with the text of his letter, telegraphed by His 
 Highness's orders from Hyderabad to Tlw Times. The 
 
 * spectacle of this generous and powerful young Prince begging
 
 46 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN , 
 
 to be allowed to be of use to England may well make the 
 English heart beat high. It is not surprising that the British 
 Press should have urged the immediate acceptance of so splendid 
 a token of loyalty, and wondered thair there could be a momenfs 
 delay. But the Government of India knows well that this 
 offer, disinterested and noble as it is, may force on the decision 
 of momentous issues. The Nizam does not stand alone among 
 the Princes of India in his loyal aspirations. No Englishman, 
 and certainly no successful English statesman like Lord Dufferin, 
 can help a quickeninsr.of the pulse in the midst of a great out- 
 burst of I^nglish piiblic sentiment such as the Nizam's offer has 
 called forth. But England would have cause to augur ill of a 
 Viceroy who permitted the measured march of Indian policy to 
 break into an emotional pace for any expression of opinion less 
 fully instructed and less deliberately matured than his own. 
 
 The Indian Government will doubtless, at the proper time, 
 render its reasons to Parliament for its present action. Mean- 
 while, without glancing in any way at the individual case, it is 
 possible to indicate the gravity of the issue involved by a new 
 departure in our dealings with the feudatory States. I am one 
 of those who frankly believe that a new departure is becoming 
 inevitable. I do not think that the British Government can, 
 with its new militaiy exigencies, go on for ever giving lililitary 
 protection to feudatory India under ancient arrangements made 
 before those exigencies arose. The military protection origin- 
 ally re^quired "ibr the native States was protection against one 
 another and against the^r own subjects. But the irresistible 
 march of events has now rendered the Indian frontier almost 
 conterminous with the armed can^p of Eiu-ope, and has involved 
 a costliness and a completeness of equipment never" before 
 contemplated. The ablest of the feudatory chiefs perceive this 
 and say in effect : ' Why should we Indian Princes continue to 
 play at soldiering with one-third of a million of tin troops ? 
 Take these men, or as many of them as you want, discipline 
 them at our expense, either up to the point of effectiveness 
 required for active service or up to the point sufficient for a 
 second lin,e of reserve. You will give us a career, and you will 
 enormously strengthen the Empire."* But one great historical 
 fact stares us in the face. The main function of the armies of
 
 \ 
 
 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 47 
 
 ^ ' 
 
 British India has hitherto been to i<eep watch and ward over 
 t)je native States. A comparatively small body of highly 
 disciplined troops have accomplished this task, partl}^ by great 
 cantonments located at strategic points of a network of railways, 
 partly by ineffectiveness of the feudatory levies. How far do 
 the altered circumstances of India and the growing loyalty of 
 the Indian Princes justify a departure from this system ? How 
 :^r is it yet safe to supersede a policy of watch and ward by a 
 policy of trust ? To stand still is, I belie^fe, impossible. But 
 a false step in a forward movement may,, as^ every one can see 
 fof himself, imperil British rule. Woe to the nati'^n which 
 decides such a question by self-seeking party speeches or by 
 s-ensational magazine articles- or in any otherwise than by the 
 cautious and deliberate actiofti of those who have the complete 
 knowledge to guide their decision, and who are directly respon- 
 sible for the results. 
 
 This question of confidence lies at the root of our whole 
 position in India. How far is it yet safe to trust the Princes ; 
 how far is it yet safe to trust Ihe people ? For the Queen's 
 Proclamation and the Queen's government of India have al;»o 
 inspired the people with aspirations imknown under any pre- 
 vious rule. I have shown how these aspirations have been 
 hithertc/ met by incorporating the natives of India into the 
 administration. The Public Service Commission now sittine: at 
 Calcutta will have something more to say on this subject within 
 the next few months. But we have deliberately e3ucated the 
 upper-classes to aspire not only to administrative offices, but 
 also to political power. These aspirations not only find utter- 
 ance in the native Press and qu the platforms of hundreds of 
 local associations, but are authoritatively formulated and re- 
 nterated each cold weather by a powerful representative body 
 drawn together from almost all the provinces of India, and 
 meeting at one or other of the Presidency capitals. This self- 
 constituted chamber of deputies forms a very significant 
 phenomenon of a united India. I do not believe that the British 
 nation can for any long period put aside some of the questions 
 with "which its programme deals. If I did not believe, this on 
 the gi'ounds of generosity and justice, I should come to the 
 same conclusion on the grounds of expediency and prudence.
 
 48 ' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 i 
 
 I believe, too, that we can very gradually and very safely re- 
 spond to some of the claims made iipon us. Any real necessity 
 for a direct representative Government in India has not yet 
 arisen. I sincerely trust, however, that India will before 
 long be represented indirectly by Indian gentlemen elected 
 by English constituencies to the British Parliament. The 
 best men may not go at first, for the serious political leaders 
 of India have hitherto been prevented by caste and other con- 
 siderations from co»ning to England. But they will come in 
 time. 
 
 It is impossible for an Englishman acquainted with the facts 
 of Indian finance to read the report of its annual scurry through 
 Parliament without pain. It is difficult for Indian journalists 
 to write about those debates withv^^ut indignation. A few old 
 civilians, more or less out of touch with the altered condition 
 of things in India, criticise certain^ details with the foregone 
 conclusion that they cannot alter them. The true issues are not 
 raised. India complains, for example, that England has practi- 
 cally compelled India to give up its moderate tariff of sea 
 customs, although almost all countries in India's stage of 
 progress depend largely on external customs duties, and 
 although England down to our own day did so herself. India 
 complains that English policy compels India to borrow? yearly 
 large sums of money, for which England would probably find 
 herself, if the worst came, morally compelled to acknowledge 
 resppnsibilily, but which meanwhile have to be raised at Indian 
 instead of English rates of interest. India complains; that 
 while the Queen's Government has said India shall have an 
 annual Budget, yet that Budgel;, unless it imposes a new tax, 
 is not brought before the Indian Legislature. Except in this 
 contingency, the whole public expenditure of India, stated at^ 
 the nominal official exchange at seventy millions sterling, is 
 altogether exempted from discussion in the Indian Legislative 
 Council, and is run through an almost empty Parliament in a 
 few hours per annum. I do not at present say how far these 
 complaints of the natives of India are well founded, or how far 
 they cap be remedied. But they are complaints on which^t is 
 expedient that England should hear the views of Indian gentle- 
 men in the House of Commons ; and the constituency wih
 
 \ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 49 
 
 deserve well of the nation which sends the first native of India 
 to ""Parliament. 
 
 Meanwhile a principle has been silently adopted in India 
 which furnishes a provisional outlet for the native aspirations 
 towards a share in the Government. The system of nomination 
 to the Supreme and the Provincial Legislative Councils is being 
 
 ^conscien^ously worked, so as to render it'^a system of repre- 
 sentation. For some time after the transfer of India to the 
 Crown a seat in the Supreme Legislative Coilncil was regarded 
 as one of the many decorative incidents iti-l^ life of a great 
 
   Raja. Now, an Indian political leader mny be made a Raja 
 for good work done in the Viceroy's Legislative Council, but 
 an Indian gentleman will notJ/« made a member of that Coun- 
 cil because he is a Raja. 1 only state Avhat every Indian 
 publicist would acknowledge, that the most perfect electoral 
 system could not sele,ct ti\ier representatives of the Hindu 
 community than the Hindu members of the Viceroy's Legis- 
 lative Council and of the Legislative Councils of Bombay and 
 Bengal. The same remark probably applies to Madras, but 
 I cannot speak of its Council from my own knowledge. The 
 representative character of the Supreme and Pro^'incial Legis- 
 lative Councils, by the conscientious exercise of the system of 
 nomination, is capable of foi'ther developments. As the powers 
 of those Councils are gTadually extended, and when the 
 ({uestion of their right of interpellation comes, r^- it must 
 before long come, before Parliament, jtheir effectiveness as 
 organs 6f representation will be immensely increased. 
 
 Meanwhile there is a body capable of rendering great 
 services alike to England and to India whose capacity for good 
 
 Js impaireci by its non-representative character. The Secretary 
 of State's Council has of late years been strengthened by 
 members who are known to represent the commercial interests A 
 of the Anglo-Indian community. This is right, and there can 
 be no question as to the access of financial practical skill which 
 the Council received last spring. But the deliberate system of 
 seeking out men who represent the views or possess the con- 
 fidence of the native Indian community, which is giving \o the 
 Indian Legislative Councils a truly representative character, has 
 not yet been adopted in regard to the Council of the Secretary 
 
 > E 
 
 I
 
 ( 
 50 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 
 
 of State. The appointments to ;'-hat Council are made fairly 
 and openly, with an eye io the administrative experience of Lhe 
 few possible candidates, or with a view to reward their past 
 services. But the Council would be strengthened, and it would 
 greatly strengthen the hands of the Secretary of State, if it 
 contained one or two Indian gentlemen, or gentlemen who were 
 known to represent the views of the native community. As 
 soon as Indian gentlemen find their way into Parliament this 
 concession will bij inevitable, for the Secretary of State will 
 require the aiitkci4ty of native opinion at his back when he 
 has to'face it in front. In his Council, as in the House of 
 Commons, there may be a difficulty in getting real leaders of 
 Indian political thought at firs+. But that difficulty is daily 
 growing less. When one reflects how weak and unfruitful 
 would have been the long discussions on the Land Law passed 
 a couple of years ago by the Mceroy's Council for Bengal 
 without the aid of the working native member in the Select 
 Committee, one wonders how the Secretary of State's Co'mcil 
 can seriously attempt to control Indian affairs without similar 
 ^assistance. The difficulty of getting the best men to come to 
 England must, I repeat, not be underrated. But the Govern- 
 ment of India could at this moment pick out one or two 
 native leaders, sober and cautious men, who would be regarded 
 by the native community as true representatives of its interests, 
 and whfv might not be unwilling to represent those interests 
 for a period of two or three years in the Secretary of State's 
 Council. 
 
 Can we wonder, with these and other outstanding problems 
 unsolved, that a free native 'Press is becoming a serious em- 
 barrassment in India ? We have systematically during thirty 
 years nurtured the educated classes in political aspirations ; we 
 have given them an absolutely unrestricted liberty in demand- 
 ing what they aspire to. Daily, weekly, and monthly these 
 demands are being enforced in about 300 native newspapers 
 over the length of India, sometimes with bitterness, and not 
 always with knowledge. The Government of India, alone 
 among civilised Governments, is destitute of the power of reply. 
 In constitutional countries the right of interpellation, or of 
 asking questions in Parliament, enables the Executive promptly
 
 ^ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 51 
 
 to state the facts qn any que!*tion of public interest. In a con- 
 stuutional country of the most advanced type, like England, the 
 political party for the time being in office has also the powerful 
 aid of its own section of the Press. More despotic or autocratic 
 Governments have 'their official and semi-official journals. 
 The Indian Government alone has no power of quietly and 
 
 .promptly making the facts authoritatively known. We see 
 there a native Press vehemently advocating native interests 
 and an Anglo-Indian Press vehemently advocating Anglo-Indian 
 intej-ests, with" the Viceroy at intervals asking *his Legislative 
 Council not to consider him out of order if he makes a state- 
 ment on a grave question of public importance ; and hard-beset 
 secretaries, happily also at ii^^ervals, resorting to the perilous 
 practice of writing leading articles in the guise of Government 
 resolutions. By the time that the ordinary official papers reach 
 the Gazette their interest is usually of an academic sort. 
 
 If little is done to inform Indian public opinion in regard to 
 the'present, almost nothing has been seriously done to instruct 
 it with regard to the past. The motives, the actions, the 
 characters of the Englishmen who built up the British Enjpire 
 in the East are still at the mercy of every common defaraer. 
 Now and ihen a powerful English writer, like Sir James Stephen, 
 flashes the bulPs-eye of judicial inquiry into some dark corner 
 of misrepresentation. Or a mature scholar, like Horace 
 Hayman Wilson, 'edits' our one standard history -^' British 
 rule with a running protest of footnotes to almost every page 
 of the text. Or a young Le Bas essayist, like Mr. Rapson, 
 breaks his maiden lance against the old windmills ; or a wearied 
 philosoph^^', like Sir Henry Mame, dismisses a whole series of 
 
 ^.historical misstatements with calm contempt. It has become 
 the fashion not only to expose the inaccuracies, but also to 
 impeach the veracity, of our only comprehensive Indian 
 historian, James Mill. I, for one, can take no part in this 
 latter line of attack. I have had opportunities for knowing 
 how seriously MilFs misconceptions warp educated native 
 opinion with regard to England's action in India during the 
 past, and tend to obscure the true issues of Indian legislation at 
 present. But we must remember that Mill had never set foot 
 in India, that he knew not a single Indian langujige, was abso- 
 
 I £2
 
 ( 
 52 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEX 
 
 lately destitute of the instincts of &,n Indian administrator, and 
 altogether ignorant of the actual conditions of the Indian racfes. 
 Instead of scoffing at his mistakes, one should rather admire 
 the marvellous verisimilitude of Indian 4iistory which the 
 philosopher-clerk evolved from the letter^books of a London 
 office. Nor need we despair that the Queen's Government of 
 India, with unrivalle(3 materials for a true history at its disposal, 
 will yet awake to the duty which most civilised Governments no^ 
 acknowledge, of rendering the recorded facts available in such 
 a shape as to eltabfea 'correct popular judgment io be formed.' 
 An unrestricted nati^ve Press, apart from any wilful misrepre- 
 sentations or race hostility, will continue a growing embarrass- 
 ment to the Government so Icig as Indian public opinion 
 remains uninformed in respect of the present and uninstructed 
 in regard to the past. The Queen's Government of India has 
 elected for the inconveniences* of "popular education in place 
 of the perils of popular ignorance. It is now eating the som' 
 fruits of half-knowledge. ^ 
 
 The difficulties of governing a united India are, I repeat, 
 of our own making. For only the British nation would have 
 dared deliberately to train up the peoples of India to govern 
 themselves. I believe that this generous policy has also proved 
 the safest policy. If the experience of the past teaches any- 
 thing, it is that the dangers of ignorance and the defective 
 appliai'ice»"'of centralisation constitute the greatest joint-risk 
 which a foreign Government of India can be called to encounter. 
 I have not underrated the political problems of a united and an 
 educated India. But I regard those problems, if dealt with in 
 time and in a serious spirit iSy England, as preferable to the 
 perils which preceded them. I am also confident that as 
 Englishmen in India mastered the perils of the past, so will they, 
 ,^ with God's help, solve the problems of the present. The 
 Queen's reign found the people of India a collection of hetero^ 
 geneous races. It has moulded them into the beginnings of 
 a nation. ' In their prosperity,' to quote her Majesty's noble 
 words in 1858, ' will be our strength, and in their grfititude 
 our best reward.' 
 
 1 The History of British India (Longmans), Vol. 1, by Sir William W. 
 Hunter, was published in 1899, and Vol. 2 in 1900, a few mouths after the 
 death of the author, -[Ed.]
 
 * 
 
 • 
 
 II 
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA' 
 
 During the past year, 1890, the Goveninient has declared its 
 poHcy ill regard to three important questions in India. It 
 has accepted the offers of tt'oops made by the Princes of the 
 Feudatory States ; it has shown how far it is wilHng to accede 
 to the wishes of our own subjects in the British Provinces with 
 reference to the expansion of the Legislative Councils ; it has 
 talien action to meet the demands of the social reformers for 
 the protection of child-brides. I Tshould like to explain briefly 
 the influences now at work in India which have led to thest 
 three movements, and the stage which each of the moveiflents 
 has now reached. . 
 
 In so doing I may have to repeat ideas to which I have 
 already given expression. It is only by again and again insist- 
 ing on the altered conditions of the India of our dayjhat we 
 can make clear its problems, or gauge the forces at work. -.For 
 it is not the old India of romance and adventure with which we 
 have to deal — the old Indiaof magnificent emperors, and marble 
 palaces, and jewelled gods. Ih is not even the India of the 
 East Ind!a Company, with its heroic battles and its rapid 
 fortunes, and its retired Anglo-Indian nabobs from Calcutta, 
 whose yellow cheeks and abominable tempers were the laughing- 
 stock of the English stage. It is the new and commonplace ^ 
 India of our own day, where men are beginning to be moved by 
 the same political aspirations which have made England what 
 she is ; where they are trying to solve their own hard social 
 problems, as we are trying to solve ours ; where the struggle for 
 life is gradually disclosing itself as a struggle between laboiu- 
 ' The Conicmyorary Hin-ieiv, February 1891, 
 
 I
 
 f 
 
 54 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 
 
 and capital, even as in our own land. It is the India of the 
 railways and of the Factories' Commission,*" the India of the 
 movement for bettering the condition of women, the India of 
 the annual political Congress — in a word^j the India of the 
 Queen. 
 
 AVhat has brought aboiit this change in the India of our 
 day ? It is an uprising of the Indian intellect, an awakening of 
 Indian thought and Indian aspirations, such as the world hps 
 not seen since the Revival of Learning in Europe. Until 
 thirty-seven years affo such education as existed in India 
 rested r'hiefly on a sectarian basis. It was principally con- 
 ducted by the priestly class of the Hindus, the Maulavis of the 
 Musalman mosques, and the missionaries of various Christian 
 bodies. During the last thirty-^ven years Indian education 
 has been re-organized on a non-sectarian basis, and Government 
 schools and colleges have been thrown open throughout the 
 land to all Indian subjects of the Queen, irrespective of their 
 race, or their creed, or their caste. The result has been to 
 create a system of public instruction, based on Western know- 
 ledge and Western enlightenment, which forms a new era in 
 the life of the people. 
 
 One of its consequences has been to convert what was 
 formerly a hostile India into a loyal India. We have dui-ing 
 the last quarter of a century grown so accustomed to the 
 loyalty of India that we are apt to take it as a matter of 
 course. But to the rulers of India under the East India 
 Company the one thin^' impossible seemed to be the creation of 
 a loyal India. I will not refer to the malignant rejoicings 
 which broke forth in the native Courts when a great disaster 
 like the destruction of our army in Afghanistan, in 1&42, made 
 it seem safe for them to show their hatred. I shall take a 
 period when Lord Wellesley's policy — the policy upon which 
 ^the East India Company's rule rested during the first half of 
 the century — was achieving its culminating triumphs ; and I 
 shall quote the words of one who knew India with the perfect 
 knowledge of a man who rose from the ranks of the Civil 
 Service to the Governor-Generalship. 
 
 ' All India,' wrote, in 1824, the distinguished administrator 
 who was afterwards created Lord Metcalfe, ' all India is at all
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA V55 
 
 times looking out for our downfall. The people everywhere 
 wguld rejoice, or 'fancy that they v*ould rejoice, at our de- 
 struction.' In another State document he declared, in 
 1814 : ' Our situation in india has always been precarious. 
 We are still a handful of Europeans governing an immense 
 empire without any^ firm hold on the country, having war- 
 like and powerful enemies on all our frontiers, and the spirit 
 * of disaffection dormant but rooted universally among our 
 subjects. We might now be swept away, in a single whirl- 
 wind. We are without root. The best affected natives would 
 thihk of a chans:e of Government with indifterence, and in the 
 North- Western Provinces there is hardly a* man who would not 
 hope for benefit from a change.' ' Shall we ever,' he asked 
 despondently, in 1820, after ^he final conquest of the Marathas 
 and Pindaris by the British arms — ' shall we ever contrive to 
 attach the native population to our Government ? and can this 
 be done by identifying the interests of the upper classes with 
 our own ? Is it possible in any way to identify their interests 
 with ours ? To all three questions, if put to me, I should 
 
 answer No .' ' 
 
 « 
 
 It was in this despair of ever conciliating India that, the 
 ablest of the Company's servants went through their lives. In 
 order tcf understand the new forces at work in India, and in 
 order to deal with them fearlessly and righteously, it is first of 
 all needful to understand how profoundly they are changed for 
 the better, compared with the forces which the Z-asf India 
 Compajiy had to encounter. Can we 'ever conciliate India? 
 This v/as the vital question to Avhich the ablest administrators 
 ' deliberately answered No, in tl^e India of the Company. It 
 remains the vital question to which we deliberately answer. Yes, 
 in the India of the Queen. As a matter of fact, the task of con- 
 ciliation has been accomplished. It is the beneficent legacy 
 which the past thirty-thi-ee years of the Queen's rule in India ^. 
 now hands down to the incoming centmy. The desire of the 
 classes whom we sometimes hear spoken of as the troublesome 
 classes in India is no longer (as in Lord Metcalfe's time) to get 
 rid of our Government, but to be admitted to a larger share in 
 it. The problem of British rule in India is no longer to coerce 
 and crush down the perpetual disaffection of hostile races, but
 
 56^ POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 
 
 to safely direct the new consolidating forces which have been 
 evoked in a conciliated a;id a loyal India. r. ^ 
 
 This change forms the key to the whole situation. It has 
 profoundly modified the views of t\e native population towards 
 our rule. Every national joy or sorrow, whether in the family 
 of our Sovereign or in the life of the British people, is now felt 
 by the Indian races to be a joy or sorrow^ in which they also 
 share. If our Indian administration presses hardly on them 
 at any point, they meet together no longer to rise in arms, 
 but to petition for reform. Internal insurrection, which Lord 
 Metcalfe declared to be a perpetual danger, has disappeared out 
 of the calculation of the Governors of Indian provinces. 
 External mishaps to our power, such as a defeat of our troops 
 or a check in our foreign policy, i^o longer send a thrill of dis- 
 loyal delight through India, but call forth eager and enthusi- 
 astic offers of their whole military resources from the Princes, 
 and of volunteering from the peoples of our owai provinces. 
 Compare the triumphant outburst of hatred against us, evoked 
 by our temporary reverses in the first Burmese war under the 
 Company, with the outburst of loyalty produced by the 
 Penjfjeh incident under the Crown. 
 
 'Your Lordship,' wrote Sir Charles Metcalfe to the 
 Governor-General sixty-seven years ago, ' will probably have 
 heard from various quarters that the Bm-mese war has excited 
 the strongest sensation throughout India. Everything of an 
 unprosp^^r^ds character has been exaggerated and magnified. 
 Delay in decided success has been represented as entire .failure 
 and disastrous defeat. Our real victories and the exploits of 
 our troops have been unnoticed, while the most wanton and 
 extravagant reports of our approaching downfall have gained 
 credit. I have seen a native paper stating that the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief had been killed in an action with the Burmans 
 |iiear to Calcutta, and that your Lordship had put an end to 
 V yourself by poison ! ' 
 
 Contrast these truculent rejoicings at a rumoured reverse of 
 the British arms under the Company with the wave of loyal 
 and patriotic feeling which swept across India in 1885 ac the 
 tidings that the Queen's representatives had received a check at 
 Penjdeh in Afghanistan from the Russians. The Indian races
 
 y 
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 57 
 
 were again ready to rush to arms, but to arms no longer for 
 the annihilation, -but for the defence »f the British Government. 
 The native Princes throughout India vied with each other in 
 pressing the Eng],ish Govsrnment to accept freewill offerings 
 from them of money and transport and troops. Their one 
 desire was to place the whole resources of* their States, without 
 fee or payment, at the disposal of the British Viceroy. They 
 " oiot only offered their armies fully equipped to take the 
 field, but they asked as a privilege that th«y should themselves 
 be permitted to defray the charge of their troops while fighting 
 tlTe battles of the Queen. , 
 
 That crisis passed off without actual war. The incident, 
 however, had awakened an enthusiastic loyalty to the British 
 Government in India on j/\vhich Russia had not reckoned. 
 While the Princes of India were offering their armies, the 
 natives in our own provinces were asking to be enrolled as 
 volunteers. Splendid' as were the testimonies borne throughout 
 the world to the wisdom and justice of Queen Victoria's reign 
 in her Jubilee Year of 1887, still more impressive was that 
 outburst of stern loyalty in India two years previously, those 
 magnificent offers of patriotism from Princes and people, among 
 whom a new-born sense of union with England had giown up 
 under lifer Majesty's rule. 
 
 Nor was it a merely passing ebullition of sentiment. It was 
 
 the embodiment of a deliberate conviction on the part of the 
 
 native chiefs and the educated classes in British India* that 
 
 their interests are bound up in the maintenance of the British 
 
 power. Down to the end of the East India Company's rule, 
 
 such an outburst of loyal enthusiasm would have been regarded 
 
 as impos^^ible. Not only did the ablest servants of the Company 
 
 / despair of ever winning the real and disinterested support of 
 
 the natives to British rule, but shrewd non-official observers 
 
 . ... \ 
 
 took an equally hopeless view. The most distinguished ot \ 
 
 Anglo-Indian joui-nalists, who gained his experience at the close 
 
 of the Company's rule, has scouted the idea of any actual 
 
 existence of a British Indian Empire. His belief until recently 
 
 continued to be that our power in India consisted solely of a 
 
 close official corporation of English civilians and a garrison 
 
 of English troops. ' That corporation and that garrison,' he
 
 ( 
 
 58 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 
 
 said, ' constitute the " Indian Empire." There is nothing else. 
 Banish those fifteen hundred men in black, defeat that slender 
 garrison in red, and the Empire has ended. . . . They are the 
 Empire, and there is no other."' 
 
 To this conception of the Indian Empire — a conception 
 which was a perfectly' just one under the East India Company — 
 the natives of British India have themselves made answer. ' If 
 there were ever to arise,' said the President of the Indian 
 National Congress n,t Madras — that is to say, the President 
 of a native and spontaneous body of delegates from all the 
 province" of India, who meet together each year to express the 
 feelings and the wishes of their countrymen — ' if there were ever 
 to arise — which God forbid — any great struggle between Russia 
 and Great Britain for the supremerioy in India, who is best able 
 to judge of the relative merits of the two empires ? It is we, 
 the educated natives, that are best qualified to judge, because 
 it is we who know and are best able to appreciate, for instance, 
 the blessings of the right of public meeting, the liberty of action 
 and of speech, and high education, which we enjoy under Great 
 Britain ; whereas, probably, under Russia we should have 
 nothiiig but a haughty and despotic Government, whose chief 
 glory would consist in vast military organization, aggressions 
 upon our neighbours, and gi^eat military exploits.' 
 
 This new feeling, on the part alike of the Princes and 
 the people of India, of a common interest with England in the 
 stability of feritish rule, has given rise to two of the movements 
 refeiTed to in my opening paragraph. 
 
 The one is a movement among the Feudatory Princes of 
 India to be more actively incorporated in the militaiy defence 
 of the Empire ; the other is a movement among our^ subjects 
 in the British provinces, to be more actively incorporated in the 
 work of Indian government. The question before the Queen's 
 repi-esentatives in India during the past five years has been how 
 far it may be safe to trust the Princes and the peoples of India 
 to help us in the defence and in the government of the Indian 
 Empire. This question of confidence now lies at the root of 
 our whoje position in India. How far is it safe to trust the 
 native princes of the Feudatory States ; how far is it safe to 
 trust the influential classes in our own provinces ?
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 59 
 
 To both of these vital, questions the British Government 
 lias, as I mentiofied, now given its "reply. It has plainly told 
 the native princes of the Feudatory States that it has confidence 
 in their loyalty, a]^d that 4t accepts their freewill offerings of 
 troops. The matter was brought to an issue by the magnificent 
 offer of the Nizam, thfc leading Muhammadan Feudatory Prince 
 in India, of ^600,000 towards the frontier defences of the 
 JEmpire. Other princes followed with offers of money, men, 
 animals of transport, and the equipage oS war. The British 
 Government ^has not seen fit to accept offerings of money from 
 th'e Feudatory chiefs. But it has accepted their loyal offerings 
 of troops. We must remember that while the British Govern- 
 ment has only an army (European and native) of about 
 220,000 men in India, the Jeudatory States maintain on their 
 oMii account, and at their own expense, separate armies which 
 aggregate over 350,000 men. Under the East India Company 
 these vast bodies of troops were regarded as a standing menace 
 t(^the British authority. In the India of the Queen, and under 
 the influence of the sentiments of loyalty and united interest 
 which have grown up, the armies of the native States axe 
 becoming a source of strength, and not of weakness, to the 
 ruling power. The result is that the English Government finds 
 that it T?an now, with safety to itself, inaugurate a new system 
 by which the flower of the Feudatory armies will be trained 
 to form a reserve for the British forces in India. A certain 
 number of picked men in the various Feudatory States* who 
 have offered their troops have been selected to be trained into an 
 imperial contingent. The contingents already offered aggi'egate 
 25,000 men, the elite of the cai^alry and infantry of the native 
 States, bt/sides transport and artillery. 
 
 It would be wrong to shut our eyes to the risks which may 
 attend this new departure in the military policy of India., 
 Those risks have at the outset been reduced to a minimum by \ 
 declining the offers of artillezy, on the ground that it * is an 
 arm requiring such scientific training that the native States 
 could not be expected to maintain it in a condition of efficiency 
 for modern warfare.' Great care has also been fallen, by 
 observing a wise distribution in regard to the contingents, to 
 render any combination geographically difficult, and indeed
 
 60 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 
 
 almost impossible by reason of the barriers of caste and race. 
 The Government of India'' has, moreover, redbgnised from th«i 
 first the necessity of keeping a firm hand on the movement and 
 exercising a steady supervision over it. D'U'ing the present 
 winter, 1890-1, the new imperial contingents have been reviewed 
 at places by the Viceroy in person, and "elsewhere by British 
 generals. Judging from the high praise which Lord Lan^^downe 
 has felt himself justified in according to the troops, they 
 promise to add an €*i!ective reserve to the war array of British 
 India, a reserve vvhich w^H not cost a rupee to the British Indian 
 ExcheqL-er. 
 
 Each of the imperial contingents is maintained entirely at 
 the cost of the native State which offers it. It is commanded 
 by the Feudatory chief, and it is o^cered by native gentlemen 
 and noblemen of the State to which it belongs. So anxious is 
 the British Government that the movement shall be altogether 
 a spontaneous one on the part of the Feudatory chiefs, 
 uninfluenced by pressure from outside, that it only consents +o 
 lend a very few subordinate officers for the purposes of drill 
 and instruction alone. The direct control and management of 
 the ilfew imperial contingents will rest with the native chiefs 
 who have asked to be allowed to maintain them as freewill 
 offerings of their loyalty. This is the answer which the British 
 Government has made to the imperialising movement among 
 the Fei^datory Princes of India. 
 
 Ih the British territories the new sense of a common interest 
 with the Government has taken a different form. Its most 
 conspicuous outcome is the Indian National Congress. This 
 body consists, as I have said,'^of delegates from the various 
 provinces of India, who meet together in the last week of each 
 year to discuss the political needs of the country. The Congress 
 has been in active existence throughout six years. It selects as 
 {'its place of annual meeting one of the Presidency towns, or 
 some other great centre in India, and has in this way familiarised 
 the various divisions of the country with its work. During the 
 past five years its numbers have increased from a few hundred 
 to over- a thousand delegates. At its sixth session, held in 
 Calcutta a month ago, fourteen hundred delegates attended. 
 Indeed, it is now stated that to prevent the Congress gi'owing
 
 \ 
 
 J 
 
 1 
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 61 
 
 into too unwieldy a body, mrrangements have had to be made 
 tb keep down fhe number of defegates to one thousand. 
 Whether we agree with the proposals of the Congress or not, it 
 would be foolish to deny it? significance. For the first time in 
 the history of India the ruling power has thus been brought 
 into contact with an authoritative expression of the wants and 
 aspirations of the races whom it govern^ Under the Mughal 
 "Emperors of India such an assemblage would not only have 
 been impossible from want of means of conAnunication between 
 the provinces, but it would have been pegarde^ as a danger to 
 the throne. The railways have made ^an Indian National 
 Congress possible, and the loyal sentiments of the people towards 
 the Queen have rendered it safe. 
 
 What is it that the eduaated classes of India, as represented 
 by their delegates in the Indian Congress, now ask of their 
 British rulers ? Some of their yequests deal with questions of 
 local administration. They ask, for example, that the excise shall 
 bs administered in such a Avay as not to lead to the growth of 
 intemperance and to jii'inking habits among the people. They 
 ask that they shall be allowed to bear arms as volunteers in th'e 
 defence of the Empire. They ask for certain changes iii the 
 revenue system, so that taxation in the form of the salt duty 
 shall press less heavily on the poor. They ask that they shall 
 be more largely admitted to the public services Avhich administer 
 the affairs of their districts and provinces. They ask that the 
 House of Commons shall exercise a more effective control* over 
 the Iridian revenues and expenditure, by taking up the Indian 
 Budget at an earlier period in the session, instead of hurrying 
 through it in the last days of Parliament before empty benches. 
 
 But beyond all such requests for administrative improve- 
 ments, the Indian National Congress asks that the natives of 
 India shall have a more effective voice in making their own 
 la^\ s. Thirty years ago, shortly after India had passed from 
 the Company to the Queen's Government, Legislative Councils 
 were created for India by Act of Parliament. The chief of 
 these bodies is the Viceroy's Legislative Council, which makes 
 laws applying to the whole Indian Empire, or to any part of it. 
 The other Legislative Councils are the Provincial Councils in 
 Madras, Bombay, Bengal, and now also in the North-AYest,
 
 62 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 
 
 which make laws for their respecti^ a provinces. It will suffice 
 to explain the constitution of the most important of them — 
 namely, the Viceroy''s Legislative Council. 
 
 The Viceroy''s Legislative Council is mainly made up of the 
 high officials who form what may be called the Ministry, or 
 technically the Executive Council, in India. To these official 
 members are added q^rtain ' additional "* members, whom the 
 Viceroy selects chiefly from the influential classes of natives and 
 from the leaders of the British mercantile community in India. 
 He also appoints, certain other additional members- selected for 
 him by"°the Provincial Governments, in order to represent 
 the views and requirements of the various provinces. 
 
 This system has, on the whole, worked well dm'ing the past 
 thu'ty years. But the educated clauses among the natives now 
 point out certain defects in its working, and ask that these 
 defects shall be remedied. For example, they urge that it is 
 not right that the whole revenue and expenditure of the Indian 
 Empire should, except when a new tax is required, be exempted 
 from discussion in the Viceroy "'s Legislative Council. As the 
 British Parliament only deals with the Indian Budget during 
 the last expiring hours of each session, the natives complain 
 that the Indian national expenditure is subject to no real con- 
 stitutional control, either by the Legislative Council lii India 
 or by the House of Commons in England. They accordingly 
 ask that the Indian Budget shall be regularly discussed every 
 year iti the Viceroy's Legislative Council. 
 
 In the next place, the educated natives of India, speaking 
 through their National Congress, desire that the members of 
 the Legislative Councils shall have the right to ask questions, 
 somewhat in the same way as, but in a less degree than, the 
 members of the English Parliament have this right. At present 
 no member of an Indian Legislative Council can bring forward 
 ^ any business without the consent of the Government. Nor can 
 he ask any question as to alleged miscarriages of justice, or 
 as to alleged abuses in the administration, or in fact as to any 
 subject whatever. This is now found to be not only a sub- 
 stantial . grievance to the natives, but also a serious incon- 
 venience to the Government. For it often happens that the 
 action of Government is misunderstood by the Indian Press, and
 
 
 POltJLAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 63 
 
 bitterly condemned for wanll of proper information, when a few 
 words asiced and* answered in the Legislative Council would 
 make the whole matter clear. 
 
 A still more important Request is being made by the natives 
 through their annual National Congress for an increase in the 
 number of members^ of the Legislative Councils. The con- 
 stitution of the Viceregal and the chief JProvincial Legislative 
 "^Councils was practically fixed thirty years ago, when no large 
 class of highly educated English-speaking hatives existed who 
 could supply effective members of th^ Legislative Councils. 
 But during the past thirty years a new geijeration of iniluential 
 natives has grown up into middle life, trained in our Indian 
 State schools and colleges, and perfectly competent to assist in 
 the task of Indian legislati-jn. The natives of India now ask 
 that this important change shall be recognised, and that the 
 number of the non-official mem.bers of the Legislative Councils 
 shall be increased. 
 
 ^ As a matter of fact, the Government of India and her 
 Majesty's Ministers jat home have admitted in principle the 
 reasonableness of the three foregoing requests in regard tb 
 the Legislative Councils. Lord Cross's Bill, which was intro- 
 duced in the last session of Parliament, provided for the annual 
 discussion of the Indian expenditure in the Viceroy's Legislative 
 Council, for giving the members the right to ask questions in 
 the Legislative Councils, under suitable safeguards, anfl for a 
 cautious increase in thenumber of the members of those Coi5ncils. 
 It did not provide for nearly so many new members as the 
 natives through their National Congress had asked for, but it 
 took a moderate step in this dii«ction. 
 
 There is, however, a fourth request put forward by the 
 natives tlirough their yearly National Congi'ess, with regard to 
 which a Avide difference of opinion exists. Hitherto, all the 
 non-official members of the Legislative Councils have been , 
 appointed by the Viceroy for his own Council, and by the 
 Provincial Governors for their Councils. But, as a matter of 
 fact, both the Viceroy and the Provincial Governors have con- 
 sulted the leading native and mercantile bodies in making their 
 selections. For example, it is now understood that the Com- 
 mercial member in the Viceroy's Council represents the vieAvs of
 
 64 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN IltDIA 
 
 the British commercial community in Calcutta. The great 
 Native Landholders' Association in Bengal is, as a rule, 
 represented in the Viceroy's Legislative Council by a native 
 gentleman or nobleman who gives utterance '^to its wants. To 
 a certain moderate extent, therefore, the Indian Legislative 
 Councils have assumed a quasi-representative character. 
 
 The educated nai-ives of India, speaking thi'ougk their 
 annual National Congress, now ask the Government to go a step 
 further and to alloAV them to elect their own representatives to 
 the Legislative Councils^ One party among them c went so far 
 as to ctk^ie a paper constitution for all India, with a cut-and 
 di'ied scheme of electoral colleges and constituencies, which 
 should return so many members to the Legislative Comicils 
 calculated per million of the popislation. A Bill embodying 
 that scheme was introduced into Parliament by Mr. Bradlaugh 
 last session, but little practical progress was made with it. 
 The Indian National Congress has now given up this hasty 
 proposal, and wishes to leave it to the Government, under the 
 control of Parliament, to work out such an elective system for 
 India as may be found to be really suited to the country. 
 
 The views of the Government in regard to the adoption of 
 the elective principle are not so clear as in regard to other re- 
 quests made by the Indian National Congi-ess. It is stated that 
 no fewer than thi-ee Viceroys and several eminent Governors of 
 Indian ^'ovinces are disposed to give a cautious trial to repre- 
 sentative government in India. Lord Cross's Bill, as introduced 
 last session, did not, however, accept this principle. But" on an 
 amendment made by Lord Northbrook, a very distinguished 
 former Viceroy of India, it appeared that her Majesty's Ministry 
 were not unwilling to reconsider the question, and that a qualified 
 recognition of the elective principle might be introduced at a 
 later stage into the Bill. The Bill for India was, unfortunately, 
 , crowded out by other measures affecting Ireland and England. 
 It is understood that a similar Bill will be brought forward again 
 during the coming session [1891]. 
 
 Meanwhile Mr. Bradlaugh has again prepared a rival Bill, 
 embodying the new proposals of the Indian National Congress. 
 Those proposals perhaps go further than even Mr. Bradlaugh 
 or the Congress itself would eventually insist on. But the
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 65 
 
 difference between Mr. Bradlt|,ugh's proposed Bill and the Bill 
 which we may expect from the Govei^nment is no longer a diffe- 
 rence of principle, but of degree. Lord Cross's Bill of last session 
 went a certain lengtji ; Lord* Northbrook would have liked it to 
 go a little further ; and Mr. Bradlaugh, on behalf of the Indian 
 National Congi^ess, w(5tJd like it to go a go^d deal further. 
 
 The various measures now put forward enable Parliament to 
 understand what the educated classes in India, as represented 
 by their yearly political Congress, desire. 'They wish for a 
 recognition of the elective principle in the constitution of the 
 Le^^islative Coimcils ; they wish for a numerical expan?k)n of 
 the Legislative Councils ; they wish that more extended powers 
 shall be granted to those bodies. Many of them wish for these 
 reforms in a larger measure ^and at a quicker pace than the 
 Government deems prudent. 
 
 During the debates on Lord Cross's Bill last session two 
 things became apparent. In the first place, that Parliament 
 will not allow a gi'eat constitutional change in our system of 
 governing India to be rushed upon it. In the second place, that 
 both Parliament and her Majesty's Ministers are perfectly* 
 aware that the time for some advance has come. The arrange- 
 ments for the introduction of the elective principle into India 
 must tawe time, and the safeguards required to ensure its 
 satisfactory operation can only be worked out province by 
 province, and by the responsible authorities in India. But I 
 believe that before the end of this century England will iiave 
 added to the other services which she has rendered to India the 
 noble gift of a true beginning of representative government. 
 
 In regard to the request of, the educated classes in the 
 British pri5vinces to be allowed a larger share in Indian 
 legislation, as in regard to the desire of the Feudatory Princes to 
 be allowed to take a larger part in the defence of the Empire, 
 the Government has found itself able to go a certain length, 
 but only a certain length. We shall presently see that the 
 same result has been arrived at with reference to the demands of 
 the party of social reform in India. Neither tlic Feudatory 
 chiefs, nor the yearly political Congress, nor the child-marriage 
 reformers have received all they asked for ; but the Goverment 
 has found it possible to make an advance, or to offer to make an 
 
 F 
 I
 
 66 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN IjVDIA 
 
 advance, in each of the directions (lesired. The special value of 
 Mr. Bradlaugh's proposed Bill is that it will . indicate the exact 
 difference in the length which the Government may be willing 
 to go, compared with the length- which tjie Indian National 
 Congress asks it to go. For Mr. Bradlaugh takes the text of 
 Lord Cross's Bill of last session, and only alters it so far as to 
 show how it would ^stand if Lord Cross's Bill had gone into 
 committee, and if all the amendments which Mr. Bradlaugh had 
 made to it had been carried. 
 
 Mr. Bradla^ugh's new Bill leaves the working out of the 
 electi-tt; principle to the Indian Government acting under the 
 control of Parliament. But it goes on to provide that the 
 Indian Government shall accomplish this ta.sk within a period of 
 eighteen months. Again, Mr. Br^idlaugh's Bill fixes the exact 
 number of the members for the various Councils, and fixes them 
 on a larger scale than the Government will probably listen to. 
 Thus Mr. Bradlaugh would fix the number of additional members 
 of the Governor-GeneraPs Council at not less than forty, nor more 
 than sixty. So far as one can infer from Lord Cross's measure 
 of last session the Viceroy's Council, on its new constitution, 
 would consist of from twenty to thirty members, and not from forty 
 to sixty, as Mr. Bradlaugh proposes. There are a number of other 
 differences between Mr. Bradlaugh's Bill and the one Incroduced 
 last session by Lord Cross — differences which, in the aggregate, 
 woulc^jTiaterially alter the framework of the Indian constitution 
 as xlesigned by Lord Cross's measure. But when all is said, 
 these differences are differences in degree lather than in 
 principle, and in each case a plain issue is placed before 
 Parliament as to the rate of ^advance which it may deem safe 
 alike in the interests of India and of England — an' issue which 
 Parliament is well qualified to decide. 
 
 The ncAv awakening of the Indian intellect and conscience is 
 not only making itself felt in the political aspirations of India, 
 but is working a social and domestic revolution in the homes 
 of the people. We sometimes hear those who are opposed to 
 political gatherings in India advising the political leaders to 
 mind their own business, and to look into the institutions of 
 their own family life. Now, this is precisely what the leaders 
 of Indian thought are doing. Foi', as at the Revival of
 
 1 '   
 
 POPULAR MOW^MENTS IN INDIA 67 
 
 Learning in Europe, so at all times ^nd in all lands, a gieat 
 
 human movement advances not in one, but in many directions. 
 
 In India we see it take an industrial direction, we see it take an 
 
 •. .... 
 
 intellectual direction, we see it take a political direction, we see 
 
 it take a religious dirfx'tion, we see it rush into a hundred social 
 
 and domestic channels. You cannot let loose the mighty 
 
 waters of knowledge, and then command 1?hem to flow only in 
 
 one narrow course. We have thrown open tjie floodgates of a 
 
 new moral and intellectual life in India. The result is a new 
 
 energy which is making itself felt irf every 'departm^t of 
 
 > human effort in India. • 
 
 In economics, it is developing the old industrial system of 
 India, which was conducted by household manufactures, into a 
 system of production on a great scale. For the old basis of 
 production by the family, or the unit, it is substituting the 
 modern organization of»labour and capital. The Indian artisans 
 are ceasing to weave each at his own loom in his own cottage, 
 ■ani. are working by thousands in steam-mills and factories. In 
 religious life, it is profoundly modifying ancient superstitions,, 
 and giving birth to new spiritual movements, some of which may 
 yet be destined to compare with the Protestant Reformation 
 in Europe, In intellectual life, it is creating written languages 
 out of what were down to our own day only spoken dialects ; it 
 is producing a vast new literature, issuing six thousand printed 
 books each year, and circulating daily and weekly a poA^^ful 
 newpaper press. » 
 
 The* new political activity in India of which we hear so much 
 \^ only one of the many aspects of this great awakening of the 
 Indian race^. It is as impossible" to arrest that new political 
 activity as it would be impossible to arrest the new industrial 
 activity, and to put a stop to the jute mills and cotton factories 
 in Calcutta and Bombay. To accomplish these feats we 
 should first have to arrest the new educational activity, and 
 shut up the 133,000 colleges and schools. 
 
 I propose to show how this new activity is aflecting the inner 
 household life of India — \'ery briefly, on this occasion, for it is a 
 subject on which I have written so much that I can scarcely hope 
 to do so again without repeating myself. The rising generation 
 of young men are becoming imbued with oui- Western ideas as 
 
 i r2
 
 68 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN i'nDIA 
 
 e 
 to the true position of woman. They desire wives who will be 
 
 helpmates to them, capable of understanding their aims and of 
 sharing their thoughts. The remedy at first seems simple. 
 The system of public instruction established by the British 
 Government in India provides as liberally for the education of 
 girls as of boys. The girls' schools are open to all who choose to 
 go, and at fees so moderate as to bring them within the' reach of 
 all. As a matter of fact, the Indian girls do go to school in 
 considerable numbers, and in no department of public instruc- 
 tioi^ has the jiroportionate rate of increase been' so rapid a^ in 
 female education. But the remedy is by no means so simple as 
 it looks. For there are two influences at work in India which 
 hamper and cui'tail the progiess of female education. The first 
 is a deep-seated prejudice against girls going out from the 
 seclusion of their homes after the early years of childhood. 
 Until the establishment of British rule this feeling was no 
 prejudice at all, and but a very well-founded conviction of the 
 dangers which lay in wait for female honour' in a despotic cvxid 
 badly governed country. 
 
 Another obstacle to female education in India is early 
 maiTiage. The first duty of an Indian father is to secure a 
 provision for his daughters, and in Eastern countries. +hat pro- 
 vision has almost always taken the shape of an early marriage. 
 The great majority of Indian girls of respectable position are 
 accordingly married before they are eleven years of age. 
 Practically speaking, the school education of Indian girls 
 comes to an end between the age of ten and eleven — that is to 
 say, just at the age when the real school education of English 
 girls begins. This is a very serious obstacle to elevating the 
 position of women in India. But it is an obstacle which many 
 earnest reformers in India are trying to overcome. A gi-eat 
 native movement is taking place to persuade Indian public 
 opinion against early marriages. The evils of such marriages, 
 physical, moral, and intellectual, are being powerfully insisted 
 on by native writei-s in hundreds of publications, and eloquently 
 denounced by native speakers on scores of platforms. Associa- 
 tions are being formed in which the members bind themselves 
 under penalties not to give their daughters in marriage or to 
 allow their sons to marry wives under the age of sixteen. The 
 t
 
 •y 
 
 ] 
 
 L 
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 69 
 
 wealthier classes to some eiUent get rid of the difficulty by 
 retaining aged Bmhman teachers to 'instruct their daughters 
 and girl-relatives in their own homes. But it is gradually, 
 although slowly, being accepted by the native leaders of 
 thought that female education in India will not be possible on 
 an adequate scale until the prejudice against girls going out 
 to schoql dies away, and until very early marriages are dis- 
 * countenanced by native public opinion. A Social Conference 
 with this and similar objects is now held pearly during the 
 session of the, Indian National Congress, and is largely made jup 
 
 , of i'ts members. But the two bodies having different eittis in 
 view, the one political and the other social, wisely maintain 
 thfeir organization separate, and do not interfere with each 
 other"'s work. , 
 
 Side by side with the advance of female education, a move- 
 ment is taking place to mitigate ^he harsh restrictions laid upon 
 Hindu widows. The whole structure of Hindu society is 
 
 ^ajTanged to give every woman one chance in life. As a matter 
 of fact, every Hindu girl of respectable position gets married, 
 and the failure of a father to secure a husband for his daughter* 
 would be considered not only dishonourable to himself, but 
 a crime against religion. In order, however, that every girl 
 shall be' sure of marriage, it seems expedient to Hindu society 
 that no woman shall have two husbands. 
 
 Apart from the strong religious views of the Hindus^ as to 
 the propriety of a celibate life for widows, a view which Saint 
 Paul enforces in his Epistle to Timothy, the custom of pro- 
 hibiting widows to re-marry had a practical basis of social 
 expediency in India. For in Ind.m, under native rule, male life 
 was subjecled to many risks, and there was a constant 
 tendency to disproportionately large numbers of females. A 
 state of almost constant war, or invasion, or tumult, means a 
 steady drain on the manhood of a people. As a matter of fact, 
 the provision of a married home for the daughters of respect- 
 able families was an even greater difficulty during the rough 
 mediaeval ages in India than it was in Europe. For the 
 difficulty in Europe was to some extent met by convents, 
 nunneries, and various sisterhoods. Mediaeval India, after the 
 political expulsion of Buddhism, had not these devices on any 
 
 I
 
 70 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN Ii^DIA 
 
 adequate scale for providing fci.- its surplus women. It 
 accordingly placed harsher checks on theil disproportionate 
 numbers by female infanticide, by the prohibition of widow 
 re-marriage, and by the voluntaly burning of widows of 
 certain of the higher castes upon their husband's funeral pile. 
 The British Government, in putting an end to the wars and 
 tumults which formed a constant drain on male life in India, 
 also put an end to the female infanticide and the voluntaiy 
 widow-burning, which tended to keep down the surplus of 
 feir^ale life. The growth of the two sexes was allawed to follow 
 its n^dral laws, with the natural tendency towards an equili- 
 brium. The census of 1881 showed that the male population 
 is now in excess of the female population of British India, 
 in the proportion of 101 men to 97 women. An imporant 
 survival of the old system remains, however, in the strong 
 public sentiment that every gjrl should l^e manied ; but that, 
 having been once married, if her husband dies, she should not 
 marry again. , ,, _ 
 
 A large and enlightened section of the Indian community is 
 now asking Government to remove by legislation the restrictions 
 thus imposed by custom on the re-marriage of Hindu widows. 
 They point out that the practice of child-marriage leaves at the 
 age of fourteen or fifteen large numbers of Hindu child- widows, 
 and that there are over two million of young widows in India 
 to wh,om enforced celibacy is an injustice and a wrong. The 
 evil Is cruelly intensified by the custom of child-marriage, and 
 by the multitude of child-widows who are left without ha\ing 
 been really wives at all. The reformers accordingly ask 
 Government to do one of ' two things : either to refuse to 
 recognise child-marriage as binding — that is to say, to treat 
 the religious marriage ceremony of the Hindus as merely a be- 
 trothal ; or by law to remove all restrictions placed by custom 
 on the re-marriage of widows. 
 
 The Government finds it impossible to accede to either of 
 these apparently reasonable requests. For the British Govern- 
 ment, when it took over India from the native dynasties, 
 repeatedly assm'ed the people that it would not interfere with | 
 their family customs ; and these solemn assurances helped to 
 procure the acquiescence of the native races in our rule. Now m 
 
 (
 
 POPkJLAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 71 
 
 the most imperative custom m Hindu family life is that every 
 Hindu girl shall be married, and one (5f the most deeply rooted 
 convictions of the great majority of Hindus is the necessity of 
 very early marriages in orde?" to secure this end. The necessity 
 is not one of expediency alone, but a solemn obligation imposed 
 on parents by the Hindu religion. The txovernment cannot, 
 therefore, interfere without breaking its promise to the people. 
 But it can show its sympathy with the movement of the 
 educated classes against child-marriage ; antl it can let it be 
 known that it is willing to legislate as soon as it can do so wjih 
 , the support of the Hindu community. "s^ 
 
 The other proposal of the social reformers is for Govern- 
 ment to legislate in favour of the re-marriage of widows. This 
 also, is not so simple as it segms at first sight. For if the Hindu 
 law attaches severe restraints to the position of a widow, it also 
 grants her important j^rivileges. ^ According to Hindu law, the 
 widow has always a right to be maintained by her husband's 
 . family. Among the poorer working Hindus, a widow forms a 
 recognised charge on the labour of the male members of the 
 household. In well-off' Hindu families, if the husband leaveis» 
 no son, the widow succeeds as a matter of right, not by favour 
 or by testament, to her husband's property. In some parts of 
 India sKe takes all his movable wealth as her own, and has a 
 life interest in his landed estate. In other parts of India she 
 has only a life interest in both his real and personal property. 
 But in all parts she succeeds to very substantial legal advantages 
 as a widow, because the law regards her as continuing the 
 religious persona of her deceased husband in this world, and as 
 ministering to his soul's welfare.. in the next by her round of 
 pious ceremonies^ her prayers, and self-denying life. If she 
 marries again, she gives up her religious status of widow, and 
 therefore has no claim to carry away into her new husband's 
 family the property to which she succeeded for the express 
 purpose of benefiting her late husband's soul by the ceremonies, 
 prayers, and self-denials of Hindu widowhood. 
 
 The British Government has tried to cut the knot by a law 
 allowing every Hindu widow to re-marry if she pleases, but 
 attaching to her re-marriage the condition that she shall give 
 up to her late husband's family the usufruct which she had
 
 72 POPULAR MOVEMF^NTS IN INDIA 
 
 inherited from him to maintain hei religious status as his widow. 
 The reforming Indian party now ask that this unpleasant con- 
 dition shall be abolished in whole or in part, and that Hindu 
 widows may be allowed to re-marry without giving up their 
 late husband's property. The British Government can only 
 answer that if the reformers will persuade the majority of their 
 countrymen of the exjiediency of the change, the Government 
 will be ready to legislate in the manner proposed. But, as a 
 matter of fact, Hindu public opinion is at present opposed to 
 smh a change. - - r 
 
 'fee net result is that the Government does not find it 
 possible to at once accede to either of the demands of the social 
 reformers, whether in regard to placing restrictions upon child- 
 marriage or in regard to removing the restrictions on the re- 
 marriage of Hindu widows. Yet it has been able to do some- 
 thing towards social reform. It declines to interfere with the 
 religious man'iage of the Hindus, and it refuses to declare such 
 marriages (in however early childhood the marriage may be cop»^ 
 tracted) as inoperative. It respects the religious mairiage 
 ceremony among the Hindus as a valid and binding act of 
 marriage. It refuses to treat that ceremony as a mere 
 betrothal, as some of the social reformers suggest, or to allow 
 a right of repudiation to the boy and girl before the marriage 
 is actually consummated. But it is about to pass a law which 
 will pvactically defer the consummation of marriages in India 
 until the child-bride reaches the age of twelve. It will thus, 
 indirectly, aid in extending the unmarried years of girHife in 
 India, but extending them only to the age of twelve. This 
 may seem a small advance. But it is an advance in the right 
 direction, and the opposition which has already developed 
 among the orthodox Hindus proves how necessary is the caution 
 which has been observed by the British Government. 
 
 The truth is that to whatever form of Indian aspiration 
 we turn the same result is disclosed. While the Feudatory 
 Princes of India have made large offerings to the British 
 Government of money and men and transport animals, to aid in 
 the defence of the Indian Empire, the Government has only 
 accepted a small imperial contingent of troops or transport from 
 each State that desires to maintain one. In like manner, while 
 
 (
 
 POMJLAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 73 
 
 the Indian Congiess, which' represents the political movement 
 among om* own' subjects, asks for 'a large expansion of the 
 Legislative Councils, and a widespread introduction of the elec- 
 tive principle and ^f representative government, Her Majesty's 
 Ministers, while willing to go as far in these directions as they 
 think safe, do not find it possible to go' so far as the more 
 advanced of the Indian political reformers desire. The social 
 reformers complain of the same incompleteness in the Grovern- 
 ment response to their requests for infprovements in the 
 marriage system of the Hindus. In each of these three depfyrt- 
 ments of Indian activity — Feudatory, political, and socii;!'^— the 
 British Government finds itself unable to fully satisfy the 
 aspirations of the more advanced reformers. 
 
 The important fact is ^hat such aspirations have for the 
 first time sprung into existence in India, and that they have 
 found a loyal expression. Last .year the leading Indian social 
 reformer, Mr, Malabari, came to England to plead his cause. 
 . A. strong deputation of Indian political reformers also spent 
 several months in this country in explaining their wants. The 
 telegi'aph announced a few weeks ago that the Indian National 
 Congress is again going to appeal to the British nation during 
 the present year. It is said to have appointed no fewer than 
 one hundred delegates to come to England and state their case 
 on British platforms. Such a spectacle must, I think, stir the 
 hearts of us all. It may not be possible for the British Govern- 
 ment to grant all that the Indian political reformers desire in 
 the way of political progress, just as it has not been found 
 possible to grant all that the Indian social reformers desire in 
 legislative restrictions upon child-marriage. Yet the fact of 
 such a deputariOn* cSming to us from India forms a splendid 
 recognition of Britain''s position as the mother-country of her 
 great Empire throughout the world. It makes us realise not 
 only the solidarity which is growing up between India and 
 Britain, but also the confidence which the Indians themselves 
 feel that they can lay their requirements before the British 
 people, with the certainty of a fair hearing and of a fair 
 consideration of their wants. The sight of the Indian troops 
 hun-ying to the aid of the Queen's armies in the Mediterranean 
 and in Egypt taught the military nations of Europe a lesson 
 
 i 
 
 )
 
 74 
 
 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 
 
 as to the poAver and resources of Greater Britain. But the 
 present project of a hundred delegates comiiig from India to 
 explain their political needs to Englishmen stnkes me as a fai- 
 more imposing spectacle. For it tells the world in unmistak- 
 able language that India herself believes in the justice of 
 England, and in the determination of the British nation to do 
 what is right by the Asiatic Empire which Providence has 
 committed to their care. 
 
 "V 
 
 •^ «._ 
 
 c
 
 Ill 
 
 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB ; 
 OR THE HISTORY OF A, REACTION ^ 
 
 When Dr. Johusbn wanted a modern example of ' The Vanity 
 of Human Wishes "* he to'ok the career of the Royal Swede. 
 But during the same period that witnessed the brief glories 
 of Charles XII. in' Europe a more appalling tragedy of 
 wi'ecked ambition was being enacted in the East. Within a 
 year of Charles's birth in 1681, Aurangzeb, the last of the 
 Great Mughals, set out with his grand army for Southern India^ 
 Within a year of Charles's fatal march to Russia in 1708, 
 Aurangzeb's grand army lay shattered by a quarter of a 
 centiT?y 6f victory and defeat ; Aurangzeb himself was dying of 
 old age and a broken heart ; while his enemies feasted around 
 his starving camp, and prayed heaven for long life to a sovereign 
 in whose obstinacy and despair they placed the firmest *?iopes. 
 The Indian emperor and the Swedish l^ing were alike men of 
 severe simplicity of life, of the highest personal courage, and 
 of indomitable will. The memory of both is stained by great 
 crimes. H\sij2:^j- - -:*n never forget that Charles broke an 
 ambassador on the wheel, and that Aurangzeb imprisoned his 
 father and murdered his brethren. 
 
 But here the analogy ends. As the Indian emperor fought 
 and conquered in a wider arena, so was his character laid out on • 
 grander lines, and his catastrophe came on a mightier scale. 
 He knew how to turn back the torrent of defeat, by command- 
 ing his elephant's legs to be chained to the ground in the 
 thick of the battle, with a swift yet deliberate valour which 
 
 ' Published in the Nineteenth Century,- May 1887. 
 
 J
 
 76 THE RUIN OF 4URANGZEB 
 
 Charles might have envied. He cc^jld spread the meshes of a 
 homicidal intrigue, enjoying all the time o the most lively 
 consolations of religion ; and he could pursue a State policy 
 with a humane repugnance to the neljessary ecimes, yet with an 
 inflexible assent to them, which Richelieu would have admired. 
 From the meteoric transit of Charles XII. history learns 
 little. The sturdy English satirist probably put thai vain- 
 glorious career to its highest purpose when he used it * to point 
 a moral, or adorn a tale.' From the ruin of Aurangzeb the 
 dccynfall of the Mughal Empire dates, and the history of 
 moderix India begins. 
 
 The house of Timur had brought with it to India the 
 adventurous hardihood of the steppes, and the unsapped 
 vitality of the Tartar tent. Babar, the founder of the Indian 
 Mughal Empire in 1526, was the sixth in descent from Timur, 
 and during six more generations his own dynasty proved prolific 
 of strongly marked types. Each succeeding emperor, from 
 father to son, was, for evil or for good, a genuine original man.. 
 In Babar himself, literally The Lion, the Mughal djmasty had 
 produced its epic hero; in Humayun, its knight-errant and 
 royal refugee ; in Akbar, its consolidator and statesman ; in 
 Jahangir, its talented drunkard ; and its magnificent palace 
 builder in Shah Jahan. It was now to bring forth in 
 Aurangzeb a ruler whom hostile writers stigmatize as a cold- 
 heartM usurper, and whom Muhammadan historians venerate 
 as a siiint. 
 
 Aurangzeb was born on the night of November 4, 
 1618, and before he reached the age of ten, his father. Shah 
 Jahan, had succeeded to the throne of his ancestors. His 
 mother, The Exalted of the Palace, was 'tne Ta^i- of' the great 
 queens who shared and directed the fortunes of a Mughal 
 Emperor. Married when just out of her teens, she bore 
 thirteen children to her husband, and died in giving birth 
 to a fourteenth. Her nineteen years of wedded life had been 
 splendid but sorrowful. Of her children, eight died in infancy 
 or childhood. Her bereaved husband raised to her, in sight of 
 his palace, the most beautiful tomb in the world. It crowns 
 the lofty bank of the Jumna, a dream in marble, with its 
 cupolas floating upwards like silver bubbles into the sky. To this 
 
 . 1
 
 THE RUIN] OF AURANGZEB 77 
 
 day it bears her Persian title, The Exalted of the Palace : a 
 title which travellers from many far^ countries have contracted 
 into the Taj Mahal. 
 
 She left behiiid her ibur^ sons and two daughters. Her 
 eldest surviving child was the Princess Imperial, named The 
 Ornament of the World : a masterful but affectionate girl of 
 seventeen, and not free from feminine frailties. The Princess 
 Imperial succeeded to her mother's place in her father's heart. 
 During the remaining twenty-seven years of his reign she 
 guided his policy and controlled his palace, and during his .Jast 
 eight years of dethronement and eclipse she shared lis im- 
 prisonment. The great rest-house for travellers at Delhi was 
 one of her many , splendid charities. She died with the fame of 
 her past beauty still fresh, .unmanied, at the age of sixty-seven. 
 Her grave lies close to a saint's and to a poet's, in that campo 
 santo of marble latticework., and exquisite carving, and 
 embroidered canopies of silk and gold, near the Hall of the 
 sixty-four Pillars, beyond the Delhi walls. But only a piece of 
 pure white marble, with a little grass piously watered by gene- 
 rations, marks the princess's grave. ' Let no rich canopy sux = 
 mount my resting place,' was her dying injunction, inscribed 
 on the J\eadstone. ' This giass is the best covering for the 
 grave of a lowly heart, the humble and transitory Ornament of 
 the World, the discipline of the holy Man of Chist, the 
 daughter of the Emperor Shah Jahan.' But the magriificent 
 mosque of Agra is the public memorial of the lady who Uies in 
 that modest grass-covered grave. 
 
 The eldest son of The Exalted of the Palace, and the heir 
 apparent to the Empire, wa^ Prince Dara. One year younger 
 than the PnYiCess Imperial, he became the object of her ardent 
 affection through life. In the troubles that were to fall upon 
 the family she devoted herself to his cause. Dara was an open- 
 handed, high-spirited prince, contemptuous of advice, and 
 destitute of self-control. He had a noble and dignified bearing, 
 except when he lost his temper. At such moments he would 
 burst out into a tornado of abuse, insulting and menacing the 
 greatest generals and officers of State. The rigid observances 
 of Islam, with its perpetual round of prayers and its long fasts, 
 were distasteful to his nature. And he had all the rival 
 
 J 
 
 )
 
 78 THE RUIN OP ^UHANGZEB 
 
 religions, Chi'istian, Muhammadan, and Hindu, to choose from, 
 in the Court and the seraglio. Dara leaned t(Jivards Christianity 
 and Hinduism. While contemptuously continuing in externals 
 a Muhammadan, he concocted for himself all easy and elegant 
 faith from the alternate teaching of a Brahman philosopher and 
 a French Jesuit. He shocked good Musalmans by keeping an 
 establishment of learned Hindus to translate their infidel scrip- 
 tuies into Persian. He even wrote a book himself to reconcile 
 the conflicting creeas. 
 
 >.,^ His next brother Shuja was a more discreet young prince. 
 Conciliatory to the nobles, courageous, and capable of forming 
 well-laid plans, he might also have been able to execute them 
 but for his love of pleasure. In the midst of critical affairs he 
 would suddenly shut himself up with the ladies of his palace, 
 and give days and nights to wine, and song, and dance ; no 
 Minister of State daring to disturb his revels. Like his elder 
 brother, he too fell away from the orthodox Suni faith of the 
 Indian Muhammadans. But Shuja's defection was due to. 
 deliberate policy. He adopted the Shia heresy of Persia with 
 uhe hope of winning the Persian adventiu-ers, then powerful at 
 Court and in the army, to his side in the struggle which he 
 foresaw must take place for the throne. 
 
 Next to him in the family came the princess named The 
 Brilliant Lady ; less beautiful and less talented than her elder 
 sisteT:^but equally ambitious, and fonder of gifts and of display. 
 She aift-ached herself to the cause of the third brother Aurangzeb, 
 born fourteen months after herself. The youngest of the four 
 brethi'en was Prince Murad, six years younger than Aurangzeb. 
 Murad grew up a model Muhammadan knight ; generous, polite, 
 a despiser of intrigue, and devoted to war^ahd^^e"' chase. He 
 boasted that he had no secrets, and that he looked only to his 
 sword to win his way to fortune. But as years passed on his 
 shining qualities were tarnished by an increasing indulgence at 
 the table, and the struggle for the throne found him still a 
 brave soldier indeed, but also a glutton and a drunkard. 
 
 In the midst of this ambitious and voluptuous Imperial 
 family, a very different character was silently being matured. 
 Aurangzeb, the third brother, ardently devoted himself to study. 
 In after-life he knew the Koran by heart, and his memory was 
 
 (
 
 / 
 
 I • 
 
 THE RUIN j OF AURANGZEB 79 
 
 a storehouse of the literature, sacred and profane, of Islam. 
 He had himself g- facility for verse,^and wrote a prose style 
 at once easy and dignified, running up the complete literary 
 gamut from pleasa atry to pathos. His Persian Letters to his 
 Sons, thrown off in the camp, or on the march, or from a sick 
 bed, have charmed Indian readers during two centuries, and 
 still sell "^ the Punjab bazaars. His poetic faculty he trans- 
 mitted in a richer vein to his eldest daugnter, whose verses sur- 
 vive under her nom de plume of The Incognita. 
 
 But in the case of Aurangzeb, poetry and literary grpffe 
 merely formed the illuminated margiii of a solid and st/mbre 
 learning. His tutor, a man of the old scholastic philosophy, led 
 him deep into the ethical and grammatical subtleties which still 
 form the too exclusive basis of an orthodox Muhammadan 
 education. His whole nature was filled with the stern religion 
 of Islam. Its pure adoration of one unseen God, its calm 
 pauses for personal prayer five times each day, its crowded 
 celebrations of public worship, and those exaltations of the 
 soul which spring from fasting and high- strained meditation, 
 formed the realities of existence to the youthful Aurangzeb. — • 
 The outer world in which he moved, with its pageants and 
 pleasures, Avas merely an irksome intrusion on his inner life. 
 We shall presently see him wishing to tm'n hermit His eldest 
 brother scornfully nicknamed him The Saint. 
 
 To a young Muhammadan prince of this devout tenipej, the 
 outer world was at that time full of sadness. The heroic sOldiers 
 of the.early Empire, and their not less heroic wives, had given 
 place to a vicious and delicate breed of gi-andees. The 
 ancestors of Aurangzeb, who swooped down on India from the 
 North, wex^e-JiVJ^.*!/ x^x-oli in boots. The comtiers among whom 
 Aurangzeb grew up were pale persons in petticoats. Babar, 
 the founder of the Empire, had sAvum every river which he met 
 with during thirty years of campaigning, including the Indus 
 and the other great channels of the Punjab, and the mighty *! 
 Ganges herself twice during a ride of 160 miles in two days. 
 The luxm-ious lords around the youthful Aurangzeb wore skirts 
 made of innumerable folds of the finest Avhite muslin, and went 
 to Avar in palankeens. On a royal march, Avhen not on duty 
 with the Emperor, they were carried, stiys an eye-Avitness, 
 
 )
 
 80 THE RUIN OF \URANGZEp 
 
 ' stretched as on a bed, sleeping at ease till they reached their 
 next tent, where they ai-e sure to find an excellent dinner,' 
 a duplicate kitchen being sent on the night before. 
 
 A hereditary system of compronise with strange gods had 
 eaten the heart out of the State religion. Aui'angzeb's great- 
 gi-andfather, Akbar, deliberately accepted that system of 
 compromise as the basis of the empire. Akbar discerned that 
 all previous Muhammadan rulers of India had been crushed 
 between two opposite forces, between fresh hordes of Musalman 
 invaders from without and the dense hostile masses of the 
 Hindu populati6n withiii. He conceived the design of creating 
 a really national empire in India, by enlisting the support of 
 the native races. He married, and he compelled his family to 
 maiTy, the daughters of Hindu princes. He abolished the 
 Infidel Tax on the Hindu population. He threw open the 
 highest offices in the State, and the highest commands in the 
 army, to Hindu leaders of men. 
 
 The response made to this policy of conciliation forms the 
 most instructive episode in Indian history. One Hindu general* 
 -Bubdued for Akbar the great provinces of Bengal and Orissa ; 
 and organized, as his finance minister, the revenue system of the 
 Mughal Empire. Another Hindu general governed the Punjab. 
 A third was hm-ried southwards two thousand miles" frcxn his 
 command in Kabul to put down a Muhammadan rising in 
 districts not far from Calcutta. A Brahman bard led an 
 impeiial division in the field, and was Akbar's dearest friend, 
 for whose death the Emperor twice went into mourning. While 
 Hindu leaders thus commanded the armies and shaped the 
 policy of the Empire, Hindu revenue officers formed the back- 
 bone of his administration, and the ^ixitx*;.;.^.'iicary races 
 supplied the flower of its troops. It was on this political 
 coniederation of interests, Musalman and Hindu, that the 
 Mughal Empire rested, so long as it endured. 
 
 Akbar had not, however, been content with a political con- 
 federation. He believed that if the Empire was to last, it must 
 be based on a religious coalition of the Indian races. He 
 accordingly constructed a State religion, catholic enough, as he 
 thought, to be acceptable to all his subjects. Such a scheme of 
 a universal religion had, during two hundred years, been the
 
 T^E RUIN hP AURANGZEB 81 
 
 dream of Hindu reformers and the text of wandering preachers 
 throughout India.t On the death of' the Bengal saint of the 
 fifteenth century, the Muhammadans and Hindus contended 
 for his body. The Wnt suddenly appeared in their midst, and, 
 commanding them to look under the shroud, vanished. This 
 they did. But under the winding sheet they found only a heap 
 of beautiful flowers, one half of which the ^Hindus burned with 
 holy rites, while the other half was buried with pomp by the 
 Musalmans. In Akbar's time many sacred 'places had become 
 common shrines for the two faiths : the Musalmans veneratiii'^- 
 the same impression on the rocks as the footprint of their 
 prophet which the Hindus revered as the footprint of their 
 god. 
 
 Akbar, the great-grandjather of Aurangzeb, utilised this 
 tendency towards religious coalition as an instrument of 
 political union. He promulgate a State religion, called the 
 Divine Faith, which combined the monotheism of Islam with 
 the symbolic worship of Hinduism, and with something of the 
 spirit of Christianity. He worshipped the sun as the most 
 glorious visible type of the Deity ; and he commanded the 
 people to prostrate themselves before himself as the divine 
 representative. The Muhammadan lawyers set their seal to a 
 decision supporting his Majesty. The Muhammadan medical 
 men discovered that the eating of beef, which Akbar had re- 
 nounced as repugnant to Hindu sentiment, was hurtful to .ihe 
 human body. Poets glorified the new^ faith; learned men 
 translated the Hindu scriptures and the Christian gospel ; 
 Roman priests exhibited the birth of Jesus in waxwork, and 
 introduced the doctrine of the Trinity. The orthodox Muham- 
 madan beard ''v.jjs shaved ; the devout Muhammadan salutation 
 was discontinued ; the Muhammadan confession of faith dis- 
 appeared from the coinage ; the Muhammadan calendar gave 
 place to the Hindu. At length, a formal declaration of 
 apostasy was drawn up, renouncing the religion of Islam for the 
 Divine Faith of the Emperor. 
 
 TTie Emperor was technically the elected head of the 
 Muhammadan congregation, and God's vicegerent on earth. It 
 was as if the Pope had called upon Christendom to renounce in 
 set terms the religion of Christ. A Persian historian declai-es 
 
 a
 
 82 THE RUIN OF UURANCrZEB 
 
 that Avheii these ' effective letters of damnatioii,"* as he calls 
 them, issued, ' the heave"hs might have rent asunder and the 
 earth opened her abyss.' As a matter of fact, Akbar was a 
 fairly successful religious foundei'. One or two grave men 
 retired fi'om his Court, and a local insurrection was easily 
 quelled. But Akbar had no apostolic successor. His son, the 
 talented drunkard, while he continued to exact the prostrations 
 of the people, revived the externals of Islam at Court, and 
 restored the Muhammadan confession of faith to the coin, 
 Akbar's grandson, the palace builder, abolished the prostrations. 
 At the same time he cynically lent his countenance to the 
 Hindu worship, took toll on its ceremonies, and paid a yearly 
 allowance to the Hindu high-priest at Benares. 
 
 But neither the son nor the gi-andson of Akbar could stem 
 the tide of immorality which rolled on, Avith an ever-increasing 
 volume, during three generations of contemptuous half-belief. 
 One of Akbar's younger sons had drunk himself to death, 
 smuggling in his liquor in the barrel of his fowling-piece when 
 his supply of wine was cut off. The quarter of Delhi known as 
 Shaitanpara, or Devilsville, dates from Akbar's reign. The 
 tide of immorality brought with it the lees of supei*stition. 
 Witches, wizards, diviners, professors of palmistry, and miracle 
 workers thronged the capital. ' Here,' says a French' pilysician 
 at the Mughal Court, ' they tell a poor person his fortune for a 
 haJloenny.' A Portuguese outlaw sat as wisely on his bit of 
 carpet as the rest, practising astrology by means of an old 
 mariner's compass and a couple of Romish prayer-books, whose 
 pictured saints and virgins he used for the signs of the zodiac. 
 
 It was on such a world of immorality, superstition, and un- 
 belief that the austere young Aurangz'i^b'TtJ&Tt^d -t/ut Avith sad 
 eyes. His silent reflections on the prosperous apostates around 
 him must have been a sombre monotone, perhaps with ominous 
 passages in it, like that fierce refrain which breaks in upon the 
 Easter evening psalm, ' But in the name of the Lord, I will 
 destroy them.' A young prince in this mood was a rebuke to 
 the palace, and might become a danger to the throne. No one ^ i 
 could doubt his courage ; indeed he had slain a lion set free 
 from the intervening nets usually employed in the royal chase. 
 At the age of seventeen his father accordingly sent him to 
 
 1 J
 
 THE RUIN i)F AURANGZEB 83 
 
 o-overn Southern India, where the Hindu Marathas and two 
 independent Muhammadan kingdoms professing the Shia heresy 
 inigiit afford ample scope for his piety and valour. 
 
 The imperial army of the south, under his auspices, took 
 many forts, and for a time effected a settlement of the country. 
 But after eight years of viceregal splendour, Aurangzeb, at the 
 age of t\renty-five, resolved to quit the world, and to pass the 
 rest of his life in seclusion and prayer. His father angiily put 
 a stop to tliis project ; recalled him to Court, stripped him of 
 his military j;ank, and deprived him ^f his j^ersonal estate! 
 But next year it was found expedient to employ Aurangzeb in 
 the government of another province ; and two years later he 
 received the great ijiilitary command of Balkh. On his arrival, 
 the enemy swarmed like locusts upon his camp. Tlie attempt 
 to beat them off lasted till the hour of evening prayer ; when 
 / Aurangzeb, calmly dismounting fr9m his horse, kneeled do^vn in 
 / the midst of the battle and repeated the sacred ritual. The 
 I opposing general, awed by the religious confidence of the prince, 
 called off his troops, saying ' that to fight with such a man is 
 to destroy oneself.' After about seven years of wars and sieges 
 in Afghanistan, Aurangzeb was again appointed Viceroy of 
 Southern In^ia. 
 
 In 1*657 his eldest brother, firmly planted in the Imperial 
 Court, and watching with impatient eyes the failing health of 
 the Emperor, determined to disarm his brethren. He procWieli 
 orders to recall his youngest brother Murad from his viceroyalty 
 on the western coast ; and to strip Aurangzeb of his power in 
 tlje south. These mandates found Aurangzeb besieging one of 
 the two heretical Muhammadan capitals of Southern India. 
 Several of the'^reat nobles at once deserted him. He patched 
 up a truce v/ith the beleaguered city, and extorted a large sum 
 of money from its boy-king. He had previously squeezed a 
 great treasure from the other independent Muhammadan 
 kingdom of the south. Thus armed, at the cost of the Shia 
 heretics, with the sinews of war, he marched north to deliver 
 his father, the Emperor, from the evil counsels of the Prince 
 Imperial. 
 
 For the Emperor, now sixty-seven years of age, lay stricken 
 with a terrible disease. The poor old palace-builder well knew 
 
 G 2
 
 84. THE RUIN OF'AURANGZEB 
 
 the two essential conditions for retaining the Mughal throne — 
 namely, to be perfectly pitiless to his kiridred and to be in 
 perfect health himself. In the early days of the Empire, the 
 royal family had been knit together in bands of warm affection ; 
 and its chivalrous founder had given his own life for his son's. 
 Babar, runs the story, seeing his son sinking under a mortal 
 disease, walked thr€2 times solemnly round the bed,' and im- 
 plored God to take his own life and spare the prince. After a 
 few moments of silent prayer, he suddenly exclaimed, ' I have 
 borne it away , I have borne it away ! "" and from that moment 
 his son began to recover, while the Lion Babar visibly declined 
 But dm'ing three generations the Mughal dynasty had lain 
 under the curse of bad sons. AurangzeVs father, the stricken 
 Emperor, had been a rebel prince. He left not one male alive 
 of the house of Timur, so that he and his childi-en might be the 
 sole heirs of the Empire. These children were now to prove 
 his perdition. Amid the pangs of his excruciating disease, his 
 eldest son Dara grasped the central government ; while his next 
 son. Prince Shuja, humed north from his Viceroyalty of Bengal 
 to seize the imperial capital. 
 
 Prince Shuja was driven back. But there was a son ad- 
 vancing from the south whose steps could i\ot^be^ stayed. 
 Aurangzeb had been forced by his eldest brother's intrigues to 
 assume the defensive. It seems doubtful whether, at first, he 
 asp red to the throne. His sole desire, he declared, was to 
 rescue his father frorn evil counsellors and then to retire from 
 the world. This longing for the religious life had led to his 
 public degradation when a young prince : it asserted itself amid 
 the splendoui's of his subsequent reigg^. _At the tDresent crisis 
 it served him for a mask : as to whether it was genuine, his 
 previous and later life perhaps entitle him to the benefit of a 
 doubt. On one point he had firmly made up his mind : that 
 the apostasy of his two elder brothers disqualified them for a 
 Muhammadan throne. He accordingly resolved to join his 
 youngest brother, whose viceroyalty lay on his way north ; and 
 who, although a drunkard in private life, was orthodox in his 
 public belief. 
 
 A five years' war of succession followed. Each one of the 
 four brethren knew that the stake for which he played was an
 
 THE RUIN 6f AURANGZEB 85 
 
 empire or a grave. The eldest brother, Dara, defeated by 
 Aurangzeb and betrayed into his hands, was condemned by the 
 doctors of the law for his apostasy to Islam, and put to death 
 as a renegade. The second orother, Shuja, was hunted out of 
 his viceroyalty of Bengal into the swamps of Arakan, and out- 
 raged by the barbarian king with whom he had sought shelter. 
 The last* authentic glimpse we get of hi/n is flying across a 
 mountain into the woods, wounded on the head with a stone, 
 and with only one faithful woman and three followers to share 
 his end. The destiny of the youngest^ brothei^ Murad, with 
 whom Aurangzeb had joined his forces, for some time hung 
 in the balance. The tenderness with which Aurangzeb, on a 
 memorable occasion, wiped the sweat and dust from his brother's 
 face was probably not altogether assumed. But the more 
 Aurangzeb saw of the private habits of the young prince, the 
 less worthy he seemed of the throne. At last, one night, Murad 
 awoke from a drunken sleep to find himself Aurangzeb's 
 prisoner. His friends planned his escape ; and he would have 
 safely let himself down from the fortress, but for an alarm 
 caused by the weeping of a lady who had shared his confine- 
 ment and from whom he could not part without saying farewell. 
 He wa.s ry^t allowed another chance. Aurangzeb had him 
 tried — nominally for an old murder Avhidi he had committed 
 when Viceroy — and executed. Having thus disposed of his 
 three brothers, Aurangzeb got rid of their sons by slow po^rJn- 
 ing with laudanum, and shut up his aged father in his palace 
 till he died. 
 
 J Then was let loose on India that tremendously destructive 
 force, a puritan Muhammadan monarch. In 1658, in the 
 same summer that witnessed the death of the puritan Protector 
 of England, Aurangzeb, at the age of forty, seated himself on 
 the throne of the Mughals. The narrative of his long reign of 
 half a century is the history of a great reaction against the 
 religious compromises of his predecessors, and against their 
 policy of conciliation towards the native races. He set before 
 himself three tasks : he resolved to reform the morals of the 
 Court ; to bring down the Hindus to their proper place as 
 infidels ; and to crush the two heretical Muhammadan king- 
 doms of Southern India.
 
 86 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 
 
 The luxurious lords soon found that they had got a very 
 different master from the old palace buildew. Aurangzeb was 
 an austere compound of the emperor, the soldier, and the 
 saint; and he imposed a like austerity on all around him. Of 
 a humble silent demeanour, with a profound resignation to 
 God's will in the height of success as in the depths of disaster, 
 very plainly clothed, ^never sitting on a raised seat in private, 
 nor using any vessel of silver or gold, he earned his daily food 
 by manual labour. But he doubled the royal charities, and 
 established free eating-houses for the sick and poor. Twice 
 each day he took his seat in com't to dispense justice. On 
 Fridays he conducted the prayers of the common people in the 
 great mosque. During the month of fast, he^ spent six to nine 
 hours a night in reading the Koran to a select assembly of the 
 faithful. He completed, when Emperor, the task which he had 
 begun as a boy, of learning the sacred book by heart ; and he 
 presented two copies of it to IMecca, beautifully written with 
 his own hand. He maintained a body of learned men to 
 compile a code of the Muhammadan law, at a cost exceeding 
 20,000/. sterling. 
 
 The players and minstrels were silenced by royal proclama- 
 tion. But they were settled on grants of land, if J"Jiey would 
 turn to a better life. The courtiers suddenly became men of 
 prayer ; the ladies of the seraglio took enthusiastically to 
 reciting the Koran. Only the poor dancers and singers made 
 a struggle. They carried a bier Avith wailing under the mndow 
 of the Emperor. On his Majesty's looking out and asking the 
 purport of the funeral procession, they answered that ' Music 
 was dead, and that they were bearing forth her corpse.' ' Pray 
 bury her deeply,' replied the Emperor from th^ balcony, * so 
 that henceforth she may make no more noise.' 
 
 The measures taken against the Hindus seemed for a time 
 to promise equal success. Aurangzeb at once stopped the 
 alloAvance to the Hindu high-priest at Benares. Some of the 
 most sacred Hindu temples he levelled with the gi'ound, erecting 
 magnificent mosques out of their materials on the same sites. 
 He personally took part in the work of proselytism. 'His 
 Majesty,' says a Persian biographer, ' himself teaches the holy 
 confession to numerous infidels, and invests them with dresses
 
 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 87 
 
 of honoui' and other favours.' He finally restored the Muham- 
 madan Calendar. ^He refused to receive offerings at the Hindu 
 festivals, and he sacrificed a large revenue from Hindu shrines. 
 He remitted eighty taxes ofli trade and religion, at a yearly loss 
 of several millions sterling. The goods of the true believers, 
 indeed, were for some time altogether exempted from duties ; 
 and were eventually charged only one-half the rate paid by the 
 Hindus. 
 
 These remissions of revenue compelled Aurangzeb to resort 
 to new taxation. When his ministers remonstrated again&t 
 giving up the Hindu pilgrim tax, he sternly declined to share 
 the profits of idolatry and proposed a general tax on the infidels 
 instead. That hated impost had been abolished by Akbar in 
 the previous centm-y — as part of his policy of conciliation 
 towards the Hindus. Aurangzeb revived the poll-tax on 
 infidels, in spite of ,the clamours of the Hindu population. 
 They rent the air with lamentations under the palace windows. 
 When he went forth in state on Friday, to lead the prayers of 
 the faithful in the great mosque, he found the streets choked 
 with petitioners. The Emperor paused for a moment for the 
 suppliant crowd to open ; then he commanded his elephants to 
 advance, trampling the wretched people under foot. The 
 detested impost was unsparingly enforced. If a Hindu of rank, 
 writes a Persian historian, met a menial of the tax-office, ' his 
 countenance instantly changed.' So low were the native r^vses 
 brought that a proclamation issued forbidding any Hindu to 
 ride in «, palankeen, or on an Arab horse, without a licence from 
 Government. 
 
 While Aurangzeb dealt thus hardly with the Hindu 
 population, liis hand ifell heavily on the Hindu princes. He 
 vindictively remembered that the Hindu Rajputs had nearly 
 won the throne for his eldest brother, and that their most dis- 
 tinguished chief had dared to remonstrate \n\h himself. ' If 
 your Majesty,' wrote the brave Hindu Rajaof Jodhpur, ' places 
 any faith in books by distinction called divine, you will there be 
 instructed that God is the God of all mankind, not the God of 
 the Musalmans alone. In your temples to His name, the voice of 
 prayer is raised ; in a house of images, where a bell is shaken, 
 He is still the object of worship.' Aurangzeb did not ventui'e
 
 88 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 
 
 to quarrel with this gi'eat mihtary prince. He sought his 
 friendship, and employed him in the highest and most 
 dangerous posts. But on his death the Emperor tried to seize 
 his infant sons. The chivalrous blood of the Rajputs boiled 
 over at this outrage on the \vidow and the orphan. They rose 
 in rebellion ; one of Aurangzeb's own sons placed himself at their 
 head, proclaimed himself Emperor, and marched against his 
 father with 70,000 men. A bitter war of religion followed. 
 Aurangzeb, whose cause for a time had seemed hopeless, spared 
 not the Hindus. He burned their homesteads, cut down their 
 fruit-trees, defiled their temples, and carried away cartloads of 
 their gods to the capital. There he thi-ust the helpless images, 
 with their faces downwards, below the steps of the great 
 mosque, so that they should be hourly trampled under foot by 
 the faithful. The Rajputs, on their side, despoiled the mosques, 
 bm-ned the Koran, and insulted the prayer-readers. The war 
 ended in a sullen submission of the Hindus ; but the Rajputs 
 became thenceforth the destroyers, instead of the supporters, 
 of the Mughal Empire. 
 
 Having thus brought low the infidel Hindus of the north, 
 Aurangzeb tm-ned his strength against the two heretical Muham- 
 madan kingdoms of Southern India. The conquest of the south 
 had been the dream of the Mughal dynasty. During lour genera- 
 tions each Emperor had labom-ed, with more or less constancy, 
 at ^^e task. To the austere conscience of Aurangzeb it seemed 
 not duly an unalterable part of the imperial policy, but an 
 imperative religious duty. It grew into the fixed idea, of his 
 life. The best years of his young manhood, from seventeeaa- 
 to forty, he had spent as Viceroy of the South, against the 
 heretic Shia kingdoms and the infidel* Marathasf When the 
 Viceroy of the South became Emperor of India, he placed a son 
 in charge of the war. During the first twenty-thi*ee years of 
 his reign Aurangzeb directed the operations from his distant 
 northern capital. But at the age of sixty-three he realised 
 that, if he was ever to conquer the South, he must lead his 
 armies in person. Accordingly, in 1681, he set forth, now a 
 white-bearded man, from his capital, never to return. The 
 remaining twenty-six years of his life he spent on the march,
 
 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 89 
 
 or in the camp, until death released him, at the age of nearly 
 ninety, from his long labom\ 
 
 Already a gi-eaj^ sense of isolation had chilled the Emperor''s 
 heart. ' The art of reigning,* he said, ' is so delicate, that a king's 
 jealousy should be awakened by his very shadow.' His brothers 
 and nephews had been slain, as a necessary condition of his 
 accession to the throne. His own sons were now impatient of 
 his long reign. One of them had openly rebelled ; the conduct 
 of another was so doubtful that the imperfal guns had to be 
 pointed against his division during a battle. The able Persian 
 adventm-ers, who had formed the most trustworthy servants of 
 the Empire, were discountenanced by Aurangzeb as Shia heretics. 
 The Hindus had been alienated as infidels. But one mighty 
 force still remained at his command. Never had the troops of 
 the Empire been more regularly paid or better equipped, 
 although at one time Jaetter disciplined. Aurangzeb knew that 
 the army alone stood between him and the disloyalty of his 
 sons, and between him and the hatred of the native races. He 
 now resolved to hurl its whole weight against the two heretical 
 Muhammadan kingdoms of Southern India. 
 
 The military array of the Empire consisted of a regular 
 army of about 400,000 men, and a provincial militia estimated 
 as high as 4*400,000. The militia was made up of iiTegular 
 levies, uncertain in number, incapable of concentration, and 
 whose services could only be relied on for a short period. The 
 regular army consisted partly of contingents, whose commanders 
 received gi'ants of territory, or magnificent allowances for their 
 support, partly of troops paid direct from the imperial treasury. 
 The policy of Akbar had been to recruit from three mutually 
 hostile classes — the Siini Muhammadans of the Empire, the 
 Shia Muhammadans from beyond the north-western frontier, 
 and the Hindu Rajputs. The Shia generals were conspicuous 
 for their skill, the Rajput troops for their valour. On the eve 
 of battle the Rajput warriors bade each other a cheerfid 
 farewell for ever ; not without reason, as in one of Aurangzeb's 
 actions only six hundred Rajputs survived out of eight 
 thousand. 
 
 The strength of the army lay in its cavalry, 200,000 strong. 
 The pay was high, a trooper with only one horse, says Bernier, 
 
 *
 
 90 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 
 
 receiving not less than Rs. 25 (say 55 shillings) a month — 
 a large sum in those days. Cavaliers with parties of four or 
 more horses drew from 200Z. to nearly IjOOfjZ. sterling a year, 
 while a commander of five thousand had an annual surplus of 
 15,000/. sterling, after defraying all expenses. The sons of the 
 nobility often served as private troopers, and the path of pro- 
 motion lay open to all. Originally a commander of -cavalry 
 was bound to maintain an equal number of infantry, one-fom'th 
 of them to be matchlockmen and the rest archers. But, as a 
 matter of fact, the infantry were a despised force, consisting of 
 15,000 picked men around the king's person, and a rabble of 
 200,000 to 300,000 foot soldiers and camp-followers on the 
 march. The matchlockmen squatted on the ground, resting 
 their pieces on a wooden fork which they carried on their 
 backs ; ' terribly afraid,' says Bernier, ' of burning their eye- 
 lashes or long beards ; and, above all, lest some jin or evil 
 spirit should cause the musket to burst.' For every random 
 shot which they fired under these disadvantages, the cavalry 
 discharged three arrows with a good aim, at their ease. The 
 pay of a matchlockman went as high as 44*. a month. 
 
 The artillery consisted of a siege train, throwing balls up to 
 96 and 112 pounds ; a strong force of field guns ; 200 to 300 
 swivel guns on camels ; and ornamental batteries oTnght guns, 
 known as the stirrup artillery. The stirrup artillery on a royal 
 masch numbered 50 or 60 small brass pieces, mounted on 
 painted caiTiages, each di-awn by two horses, with a third horse 
 led by an assistant driver as a relay. At one time many of 
 the gunners had been Christians or Portuguese, di-awing 22Z. 
 sterling per mensem. The monthly pay of a native artillery- 
 man under Aurangzeb was about 70*. The importance of the 
 artillery may be estimated from the fact that after a battle 
 with one of his brothers Auiangzeb found 114 cannon left on 
 the field. The army of Kandahar in 1651 caiiied vnih. it 
 30,000 cannon-balls, 400,000 lbs. of gunpowder, and 14,000 
 rockets. The war elephants were even more important than 
 the artillery. Experienced generals reckoned one good 
 elephant equal to a regiment of 500 cavalry ; or, if properly 
 supported by matchlockmen, at double that number. Ele- 
 phants cost from 10,000/. downwards ; 500/. to 1,000/. being 
 
 \
 
 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 91 
 
 a common price. Akbar kept 5,000 of these huge animals, 
 'in strength like; a momitain, in courage and ferocity lions.' 
 Under AurangzebJ\over 800 elephants were maintained in the 
 royal stables, besides the large number employed on service and 
 in the provinces, 
 
 A pitched battle commenced with a mutual cannonade. 
 The guns were placed in front, sometimes^ linked together with 
 chains of iron. Behind them were ranged the camel artillery 
 with swivel guns, supported by the matchlockmen ; the ele- 
 phants were |<;ept as much as possible out of the first fire ; the 
 cavalry poured in their arrows from either flank. The Em- 
 peror, on a lofty armour-plated elephant, towered conspicuous 
 in the centre ; pj'inces of the blood or powerful chiefs com- 
 manded the right and left wings. But there was no proper 
 staff to enable the Emperor to keep touch with the wings and 
 the rear. After the cannonade had done its work of confusion, 
 a tremendous cavalry charge took place ; the horse and ele- 
 phants being pushed on in front and from either flank to break 
 the adverse line of guns. In the hand-to-hand onset that 
 followed the centre division and each wing fought on its own 
 account, and the commander-in-chief might consider himself 
 fortunate if one of his wings did not go over to the enemy. If 
 the flmperor descended from his elephant, even to pursue the 
 beaten foe on horseback, his own troops might in a moment 
 break away in panic, and the just won victory be turned ^ito 
 a defeat. 
 
 With all its disadvantages, the weight of this array was 
 ^such that no power then in India could, in the long run, with- 
 stand it. Its weak point was not its order of battle, but the dis- 
 order of its march. T here was no complete chain of subordina^ 
 tion between the divisional commanders. A locust multitude 
 of followers ate up the country for leagues on either side. The 
 camp formed an immense city sometimes 5 miles in length, 
 sometimes Ih miles in circumference. Dead beasts of burden * 
 poisoned the air. ' I could never,' writes Bernier, in words 
 which his countryman Dupleix turned into action a century 
 later, ' see these soldiers, destitute of order, and moving with 
 the irregularity of a herd of animals, without thinking how 
 easily five and twenty thousand of our veterans from Elandei*s,
 
 92 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 
 
 under Conde or Turenne, would destroy an Indian army, how- 
 ever vast.' 
 
 A Bundela officer in the gi-and army has Kift a journal of its 
 operations, but without mentioning the total number of troops 
 employed. Aui'angzeb found two distinct powers in Southern 
 India : first, the heretical Muhammadan kingdoms of Golconda 
 and Bijapur ; second, the fighting Hindu peasantry, known as 
 the Marathas. In the previous century, while Akbar was con- 
 ciliating the Hindu Rajputs of the north, the independent 
 Muhammadan sovereigns of the south had tried a like policy 
 towards the Hindu Marathas, with less success. Dming a hun- 
 dred years the Marathas had sometimes sided with the indepen- 
 dent Muhammadan kingdoms against the imperial troops, 
 sometimes with the imperial troops against the independent 
 Muhammadan kingdoms ; exacting payment from both sides ; 
 and gradually erecting themselves into a third party which held 
 the balance of power in the south. After several years of fight- 
 ing, Am'angzeb subdued the two Muhammadan kingdoms, and 
 set himself to finally crash the Hindu Marathas. In 1690 their 
 leader was captured ; but he scornfully rejected the Emperor''s 
 offer of pardon coupled with the condition of turning Musalman. 
 His eyes Avere burned in their sockets \vith a red-hot iron, and 
 the tongue which had blasphemed the Prophet was cut out. 
 The skin of his head, stuffed with straw, Avas insultingly exposed 
 thiwughout the cities of Southern India. 
 
 These and similar atrocities nerved with an inextinguishable 
 hatred the Avhole Maratha race. The guerilla war of extei-mina- 
 tion which folloAved during the next seventeen years has scarcely 
 a parallel in history. The Marathas first decoyed, then baffled, 
 .and finally slaughtered the imperial troops. The chivalrous 
 Rajputs of the north had stood up against the shock of the 
 grand army and had been broken by it. The Hindu peasant 
 confederacy of the south employed a very different strategy. 
 They had no idea of bidding farewell to each other on the eve 
 of a battle, or of dying next day on a pitched field. They de- 
 clined altogether to fight unless they were sm'e to win ; and 
 their word for victory meant ' to plunder the enemy."* Their 
 clouds of horsemen, scantily clad, with only a folded blanket for 
 a saddle, rode jeeringly round the imperial cavalry swathed in
 
 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 93 
 
 sword -proof wadding, or fainting under chain-armour, and with 
 difficulty spun'ing their heavily caparisoned steeds out of a 
 prancing amble, i^f the imperial cavalry charged in force, they 
 charged into thin air. If they pursued in detachments, they 
 were speared man by man. 
 
 In the Mughal army the foot-soldier Was an object of con- 
 tempt. The Maratha infantry were among the finest light 
 troops in the world. Skilled marksmen, and so agile as almost 
 always to be able to choose their own groi!nd, they laughed at 
 the heavy cavalry of the Empire. The Marathas camped at 
 pleasure around the grand army, cutting off sifpplies, dashing in 
 upon its line of march, plundering the ammunition waggons at 
 river-crossings, arid allowing the wearied imperialists no sleep 
 by night attacks. If they did not pillage enough food from the 
 royal convoys, every homestead was ready to furnish the millet 
 and onions which w^s all they, required. When encumbered 
 with booty, or fatigued with fighting, they vanished into their 
 hill forts ; and next morning fresh swarms hung upon the 
 imperial line of march. The tropical heats and rains added to 
 the miseries of the northern troops. One autumn a river over- 
 flowed the royal camp at midnight, sweeping away ten thousand 
 men, with countless tents, horses, and bullocks. The destruction 
 only ceasea when the aged Emperor wrote a prayer on paper 
 with his own hand, and cast it into the rising waters. 
 
 During ten years Aurangzeb directed these disastrous oj?era- 
 tions, chiefly from a headquarters cantonment. But his head- 
 quart'ers had grown into an enormous assemblage, estimated by 
 an Italian traveller at over a million persons. The Marathas 
 were now plundering the iinpeiial provinces to the north, and 
 had blocked the line of communication with upper India. Jn 
 1698 the Emperor, lean, and stooping under the burden of eighty 
 years, broke up his headquarters, and divided the remnants of 
 his forces into two corps cVarmk'. One of them he sent under 
 his best general to hold the Marathas in check in the open* 
 country. The other he led in person to besiege their cities and 
 hill forts. The corps cVarmee of the plains was beguiled into a 
 fruitless chase from province to province ; fighting nineteen 
 battles in six months. It marched and counter-marched, writes 
 the Bundela officer, 3,000 miles in one continuous campaign.
 
 94 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 
 
 until the elephants, horses, and camels were utterly worn 
 out. 
 
 The Emperor's corps (Tarmee fared even \^orse. Forty years 
 before, in the struggle for the throne, he had shared the bread 
 of the common soldiers, slept on the bare ground, or recon- 
 noitred, almost unattended, several leagues in front. The 
 youthful spirit flamed up afresh in the aged monarch. He 
 marched his troops in the height of the rainy season. Many of 
 the nobles, having lost their horses, had to trudge through the mire 
 on foot. Fort after fort fell before his despairing onslaught ; but 
 each capture left his army more shattered and the forces of the 
 enemy unimpaired. At last his so-called sieges dwindled into 
 an attack on a fortified village of banditti, during which he was 
 hemmed in within his own entrenchments. In ] 703 the Marathas 
 had surprised an imperial division on the banks of the Narbada, 
 21,000 strong, and massacred, or driven it pell-mell into the 
 river, before the troopers could even saddle their horses. In 
 1705 the imperial elephants were carried off from their pastm-e- 
 ground outside the royal camp ; the convoys from the north 
 were intercepted ; and grain rose to fivepence a pound in the 
 army — a rate more than ten times the ordinary price, and 
 scarcely reached even in the severest Indian famines when millions 
 have died of starvation. The Marathas had before this begun 
 to recover their forts. The Emperor collected the wreck of his 
 army, and tried to negotiate a truce. But the insolent exulta- 
 tion of the enemy left him no hope. ' They plundered at 
 pleasure,' says the Bundela officer, ' every province of the south ; ' 
 ' not a single person durst venture out of the camp,' 
 
 In 1706, a quarter of a century since the grand army had 
 jpt forth from the northern capital, the 'Emperor began to sink 
 under the accumulation of disasters. While he was shut up 
 within his camp in the far south, the Marathas had organized 
 a regular system of extorting one-fourth of the imperial revenue 
 from several of the provinces to the north. In the north-west 
 the Hindu Rajputs were in arms. Still further north, the 
 warlike Jat Hindu peasantry were up in revolt, near the 
 capital. Aurangzeb had no one to quell this general rising of 
 the Hindu races. The Muhammadan generals, who had served 
 him so weU during his prime of life, now perceived that the end
 
 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 95 
 
 was near, and began to shift for themselves. Of his four 
 surviving sons, he had imprisoned the eldest during six years ; 
 and finally released him only after eleven years of restraint. 
 The next and most favoured* son so little trusted his father that, 
 after one narrow escape, he never received a letter from the 
 Emperor without turning pale. The third son had been 
 during eighteen years a fugitive in Persia from his father's 
 vengeance, wearying the Shah for an army with which to 
 invade Hindustan. The fourth son had Ifnown what it was 
 to be arrested on suspicion. The finances had sunk into such 
 confusion that the Emperor did not dare to discuss them Avith 
 ' his ministers. With one last effort, he retreated to Ahmad- 
 Aagar ; the Marathas insulting the line of march, but standing 
 aside to allow the litter of the Emperor to pass, in an awed 
 silence. 
 
 The only escape left to the wprn-out Emperor was to die. 
 ' I came a stranger into the world,' he wrote to one of his sons 
 a few days before the end, ' and a stranger I depart. I brought 
 nothing with me, and, save my human infirmities, I carry 
 rwthing away. I have fears for my salvation, and of what 
 torments may aw^ait me. Although I trust in God's mercy, yet 
 terror will not quit me. But, come what may, I have launched 
 my bSrque oil the waves. Farewell, farewell, farewell ! ' The 
 fingers of the dying monarch kept mechanically telling his 
 beads till the last moment. He expired on February 21, 17^7, 
 in the 91st year of his age and the 51st of his reign according 
 to the Muhammadan calendar, or two years less by our reckoning 
 of time. ' Carry this creature of dust to the nearest burying- 
 place,' he said, ' and lay it in the earth without any useless coffin.' 
 His will restricted his Mineral expenses to ten shillings, whiclj^ 
 he had saved fiom the sale of work done with his own hands. 
 Ninety odd pounds that he had earned by copying the Koran, ' 
 he left to the poor. His followers buried him beside the tomb 
 of a famous saint, near the deserted capital of Daulatabad. 
 
 Never since the Assjrrian summer night when the Roman 
 Emperor Julian lay dying of the javelin wound in his side had 
 an imperial policy of reaction ended in so complete a catastrophe. 
 The Roman Empire was destined to centuries of farther 
 suffering before it passed tlirough death into new forms of life.
 
 96 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 
 
 The history of Aurangzeb's successors is a swifter record of ruin. 
 The Hindu military races closed in upon the Mughal Empire ; 
 its Muhammadan viceroys carved out for themselves independent 
 kingdoms from its dismembered provinces. A series of puppet 
 monarchs were set up and pulled down ; seven devastating hosts 
 poured into India through the northern passes ; a new set ot 
 invaders who would take no denial landed from the sea. Less 
 than a century after Aurangzeb's death, Lord Lake, on his entry 
 into Delhi, was shown a feeble old captive of the Hindu 
 Marathas, blinded, poverty-stricken, and half imbecile, sitting 
 upon a tattered canopy, whom he compassionately saluted as 
 the Mughal Emperor. A new rule succeeded in India ; a rule 
 under which the too rapid reforms of Akbar, and the too 
 obstinate reaction of Aurangzeb, are alike impossible. 
 
 Periods of progress have alternated with periods of pause. 
 But the advance has been steady towards that consciousness of 
 solidarity, that enlightenment of the masses, and that capacity 
 for political rights, which mark the gi'owth of a nation. It was 
 by the alienation of the native races that the Mughal Empire 
 perished ; it is by the incorporation of those races into a loyal 
 and a united people that the British rule will endui-e. 
 
 And ye, that read these Ruines Tragicall, , .. 
 Learne, by theu- losse, to love the low degree ; 
 And, if that Fortune chaunce you up to call 
 To Honour's seat, forget not what you be : 
 u For he, that of himself is most secure, 
 
 Shall finde his state most fickle and unsure. 
 
 ^^
 
 r 
 
 IV 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA^ 
 
 THE WORK DONE 
 
 PROTECTION* OF PERSON AND PROPERTY 
 
 British rule in India is again upon its trial. On the one 
 hand, the Government finds itself face to face with problems 
 which, on a much smaller scale in Ireland, are the despair of 
 our wisest statesmen. On the other hand, doubters have arisen 
 who 4^sputje -v^hether our supremacy in the East is a gain either 
 to om'selves or to the peoples over whom we rule. The question 
 as to the benefit of our Indian connection to ourselves is a 
 rhetorical rather than a serious one. For with the downfall of 
 British rule in India would disappear that security of person 
 and property which forms the first essential for our commerce 
 with the East. I, for one, am not aft-aid of the cry of ' Perish 
 India ! ' when I remember that that cry means. Perish the 
 greatest customer of England in all the world ; perish its chief^-^ 
 market for Manchester goods ; perish 50 millions sterling of 
 British trade per annum, AVhat we have reason to fear is not 
 the cry of ' Perish India ! ' but the murmur against the respon- 
 sibilities which our rule in India involves. 
 
 If, however, as some have recently alleged, that rule has 
 failed to benefit the Indian races, then I can sympathize with 
 those who question whether we should extend the responsibili- 
 
 ' Lecture;? delivered at the Philosophical Institution in Edinburgh, 
 1879-80. 
 
 H
 
 98 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 ties which Indian rule entails. For no government has a right 
 to exist which does not exist in the interests of the governed. 
 The test of British rule in India is, not what it has done for 
 ourselves, but what it has done for the Indian people. By this 
 test our work in the East must stand or fall. If our attempt to 
 administer that vast and distant empire has tm'ned out a 
 failure ; if its people are not more free, more secm-e, and more 
 prosperous under British rule than they were under their native 
 dynasties ; then the wise coui'se for Great Britain would seem 
 to be to curtail her former responsibilities, to ? ccept no new 
 ones, and to withdraw as far as may be from an undertaking to. 
 which she had proved miequal. 
 
 If, on the other hand, we find that our countrymen have 
 not failed in their splendid and difficult task ; if we find that 
 British rule in India means order in place of anarchy, protection 
 by the law instead of oppression by the sword, and a vast fi'ee 
 people dwelling in safety where of old each man was beaten 
 do\vn beneath whosoever was stronger than himself, then I think 
 that Great Britain may with a firm heart continue to accept 
 the great responsibility which has fallen to her, and that she 
 may calmly face each new duty which that responsibility in- 
 volves. 
 
 During the last ten years it has been my business to visit, 
 almost every winter, the twelve provinces of India, and to 
 superintend a survey of their population and resources. The 
 Indian Government has, so to speak, ordered me to conduct for 
 it a great stock-taking after a century of British rule. I have 
 often amused myself, dming my solitary peregrinations, by 
 imagining what a Hindu of the last centuiy would think of 
 the present state of his country if he could revisit the earth. 
 I have supposed that his first surprise at the outward physical 
 changes had subsided ; that he had got accustomed to the fact 
 that thousands of square miles of jungle, which in his time 
 were inhabited only by wild beasts, have been turned into fertile 
 crop-lands ; that fever-smitten swamps have been covered with 
 healthy, well-di'ained cities ; that the mountain walls which 
 shut off the interior of India from the seaports have been 
 pierced by roads and scaled by railways ; that the great rivers 
 wliich formed the barriers between provinces, and desolated the
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 99 
 
 country with their floods, have now been controlled to the uses 
 of man, spanned by bridges, and tapped by canals. But what 
 would strike him as more siwprising than these outward changes 
 is the security of the people. In provinces where every man, 
 from the prince to the peasant, a hundred years ago, went 
 armed, he would look round in vain for a matchlock or a sword. 
 He would find the multitudinous native States of India, which 
 he remembered m jealous isolation broken only by merciless 
 wars, now trading quietly with each other, bound together 
 by railways <^nd roads, by the post S,nd the 'telegraph. He 
 • would find, moreover, much that was new as well as much that 
 Avas changed. He would see the country dotted with imposing 
 edifices in a strange foreign architecture, of which he could not 
 guess the uses. He would ^sk what wealthy prince had reared 
 for himself that spacious palace ? He would be answered that 
 the building was no pl'easure-house for the rich, but a hospital 
 for the poor. He would inquire, In honour of what new deity 
 is this splendid shrine ? He would be told that it was no new 
 temple to the gods, but a school for the people. Instead of 
 bristling fortresses, he would see courts of justice ; in place of a 
 Muhammadan general in charge of each district, he would find 
 an English vnagistrate ; instead of a swarming soldiery, he 
 would discover a police. 
 
 He would also detect some mournful features in the land- 
 scape. In provinces where, a hundi-ed years ago, there was 
 plenty of land for everyone who wished to till it, he would see 
 human beings so densely crowded together as to exhaust the soil, 
 And yet fail to wring from it enough to eat. Among a people 
 whose sole means of subsistence was agriculture he would find 
 a landless proletariate springing up, while millions more were 
 clinging with a despairing grip to their half-acre of earth a-piece, 
 under a burden of rack-rent or usury. On the one hand, he would 
 see great bodies of traders and husbandmen living in a security 
 and comfort unknown in the palmiest days of the Mughals. On 
 the other hand, he would ask himself, as I have often asked 
 myself, whether the prosperity of the prosperous is not highly 
 paid for by the poverty of the poor, and whether this splendid 
 fabric of British rule does not rest deep down on a harder 
 struggle for life. 
 
 u2
 
 100 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 I shall endeavom- to present a few scenes of the panorama 
 which would thus pass before his eyes. There are all the signs 
 at present of a new depai'ture in oui' dealings with India, and 
 it is of the utmost importance that the English nation should 
 realise the actual facts. My desire is so to state these facts that 
 they may be read and remembered by numbers of my country- 
 men. It will be in n© vainglorious spirit that I contrast what 
 has been with what is. In thinking of her work in India, 
 Great Britain may proudly look back, but she must also look 
 anxiously forward. If, in these preliminary pages, I dwell on 
 what England has accomplished in India, it is only that I . 
 may clear the way for stating with the greater emphasis what y 
 England has yet to do for the Indian people. • 
 
 Indian frontier affairs have lately occupied much attention, 
 and I shall commence my sketch by a glance at the frontiers of 
 India in the last century. India is a" great three-cornered 
 country, stretching southward from Asia into the sea. Its 
 northern base rests upon the Himalayan ranges ; the chief part 
 of its western side is washed by the Indian Ocean, and of its 
 eastern by the Bay of Bengal. But while thus guarded along 
 the whole length of its boundaries by Nature's defences, the 
 mountains and the sea, it has, at its north-eastern end north- 
 western corners, two opposite sets of gateways which connect it 
 with the rest of Asia. Through these gateAvays successive 
 horde,>s of invaders have poured into India, and in the last 
 century the process was still going on. Each set of new-comers 
 plundered and massacred without mercy and without restraint. 
 Dming 700 years the warring races of Central Asia and 
 Afghanistan filled up their measure of bloodshed and pillage to 
 ""ilhe full. Sometimes they returned with their spoil to their 
 mountains, leaving desolation behind ; sometimes they killed off 
 or drove out the former inhabitants, and settled down in India 
 as lords of the soil ; sometimes they founded imperial dynasties, 
 destined to be crushed, each in its turn, by a new host swarming 
 into India through the Afghan passes. In the middle of the 
 last century, six such inroads on a great scale took place in 
 twenty-three years. The first was led by a soldier of fortune 
 fi'om Persia, who slaughtered Afghan and Indian alike ; the last 
 five were regular Afghan invasions.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 101 
 
 The precise meaning of the word ' invasion ** in India during 
 the last century may be gathered from the following facts. It 
 signified not merely a host of twenty to a hundi'ed thousand 
 barbarians on tlie march, ^^aying for nothing, and eating up 
 every town, and cottage, and farmyard ; burning and slaughter- 
 ing on the slightest provocation, and often in mere sport. It 
 usually also meant a grand final sack and massacre at the 
 capital of the invaded country. Here is t?he account of the fate 
 of Delhi in the first of the six invasions in* the middle of the 
 last century — an account drawn up by the least rhetorical and 
 most philosophical of Indian historialis, the 'father of John 
 Stuart Mill. Delhi had peacefully opened its gates to the 
 -strangers, but a brawl had afterwards arisen between the troops 
 and. the citizens. 'With the first light of the morning,' the 
 invading leader, ' Nadir, issued forth, and, dispersing bands of 
 soldiers in every direction, ordered them to slaughter the inhabi- 
 tants, without regard to age or sex, in every street or avenue in 
 which the body of a mui'dered Persian should be found. From 
 sunrise to midday the sabre raged ; and by that time not less 
 than 8,000 were numbered with the dead. During the massacre 
 and pillage the city was set on fire in several places.' At the 
 end of a fifty-eight days' sack, the plunderers ^vent oft' with 
 theif booty, leaving the capital stripped, burned, and desolate. 
 
 On this first of the six invasions, then, 8,000 men, women, 
 and children were hacked to pieces in one forenoon in the strp,ets 
 of the capital. But the Persian general knew how to stop the 
 massacre at his pleasure. The Afghan leaders had less authority, 
 and their five gi'eat invasions during the thirteen middle years 
 of the last century form one of the most appalling tales of 
 bloodshed and wanton cruelty ever inflicted on the human race. 
 In one of these invasions, the miserable capital, Delhi, again 
 opened her gates and received the Afghans as guests. Yet for 
 several weeks, not merely for six hours on this occasion, the 
 citizens were exposed to every foul enormity which a barbarian 
 army could practise on a prostrate foe. Meanwhile the Afghan 
 cavalry were scouring the country, slaying, burning, and muti- 
 lating in the meanest hamlet as in the greatest town. They took 
 especial delight in sacking the holy places of the Hindus, and 
 murdering the defenceless votaries at the shrines. For example. 
 
 ■"^
 
 102 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 one gang of 25,000 Afghan horsemen swooped down upon the 
 sacred city of Muttra during a festival, while it was thronged 
 with peaceful Hindu pilgrims engaged in their devotions. ' They 
 burned the houses,' says the Tyrolese Jesuit Tieffenthaler, who 
 was in India at that time, ' together with their inmates, 
 slaughtering others with the sword and the lance ; hauling off' 
 into captivity maidens and youths, men and women. In the 
 temples they slaughte.'ed cows,' the sacred animal of the Hindus, 
 ' and smeared the ijjiages and pavement with the blood.' 
 
 It is needless to quote further from the tale of Afghan 
 atrocities in thci last century. They went on year after year, 
 the Afghans being too loosely organized to serve as a barrier • 
 against the hosts from Central Asia, and always ready for an_ 
 Indian invasion on their own account. The boider-land between 
 Afghanistan and India lay silent aud waste ; indeed, districts 
 far within the frontier, which had once been densely inhabited, 
 and which are now again thidkly peopled, were swept bare of 
 inhabitants. Thus Gurjanwala, the seat of the ancient capital 
 of the Punjab in Buddhist times, was utterly depopulated. Its 
 present inhabitants are immigrants of comparatively recent date. 
 The district, which was thus stripped of its inhabitants in the 
 last century, has now a new population of over half a million 
 soiils. The Afghan question survives to this ,day, birt its 
 present form, although by no means easy of solution, is prefer- 
 able to the shape in which it presented itself in the last 
 century. 
 
 In the last century, however, invasions and inroads were 
 yearly events along the whole frontier of India. The Hima- 
 layan mountains, instead of serving as a northern wall to shut 
 out aggressors, formed a line of fastnesses from M'^hich the hill 
 ^rJtces poured down upon the plains. For fifteen hundred miles 
 along their base stretched a thick belt of territory which no one 
 dared to cultivate. This silent border-land varied from twenty 
 to fifty miles in breadth, and embraced a total area of 30,000 
 square miles, that yielded no food for man, but teemed Avith 
 \n\d beasts, which nightly sallied forth to ravage the herds and 
 hamlets in the open country beyond. Such a border-land 
 seemed to the miserable villagers on the plains to be the best 
 possible frontier ; for its dense jungles served as some sort of
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 103 
 
 barrier against the invasions of the wild Himalayan races, and it 
 bred deadly fevers whic;h made havoc of armies that attempted 
 a passage through it. Indeed, the ancient Hindu laws of Manu, 
 Avi'itten more than 2,000 ye£y.'s ago, ordained, as a protection to 
 a royal city or kingdom, a belt of wilderness tAventy miles 
 around it in place of fortifications ; an,d the peasantry of 
 Northern India were thankful in the last century for the tract 
 of disease-laden jungle which, to a certain CKtent, defended them 
 from the savage hillmen beyond. , 
 
 Such was the state of the north-western and the long 
 northern boundary of India before the cstablisli^nent of British 
 •rule. A glance at the north-eastern border discloses a still 
 more painful picture. The history of the fertile valley of Assam, 
 in the north-easteVn corner of India, is one long narrative of 
 invasion and exterminatioi?. Anciently the seat of a powerful 
 Hindu kingdom, whose ruined forts of massive hewn stone we 
 find bm'ied in the jungle, Assam v^as devastated, like the rest of 
 Eastern Bengal, by the fanatical Muhammadan invaders in the 
 fifteenth century from the west. A fierce aboriginal race (the 
 Koch) next swooped down on it from the north. They in turn 
 were crushed by another aboriginal race (the Ahams) from the 
 east ; and these again were being exterminated by the Burmese 
 fro m# the soivth, when they implored the English to interfere. 
 During the last century large tracts of Assam were depopulated, 
 and throughout that province and Eastern Bengal 30,000 
 square miles of fertile frontier districts lay waste. In addition 
 to these systematic invasions, the smaller liill tribes every 
 autumn rushed down upon the miserable hamlets which were 
 left and drove away the women and the cattle. 
 
 The gi'eat mountain, wall round Northern India failed there- 
 fore, till the British came upon the scene, to afford any security 
 to the Indian races. The sea, which forms the natural defence 
 of the rest of the country, was in like manner only a source of 
 new dangers. On the Bay of Bengal, the pirates from the 
 Burmese coast sailed up the gi-eat rivers, burning the villages, 
 massacring or carrying off into slavery the inhabitants. Tlie 
 first English surveyor, in the second half of the last century, 
 entered on his maps a fertile and now populous tract of a 
 thousand square miles on the sea-board, as bare of villages, with
 
 104 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 the significant words written across it, ' Depopulated by the 
 Maghs/ or sea-robbers. A fleet was ineffectually maintained 
 by the Muhammadan Government to keep open the river 
 channels, and a heavy impost, whos*„ name survives to the pre- 
 sent day, although the tax itself has long been abolished, was in 
 vain levied for this service. On the other side of the peninsula, 
 in the Indian Ocean, piracy was conducted on a grander scale. 
 Wealthy rajas kept iip luxurious Courts upon the extortions 
 which their pirate? fleets levied from trading vessels, and 
 from the villages along the coast. The truth is that the 
 natural defences ^of Inditl, the mountains and the sea, were in 
 the last century equally powerless to protect the Indian races. 
 
 This state of things could not be permitted under. 
 British rule, and the first business of the English was to secm'e 
 India from foreign invasions. The sea robbers were effectively 
 dealt with. One of Clive's achievements was rooting out the 
 pirate nests of the south-western coast ; and the Indian navy, 
 after sweeping the robber hordes from the sea, and rendering 
 Indian waters as safe as the English Channel, finished its work 
 nineteen years ago, and was abolished in 1861. The unruly 
 tribes of the Himalayan frontiers had always their hill fastnesses 
 to retreat to. Their subjugation took a longer time, and is 
 less complete, as our troubles with Afghanistan" still attest. 
 But by persuasion, and, when necessary, by chastisement, Ave have 
 tavght the Avild races along the whole northern and north- 
 eastern frontier, for a distance of 1,500 miles, the lesson that 
 they must please keep quiet, and betake themselves to some 
 other livelihood than the pillage of the husbandmen on the 
 plains. Most of them have proved apt scholars. The great 
 kingdom of Nepal on the north, whkh forced us to coiTect 
 its inveterate practice of raiding by two campaigns, followed by 
 partial annexation, has, for the last sixty years, been our firm 
 ally, and hurried out its armies to our help in the Mutiny of 1857. 
 At one time during this long interval the dynastic intrigues, 
 always fermenting in a native Court .^xxeatened to bring the 
 Nepalese into conflict with the British ; and on that occasion the 
 whole kingdom of Nepal was kept loyal to its treaties, through a 
 prolonged crisis, by the firmness and skill of a single English- 
 man, Brian Hodgson. Other native States, like the principality
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 105 
 
 of Kuch Behar, at once settled down into peaceful industry. 
 Its first and only treaty mth us, dated 1773, remains unbroken 
 by either party to this day, a monument of mutual good faith. 
 
 A firm frontier being t^tablished in Northern India, the 
 peasantry spread themselves out upon the unoccupied border- 
 lands. The task of reclaiming these tracts has been a heavy 
 one. In some parts, as in the now prosperous district of 
 Goalpara with its half-million of inhabitants, more money was 
 I spent, until twenty-five years ago, by Government in rewards 
 for killing the wild animals than the whole sum realised from 
 the land revenue. This broad belt of waste land along the 
 frontier was almost the only unoccupied territory which the 
 British Government could grant to European settlers. The 
 first. British capitalists had to do battle alike with the banditti 
 and the wild beasts. We read in the manuscript records of 1788 
 of a Mr. Raush, one o:f the earliest, English merchants in Assam, 
 who made an alliance on his own account with the local raja, 
 and sent a private regiment of 700 men to the aid of that 
 prince. While the natives of India have pushed their rice 
 cultivation towards the foot of the mountains, English 
 capitalists have dotted their slopes with tea plantations. Not 
 less than 13,000 square miles of border districts have been re- 
 claimed, and yield each year at the lowest estimate eighteen 
 millions sterling worth of produce. The tea gardens alone 
 exported last year three millions sterling worth of tea, chiefly to 
 England. 
 
 The unsettled frontier of the last century meant that sixty 
 thousand square miles of border-land (double the whole area of 
 Scotland) were abandoned to jungle and the wild beasts, not 
 because there were no people to cultivate the soil, but because 
 they did not dare to do so. It signified that tracts %\'hich 
 might have yielded, and which will yet yield, thirty millions 
 sterling worth of food each year lay unfilled through terror of 
 the tm'bulent hill races. The security given by a century of 
 British rule in these nv^- tier districts means 13,000 square 
 miles already brought under the plough, gi'owing each year 
 eighteen millions sterling worth of produce, or more than the 
 average normal cost of the Indian army and the whole defence 
 of the Indian Empire.
 
 106 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 The task of freeing India from foreign invasion was, however, 
 only the first of many heavy responsibilities which our acquisition 
 of the country entailed. The dying throes of the Mughal Empire 
 had let loose its disbanded or revpHed armies upon the people 
 The troops, finding that their pay was no longer forthcoming 
 from the Muhammq.dan treasury, lived by open pillage. In 
 what are now the most peaceful and most populous districts 
 of Bengal there were, in the last century, standing camps of 
 banditti. Many of the principal native families, being ruined 
 by the exactions of the Musalman tax-gatherers, betook them- 
 selves to plunder:. The} sheltered the banditti on their estates, 
 levied black-mail from the surrounding villages as the price of 
 immunity from depredation, and shared in the pillage of such 
 as would not come to terms. Their country houses were robber 
 strongholds, and the English judges of the last century have 
 left it on record that a gang robbery never occuiTcd without a 
 landed proprietor being at the bottom of it. 
 
 Lawlessness breeds lawlessness, and the miserable peasants, 
 stripped of their little hoards, were forced to become plunderers 
 in their turn. Many ' husbandmen,' says an official report of 
 1771, 'who have hitherto bome the first of characters among 
 their neighbours, piu-sue this last resom'ce to procure them- 
 selves a subsistence.' The Council of Calcutta reported iml772 
 that organized gangs of robbers were burning, plundering, and 
 ravaging the interior districts of Bengal in bodies of 50,000 
 men. • The English found no police in India to cope with this 
 great evil. Each village had its watchman, but the village 
 watchman would have been powerless against the robber gangs, 
 and so he entered into league with them. For a time the East 
 India Company's troops were constantly engaged against the 
 banditti. In 1773 we hear of our Sepoys ' being totally 
 defeated ' by a robber horde, and ' their English leader with 
 the whole party cut off.' But by degi-ees these vast armies 
 of banditti were broken up, and scattered themselves over the 
 country in smaller gangs. 
 
 Such lawlessness was the normal condition of all India for 
 a full half-century, and in some provinces for many centuries, 
 before the advent of British rule. A long succession of invaders 
 during 700 years had crushed beneath them the preceding
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 107 
 
 races. In many instances the previous inhabitants were driven 
 from their fields altogether and forced to take refuge in the 
 mountains or jungles. They then became what is called in 
 India a ' depressed race,' cjr a ' predatory caste." In every 
 province we find one or more of these depressed or vanquished 
 races, such as the Bhars of Oudh, the Rhils of Jalami, the 
 Gaulis of the Central Provinces, the Chan dels and Bundelas of 
 Bundelkhand, the Ahams of Assam, besides ^ the numerous hill 
 tribes scattered over the country. In the »last century there 
 were over a hundred hereditary ' predatory castes "■ or marauding 
 hill and forest tribes in India, and many of their names survive 
 to our days in the census of 18T1 ; that is to say, there were 
 more than one hundred resolute communities openly living 
 irom generation t6 generation by plunder. 
 
 Here, then, was a gr&at organisation of the criminal 
 classes, which had long existed, and which the English had to 
 put down without the*aid of any regular police. At first the 
 Company's servants attempted to extirpate crime by copying 
 the cruel criminal code of the Musalmans. Warren Hastings, 
 for example, made a law that every convicted gang robber should 
 be executed ; that he should be executed in all the forms and 
 terrors of the native law in his own village ; that his whole 
 family should ,be made slaves, and that every inhabitant of the 
 village should be fined. The gang robbers retaliated by incen- 
 diarism on a great scale throughout the country. In 1780 thej^ 
 were believed to have caused a conflagration of Calcutta *vhich 
 bui'ned down 15,000 houses. Nearly 200 people perished in the 
 flames, ' Deduct,' saith the deed for the Benares District for the 
 year 1782, ' deduct the devastations, &c., of two months' distur- 
 bances, sicca rupees 666,666,' or over 70,000Z. ' A few nights 
 ago,' says a Calcutta newspaper of 1780, ' four armed men entereci 
 the house of a Moorman, near Chowringhi,' the principal street, 
 ' and carried off' his daughter,' No native ever ventm'ed out after 
 dusk with a good shawl on ; and it was the invariable practice, 
 even in English mansions in Calcutta, for the porter to lock the 
 outer door at the commencement of each meal, and not to open 
 it again till the butler brought him word that the plate was 
 safely shut up in its strong box. Clear cases of fire-raising are 
 constantly recorded, and at length it was gravely recommended
 
 108 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 ' that all those owning straw houses should have a long bamboo 
 Avith three hooks at the end to catch the villains.'' 
 
 All this has changed. Strange as it may sound, there is 
 now less crime in India than in England. For each million 
 persons in England and Wales there are about 870 criminals 
 always in gaol. In" India, where the police is very completely 
 organized, there are only 614 prisoners in gaol for each million 
 of the people. Moreover, in England and Wales there are 340 
 women in gaol for each million of the female population, while 
 in India they have only twenty-eight Avomen in gaol for each 
 million of the female population. The petty offences, punished 
 by a fine, are also less numerous in Bengal than in England, 
 compared with the total number of inhabitants. These gaol 
 returns are sometimes misleading, owing to differences in the 
 class of punishment inflicted, but I have satisfied myself that 
 the above figures substantially represent the facts. The use of 
 troops against banditti is now a thing of the past. The exis- 
 tence of an army is less realised in a rural district of Bengal 
 than in an English shire. Of the sixty -three millions of people 
 in that province, probably forty millions go through life with- 
 out ever seeing the face of a soldier. 
 
 A centmy of British rule has, therefore, not only secured 
 the Indian frontier from invaders, but it has freed the iiUerior 
 of India from banditti. How has this result been achieved ? 
 Eartly by legislation and partly by police. The English in 
 India recognised the fact that they had a special class of crimes 
 to deal with, and they framed a special department of criminal 
 law to put those crimes down. ' The dakaits or gang robbers 
 of Bengal,"* so runs a State paper written in 1772, ' are not, 
 like the robbers of England, individuals driven to such desperate 
 courses by sudden want. They are robbers by profession and 
 even by birth. They are formed into regular communities, and 
 their families subsist by the spoils which they bring home to 
 them.' These spoils were frequently brought from great dis- 
 tances ; and peaceful villages 300 miles up the Ganges lived by 
 housebreaking in Calcutta. A special law was therefore framed 
 against the crime of dakaiti, or gang robbery, that is to say, 
 robbery committed by five or more persons. Another special 
 crime was thagiy or strangling dexterously performed by bands
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 109 
 
 of professional murderers disguised as travelling merchants or 
 pilgrims. The thug's and daJcaits, or hereditary stranglers and 
 gang robbers, thought none the worse of themselves for their 
 profession, and were regarde'd by their countrymen with an awe 
 which in the last centmy could hardly be distinguished from 
 respect. ' I am a thag- or strangler of the "Royal Records,' one 
 of these gentlemen was good enough to explain to an English 
 officer : ' I and my fathers have been professional stranglers for 
 twenty generations.' Accordingly special laws were framed to 
 deal with the crime of ' being a thag ' or professional strangler. 
 
 Special laws, however, would have done verj"^ little without 
 special police. A separate department of the criminal adminis- 
 tration was thereibre created to deal with these widespread 
 special crimes of India. Jt has effectively done its work. 
 Some time ago, I was taken to visit the principal gaol of one 
 of the Indian provinces. At parting, when I was thanking the 
 governor of the prison for all he had shown me, he exclaimed : 
 ' Ah ! there is one thing more we must not forget to see.' 
 He took me to a well-ventilated, comfortable room in the gaol 
 hospital, where, lolling upon pillows, reclined a reverend, 
 white-bearded man. ' This,' he said, ' is the last of our thags. 
 He alone survives of the batch which we received twenty-five 
 years ago.' I* found that the venerable strangler had been for 
 fifteen years enjoying himself in the hospital, the object of much 
 solicitude to the doctors, and his life carefully prolongj^d 'Ay 
 medical comforts, as an interesting relic of the past. 
 
 Nevertheless, this problem also presents itself from time to 
 time, although in a mitigated form. The old predatory castes, 
 the survivals of down-trodden, half-exterminated races under the 
 native dynasties, still cliii^ to their wandering life. But inOjst 
 of them, like the Bediyas, are now merely gipsy families, who 
 roam from village to village, earning a little rice by their 
 singing and juggling, or by their dexterity as bird-catchers, 
 basket-weavers, and fortune-tellers. Their boldest flight in 
 robbery is the pilfering of a stray chicken or kid. In recently 
 annexed parts of India, however, as in the province of Oudh, 
 the old predatory clans still give trouble. A special law, 
 entitled the Criminal Tribes Act, has accordingly been levelled 
 against them, and is occasionally enforced. For example, in the
 
 110 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 Gonda district of Oudh, which passed under British rule only 
 in 1855, there is a caste of professional thieves called Bar wars. 
 They spread over the country in communities of forty or fifty, 
 and have no objection to rob temples, but will not steal cattle. 
 They go on more distant expeditions in parties of two or three. 
 Their plunder is fairly divided, a portion being set apart to buy 
 offerings of goats apd ardent spirits to their patron goddess, 
 and a fixed percentage being paid to the land-holder of the 
 village. They carry on their trade with hereditary skill ; but 
 the rides of their religiqn sternly restrict their operations to the 
 daytime, between sunrise and sunset. Any Barwar stealing by 
 night is ignominiously turned out of the caste. In 1869 these 
 scrupulous gentlemen numbered 2,500 in a single pargana or 
 parish. But they have, under British rule, sunk from their 
 ancient dignity as a hereditary robber community, and, like my 
 old friend the professional strangler in the gaol hospital, they 
 are regarded with much interest by the local authorities as a 
 relic of the past. They have been placed under the operation 
 of the Criminal Tribes Act, and are now betaking themselves to 
 the more commonplace callings of small husbandmen and petty 
 pilferers. Throughout almost the whole of British India the 
 ancient special crimes have been extirpated. The old cripiinal 
 tribes find it more profitable to be on the side of the law than 
 against it, and now seek employment as detectives or house- 
 watchmen. We have seen how the Indian navy, after having 
 swept the sea of piracy and cleared out the robber nests at the 
 river mouths, finished its work, and was abolished nineteen years 
 ago. In like manner, the old lawlessness in the interior has 
 now disappeared, and the special branch of the criminal ad- 
 ministration known as the Tliagi and 'Dakaiti or Stianglers' and 
 Gang Robbers'" Department has practically ceased from its 
 operations in British India. 
 
 We have of late years heard a great deal about Indian 
 famines. The heart of England has been touched by tales of 
 suffering and privation on a vast scale, and the charity of 
 England has flowed forth on a scale equally munificent. Famine 
 is now recognised as one of the most difficult problems with 
 which the Indian administration has to deal. A hundred years 
 ago it was regarded not as a problem of administration, but as
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 111 
 
 a visitation of God utterly beyond the control of man. When 
 ] the rains, on which the crops depended, fell short, no crops were 
 reared, and the people perished. Sometimes their failure was 
 confined to a single district, and only a few thousand families 
 starved to death. Sometimes their faijm-e extended to a 
 province, and the victims were counted by hundi-eds of 
 thousands. More rarely the rains failed* over a still greater 
 area, and, as in 1770, a third of the whole ^(opulation perished. 
 The loss of life was accepted in each case as a natm^al 
 and an inevitable consequence of the loss, of the crop. 
 The earth had yielded no food, and so the people, in the 
 ordinary and legitimate course of things, died. The famine of 
 1837 left behind so temble a memory that to this day the 
 peas:ants of Hamirpur employ it as an era by which to calcu- 
 late their ages. Such calamities are accepted as the ordinary 
 and inevitable visitations of Providence in Asia. It is said 
 that the recent famine in Northern China stripped large tracts 
 of one-half their inhabitants. 
 
 Here is a bird's-eye view of a single famine in the last 
 centmy, taken almost word for word from the official records. 
 ' The fields of rice,' one of the native superintendents of Bengal 
 reported in the autumn of 1769, ' are become like fields of 
 di'ied straw.' •■ The mortality,' \\Tote the President of the 
 Bengal Council in the following spring — 'the mortality, the 
 beggary exceed all description. Above one-third of the itihabi- 
 tants have perished in the once plentiful province of Purniah, 
 and in' other parts the misery is equal,' All through the 
 tftifling summer of 1770 the people went on dying. The 
 husbandmen sold their cattle ; they sold their implements of 
 agriculture ; they devourt^d their seed-grain ; they sold th^r 
 sons and daughters, till at length no buyer of children could be 
 found ; they ate the leaves of trees and the giass of the field ; 
 and in June 1770, the Resident at the Durbar affirmed that the 
 living were feeding on the dead. Day and night a ton-ent of 
 famished and disease-stricken wretches poured into the gieat 
 cities. At an early period of the year, pestilence had broken 
 out. In March we find small-pox at Murshidabad, where it 
 glided through the viceregal guards, and cut off the Prince 
 Saifat in his palace. The streets were blocked up with promis-
 
 112 
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 cuous heaps of the dying and dead. Interment could not do its 
 work quick enough; even the dogs and jackals, the public 
 scavengers of the East, became unable to accomplish their 
 revolting work, and the multitude of mangled and festering 
 corpses at length threatened the existence of the citizens. 
 
 Tavo years after the dearth, Warren Hastings made a progress 
 thi'ough Bengal, and he deliberately states the loss to have been 
 ' at least one-third, of the inhabitants,' or probably about ten 
 millions of people. Nineteen years later, the next Governor- 
 General, Lord Cornwallis, had still to report to the Court of 
 Directors that one-third of the Company's territory in Bengal 
 was 'a jungle inhabited only by wild beasts.' 
 
 In that terrible summer of 1770, in which ten millions of 
 peasants perished, only 9,000Z. were distributed to aid. the 
 starving population of Bengal. ' A centui-y later, in the much 
 milder Bengal scarcity of 1874, the British Government spent 
 close on four millions sterling, and dui-ing the five years ending 
 1878 it devoted over fourteen millions sterling in feeding its 
 people dui-ing famine. Here is one great difference between 
 the last century and the present one. But it is by no means 
 the most important difference. In the last centmy neither the 
 Government nor the people thought that it was possible to deal 
 with a great Indian famine. Any such effort* were, iii the 
 words of the Bengali proverb, merely watering tlie top of a tree 
 uhose^ roots are cut. In the present centmy, earnest efforts 
 have been made to bring famine within administrative control. 
 A vast organisation of preventive and remedial agencies is con- 
 stantly kept in readiness to deal with the periodically recuiTing 
 dearths. Canals, irrigation works of many kinds, railways, 
 roads, steamboats, and every impro\^d form of modern com- 
 munication, together with State charity in India and the 
 munificent benevolence of the British nation at home — these 
 are the weapons with which the Indian Government now does 
 battle against famine. 
 
 That battle is not yet won. Many Indian administrators 
 of gTeat experience, both English and native, still believe that, 
 when a real famine has once developed itself, it is impossible to 
 prevent a terrible loss of life. This is a subject which will re- 
 quire very faithful dealing. The temptation in modern times
 
 ENGLAND\S WORK TN INDIA 113 
 
 is not to gTudge State aid during famine, but to lavish the 
 public funds with an open hand, so that each official may be 
 able to say that nothing which money could accomplish for the 
 starving population was left "undone. The problem of Indian 
 famine is still unsolved ; but it has been accepted by all earnest 
 administrators as one for which we must find a solution. The 
 famine of 1877 and 1878 is supposed to have raised the mor- 
 tality from 35 to 63 per thousand, causing jfrom disease and 
 starvation throughout ail India an excess of 5\ million deaths. 
 But the cultivated area in the stricken tracts was greater, by 
 120,000 acres, after the famine than before it. Heartrending 
 as was the calamity, it produced no results analogous to those 
 of famines in the last century and early years of the present 
 one, . when ' half the ryots were credibly reported to have 
 perished,' when the landed classes were completely disorganized, 
 and a third of the land.relapsed into jungle. 
 
 The effect of famine in modern times upon the gi-owth of 
 the population is almost imperceptible. Taking the whole 
 scarcities of the past thirty years, the Commissioners estimate 
 the annual deaths from the diseases and all other causes con- 
 nected with famine at * less than 2 per 1,000 ' of the inhabitants. 
 Permanent depopulation from any cause is now unknown. No 
 frontier belt i.f left waste through fear of invasions from the 
 north, no provinces are swept clean by Maratha cavalry from 
 the south, no villages are laid waste by internal banditti* and 
 no districts are now stripped of inhabitants by famine. In 
 the last -century all these causes of depopulation were at work. 
 The quick-growing jungle spread over the deserted land, and 
 the fierce beasts of the tropics were the undisputed lords of 
 fertile tracts. In the o^4 revenue accounts of the native 
 Government during the last century there was a eolumn in each 
 district for palataKa or deserted lands, literally ' the lands from 
 Avhich the people had fled."" Even ten years after the famine of 
 1770, a once populous district was a silent jungle ; and in 1780 
 a small body of Sepoys coidd with difficulty force its way 
 through its forests. ' For 120 miles,' says an eye-witness, 
 * they marched tlii-ough but an extensive wood, all the way a 
 perfect wilderness ; sometimes a small village, presented itself 
 in the midst of these jungles, with a little cultivated ground 
 
 I
 
 114 
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 around it, hardly sufficient to encamp the two battalions. 
 These woods abound with tigers and bears, which infested the 
 camp every night, but did no other damage than carrying off a 
 child and killing some of the gentlemen's baggage bullocks."" 
 
 As the rural communities relinquished their hamlets and 
 di'ew closer together towards the centre of a district, the wild 
 beasts pressed hung\"ily on their rear. In vain the East India 
 Company offered |a reward for each tiger''s head sufficient to 
 maintain a peasant's family in comfort for three months — an 
 item of outlay which ^our officers deemed so important that 
 when, in the financial crisis of 1790-91, the Treasmy had to 
 suspend all payments, it made the tiger-money and diet allow- 
 ance for prisoners the sole exceptions to the, rule. In vain ^t 
 spent the whole land revenue of a .frontier district in revrards 
 for killing wild beasts. A belt of jungle filled with ferocious 
 animals lay for years around the cultiva^.ed land. The official 
 records frequently speak of the mail-bag being carried off" by 
 tigers, and the custom of the mail-runners carrying a bell to 
 scare away the wild beasts survived to om- own da3^ Lord 
 Cornwallis, in 1789, had to sanction a grant of public money 
 to free the military road through Bengal from the depredations 
 of these animals. 
 
 The ravages of the wild elephants were on* a larger' scale, 
 and their extermination formed one of the most important 
 ^utieii of the British officers after the country passed under our 
 rule. Tigers, leopards, and wolves slew their thousands of men 
 and their hundreds of thousands of cattle. But the • herd of 
 wild elephants was absolutely resistless, lifting off" roofs, pushing 
 down walls, trampling a village under foot as if it were a city 
 ef sand which a child had built 4rtjpon the shore. In two 
 districts alone, during the last few years of the native adminis- 
 tration, fifty-six hamlets with their surrounding lands ' had all 
 been destroyed and gone to jungle, caused by the depredations 
 of wild elephants,' Another official return states that forty 
 market villages throughout Birbhum district had been deserted 
 from the same cause. Large reductions had to be made in the 
 land tax, and the East India Company borrowed tame elephants 
 from the native Viceroy's stud in order to catch the wild ones. 
 ' I had ocular proof on my journey,' writes an English officer in
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 115 
 
 1791, 'of their ravages. The poor timid native ties his cot in 
 a tree, to which he retires when the elephants approach, and 
 silently views the destrnctiwn of his cottage and the whole 
 profits of his labour." ' One night," writes an English surveyor 
 in 1810, 'although I had a guard, the men of the village close 
 to my tent retired to the trees, and the women hid themselves 
 among the cattle, leaving their huts a prey* to the elephants, 
 who know very well where to look for grain. Two nights be- 
 fore, some of them had unroofed a hut in the village, and had 
 eaten up all the grain which a poor famtly posst^sed.' ' Most 
 fortunately for the population of the country,' wrote the greatest 
 elephant hunter of the last century, ' they delight in the 
 secj'iestered range oF the mountains ; if they preferred the plains, 
 whole kingdoms would be laiS waste." 
 
 All this is now changed. One of the complaints of the 
 modern Englishman in India is that he can so seldom get a 
 shot at a tiger. Wolves are dying out in many provinces ; the 
 ancient Indian lion has disappeared. The wild elephant is so 
 rare that he is specially protected by the Government, and in 
 most parts of India he can only be caught by official licence 
 and under official supervision. Many districts have petitioned 
 for a alose season, so as to pi-eserve the edible game still 
 remaining. The only animal that has defied the energy of the 
 British official is the snake. One may, however, judge of the* 
 loss of life by wild beasts in the last century from the deaths 
 caused by this their chief survivor at the present day. The 
 ascertained number of persons who died from snake-bite in 
 ISTS was 17,000, out of a total of 21,391 killed by snakes and 
 all other wild animals. The deaths from wild beasts in the last 
 century were probably not under 150,000 a year. 
 
 I shall now briefly sunnnarise some of the outward and 
 obvious results of a century of British rule. As regards the 
 northern or Himalayan frontier of India, the wild hill tribes 
 are no longer invaders, but are employed as loyal soldiers or 
 border police. As regards the southern fiontier of India, the 
 sea, the pirate races have been converted into cheap and 
 excellent seamen. Indian waters are now as safe as the English 
 Channel, and the Indian navy, having finished its work, is 
 disbanded. As regards internal disturbances, banditti are 
 
 I 2
 
 116 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 unknown, breaches of the law are rarer in India than in Eng- 
 land, and the special department which was created to deal with 
 the old special crimes of India now finds no more work to 
 do within the British provinces. Famine, which in the last 
 centmy was considered as the act of God, beyond any help of 
 man, has been accepted as the great administrative problem of 
 om' day ; and a vast'organization of public works, State relief, and 
 private charity is interposed between the Indian races and the 
 merciless calamities of nature. As regards the reclamation of 
 M^aste land, formerly tl:-e local hero was the man who cut down 
 the jungle ; now a special branch of legislation is required to 
 enable the Government to conserve what jmigle remains, and 
 to plant fresh forests. These are a few of the outward and 
 visible results of a centiu-y of British rule in India.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 117 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 
 
 There are other and less obvious results of British rule ; and 
 perhaps foremost among them is the development of new 
 industries and the, growth of great centres of trade. Com- 
 mercial cities, in our sense oi^ the word, did not exist in ancient 
 India. The capital was the standing camp of the mona,rch ; its 
 trade depended upon the presence of the Court. Magnificent 
 Emperors required magnificent cities around them, and an in- 
 considerate or a tyrannical prince ordered the movements of the 
 citizens as he ordered the movements of his troops. One cruel 
 Emperor of the house of Tughlak forced the whole inhabitants 
 of Delhi, in the north of India, to migi-ate to his new capital, 
 Daulatabad, 700 miles away in the distant south. Thousands 
 perished on thfe road. The king twice changed his mind. 
 Twice he allowed the miserable people to return to Delhi ; 
 twice he compelled them on pain of death to leave it. Que of 
 these forced migrations took place during a famine ; a gi'eat 
 part of* the citizens died of hunger; the rest were utterly 
 ruined. But, says the historian, ' the Emperor's orders were 
 strictly complied %vith, and the ancient capital was left 
 desolate."" .» • 
 
 A large exteinal trade was indeed an impossibility at the 
 native metropolis, Delhi, which lay more than a thousand miles 
 from the river's mouth. But even the capitals of the seaboard 
 provinces were chosen for military purposes, and with small 
 regard to the commercial capabilities of their situation. Thus, 
 in Lower Bengal, the Muhanmiadans under dift'erent dynasties 
 fixed in succession on six towns as their capital. Each of these 
 successive capitals was on a river bank ; but not one of them 
 possessed any foreign trade, nor indeed could have been
 
 118 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 approached by an old East Indiaman. They were simply the 
 Coui't and camp of the king or the viceroy for the time being. 
 Colonies of skilful artisans settled round the palaces of the 
 nobles to supply the luxurious fabrics of oriental life. After 
 the prince and Court had in some new caprice abandoned the 
 city, the artisans remained, and a little settlement of weavers 
 was often the sole surviving proof that the decaying town had 
 once been a capita^city. Thus the exquisite muslins of Dacca 
 and the soft silks of Murshidabad still bear witness to the days 
 when these two places were successively the capital of Bengal. 
 The artisans forked ih their own houses. The manufactures 
 of India were essentially domestic industries, conducted by 
 special castes, each member of which wove at his own 
 hereditary loom, and in his own village or homestead. 
 
 One of the earliest results of British rule in India was the 
 gi'owth of great mercantile towns. Our rule derived its origin 
 from our commerce, and from the first the East India 
 Company's efforts were directed to creating centres for 
 maritime trade. Other European nations, the Portuguese, the 
 Dutch, the Danes, and the French, have rivalled us as mer- 
 chants and conquerors in India, and each of them in turn 
 attempted to found great seaports. The long Indian coast, 
 both on the east and the west, is dotted Avith decaying a illages 
 which were once the busy scenes of those nations' early 
 ^European trade. Of all their famous capitals in India, not one 
 has now the commercial importance of Cardiff or Greenock, and 
 not one of them has a harbour which would admit at low tide 
 a ship drawing twenty feet. 
 
 The truth is that it is far easier to pitch a camp and erect 
 a palace, which, under the native dynasties, was synonymous 
 Avith founding a capital, than it is to create a centre of trade. 
 Such centres must grow of themselves, and cannot be called 
 suddenly into existence by the fiat of the wisest autocrat. It is 
 in this difficult enterprise, in which the Portuguese, the Dutch, 
 the Danes, and the French had successively failed, that the 
 British in India have succeeded. We make our appearance in 
 the long list of races who have ruled that splendid Empire, not 
 as temple builders like the Hindus, nor as palace and tomb 
 builders like the Musalmans, nor as fort builders like the
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 119 
 
 Marathas, nor as church builders like the Portuguese, but in the 
 more commonplace capacity of town builders, as a nation that 
 had the talent for selecting sites on which gi'eat commercial 
 cities would grow up, and who have in this way created a new 
 industrial life for the Indian people. 
 
 Calcutta and Bombay, the two commercial capitals of India, 
 are essentially the creations of British rule. Shortly after 
 Bombay was ceded by the Portuguese to the British Crown in 
 1661, as part of the dower of the wife of Charles II., the king 
 was glad to hand over his unprofitable acquisition, which was 
 then considered the grave of Europeans, to* a company of 
 London merchants for an annual payment of lOZ. in gold. 
 Bombay city has now close on three-quarters of a million of 
 inhabitants, living entirely by commerce. It ranks next to 
 London (if we except Calcutta and its municipal subm-bs) in 
 the cities of the British Empire. Its population is nearly one 
 and a-half times that of Glasgow or Liverpool, and nearly 
 double that of Manchester or Birmingham. 
 
 The history of Calcutta, the metropolis of India, is still 
 more striking. Together with its municipal suburbs, it has a 
 population exceeding three-quarters of a million, or nearly 
 double that of any city in Great Britain except London. Less 
 than* two centuries ago, when our countrymen first settled at 
 Calcutta, they were a poor band of fugitive merchants seeking 
 shelter from the extortions of the native ruler of Bengal ; ai,>d 
 the futm-e City of Palaces consisted of three clusters of mud 
 huts OM the river bank. It was not their first attempt to found 
 a city where they could trade in peace. The seaboard of 
 Bengal was the scene of many an earlier and unsuccessful effort. 
 Sometimes the English were driven away by the exactions of 
 the native general in charge of the surroimding district ; some- 
 times the river on which their little town was rising shifted its 
 course, and left their wharves high and dry ; sometimes the 
 estuary which they had fixed upon as a harbour silted up, and 
 long banks of sand rose between their port and the sea. 
 Calcutta on the eastern coast of India, and Bombay on the 
 west, are the results of a long and patient series of unsuccessful 
 efforts — they represent the survival of the fittest ; and many 
 an English heart was broken, and many a hard-earned fortune
 
 120 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 lost, in attempting to found ports at the mouths of silting 
 rivers, and amid the dismal Bengal swamps, before Calcutta 
 rose to its proud position, next to London, as the metropolis of 
 India and the second city of the British Empire. 
 
 In one of these deserted seats of the early British trade I 
 have seen the husbandman driving his plough over what were 
 once the wet docks, and turning up spars and rotten fragments 
 of sloops from the furrows. Others of them have entirely dis- 
 appeared from the map. For example, the harbom* on the 
 Orissa seaboard, which was officially reported, as late as 1809, 
 to be the safest' and most frequented port on that coast, has 
 now ceased to exist. The mouth of the river has so completely 
 silted up, and is so perfectly concealed by a dense fringe of 
 jungle, that it is almost impossible for a strange vessel to 
 discover it. A similar ruin has, in a milder degi'ee, fallen on 
 every ancient seaport of India. All round the Indian coast, 
 from the Gulf of Cambay to the mouths of the Irawadi, the 
 silt-bearing rivers and the sand-charged tides have built up 
 barriers of mud between the old historic harbours and modern 
 commerce. 
 
 This fate would long ago have overtaken Calcutta but for 
 the strenuous efforts of our countrymen. The Hugli river, upon 
 which Calcutta lies, forms one of the chief nlbuths of the 
 Ganges. Six great historical ports have been built upon its 
 bA,nks.^ The oldest of them, Satgaon, the ancient royal port 
 of Bengal under the native dynasties, has been completely 
 deserted by the navigable channel, and is now a thatched Village 
 crumbling upon the banks of a muddy ditch. The Dutch, the 
 French, and the Danes each set up capitals and ports of their 
 owTi on the Hugli river, off which vesjsels of the largest tonnage 
 in the last century used to lie. Every one of these once 
 famous emporiums is now blocked up by banks of sand and 
 silt, and is unapproachable by sea-going ships at the present 
 day. 
 
 Calcutta has been saved from the same isolation by a system 
 of river-engineering which forms one of the memorable triumphs 
 in the contest of man with nature. The river Hugli has ceased 
 to be the direct channel of the Ganges ; but Calcutta alone, 
 of all the successive river capitals of Bengal, has overcome the
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 121 
 
 difficulties incident to its position as a deltaic centre of com- 
 merce. Strenuous efforts of engineering are required to keep 
 open the three offshoots of the Ganges above Calcutta which 
 combine to form the Hugli. Still greater watchfulness and 
 more extensive operations are demanded by the eighty miles of 
 the Hugli itself below Calcutta, to save it from the fate of other 
 deltaic streams, and to prevent it from silting up. In 1853 
 the deterioration of the Hugli channel led to a proposal to 
 found an auxiliary port to Calcutta on the Matla, another 
 mouth of the Ganges farther east. A committee then appointed 
 to inquire into the subject reported that ' the river Hugli was 
 deteriorating gradually and progressively."* At that time 
 ' science had done nothing to aid in facilities for navigation,' 
 but since then everything tas been effected which the foresight 
 of modern engineering could suggest or the power of modern 
 capital could achieve. Observations on the condition of the 
 Hugli channels are taken hourly, gigantic steam -dredgers are 
 continually at work, and the shifting of the shoals is carefully 
 recorded. By these means the port of Calcutta has been kept 
 open for ships of the largest tonnage, drawing twenty-six feet, 
 and almost seems to have outlived the danger which threatened 
 its existence. 
 
 jf have dwtlt on the rise of our commercial capitals in India 
 because the development of city life in India means the growth 
 of a new industrial career for the people. Formerly, as ije ha^e 
 seen, the industries of India were essentially domestic manufac- 
 tures, tach man working at his hereditary occupation, at his 
 x)wn loom or at his own forge. Under British rule a new era 
 of production has arisen in India — an era of production on a 
 gi'eat scale based upon tb,e co-operation of capital and lal^gui", 
 in place of the small household manuftictures of ancient times. 
 To us, Avho have from our youth grown up in the midst of a 
 keen commercial civilisation, it is not easy to realise the change 
 thus implied. I shall briefly indicate some of the most salient 
 features of the re\ olution which it has wrought in the industrial 
 life of the Indian people. 
 
 The great industrial cities of British India are the type of 
 the new state of things implied by this change. Under native 
 rule the country had reached what political economists of
 
 122 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 Mill's school called ' the stationary stage ' of civilisation. The 
 husbandmen simply raised the food-gi-ains necessary to feed 
 them from one haryest to another. If the food crops failed in 
 any district, the local population hud no capital and no other 
 crops wheremth to buy food fi'om other districts ; so, in the 
 natural and inevitable course of things, they perished. Now 
 the peasants of India raise other and far more profitable crops 
 than the mere food-stuffs on which they live. They also raise 
 an annual surplus of gi'ain for exportation, which is available for 
 India's own wants in time of need ; and there is a much larger 
 aggregate of capital in the country, that is to say, a much 
 greater national reserve or staying power. The so-called 
 ' stationary stage ' in India has disappeared, and the Indian 
 peasant is keenly alive to each new demand which the market 
 of the world may make upon the industrial capabilities of his 
 country. 
 
 Thus, up to 1850, cotton was produced on a small scale in 
 India, and the total value exported averaged during the previous 
 five years only 1| millions sterling. Ten years later, the 
 American war gave rise to a sudden demand ; and the Indian 
 cotton exports rushed up, till, in 1865, they exceeded the 
 enormous value of 37f millions sterling. This vast amount of 
 money went into the pockets of the cultivatcrs, who,' the 
 moment that they had found a more profitable crop than their 
 old food-stuffs, quickly began to cultivate it on a large scale. 
 What the American war was to the Bombay peasant, the 
 Russian war had been to the Bengal husbandman. The blockade 
 of the Baltic ports put an end to Great Britain's supply of 
 fibres from Russia during the Crimean campaign. ForthAvith 
 the^ Bengal peasant enormously increased his production of jute. 
 In 1852-53, before the Crimean war, the whole export of jute 
 from Bengal was about 100,000/. In 1872-73 it exceeded 4^ 
 millions sterling, an increase of fortyfold. 
 
 The Indian peasant knows, however, not only how to take 
 prompt advantage of a rise in prices, he knows also how to 
 quickly recoup himself for the loss of a market. The re-extended 
 cultivation in America led to a di'op, eventually reaching to 
 30 millions sterling, in the Indian cotton exports. But the 
 Indian peasant has moi-e than made good the loss by the gi'owth
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 123 
 
 of other staples. The year 1865 was one of inflated markets 
 throughout the world, and the Indian exports reached the un- 
 precedented height of 69 millions. Last, year, 1879-80, was 
 a year of great depression! in many markets, but the Indian 
 exports again exceeded 69 millions sterling. 
 
 During the same period vast numbeis of people from the 
 overcrowded interior of Bengal had been drafted off to the 
 border districts, which, till the British obtained the country, 
 were left waste through fear of the wild frontier races. These 
 peasants, instead of starving in their old densely populated 
 homes, are now earning high wages oft the teA plantations, and 
 ' last year exported three millions sterling worth of tea. 
 
 All these are essentially rural industries, which owe their 
 existence to the new commercial life developed by the cities of 
 British India. Besides such rural industries, however, there are 
 a number of manufactures and productions which more especially 
 appertain to the industrial life of great towns. Coal mines 
 have been discovered in several provinces, and now employ tens 
 of thousands of miners. Mills and steam factories have followed 
 the opening up of the coal fields. Twenty-six years ago there 
 was not a single loom worked by steam-power in India ; there 
 are now \^ million spindles employed in the cotton manufacture 
 alo»e, and 40,000 spindles employed in the manufactme of 
 jute. 
 
 Early in the last century, before the English became the 
 ruling power in India, the country did not produce a million 
 sterling a year of staples for exportation. During the first 
 three-quarters of a century of om- rule the exports slowly rose 
 to about eleven millions in 1830. During the half-centmy 
 which has elapsed since that date they have (juickly multiplied 
 by sixfold. In 1880 India sold to foreign nations HQ millions 
 sterling worth of strictly Indian produce, which the Indian 
 husbandman had reared, and for which he was paid. In that 
 year the total trade of India, including exports and imports, 
 exceeded 122 millions sterling. 
 
 These figures are so great, and the material progiess which 
 they indicate is so enormous, that they elude the grasp of the 
 imagination. It may assist us in realising the change which 
 they imply in the industrial life of the people to glance at the
 
 124 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 history of two single ports. I shall first take the local harbour 
 of a ruial district, Akyab, in British Bui-ma. In 1826, when 
 we obtained the province in which it is situated, Akyab was 
 merely a fishing village. Within f6ur years, by 1830, it had 
 developed into a little town, with a trade valued at 7,000/. In 
 1879 the trade exceeded 2 millions sterling, so that the trade 
 of Akyab has multiplied close on three hundredfold in fifty 
 years. The other example is one on a larger scale. When we 
 obtained Calcutta, in 1686, it consisted of three mud hamlets, 
 scarcely raised above the river slime, without any trade what- 
 soever. After a"" century ' and a-half of British rule the total 
 value of the sea-borne trade of Calcutta in 1820 was 12 
 millions sterling. In 1879 it had risen to over 61 j millions 
 sterling, besides 45 millions of trade with the interior, making 
 a total commerce of 106 millions sterling a year at a town 
 which had not ten pounds' worth of external trade when the 
 British settled there. 
 
 India has more to sell to the world than she requires to buy 
 from it. During the five years ending 1879 the staples which 
 she exported exceeded by an annual average of 21 millions 
 sterling the merchandise which she imported. One-third of this 
 balance she receives in cash ; and during the five years she 
 accumulated silver and gold, exclusive of re-exjjorts, at ' the 
 rate of 7 millions per annum. With another third she pays 
 intterest,-at low rates for the capital with which she has con- 
 structed the material framework of her industrial life — her 
 railways (120 millions), irrigation works, cotton mills^ coal 
 mines, indigo factories, tea gardens, docks, steam navigation 
 lines, and debt. For that capital she goes into the cheapest 
 market in the world, London, and she^vemits the interest, not in 
 cash, but in her own staples, which that capital has enabled her 
 to produce and to bring to the seaboard. With the remaining 
 third of her surplus exports she pays the home charges of the 
 Government to which she owes the peace and security that 
 alone have rendered possible her industrial development. The 
 home charges include not only the salaries of the supervising 
 staff in England, and the pensions of the whole military and 
 civil services, who have given their life's work to India, but the 
 munitions of war, a section of the army, including the cost of
 
 / 
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 125 
 
 its recruitment and transport, all stores for public works, and 
 the whole viaUriel of a civilised administration. That materiel 
 can be bought more cheaply in England* than in India, and 
 India's expenditure on goo'd government is as essential an item 
 for her industrial development, and repays her as high a profit, 
 as the interest which she pays in England for the capital Avith 
 which she has constructed her dockyards a^nd railways. To sum 
 up, India sells 21 millions a year more of her staples to 
 foreign nations than the merchandise which she buys fi'om 
 them. She takes payment of one-third of the balance, or say 
 T millions, in good government, and so secures that protection 
 to person and property which she never had before and which 
 alone have rendered her industrial development possible. With 
 another third, or 7 millions, she pays for the capital with which 
 she has constructed the material framework of that development 
 — pays for it at the lowest interest, and pays for it, not in cash, 
 but in her own products. The remaining 7 millions she 
 receives in gold and silver, and puts them in her purse. 
 
 I feel that I have taxed, perhaps too heavily, the reader's 
 attention with so many figures. But it is impossible for any- 
 one to realise the progi'ess made by India under British rule 
 without having the statistics placed before him. Commerce 
 anJ manufactures have been created for the people, vast outlets 
 opened up for the productions of the country. The reader will 
 perhaps pardon me for having wearied him with statistics wnen 
 he remembers that those statistics mean a new industrial life 
 for India — an industrial life which supersedes the sword of 
 ' the invader and wholesale starvation by famine, in maintaining 
 the balance between a population of small cidtivators and the 
 available land. -> «^ 
 
 The eft'ects of this new industrial life are not, however, 
 confined to the great Indian cities. The new outlets for Indian 
 staples have led to a rise in the price of the husbandman's crops, 
 and in the value of the land on Avhich they are grown. In 
 many districts, during the last century, the entire price of a field 
 was the value of the crop upon it. In fertile deltas the price of 
 land did not exceed two years' purchase. In the same districts 
 it is now from twelve to twenty years' pm'chase. It has been 
 my duty to make inquiries in every province of India as to the
 
 126 
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 interest which money yields. I find that for small loans to the 
 cultivators the old native rate of 37| per cent, per annum still 
 prevails. But if anyone has a landed property to pledge, he 
 he can borrow at less than one-third of that rate of interest ; 
 and a native merchant of Calcutta who wishes to retire and 
 purchase an estate thinks himself fortunate if he can invest in 
 land yielding 7 per cent, clear per annum. Landed property, 
 which in the last century was one of the most precarious 
 possessions, has now become the most secure form of investment 
 in India, precisely as it i,s in England. The growth of rural 
 rights, and the increase in the value of land, have advanced side 
 by side with the creation of a new industrial life, and with 
 the opening up of fresh outlets for the productions of the 
 country. ' 
 
 These are a few of the results of English rule on the 
 material development of India. It is nbt necessary for me 
 here to dwell on the more obvious and often-recited aspects of 
 that progress, on the network of roads and railways which we 
 have spread over India, on the canals by which we have 
 multiplied and secm^ed her internal resources, or on the spacious 
 harbours by which we have brought those resources into the 
 market of the world. All these and many other agencies of 
 material progress are involved in the one great fact, the creation 
 of that new industrial life which has taken place under British 
 rule. Bi?t, before closing this chapter, I should like to direct 
 attention to a few of the moral aspects of that rule. 
 
 In the last century education in India was a monopoly in 
 the hands of the priests — a power which they employed to sub- 
 jugate the minds of the people. Under British rule, education 
 in India has been taken entirely out o:^ the hands of the priests, 
 and it has become the gi-eat emancipator of the Indian races. 
 In ancient India a Brahman was forbidden, on pain of death, to 
 teach the sacred books to the masses. Under British rule the 
 State schools offer instruction to everyone, and open the same 
 careers to all. In the last century the Hindus were taught, 
 from their earliest childhood, that they must remain im- 
 prisoned for life in the caste in which they were born. We 
 have now two millions of boys and girls receiving public in- 
 struction in India, These two millions of native childi-en are
 
 y 
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 127 
 
 learning that every occupation and every profession in British 
 India is open to every boy on the benches of an Indian 
 school. The rising generation in India haie been freed from 
 superstitious tenors, they 'have been led to give up cruel 
 practices, they have learned to detest and despise their fore- 
 fathers"* bloody rites. Widow burning, infanticide, hook- 
 swinffine:, self-mutilation, and human sacrifice — these are a 
 few familiar relics of the old bondage under which the 
 Indian intellect cowered and the Indian heart bled. Great 
 as has been tlie material progi'ess of India during the past 
 century, its emancipation from ignorance and priestcraft forms, 
 to my mind, a far more splendid memorial of British rule. 
 Truly the people that walked in darkness have seen a great 
 light. % 
 
 The result has been a revival of letters such as the world 
 has never seen. On l^Iarch 31, 18J8, the Serampur missionaries 
 issued the first newspaper ever printed in a native language of 
 India. The vernacular jom-nals now exceed 230 in number, and 
 are devoured every week by half a million readers. In 1878, 
 5,000 books were published in India, besides a vast importation 
 of literature from England. Of this mass of printed matter 
 only 500 were translations, the remaining 4,500 being original 
 worlfs. The* Indian intellect is marching forth in many 
 directions, rejoicing in its new strength. More copies of books 
 of poetry, philosophy, law, and religion issue every year from 
 the Press of British India than the whole manuscripts compiled 
 during any century of native rule. In music, the revival has 
 Jaeen effected on the old Sanskrit basis. One of my native 
 friends has published a series of volumes on Indian music in 
 English and Sanskrit ; organized an orchestra of about fift}!, per- 
 formers to illustrate the art ; and presented complete collections 
 of Hindu instruments to the Conservatoire at Paris, and other 
 institutions in Europe. Among the earliest subjects which 
 the new movement took as its theme was the celebration of the 
 Queen of England and her ancestors, in a Sanskrit volume 
 entitled the Victoria Gitika. 
 
 The di-ama has in all ages been a great educator of the 
 Indian races ; and it was the first branch of Hindu literature to 
 heartily accept the spoken dialects. The native theatre forms
 
 V 
 
 128 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 the best, indeed the only, school in which .an Englishman can 
 acquaint himself with the indoor life of the people. He suddenly 
 finds himself in an ^ra of intense dramatic productiveness. Last 
 year 175 plays were pubhshed in 'India, and patriotic young 
 natives form themselves into companies to produce their 
 national dramas. Many of the pieces are vernacular render- 
 ings of stories from the Sanskrit epics. Others have a political 
 significance, and deal with the phases of development upon 
 which India has entered under the influence of British rule. 
 One Bengali play, the Nildarpan, or the 'Mirror of Indigo,' 
 became the subject of 'a celebrated trial in Calcutta ; while 
 others, such as Ehei ki bale Sabhyata, ' Is this what you call 
 civilisation ? ' suggest serious thoughts to a candid English 
 
 mind. , 
 
 I have often been asked how it is that amid this dayspring 
 of the Indian intellect Christianity makes so little way. The 
 Hindus are one of the religious races of the earth. A series of 
 great reformations during the past ten centuries have given to 
 their national faith a vitality which has defied alike the per- 
 secutions and the persuasions of their conquerors. Last year 
 there were published in India two books of travels, seven on 
 politics, and 1,502 on religion, or nearly a third of the whole 
 works which issued from the press. Every .great Indian 
 reformer, from Buddha do-svnwards, has, in spite of himself, had 
 ^^iraculpus powers ascribed to him by the loving piety of his 
 followers. At this moment there is an able and earnest man 
 walking about Calcutta who, if his disciples can only refrain 
 from writing his life for fifty years, will attain the dignity of a 
 Divine Founder. Great tidal waves of religion are sweeping 
 over the Indian mind. The theistic element in Hinduism has 
 powerfully re-asserted itself as the'Brahmo Samaj, or Deist 
 Church of Bengal. The old Hindu dissenters, such as the 
 Vaishnavs, have greatly increased their following, and new 
 popular sects are springing up. Even orthodox Hinduism has 
 financially prospered, the railways having done much to render 
 pilgrimage pleasant. A centm-y ago, Muhammadanism seemed 
 to be dying of inanition in Bengal. In the mosques, or amid 
 the serene palace life of the Musalman nobility, a few maulavis 
 of piety and learning calmly carried on the routine of their
 
 ) 
 
 t 
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA V29 
 
 faith. But the Musahiian peasantry of Bengal had relapsed 
 into a mongrel breed of circumcised Hindus, not one in ten 
 of whom could recite the kalmn — a simple cvied, whose constant 
 repetition is a matter of uncftnscious liabit with all good Muham- 
 madans. Under oui- rule fervid Muhammadan missionaries 
 have wandered from district to district, conimanding the people 
 .to retui'n to the pure faith, and denouncing God's \vi'ath on 
 the indiftei-ent. A great body of the Bengali Musalmans have 
 purged themselves of rural superstitions, and evinced such an 
 ardour of revivalist zeal as occasionally to cause some little 
 inconvenience to the Government. 
 
 It is, therefore, not from any lack of the religious instinct 
 in India that Christianity fails to make progi'ess. The 
 Muhammadan ideal of a i^iissionary is a lean old man with a 
 staff and a couple of ragged disciples. Among the Hindus, for 
 the past 2,400 years, gvery preacher who would appeal to the 
 popular heart must fulfil two conditions, and conform to a 
 certain type — he must cut himself off' from the world by a 
 solemn act, like the Great Renunciation of Buddha ; and he 
 must come forth from his solitary self-communings with a 
 simple message. This message need not be original, for it must 
 consist of a re-assertion, in some form, of the unity of God and 
 the eltjuality of man. One poor low-caste, who issued, haggard 
 and naked, from the jungles of the Central Provinces, with only 
 a broken cry of ' Sat-ndm, Sat-ntim, Sat-ntim,'' ' The True Goci^ 
 the True God, the True God,' and a message not to drink 
 spirits,»made over a quarter of a million of followers before his 
 death in 1850. . 
 
 Our missionaries do not seem to the natives to belong to 
 this type. They are highly regarded as men of letters and as 
 teachers of youth, as the guides who first opened up the stores 
 of western knowledge to India, and who are still the pioneers 
 of education among the backward races. The mission printing 
 presses may be said to have created Bengali as a literary 
 language, and to have developed ruder tongues, like Santdli 
 and Assamese, into \mtten vehicles for thought. But, whatever 
 may be the self-sacrifices of our missionaries, or the internal 
 conflicts which they endure, their lives do not appear to the 
 poor toilers of the rice-field in the light of a Great Renuncia- 
 
 K
 
 130 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 tion. To the natives, the missionary seems to be a charitable 
 Englishman who keeps an excellent cheap school, speaks the 
 language well, preaches a European form of their old incarna- 
 tions, and drives out his wife and lilttle ones in a pony-carriage. 
 This friendly neighbom*, this affectionate husband, this good 
 man, is of an estimable type, of a type which has done much 
 to raise the English character in the eyes of the natives, but 
 not of the traditional type to Avhich the popular preacher in 
 India must conform. 
 
 The missionary has neither the personal sanctity nor the 
 simple message of the visionary who comes forth from his 
 fastings and temptation in the forest. Instead, he has a dog- 
 matic theology which, when he discusses it with the Brahmans, 
 seems to the unprepared populace to '-esolve itself into a wrangle 
 as to the comparative merits of the Hindu triad and the Euro- 
 pean Trinity, and the comparative evidence for the incarnation 
 of Krishna and the incarnation of Christ. The uneducated 
 native prefers, if he is to have a triad and an incarnation, 
 to keep his own ones. The educated native thinks that triads 
 and incarnations belong to a stage of mental development which 
 he has passed. 
 
 It should be remembered, however, that apart from the 
 higher claims of Christianity there are always a numb'er ol 
 human chances running in its favour in India. • Its propaganda 
 is supported by a steady supply of capital which none of the 
 native proselytising sects can command. It maintains, there- 
 fore, a continuity of effort and a constant exertion of brain'-power 
 which the intenser but more spasmodic apostles of other creeds 
 cannot rival. There is the possibility, any day, of some 
 missionary striking the native imagination as a religious re- 
 former of the true Indian type, and converting half a million 
 of people. The Christian missions are, moreover, great educa- 
 tional agencies, and naturally attract to their faith a certain 
 number of the young minds which they train and develop. The 
 dearths which periodically afflict the country also tend to swell 
 the Christian population, as the missionaries are often the best 
 available guardians to whom the State can make over the 
 thousands of orphans that a great famine leaves behind. The 
 schisms among the Hindu theistic sects may from time to time
 
 ENGLAND'S WOBK IN INDIA 131 
 
 lead wearied inquirers after truth to seek rest within the 
 authoritative Christian dogma. Already the Christian popula- 
 tion numbers one and a-half millions ; over • one million being 
 Roman Catholics, and undef half a million Protestants. While, 
 therefore, Christianity has to contend with fundamental 
 difficulties in India, it has, merely from \he human point of 
 view, many permanent chances in its fayour. No one who 
 has studied the facts would venture to predict that it may not, 
 some day, strike root as one of the popular religions of India. 
 
 Meanwhile the intellectual upheaval is profoundly influencing 
 family life. European ideas are knocking at the door of the 
 zanana, and we hear confused cries from within, which seem to 
 show that the death-like monotony of woman's existence in India 
 is broken. The degradati«»n of the female intelligence means 
 the loss of one-half its brain-power to a nation. Last October, 
 while I was writing thpse pages, an. accomplished Brahman lady 
 was travelling through Bengal with her brother, holding public 
 meetings on the education and emancipation of women. ' They 
 were received everywhere,' says an Indian correspondent, ' with 
 great enthusiasm by the Hindus, who were delighted to hear 
 their holy Sanskrit from a woman's lips. It seemed to them as 
 if Saraswati (the goddess of Eloquence) had come down to visit 
 them! Instead of a hot, confined room, we had a long and 
 broad terrace, open to the sky, and with the Ganges flowing at 
 our feet. The meeting was at half-past four in the af4«rnoori, 
 by which time the terrace was shaded from the sun by trees and 
 houses to the westward. At the eastern end of the terrace a 
 small marble table, with a glass of flowers on it, and some chairs 
 were set, and there Roma stood up, facing the west, and ad- 
 dressed her audience. On her right was the Ganges, co^«?red 
 with large broad-sailed boats of a type which has perhaps lasted 
 for 2,000 years. There was little or nothing around to remind 
 her or her audience of European civilisation. The clear blue 
 sky and the broad river coming sweeping down from the walls 
 of Benares dominated everything else. It was such a place as 
 Buddha might have chosen for addressing his followers.' 
 
 This young lady is twenty-two years of age, the daughter ot 
 a learned paiidit and public official, slight and girlish-looking, 
 with a fair complexion and light grey eyes. She is now engaged 
 
 s 2
 
 132 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 to be niarried to a Bengali pleader, an M.A. of the Calcutta 
 University. 
 
 Side by side vath the stirring of the Indian intellect there 
 has also been an awakening of the Indlian races to a new political 
 life. The old village communities of India, with their rural 
 guilds and castes, and all the good and evil which they implied, 
 had in many provinces lost their vitality before the commence- 
 ment of the English rule. Their memories and their outward 
 forms survived ; but the life had been trodden out of them 
 beneath the heel of the Musalman taxgatherer and the hoofs 
 of the Maratha cavalry. In some parts the village institutions 
 had ceased to pi'otect the peasantry from external oppression, 
 or even to settle their disputes among themselves. Every 
 attempt on a large scale to resuscitate the ancient village com- 
 munity has failed. For a time the English rulers were content 
 to deplore this fact — a fact which, in reality, marks the advance 
 of a race from a lower to a higher stage of social organization. 
 But during the past twenty-five years efforts have been made to 
 develop a new political life in place of the old village guilds 
 which had disappeared. The village has given place to the 
 municipality in India. Before our own eyes we see the self- 
 government, which the primitive village communities had ceased 
 to give, developing into a higher form of self-government under 
 ^municipal institutions. At this moment there are nearly one 
 thousaKil municipalities in India, with a municipal population 
 exceeding fourteen millions, and raising among themselves for 
 local purposes a revenue of close on two millions sterling. - There 
 are also, in some of the provinces, district boards and ruraj 
 unions, which do for the country what the municipalities do for 
 the - iowns. The Indian races are visibly passing from the 
 village into the municipal stage of social organization ; and the 
 first lessons in local government are being learned by fourteen 
 millions of native citizens.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 133 
 
 THE WORK TO BE "DONE 
 
 III 
 
 THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE FOOD SUPPLY 
 TO. THE GROWING POPULATION. 
 
 There is, as I mentioned at starting, another side to the picture. 
 Good work has beei;i done by Qur countrymen in India, but 
 gi'eater difficulties now confront them. The population has in 
 many parts outgrown the food-producing powei-s of the soil. 
 To some observers the situation seems so hopeless that a maga- 
 zine wi'iter lately urged that we should retire from a spectacle 
 of overcrowded human misery which we are powerless to relieve. 
 But the English are not a people to take on themselves a great 
 natibnai task like the government of India, and then to desert 
 the ship when the breakers come in sight. To others, the cause 
 for despair is that the difficulty proceeds from the vgry merit's 
 of oui" rule ; and that the better we do our duty by India, the 
 more the people will multiply and the harder will become their 
 .struggle for life. To despondents of this nobler class, I would 
 say, ' Look back at what oui" countrymen have already achieved 
 in India, and you will not despair of what they may yet ^j^com- 
 plish.' Their history fr^m the commencement has been a 
 narrative of great difficulties overcome. A hundred years ago 
 no one would have ventm-ed to predict the united peaceful India 
 of the present day. Therefore it is thai I have tried to show 
 what British rule has done in India, in order that we may, with 
 a firm heart, examine what it has yet to do for the Indian 
 people. 
 
 I shall now ask attention to two of the saddest problems 
 with which a State can be called to deal — namely, the poverty
 
 134 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 of the people, and the alleged inability of the Government to 
 pay its way. With these fundamental problems yet unsolved 
 in India, it may seem a delusive optimism to speak of the success 
 of the British administration. It profits little that we have put 
 an end to invasion from without, established order and security 
 in place of anarchy and rapine within, covered the land with 
 schools and court-houses, with roads, railways, and canals, and 
 given a vast impulse to population and trade — all this profits 
 little if the people have not enough to eat, and if the country 
 cannot support the cost of our rule. There is some exaggera- 
 tion, but there is also much truth in criticism such as this. The 
 poverty of a densely crowded population of small cultivatoi-s, 
 and the difficulty of defraying a civilised government from the 
 revenues of an Asiatic country, lie at the very root of our posi- 
 tion in India. These are the initial facts with which we have 
 to struggle, and until they are accepted as the basis of this 
 country's dealings with India, our financial position there will be 
 one of danger. 
 
 India was for long in the unfortmiate position of a man who 
 is supposed to be richer than he really is. If the British nation 
 had realised the poverty of India, it would have refrained from 
 several acts which now form standing reproaches against Eng- 
 land in the native press. Fortunately for the national horioui*, 
 ^Jie list of our injustices to India, although sufficiently painful 
 to all wi.o wish to see this country discharge its great duties in 
 a noble spirit, is not a very long one. But under pressure of 
 party exigencies and class interests in England that list may at 
 any moment be added to. For example, we should think it 
 passing strange if we were taxed in London in order to set up 
 an English museum in Calcutta. Yet a proposal was not long 
 ago made to charge, at least in part, to the Indian revenues 
 the cost of an Indian museum in London. I am glad to say 
 that this attempt failed. Indeed, it has ended in the Indian 
 exhibitions in London being henceforth maintained at the 
 expense of the nation which enjoys them, and in a saving (I am 
 told) of 15,000Z. a year formerly charged to the Indian revenues. 
 When next you visit the Amravati sculptures at the British 
 Museum, or the gorgeous Indian rooms and their delicate art 
 products at South Kensington, you may have the satisfaction of
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 135 
 
 knowing that your pleasui'e is honestly paid for by the English 
 Exchequer. 
 
 I hope that this country will realise once and for all the 
 poverty of the people from whom the Indian revenues are raised. 
 When we have clearly recognised this, we shall see that the 
 smallest act of financial sharp-dealing with India is an act not 
 only of iniquity but of cruelty and meanness, and one which 
 carries with it lasting reproach. 
 
 How comes it that India was once held to be so rich, and 
 now proves to be so poor ? The wealth of the East Indies was 
 handed down as a tradition from RAman ti».?es, and has for 
 centuries been an accepted belief in Europe. There is usually 
 an element of truth in such a belief, and the traditional wealth 
 of India appeared to rest^ on a very solid basis. In the first 
 place, India has always been the greatest accumulator of the 
 precious metals known to commerce. Besides her own produc- 
 tion of gold — by no means inconsiderable in ancient times, and 
 perhaps destined to be again revived on a great scale in our 
 own day — India absorbed bullion to an extent which seemed, to 
 the economists of bygone centm'ies, to threaten the depletion of 
 Europe. But if the power of amassing gold and silver be 
 accepted as a proof of the wealth of a country, India is richer 
 now* than ever. Roman patriots deplored that the eastern 
 trade, including China, India, and Arabia, drained the empire 
 of three-quarters of a million sterling of silver per annum ; ai.a 
 the loudest complaint against the East India Company in the 
 seventeenth century was aimed at its privilege — a privilege 
 .guarded by many restrictions — of exporting 30,000/. a year of 
 bullion and foreign coin to the East. Well, the average im- 
 portation of gold and silver into India during the past ten years 
 averaged 9 millions stening per annum ; and in 1878 it ex- 
 ceeded 17 millions. Of this enormous sum, India retains by 
 far the greatest proportion. Thus, after deducting all re- 
 exports, so far as they can be ascertained, by sea, India 
 accumulated close on seventy millions sterling in gold and silver 
 during the past ten years. 
 
 There is another sense in which India appeared to our 
 ancestors to be a very wealthy country. It contained a number 
 of kings and princes, and the lavish magnificence alike of the
 
 136 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 imperial and of the local Courts seemed a proof of the in- 
 exhaustible riches of the people. The early travellers never 
 realised that India was the size of all Europe less Russia, and 
 that the Indian Courts must be compared in number and dis- 
 play, not with the palace of his own single sovereign at home, 
 but with all the Courts of Europe, The Indian princes, more- 
 over, were compelled by the absence of any system of national 
 credit to hoard gi'eat sums with a view to meeting sudden 
 demands, such as the mutiny of their troops or the rebellion of 
 a too powerful kinsman. These hoards they kept to a large 
 extent in precic as gems,' so that the national reserve fund was 
 also a principal means of courtly display. When Nadir Shah 
 sacked Delhi in 1739, and cleared out the imperial treasui'es, 
 he found, if we may believe our £(^'jthorities, S^ millions of 
 specie, and 28^ millions worth of jewels, ornaments, and plate. 
 Of the specie, only one million is said — I know not on what 
 original evidence — to have been in gold or silver coin. From 
 the treasury of Bengal, the richest province of the empire, our 
 countrymen in 1757 extracted about 1^ millions sterling, but 
 only 58,000/. in rupees, the rest being in specie and jewels. 
 The cash balances of the British Government of India varied 
 between 1870 and 1878 from 25 to 15 millions sterling. But 
 the British cash balances are hidden away in strong rooms out 
 of sight ; while the Peacock Throne blazed with its diamonds 
 "Hbefore the eyes of every foreign ambassador. 
 
 There is more accumulated wealth held by natives in two 
 cities of British India, Calcutta and Bombay — cities which a 
 couple of centuries ago were mud-hut hamlets — than all the 
 treasures of the Imperial and local Courts under the Mughal 
 Empire. The magnificence of the rich natives still excites the 
 admiration of European travellers. / In a narrative of a recent 
 Indian journey, the President of the Cheshire Salt Chamber of 
 Commerce dwells on the costly entertainments given by native 
 residents of Calcutta to over a thousand guests. ' Gentlemen at 
 home,' he says, ' who repeat the cant phrase " the poverty of 
 India," should witness a scene like this, and we warrant they 
 would be cured. Our host, a man still in the full prime of life, 
 is the architect of his own gi-eat fortune, gained in lawful com- 
 merce. The expenditure of ten thousand pounds upon one
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 137 
 
 entertainment by a private citizen does not smack much of the 
 poverty of the country.' If, therefore, we are content to accept 
 travellers' tales of the magnificence of native^ grandees as a proof 
 of the wealth of the country, India's old reputation for riches 
 might stand as high as ever. 
 
 But we cannot accept such proof. We judge nowadays of 
 the wealth of nations not by the splendour of individuals, but 
 by the prosperity of the people. This test the early European 
 travellers never applied to India. If they applied it, they 
 would have found that beneath the extravagance of the few lay 
 the misery of the many. Their own ndrratives supply evidence 
 that the common lot in India was a very wretched one under 
 the native dynas^^ies ; and a hundred years of British rule have 
 scarcely sufficed to obliteiHte the traces of oppression and rural 
 servitude which those dynasties left behind. The change in our 
 views regarding the wealth or ppverty of India results from 
 the application of the more enlightened tests by which political 
 economy has taught us to judge of the well-being of a people. 
 
 Judged by those standards, India is, and ever since it came 
 under modem observation has always been, a poor country. 
 Alike under Mughal and British rule, we see a population of 
 small husbandmen contending, without any reserve of capital, 
 agaiiast the chances and misfortunes of the tropical year. The 
 lives of millions of families have depended each autumn on a few 
 inches more or less of rainfall. The calamities insepar^jble from 
 such a condition of things were intensified under native rule 
 by invasions from without ; by rebellions, feuds, and hordes of 
 banditti within ; and by the perpetual oppression of the weak 
 by the strong. On the other hand, these disorders to some 
 extent worked their own cure. They kept down the popidg-tion, 
 and the pressure of the peo|Ale on the soil was much less severe 
 than it now is. When India passed into our hands in the last 
 century, there was plenty of good land for everyone who 
 wanted it. The importance of this fact to a people consisting 
 entirely of cultivators can scarcely be over-rated. In 1789 the 
 Governor-General declared, after three years' vigilant inquiry, 
 that one-third of Bengal lay imoccupied. Only the best lands 
 in the Province were cultivated ; and the landholders, where 
 they existed, had to treat their peasantry \\ ell ; for the compe-
 
 138 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 tition was among the proprietors for tenants, and not among 
 the tenants for land. 
 
 Under such conditions, the means of existence were easily 
 raised, and the people had only ttf be protected from plunder 
 and the sword in order to prosper. The establishment of 
 British rule afforded" that protection almost from the first ; and 
 by degrees, as the English conscience awoke more fully to its 
 responsibilities in India, it has endeavoured to combat the 
 other two ancient devastators, namely, pestilence and famine. 
 No sooner does one of the old epidemics break out in a district 
 than an army h\ doctors', native and European, marches forth to 
 do battle with it ; and the Government has set up as a great 
 cinchona planter, in order to bring the cheap quinine alkaloids 
 Avithin reach of the people. Somefjhing has also been done, 
 although much more remains to be accomplished, to mitigate 
 the periodical famines which, were formerly accepted as inevitable 
 concomitants of the climate. One by one the old checks on an 
 Asiatic population have been removed. I have just mentioned 
 that a century ago one-third of Bengal lay unoccupied ; but 
 since then the population of Bengal has increased not by one- 
 third, but threefold ; and the area which had to feed twenty-one 
 millions in 1780 has in 1880 to feed over sixty-three millions of 
 mouths. After a minute comparison of rural India at plesent 
 with the facts disclosed in the manuscript records, I am com- 
 pelled .+o the conclusion that throughout large tracts the 
 struggle for life is harder than it was when the country passed 
 into our hands. 
 
 For not only have the British districts to support a much 
 denser population than they had a century ago, but they have 
 to fe'^d a population nearly three times as dense as that in the 
 Native States at the present da/. Throughout all British 
 India, the average population is 212 persons to the square 
 mile ; or, deducting the comparatively new and outlying pro- 
 vinces of British Burma and Assam, it is 243 persons to the 
 square mile. The average population in Native or Feudatory 
 India is, so far as we can discover, 89 persons to the square 
 mile. Excluding, therefore, Assam on the eastern frontier, and j 
 Burma beyond the sea, each square mile of British India has to 
 feed on an average nearly three times as many mouths as each
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 139 
 
 square mile of the Native States. How thick this population 
 is may be realised from the fact that fertile France has only 
 180 people to the square mile ; while even ip crowded England, 
 wherever the density appi'baches 200 to the square mile it 
 ceases to be a rural population, and has to live by manufactures, 
 mines, or city industries. ' 
 
 We speak of the poverty and the miserably small farms of 
 the Irish peasant. Well, Ireland has, according to the last 
 census, 169 persons to the square mile. But we can take 
 thirteen districts of Northern India, equal in size to Ireland, 
 which have to support an average of 6^0 persons to the square 
 mile, or over one person to each acre. This calculation, it 
 must be remembeied, allows no deduction for swamps, wastes, 
 and land incapable of tillage. The Famine Commissioners 
 report that two-thirds of the whole farmers of Bengal have 
 holdings of between J:wo and thuee acres. If we allow four 
 persons to each peasant family, we find twenty-four millions of 
 human beings struggling to live off' the produce of fifteen 
 million acres, or just over half an acre apiece. The Indian soil 
 cannot support that struggle. 
 
 We may object to sensational writing, but we cannot 
 wonder that patriotic Englishmen who have never been in 
 Indi^, and who suddenly catch sight of the results of this state 
 of things without a previous knowledge of the causes, should 
 head their essays with such titles as ' Bleeding to Deatt'' 
 
 The above figures fail, indeed, to present the facts in their 
 full significance. For Ireland, like the rest of Great Britain, 
 kas many .cities and centres of manufacturing industry, while in 
 India practically the whole people has to iiiake its livelihood by 
 the tillage of the land. Thus, in England and Wales 42, per 
 cent., or nearly one-half of 'the population, dwell, according to 
 the last census, in toAvns with upwards of 20,000 inhabitants ; 
 while in British India, under 5 per cent., or not one-twentieth, 
 dwell in such towns. Ninety per cent, of the rural population 
 have to live more or less entirely by the tillage of the soil. 
 India, therefore, is almost exclusively a country of peasant 
 farmers, and many of the so-called towns are merely groups of 
 villages, in the midst of wliich the ploughman drives his cattle 
 a-field, and all the operations of agricidture go on. Indeed,
 
 140 ENGLAND'S WORK TN INDIA 
 
 the term ' municipality,"' which in Europe is only applied to 
 towns^ means quite as often in India a collection of rural home- 
 steads for the purposes of local government. 
 
 The increasing population has driven from the open country 
 the larger sorts of wild beasts. It is also exhausting the waters 
 of their fishes. About 80 per cent, of the natives are permitted 
 by theu' caste rules to eat this kind of food — practically the 
 only animal food available to the Indian husbandman. The 
 price of fish has doubled, and for a time the fishing castes 
 prospered greatly. In time, however, the enormously increased 
 consumption began to ' tell. The fishermen plied their trade 
 harder, and contracted the meshes of their nets till not a 
 minnow could pass through them. The fishes in India never 
 have a day''s rest — no close season is«"allowed for breeding time, 
 and even the spawn is gathered for food. The young fry, 
 which would grow into large fish, are sold by jars-full, about 
 two hundred being required to make a pound. They are caught 
 by every device of human ingenuity — by traps, nets, baskets, 
 weirs, poisoning, suffocation by cloths, and draining off" the 
 water from the streams, marshes, and ponds. In 1871 returns 
 collected from all India disclosed an alarming decrease in this 
 most important source of food supply. Almost everywhere the 
 yield had ceased to be equal to the demand. In some''parts 
 the fishing castes had so exhausted the waters that many of 
 them h?4 to give up their hereditary trade and become tillers 
 of the soil. In others, the people were eating frogs instead of 
 fish, cooking them in the same way, and distinguishing between 
 the comparative delicacy of the ' solitary,' ' gi'een,' and 
 ' spangled ' species. 
 
 Another effect of the increased population is the gi'owth of 
 landless classes. The cultivated airla no longer suffices to alloM- 
 a plot of ground for every peasant, and vast multitudes no« 
 find themselves ousted from the soil. The census of 1872 
 returned seven and a-half million males in this category ; or, 
 allowing for women and children, about twenty-four millions. 
 They earn a poor and precarious subsistence as hired labourers. 
 Numbers of them go through their lives in a state of chronic 
 hunger ; they are the class whom a scai'city first attacks, and 
 who supply the mass of the victims in a famine.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 141 
 
 To the peasant fanner, the result of the inci-ease in popula- 
 tion is twofold : he gets a smaller return from the land for his 
 labom', and he has to pay away a larger proportion of that 
 smaller return to his landlord. For with the increase of popu- 
 lation the peasantry had to fall back on inferior or less 
 favourably situated soils. The fact that a 'third of a province 
 lay waste might be an unfortunate, or even a discreditable fact 
 for the Government, but it did not necessarily in\'olve any hard- 
 ship to the tiller of the soil. Only the best lands in a village, 
 and only the best villages in a district, were cultivated. The 
 rest were entered in the accounts of the* Native 'Administration 
 as ' unoccupied.'' As the people multiplied under our lule, they 
 had to bring into. tillage these inferior lands, and so by degrees 
 they have had to expend £? larger amount of labour in order to 
 raise the same quantity of food. As the increase of the popu- 
 lation went on, they could no longej- allow the soil any rest, and 
 many thousands of acres have to produce two crops each year. 
 Moreover, the surrounding jungle was gradually ploughed up, 
 and the people had to fall back upon the cow-dung for fuel. 
 In this way both the two great sources of manure were cut off — 
 namely, the ashes from the wood which they formerly burned, 
 and the ammonia and other volatile parts of the cow-dung 
 which they now burn in place of timber. 
 
 Many careful observers believe, indeed, that the clearing 
 and cultivation of the jungles have been carried to».such an 
 excess in some parts of India as to seriously alter the climate. 
 For forests, and the undergi'owth which they foster, not only 
 husband the rainfall, but they appear to attract it. A hill 
 covered with forest is a reservoir of moisture ; the same hill 
 stripped of its woods becomes hard, arid ground, wiown 
 whose bare surface the tropical rains rush off in destructive 
 torrents, instead of sinking into the subsoil, or being stored up 
 in the vegetation. It is alleged that the risk of drought and 
 famine has increased in many parts of India from this cause ; 
 and whereas the great object of the ancient native dynasties was 
 to get the cultivators to clear the jungle, the British Govern- 
 ment finds a costly Department necessary to conserve the forests 
 which still remain. 
 
 The pasture gi'ounds of the villages have also, to a large
 
 142 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 extent, been brought under the plough, and the cattle in many 
 districts have degenerated from insufficient food. The same 
 number of oxen cap no longer put the same amount of work 
 into the soil. Temble outbreaks oT the cow epidemic and the 
 foot-and-mouth disease sweep across Bengal, and some years 
 ago necessitated the appointment of a Cattle Plague Com- 
 mission. While, therefore, the husbandman has now to \vring 
 a subsistence out of inferior lands which he would not have 
 touched a hundred years ago, the good lands have deteriorated 
 for want of manure and from want of rest, and the cattle have 
 degenerated fr6\ii lack ot pasture. This sad description does not 
 apply, as I shall presently show, to all India, but it represents 
 the state of things in large and incrjiasing ^ areas where the 
 population has outgrown the food-^producing powers of. the 
 land. It explains, and to some extent justifies, the mournful 
 forebodings of those who warai us that ou^ real danger in India 
 is not any temporary insolvency of the finances, but a per- 
 manent bankruptcy of the soil. 
 
 Of the smaller crops which the husbandman thus extracts 
 from the soil, he has to give a larger share to the landlord ; for 
 rent represents, fundamentally, the difference in value between 
 the most profitable and the least profitable lands under culti- 
 vation. This is the economical theory, and, in spite of fevery 
 effort at limitation by custom or law, the economical theory 
 constantly tends to assert itself in the actual facts. As the 
 peasantry in Bengal have been forced back upon the poorer 
 lands, the natural rent of all the other lands has risen. A 
 large and prosperous body of proprietors has grown up under 
 cm- rule. Their prosperity has resulted partly from their own 
 good cinanagement, but chiefly from the husbandmen having 
 been forced by their growing numbers to bring into tillage the 
 inferior lands, and from the natural increase of rent to which 
 that process gives rise as regards the superior soils. 
 
 We may realise the revolution thus silently effected in the 
 rural economy of India fr^om two facts — an historical fact and 
 a legal one. The historical fact is that when the English 
 obtained Bengal in the last century they found two classes of 
 tenants — the thani or ' stationary ' husbandman, with occupancy 
 rights in the soil, and the paikasht or floating rural population.
 
 ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 143 
 
 without such rights. At that time, so great was the surplus of 
 land that the proprietors were glad to attract the floating 
 population to their estates by giving them fayms at lower rates 
 than those paid by the stationary tenants. The latter had 
 built their own homesteads, dug wells or tanks, and would 
 submit to a higher rent rather than abandon their holdings, 
 and lose the capital and labour invested in ,them. It thus re- 
 sulted that rack rents — that is to say, the rents paid by tenants 
 without leases or occupancy rights — were, in parts of Bengal, 
 lower than the rents paid by tenants with occupancy rights. 
 This state of things is now reversed, 'rhe ever-increasing rack 
 rents exacted by the landlords from the tenants without leases 
 or occupancy rights fovm the great complaint of the rural 
 population, and one of the* most difficult problems with which 
 the Government has to deal. 
 
 The legal fact is th^at the enhancement of rent, which never 
 came within the contemplation of the law-makers of the last 
 century in Bengal, is now the vital question of legislation. Our 
 first attempt to ascertain and define the land law of Bengal is 
 embodied in the Cornwallis Code of 1793. The difficulty at 
 that time was where to get tenants, not how to raise their rent. 
 Enhancement finds no mention in the Code. So far as can 
 be ini%rred from the spirit of its provisions, the Indian Legisla- 
 ture seems to have assumed that the proprietors were thence- 
 forward to pay the same land tax for ever to the Gov«irnment, 
 and that the tenants were thenceforward to pay the same rates 
 of rent "for ever to the proprietors. But before the middle of 
 the present century rents had been enhanced to such a degree 
 as to threaten an agrarian deadlock. It was found absolutely 
 necessary to revise the land law ; and 1859, the year aftej* the 
 coimtry passed under the Cr^wn, is memorable in Bengal for 
 the second great liand Code. Restraints upon the enhancement 
 of rents form the most important features of this Land Code of 
 1859. But in spite of its provisions, the increase of the people 
 and the natural operation of economic laws have led to a still 
 further rise in rent. The peasantry resisted by every legal 
 means, and in some parts combined to ruin the landlords by 
 refusing to pay rent. Their attitude was in ceilain respects 
 similar to the position of the Irish peasantry. The Indian
 
 144 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 husbandman has, however, a power of pacific combination and 
 of patient, passive resistance which the Irish cotters have not 
 yet developed. The most peaceful district of Bengal, Pabna, 
 was for some time in a state of agi'&rian revolt. But it was a 
 revolt conducted, as a rule, according to the strict forms of law. 
 With the exception of a few quite insignificant ebullitions, the 
 husbandmen simply said : ' We shall not fight, but we shall not 
 pay. ^Ve shall claim occupancy rights ; and every single rent 
 which you landlords collect shall cost you a law suit. This we 
 shall contest at each stage, from the institution of the plaint to 
 the final order"for sellin'g us up, by every delay, appeal, and 
 other weapon of chicanery known to the law. You will get 
 your decree in the long run ; but in th^; meantime you will be 
 ruined. For ourselves, we are as badiy off as we can be, and 
 it is better fr us to sell our last cow to fight you in the courts 
 than to pay your rent with it.' In Bengal, six millions, or two- 
 thirds of the whole tenantry, pay rents of less than ten shillings 
 a year. Among such a nation of small cultivators it is simply 
 impossible to collect every petty rent by a law suit, and their 
 combination really did mean ruin to many of the landlords. 
 The Government, while it declared that it would maintain 
 public order, counselled private concessions. Some sort of com- 
 promise was arrived at, and the Legislature obtained a bi^ath- 
 ing space to again consider the whole questions involved. The 
 result is^..a new Land Code, the draft of which has just reached 
 England. In this Code the most prominent question is again 
 the enhancement of rent, and its provisions are more stringent 
 than ever in favom- of the tenant. 
 
 'Where the subdivision of land among tenants-at-will is 
 extreme,"' write the Famine Commissioners in 1880, ' and in a 
 country where agriculture is almost/ihe only possible employment 
 for large classes of the people, the competition is so keen that 
 rents can be forced up to a ruinous height, and men will crowd 
 each other till the space left to each is barely sufficient to 
 support a family.' If they relax their gi-asp on their holding, 
 they sink into the landless classes. 
 
 Such is the state of things in Bengal, where landlordism and 
 great proprietors chiefly prevail. But in other parts of India 
 the British Government has retained the land in its own hands,
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 145 
 
 as it was kept by the previous native dynasties, and deals 
 directly with the cultivators. The Government is the landlord 
 itself, and it is necessary to see how it has betjaved to its tenants. 
 Bengal forms the most typical representative of the former system, 
 and Madras is usually taken as the most typical representative of 
 the lattel-. But even in Madras, the British rulers have made 
 over a large part of their territory (paying^about one-eighth of 
 the land revenue) to private proprietors ; and my remarks will 
 be confined to the remaining seven-eighths, which remain in 
 the hands of the Government. The population has here also 
 increased, and the people have been forced bacfi upon inferior 
 soils. The figures have been worked out only for the past 
 quarter of a century — t^at is, from 1853 to 1878. They show 
 the following results, lii 1853 the general population was 
 estimated at twenty-two millions ; in 1878, at thirty-one and 
 a-half millions, showing an increase of 43 per cent., or nearly 
 one-half. The cultivated land, held by husbandmen direct from 
 the State, had increased from twelve to twenty millions of acres, 
 or QQ per cent., exactly two-thirds. The area of tillage had, 
 therefore, not only kept pace with the increase of population, 
 but had extended at a rate of 50 per cent, more rapidly. This 
 resulted partly from the fact that the inferior lands, now re- 
 claimed, could not support so large an average of people as the 
 superior lands which were already in cultivation at the com- 
 mencement of the period. The Government recognisedJ;his, and 
 has accordingly increased its rental only from three millions to 
 three-ahd-four-fifth millions sterling ; being only 26 per cent., oi- 
 one-fourth, while the area of cultivation has increased by 66 per 
 cent. The Government, in fact, has reduced its average rental over 
 the total area of cultivation from 5*. an acre in 1853 to 3.9»10(Z. 
 an acre in 1878, or over 23 p^vr cent., say one-fourth. According 
 to the ordinary theory of rent, rates should have risen enor- 
 mously during that period ; and they have risen enormously 
 wherever the land is held by private proprietors. As regards 
 the Madras Presidency, therefore, the facts may be recapitulated 
 thus. During the twenty-five years the ;u'ea of cultivation Iw^ 
 increased by 66 per cent., or two- thirds ; the population by 43 
 per cent., or nearly one-half; and the Government rental by 
 only 26 per cent., or one-fourth ; while the average rates of 
 
 L
 
 146 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 rent per acre have been actually reduced by over 23 per cent., 
 or nearly one-fourth, from 5*. an acre in 1853 to 3*. 10c?. an acre 
 in 1878. Instead of taking advantage of the increase of popula- 
 tion to enhance the rental, the Ma&ras Government has realised 
 the fact that the increase in numbers means a harder struggle 
 for life, and has reduced instead of enhancing, according to the 
 economic laws of rept, the average rates throughout its domains. 
 
 But a crowded population of small cultivators, mthout 
 capital and with no restraints on marriage, everywhere is, has 
 been, and must be, poor. Remember that each Hindu maiTies 
 as a religious duty, and' that marriage takes place at the close 
 of childhood, quite in-espective of there being any means of 
 subsistence for the young couple. Th^ t is the root of the evil. 
 In districts where the soil is poor, or the rainfall uncertain, the 
 people have always had to depend upon village money-lenders for 
 the capital necessary to feed., them till the next harvest. Amid 
 the tumults of native rule, the usurers lent comparatively small 
 sums. If the peasant failed to pay, they could not evict him 
 or sell his holding ; because, among other reasons, there was 
 more land than there were people to till it. The native 
 Government, moreover, could not afford to lose a tenant. 
 Accordingly the bankrupt peasant went on, year after year, 
 paying as much interest as the money-lender could squee^ out 
 of him ; until the next Maratha invasion or Muhammadan rebel- 
 lion sw^t away the whole generation of usurers, and so cleared 
 up the account. Under om* rule there is no chance of such 
 relief for insolvent debtors ; and our rigid enforcement bf con- 
 tracts, together with the increase of the population, has armed 
 the creditor with powers formerly unknown. For the peasant's 
 holdiiig under the British Government has become a valuable 
 property, and he can be readily >«old out, as there are always 
 plenty of husbandmen anxious to buy in. The result is two- 
 fold. In the first place, the village banker lends larger sums, 
 for the security is increased ; and in the second place, he can 
 push the peasantry to extremities by eviction, which was econo- 
 mically impossible under native rule. 
 
 In certain districts of Southern India the people are some- 
 times driven by misery to take the law into theii' o^vn hands. 
 They kill the village usurer, or burn down his house with his
 
 ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 147 
 
 account-books, and perhaps himself in it. But this offence, 
 Avhich was a common and venial one under native rule, now 
 brings upon the perpetrator^ the inflexible ^rm of the British 
 law. Of late years there has been an agrarian agitation in 
 Southern India, similar in some respects to, the agrarian agita- 
 tion in Bengal. But in the south, where the Government as 
 proprietor has granted peasant tenures, tlie revolt has been 
 against the usurers, while in Bengal it has been against the 
 landlords. In Southern India the demand is for legislative 
 restraints on selling out the husbandman for debt ; in Bengal 
 it is for legislative restraints on the enhancement of his rent. 
 
 The sad result seems to be, that whether we give over the 
 land to a propriefary cla.s, as in Bengal, or keep it in our own 
 hands, as in Southern India, the struggle for life grows harder 
 to large sections of the people. But those sections, although 
 numbered by millions,' fortunately do not make up the whole 
 population. Throughout wide tracts where land is still plenti- 
 ful, the peace and security of British rule produce a permanent 
 prosperity never before reached in India. I have tried to look 
 with my own eyes into the condition of the tillers of the soil in 
 almost every country of Europe, from Norway to the Black Sea, 
 but J know of no peasantry so well off" as the husbandmen in 
 Eastern Bengal and many other parts of India. Vast trading 
 classes have also been developed under our Government, who 
 enjoy a degree of comfort which no considerable booy of the 
 people^possessed when the covmtry passed into our hands. But 
 the comfortable classes, whether husbandmen or traders, keep 
 silence. The uncomfortable classes very properly make them- 
 selves heaid. 
 
 You now know what I mean by the poverty of the Indian 
 people. More food is laised ¥rom the land than ever was raised 
 before ; but the population has increased at even a more rapid 
 rate than the food supply. We are compelled to stand by and 
 watch the pitiless operation of economic laws, whose force no 
 man can stay. Those laws decree that a population of smaU 
 husbandmen which marries and multiplies irrespective of the 
 means of subsistence shall suffer a constantly, increasing struggle 
 for existence. But while it is important to clearly realise this 
 evil, it is necessary to calmly gauge its proportions. Nothing is 
 
 L 2
 
 148 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 more dangerous to a Government than ignorance, and few 
 things are so terrifying as half-knowledge. However great 
 may be the pressure upon certain classes of the people, India 
 produces each harvest more food than she consumes. She 
 exported during the last five years an average of over twenty- 
 three million hundredweights of food-gi'ains alone, capable of 
 feeding her whole population for ten days, or an additional five 
 and a-half millions of people for the entire year. This makes 
 no allowance for the other edible seeds, oils, and condiments 
 which she exports. We may put it in another way. During 
 the past five years, India has sold an average of under eight 
 millions worth of food-grains to other nations. This sum is 
 rather more than equal to the balancjp*' of over seven millions 
 sterling which she receives in cash for her exports ; after paying 
 for all her imports, for the interest on money raised in England, 
 and for all the home chaiges of the - Government. With 
 these eight millions sterling she could, if she pleased, pay for 
 another twenty-three million cwts. of food. In either case 
 we find that the Indian harvest produces a surplus equal to the 
 whole consumpt of her population during ten days, or to the 
 support of an extra five and a-half millions of people during an 
 entire year. 
 
 It may, however, be alleged with some truth, that ii" the 
 whole population ate as much as they could this surplus would 
 not exist? The grain exports of India represent many hungry 
 stomachs in India. On the one hand, it is incoiTect to say that 
 those exports of food are compulsory in order to pay for the 
 Endish charges of the Government. For the value of the whole 
 food exports of India only slightly exceeds the seven millions 
 sterling which she yearly hoards in gold and silver, after paying 
 for her imports, for interest on English capital, and for all 
 home charges of the Government. Those expenses would be 
 defrayed by her other exports, even if she did not send out a 
 bag of gi-ain from her harbours. On the other hand, if all the 
 poorer classes in India ate two full meals every day, the surplus 
 for export would be much less than at present. That sui-plus 
 only proves that the yearly supply of food in India is greater 
 than the effective demand for it. 
 
 There is, however, another way of approaching the question.
 
 ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 149 
 
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 » -t-t+t- ^^-©.« -^0 5 

 
 150 ENGLAND\S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 I have taken all the provinces for which returns exist, and 
 endeavoured to find out what amount of food they yield per 
 head of the population. Our experience in famines shows that 
 1^ lbs. of grain a day, or say 450 lbs. per aimum, will keep 
 a working adult male in health. That allowance becomes 
 a comfortable one if gi*anted for a whole population of 
 men, women, and children ; supplemented as it is in the Indian 
 homesteads by milk, oils, condiments, fruits, vegetables, and 
 occasionally fish. From the statement on the preceding page, 
 it will be seen that in every province for which retimis exist 
 the average produce of the local crops is over 600 lbs. per 
 person, while 450 lbs. is the average required to maintain 
 the people in health. The table does i ot inoJude the acreage 
 under other crops, which go to pay "Ihe rent. Even Burma, 
 where the peasantry have enough and to spare, only consumes 
 507 lbs. per head. Accordipg to the Famine Commissioners, 
 Burma raises a total of one and a-half million tons, or 1,087 
 lbs. per head. But, deducting exports, &c., she only consumes 
 for ordinary purposes 700,000 tons, or 507 lbs. per head. 
 This shows that one of the best-fed provinces in the world, 
 where there is still more land than there are husbandmen to 
 till it, and abundance of fish, cannot consume much more grain 
 than the rate I have allowed of 450 lbs. per head. 
 
 If, therefore, the food supply of India were equally dis- 
 tributed, there would be plenty for all. But, owing to the 
 pressure of the increasing population on the soil, and the 
 extreme subdivision of holdings, it is not equally distributed. 
 For example, of the sixty-three millions of Bengal, including 
 the protected States, forty millions, as nearly as I can estimate, 
 are w^ll fed ; ten millions suffer hunger when the harvest falls 
 short ; and thirteen millions are always badly off — in fact, do 
 not know the feeling of a full stomach except in the mango 
 season. An acre of food crops produces, under ordinary cir- 
 cumstances, from 600 to 900 lbs., or much more than is re- 
 quired to feed a man for a year. A Bengal peasant, holding five 
 acres or upwards of land, is reckoned well off, for he can support 
 an average family of four or five persons, and have enough over 
 to pay his rent. But anything mider two acres leaves a 
 perilously small margin for a family of four persons. Half an
 
 ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 151 
 
 acre yields about 400 lbs, of food in Bengal, and less in other 
 provinces ; while the allowance for health and comfort is 450 lbs. 
 per head, besides the rent, seed, and interest to the village 
 money-lender. Now, there 'are twenty-four millions of people 
 in Bengal, who live off fifteen millions of acres; and of these, 
 not less than ten millions, with three millions of the worst-off 
 among the landless classes, make up the thirteen millions of 
 Bengal, who, notwithstanding the ample food supply of 634 lbs. 
 per head, scarcely ever lose the sensation of hunger. 
 
 The ratio of the permanently hungry population is some- 
 what smaller in other provinces. Thu!;, while in Bengal two- 
 thirds of the entire holdings pay less than 10^. of rent, and 
 average about twjo and'a-half acres, in Bombay only one-third 
 of the holdings are under five acres, while in Madras one-half 
 the entire holdings pay over 20.S. rent at lower rates per acre 
 than those current in Bengal. Tbp pressure of the people on 
 each square mile of Bengal is double the average pressure in 
 Madras and Bombay (including Sind) ; the holdings are neces- 
 sarily smaller, and the poverty is more intense. ' A square mile 
 of land in England,' says Mr. Caird, ' highly cultivated, gives 
 employment to 50 persons, in the proportion, 25 men, young 
 and old, and 25 women and boys,' or at the rate of 51 acres to 
 4 pef-sons. France, with its 180 persons to the square mile, is 
 considered a densely peopled country, and ten acres of plough 
 land would be reckoned a small holding. Well, there is not a 
 single district in India with only 180 persons to the square mile 
 whichr is not exceedingly well off; and not a Bengal peasant 
 .with ten acres to a family of ten persons who would not be 
 regarded as a fortunate man. An acre of crop-land, under 
 plough cultivation, suffices to keep a human being in coj;nfort ; 
 but anything under half an acre means a struggle for life. 
 
 The extent of the evil may be thus stated. Two-fifths of 
 the people of British India enjoy a prosperity unknowai under 
 native rule ; other two-fifths earn a fair but diminishing sub- 
 sistence ; but the remaining fifth, or forty millions, go through 
 life on insufficient food. It is these underfed forty millions who 
 form the problem of over-population in India. The difficulty 
 of solving it is intensified by the fact that in spite of the hard 
 struggle for life their numbers rapidly increase. ' In ten years,'
 
 152 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 says Mr. Caird, ' at the present rate of gi'owth, there will be 
 twenty millions more people to feed.' 
 
 It may help ns to understand the precise dimensions of the 
 problem if we express it in figures. Mr. Caird estimates that 
 the Indian population increases at the rate of two millions per 
 annum. If the lot- of the people is to be really improved, 
 additional supplies must be provided not only to feed these new 
 mouths, but to furnish a more adequate diet for the already 
 existing ones. This latter task means an annual increase of food 
 sufficient to entirely feed at least half a million, or to double 
 the rations of one million of the poorer classes. In this way 
 the lot of ten millions of these classes, would be ameliorated in 
 the course of ten years ; and the condition of .the whole would 
 be gradually improved in the course of a generation. The 
 initial problem, therefore, is to increase the means of subsistence 
 in India so as to annually feed two and a-half millions more 
 people : two millions representing the actual increase in immbers, 
 and the half million representing a double diet for at least a 
 million of the poorer classes. But figures can only express one 
 aspect of this great social problem. For after providing the 
 additional means of subsistence, it is necessary, if it is to amelio- 
 rate the common lot, that it should reach the mouths which 
 most m-gently need it. The problem, therefore, is not onlj' one 
 of supply, but of distribution. 
 
 I do iiot, however, agree with those who think the problem 
 insoluble. The permanent cure for over-population rests with 
 the people themselves, and consists in those restraints' upon 
 marriage to which all nations of small husbandmen have sooner 
 or later to svibmit. But we cannot wait till that compulsory 
 lesson ..is learned, for meanwhile millions wll perish. Over- 
 population in India is the direct product of British rule. We 
 have taken on ourselves the responsibility by removing the 
 previous checks upon the increase of the people — checks which, 
 however cruel, are the natural and inevitable ones in Asia, and 
 which take the place of the prudential restraints practised by 
 the peasant-farming races of Em-ope. We must now discharge 
 that responsibility, and as our own civilised rule has created the 
 difficulty, we must meet it by the resources of civilisation. 
 These resom'ces may lighten the pressure of the population on
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 153 
 
 the soil in three ways — first, by withdrawing large numbers to 
 non-agincultural industries ; second, by distributing the pressure 
 over new or under-populated tracts ; third, by increasing the 
 produce of tlie existing aveU of cultivation. 
 
 In the first direction, something has already been achieved. 
 The new industrial life of India described i\i the last chapter is 
 already feeding millions of mouths, and .before ten years are 
 over it will feed many millions more. India can command the 
 cheapest and most dexterous manufacturing labour in the world. 
 England can supply the cheapest capital in the world. The 
 household manufactures which were crushed by the co-operation 
 of coal, labour, and capital in England are now being re\ived 
 by the co-operation of coal, labour, and capital in India, I 
 believe that we are there at the commencement of a period of 
 manufacturing enterprise which will form an epoch in the history 
 of commerce. We are also apparently on the eve of great min- 
 ing enterprises. Apart from the gold of Southern India, from 
 the tin, antimony, lead, and mineral oils of Burma ; we only 
 await a process for profitably smelting iron with coal having 
 15 per cent, of ash in order to create a new industry. No one 
 would have predicted in 1855 that our Indian exports would 
 rise from twenty to close on seventy millions during twenty-five 
 yeaai ; and no wise man will now venture to predict the limits 
 of the industrial development of India before the close of this 
 century. But we may with safety assume that the opmmercial 
 industries of India for export and home consumption will dis- 
 tribute, in wages to the labouring classes and in profits to the 
 •husbandman, a yearly increase of a million sterling. Now those 
 classes can live well at the rate of 2Z. a year, for old and young, 
 i^million sterling of increased wages and peasant-profit;-* would 
 therefore represent a comfortable subsistence for an annual 
 increase of half a million of people. 
 
 In the second direction, also, something has been done to 
 lighten the pressure of the people on the soil. The emigrants 
 by sea are indeed few, averaging only 18,000 per annum. But 
 there is a tendency for the people to spontaneously spread tliem- 
 selves out to the less thickly peopled districts. We have only 
 had one census in India, and it will not be possible to gauge 
 the extent of such movements till the next census in 1881.
 
 154 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 From Column iv. of the table on page 149 it will be seen that 
 a great balance exists of cultivable land not yet brought under 
 the plough. This uncultivable land consists of two classes — 
 of large blocks or even extensive tracts in sparsely peopled 
 provinces such as Assam, the Punjab, and the central plateau ; 
 and of small patches of pasture, jungle, or reclaimable waste 
 interspersed among the closely cultivated districts. The first 
 class opens up a field for migi-ation on a large scale. Hitherto 
 such migrations, although carefully watched by Government, 
 cannot be said to have been fostered by it. A labour transport 
 department exists, but its object is to secure a high scale of 
 comfort to the coolies en route, at the cost of the tea planters, 
 rather than to encourage both capitalists and labourers in the 
 work of transferring the population from the overcrowded to 
 the under-peopled provinces. The Government is now recon- 
 sidering the question in the .latter aspect. The transport of 
 labour has, so far, only paid for undertakings yielding a high 
 return, such as tea planting. That industry now employs 
 300,000 natives, and feeds about half a million, a large pro- 
 portion of whom have been brought from densely inhabited 
 tracts to the distant tea districts. 
 
 The problem before Government is how to render labour 
 transport a paying enterprise for the staple operations of 
 husbandry. It is conceivable that such facilities might be given 
 as would make it profitable for capitalists and land companies 
 to found agi'icultural settlements in Assam and the Central 
 Provinces. If the landholders of Bengal were thus to turn 
 captains of industry, they would vindicate their position and 
 render it inexpugnable. Thus, among the most thickly 
 peopled parts of India are Bardwan and Darbhanga, each 
 of them held by a Maharaja. The incomes of these two 
 magnates are popularly reckoned tv) make a total of over half 
 a million sterling. Well, if the Maharaja of Bardwan and the 
 Maharaja of Darbhanga were to obtain suitable facilities from 
 the Government, and to lead forth a colony, each from his own 
 crowded district, by ten days' easy journey to Assam or the 
 Central Provinces, he woidd not only add to the foi-tunes of 
 his house, but would set a noble example which other great 
 proprietors in Bengal would not be slow to follow.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 155 
 
 Such enterprises already yield a good profit on the hilly 
 outskirts of Bengal and in marshy districts. Half a million of 
 acres have been i-eclaimed by immigrant colonies in the Sundar- 
 bans during the present generation. From' personal examina- 
 tion of these clearings, and of the reclaimed tracts in Assam, I am 
 able to say that the task is a lighter one in* the latter province. 
 But it requires a capitalist, and above all^ a native capitalist. 
 A fakir ^ or spiritual person, accompanies each party to pray 
 against the tigers ; and receives 1*. ?>d. per 100 logs removed in 
 safety. A simple ecclesiastical polity of this sort is found to 
 give confidence and coherence to the iiflmigrants. The Bengal 
 Tandholder delights to tr^jge his origin to some remote ancestor 
 who came from ,the north and cut down the jungle. The 
 eponymous village hero is still the man who dug the tank and 
 ploughed up the adjacent fields. Well, the landed gentlemen 
 of Bengal have now a chance of illustrating their families, not 
 by a Brahman-invented pedigree, but by themselves doing what 
 they love to think that their ancestors did — by founding agri- 
 cultural colonies, and by giving their names to new districts. 
 
 The landholders of Bengal are the class which has profited 
 by the increase of population which now forms the great 
 difficulty of Bengal. Many of them have a high sense of their 
 dutieig ; many of them are at present apprehensive that their 
 privileges will be curtailed. Whatever may be the legal basis 
 for« those privileges, they have no foundation in the sympathies 
 of their countrymen ; and there is a tendency to question that 
 basis among Englishmen both in India and at home. If the 
 great landholders could co-operate with the Government in 
 equalising the pressure of the population on the soil, they would 
 rfliWVe the principal cause which has led to their privileges 
 being challenged. But Government should remember that, in 
 such enterprises, the undertakir risks his capital, and the labourers 
 must be content to risk their health. Hitherto the one object 
 of our labour transport laws has been to reduce the labourer's 
 risk at the cost of the capitalist. Fifteen years ago it was 
 my duty to administer those laws in the principal seat of 
 river embarkation for Assam. The Acts were framed in favour 
 of the coolie, and I administered them, as I was bound to do, 
 in favour of the coolie. At a later period I had to inquire into
 
 156 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 the whole operation and spirit of these laws. I came to two 
 conclusions — first, that labour transport was practicable in 
 Bengal, not only for special industries like tea, but on a great 
 scale for agricultural settlements •' second, that if the system 
 were to be re-organized on this new basis, Governinent must 
 legislate with an eye to the money risks of the capitalist as 
 well as to the health risks of the labourer. 
 
 The other class of imoccupied land consists not of large 
 blocks, but of patches interspersed among closely cultivated 
 districts. A glance at the table on page 149 will show how vast 
 an aggregate must exist of this class. ' There is,' write the 
 Famine Commissioners, ' in most vilHges scope for a slow and 
 gi'adual extension of cultivation by the breakkig-up of unculti- 
 vated land ; and outside the village areas there is an inmiense 
 extent which is more or less fit for cultivation.'' How rapidly 
 the process goes on may be realised from the fact that the 
 Madi'as peasantry increased their cultivated fields from twelve 
 to twenty millions of acres in the quarter of a century 
 ending 1878. In truth, the process goes on too rapidly. 
 For the cultivable waste comprises the pasture lands on which 
 the village herds graze, and the patches of jungle on which the 
 people depend for fuel. Now, as we have seen, the lack of 
 pastm-e and the substitution of cow manure for firewood are 
 main factors in the exhaustion of the Indian soil. 
 
 Whik, therefore, much may be done by migration to un- 
 occupied tracts, and by the tillage of waste patches of land, 
 the latter process drives us back upon the third means of 
 augmenting the food-supply — namely, by increasing the pro- 
 duce of the existing area of cultivation. And here we ai*e met 
 at the outset by a statement often repeated, and which the 
 Hindu Patriot lately put in verv pithy words : ' The native 
 cultivators have nothing to learn)' so far as non-scientific agri- 
 culture is concerned, and the adoption of scientific agiiculture 
 is wholly beyond their means.' I had the good fortune, in my 
 youth, to work during two years in the laboratory of the 
 greatest agricultural chemist of that day. If the only alternative 
 lay between a strictly scientific and an altogether unscientific 
 husbandry, I should have to concm* in the Hindu Patriofs con- 
 clusion. But the choice is not thus limited. I have compared
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 157 
 
 the high farming of the Lothians with the primitive tillage ot 
 the Argyleshire glens, and I find that both these extremes are 
 essentially local. The husbandry of England and of Europe 
 occupies a shifting position* between the two. One little im- 
 provement takes place in one district, another small change for 
 the better in another. Everyone knows tAat strictly scientific 
 farming trebles the produce ; that a field wlych produces 730 lbs. 
 of wheat without manure can be made to yield 2,342 lbs. by 
 manure. But everyone also knows that the native of India has 
 neither the capital nor the knowledge required to attain this 
 result. If, therefore, the problem before him was to increase 
 his crops threefold, I sl^o^i-M despair of his success. But, as I 
 shall now show, the problem is not to increase the food supply 
 of India by 300 per cent, at a stroke, but by 1^ per cent, a 
 year. 
 
 Wheat land in tl^e North- Western Provinces, which now 
 gives only 840 lbs. an acre, yielded 1,140 lbs. in the time of 
 Akbar, and would be made to produce 1,800 lbs. in East 
 Norfolk. The average return of food-grains in India shows 
 about 700 lbs. per acre ; in England, Avheat averages over 
 1,700 lbs. The Secretary to the Government of India, in its 
 late Department of Agriculture, declares, ' that with proper 
 maniiring and proper tillage, every acre, broadly speaking, of 
 land in the country can be made to yield 30, 50, or 70 per cent, 
 moi'e of every kind of crop than it at present procUices ; and 
 with a fully corresponding increase in the profits of cultivation.' 
 But, a's I shall now show, a yearly increase of li per cent, would 
 suffice. 
 
 The food supply of India must be augmented so as to allow 
 an annual increase of two and a-half millions of people. . This 
 rate will not only feed the new mouths, but will ameliorate 
 / the condition of the existing! population. Now two and a-half 
 millions are less than 1^ pw cent, of the present population, 
 and the present food supply is more than that population con- 
 sumes. If, therefore, we add 1^ per cent, yearly to the food 
 production, the supply will more than keep pace with the in- 
 creased demand upon it, so far as the internal wants of India 
 are concerned. I shall specify four out of many considerations 
 which make me believe that, ^vithout attempting any flights in
 
 158 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 scientific farming, it is possible to steadily increase the Indian 
 food supply to the extent of li per cent, per annum. 
 
 The first impediment to better husbandry is the fewness and 
 weakness of the cattle. ' Over a great portion of the Empire,' 
 writes the Secretary to the late Agricultural Department in 
 India, ' the mass of the cattle are starved for six weeks every 
 year. The hot winds roar, every green thing has disappeared, 
 no hot- weather forage is grown ; the last year's fodder has 
 generally been consumed in keeping the well bullocks on their 
 legs during the irrigation of the spring crops ; and all the 
 husbandman can do is just to keep his poor brutes alive on the 
 chopped leaves of the few trees and^-shrubs he has access to, 
 the roots of grass and herbs that he digs out "of the edges of 
 fields, and the like. In good years he just succeeds ; in bad years 
 the weakly ones die of starvation. But then come the rains. 
 Within the week, as though* by magic, the burning sands are 
 carpeted with rank, luscious herbage, the cattle will eat and 
 over-eat, and millions die of one form or other of cattle dis- 
 ease, springing out of this starvation followed by sudden repletion 
 with rank, juicy, immature herbage.'' He estimates ' the average 
 annual loss of cattle in India by preventable diseases' at ten 
 million beasts, worth seven million sterling. He complains that 
 no real attempt has been made either to bring veterinary know- 
 ledge within reach of the people, or to organize a system of 
 village pkntation which wo aid feed their cattle through i!he 
 summer. 
 
 The second impediment to improved husbandry is the want 
 of manure. If there were more stock, there would be more 
 manure, and the absence of firewood compels the people to use 
 even the scanty droppings of their existing cattle for fuel. 
 Under such circumstances agriculture ceases to be the manufac- 
 ture of food, and becomes a mere sj^ioliation of the soil. Forage 
 crops, such as lucerne, guinea-grass, and the gi'eat stemmed 
 millets, might fm'nish an immense weight to the acre. Govern- 
 ment is now considering whether their cultivation could not be 
 promoted by reducing the irrigation rates on green fodder 
 crops. A system of village plantations Avould not only supply fire- 
 wood, but would yield leaves and an midergrowth of fodder 
 sufficient to tide the cattle over their six weeks' struggle for life
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 159 
 
 each summer. In some districts Government has land of its 
 own which it could thus plant ; in others it is only a sleeping 
 partner in the soil. The system would have to be considerately 
 organized on a legislative basis, but Mr. Hume, the highest 
 authority on such a subject, declares the system perfectly 
 practicable. For the details I refer the reader to his valuable 
 pamphlet on ' Agi'icultm-al Reform in India.' In Switzerland, 
 I found that the occupiers of albnends; or communal lands, have 
 at least in some cantons to keep up a certain number of trees. 
 It seems a fair question whether plantations ought not in many 
 parts of India to be now made an inciclent of the land tenure ; 
 they would go far to so^4^:ihe two fundamental difficulties of 
 Indian agricidtu?;e — the loss of cattle, and the want of manure. 
 
 Meanwhile, the natives set an increasing value on manure. 
 The gi'eat cities ai-e being converted from centres of disease into 
 sources of food suppl3^. For a tirae, caste prejudices stood in 
 the way of utilising the night-soil. ' Five years ago,' writes the 
 Secretary to the Poona Municipality, ' agriculturists would not 
 touch the jioudrette when prepared, and could not be induced to 
 take it away at even a nominal charge. At present the out- 
 turn of manure is not enough to keep pace with the demand, 
 and the peasants buy it up from four to six months in advance.' 
 At ifmritsar, in the Punjab, 30,000 donkey loads were sold in 
 one year. A great mai'gin stills exists for economy, both in the 
 towns and villages ; but the husbandman is becoming more 
 alive to the utilisation of every source of -Aianure, and his 
 prejudices are gradually giving way under the stern pressure of 
 facts. 
 
 The thifrHTTTpecliment to improved agriculture in India is 
 TITe want of water. Mr. Caird, the chief English authority who 
 has inquired into the subject, believes that if only one-third of 
 / the cultivated area were im^lated India would be secure against 
 famine. At any rate, an extension of irrigation would alone 
 suffice to raise the food supply by more than 1^ per cent, 
 during many years. Since India passed to the Crown, great 
 progress has been made in this direction. Money has been 
 invested by millions of pounds"; 200 millions of acres are now 
 under cultivation ; and in the five British provinces which 
 require it most 28 per cent, of the area, or say one-third, is
 
 160 ENGLAND\S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 artificially supplied with water. Those Provinces are the 
 Punjab, the North-West, Oudh, Sind, and Madi-as. Looking 
 to what has of late years been done, and to what yet remains 
 to be done by wells and petty works with the alid of loans 
 from the State, I think Ave may reckon on a vast increase of 
 food from irrigation. 
 
 I shall mention qnly one more means of improving Indian 
 tillage. The Indian Government is the gi-eatest landed pro- 
 prietor in the world ; it is, I think, the only Government of a 
 people of husbandmen which has no Agricultural Department. 
 From the first, it concert trated its attention on its own share of 
 the crops, and interested itself toO|^|,|ttle in their cultivation. 
 Ten years ago Lord Mayo, the only Indian Viceroy who had 
 ever farmed for a livelihood, founded an Agricultural Depart- 
 ment in India. But the traditions of Indian administra- 
 tion were too strong for him. His Agricidtural Department 
 soon became a Revenue Department, and before long was 
 abolished. I do not think that any official deus ex machina 
 can bring down an avatar of steam ploughs and chemical 
 manures upon India. But I watched the operations of the late 
 Agricultural Department, and I have studied the practical work 
 done at its model farms. I believe it capable, by continuous 
 effort, of slowly but surely effecting great improvemen'us in 
 Indian husbandry. Food production depends on three elements 
 — labom*, Jand, and capital. We have abundance of labomv in 
 India : there isxstill enough land if the population could be 
 equally distributed over it ; and the Government has unlimited 
 cheap capital at its command, if it had only the knowledge and 
 supervision requisite for its safe application tb'iLoooil. India 
 has entered on the inevitable change which takes place "in 
 all countries from ' extensive ' to ' intensive ' husbandry, as the 
 population increases. It has been ny duty to find out precisely 
 what amount of information exists ..vith regard to the agricul- 
 ture of India ; and to compare that information with the facts 
 which the Governments of Eui'ope And America supply on the 
 same points. I have come to the conclusion that no central 
 Government stands more in ne.id of agricultural knowledge 
 than the Government of India, and that no Government has 
 a smaller stock of such knowledge within its central body.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 161 
 
 I rejoice, therefore, that the Famine Commissioners urge the re- 
 establishment of an Agricultural Department in India. 
 
 I have now set forth the problem of an increased food supply 
 for India ; endeavoured to s^te its exact dimensions ; and shown 
 that, while it demands organized efforts on a great scale, it is 
 quite capable of solution. The problem, however, is not only 
 one of supply, but of distribution. By or,e set of efforts the 
 food must be increased ; another set of efforts must secure a fair 
 .share of that food to the actual tiller of the soil. In Southern 
 India, as I have mentioned, the cry of the peasantry is for pro- 
 tection against the money-lenders. After a careful inquiry, the 
 Government determine4>*r/respond to that cry. It has practi- 
 cally said to the village bankers : ' A state of things has grown 
 up under British rule which enables you to push the cultivators, 
 by means of our courts, to extremities unknown under the 
 native dynasties anc^ repugnant 'to the customs of India. 
 Henceforth, in considering the security on which you lend 
 money, please to know that the peasant cannot be imprisoned 
 or sold out of his farm to satisfy your claims ; and we shall free 
 him from the lifelong burden of those claims by a mild bank- 
 ruptcy law.' Such is the gist of the Southern India Agricul- 
 turists' Relief Act of 1879. 
 
 It provides, in the first place, for small rural debtors of 
 5Z. and under. If the court is satisfied that such a debtor is 
 k really unable to pay the whole sum, it may direct th» payment 
 of such portion as it considers that he can pay,>^nd grant him a 
 discharge for the balance. To debtors for larger amounts, it 
 gives the protection of an Insolvency Act. No agriculturist 
 shall hen^idbffti^iSe arrested or imprisoned in execution of a 
 decree for money. In addition to the old provisions {^gainst 
 the sale of the necessary implements of his trade, no agricul- 
 turist's immovable property t:hall be attached or sold in execu- 
 tion of any decree, unless it jias been specifically mortgaged for 
 the debt to which such decree relates. But even when it has 
 been specifically mortgaged jthe court may order the debtor's 
 holding to be cultivated, for a period not exceeding seven years, 
 on behalf of Jtlie creditor, aftei^N^llowing a sufficient portion of 
 it for the- support of the debtor and his family. At the end of 
 the seven years the debtor is discharged. If- the debtor himself 
 
 M
 
 162 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 applies for relief under the Insolvency clauses, the procedure is 
 as follows : his movable property, less the implements of his 
 trade, is liable to sale for his debts. His immovable pro- 
 perty, or farm, is divided into two "parts, one of which is set 
 aside as ' required for the support of the insolvent and members 
 of liis family dependent on him,'' while the remainder is to be 
 managed on behalf of his creditors. But ' nothing in this 
 section shall authorise the com't to take into possession any 
 houses or other buildings belonging to, and occupied by, an 
 agriculturist.' Village arbitrators or ' conciliators "* are ap- 
 pointed by the same Act, and every creditor must first try to 
 settle his claims before them. If tks-^flPort at arbitration fails, 
 the ' conciliator ' shall give the applicant a certificate to that 
 effect. No suit to which an agricultmist (residing wthin- any 
 local area to which a ' conciliator ' has been appointed) is a 
 party shall be entertained* by any Civil Court, unless the 
 plaintiff produces a certificate from the ' conciliator ' that arbi- 
 tration has been attempted and failed. 
 
 Much may be said on general principles against this Act, 
 and much also may be said for it under the special conditions 
 in which the South Indian peasant now finds himself placed. 
 On the one hand, it gives a protection to the ignorant cultivator 
 such as he practically enjoyed under native rule, when the 
 money-lender could not sell his holding, because there was more 
 land thai> there were husbandmen to till it. But, on the other 
 hand, it increases the risks in the application of capital to land. 
 It secm'es the idle or extravagant cultivator from the con- 
 sequence of his own acts, and thus tends to arrest that process 
 of riddling out the thriftless members of the popUiVvL^on which, 
 howe'ter cruel in its action, results in bringing the soil inYo "the 
 hands able to make the most of it. 
 
 While in Southern India the c^emand is thus for restraints 
 upon the money-lender, in Bengal the cry of the peasantry is 
 for protection against the landl)rd. Accordingly, in 1859, 
 the Government practically said* to the landholdei-s : ' We 
 created you as a proprietary body in 1793 by om- own act. 
 In doing so, we made over to yr-[i valuable rights which up to 
 that time were vested in the State, but Me carefully reserved 
 the rights of the cultivators. We shall now ascertain and
 
 ENGLAND?S WORK IN INDIA 163 
 
 define the rights of the cultivators ; and we shall settle your 
 relations with them on the basis of those rights/ The result 
 was embodied in the famous I^and Law of 1,859, which divided 
 the cultivators of Bengal into fom- classes : First, those who 
 had held their holdings at the same rates sipce 1793, and whose 
 rents could not be raised at all. Second, those who had held 
 their land at the same rent for twenty year§, and were therefore 
 presumed by law to have held since 1793, unless the contrary 
 was proved. Third, those who had held for twelve years. Such 
 tenants had a right of occupancy, aijd their rents could be 
 raised only for certain specified reasons by a suit at law. Fourth, 
 those who had held for less than twelve years, and were left to 
 make what bargain they could with the landlords. 
 
 Fm-ther experience, since 1859, has taught the Govern- 
 ment that even these provisions are inadequate to avert the 
 wholesale enhancement of rents in Bengal. It accordingly 
 issued a Commission in 1879 to inquire into the questions 
 involved, and the report of the Commission has just reached 
 England. Whatever may be the fate of the draft law which 
 these folios propose, they will remain a monument of noble 
 intention, able discussion of principles, and honest statement of 
 the facts. The Commissioners of 1879, like the legislators of 
 1859, have anived at the conclusion that a substantial peasant 
 right in the soil exists in Bengal. They would confirm all the 
 rights given to the peasant by the Land Codep^of f859, and 
 they propose to augment them. The first class of cultivators, 
   who have held their land at the same rates since 1793, can 
 n'ever have their reijt raised. The second class, or those who 
 have thyif^eld for twenty years, are still presumed to have held 
 since 1793. The third class of cultivators, who have held for 
 twelve years, have their privileges increased. Their occupancy 
 rights are to be consolidatec\ into a valuable peasant tenure, 
 transferable by sale, gift, oi I inheritance ; and it is proposed 
 that all increase in the value if the land or the crop, notarising 
 from the agency of either th' landlord or tenant, shall hence- 
 forth be divided equally bet\N;een them. This provision is a 
 very importa^ one in a counti^y like Bengal, where new rail- 
 ways, nevr^roads, and the increase of the people and of trade, 
 constantly tend to raise the price of the agricultural staples. 
 
 H 2
 
 164 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 AVhat political economists call the * unearned increment ' is no 
 longer to accrue to the proprietor, but is to be divided between 
 him and the cultivator; so that landlord and tenant' are hence- 
 forth to be joint sharers in the increasing value of the land. 
 
 But the great changes proposed by the Rent Commissioners 
 of 1879 refer to the fourth or lowest class of husbandmen, who 
 have held for less thfin twelve years, and whom the Land Code 
 of 1859 admitted to no rights whatever. The Commissioners 
 declare that the competition for land, if unchecked by law or 
 custom, will reduce 't|)e whole agricultural population to a 
 condition of , misery and degradation ' ; and they have resolved, 
 so far as in them lies, to arrest this^CfU ruin of Bengal. They 
 enunciate the principle that ' the land of a cduntry belongs to 
 the people of a country ; and while vested rights should be 
 treated with all possible tenderness, no mode of appropriation 
 and cultivation should be permanently allowed by the ruler 
 which involves the wretchedness of the great majority of the 
 community ; if the alteration or amendment of the law relating 
 to land can by itself, or in conjunction with other measiu-es, 
 obviate or remedy the misfortune.' 
 
 Strong doctrine this ; and very stringently do the Com- 
 missioners apply it. In their draft code, they propose a system 
 of compensation for disturbance whose thoroughgoing character 
 contrasts strongly with the mild Irish Bill which the House of 
 Lords rejectefcl, last session. The Bengal Rent Commissioners 
 would accord a cjuasi-occupancy right to all tenants who have 
 held for three years. If the landlord demands an increased 
 rent from such a tenant, and the tenant prefers to leave rather 
 
 than submit to the enhancement, then the landlofcf'k^'ist nav 
 
 " ... -»^» ' — 
 
 him, first, a substantial compensation for disturbance, and, 
 second, a substantial compensation for improvements. The 
 compensation for disturbance is calculated at a sum equal to 
 one year's increased rent, as demanded by the landlord. The 
 compensation for improvements in'dudes payment for buildings 
 erected by the tenant, for tanks, w ills, irrigation works, drainage 
 works, embankments, or for the r^^newal or improvement of any 
 of the foregoing ; also for any ^knd which the tenVnt may have 
 reclaimed or enclosed, and for all fruit trees which he' inay have 
 planted. The operation of these clauses will be, that before
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 165 
 
 the landlord can raise the rent, he must be prepared to pay to 
 the outgoing tenant a sura which will swallow up the increased 
 rental for several years. 
 
 The practical result is la give tenant right to all cultivators 
 who have held their land for three years or upwards — that is, 
 to the mass of the people in Bengal. Wh.5ther these stringent 
 provisions become law remains to be seen. For we must 
 remember that the landlords have rights as well as the tenants. 
 But before the Commissioners' suggestions can become law they 
 they must obtain the assent, successively, of the Provincial 
 Government of Bengal, of the GovernOr-General in Council, of 
 the Indian Legislature, and finally of the Secretary of State 
 who represents ^^he majority in the British Parliament. At 
 each of these stages the vested lights of the landholders will be 
 carefully considered, and the arguments on which the proposed 
 changes are based will be threshed oiit. 
 
 While the efforts of the Indian executive are directed to the 
 increase of the food supply, the Legislature is thus endeavour- 
 ing to secure a fair share of that supply to the tiller of the soil. 
 
 The analogy of the situation in Bengal to the agrarian 
 agitation in Ireland is in some respects a striking one. In 
 both countries, a state of things has grown up under British 
 rule which seems unbearable to a section of the people. In 
 Bengal, the peasantry have fought by every weapon of delay 
 afforded by the courts ; in England, the Irish representatives are 
 fighting by every form of obstruction possibl;/^in Parliament. 
 In both countries we may disapprove of the weapons employed ; 
 but in both we must admit that these weapons ai'e better 
 than th*^ .,.>li.r oTries of physical force. In neither can the 
 "ijrov(^rnment parley with outrage or crime. In both covmtries, 
 I believe that the peasantry will more or less completely win the 
 day ; for in both, the state of things of which they complain 
 is repugnant to the awakene-1 conscience of the British nation. 
 
 striking, must not be pushed 
 hand, the Irish peasantry has 
 emigi-ation open to it — a resource practically not available to 
 the Bengal h>isbandman, Oii'the other hand, the proprietary 
 right in bengal was a gift of o\k own as late as 1793 — a gift 
 hedged in by reservations in favour of the peasantry, and 
 
 But the analogy, althougt 
 too far. For, on the one
 
 166 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 conferred for the distinctly expressed purpose of securing the 
 welfare of the people. The proprietary right in Ireland is the 
 growth of centuries of spoliation and conquest.. It may, 
 perhaps, be found possible to accord a secure position to the 
 peasantry of Bengal without injustice to the landlords. The 
 Irish difficulty, althovigh on a smaller scale, is complicated by 
 old wrongs. 
 
 One comfort we may derive from our experience in Bengal. 
 It is, that the land laws, if rightly dealt with, form an ordinary 
 and a necessary subject for legislative improvement in countries 
 like India and Ireland, ^V^here the mass of the people live by 
 the tillage of the soil. The reform of4)iQexisting tenures is, there- 
 fore, a matter for legislation, not for revolution.,. The problem, 
 alike in India and in Ireland, is how to do the best for the 
 peasant at the least cost to the State, and with the least in- 
 fringement of vested proprietary rights. 
 
 A- 
 
 / X
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 167 
 
 IV 
 
 THE MAINTENANCE OF A GOVERNMENT ON EUROPEAN 
 STANDARDS OF EFFICIENCY FROM AN ASIATIC SCALE 
 
 OF REVENUE' 
 
 I HAVE eiideavou^-ed to explain the real meaning of the poverty 
 of the Indian people. I shall now ask attention to some of the 
 difficulties which that poverty gives rise to in the government of 
 the country. Men must first have enough to live upon before 
 they can pay taxes. The revenue-yielding powers of a nation 
 are regulated, not by its numbers, but by the margin between 
 its national earnings and its requirements for subsistence. It is 
 because this margin is so gi'eat in England that the English are 
 the most taxable people in the world. It is because this margin 
 is so small in India that any increase in the revenue involves 
 serious difficulties. The thirty-four millions of our countrymen 
 in Great Britain and Ireland pay their 68 millions sterling of 
 Iroperial taxation^ with far greater ease than the qjje hundred 
 and ninety millions of British subjects in Indi^ pay an actual 
 taxation of 35 millions. It may seem a contradiction in terms 
 •to say that the English Avho pay at the rate of forty shillings 
 per head t-i Liic^iiifperial exchequer, besides many local burdens, 
 are inore lightly taxed than the Indians, who pay only, at the 
 rate of 3*. Sd. per head to the imperial exchequer, with 
 scarcely any local burdens. But the sum of forty shillings per 
 head bears a much smaller - proportion to the margin between 
 the national earnings and t][e national requirements for subsist- 
 ence in England than the s^m of 3.?. Sd. bears to that margin 
 
 in India. In estimating tl Je revenue-yielding powers of India 
 
 x 
 
 ' Customp/*20 millions ; Inland ". «5venue, 48 millions : total taxation, 68 
 millions. " fhe gross revenue of the United Kingdom in 1880 was 81,265,055^, 
 besides 29,247,595^, of local taxation ; total, 110,512,650 J.
 
 168 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 we must get rid of the delusive influence which hundreds of 
 millions of taxpayers exercise upon the imagination. We 
 must think less of the numbers and more of the poverty of 
 the Indian people.   ^ 
 
 But while anxious that the gravity of our financial situation 
 in India should be realised, I do not think that any good can 
 come of exaggerating it. At this moment we are taking less tax- 
 ation from the Indian people than was taken by their own Asiatic 
 rulers. The following table (p. 169) shows the revenues of the 
 Mughal Empire from the reign of Akbar in 1593 to its practical 
 downfall in 1761. The figures are derived from many indepen- 
 dent soui'ces — from retm-ns drawn up^by skilful English officers of 
 the East India Company ; from the materials afforded by the 
 Native Revenue Survey, and the Mughal exchequer accounts ; 
 fi-om the reports of European travellers ; and from the financial 
 statement of the Empire as presented to the Afghan conqueror, 
 Ahmad Shah Abdali, on his entry into Delni. One of the most 
 learned numismatists of om* day, Mr. Edward Thomas, has de- 
 voted a treatise to sifting these materials, and I reproduce his 
 results. Indeed, the difficulty of a comparison has arisen, not fi'om 
 the absence of information in respect to the Mughal revenues, 
 but from want of exact statements regarding our own. As 
 I pointed out at Bu'mingham in 1879, the Parliamentary Indian 
 Accounts are rendered in such a form as to permit of the widest 
 assertions regarding Indian taxation, varying from an annual 
 total of 34 to 6wr 60 millions sterling. Efforts have since then 
 been made to remedy this, and a statement lately presented to 
 Parliament exhibits the actual revenue and expenditm-e of British . 
 India during a series of years. ^*^ .i.,.^ 
 
 From this authoritative statement I find that the mSttioiT" 
 of British India, dm^ing the ten years ending 1879, has averaged 
 35^ millions per annum. That is the gross sum, as shown in 
 the table on next page ; the net world be less ; say for purposes 
 of easy recollection 35 millions stei ling, or 3*. 8c?. per head. 
 From the table on next page we see that in 1593, when the 
 Mughal Empire was of much less ex^ ent and much less populous 
 than our own, the burdens of the plople amounted, voider Akbar, 
 to 42 millions sterling. Captain Hawkins, frw*;^ oareftJ 
 inquiries at Agra, returned the revenue of Akbar's successor in
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
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 170 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 1609 at 50 millions. At the end of that century we have two 
 separate returns for 1695 and 1697, giving the revenues of 
 Aui'angzeb respectively at 80 and 77^ millions. 
 
 If we examine the items in the I.Iughal accounts, we find the 
 explanation of their enormous totals. The land tax then, as 
 now, formed about .one half of the whole revenue. The net 
 land revenue demand of the Mughal Empire averaged 25 
 millions sterling from 1593 to 1761 ; or 32 millions during the 
 last century of that Empire, from 1655 to 1761. The annual 
 net land revenue raised from the much larger area of British 
 India during the ten years ending 1879 has been 18 millions 
 sterling (gross, 21 millions). Bi^ besides the land revenue 
 there were under our predecessors not less than forty imposts of 
 a personal character. They included taxes upon religious 
 assemblies, upon trees, upon marriage, upon the peasant's hearth, 
 and upon his cattle. How severe some of them were may be 
 judged from the Poll Tax. For the purposes of this tax, the 
 non-Muhammadan population was divided into three classes, 
 paying respectively 4/., 21., and 11. annually to the exchequer for 
 each adult male. The lowest of these rates, if now levied from 
 each non-Musalman male adult, would alone yield an amount 
 exceeding our whole Indian taxation. Yet under the Mughal 
 Empire the Poll Tax was only one of forty bm-dens. 
 
 We may briefly sum up the results as follows. Under the 
 Mughal Empire from 1593 to 1761, the Imperial demand 
 averaged about fJO millions sterling a year. During the past 
 ten years ending 1879 the imperial taxation of British India, 
 with its far larger population, averaged 35 millions. Under the 
 Mughal Empire, the land tax between 1655'tmd-*7€laveraged 
 32 milj.ions. Under the British Empire, the net land fST hag^ 
 during the past ten years, averaged 18 millions. 
 
 Not only is the taxation of British India much less than 
 that raised by the Mughal Emperors, but it compares favourably 
 with the taxation of other Asiatic! countries in our own days. 
 The only other Empire in Asia which pretends to a. civilised 
 government is Japan. I have no s'oecial acquaintance with the 
 Japanese revenues ; but I find frdm German writes that over 
 11 millions sterling are there revised from a populatioh<>f thirty- 
 four million people, or deducting certain items, a taxation of
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
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 172 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 about Qs. a head. In India, where we try to govern on a higher 
 standard of efficiency, the rate of actual taxation is 3*. 8c?. a head. 
 If, instead of deaHng with the imperial revenues as a whole, 
 we concentrate our* survey on any one Province, we find these 
 facts brought out in a still stronger light. To take a single 
 instance. After a patient scrutiny of the records, I found that, 
 allowing for the change in the value of money, the ancient 
 revenue of Orissa represented eight times the quantity of the 
 staple food which our own revenue now represents,* The 
 native revenue of Orissa supported a magnificent Court with 
 a crowded seraglio, swarvns of priests, a large army, and a costly 
 public worship. Under our rule, Orissa does little more than 
 defray the local cost of protecting person and property, and of 
 its irrigation works. In Orissa, the Raja's share of the crops 
 amounted, with dues, to 60 per cent., and the mildest Native 
 Governments demanded 33 -per cent. The Famine Commis- 
 sioners estimate the land tax in the British Provinces ' at from 
 3 per cent, to 7 per cent, of the gross out-turn.' Ample deduc- 
 tions are allowed for the cost of cultivation, the risks of the 
 season, the maintenance of the husbandman and his family. Of 
 the balance which remains, Government nominally takes one- 
 half ; but how small a proportion this bears to the crop may be 
 seen from the returns collected by the Famine Coramissionei-s. 
 Their figures deal with 176 out of the 191 millions of our 
 Indian fejlqw-subjects. These 176 millions cultivate 188 
 millions of acres, grow 331 millions sterling worth of produce, 
 and now pay 18f millions of land revenue. While, therefore, 
 they raise over IZ, 15*. worth of produce per acre, they pay ta 
 Government under 2*. of land tax per acr5. Insteai^ of thus 
 payingj 5^ per cent, as they do to us, they would uri3er the" 
 Mughal rule have been called to pay from 33 to 50 per cent, 
 of the crop. The two systems, indeed, proceed upon entirely 
 different principles. The Native Governments, write the 
 Famine Commissioners, often taxed the land ' to the extent of 
 taking from the occupier the whole of the surplus ' ' after 
 defraying the expenses of cultiva|)*ion.' The British Govern- 
 ment objects to thus ' sweeping off the whole margaa of profit,' 
 
 ' The evidence on which these statements are based was published in my 
 Orisia, vol. i. pp. 323-329. Smith, Elder & Co. 1872.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 173 
 
 What becomes of the surplus which our Government declines 
 to take ? It goes to feed an enormously increased population. 
 The tax-gatherer now leaves so large a margin to the husband- 
 man that the province of* Bengal, for example, feeds three 
 times as many mouths as it did in 1780, and has a vast surplus 
 of produce, over and above its own wai/ts, for exportation. 
 'In the majority of Native Governments/ writes the greatest 
 living authority on the question,^ ' the revenue officer takes all 
 he can get ; and would take treble the revenue we should 
 assess, if he were strong enough to exact it. In ill-managed 
 States the cultivators are relentlessly Squeezed : the difference 
 between the native system .«,nd ours being, mainly, that the 
 cultivator in a liative State is seldom or never sold up, and that 
 he is usually treated much as a good bullock is treated — i.e. he 
 is left with enough to feed and clothe him and his family, so 
 that they may continue to work.-* John Stuart Mill studied 
 the condition of the Indian people more deeply than any other 
 political economist, and he took an indulgent view of native 
 institutions. His verdict upon the Mughal Government is 
 that, ' except during the occasional accident of a humane and 
 vigorous local administrator, the exactions had no practical 
 limit but the inability of the peasant to pay more.' 
 
 Throughout British India the landed classes pay revenue at 
 the rate of 5s. 6d. per head, including the land tax for their 
 farms, or Is. 9d. without it. The trading classe^^pay 3*. Sd. 
 4 per head ; the artisans, 2*. — equal to four days' wages in the 
 year ; and the agricultural labourers, 1*. Sd. The whole taxa- 
 •tion, including the Government rent for the land, averaged, as 
 we hav^ seen, 3^'. Sd. per head during the ten yeai's ending 
 1879. But the Famine Commissioners declare that ' any native 
 of India who does not trade or own land, and who chooses to 
 drink no spirituous licjuor, and to use no English cloth or iron, 
 need pay in taxation only about sevenpence a year on account 
 of the salt he consumes. On a family of three persons, the 
 
 ' Mr. Alfred Lyall, C.B. (Sir'Alfred Lyall, K.C.B., G.C.I.E.), fonnerly 
 Governor-Gene~.<.il's Agent in Rajputana, and now Foreign Secretary to the 
 Governmen,^ of India ; quoted in the ,_JDespatch of tlie Governor-General in 
 Council to the Secretary of State, June 8, 1880. ' Condition of India,' Blue 
 Book, pp. 36-37. ^
 
 174 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 charge amounts to 1*. 9cZ., or about foiu' days"' wages of a 
 labouring man and his wife.' 
 
 The weak point of our financial position in India? is not that 
 we take more from the people thaiT their native rulers did, but 
 that what we take barely suffices for the cost of our administra- 
 tion. Each petty provincial prince under the Mughal Empire 
 spent as much on his personal pomp and luxury, as now suffices 
 for all the expense of the British Viceroy of India and his 
 Council. But our Government, although less magnificent, rests 
 upon a more costly basis. For the treasures, which under the 
 Mughal dynasties were**^ concentrated upon the palaces and 
 harems of the rulers, are by us scattered broadcast in seeming 
 protection to the ruled. No previous Govei^uiment of India 
 ever kept up an army on such a scale of efficiency as to render 
 invasion and piratical devastation impossible from without, 
 and to absolutely put down internecine wars and the preda- 
 tory nations within. Those invasions and depredations ruined 
 thousands of homesteads every year. But the idea of such an 
 army, paid like om's from the imperial exchequer, would have 
 been dismissed as an impossible dream by the most powerful of 
 the Mughal Emperors. Well, we keep up such an army, and it 
 does its work at an average cost of I*. 8^. a head of the Indian 
 population. This may seem a moderate sum. It is not one- 
 twentieth part of the 40*. per head paid by the population of 
 the United ^Kingdom ; but it represents nearly one-half of the 
 whole actual taxation which we take from the Indian people. , 
 No native dynasty ever attempted to develop the resources of 
 India by a network of communications. Some of the emperors 
 constructed great military highways, but the idea of sysi;ematic- 
 ally opening out every district of India by commercial trade 
 routes, by roads, railways, and navigable canals, is a purely 
 British idea. The outlay will reimbm-se the Indian taxpayer a 
 hundredfold, but meanwhile the railways alone have saddled him 
 with a debt of 120 millions sterling; while many public works 
 are profitable rather by their indirect consequences on trade or 
 agricultm'e than by any direct yielc^' to the revenues. 
 
 No Mughal Emperor ever mapped out Indis^for judicial 
 pm'poses, assigning to each sK^iall district a com"t'>)f justice 
 maj^ntained from the imperial exchequer. The district records
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 175 
 
 show that when we obtained the country the people had simply 
 to settle their disputes among themselves ; which the landholders 
 did very profitably by bauds of lathials or club-men, and the 
 peasantry with the aid of tibial by ordeal, the divining rod, and 
 boiling oil. Where a law officer existed in the rural districts, 
 he was not a salaried judge di'awing his monthly pay from the 
 Treasury and watched by superior courts, but a mere seller ot 
 decisions dependent for his livelihood on the payments of the 
 litigants. The police of the Mughal Empire were an undis- 
 ciplined, half-starved soldiery, who lived upon the people. The 
 officer in charge of the local troops was <5,lso the chief magistrate 
 
 , of his district ; and the cmminal courts of the East India 
 Company long j^etained their old Mughal appellation of the 
 Faujdari, or ' army department.' The idea of prison as a place 
 of reformatory discipline never entered the minds of these 
 soldier-magistrates, Om- early officers found the Muhanmiadan 
 jails crowded with wretched men whose sole sentence was ' to 
 remain diu'ing pleasure '' — a legal formula which, translated into 
 honest English, meant until the harpies of the court had 
 squeezed the prisoner's friends of their uttermost farthing. 
 The prisons themselves were ruinous hovels, whose inmates had 
 to be kept in stocks and fetters, or were held down flat under 
 bamboos, not on account of their crimes, but, to use the words 
 of an official report of 1792, ' because from the insecurity of the 
 jails, the jailor had no other means of preventing ^«ir escape.' 
 •No Mughal Emperor ever conceived the idea of giving public 
 instruction as a State duty to all his subjects. He might raise 
 a marble mosque in honour of God and himself, lavish millions on 
 a favourite lady's tomb, or grant lands to learned men of his 
 
 " own religion ; but the task of educating the whole Indian 
 people, rich and poor, of whatever race, or caste, or creed, was 
 never attempted. 
 
 In these, as in other departments, the English have had to 
 build up, from the very foundations, the fabric of a civilised 
 government. The material framework for such a government, 
 its coui't houses, public buildings, barracks, jails, hospitals, and 
 schools, has c««t not less than a hundred millions sterling. But 
 the revolution in the inward S|»irit of the administration has 
 involved a far gi'eater and more permanent expenditure th^n
 
 176 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 this reconstruction of its outward and material fabric. Wc 
 have had to re-organize a government, conceived in the interests 
 of the pomp and luxury of the few, into a governmeiit conceived 
 in the interests of thfe well-being and secm-ity of the many. The 
 vast outlay thus involved may be realised from three items — 
 justice, police, and* education. As regards the dispensing of 
 justice, rural tribuna,ls, maintained by the State, scarcely existed 
 when we obtained the country in the last century. One of the 
 earliest acts of the East India Company was to create such 
 tribunals. Well, I have taken six districts at hazard from my 
 Statistical Account of 'Bengal, and I find that the Company 
 allowed about the end of the last centru"y nineteen courts of 
 justice for these six districts. The Queen's^ Government of 
 India in 1870 maintained 161 courts of justice in those six 
 districts. The demand for accessible justice constantly becomes 
 more exacting. Thus, in eight districts, for which in 1850 the 
 Company allowed 176 coiu-ts of justice, 288 courts had to be 
 provided in 1870, and further additions have since been made. 
 Justice has been brought very near to the door of the peasant. 
 But it has cost the Government many millions sterling to do so ; 
 and the gi*oss outlay has risen from under 1| millions in 1857, 
 during the last year of the Company, to over 3^ millions dm'ing 
 the present year 1880, or twofold. 
 
 The police of India has, in like manner, been completely 
 re-organizsd^ince the Government passed under the Crown. The 
 general force w£^s reconstructed on a new basis by Act V. o^ 
 1861. The Muhammadans bequeathed to us in the previous 
 century a police which I have described from the manuscript 
 records as ' an enormous ragged army who .ate up the industry 
 of th^ province.' ^ The Company had improved this police so 
 far as to spend a million sterling upon it in its last year, 1857. 
 The re-organized police of India now costs, in 1880, a gross sum 
 exceeding 2^ millions sterling, or more than twofold. As 
 regards education, no system of public instruction existed either 
 under the Mughal Emperors or under the East India Company. 
 Sir Charles Wood's ' justly fam(>us despatch, which laid the 
 foundation of the enlightenment of India, was <*ily penned in 
 1854). The Company had v^t time to give effect to that 
 • ' Annals of Rural Bengal, 5th ed. p. 335. '■' Viscount Halifax.
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 177 
 
 despatch before its rule disappeared ; and the vast system oi 
 pubHc instruction which is now educating two millions of our 
 
 ! eastern fellcV subjects is the work of the Queen's Government 
 in India. It is a noble work*, but it has cost money. In going 
 over the items of Indian expenditure, the single one which I 
 find steadily increases from year to year is 'the expenditure on 
 education. It now exceeds a gross sum of ^ million sterling per 
 annmn from the imperial revenues, with perhaps double that 
 sum from fees and local sources. I cite only three examples of 
 
 ' the increased cost of a Government conducted according to 
 European standards of efficiency, but rrom those three items 
 . you may not unfairly judge of the increased cost of every other 
 department. • 
 
 Take Justice, Police, and Education, and you will find that 
 , the East India Company in 1857 gave less than three millions 
 worth of these commodities to its subjects in the last year of its 
 rule, while the Queen's Government now spends a gross sum of 
 nearly seven millions sterling upon them. No one will ginidge a 
 rupee of the extra four millions sterling thus spent in educating 
 the people of India, in protecting their persons and property, 
 and in hearing their complaints. Nor, I think, can any of us 
 grudge another large item of expenditure, almost unknown in 
 the time of the Company, but which is now estimated at an 
 annual charge of 1|^ millions sterling — namely, the relief of the 
 peasantry during famine. The truth is, that we h,?.vo suddenly 
 applied our own English ideas of what a g^od government 
 should do to an Asiatic country where the people pay not one- 
 ttnth per head of the English rate of taxation. It is easy to 
 govern efficiently at a cost of forty shillings per head as in 
 England ; but the problem in India is how to attain the 'same 
 standard of efficiencry at a cost of 3,9. ^d. a head. That is the 
 sum in proportion which one finance minister after another is 
 called to work out. Every year the Indian finance minister has 
 to provide for more schools, more police, more courts, more 
 hospitals, more roads, more railways, more canals. In short, 
 every year he has to spend more money in bringing up the 
 Indian adraini;?tration to the English standard of efficiency. 
 The money is well spent, but it lijas to be found, and there are 
 only two ways by which a finance minister caii find it. » 
 
 N
 
 178 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 I 
 
 He must either cut down existing expenditure, or he must a 
 increase the taxation. As a matter of fact, the finance 
 ministers of India have done both. Dming the «^twenty-two 
 years since India pgvssed to the Crown they have abolished one 
 highly paid place after another. Under the Company, the civil | 
 and military services of India were regarded as roads to an 
 assiu-ed fortune. Those services now yield very little more than 
 suffices for a man to discharge the duties of the position in which 
 he may be placed. "V\Tiile the higher salaries have been 
 curtailed or lopped off, the purchasing power of money has 
 decreased, and the IndiSn civilian or soldier now looks forward 
 to scarcely anything besides his hard-earned pension, after a . 
 service of twenty-five to thirty-five years. Of that pension the 
 civilian is compelled by Government to contribute fully one half 
 by monthly subscriptions throughout his service. If he dies, his 
 subscriptions lapse ; and it is estimated that the nominal pension 
 of 1,000/. a year paid to covenanted civil servants represents a net 
 outlay to Government of under 400/. per annum. This cutting 
 down of high salaries is perfectly justified by the modern con- 
 ditions of Indian service. India is much nearer to England than 
 it was under the Company. An Indian career no longer means 
 a lifelong banishment, and Indian officers cannot now expect to 
 be paid for the miseries of an exile which they no longer endure. 
 
 I myself believe that if we are to give a really efficient 
 administration to India many services must be paid for at lower 
 rates even than at present. For those rates are regulated in the 
 hio-her branches of the administration by the cost of officers 
 brought from England. You cannot work with imported 
 labour as cheaply as you can with native labour, and I regard 
 the more extended employment of the natives, not only as an 
 act of justice, but as a financial necessity. Fifty years ago the 
 natives of India were not capable of conducting an administra- 
 tion according to our English ideas of honesty. During 
 centuries of Mughal rule almost every rural officer was paid by 
 fees, and every official act had to be purchased. It is difficult 
 to discriminate between fees and bribes, and such a system 
 was in itself sufficient to corrupt the whole •administration. 
 It has taken two generati&ns to eradicate this old taint 
 from the native official mind. But a generation has now
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 179 
 
 sprung up fi'om whose minds it has been eradicated, and who 
 are therefore fitted to take a much larger share in the adminis- 
 tration thali the Hindus of fifty years ago. I beUeve that 
 it will be impossible to deny them a larger share in the 
 administration. There are departments, conspicuously those of 
 Law and Justice, and Finance, in which the natives will more 
 and more supplant the highly paid imported officials from 
 England. There are other departments, such as the Medical, 
 the Customs, the Telegraph, and the Post Office, in which the 
 working establishments now consist of natives of India, and for 
 which the superintending staff will in a constantly increasing 
 degi-ee be also recruited from them. The appointment of a fe\v 
 natives annually 4^o the Covenanted Civil Service will not solve 
 the problem. By all means give the natives every facility for 
 entering that service. But the salaries of the Covenanted 
 Service are regulated, not by the rdtes for local labour, but by 
 the cost of imported officials. If we are to govern the Indian 
 people efficiently and cheaply, we nmst govern them by means 
 of themselves, and pay for the administration at the market 
 rates for native labour. 
 
 We must, howexer, not only realise this great change which 
 has taken place in the native standard of official morality, M-e 
 nmst also realise the great change which has taken place in the 
 physical aspects of administration. Fifty years ago, distance 
 played a much more important part in the goverKxiient of the 
 ^omitry than it can now be allowed to play, ^ach district was 
 as far 'separated from its neighbours as the three Presidencies are 
 now from one anothey ; and the three Presidencies were practi- 
 cally different countries, requiring completely distinct establish- 
 ments for their administration. Railways and steamboats have 
 now drawn every part of India closer together, and rendered it 
 possible to control the whole with a smaller superintending staff. 
 For example, the troops in each of the three Presidencies had to 
 be organized as separate armies. This means that there are not 
 only three Commanders-in-Chief in India, but three head- 
 quarters'' establishments, three Adjutants-General, three Quarter- 
 masters General, three Surgeons-General, &c., each with his own 
 separate establishment of supervision and his own separate 
 budget of expenditure. This large outlay was unavoidable whcMi 
 
 N 2
 
 180 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 Madras and Bombay were seventy days' march distant from 
 Bengal. But Bombay is now only a sixty hours' railway journey 
 from Calcutta, and steamers leave the Hugli almo^^t daily for 
 Madias. The telegraph connects every part of India, and flashes 
 news in half an hour which formerly would have taken weeks in 
 transmission. The necessity for separate headquarters' establish- 
 ments for each of the tlu'ee Presidencies is, therefore, becoming 
 a thing of the past, and economies are now proposed by the 
 Indian Army Commission in this respect. 
 
 But while reductions can thus be effected both in the civil 
 administration by the larger employment of natives, and in the 
 military expenditure by re-organizing the three armies in • 
 accordance with the altered physical facts of the country, such 
 reductions will not alone suffice to meet the constantly increasing 
 demands for expenditure. I have shown how the cost of Police, 
 Justice, and Education has "more than doubled since the last 
 year of the Company in 1857. The civil administration, as a 
 whole, discloses an equal increase ; and, in spite of reductions 
 in certain departments, has risen from 7^ millions sterling 
 in 1857 to 13^ millions net in 1880. The same causes which 
 have led to this increase of expenditm-e in the past twenty- 
 three years will compel a yet further increase in the next twenty 
 years. We now educate two millions of pupils in our Indian 
 schools. Before the end of the century I hope we shall be 
 educating fOhr millions.^ For every square mile now protected 
 by irrigation woiv'^s there will then be nearer two square miles.\^ 
 For every native doctor and schoolmaster, there will probably 
 be three. No severity of retrenchment jn the civil expendi- 
 ture, no re-organization of the military establishments, will 
 suffice to meet the outlay thus involved. In India there is a 
 necessity for a steadily increasing revenue, and there is no use 
 in shirking the fact. 
 
 How is the additional revenue to be raised ? Indian finance 
 ministers have already answered this question. They have shown 
 that it is possible, through the agency of local government, to 
 increase the revenue by means which they would have found it 
 difficult, and perhaps dangerous, to enforce as p'Srts of an im- 
 perial central policy. A greaif department of Provincial Finance 
 
 ' The pupils attending Indian schools in 1900-1 numbered 4,427,000,
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 181 
 
 has thus been created since the country passed to the Crown, 
 and now yields a revenue of several millions. As the local de- 
 mands for improvements in the administration increase, these 
 demands will be met to some extent by local taxation. A tax 
 is a tax, however it may be levied ; but in India, as in England, 
 it is possible to do by local rates what it would be very difficult 
 to do by a general impost. In this way » local government in 
 India has obtained an importance which no one would have 
 ventmed to predict twenty years ago, and may, before twenty 
 years are over, have become a financial necessity. 
 
 While additional resources may thus be hoped for fi-om local 
 taxation, the imperial revenues have not stood still. Many of 
 their items increase from natural causes. Thus, the land revenue 
 has risen from under 15 millions in 1857 to 18§ millions net in 
 1880. As the population multiplies they consume more salt, 
 more excisable commodities of every sort ; and as the trade of 
 the country develops, the revenue from stamps and miscel- 
 laneous items increases with it. The revenues of India are by 
 no means stationary, but they do not augment with the same 
 rapidity as the increased demands upon them. Under the 
 Company, almost the whole revenues were supplied by indirect 
 taxation ; the Queen^s Government has been forced to intro- 
 duce direct taxation. Forty years ago, a permanent income 
 tax would have been regarded as a cruel and an unrighteous 
 impost by the British nation. In England, we have only 
 y learned to bear an income tax by slow de^^ees. Year after 
 year our fathers were assured that the income tax was only 
 temporary ; we have, been constrained to recognise it as one of 
 the most permanent items in our national revenue. The Indian 
 people are now learning the same lesson with equal dimculty. 
 Twenty years ago, the income tax was introduced into India as 
 a purely temporary measure. Its temporary character has again 
 and again be^i re-asserted ; various disguises have been substi- 
 tuted for it ; but it has now become an established source of 
 Indian revenue. It is an unpopular tax everywhere, but it is 
 especially unpopular in India, where the average income is very 
 small ; and w"fiere the lower officials, through whom such a tax 
 must be levied, still lie under '^suspicion of corinipt practices. 
 I believe it is possible to free that taxation from much of » its
 
 182 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 present unpopularity. For its vexatiousness has to a large ex- 
 tent proceeded from its temporary character, and from the 
 necessity of a fresh inquisition into the private aftairs of the 
 people on each occa.^ion of its renewal. You cannot expect a 
 host of native underlings to be very honest, when they know 
 that their employment will cease in a few years. But while 
 something may be done to render the income tax less unpopular, 
 the fact remains that the people of India are now brought face 
 to face with direct taxation. 
 
 It may be said that, after all, we take much less revenue 
 than the native dynasties did. Surely, if the State demands 
 averaged 60 millions sterling dmnng the tumultuous centm-ies 
 of the Mughal Empire, the country could be nrjade to pay the 
 same amount under our peaceful rule. Yet the actual taxation 
 during the ten years ending 1879 has averaged just 35 millions, 
 and at the present moment, including the new Provincial Rates, 
 it stands at 40 millions. If we were to levy the 80 millions of 
 taxation which Aurangzeb demanded, India would be, financially, 
 the most prosperous country in the world. But she would be, 
 morally and socially, the most miserable. The Mughal Empire 
 wrung its vast revenue out of the people by oppressions which 
 no English minister would dare to imitate. The technical 
 terms of the native revenue system form themselves a record 
 of extortion and pillage. Among the Marathas, to collect 
 revenue and to make war was synonymous. Better the poverty 
 of the British Gc^vernment of India than the imperial splendour! 
 of the Mughals, or the military magnificence of the Marathas, 
 reared upon the misery of the peasant. In a country where thd 
 people are poor, the Government ought to be poor : for it must 
 be either poor or oppressive. The poverty of the Indian people 
 lies at the root of the poverty of the Indian Government. 
 
 No financial dexterity will get rid of this fimdamental fact. 
 I sometimes see devices proposed for making the Indian Govern- 
 ment rich without rendering the Indian people miserable. One 
 of the latest is to I'elax the so-called rigidity of our finance. 
 This means that we are to calculate the cost of administration 
 over a period of twenty years, and to allow the anftual collections 
 to fluctuate according to the harvests ; relaxing, when necessary, 
 \hfi demand for individual years, and spreading the deficit over
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 183 
 
 the whole period of twenty years. Such a system is impractic- 
 able for two distinct reasons. In the first place, the taxpayer 
 would nevtV know exactly how much he would have to pay in 
 any year. Revenue collect'kig in India woijld resolve itself into 
 an annual wrangle between the Government officers and the 
 people. This was the state of things unden the Mughal Empire. 
 The peasant protested and cried out ; the revenue officer in- 
 sisted and squeezed ; and the victory rested with the most 
 clamorous on the one side, or with the most pitiless on the 
 other. But even after the annual wrangle was over, there 
 woidd still be an annual necessity of collecting the balance of 
 
 ~ previous years. It would simply be impossible to collect such 
 balances without the severities which disgraced the early days 
 of the Company, when it took over the native revenue system 
 and administered it by native officers. The second objection to 
 relaxing the uniformity of the ye,arly demand arises from the 
 fact that it would be 'impossible to vary the uniformity of the 
 yearly expenditiu'e. Punctuality in defraying the charges of 
 Government involves, also, punctuality in realising its revenues. 
 Tinder the Mughal Empire, as under the Turkish Empire at 
 present, no large class of officials evei- expected to receive 
 regular salaries. They got their pay Avhen they could, and those 
 who threatened loudest got most. Wlien the Treasury ran dry, 
 the officials could always fall back upon the plvmder of the 
 Pi^ople. This irregularity of payment was so deeply impressed 
 
 f upon the native revenue system that years after the Company 
 took over Bengal it ordered as a matter di' course, during a 
 
 • time of financial difficulty, that all payments from the Treasury 
 should be suspended, except the cost of dieting the prisoners 
 and the rewards for killing tigers. If the Government pf India 
 were now to get six months into arrears with the payment of its 
 servants, it would open the old flood gates of official extortion, 
 bribery, and fee-levying which it has taken a hundred years of 
 honest rMJ^M:o dam up. Rigid punctuality in paying one's 
 debts is only possible by means of rigid punctuality in collecting 
 one's dues. Apart from the evils of constant borrowing to 
 meet cuiTent*outlay, incident to such a plan of relaxing the 
 current taxation, it would strikp at the root of the first essential 
 of a good revenue system ; namely, the certainty which the
 
 184 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 man has as to the amount which he can be called to pay. In 
 place of a regular demand from the taxpayers and regular 
 salaries to the public servants, it would substituted an annual 
 wrangle with the Jtaxpayers and 'an annual scramble among 
 the officials. 
 
 The rigidity of ,om" Indian system of finance is only one of 
 many difficulties which a Government that tries to do right has 
 to encounter in India. Such an administration is based upon 
 the equality of all its subjects ; it has to work among a people 
 steeped in the ideas of caste and of the inequality of races. I 
 shall cite only two illustrations. Twenty-five years ago we were 
 told that railways could never pay in India, because no man of ' 
 respectable position would sit in the same carriage with a man 
 of low caste. We open our schools to all our Indian subjects, 
 of whatever creed or birth. The Hindus, with their practical 
 genius for adapting themselv.es to the facts around them, have 
 prospered by a fi-ank acceptance of this' system of education. 
 But the upper classes of the Muhammadans, with their pride of 
 race and disdainful creed, have stood aloof, and so fail to qualify 
 themselves for the administration of a country which not long 
 ago they ruled. Ten years ago, in my ' Indian Musalmans,"* 
 I pointed out, that among 418 gazetted judicial native officers 
 in Bengal, 341 were Hindus, while only 77 were Muhammadans. 
 The Government took measures to remedy this inequality, and 
 went so far as to supplement its general system of public instryc- 
 tion with sectarian schools and colleges for Muhammadans. But \ 
 the Musalman sttll isolates himself, and out of 504 similar 
 appointments now held by natives only fifty- three are filled by' 
 Muhammadans. This practically means thkt while one-third of 
 the population of Lower Bengal are Musalmans, only one-tenth of 
 the Government patronage falls to them ; the other nine-tenths 
 are monopolized by the Hindus. It thus follows that a system 
 of education based upon the equality of the subject results in 
 the practical exclusion of a large section of the po^rJjtion from 
 public employ. 
 
 You will now understand how unsafe are those guides who 
 see only the anomalies of our rule without having penetrated 
 into their causes. Such writers tell you that the people of 
 India are very poor, therefore they conclude the Government is
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 185 
 
 to blame. I also tell you that the people of India are very 
 poor, because the population has increased at such a rate as to 
 
 1 outstrip, iix some parts, the food-producing powers of the land ; 
 because every square mile oi Bengal has now to support three 
 times as many families as it had to support a hundred years 
 ago ; because every square mile of British India, deducting the 
 outlying provinces of Burma and Assam, has to feed nearly 
 thi'ee times as many mouths as each square mile of the Native 
 States. Such writers tell you that the soil of India is being 
 exhausted, and that therefore the Government is to blame ; 
 that the expenditure is increasing ; *that the revenues are 
 
 ." inelastic ; that the rigidity of our taxation bears heavily on the 
 people ; and th^t for each of these and all om* other difficulties, 
 the simple and invariable explanation is that the Government 
 is to blame. I also tell you that the soil is being exhausted ; 
 that the requirements for additional expenditure are incessant, 
 while the revenues can' with difficulty be increased ; and I have 
 tried in each case to tell you honestly the reason why. Such 
 writers tell you, or would tell you if they kneAv it, that in a 
 single province, under our system of State education, twenty 
 millions of Musalmans, the former rulers of the country, are 
 practically ousted from public employment, and that therefore 
 the Government nmst be to blame. Let me answer them in 
 the words in which the leader of the Muhammadan community of 
 Calcutta sums up his most able pamphlet on this exclusion of 
 if his countrymen : ' For these figines, however lamentable, I cer- 
 tainly do not lay the blame at the door of (aovernment. The 
 •real cause of this unhappy state of things is to be found in the 
 backwardness of the Muhammadans in conforming themselves to 
 the requirements of the times, and thus remaining behind in 
 the race of competition with other nations. "* 
 
 I only wish that the goitlemen were right who think that 
 all our Indian difficulties are due to the shortcomings of the 
 Goverfim»*f^ For if they were right, then I feel sure that 
 England, in the discharge of her high duty, would swiftly 
 sweep away her culpable representatives in India. But, alas ! 
 our difficulties there are not susceptible of so easy a cure. 
 Every year England sends to In'^ia a picked body of young men 
 from lier public schools and universities to -recruit the Indian
 
 186 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 administration. There is not a master in the country who 
 does not feel honoured when his pupils are thus chosen. For, 
 although the old pecuniary advantages of the liidian Civil 
 Service have very properly been "tturtailed, that service still 
 forms one of the noblest and most useful careers open to our 
 youth. To an administration thus composed England sends 
 out, as heads, the ablest statesmen who can be tempted by the 
 emoluments and honours of high Indian office. She supplies 
 India with trained Parliamentary financiers like Mr. James 
 Wilson ; with jurists and legislators like Sir Fitzjames Stephen 
 and Sir Henry Sumnef Maine ; with Governors-General like 
 the iron Dalhousie and the beloved Mayo, from one ofhergi'eat'. 
 national parties, and like the wise Minto and, the just North- 
 brook, from the other. I do not see ho\v to improve the 
 English materials of an administration thus selected and thus 
 led. But I do know that,- if the easy explanation of all our 
 Indian difficulties were that the Indian Government is to 
 blame, the British nation would very soon substitute a better 
 government for it. ' 
 
 I believe that, in dealing with the difficulties which now 
 confront it, the Government of India must look round for new 
 allies. Those allies will be found among the natives. So long 
 as the administration proceeded upon the English political 
 maxim of lai.ss-e;: /'aire in India, it v\ as possible to conduct its 
 higher branches, at any rate, by Englishmen. The Compai?y\s 
 administration, thus composed, did much. It secured India^ 
 from external enemies, created internal protection for jJerson 
 and property, and took the first steps in the development of the 
 country. But the good work thus commenced has assumed 
 such dimensions under the Queen's Government of India that 
 it can no longer be carried on, or even supervised, by imported 
 labour from England, except at a cost which India cannot 
 sustain. While the old duties have extended, new ones have 
 been added. As soon as the English nation begct^.. reuUy to 
 interest itself in India, it found that the Government must 
 there take on itself several functions which in England may 
 well be left to private enterprise. In a coui»try where the 
 Government is the sole great papitalist, railways, canals, docks,
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 187 
 
 and commercial works of many sorts had either to be initiated 
 by the Government or to be left unattempted. The principle 
 of laissez Jaire can, in fact, be safely applied only to self- 
 governing nations. The Eliglish in India »are now called upon 
 either to stand by and witness the pitiless overcrowding of 
 masses of hungry human beings, or to aid the people in in- 
 creasing the food supply to meet their growing wants. The 
 problem is a difficult one ; but I have shown why I believe it 
 capable of solution. Forty years ago the political economists 
 would have told us that a Government had no right to enter 
 on such problems at all ; and forty yl'ars hereafter we should 
 have had an Indian Ireland, multiplied fiftyfold, on our hands. 
 The condition ^f things in India compels the Government to 
 enter on these problems. Their solution, and the constant 
 demand for improvement in the general executive, will require an 
 increasing amount of administrative labour. India cannot afford 
 to pay for that labour kt the English rates, which are the highest 
 in the world for official service. But she can afford to pay for 
 it at her own native rates, which are perhaps the lowest in the 
 world for such employment. 
 
 It may be well, therefore, to know what the natives them- 
 selves think about the situation. A petition presented to 
 Parliament last session by the British Indian Association sets 
 forth their programme of reform. It asks for a more indepen- 
 dont share in the legislative councils of India ; and it is certain 
 
 'that at no distant date such a share must be conceded to the 
 Indian people. It urges the necessity of military retrenchments, 
 
 'and the injustice of dealing with the Indian finances in the 
 party interests of England rather than in the sole interest of the 
 Indian taxpayer. At this moment, retrenchments to tht? extent 
 of, I am told, 1^ millions are being proposed by the Indian Army 
 Commission ; and there is no doubt that Indian finance has been 
 sometimes handled with an eye to English rather than to Indian 
 intere'Sts?«''*Trasks, to touch only on the principal heads, for the 
 more extended employment of the natives ; and I believe a more 
 extended employment of them to be not only an act of justice, 
 but a financial necessity. The number of Europeans employed 
 in the higher civil offices had been reduced in all the provinces
 
 188 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 of the Bengal Presidency from 929 in 1874 to 838 in 1879, and 
 the Government has now a scheme under consideration for 
 further reducing them to 571. 
 
 The native petition asks for "a Commission of Inquiry, 
 similar to those gi'eat Parliamentary Committees which sat every 
 twentieth year in the time of the Company to examine into its 
 administration. I am compelled as a student of Indian history 
 to acknowledge that each successive period of improvement 
 under the Company took its rise from one of these inquests. 
 The Parliamentary Inquiry of 1813 abolished the Company\s 
 Indian trade, and compelled it to direct its whole energies in 
 India to the good government of the people. The Charter Act • 
 of 1833 opened up that government to the j^atives of India 
 ii'respective of caste, creed, or race. The Act of 1853 abolished 
 the patronage by which the Company filled up the higher 
 branches of its service, and laid down the principle that the 
 administration of India Avas too national 'a concern to be left to 
 the chances of benevolent nepotism ; and that England's repre- 
 sentatives in India must be chosen openly and without favour 
 from the youth of England. The natives now desire that a 
 similar inquiry should be held into the administration of India 
 during the two-and-twenty years since it passed to the CroAvn. 
 It may perhaps be deemed expedient to postpone such an inquiry 
 till after the next census. Remember we have only had one 
 enumeration of the Indian people. A single census forms, >as 
 I have keenly felt while Avriting these chapters, a very slender 
 basis for the economical problems with which a Commission 
 would have to deal. The Indian administration has nothing to' 
 fear, and it may have much to learn, from an inquiry into its 
 work. ' It is, perhaps, the only administration in the world 
 which has no interest in perpetuating itself. No Indian civilian 
 has the smallest power to secure for son or nephew a place in 
 the service to which he himself belongs. And I^eel sure that, 
 if it were found that India could be better adminis^ed on some 
 new system, the Indian Civil Service would give its utmost 
 energies to ctUTy out the change. 
 
 The native petition also asks that the lec^nt restrictions 
 on the liberty of the Press should be removed. ' The Indian
 
 ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 189 
 
 Press spoke out the tvuth," Mr. Gladstone said in Mid-Lothian, 
 ' what was the true mind of the people of India ; so tliat while 
 I the freedom of the vernacular Press is recommended in India 
 . by all the considerations whith recommend jt in England, there 
 are other considerations besides. We can get at the minds of 
 people here by other means than the Press. They can meet 
 and petition, and a certain number of them can vote. But in 
 India their meetings and petitioning are comparatively ineffec- 
 tive, while the power of voting is there unknown. The Press 
 was the only means the Government had of getting at the 
 sentiments of the Indian people.' * 
 
 • There is one thing more for which the natives ask, and that 
 is representative institutions for India. I believe that such 
 institutions will, before long, not only be possible but necessary, 
 and that at this moment an electoral body is being developed 
 in India by the municipalities and 4ocal district boards. There 
 are already 1,163 ele(M;ed members in the municipal bodies of 
 the Bengal and Madras Presidencies alone. The legislative coun- 
 cils of the Imperial and local Governments have each a native 
 element in their composition, which, although nominated, is 
 fairly chosen so as to represent the various leading classes of the 
 people. Thus of the ten members of the Bengal Council three 
 are covenanted civilians, one is a Crown lawyer, two are non- 
 official Europeans, and foui^ natives. Of the natives, the first 
 is^the editor of the Hindu Patriot, the chief native paper in 
 ^ndia ; the second is the head of the Muhammadan community in 
 Calcutta ; the other two represent the lanfled and important 
 'rural interests. It will not be easy to work representative 
 institutions, and it will be very easy to be misled by them. In 
 the first place, England must make up her mind that, irf grant- 
 ing such institutions to the Indian people, she is parting to 
 some extent with her control over India. In the second place, 
 we must proceed upon native lines, rather than on those paper 
 constfi?B*i#?ris for India which English writers love to maimfac- 
 ture. What we want at the present stage is a recognition of 
 the end to be attained, not a unanimity as to any particular 
 scheme for at^ining it. 
 
 We must carefully consider^ the native solutions for the
 
 190 ENGLAND \^ WORK IN INDIA 
 
 problem ; and I think we may learn a lesson from the practical 
 and moderate character of the native demands, '^he Hindu 
 Pat7-iot lately expressed those demands in three feasible proposals. 
 First, the extension . of the elective principle to all first-class 
 municipalities of British India. Second, the concession to the 
 municipal boards of the three Presidency towns, and a few 
 other great Indian qjties, of the right to elect members to the 
 Legislative Councils. Third, the extension of the scope of those 
 Councils, so as to include questions of finance. There would 
 still be the representation of rural India to be provided for by 
 nomination or otherwisfe. It has taken ten centuries to make 
 the British Constitution, and we must not try to build up one 
 for India in a day. Meanwhile I can only repeat what I said 
 in 1879 at Birmingham on this point : ' I do not believe that 
 a people numbering one-sixth of the whole inhabitants of the 
 globe, and whose aspirations have been nom-ished from their 
 earliest youth on the strong food of English liberty, can be 
 permanently denied a voice in the government of their country. 
 I do not believe that races, among whom we raise a taxation of 
 35 millions sterling, and into whom we have instilled the maxim 
 of " No taxation without representation," as a fundamental right 
 of a people, can be permanently excluded from a share in the 
 management of their finances. I do not believe it practicable 
 to curtail, for long, the right of the freest criticism on their 
 rulers to 191 millions of British subjects, who have the speeches 
 of our great English statesmen at this moment ringing in their 
 ears.' 
 
 Administrative improvements can do much, but the Indian ' 
 people themselves can do more. The poverty of certain parts 
 of Indik is the direct and inevitable result of the over-population 
 of those parts of India. The mass of the husbandmen are living 
 in defiance of economic laws. A people of small cultivators 
 cannot be prosperous if they marry irrespectivvu^f the means 
 of subsistence, and allow their numbers to outstriJJ*^we food- 
 producing powers of the soil. Now that the sword is no longer 
 allowed to do its old Avork, they must submit to prudential 
 restraints on marriage, or they must suffer HVinger. Such 
 restraints have been imperative upon races of small cultivators
 
 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 191 
 
 since the days when Plato wi*ote his ' Republic' The natives must 
 also equalise the pressure on the soil by distributing themselves 
 more equally over the country. There is plenty of fertile land 
 in India still awaiting the plough. The Indian husbandman 
 must learn to mobilise himself and to migrate from the over- 
 crowded provinces to the under-peopled ones. But prudential 
 restraints upon marriage and migi-ation, or emigration, are 
 repugnant alike to the religious customs and to the most 
 deeply seated feelings of the Indian husbandman. Any general 
 improvement in these respects must be a work of time. All we 
 can do is to shorten that time by givii»g the amplest facilities 
 for labour transport, for education, for manufactiu-es, mining 
 enterprise, and trade. Meanwhile, Government must throw 
 itself into the breach, by grappling with the necessity for an 
 increased and a better distributed food supply. Changes in the 
 maiTiage customs, and migrations to. new provinces, now opposed 
 by all the traditions ofj the past, will be forced by the pressure of 
 circumstances upon no distant generation of the Indian people. 
 Every year thousands of new pupils are gathered into our schools, 
 those pestles and mortars for the superstitions and priestcraft of 
 India. English writers who tell our Indian fellow-subjects to 
 look to the Government for every improvement in their lot 
 are doing a very great dis-service to the Indian races. The 
 permanent remedies for the poverty of India rest with the people 
 themselves. 
 
 * But while the Indian Government can do much, and the Indian 
 ' peopie can do more, there are some unfulfilfed functions which 
 •Englishmen in England must with greater fidelity perform. 
 They must realise that the responsibility for India has passed 
 into the hands of Parliament, and through Parliament -to the 
 electoral body of Great Britain. They nuist lealise that if, 
 through ignorance or indifference, they fail to discharge that 
 responsibility, they are acting as bad citizens. They must 
 therefc:^-^'jL' themselves to learn more about India; they 
 must act in a spirit of absolute honesty towards the Indian 
 finances ; and they must deal with Indian questions sent 
 home for thei> decision, not in the interests of powerful classes 
 or political parties in England, but in the sole interest of the
 
 19a ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 
 
 Indian people. I believe that important questions of this sort 
 will before long be submitted to Parliament. ^jVhen that 
 time comes, if any remembrance of this essay lingers among 
 my countrymen, I hope it may make them more alive to their 
 responsibilities to India, and the more earnest to do their 
 duty by the Indian people. 
 
 
 v.. 
 
 1
 
 V 
 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS ^ 
 
 A LAMENTED historian has shown the influence exerted on the 
 making of Engtand by the natural configuration of the island. 
 But while physical geography is now recognised as an initial 
 factor in the fortunes of European countries, it has received 
 scanty acknowledgment in histories of the East. Yet in 
 India, where man has for ages confronted with bare arms the 
 forces of tropical nature, his terrestrial surroundings have 
 controlled his lot with an energy unknown in oin- temperate 
 clime. Mountains and rivers and regions of forest set barriers 
 to human ambition in India, barriers against whicli the most 
 powerful Mughal sovereign in vain shattered his dynasty. The 
 same isolating influences which forbad a universal dominion 
 tended also to perpetuate local institutions, race animosities, and 
 *xllusive creeds. The conception of India as a whole, or of its 
 » races, as a united people, is a conception of«the British brain. 
 ,The realisation of that conception is the great task of British 
 .inile. For in India* man no longer confronts the forces of 
 nature Avith bare arms. Science, which is in England jj, calm 
 pm'suit, is to om' countrymen in the East an instrument of 
 empire. It has overtopped the moimtains, spanned the rivers, 
 and pierced the forests which divided kingdom from kingdom. 
 It has Jthrowu -rtown the landmarks of isolation which Natm-e had 
 set up, ancl is clasping together with bands of iron the peoples 
 and provinces of a united India. 
 
 The followiyg pages present a single episode in this great 
 
 struggle between man and nature. I shall show how, during ages, 
 
 • 
 
 ' In the Nineteenth Ccttiury of January 1888. • 
 
 O
 
 194 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 nature lorded it over man, laughing at his painful toils, and 
 destroying with scornful ease his mightiest works I shall 
 indicate the new allies which man has lately called to his aid. 
 The battle is still a di'awn one, anA on its issue the prosperity, 
 if not the existence, of the capital of British India now depends. 
 I believe that only by thus examining Indian history in con- 
 nection Avith Indian geography can its true significance in the 
 past or its bearings on the present be understood. There is 
 another point, also, in regard to which I have a strong convic- 
 tion. "When Marco Polo retui-ned from the East, the Venetians 
 nicknamed him the Man of Millions, from the huge figm-es in 
 which he indulged. Indian history and Indian progress still 
 express themselves in vast totals — in totals so enennous as almost 
 to seem to place themselves outside the range of accurate 
 Western research. I believe that if we are to approach Indian 
 questions in a scientific spirit, we must begin by getting rid of 
 these immense integers. We must shun the foible of Messer 
 Marco Millioni. For in India, as elsewhere, the aggregate is 
 merely the sum of its items, and exact knowledge is best 
 reached by proceeding from the particular to the general — 
 by leaving the whole alone until we have examined its pai'ts. 
 This article will restrict itself to a short river trough, which runs 
 inland from the Bay of Bengal, with the buried Buddhist port 
 near its mouth ; with Calcutta about half-way up ; and with 
 Mm'shidabad, the forsaken Muhammadan capital, towards its 
 northern end. 
 
 The Hugh is the most westerly of the network of channels 
 by which the Ganges pours into the sea. ^ Its length, mider its 
 distinctive name, is less than 150 miles — a length altogether 
 insignificant compared with the great waterways of India. But 
 even its short course exhibits in full work the twofold task of 
 the Bengal rivers as creators and destroyers. The delta through 
 Avhich it flows was built up in times primaeval, dtK of the sea, by 
 the silt which the Hugli and adjacent channels brotr^it down 
 from inland plains and Himalayan heights, a thousand miles ofi^". 
 Their inundations still add a yearly coating of slime to vast 
 low-lying tracts ; and we can stand by each autmnn and see the 
 ancient secrets of landmaking laid bare. Each autumn, too, the 
 network of cuiTents rend away square miles from their banks,
 
 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 195 
 
 and deposit^ their plunder as new alluvial formations further 
 down. Or *a broad river writhes like a monster snake across 
 the country, leaving dry it?, old bed, and covering with deep 
 water what was lately solid land. 
 
 Most of the channels do their work in solitude, in drowned 
 wastes where the rhinoceros and crocodile wallow in the slush, 
 and whither the woodcutter only comes in the dry months, after 
 the rivers have spent their fury for the year. But the Hugli 
 carries on its ancient task in a thickly peopled country, destroying 
 and reproducing with an equal balance amid the homesteads 
 .and cities of men. Since the dawn of history it has formed the 
 great high road from Bengal to the sea. One Indian race after 
 another built th5iir capitals, one Em'opean nation after another 
 founded their settlements, on its banks. Buddhists, Hindus, 
 Musalmans, Portuguese, Dutch, Dapes, French, Germans, and 
 English, have lined Avith ports and fortresses that magnificent 
 waterway. 
 
 The insatiable river has dealt impartially with all. Some it 
 has left high and dry, others it has buried under mud, one it 
 has cleft in twain and covered with its waters : but all it has 
 attacked, or deserted, or destroyed. With a single exception, 
 whatever it has touched it has defaced. One city only has 
 completely resisted its assaults. Calcutta alone has escaped 
 unharmed to tell of that appalling series of catastrophes. The 
 o+jhdrs lie entombed in the silt, or moulder like Avi-ecks on the 
 tank. . The river flows on relentless and nftjestic as of old, 
 ceaselessly preaching with its still small ripple, the ripple that 
 has sapped the palaces'of kings and brought low the temples of 
 the gods, that here we have no abiding city. It is a visitjn of 
 the world's vanities such as the world has not seen since Spenser 
 mourned the ' Ruines of Rome '' — 
 
 Ne ought save Tyber hastning to his fall 
 '" ^"' Remaines of all : O world's inconstancie ! 
 That which is firme doth flit and fall away, 
 And that is flitting doth abide and stay. 
 
 In order to understand a great Indian waterway, we must 
 lay aside our common English idea of a river. In England tho 
 streams form lines of di'ainage from the inteiior to the sea. 
 
 o2
 
 196 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 The life of a Bengal river like the Ganges is much more com- 
 plex. Its biography divides itself into three chapters — a bois- 
 terous boyhood, a laborious manhood, a sad old age. In its 
 youth the Ganges leaps out fiom a snow -bed in the Himalayas, 
 and races across the sub-montane tracts, gathering pebbles and 
 diverse mineral treasm'es as it bounds along. After three 
 hundred miles of this play, it settles down to its serious work in 
 life, giinding its mountain spoils to powder against its sides, 
 bearing on its breast the commerce of provinces, and distributing 
 its waters for the culti^'ation of the soil. Its manhood lasts a 
 thousand miles, during which it receives tributaries fi'om both . 
 sides, and rolls onward with an ever-increasing volume of water' 
 and silt. But as it gi'ows older it becomes sloW'ir, losing in pace 
 as it gains in bulk, until it reaches a country so level that its 
 mighty mass can no longer hold together, and its divergent 
 waters part from the main stream to find separate com'ses to the 
 sea. The point at which this disseverance takes place marks 
 the head of the delta. But the dismembered river has still an 
 old age of full two hundi*ed miles before its worn-out currents 
 find rest. It toils sluggishly across the delta, splitting up into 
 many channels, each of which searches a com'se for itself 
 southwards, with endless bifurcations, new junctions, twists, 
 and convolutions. 
 
 The enfeebled currents can no longer carry on the silt which 
 the parent stream, in its vigorous manhood, has borne do'>?|i. 
 They accordingly deposit their bm-dens in their beds, or along^ 
 their margins, thus raising their banks above the low adjacent 
 plains. They build themselves up, as iif Avere, into high-level 1 
 canalc. The delta thus consists of branching rivers winding 
 about at a perilous elevation, wth a series of hollow-lands or -j 
 dips between. The lofty banks alone prevent the channels from 
 spilling over ; and when a channel has filled up, the old banks 
 run like ridges across the delta, showing where a dead river once 
 flowed. In the rainy season the floods bm"st over the banks, 
 and di'own the surrounding flats with a silt-laden deluge. Then 
 the waters settle and drop their load in the form of a coating of H 
 mud. As the inundation subsides, the aqueous expanse, now 
 qjpnuded of its silt, paitly finds its way back to the channels, 
 partly sinks into the porous soil, and partly stagnates in land-
 
 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 197 
 
 ) 
 locked fens. The Ganges thus yields up in its old age the 
 
 accumulati'^ns of its youth and manhood. Earth to earth. 
 The last scene of all is the solitude of tidal creeks and jungle, 
 amid whose silence its water » merge into the sea. 
 
 The Hugli is formed by the three most westerly of the deltaic 
 spill-streams of the Ganges. The first or ni^ost northerly is the 
 Bhagirathi, a very ancient river, which represents the original 
 course of the Ganges, down the Hugli trough to the Bay of 
 Bengal. A legend tells how a demon diverted the sacred 
 Ganges by swallowing it. The demon was a geological one — a 
 band of stiff yellow clay which confined t^e Ganges to its ancient 
 . bed, until a flood burst through the barrier and opened a 
 passage for the main body of the Ganges to the east. The dis- 
 ruption took place in prehistoric times. But to this day the 
 Bhagirathi, and the Hugli which it helps to form loAver down, 
 retain the sanctity of the parent stream. The Ganges ceases 
 to be holy eastward from the point where the Bhagirathi breaks 
 south. It was at this point that Holy Mother Ganga vouch- 
 safed, in answer to the Sage's prayer, to divide herself into a 
 hundred channels to make sure that her purifying waters 
 should reach, and cleanse from sin, the concealed ashes of the 
 heroes. Those channels form her distributaries through the 
 delta. The Bhagirathi, although for centuries a mere spill- 
 stream from the parent Ganges, is still called the Ganges by 
 the villag-ers alono; its course. 
 
 '*^ The levels of the surrounding country show that the bed of 
 • the Bhagirathi must once have been many tiaies its present size. 
 «The small portion of the waters of the Ganges which it con- 
 tinued to receive aftef' the geological disruption no longer suf- 
 ficed to keep open its former wide channel. Its bed accordingly 
 silted up, forming islands, shoals, and accretions to its banks. 
 It now discloses the last stage in the decay of a deltaic river. 
 In that stage thfyprocess of silting up completes itself, until the 
 stream dwindles into a series of pools and finally disappears. 
 This fate is averted from the Bhagirathi by engineering effbi'ts. 
 The vast changes which have taken place in the Hugli trough 
 may be estimatfxl from the one fact, that the first of its head- 
 waters, which originally poured into it the mighty Ganges, is 
 now a dying river kept alive by artificial devices.
 
 198 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 v» 
 
 The other two headwaters of the Hugli bear witness to not 
 less memorable vicissitudes. The second of them ta|<es off from 
 the Ganges about forty miles eastward from the 'fihagirathi. tl 
 At one time it brought down sucl^, masses of water from the :^l 
 Ganges as to earn the name of the TeiTible. But in our own ■' 
 days it was for long a deceased river ; its mouth or intake from 
 the Ganges was closed ^vith mud ; its course was cut into three 
 parts by other streailis. The country through which it flowed 
 must once have been the scene of fluvial revolutions on an ap- 
 palling scale. That tract is now covered with a network of dead 
 rivers ; a vast swamp}^ reticulation in some places stretching as 
 lines of pools, in others as fertile green hollows. But thirteen 
 years ago a flood once more burst open the mouth of the Terrible 
 from the Ganges, and it re-expanded fi-om a Mtle cut into a 
 broad distributary. The third of the Hugli headwaters has its 
 principal offtake from the Ganges again about forty miles 
 further down. It constantly shifts its point of biftu'cation from 
 the Ganges, moving its mouth up and down the parent river to 
 a distance of ten miles. All the three headwaters of the Hugli 
 dwindle to shallow streams in the cold weather. At many places 
 a depth of eighteen inches cannot always be maintained by the 
 most skilful engineering. But during the rains each of them 
 poiu-s down enormous floods from the Ganges to the Hugli 
 trough. 
 
 The Hugli, thus formed by three uncertain spill-streams of 
 the Ganges from the north and east, receives no important tribti-* 
 tary on its western^^bank above Calcutta. One channel brings * 
 down the torrents from the mountain fringe of the Central India, 
 plateau. But during three-quarters of tiie year this channel 
 dwindles, in its upper course, to a silver thread amid expanses 
 of sand. Formerly, indeed, the Hugli above Calcutta received 
 a mighty river from the westward, the Damodar. About 
 two centuries ago, however, that giant stream burst south- 
 ward, and now enters the Hugli far below Calciijta. For 
 practical purposes, therefore, the only feeders of the Hugli are 
 the three spill-streams from the Ganges on the north and 
 east. ^;^ 
 
 How comes it that these decaying rivers suffice to supply 
 one of the great commercial \<aterways of the world .? In the
 
 J RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 199 
 
 dry weather, writes the officer in charge of them, it is impossible, 
 at a short rlistance below their final point of junction, ' to tell 
 whether thty are opened or closed, as the proportion of water 
 \ which they supply "■ to the |iugli ' is a mere trifle.^ Thus in 
 1869 two of them were closed, and the third only yielded a 
 trickle of twenty cubic feet a second. Yet ^within fifty miles of 
 their junction the Hugli has grown into a magnificent river, 
 deep enough for the largest ships, and supplying Calcutta with 
 twelve million gallons of water a day without any appreciable 
 diminution to the navigable channel. 
 
 This was long a mystery. The exjjlanation is that during 
 the eight dry months the Hugli is fed party by infiltration 
 underground, and partly by the tide. The delta forms a sub- 
 terraneous siev? of silt, througli which countless rills of water 
 percolate into the deep trough which the Hugli has scooped out 
 for itself. The drainage from the swamps and hollow lands, 
 finding no outlet on the surface, sinks into the porous alluvium. 
 The delta thus stores up inexhaustible underground reservoirs, 
 to feed the Hugli in the hot weather. There is a moving mass 
 of waters beneath the siu'face of the land, searching out paths 
 into the low level formed by the Hugli drain. This perpetual 
 process of subterrene infiltration, together with the action of the 
 tides, renders the Hugli almost independent of its headwaters 
 so long as it can maintain the depth of its trough below the 
 adjacent country. That depth is secured by the scouring of 
 4tie current in the rainy season. During the dry months the 
 . Hugli silts up. But if only its headA\;3ters are kept from 
 . closing altogether, the floods from the Ganges will pour down 
 them on the first biifst of the rains, and again deepen the Hugli 
 trough. The problem of engineering, therefore, is to s^ve the 
 three headwaters from being absolutely silted up during the 
 dry season. 
 
 The struggl^^etween science and nature which the last 
 sentence represents lies beyond the s(!ope of this aiticlo. Mean- 
 while let us sail quickly up the Hugli in the cold weather, and 
 see how man, unaided by science, fared in the conflict. The 
 country round J:he mouth of the river consists of disappointing 
 sand banks or mean mud formations, covered with coarse gi-ass 
 and barely a few inches above higli-tide. But about thirty-five
 
 200 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 miles below Calcutta we reach a better raised land, bearing 
 cocoanuts and rich crops of rice. There on the western side of 
 the Hugh, but at some distance from its present course, and 
 upon a muddy tributary, once flom-ished the Buddhist port of 
 Bengal. From that" port of Tamluk the Buddhist pilgrim of 
 the fifth century a.d- took shipping to Ceylon. It is now an 
 inland village six miles from the Hugli channel and fifty from 
 the sea. Its Buddhist princes, with their ten monasteries and 
 one thousand monks, succumbed to Hindu kings of the wamor 
 caste, who built a fortified palace said to cover eight square 
 miles. The Hindu kings of the warrior caste were succeeded 
 by a semi-aboriginal line of fishermen princes. As each dynasty 
 perished, the delta buried their works beneath its silt. The 
 floods now unearth Buddhist coins from the deep gullies which 
 they cut dming the rains ; sea-shells and fragments of houses 
 occur at a depth of twenty feet. The old Buddhist port lies 
 far down in the mud ; of the great palace of the Hindu warrior 
 kings only faint traces remain above the surface. Even the 
 present temple, said to be built by the later fishermen princes, 
 is already partly below ground. Its mighty foundation of logs 
 spread out upon the delta, heaped with solid masonry to a 
 height of thirty feet, and smnnounted by a Cyclopean triple 
 wall and dome, forms a marvel of mediaeval engineering. But 
 the massive structure, which has defied the floods and tidal 
 waves of centuries, is being softly, silently, surely shovelled 
 underground by the silt. 
 
 A little above t>e bm-ied Buddhist port, but on the Hoigli 
 itself, we come to Falta. Once the site of a Dutch factory, and 
 a busy harbom' of Dutch commerce, it fornlfed the retreat of the 
 English Council in 1756, after the Black Hole and their flight 
 from Calcutta. It now consists of a poor hamlet and a few 
 grassy earthworks mounted with guns. The Dutch factory is 
 gone, the Dutch commerce is gone ; it strairi^^he imagination 
 to conceive that this green solitary place was once the l^«t foot- 
 hold of the British power in Bengal. I moored my barge for 
 the night off its silent bank, and read the oflScial records of 
 those disastrous days. A consultation held b.^' the fugitive 
 Council on board the schooner ' Phoenix ' relates how their 
 military member had written 'a complimentary letter to the
 
 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 201 
 
 Nawab,' who had done their comrades to death, ' complaining a 
 Httle of the hard usage of the EngHsh Honourable Company, 
 assuring him of his good intentions notwithstanding what had 
 happened, and begging him ,in the meanwhile, till things were 
 cleared up, that he would treat him at least as a friend, and 
 give orders that our people might be supplied with provisions 
 in a full and friendly manner."' To such a depth of abasement 
 had fallen the British power — that power to which in less than 
 a year the field of Plassey, higher up the same river, was to give 
 the mastery of Bengal. 
 
 Swiftly sailing past Calcutta, witji its fourfold tiers of 
 great ships, its fortress, palaces, domes, and moniunents, we 
 come upon a series of five early European settlements, from 
 sixteen to twenty-eight miles above the British capital. Each 
 one of these formed the subject of as high hopes as Calcutta ; 
 several of them seemed to give pj-omise of a greater future. 
 Every one of them is now deserted by trade ; not one of them 
 could be reached by the smallest ships of modern commerce. 
 The Hugli quickly deteriorates above the limits of the Calcutta 
 port, and the rival European settlements higher up are as 
 effectually cut oft' from the sea as if they were buried, like the 
 Buddhist harboiu-, in the mud of the delta. 
 
 The first of these settlements, sixteen miles by water above 
 Calcutta, is the old Danish town of Serampur. It formed the 
 outcome of a century of efforts by the Danes to establish them- 
 ^Ives in Bengal. During the Napoleonic wars it was a pros- 
 perous port, many of our own ships sailing J^hence to avoid the 
 - heavy insurance paid by British vessels. Ships of 600 to 800 
 tons, the largest theft in use, could lie off" its wharfs. In the 
 second quarter of the present century the silt formations , of the 
 Hugli cliannel rendered it inaccessible to maritime commerce. 
 The manuscript account of the settlement, dra^n up with 
 minute care whs;ii<^ve took over the town from the Danes in 
 1845, sets forth every detail, down to the exact number of hand 
 looms, burial grounds, and liquor shops. But thi'oughout its 
 seventy-seven folio pages I could discover not one word indicat- 
 ing the survivaVof a sea-going trade. 
 
 On the opposite or eastern bank, a couple of miles further 
 up, lay an ancient German settlement, Bankipur, the scene of
 
 202 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 an enterprise on which the eyes of European statesmen were 
 once malevolently fixed. No trace of it now survives ; its very 
 name has disappeared from the maps, and can only be found in 
 a chart of the last century. Cqrlyle, with picturesque in- 
 accm"acy, describes that enterprise as the Third Shadow Huntof 
 Emperor Karl the Sixth. ' The Kaiser's Imperial Ostend East 
 India Company,' he says, ' which convulsed the diplomatic mind 
 for seven years to come, and made ^Europe lurch from side to 
 side in a terrific manner, proved a mere paper company, 
 never sent ships, only produced diplomacies, and " had the 
 honom- to be."' As a ^matter of fact, the Company not only 
 sent ships but paid dividends, and founded settlements which 
 stirred up the fiercest jealousy in India. Although sacrificed in 
 Europe by the Emperor to obtain the Pragmrfcic Sanction in 
 1727, the Ostend Company went on ^\ith its business for many 
 years, and became finally bankrupt in 1784. Its settlement on 
 the Hugli, deserted by the Vienna Court, was destroyed in 1733 
 by a Muhammadan general, whom the rival Em'opean traders 
 stirred up against it. The despairing garrison and their brave 
 chief, who lost an arm by a cannon-ball, little thought that 
 they would appear in history as mere paper persons and 
 diplomatic shadows who had only 'had the honour to be.' 
 The European companies were in those days as deadly to each 
 other as the river was destructive to their settlements. AVhen 
 Frederick the Great sent a later expedition, the native Viceroy 
 of Bengal warned the other Europeans against the coming b* 
 the German ships.^^^ ' God forbid that they should come, this 
 way ! ' was the pious response of the President of the English , 
 Council ; ' but should this be the case, I am hi hopes that through 
 your Uprightness they will be either sunk, broke, or destroyed.' 
 A few miles higher up the river on the western bank, the 
 French settlement of Chandernagar still flies the tricolor. In 
 the last century it was bombarded by Engi^.?h vessels of war. 
 A great silt bank, which has formed outside it, would now 
 effectually protect it from any such attack. A grassy slope has 
 taken the place of the deep water in which the admiral's flagship 
 lay. Captured and recaptured by the British .^uring the long 
 wars, the settlement now reposes under international treaties,
 
 A RIVER OF RUIXED CAPITALS 203 
 
 a trim little Frencl/ toAra landlocked from maritime commerce. 
 A couple of miles above it lies the decayed Dutch settlement, 
 Chinsura ; ' and another mile further on was the ancient 
 Portuguese emporium, HugV town. Both of these were great 
 r<2sorts of sea-going trade before Calcutta was thought of. 
 In 1632, when the Muhammadans took Hugh town from the 
 Portuguese, and made it their own royal port of Bengal, they 
 captured over three hundred ships, large and small, in the 
 harbour. As one now approaches the old Dutch and Portuguese 
 settlements, a large alluvial island, covered with rank grasses and a 
 few trees, divides the stream into unceij:ain channels, with lesser 
 silt formations above and below. Noble buttressed houses and 
 the remains of the river wall still line the banks of the land- 
 locked harbour^. Then the marvellous new railway bridge seems 
 to cross the sky, its three cantilever spans high up in the air 
 aboA-e the river, with native boats crawling like flies underneath. 
 Beyond rise the tower and belfry of the Portuguese monastery 
 of Bandel, the oldest' house of Christian worship in Bengal, 
 built originally in 1599. The Virgin in a bright blue robe, 
 with the Infant in her arms, and a garland of fresh rosemaries 
 roimd her neck, stands out aloft under a canopy. Two lamps 
 ever lit by her side served as beacons during centuries to the 
 European ships which can never again ascend the river. They 
 now guide the native boatmen for miles down the decaying 
 channels. 
 
 * From this point upwards, the Hugli river is a mere record 
 of rwin. An expanse of shallows spreads oij,t among silt forma- 
 tions, stake nets, and mud. Oval-bottomed country boats, with 
 high painted sterii^, bulging bellies, and enormous brown 
 square sails, make their way up and down with the tidfj. But 
 the distant high banks, crowned by venerable trees, and now 
 separated from the water by emerald-green flats, prove that a 
 gi'eat and powev^ river once flowed past them. For some 
 miles the channel forms the dwindled remains of an ancient lake. 
 Old names, such as the Sea of Delight, now solid land, bear 
 witness to a time when it recei\'ed the inflow of rivers long 
 dead or in decyr. From this mighty mass of waters one arm 
 reached the sea south-eastward, by the present Hugli trough ;
 
 204 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 another, and once larger, branch, known £(s the Saraswati, or 
 Goddess of Flowing Speech, broke off to the south-west. At 
 their point of bifurcation stands Tribeni, a very ancient place 
 of pilgrimage. But the larger western branch, or Goddess of 
 Speech, is now a silent and dead river, running fo» miles as-^a 
 green broad hollow through the country, with a tidal ditch 
 which you can jump across in the dry weather. 
 
 Yet on this dead western branch flourished the royal port 
 of Bengal from a prehistoric age till the time of the Portuguese. 
 Its name, Satgaon, refers its origin to the Seven Sages of Hindu 
 mythology, and the map of 1540 a.d. marks its river as a large 
 channel. Purchas in the beginning of the next century describes 
 it as ' a reasonable fair citie for a citie of the Moores, abounding 
 with all things.' Foreign trade sharpened the wi'ts of the towns- 
 men, and a Bengali proverb still makes ' a man of Satgaon ' 
 synonymous with a shrewd fellow. In the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries the river silted up, and the royal port of 
 Bengal was transferred to Hugh town. I walked a few miles 
 along the broad depression Avhere once the river had flowed, 
 and searched for the ancient city. I found only a region of 
 mounds covered with countless fragments of fine bricks, buried 
 under thickets of thorn and stunted palms. I asked a poor 
 nomadic family of sugar-makers, who were boiling down the date 
 juice into syrup in earthen pots under ii tree, 'Where was 
 the fort.?' They pointed to the jungle around. I asked, 
 ' Where was the harbour ? ' For a time they could not com^ 
 prehend what I was-.ted. At length the father took me 'co a 
 dank hollow, and said that some years ago the floods in the 
 rainy season had there washed out the tiiiibers of a sea-going 
 ship from deep under the gi'ound. 
 
 What caused this ruin.? I have said that although the 
 Hugli now receives no important affluent on its western bank, 
 yet at one time a gi'eat tributary flowed into^:^iijrom that side. 
 This was the Damodar, which brings down the drainage of the 
 western plains and highlands of Lower Bengal. It originally 
 entered the Hugli a few miles above the Saraswati branch on 
 which lay the royal port. But between 1500 fs^d 1800 a.d. its 
 floods gi-adually worked a more direct passage for themselves to
 
 A RIVE:R of ruined capitals 205 
 
 the south. Instead of entering the Hugli about thirty-five 
 miles abov^ Calcutta, it now enters the Hugli nearly thirty-five 
 miles below Calcutta. The Hugli trough, therefore, no longer re- 
 ceives its old copious water Supply throughout the intermediate 
 seventy miles. Its bed accordingly silted up, and certain old 
 branches or off-takes from it, like the or/e on which lay the 
 royal Muhammadan port of Bengal, have died away. This gi"eat 
 fluvial revolution, after preparing itself during three centuries, 
 ended in fifty years of terrible catastrophes. The ancient mouth 
 of the Damodar into the Hugli above Calcutta had almost com- 
 pletely closed up, while the inundation* had not yet opened to 
 a sufficient width the new channel to the south. In 1770, for 
 example, the Pamodar floods, struggling to find a passage, de- 
 stroyed the chief town of that part of Bengal. During many 
 years our officers anxiously considered whether it was possible 
 to re-open by artificial means its old exit into the Hugli. 
 ' Picture to yourself/ writes a Calcutta jom-nal of its flood 
 in 1823, ' a flat country completely under water, running 
 with a force apparently irresistible, and carrying with it 
 dead bodies, roofs of houses, palanquins, and wreck of every 
 description."" 
 
 Proceeding upwards from the old mouth of the Damodar, 
 the Hugli abandons itself to every wild form of fluvial caprice. 
 At places a deep cut ; at others a shallow expanse of water, in 
 ^the middle of which the fishermen wade with their hand-nets ; 
 or a mean new channel, with old lakes and swamps which mark 
 its former bed, but which are now separated from it by high 
 sandy ridges. Nad^ya, the old Hindu capital, stands at the 
 junction of its two upper head-waters, about sixty-five miles 
 above Calcutta. We reach the ancient city through" a river 
 chaos, emerging at length upon a well-marked channel below 
 the jimction. It yas from Nadiya that the last Hindu King of 
 Bengal, on the 'approach of the Muhammadan invader in 1203, 
 fled from his palace in the middle of dinner, as the story runs, 
 with his sandals snatched up in his hand. It was at Nadiya 
 that the deity was incarnated in the fifteenth century a.d. in 
 the great Hincfu reformer, the Luther of Bengal. At Nadiya 
 the Sanski-it colleges, since the^ dawn of history, have taught
 
 206 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 their abstruse philosophy to colonies of students, who calmly 
 pursued the life of a learner from boyhood to white, haired old 
 
 age. 
 
 I landed with feelings of reverence at this ancient Oxford of 
 India. A fat benevolent abbot paused in fingering his beads to 
 salute me from the verandah of a Hindu monastery, I asked 
 him for the birthplace of the divine founder of his faith. The 
 true site, he said, was now covered by the river. The Hugli 
 had first cut the sacred city in two, then twisted right round 
 the town, leaving anything that remained of the original capital 
 on the opposite bank. Whatever the water had gone over, it 
 had buried beneath its silt. I had with me the Sanskrit chronicle 
 of the present line of Nadiya Rajas. It begins vith the an-ival 
 of their ancestor, one of the first five eponymous Brahman 
 immigrants into Bengal, according to its chronology, in the 
 eleventh century a.d. It brings down their annals from father 
 to son to the great Raja of the eighteenth centmy, Clive's 
 friend, who received twelve cannons as a trophy fi'om Plassey. 
 So splendid were the charities of this Indian scholar-prince that 
 it became a proverb that any man of the priestly caste in Bengal 
 who had not received a gift from him could be no true Brahman. 
 The Rajas long ago ceased to reside in a city which had be- 
 come a mere prey to the river. Nadiya is now a collection of 
 peasants' huts, grain shops, mud colleges, and crumbling Hindu 
 monasteries, cut up by gullies and hollows. A few native*^ 
 magnates still have houses in the holy city. The only objects 
 that struck me in itsMiarrow lanes were the bands of yellow- 
 robed pilgi'ims on their way to bathe in th^ river ; two stately 
 sacred bulls who paced about in well-fed complacency ; and 
 the village idiot, swollen with monastic rice, listlessly flapping 
 the flies with a palm-leaf as he lay in the sun. 
 
 Above Nadiya, where its two upper hea^aters unite, the 
 Hugli loses its distinctive name. We thi-ead otu* way up its 
 chief confluent, the Bhagirathi, amid spurs and training works 
 and many engineering devices : now following the channel 
 across a wilderness of glistening sand, now sticking for an hour 
 in the mud, although our barge and flat-bottomeS steamer only 
 draw twenty inches of water, l^n a region of wickerwork dams
 
 A RIVF,R OF RUINED CAPITALS 207 
 
 and interwoven stakes for keeping the river open, we reach the 
 field of Plas^sey, on which in 1757 Clive won Bengal. After 
 trudging about with the village watchman, trying to make out 
 a plan of the battle, I restefl at noon unde^' a noble pipal tree. 
 Among its bare and multitudinous roots, heaps of tiny earthen- 
 ware horses, with toy flags of talc and tins&l, are piled up in 
 memory of the Muhammadan generals who fell in the fight. 
 The venerable tree has become a place of pilgrimage for both 
 Musalmans and Hindus. The custodian is a Muhammadan, but 
 two of the little shrines are tipped with red paint in honoui" ol 
 the Hindu goddess Kali. At the yearly festival of the fallen 
 warriors, miraculous cures are wrought on pilgrims of both 
 faiths. , 
 
 I whiled away the midday heat with a copy of Clive's 
 manuscript despatch to the Secret Committee. His account of 
 the battle is very brief. Finding* the enemy coming on in 
 overwhelming force at^ daybreak, he lay with his handful of 
 troops secm'ely ' lodged in a large grove, surrounded with good 
 mud banks.' His only hope was in a night attack. But at 
 noon, when his assailants had drawn back into their camp, 
 doubtless for their midday meal, Clive made a rush on one or 
 two of their advanced positions, from which their French gunners 
 had somewhat annoyed him. Encouraged by his momentary 
 success, and amid a confusion caused by the fall of several of the 
 Nawab's chief ofiicers, he again sprang forward on an angle of 
 the enemy"'s entrenchments. A panic suddenly swept across the 
 unwieldy encampment, probably surprised ofer its cooking-pots, 
 and the battle was ^ six miles'" pursuit of the wildly flying 
 masses. 
 
 A semicircle of peasants gathered round me, ready* with 
 conflicting answers to any questions that Recurred as I read. 
 Fifty years after the Jbattle of l^lassey the river hud completely 
 eaten away the fieicT on which it was fought. ' Every trace is 
 obliterated,"' ^vrote a traveller in 1801, ' and a few miserable huts 
 overlianging the water are the only remains of the celebrated 
 Plassey.' In a later caprice the river desei'ted the bank, which 
 it had thus cut away, and made a plunge to the opposite or 
 western side. The still water whi(,'h it left on the eastern bank
 
 208 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 soon covered with deep silt the site of the battlefield that it had 
 once engulfed. Acres of new alluvial formations, meadows, 
 slopes, and green flats gently declining to the river, take the 
 place of Clive's mango grove and the NawaVs encampment. 
 The wandering priest, who sei-ved the shrines under the tfee, 
 presented me with an old-fashioned leaden bullet which he said 
 a late flood had lai4 bare. 
 
 Some distance above Plassey lies Murshidabad, once the 
 Muhammadan metropolis of Lower Bengal, now the last city 
 on the river of ruined capitals. Here, too, the decay of the 
 channel would have sufficed to destroy its old trade. But a 
 swifter agent of change wi'ought the ruin of Murshidabad. The 
 cannon of Plassey sounded its doom. The p^'esent Nawab, a 
 com'teous, sad-eyed representative of the Muhammadan Viceroys 
 from whom we took over Bengal, kindly lent me one of his empty 
 palaces. The two Englishmen whom his Highness most 
 earnestly inquired after were the Prince of Wales and Mr. 
 Roberts, jun. Indeed he was good enough to show me some 
 pretty fancy strokes which he had learned from the champion 
 billiard-player. Next evening I looked down from the tower of 
 the great mosque on a green stretch of woodland, which Clive 
 described as a city as large and populous as London. The 
 palaces of the nobles had given place to brick houses ; the brick 
 houses to mud cottages ; the mud cottages to mat huts ; the 
 mat huts to straw hovels. A poor and struggling population 
 was in\isible somewhere around me, but in dwellings so mean 
 as to be bmied undter the palms and brushwood. A wreck of' 
 a city with bazaars and streets was there. Yet, looking down 
 from the tower, scarce a building, save the NawaVs palace, rose 
 above'^the sui'face of the jungle. 
 
 Of all the cities and capitals that man has built upon the 
 Hugli, only one can now be reached by s(^-going ships. The 
 sole survival is Calcutta. The long story or*hiin compels us to 
 ask whether the same fate hangs over the capital of British 
 India. Above Calcutta, the headwaters of the Hugli still silt 
 up, and are essentially decaying rivers. Below Calcutta, the 
 present channel of the Damodar enters the "ftugli at so acute 
 an angle that it has thi'own up the James and Mary Sands, the
 
 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 209 
 
 most dangerous river-shoal known to navigation. The combined 
 discharges vf the Damodar and Rupnarayan rivers join the 
 
 ' Hugh, close to each from the same bank. Their intrusive 
 mass of water arrests the now of the Hwgli current, and so 
 causes it to deposit its silt, thus forming the James and Mary. 
 In 1854 a counnittee of experts reported by a majority that, 
 while modern ships required a greater deptlf of water, the Hugli 
 
 ; channels had deteii orated, and that their deterioration would 
 under existing conditions go on. The capital of British India 
 was brought face to face with the question whether it would 
 succumb, as every previous capital on tne river had succumbed, 
 to the forces of nature, or whether it would fight them. In 
 1793 a similar iq[uestion had arisen in regard to a project for 
 re-opening the old mouth of the Damodar above Calcutta. In 
 the last century the Government decided, and with its then 
 meagre resources of engineering wisely decided, not to fight 
 nature. In the present century the Government has decided, 
 and with the enlarged resources of modern engineering has 
 wisely decided, to take up the gage of battle. 
 
 It is one of the most marvellous struggles between science 
 and nature which the world has ever seen. In this article I have 
 had to exhibit man as beaten at every point ; on another oppor- 
 tunity I may perhaps present the new aspects of the conflict. 
 On the one side nature is the stronger ; on the other side science 
 is^more intelligent. It is a war between brute force and human 
 strategy, carried on not by mere isolated fights, but by perennial 
 campaigns spread over wide territories. Science finds that 
 although she cannot control nature, yet that she can outwit and 
 cii-cumvent her. As regards the headwaters above Calcut^ta, it 
 is not possible to coerce the spill-streams of the Ganges, but it 
 is possible to coax and train them along tl»e desired channels. 
 As regards the Hugl" 'IdcIow Calcutta, all that can be effected by 
 vigilance in watching the shoals and by skill in evading them is 
 accomplished. The deterioration of the channels seems for the 
 vtme to be arrested. But Calcutta has deliberately faced the 
 fact that the forces of tropical nature may any year overwhelm 
 and wreck the delicate contrivances of man. She has, therefore, 
 thrown out two advanced works in <the form of railways towards 
 the coast. One of these railways taps the Hugli where it 
 
 B
 
 210 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 
 
 expands into an estuary below the perilous James and Mary 
 shoal. The other runs south-east to a new and depp river, the 
 Matla. Calcutta now sits calmly, although wth no false sense 
 of secui'ity, in her state of siege ; fighting for her ancient water- 
 way to the last, but provided with alternative ' routes fi-om 
 the sea, even if the Hugh should perish. Sedet oeternumq^te 
 sedebit. 
 
 V
 
 N 
 
 VI 
 OUR MISSIONAlYlES 1 
 
 Saint Paul, when he made answer before princes and governors, 
 was wont to divide his defence between eloquent vindication 
 and well-weighed argument. The great missionai-y Apologia of 
 last month wisely followed the same lines. A series of crowded 
 public meetings awakened enthiisiasm and powerfully urged the 
 religious claims of missionary enterprise. A separate series of 
 Open Conferences quietly and accurately examined into the 
 practical problems of missionary work. It is full time that to 
 some of the questions thus raised an honest answer should be 
 given. During a century Protestant missionaries have been 
 continuously at labour, and year by year they make an ever- 
 increasing demand upon the zeal and the resources of Christen- 
 dom. Thoughtful men in England and America ask, in all 
 "seriousness, what is the practical result of so fast an expenditure 
 hf effort ? And while the world thus seeks for a sign, the 
 Churches also desire light. What lesson does the hard-won 
 experience of the century teach ; the experience bought by the 
 lives and labours of thousands of devoted iijen and women in 
 every quarter of the globe ? AVhat conquests has that great 
 missionary ai'my made from the dark continents of ignorance 
 and cniel rites ? What influence has it exerted on the higher 
 Eastern races who have a religion, a literature, a civilisation 
 older than our own ? How far do the missionary methods of 
 the past accord wi'ch the actual needs of the present ? 
 
 For the first time the Protestant Missionary Societies of the 
 
 > 
 ' In the Nineteenth Century of July 1888. 
 
 p 2
 
 212 OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 world have given an organized and authoritative reply to these 
 questions. Their Centennial Conference, which assembled in 
 London in June, devoted fifty meetings to a searching scrutiny 
 into each departmejit of missionaiy labour', and to the public 
 statement of the results. Fourteen hundred delegates attended, 
 from Europe, Great Britain, and America ; each with his own 
 special knowledge on one or other of the subjects dealt with. 
 Of the 2|^ millions sterling expended annually on Protestant 
 Foreign Missions, over 2 millions were officially represented at 
 the Congress. But the delegates brought to their task not 
 only the collective authority of Protestant Christendom ; they 
 also brought their personal experience, gained in every outlying 
 region of the earth. Certain of our High Qhui"ch Societies, 
 while expressing their sympathy, preferred not to send members. 
 But with this exception, the International Conference seems to 
 have fairly represented the sense of Protestant Christianity on 
 the issues involved. , 
 
 The first result of its scrutiny is to bring out certain funda- 
 mental differences in the problem of proselytism at the begin- 
 ning and at the close of the period under its review. During 
 the hundred years, the convictions of Christendom in regard 
 to missionary work have undergone a profound change. When 
 Carey, the father of Protestant missions in Bengal, pro- 
 pounded at the meeting of Baptist ministers a centmy ago the 
 duty of preaching the Gospel to ' the heathen,' the aged presi- 
 dent is said to have sprung up in displeasure and shouted : 
 ' Young man, sit "down. When God pleases to convert the 
 heathen He will do it without your aid or mine.' A second 
 Pentecost, he thought, must precede such a work. To another 
 pious Nonconformist divine the proposal suggested the thought, 
 ' If the Lord woul<^1 make windows in heaven might this thing 
 be.' Ministers of the Kirk . of Scotla^l, which has since 
 laboured so nobly for the education of Inctta, pronoimced the 
 idea to be ' highly preposterous,' and extolled the simple virtues 
 of the untutored savage. A Bishop of the Chm^ch of England, 
 the Church whose missionaries now compass the earth, argued 
 publicly and powerfully in opposition to such schemes. The 
 British nation as represented in Parliament declared against 
 tiiem. Its servants in the East regarded the missionaries as
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES 213 
 
 dangerous breakers bf the law. But for the benevolence of a 
 Hindu mon^y-changer the first English missionary family in 
 ^ Bengal would at one time have been without a roof. But for 
 the corn-age of a petty Danish governor, the next missionary 
 party would have been seized by oin- authorities in Calcutta 
 and shipped back to Europe. A hinidred years ago the sense 
 of the Churches, the policy of I'arliament, ihe instinct of self- 
 preservation among the Englishmen who were doing England's 
 work in distant lands, were all arrayed against the missionary 
 idea. 
 
 The missionaries had to encountei* not less hostile, and 
 certainly better founded, prejudices among the non-Christian 
 peoples to whorj they went. For until a century ago the white 
 man had brought no blessing to the darker nations of the earth. 
 During thi-ee hundred years he had been the despoiler, the 
 enslaver, the exterminator of the si'mpler races. The bright 
 and brief episode in Pennsylvania stands out against a grim 
 background of oppression and wrong. In America, ancient 
 kinsdoms and civilisations had been trodden out beneath the 
 hoofs of the Spanish horse. In Africa, the white man had 
 organized a great export trade in human flesh. In South Asia, 
 cities had been sacked, districts devastated, by the Portuguese. 
 Throughout the Eastern Ocean the best of the nations of 
 Europe appeared as rapacious traders, the worst of them as 
 pirates and buccaneers. In India, which was destined to be the 
 chief field of- missionary labom-, the power had passed to the 
 Engli'sh without the sense of responsibility fA- using their power 
 aright. Dming a wl^ole generation the natives had learned to 
 regard us as a people whose arms it was impossible to resist, and 
 to whose mercy it was useless to appeal. Even the retired 
 slavetrader of Bristol looked askance at the jetired nabob from 
 Bengal. ' 
 
 But just before the beginning of the century of missionary 
 labour commemorated last month, Englishmen at home had 
 gi-own alive to the wrongs which were being done in their name. 
 And with this awakening of the political conscience of England, 
 the religious conscience of England also awoke. At that time 
 and ever since, the missionary iippulse has been intimately 
 associated with the national resolve to act riglitly by the peoplfcs 
 
 >
 
 214 OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 who have come under our sway. During fc, hundred yeai's the 
 missionaries have marched in the van of the noblest movements 
 of England. In the abolition of slavery, in the education of 
 India, in the exposjure of the liqlior traffic which is bringing 
 ruin to the African races, in the protection of the aboriginal 
 tribes for whose welfare England has made herself responsible 
 in many parts of the world, the missionary voice has uniformly 
 expressed the moral sense of the nation. It is because I 
 recognise in missionary work an expiation of national wrong- 
 doing in the past, and an aid to national right-doing in the 
 future, because I honestly believe that the missionary instinct 
 forms the necessary spiritual complement of the aggressive 
 genius of our English race, that I, a plain,, secular person, 
 venture to address persons like myself. 
 
 Whatever may be the statistical results of missionary 
 labour, missionaries hold a' very different position, in the opinion 
 alike of Christendom and of the non-Christian peoples, fi'om 
 that which they held a hundred years ago. Many competent 
 critics, clerical and lay, still decline to unreservedly accept their 
 statements. But the character of the criticism to which those 
 statements are subjected has changed. Sydney Smith's sneers 
 at ' the religious hoy I'iding at anchor in the Hugh river ' would 
 now be regarded not only as in bad taste, but also as irrelevant. 
 The majority of Englishmen are fairly satisfied that the work is 
 in the right dire(;tion, and only doubtful as to the practical 
 results. The ancient seats of orthodoxy which ^\'ere the strong- 
 holds of C()ntemptiW:)Us indifference to the missionary idea now 
 send missions of their own. The Universities' IMission td 
 Central Africa has its stations from among the rescued slaves of 
 Zanzibar, inland to the very source of the slave trade, and is 
 training up a native ministry in its own theological college. 
 The Oxford Brotherhood in .Calcutta v^iscloses the strange 
 spectacle of men of birth and scholarship living in common a 
 life of apostolic simplicity and self-sacrifice. The Cambridge 
 brethren at Delhi present a not less attractive picture of culture 
 and piety. Medical missionaries represent the hard-headed 
 University intellect of the North. The missionary idea, once 
 popularly associated with the Chadbands and Little Bethels, 
 Itas taken root in our public schools. Eton has its vigorous]
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES ' 215 
 
 and most practical ^mission to the East of London ; Harrow, 
 Winchester, Charterhouse, Clifton, Marlborough, Haileybury, 
 Wellington* and many other of our great seminaries of manliness 
 and leai-ning, each supports its own special work. The ' Year 
 Book of the /Church of England' gives the cletails of twenty-six 
 Public School and College Missions, including several foreign 
 ones, besides the thi'ee Oxford and Cambridge Missions men- 
 tioned above. The nation at large recognises with increasing 
 liberality, if not with assured confidence, the claims of missionary 
 effort. Carey"'s collection of 13Z. 2*. Qd. with which ' to convert 
 the heathen ' a centmy ago has grown, into an annual income 
 of S^ millions sterling from Protestant Christendom. The 
 two half-starved preachers making indigo for a livelihood in 
 1795 have nuiltiplied into an admirably equipped and strongly 
 organized force of six thousand missionaries, aided by a trained 
 native army of thirty thousand auxiliaries engaged in active 
 woik. Three million converts, or children of converts, have 
 been added to Protestant Christianity within the hundred 
 years. 
 
 Let us clearly miderstand what this last sttitement implies. 
 Protestant apologists are accustomed to add up the number of 
 the Protestant nations and confessions in the world, and to dis- 
 play the total as the strength of the Protestant Church. But 
 we are assured by more careful statists that the actual number 
 even of professing Protestants — that is to say, of real or nominal 
 Conummicants — does not exceed thirty millions. If this estimate 
 be correct, the three million converts from n(iii-Christian religions 
 assume a new significance. For it discloses not only that Pro- 
 testant Christianity has received an enormous numerical increase 
 of three million converts, but also that this increase baars an 
 important ratio to the actual Protestant Church. So far as can 
 be inferred from theyivailable data, the stcftistical probability is 
 that the darker races will within' the next century constitute a 
 very large proportion of the professing Protestants in the world. 
 For the increase has of late years gone on with cumulative 
 velocity. The missionaries claim, indeed, that their hundred 
 yeai-s of labour hitve produced numerical results not inferior to 
 the first century of Christianity. A comparison of this kind 
 lies beyond the range of ascertained statistics. It receives coim- 
 
 \
 
 216 OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 tenance, however, from several more cautious inductions. The 
 late Governor of the Punjab, a scholar and a careful thinker, 
 comes to the conclusion that at no other period since the apo- 
 stolic age has conversion gone on sc quickly. In another gieat 
 province of India, in which we can absolutely verify, the rate of 
 progress, the native. Christians are increasing six times more 
 rapidly than the general population. 
 
 To a man like myself who, during a quarter of a ceiitmy, 
 has watched the missionaries actually at their work, the statistics 
 of conversions seem to form but a small part of the evidence. 
 The advance which thq missionaries have made in the good 
 opinion of great non-Chiistian populations well qualified to 
 judge, such as those of India and China, is even more significant 
 than their advance in the good opinion of sensible people at 
 home. I shall speak only of facts within my own knowledge. 
 But I know of no class of Englishmen who have done so much 
 to render the name of England, apart from the power of 
 England, respected in India as the missioiiaries. I know of no 
 class of Englishmen who have done so much to make the better 
 side of the English character understood. I know of no class 
 who have done so much to awaken the Indian intellect, and at 
 the same time to lessen the dangers of the transition from the 
 old state of things to the new. The missionaries have had their 
 reward. No class of Englishmen receive so much unbought 
 kindness from the Indian people while they live ; no individual 
 Englishmen are so honestly regi-etted when they die. What 
 aged Viceroy ever received the posthumous honours of affection 
 accorded to the Presbyterian Duff" by the whole Native Press .? 
 What youthful administrator has in om- days been mourned for 
 by the educated non-Christian community as the young Oxford 
 ascetic was mourned in Calcutta last summer ? It matters not 
 to what sect a missio^iary belongs. An orthodox Hindu news- 
 paper, which had been filling its (Columns with a vigorous polemic 
 entitled * Chiistianity Destroyed,' no sooner heai'd of the death 
 of Mr. Sherring than it published a eulogium on that missionary 
 scholar. It dwelt on 'his learning, affability, solidity, piety, 
 benevolence, and business capacity."" The editor, while a stout 
 defendei- of his hereditary faith, regretted that ' so little of Mr. 
 Sherring's teaching had fallen to his lot.' This was written of
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES > 217 
 
 a man who had spei?^t his life in controversy with the uncompro- 
 mising Brahmanism of Benares. But the missionary has won 
 for himself the same respect in the South as in the North. If 
 I were asked to name the two men who, during my service in 
 India, have exercised the greatest influence* on native develop- 
 ment and native opinion in Madras, I should name, not a 
 governor, nor any departmental head, but a missionary Bishop 
 of the Church of England, and a missionary educator of the 
 Scottish Free Kirk. 
 
 It is considerations of this class that lead many Indian 
 administrators to bear public testimony,in favour of missionary 
 work. The careless onlooker may have no particular convictions 
 on the subject, and flippant persons may ridicule religious effort 
 in India as elsewhere. But I think that few Indian administra- 
 tors have passed through high office, and had to deal with the 
 ultimate problems of British governnjent in that country, without 
 feeling the value of the work done by the missionaries. Such 
 men gradually realise, 4is I have realised, that the missionaries 
 do really represent the spiritual side of the new civilisation and 
 of the new life which we are introducing into India. This view 
 is not the product of a Clapham clique, or of any naiTow 
 Evangelical tradition. It is possible that down to a certain 
 period zeal rather than judgment may have influenced some of 
 the witnesses, although the shrewd and hard sense of Lord 
 Lawrence would certainly have laid bare imposture or exaggera- 
 tion of whatever sort. But for twenty years the old Clapham 
 Evaftgelicalism has been a discredited, a^d latterly almost a 
 defunct, tradition in India, so far as the great body of the 
 officials are concerned. The opinion of a Viceroy like Lord 
 Northbrook, or of a clear-headed administrator like Robert Cust, 
 on the actual value of Indian missionary work is beyond sus- 
 picion. Such men jange themselves unhesitatingly, as at the 
 late International Conference, oh the side of the missionaries. 
 But if you closely watch them you will find that whenever the 
 spirit of bigotry is in the air they keep out of the way. They 
 never make themselves a party to exaggeration ; and if their 
 authority is cited^'to support views of which they disapprove, 
 they do not fear to protest. One of these ' gentlemen, at the 
 risk of severing the ties of a lifetime, lately stood forth^ to 
 
 \
 
 218 t OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 
 unhesitatingly expose what he believed to be, the over-statements 
 of the party to which he belonged. I have mentioned two 
 names, because these names are public property in regard to 
 missionary work. But they only fcvm prominent names among 
 a large body of Indian administrators who are, deliberately t 
 convinced that the missionaries are doing for England the very ' ^ 
 best work which any private Englishmen can do in India. \ 
 Mr. Cust took as the motto of his memorable missionary lecture ti 
 to the youth of Oxford, Tti regere imperio populos, Roinane, *' 
 memento. ^ 
 
 This national aspect ^of missionary work has been rather lost 1 
 sight of amid the outburst of evangelical enthusiasm during the 
 present century. But it is not a new view. Each of the gi-eat 
 European nations who went forth to conquer the' world in tui'n 
 recognised the importance of disclosing the spiritual as well as 
 the material side of its , character to the subjected races. 
 Religious instruction not less than military aggrandisement 
 formed the basis of the Portuguese pOflicy in India. Saint 
 Francis Xavier wrote solemnly to King John in 1548 urging 
 that the obligation of spreading Christianity ' rests upon the 
 Viceroy,"* and begging his Majesty to bind himself by oath to 
 punish governors Avho neglected this duty with ' close imprison- 
 ment for many years.' In the next century, when the Dutch 
 expelled the Portuguese from Ceylon, they established the re- 
 formed religion in that island, and required the conformity 
 of the natives as a condition of civil employment. In 1649 
 the English Parliai^ent passed an Act creating a ' Corpora- 
 tion for the Promoting and Propagating the Gospel of Jesus 
 Christ in New England ' among the Indian tribes. The Unitas 
 Fratrum, or Moravian Brotherhood, which has since won the 
 admiration of Christendom, commenced its missionary labours 
 in 1732 among th6' slaves of the Danis^ West Indies, and 
 well earned the official supp&rt which the Government of 
 Denmark long gave to evangelistic enterprise. George the 
 First of England addressed a royal letter to the missionaries at 
 Tranquebar. 
 
 The ascendency of the East India C(5ttipany gradually 
 arrayed the policy of Great Britain against attempts at prose- 
 lytjsm, imtil at length Carey,' at the end of the last centuiy,
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES i 219 
 
 founded missionary work definitely on its proper basis of private 
 Christian effort. No sensible man would now propose that the 
 State should interfere ; in India any such interference would be 
 a political crime. But thisishould not make Englishmen blind 
 +0 the fact^ that missionaries, especially in India, are doing a 
 really national worK : a work not necessarily of conversion, but 
 of conciliation and concord. In spite of occasional disagi'ee- 
 ments, the missionaries are recognised by the natives as a 
 spiritual link between the governing race and the governed. 
 I believe that the three quarters of a million subscribed for 
 missionary work in India strengtheys England's position in 
 that country in a greater measure than if the entire sum 
 were handed over to the Government to be expended on edu- 
 cation, or on the army, or on any administrative improvement 
 whatsoever. 
 
 An important change has coiyie over the methods of mis- 
 sionary work. It is not very long ago since the popular concep- 
 tion of the missionary, derived from many a frontispiece and 
 vignette, was an excited preacher under a palm-tree. A hair 
 ring of blacks of a low physical type listened in attitudes of 
 admiration. This may at one time have represented the facts ; 
 it may still represent the facts in parts of the world of which I 
 have no knowledge. But in the great fields of missionary labour, 
 in China, India, and throughout the Muhammadan countries — 
 that is to say, in regard to the religions whose followers out- 
 * number by eightfold the whole Protestant population of the world 
 — It is a mere travesty of the truth. A y^erely zealous preacher 
 would tlierefind himself surrounded by no gaping circle of admirers, 
 but by amused and* caustic critics. As a matter of statistics, 
 the old-fashioned form of ' simple preaching'' failed to .produce 
 adequate residts wherever it came in contact with educated races. 
 Nearly three-(juart^rs of the century Commemorated by the 
 International Conference had passed away, leaving only 14,000 
 Protestant native communicants in India. During the last 
 thirty years more scientific methods gradually developed, and 
 the number of native communicants increased close on tenfold 
 to 138,000. Simple preaching often hit hard, and many a 
 random shot told. But the leaders of the chm'ch militant now 
 perceive that the Christian ca'mpaigii must be fought ,with 
 
 \ 
 
 \
 
 220 
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 weapons of precision. During the last twenty -five years the 
 study of the Science of Religion, or, speaking more acciu'ately, 
 of the histories of religions, has profoundly modified missionaiy 
 methods. t 
 
 That study has led the world, and is com^pelling.the Church; 
 to acknowledge the good in other faiths. Yt has disclosed the 
 services which all the greater religions have performed for 
 mankind, the binding power which they supplied to the feeble 
 social organizations of ancient days, the support which they 
 gave to the nascent moral sense, the function which they have 
 discharged in developing ,the ideas of national obligation and of 
 domestic duty. It was these religions that removed the most 
 important relationships of life, alike in the family and in the 
 State, from the caprice of individual option, and gave security 
 to human intercourse by sanctions which the individual man 
 did not dare to challenge. For a moment it seemed that this 
 recognition of the noble aspects of other faiths might enervate 
 the energies of our own. One still remem'oers when Buddhism 
 almost promised to become a fashion at Oxford, and only last 
 autumn a Canon of York eloquently declared the merits of 
 Muhammadanism in The Times. But all m-eat reliffions, and 
 
 *> •' 
 
 especially the Christian religion, have proved that zeal is not 
 incompatible with knowledge. Indeed, without the capacity 
 for solving this permanent problem, no creed could continue 
 great. The Science of Religion has now stated its main 
 conclusions ; but Christian missionary effort has enormously ^ 
 increased in volume, .and has distinctly improved in character, 
 quality, and results. It is by no accident that the editor of 
 the ' Sacred Books of the East ' is also ' the author of the 
 ' Univeiasal Missionary Alphabet.' Between the missionary 
 conceptions of the beginning of the centmy and of the present 
 day there is all the*^ difference between ^. Peter at Joppa 
 and St. Paul on Mars' Hill, In the non-Christian religions 
 the early Protestant missionaries beheld only unclean things, 
 four-footed beasts of the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping 
 things, and fowls of the air. The modern missionary to the 
 Hindus takes the tone in which the great proSelytising apostle 
 addressed the Brahmans of Europe at Athens ; he quotes their 
 liteijatm'e, and starting from their devotions at their o\vn altai's,
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES ) 221 
 
 he labours to supplant an ignorant worship by an enlightened 
 faith, ^ 
 
 This is not the place, and I am not the person, to treat of 
 the theological aspects of missionary work. But the Science 
 ^, of Religion^^or mo\e correctly the study ot' the development of 
 religions, has armed the missionary with new weapons. In 
 controversial combats it enables him to wield the sharp blade 
 of historical criticism with an effectiveness hitherto unknown. 
 In dealing with individual inquirers, it qualifies him to point out 
 how the venerable structure of their ancestral belief was no 
 supernatural edifice let down from he/iven, but was distinctly 
 and consciously put together at ascertained periods by human 
 hands. In pooular appeals, it gives him the means of accm*ately 
 and powerfully pressing home the claims of the religion which 
 he advocates as against those which he would supersede. For 
 the great religions of the world took their present form in ages 
 when mankind was very unhappy. In the East the logic of 
 extremes accepted, onte and for all, the conclusion that existence 
 is in itself a long suffering, and extinction the sole deliverance. 
 Hinduism and Buddhism embodied their deep despondency in 
 different terms — Liberation, Absorption, or the Blowing-out of 
 one's Being as a woman blows out a lamp. But underlying all 
 their euphemisms is the one conviction that life is not, and cannot 
 be, worth living. Christianity avoided the difficulty arising 
 from the obvious miseries of mankind by another answer. From 
 the first it declared that life might become worth living, if 
 not here yet elsewhere ; and the later developments of Christi- 
 anity have directed their energies to make life worth living here 
 also. Apart from other aspects, Christianity as a help to 
 humanity is a religion of effort and hope ; Hinduism and 
 Buddhism are religions of resigned acceptance or of despair. 
 They were true intf^fpreters of Asiatic m^'s despondency of tlie 
 possibilities of existence, in the 'age in which they arose. They 
 are growing to be fundamentally at variance with the new life 
 which we are awakening in India. I believe that Hinduism is 
 still sufficiently plastic to adapt itself to this new world ; that it 
 has in it enough of the vis medicatria; naturae to cast disused 
 doctrines, and to develop new ones. But the process nmst be 
 slow and difficult. Christianity comes to the Indian i-aces iy an 
 
 \
 
 222 ' OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 age of new activity and hopefulness, as a fully equipped religion 
 of effort and of hope. And it comes to them in ,a spirit of 
 conciliation which it did not disclose before. It thus presents 
 its two most practical claims on* human acceptance. For, 
 although to a fortunate minority Christianity may tee a religion <. 
 of faith, yet I think that to most of us it is rather a religion of 
 hope and of charity. , 
 
 I should not be candid if I left the impression that I expect, 
 even with the present improved missionary methods, any large 
 accession from orthodox Hinduism or Islam to the Christian 
 Church. It is rather fr-om the low castes and the so-called 
 aboriginal peoples that I believe direct conversions will chiefly 
 come. At this moment there are fifty millions of human beings 
 in India sitting abject on the outskirts of Hinduism, or beyond 
 its pale, who within the next fifty years will incorporate them- 
 selves in one or other of the higher faiths. Speaking humanly, 
 it rests with Christian men and women in England, and with 
 Chi^stian missionaries in India, whether a great proportion of 
 these fifty millions shall accept Chi'istianity or Hinduism or 
 Islam. But, apart from direct conversion, the indirect influence 
 of missionaries is a factor of increasing power in the religious 
 future of India. The growth of new theistic sects among the 
 Hindus, such as the Brahmo Samaj, under the impulse of 
 Christian teaching, has long been a familiar phenomenon. The 
 Centennial Missionary Conference brought to light correspond- 
 ing movements among the Muhammadans. The account given by 
 an eye-witness, of exo-^ptional opportunities for obsei^ation and 
 of most commendable caution in statement, regarding the 
 growth of a critical historical school among the Muhammadans 
 in Southern Indian was very significant. In Islam, as in 
 Hinduism, there is an enlightened party who are shaking off 
 the trammels of old superstitions, and are ''labouring to bring 
 their hereditary faith into accord with the requirements of the 
 times. The treatises which Indian Muhammadans have lately 
 published to disprove the formerly accepted duty of Jihad, or war 
 against the unbelievers, indicate a political ispect of the new 
 school. It would be untiTie to allege that the new school, either 
 among the Hindus or the Muhammadans, shows a tendency to 
 accept the Christian faith. It would be hazardous to assert 
 
 I 
 
 ■I 
 i
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES i 223 
 
 that they are a direct outcome of missionary teaching. But it 
 4..^ is certain that the leader of the new Muhammadan school in 
 the south, and the chief Hindu reformers in the north, are 
 men who have been in close contact with missionaries, and 
 _ ,^ho, as to ^,he mcvthods employed and \he results obtained, 
 are powerfiil, even* when unwilling, witnesses to missionary 
 influence. , 
 
 To the more enthusiastic advocates of Christian proselytism 
 such a statement may seem vague and perhaps discouraging. 
 ; But any gain in precision could only be attained by a sacrifice 
 i of accuracy. In a country like India, ,where many new influ- 
 ences are at work, it is not safe to single out any one of them 
 as the cause of <^omplex religious and national movements. We 
 only know that the State does not and cannot give spiritual 
 teaching in its schools ; and that, as respects the higher educa- 
 tion of the people, the missionary colleges alone redeem Western 
 instruction from its purely secular character. We also know 
 that the modern Indigtti reformers, whether of Hinduism or of 
 Islam, or of social hardships like those inflicted by child marriage 
 and the enforced celibacy of widows, are almost invariably men 
 who have been educated in missionary schools or colleges, or 
 who in adult life have deeply conversed with missionaries on the 
 subjects in regard to which they stand forth to lead and en- 
 lighten their countrymen. The indirect results of a great 
 spiritual influence, like that of the missionaries, among a sus- 
 ceptible and profoundly religious Asiatic people do not admit 
 of being expressed in compact formulae, ♦At the same time I 
 feel that both the supporters and the critics of missionary 
 enterprise have a right to demand some statement of direct 
 results. I shall therefore take the country with reference to 
 which I have personal knowledge, the largest field of missionary 
 labour in the world,>?ind almost the only ^ne in which we can 
 test missionary statistics by a periodical census conducted by 
 official experts. I shall briefly state the facts of missionary 
 progress in India from 1851 to 1881. These thirty years in- 
 clude the whole pe^ibd for which verified statistics exist, down 
 to the most receiit census. 
 
 In 1851, the Protestant missions in India and Burma had 
 stations ; in 1881, their stations had increased nearly three-
 
 224 ( OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 fold to 601. But the number of their churches or congregations 
 had, during the same thirty years, multipUed from 267 to 4,180, 
 or over fifteen-fold. There is not only a vast increase in 
 the number of stations, but also a still greater increase in the 
 work by each station within itself. In the iame ^\}fty, while the^ 
 number of native Ptotest^nt Christians increased from 91,092 
 in 1851 to 492,882 in 1881, or fivefold, the number of com- 
 municants increased from 14,661 to 138,254, or nearly tenfold. 
 The progress is again, therefore, not alone in numbers, but also 
 in pastoral care and internal discipline. During the same 
 thirty years, the pupils i;,i mission schools multiplied by three- 
 fold fiom 64,043 to 196,360. These enormous increments have 
 been obtained by making a larger use of natne agency. A 
 native Protestant Church has, in truth, grown up in India, 
 capable of supplying, in a large measure, its own staff. In 
 1851 there were only 21 avdained native ministers ; by 1881 
 they had increased to 575, or twenty-sevenfold. The number 
 of native lay preachers had risen during thirty years from 493 
 to the vast total of 2,856. In the opinion of the most cautious 
 of the Anglo-Indian bishops, the time is close at hand, or has 
 already arrived, when this great body of Indian converts and 
 of Indian clergy and lay preachers ought to be represented in 
 the episcopate. It is hoped that the Pan- Anglican Synod, now 
 assembling at Canterbury, will find itself able to come to some 
 distinct declaration regarding the appointment of native bishops 
 for the native Church of India. 
 
 The foregoing figures are compiled from returns carefully 
 collected from every missionary station in India and Burmah. 
 The official census, notwithstanding its obscurities of classifica- 
 tion and the distm-bing effects of the famine of 1877, attests 
 the rapid increase of the Christian population. So far as these 
 disturbing influences kllow of an inference xj^or all British India, 
 the normal rate of increase anfong the general population was 
 about 8 per cent, from 1872 to 1881, while the actual rate of 
 the Christian population was over 30 per cent. But taking the 
 lieutenant-governorship of Bengal as the greatest province out- 
 side the famine area of 1877, and for whose population, amount- 
 ing to one-third of the whole of British India, really comparable 
 statistics exist, the census ;-esul'ts are clear. The general popu- 
 
 i
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES » 225 
 
 lation increased in the nine years preceding 1881 at the rate of 
 10-89 per cent., the Muhammadans at the rate of 10-96 per cent., 
 the Hindus at some undetermined rate below 13-64 per cent., 
 the Christians of all races at >he rate of 40-71 per cent., and the 
 native Christians at ^he rate of 64-07 per cent. 
 
 As regards progrtJss, therefore, the missionaries in India may 
 well look back with thankfulness to the past and with hopeful- 
 ness to the future. But some of my Hindu friends, when I 
 first published these figures, correctly pointed out that they 
 have another aspect. For, although the rate of increase is 
 great, the net result is small indeed con>pared with the popula- 
 tion of India. They hold that half a million Protestant con- 
 verts out of two hundred and fifty millions of people is no 
 source of alarm to Hinduism or Islam, and should be a subject 
 of very modest self-gi-atulation to Christianity. They regard 
 this result with equanimity as a moderate and natm-al product 
 of the capital expended, and of the energy, ability, and really 
 friendly nature of the agency employed. They point to their own 
 religious activity ckfring the same period, and to the larger 
 totals which have been added to the two great native faiths. 
 They have little fear of Christian eftbrt in the future, because 
 they believe that that effort, although strongly supported by 
 money and made honourable by the lives and characters of» 
 its men, does not proceed upon lines likely to lead to important 
 results. 
 
 ' A new form of missionary effort has arisen in India. The great 
 Evaifgelical societies, to whom the rapid progress of the past thirty 
 •years has been chiefiy due, go on with their work more actively 
 than ever. But side by side with them, small Christian brother- 
 hoods are springing up — ascetic fraternities living in con'nnon, 
 and realising the Indian ideal of the religious life. In Bombay, in 
 Calcutta, in Delhi, ce:Jtain houses of Christian celibate bretln-en 
 are becoming recognised centres of influence among the Indian 
 university youth. They consist of English gentlemen of the 
 highest culture, who have deliberately made up their minds 
 to give their lives without payment to the work. They are 
 indifferent to harclships, fearless of disease, extraordinarily 
 ^patient of labour, and in no hurry to produce results. The
 
 226 ' OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 Cambridge mission at Delhi has got into its hands the chief 
 share in the Univei'sity teaching in the ancient Mughal capital. 
 Six hundred students in its college and a well-filled hostel attest 
 the confidence which it has gained c-with the upper and educated 
 classes, notwithstanding its public training q,r a constant suppl-^ 
 of Christian native youth as masters for tt-e provincial schools. * 
 The Oxford brethren in Calcutta, while conducting a purely 
 Christian seminary, exert their special influence by discussions 
 and personal interviews with the graduates and undergraduates 
 of the University. Every afternoon a brother sits waiting to 
 see any young man who, cares to call, and to talk with him on 
 any question which he chooses to start. If he wishes to be alone 
 with the missionary, no one else is present : if two or thi-ee youths 
 come together, the missionary is equally at their service. Some 
 of these young men have told me of the patience, the humility, 
 and the dexterous Socratic methods with which their doubts 
 and difficulties are treated. No one is pushed or hustled to 
 desert his ancestral faith. But everyone, carries away mateiial 
 for deep reflection. Student clubs formed under the auspices 
 of the Oxford brotherhood diffuse the effects produced 
 by this private teaching. At their meetings and lectures the 
 brethren meet the Calcutta midergi^aduates on the common 
 ground of intellectual men interested in the subjects of the 
 day. Young Hindus at the University are anxious not only to 
 listen to them, but to dwell together subject to strict moral 
 regulations under their supervision, if the houses could be 
 procured. 
 
 The relations of the Oxford fraternity to the natives are of * 
 the coiu-teous Pauline type ; the unclean-beast theory regarding 
 non-Ciu-istian religions is conspicuously and conscientiously 
 absent. When I was asked to become president of a Hindu 
 society formed in connection with them, If<thought it discreet to 
 first look through the reports knd epistles of the mission. From 
 first to last I did not come upon the word ' heathen."* One of 
 the offshoots of this activity is a students' club for the critical 
 study of Jesus Christ. I am informed tl^^t its members are, 
 with a few exceptions, non-Christian graduates or undergradua^s 
 of the University. What should we think if a society aros^ 
 among the English University youth to seriously and accm'ately 
 
 i
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES ' 227 
 
 inquire into the t^iaching of Buddha ? The truth is that the 
 example of these Oxford men's Hves, their simple and unostenta- 
 tious asceticism, their daily service to others without a thought 
 of themselves, aro creating a deep impi;ession. Their deaths 
 /produce a deeper ^npression still. It would be unwise to over- 
 rate the narrow spllere within which they at present work. But 
 it is difficult to over-estimate the value of* their influence within 
 that sphere. I myself do not expect that any Englishman, or 
 any European, will in our days individually bring about a great 
 Christian awakening in India. But I think it within reasonable 
 prolmbility that some native of India will spiiiig up, whose 
 life and preaching may lead to an accession on a great scale 
 to the Christjan Church. If such a man arises he will set in 
 motion a mighty movement, whose consequences it is impossible 
 to foresee. And I believe that, if ever he comes, he will be 
 produced by influences and surroundings of which the Oxford 
 brotherhood in Calcutta is at present the foierunner and 
 prototype, / 
 
 It is to be regretted that this new form of missionary effort 
 was not represented at the Congress of last month. At the 
 same time it is not difficult to appreciate the reasons which led 
 the ascetic Christian brotherhoods, and se\ eral of the High- 
 Church societies, to abstain from that public demonstratie*i. 
 One cannot help feeling that such gatherings sometimes fail to 
 , disclose the most genuine aspects of missionary work. In their 
 eagerness to intensify enthusiasm and to prove their case, they 
 are liable to lapse into methods not calciflated to carry convic- 
 tion to minds whicji are simply desirous to get at the facts. 
 The first Open Conference, for example, dealt with a contro- 
 versy which had filled many columns of The Times and which 
 has since occupied the thoughts of seriqjjs men in many lands. 
 Is it true, or is it riot true, that the non-Christian races of the 
 world are being rapidly absorbed into Islam, and that Muhannna- 
 danism, by its discountenance of strong drink, exercises on the 
 whole a higher moral influence than Chi'istianity ? Here were 
 distinct issues in/zregard to which dignitaries of the Church, 
 experienced travellers, and others well qualified to speak had 
 ranged themselves on opposite ^ides. They were issues which 
 delegates from the missionary societ.'W of Europe and America 
 
 \   o 2
 
 228 ^ OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 had come to debate. Many of these gentlf^inen brought the 
 careful observation of a lifetime to the subject, and a, little pile 
 of cards had been handed up to the chairman by those who 
 wished to take part in the discu^^sion. Yet, with the full 
 knowledge that the time allowed for the m'ieting ,was strictly ' 
 limited by the hands of the clock, certain ^zealous persons, in 
 the body of the hall, insisted on interrupting the proceedings 
 by a resolution demanding an interval for prayer. It is clearly 
 right that such a meeting should commence and should close 
 with an act of devotion. But it is most damaging to the 
 missionary cause that a sei'ies of careful statements of evidence 
 should be broken in upon by an irrelevant resolution of this 
 sort. In any other class of meeting a chairman WQuld decorously 
 ignore such a proposal. But at Exeter Hall he is made to feel 
 that this course is not open to him. A speaker who followed 
 with a unique personal knowledge of the facts was coldly 
 received, and some of the subsequent proceedings had a declama- 
 tory character adapted rather to elicit ci eers than to leave 
 behind conviction. ''"• 
 
 I am convinced that the really noble work done by the 
 missionaries abroad often suffers, in the opinion of candid and 
 serious men, from the methods employed at home. It suffers 
 aUo from a vague but general impression that only a part of 
 the evidence appears. It is well known that many experienced 
 missionaries believe the chief obstacles to the spread of Chris- 
 tianity are to be found in certain degrading customs and institu- 
 tions which make themselves specially prominent in Christian 
 communities. Among this class of thinkers, the Professor of 
 Chinese at Oxford holds a distinguished place. His thirty-four 
 years ol successful labour as a missionary, his erudition, his 
 orthodoxy, and the unrivalled position which he holds as the 
 translator and expounder of the sacred bSoks of China, give 
 weight and authority to his views. He holds that as long as 
 Christianity presents itself infected with the bitter internal ani- 
 mosities of the Christian sects, and associated with the habits of 
 drunkenness and the social evil conspicuous among Christian 
 nations, it will not do its work, because it does not deserve, 
 to do its work, in the non-Christian world. When Professor 
 Legge was asked to take mrt in the Centennial Conference, he
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES , 229 
 
 explained that he would have to clearly put forward his convic- 
 tions — with the result that he did not take part in it at all. It 
 may be that some of the ground which he would have occupied 
 lay beyond its scope, and could not be satisfactorily dealt with 
 by it. But incidents like these, although* perhaps isolated ones, 
 tend to weaken the authority of such an assemblage, and to 
 create a suspicion among fair-minded men that they have not 
 been placed in full possession of the facts. 
 
 I have thought it right to refer to these defects because I feel 
 that I should be chargeable with the same one-sided advocacy if 
 I feared to raise my voice against thpm. I think that the late 
 Congress, in its fifty meetings, gave a true and, on the whole, 
 an accurate and a complete presentment of missionary work. 
 I know that its projectors and managers were sincerely desirous 
 to overstate nothing and to conceal nothing. But I cannot help 
 feeling that these good intentions. were sometimes overborne by 
 the old hankering after unctuous declamation which at one time 
 made missionary stg^tements sneered at even by clergymen, and 
 suspected by alWi'ccurate critics, whether clerical or lay. The 
 able biographer of Carey has acknowledged that occasion was 
 given by at least one coadjutor of that truly gi'eat man for Sydney 
 Smith's ridicule. The time has come for missionaries themselves, 
 and for those who have watched the simple and noble spirit in 
 which they labour, to protest against every form of exaggeration"* 
 or insincerity in popular expositions of their work. They must 
 purge their cause of bigotry and cant. Of bigotry, such as the 
 iiljustice Avhich some pious people in England do to the Roman 
 Catholic clergy in India ; to that great Church which is quietly 
 and with small worldly means educating, disciplining, and 
 consoling a Christian population three times more numerous 
 than all the Protestant converts in India put together. Of cant, 
 such as the tirades r.Jgainst caste and oth^ indigenous institutions, 
 which accomplish for a densely' 'crowded tropical population what 
 the Primitive Church did for its own little communities, and what 
 later Christianity fails to effect, namely, to support the poor with- 
 out State aid. ^';^ou may pass a whole life in contact with the 
 missionaries yfho are doing the actual toil, without having 
 to listen to a single insincerity. The results of their labour 
 need neither over-statement nor i.V)ncealmcnt. I believg that
 
 230 
 
 OUR MISSIONARIES 
 
 those results justify the expenditure of money, and the devotion 
 of the many lives, by which they are obtained. And I am 
 convinced that, if Englishmen at home knew the missionaries 
 simply as they are, there would be kss doubt as to the merit of 
 their claims and as to the genuine character of their work. 
 
 
 \ 
 
 "^. 
 
 V 
 
 /
 
 * 
 1 
 
 Ik 
 
 VII 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT ' 
 
 When examining the Indian manuscripts in the Bodleian 
 Libraiy, I came across a cm'ioiis series of documents. They 
 commence with a letter from the Bishop of Oxford to the Ai'ch- 
 bishop of Canterbury in 1681, setting forth a scheme for the 
 spread of the Christian faith in India. They disclose the steps 
 by which the East Irjdia Company was induced to place itself at 
 the head of the asrjbciation then formed, and to take charge of 
 its funds. They conclude with a statement of expenditure ; 
 an undated account, but apparently made up in the year 1710. 
 Taken together with the manuscript minutes in the India 
 Office, they record a phase of our early dealings with India which 
 has hitlierto escaped notice. ^^"^ 
 
 The Baptists claim, and justly claim, the lionour of the 
 first regidar organization for a supply of English missionaries to 
 India in 1792. During the preceding century efforts of a less 
 direct character had not been wanting. The Society for Pro- 
 moting Christian Knowledge, founded in 1698, appointed an 
 Indian Committee in 1709, and in 1710 began to send money 
 to the Danish Missionaries in Tranquebar. Ziegenbalg, the 
 Lutheran apostle 'J) the East, soughFhelp in London, and 
 delivered his famous ' Malabarifc Speech,"' perhaps not the less 
 impressive because in an unknown tongue, before the society 
 in 1715. When the Danish missionaries in Southern India 
 were almost perishilig from want, after the death of Ziegenbalg 
 in 1719, the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge under- 
 took their permanent maintenance. Schwartz, the founder of 
 ' In the Fortnightly Eevicf of May 1896. •
 
 232 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 the TinevelH Mission in 1750, was furnished forth and supported 
 at its expense. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 
 incorporated by Royal Charter in 1701, also helped the Danish 
 mission to India with a subscription of 20/. in the early years of 
 the eighteenth century, and it eventually took over that mission, 
 from the Society for Promoting Chiistian , Knowledge in 1824. 
 But the labours of these two sister societies fi'om 1709 onwards, 
 by means of Danish or German agents, do not detract from the 
 claims of the Baptists as the pioneers of strictly British missions 
 to India in 1792. 
 
 The documents now brought to light in the Bodleian 
 Library and the India Office take us back to a much earlier 
 date. They show that the first English association for the 
 spread of the Clu-istian faith in India oiiginated with Oxford 
 men. It formed, in fact, one of the many ' Oxford INIovements ' 
 in the centuries before that term was invented. They also 
 exhibit the East India Company in a new aspect. The 
 Company has always been portrayed as, unfriendly to evan- 
 gelistic work in India, and the experientc" of the Baptist 
 missionaries on their arrival in 1793 support this view. The 
 present papers disclose the difference between the Company in 
 1681, when it had only to regard its duties in India from the 
 standpoint of British merchants, and the Company a hundred 
 "years later, when it had to regulate its action by the responsi- 
 bility for keeping peace among its Indian subjects and by its 
 pledges of non-interference with their customs and creeds. 
 
 The first letter from Fell, Bishop of Oxford, to Sancroft, 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, is dated June 21, 1681,^ and runs 
 as follows : 
 
 ' jNIay it please your Grace, 
 
 ' I gaxe you the trouble of a letter by the last post, and 
 should not have bin so soon importunate, but that an unex- 
 pected occasion has happened, which may prove of concernment 
 to the public, and which ought to proceed with your Grace's 
 privity and guidance. That your Grace may have a perfect 
 knowledge of the affair, I shall present you with a naiTative of 
 every step that has bin made in it. The evening before I left 
 
 4. ' Tan9ier MSS., vol.]:xxvi. p. 61. Bodleiau Library. 
 
 vol.^
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT^ 233 
 
 London I went to take my leave of Mr. Boyle, with whom I had 
 long agoe .contracted an acquaintance when he dwelt in this 
 place [Oxford]. 
 
 ' It so happened that we ♦fell into discom-se of the East India 
 X/'ompany, and I enlarged upon the shame that lay upon us, who 
 had so great opporbmities by our commeffce in the East, that 
 we had attemted nothing towards the Conversion of the Natives, 
 when not only the papists, but even the Hollanders had 
 laboured herein. While I was upon this argument Dr. Burnet 
 came in and heard the remainder of it. The effect of the dis- 
 course at that time was, that Mr., Boil {sic) immediately 
 assigned a hundi'ed pound which lay in Mr. Robert Clayton's 
 hands, towards ^the encouragement of such as should learn the 
 Malaian language and fit themselves for the service of God in 
 the East. Since then Dr. Burnet having an occasion of speak- 
 ing with Sir Josiah Child, Governour of thV East India Com- 
 pany, reported to him what had past at Mi-. Boyle's, which he 
 seemed affected ^vith,/ Whereupon Dr. Bmnet about ten daies 
 since wrot to me*i'id gave me notice of what had past, adding 
 that he verily believed that if I would write to Sir Josiah 
 Child, he would be induced to do somewhat that would be 
 considerable. 
 
 ' I thought Avith myself that the loss of a letter was no^to be 
 put in balance with the possibility of a real advantage, especially 
 one to the public ; and accordingly I wrote, and by the last 
 post am informed by Dr. Burnet that on Friday last a committee 
 of {he Company was called and he directs^ to attend. Where 
 being called in he was told that the proposition which I had 
 made was unanimously entertained by the Company ; that they 
 had appointed a sub-committee to form a design, and l-aise a 
 fund, which the Governour hoped would rise to five thousand 
 })ouiids, wherewith tAey would buy acti^is which would render 
 10 or 20 per cent. With these sums they would maintain in 
 the University young scholars who should be instructed in the 
 principles of religion and the Malaian language. There are 
 other particulars c':>ficerning the translation of the Gospel, and 
 Psalms and Catechism, and printing them ; with gi-ammars, 
 vocabularies, and other subsidiary books, of which Dr. Burnet 
 will be able to give your Grace a mere distinct account. How
 
 234 , A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 far this very unexpected affair may proceed, and how 'tis to be 
 managed and advanced, your Grace will best judge. , The whole 
 thing being undesigned and pro\'idential will, I hope, not look 
 like medling and business in the colicerns of pthers/ 
 
 Signed, Jo. Oxon. ^ 
 
 The winter of tl^is letter, Dr. John Fell, was perhaps the 
 most prominent Oxford man of his day. Son of the loyal Dean 
 of Christ Chmxh, and himself admitted as a student on that 
 foundation at the age of eleven, he took his degree of M.A. at 
 eighteen, when already, in arms for King Charles. Of the 
 hundred students of Christ Chm-ch, Fell and nineteen others 
 were officers ; the rest, almost to a man, served iii the royal cause. 
 Ejected from his studentship by the Puritans, Fell and two 
 friends kept up the daily ritual of the Church throughout the 
 Commonwealth. The picture of the three young divines hangs 
 over the great stone fireplace in Christ Church hall. On the 
 Restoration Fell became Dean of ChrisN^ Chiu'ch, afterwards 
 Vice-Chancellor of the University, and in 16TS-3ishop of Oxford, 
 retaining the deanery in commendam. Cuddesdon Palace rebuilt, 
 and the lofty gate-toAver of Christ Church, to which he trans- 
 ferred Great Tom after repeatedly recasting it, form the most 
 conspicuous of the edifices that rose under his hands. His 
 statue adorns the * Killcanon "" archway in the great quadrangle, 
 and his spare scholarly face still looks forth from four portraits 
 or replicas in the deanery and hall of Christ Chmxh. 
 
 Among his many,, sided activities, from reforming discipline 
 in the University and editing the Fathers, to ' The Interest of 
 England Stated,' ' The Vanity of Scoffing,"* and the ' Ladies' 
 Calling,' plans for the spread of the faith in India held an im- 
 portant place. He presented to the University a set of types 
 in Arabic, from which he hoped that ^he Bible might be 
 published in the Eastern tongues. A Malayan translation of 
 the Gospels and Acts was issued by the Oxford press, apparently 
 from the Bishop's Arabic founts supplemented by a few addi- 
 tional letters, in 1677. \ 
 
 In this work he was associated with the Honourable Robert 
 Boyle, at whose house the meeting described in the foregoing 
 letter took place. Boyle,jthe chief foiuider of the Royal Society,
 
 I 
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 235 
 
 held a position among philosophers and men of science not less 
 distinguishe(\ than that of Fell in the English ecclesiastical 
 world. Dm'ing his long residence in Oxford, from 1654 to 1668, 
 he came under Fell's influence^ and in 1677 he commended to 
 the East India Company a plan which he ha'd discussed with the 
 Bishop of Oxford for the propagation of the'^Gospel in the East 
 Indies. He reported that Bishop Fell would undertake to fit 
 men for the purpose at the University ' not only Avith Arabic, 
 but, if it were desired, with arithmetic."' Boyle spoke with 
 authority, as a Director of the company, whose family influence 
 had helped it to obtain its charter from C^hai-les II, in 1661, and 
 as the first Governor of the Society for the spread of the faith 
 in New England, re-incorporated by the same monarch. 
 
 The third actor on the scene, set forth in the Bishop of 
 Oxford's lettei', is Dr. Gilbert Burnet, afterwards Bishop of 
 Salisbury and historian of his Own TimesJ^whose perfervid 
 Scottish energy launched him into every philantlu'opic movement, 
 and iiito not a few ^x)litical intrigues. Burnet had met P'ell 
 during his first visii-to England in 1663, and he was in close 
 sympathy with the Bishop of Oxford's schemes for the spread of 
 the faith in India. But the wary bishop made the disclaimer at 
 the end of his letter to Sancroft against anything ' like medling 
 and business in the concerns of others,' not without reason ^for 
 Cliarles II. had struck Burnet's name off* the list of his chaplains 
 on the ground of being ' too busy.' 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford's proposals were warmly taken up 
 by the East India Company. On JuneJL7, 1681, its Cornet 
 of Committees * considered the plan submitted by Fell ' for 
 propagating the Christian religion among the natives in India.' 
 That plan included, first, 'The education of four or»morc 
 scholars in Oxford in the knowledge of the Eastern languages 
 and in divinity, to fit ^em to serve the Company as chaplains 
 in the East Indies.' Second, ' Th& erecting of free schools in 
 India.' Third, ' The printing design ' for the translation and 
 distribution of the Gospel in the Eastern languages. Grants of 
 money to missionarie^i^ were subsequent developments. 
 
 The Court referred the working out of the scheme to a sub- 
 committee, with the Earl of Berkeley at its head. The decision 
 ' Cmcrt BooJis, India Office MS. Records. •
 
 236 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 ari'ived at on July 6, 1681,^ was that the East India 
 Company should undertake the management of the missionary 
 fund, without entering into any engagement ' by what methode, 
 or by whose advice, they or thein, successors shall or will carry 
 on the designed charitable and pious work. But only that they 
 will doe it faithfully according to the bei^t of their judgements 
 and understandings^ without making any kind of gain thereof 
 to themselves.*' During the lifetime of Sancroft, Fell, Burnet, 
 and certain other divines, all moneys were to be expended under 
 their advice. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxf(>rd and his agent in London, the ever- 
 active Burnet, did not allow the matter to rest here. On 
 August 6, 1681, Fell, after referring to 'om- printing design,' 
 was able to inform Sancroft ' that the East India Company have 
 at last actually subscribed several sums of money for the nmin- 
 tenance of young '^ men to be educated here [Oxford] in order to 
 the better serving of God in their Factories,'' and that the Court 
 of Directors will accept ' such nominatiens as your Grace, my 
 
 •>2- 
 
 ^\ 
 
 Lord of London, and myself shall make. 
 
 The final step was taken in the following year, Avhen the 
 Company resolved to open a permanent subscription list for the 
 purpose. The bishop^s copy of the proceedings ^ has an incom- 
 plete date, as the edges are frayed off, owing to its having fallen 
 "into the Thames, with other of the Tanner manuscripts, on their 
 transit by water to Oxford. But the India Office Minutes record 
 a regular bond of agreement adopted on May 3, 1682.^ It recites 
 the Bishop of Oxfo^^^ ^^ the originator of the scheme, said the 
 propagation of the faith in the East Indies as its object. 
 
 ' We, the East India Adventurers, and others, being moved 
 thereunto by the Court of Committees upon the aforesaid 
 proposal made unto them, Doe hereby undertake for ourselves 
 severally, and not jointly one for anoVAier, That dm-ing the 
 continuance of the present 'joint Stock, and our having an 
 interest or share of adventure therein, we will yearly pay unto 
 the Cashire Generall of the East India Company for the time 
 being, such several sums of money as at v^^resent we have sub- 
 
 ' Court Books, India Offiec M8. Reowds. Also Tanner MSS., vol. xxxvi. 
 p. 67. Bodleian Library. 
 
 - Ta/fmer MSS., vol. xxxvij p. ^*). =* Ibid. p. 69. 
 
 •^ * Court Books, India Ojfice MS. Eevords.
 
 A FOKGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 237 
 
 i 
 
 scribed, or such sums annually as we shall think fit, for the 
 education anrj. instruction of young Scholars in both or either of 
 the Universities in the Eastern languages, and such other pious 
 uses of the same kinde, as tlws Court of Comittees shall from 
 time to time think fit."* 
 
 The first subscriptipn list under this bonfl ^ is headed by Sir 
 Josiah Child, the Governor of the East India Company, the 
 Earl of Berkeley, Sir John Banks, Sir Joseph Ashe, and Sir 
 Jeremy Sambrooke, each of whom give ten pounds per annum. 
 Many other members of the Company subscribe from ten to 
 three pounds. Nor was the list altogethe^i- confined to merchants 
 engaged in the East India trade. The I^adies Arabella and 
 Henrietta Berkeley are entered for five pounds each per annum ; 
 the never-failing Bmniet gives three pounds a year. 
 
 In 1682, therefore, the East India Company formally em- 
 barked on ' that pious design for pj'opagatii^, the Christian 
 religion in the East Indies, proposed by the Right Reverend 
 Father in God, John Lord Bishop of Oxon.' ^ Its materials for 
 the enterprise at st**iting consisted of the Malay translation of 
 the Gospels and Acts issued by the Oxford Press five years 
 previously, and the teaching afforded by the Laudian professor- 
 ship of Arabic, founded in 1637 ; Bishop Fell's offer to train 
 four or more scholars at Oxford for the work ; Boyle's gi^^of 
 lOOZ., together with donations from other members of the East 
 India Company which, it was hoped, would reach 5,000Z. ; and 
 a first subscription list by leading members of the Company 
 yielding an income of 161/. per annum. To what amount this 
 list eventually reached does not appear. 
 
 In order to understand the subsequent history of the move- 
 ment, three things nuist be borne in mind. Its master-i?pirit, 
 John Fell, Bishop of Oxford, died only four years later, in 1686. 
 The cliarter of the Coi-fipany lapsed in 1093, although revived 
 under limitations ; a new Company was incorporated in 1698, 
 and the old joint-stock, dm'ing the continuance of which the 
 subscriptions were alone promised, soon ceased to have a separate 
 existence. AAHiile thi'^se events were taking place in England a 
 third set of causes operated even more powerfully from the East, 
 
 ' Tcmner MSS., vol. xxxvi. p. 69 et seq\ 
 
 '' Minutes of Court of Committees liolden the 3rd May, 1682. •
 
 238 ^ A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 arising out of the situation of the English in India and the 
 necessities which it imposed. ' , 
 
 We shall best obtain an insight into that situation by 
 confining our view to a single one of the Company's settlements. 
 Its headquarters in Bengal were then in the town of Hugli, 
 twenty-seven miles ''up the river from ;the present Calcutta. 
 The internal econoipny of the Factory was that of a college for 
 the purposes of trade. The whole English community dwelt 
 within the Factory walls, except senior married officers specially 
 allowed to live outside. A strict rule was maintained as to the 
 allotment of the twen,+y-four hours for work, meals, and rest. 
 After attending public prayers, the joint labours of the morning 
 began at nine, or in certain seasons at ten o"'cl9ck. At mid-day 
 all dined in a common hall, seated in exact order of seniority. 
 On finishing their afternoon work they took the exercise of 
 shooting at bui'^'s. A common supper in hall and evening 
 prayers brought the day to a close. At nine o'clock the 
 Factory gates were shut. The few meerried seniors exempted 
 fi^om the strict rule still retained their right*\:o the privileges of 
 the collegiate life, and received diet money, candles and servants' 
 wages in lieu of the common meals. 
 
 The governing body of this compact community consisted 
 of ^a chief or president and council who ruled over the general 
 body of merchants, factors, writers, and apprentices engaged in 
 carrjdng on the trade of the Factory. Outside Englishmen 
 attempting to traffic in Bengal were regarded as ' Interlopers,' 
 fair objects of per^cution, and liable to deportation if the 
 Company's servants found themselves strong enough to enforce ' 
 the orders of then- Honom-able Masters to that effect. In such 
 a scheme of collegiate life during the seventeenth centmy a 
 chaplain formed an important officer. The records of the 
 Levant Company, which traded on a ^mewhat similar plan, 
 disclose a regular succession of chaplains attached to its settle- 
 ments — nineteen at Constantinople from 1611 to 1691, with 
 separate supplies for Aleppo and Smyrna. The East India 
 Company also maintained clergymen at it*fe principal settlements 
 on the Madras and Bombay coasts. In 1678 it sent out its 
 first chaplain to the more recently established Factory in 
 Bengal, the Rev. John Evans, of Jesus College, Oxford, on the
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 239 
 
 recommendation of Sir Joseph Ashe, who figures as one of the 
 principal subscribers to the Bishop of Oxford''s missionary 
 scheme, three years later. 
 
 The duties of the chaplajn were to enforce an orderly life 
 within what we may call the trading college, and he received 
 a position which gave weight to his authority. He ranked as 
 third in precedence, and his pay (100/. a year with liberal 
 allowances) was, until 1682, about equal to that of the chief of 
 the Factory. A code of regulations promulgated at Hugli in 
 1679 provided for the punishment of any inmate guilty of 
 swearing, drunkenness, or profanation of the Lord's Day, and 
 for breaches of collegiate discipline, such as being ' out of the 
 house or from their lodging late at nights, or absent from 
 morning or evenmg prayers.' The penalties consisted of fines : 
 ten rupees (1/. 5*.) for staying out after the gates were locked 
 at nine o'clock ; 5.9. for drunkenness,; 1*. for Sj'j-ofane swearing ; 
 1*. for lying ; and 1*. for shirking morning or evening prayers. 
 The fines were to be applied to the relief of the indigent ; and 
 the funds of the ^rst Overseers of the Poor in Bengal, indeed of 
 the earliest charitable institution in Calcutta, were obtained 
 from this source. If the fines were not paid on demand, they 
 were levied by distraint on the culprit's goods. Failing this, 
 ' the offender shall sett in ye stocks six hours, or suff^'^ im- 
 prisonment until payment.' ^ 
 
 It is clear that such a plan of life had no place for anyone 
 ilot in the service of the Company and under its direct control. 
 An* independent Protestant missionary could not then have 
 existed in Bengal. What the Bishop of Oxford contemplated 
 in 1681 was to use* the Company's chaplains as missionaries, 
 and to train them for spreading the faith among the h'eathen. 
 It was to this proposal that the Company gave its hearty 
 support. The idea \^^ not altogether ^new one ; indeed, the 
 Company's original invitation 'to the two Universities on 
 February 13, 1657-8, to supply candidates for its chaplaincies 
 opens thus : ' The East India Company have resolved to 
 endeavour the advf Aice and spreading of the Gospell in India.' 
 But its efforts at conversion were practically confined to the 
 
 ' Hitgli Diary, December 12, 1679. Inlia Office MSS. Also Wilson's 
 Bengal Public Cmisnltations, i. 69. '
 
 240 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 Portuguese Catholics within its settlements, as is indicated by 
 the preamble to its Resolution of July ,6, 1670, appoint- 
 ing one of its chaplains at Bombay to undertake this special 
 duty : ' The Court being desirous that the Portuguezes residing 
 in the Island of Bombay may be instructed in the Protestant 
 religion, and that the true worship of God may be taught and 
 promoted among then),"' &c. It must be remembered that any 
 religion which differed widely from the Protestant varieties 
 recognised in England, seemed to our orthodox ancestors as 
 little better than no religion at all. In 1698, when the Society 
 for Promoting Christian Knowledge started, its proselytizing 
 efforts were mainly directed to the papists and to the Quakers who, 
 in Dr. Bray's words, ' May be looked upon as a heathen nation. "" 
 But the Company's good intentions, even altnough confined 
 to the ' Portuguezes,' had, up to 1681, borne little fruit. Tlie 
 truth is that the C; mpany's chaplains found more than enough 
 work among their own countrymen in India. The sickness and 
 mortality in the early British settlements y ere on a scale which 
 we now find difficult to realise. Captain Hanq.il ton relates how, 
 in one year in Calcutta, there were 1,250 English residents in 
 August and 450 burials before the following January. The 
 ministrations to the sick and dying of their own faith left the 
 chaplains no leisure for enterprises against other religions. Nor 
 ''diU lEhe Company find it easy to secure the performance of their 
 chaplains' duties to their own countrymen. Suitable clergy- 
 men were not always to be had, and the Puritan leaven 
 worked strange disturbances in the Indian Factories. 
 
 For example, a remonstrance from the Company's servants 
 on the Madras coast in 1669 to Gilbert Sheldon, Ai'chbishop of 
 Canterbury (well remembered as Warden of All Souls, and 
 builder, on Fell's prompting, of the Sheldonian theatre at 
 Oxford), complained that two laymen Kid been sent out as 
 ministers. These worthies refused to use the liturgy or to 
 ' Baptise, marry or bury, as by law established.' ' We therefore 
 make it our humble request and desire to the Honourable 
 Company, that as we do and have in this^ farr country served 
 them both to the hazard of Lives and Estates, they would, for 
 the service of God in the first place, and next the comfort of 
 our Soules and Honour of the Gospell amongst the Heathen,'
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT , 9Ai 
 
 recall the two lay officiants, and send out properly-ordained 
 ministers.^ • The remonstrance is signed, among others, by 
 Jeremy Sambrooke, who, as we have seen, entered his name for 
 ten pounds a year in the firsi? subscription list for the Bishop of 
 Oxford's sche\ne in 1682. The language ^of the remonstrants 
 may not form a perfect specimen of English. But their 
 gi'ievance proved a real one, and it was r'jdressed by an Order 
 of Council passed in the presence of King Charles II. himself, 
 his brother the Duke ot York, his Highness Prince Rupert, 
 the Ai'chbishop of Canterbury, and other great dignitaries of the 
 realm.^ » 
 
 But the Company had difficulties with its chaplains more 
 serious than gojnts of doctrine. Its servants in India were 
 permitted — indeed, at one time, were encouraged — to trade on 
 their own accomit, and some reverend gentlemen took advantage 
 of this privilege to the utmost. Mr. Evans," iSie first chaplain 
 to Bengal, drew on himself the wrath of his Honom*able 
 Masters for a graver offence. He seems to have been an able 
 and energetic man. His friends declared that he 'ever had 
 greatly at heart to fulfil the ministry.' He was certainly a 
 cfipable man of business, trafficking with a vigour and success 
 that stin-ed up jealousy among his fellow-servants in the 
 Factory less fortunate in their private ventm'es. They a#^ JS<*d 
 him of too intimate relations with the Interlopers or Free- 
 merchants who traded to India in defiance of the Company's 
 authority and denied the validity of the Company's charter. 
 
 The Rev, Mr. Evans ^ shared in the#general flight of the 
 Company's servants iij 1688, when, driven forth from Bengal by 
 the Mughal general, they put the remnant of their goods into 
 their ships and sailed away in despair to Madras. On their 
 return to the Hugli River in 1690 they built a Factory among 
 the group of mud hamlets which have since grown mto Calcutta. 
 During their absence ' a nest of Interlopers ' had established 
 itself at their old Factory, higher up the river in Hugli town. 
 These Free-merchants bought the favoiu- of the native Governor 
 
 ' Taimer MSS., vol. xliv. pp. 96, 100. 
 
 * 'At the Court att Whitehall the 13th of^ October, 1669.' Tanner MSS., 
 vol. xliv. p. 162. » ^ 
 
 •* Sir William Hunter's Uktory of British India, wl. ii. p. 271. 
 
 ii
 
 242 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 by bribes, and the Company's servants settled miserably amid 
 incessant rain on their new site, with no weathertight building 
 to shelter them, but ' only tents, hutts, and boats.' The Rev. 
 Mr. Evans did not return with^them on their forlorn hope. 
 He stayed on to trajde and administer spiritual consolations in , 
 Madras, and when he re-appeared in Bengal in 1693 he joined 
 his old allies, the Interlopers, and took up his abode among 
 them in Hugh town. He appears to have occasionally visited 
 Calcutta in a clerical capacity ; but the Company deemed him 
 disloyal to their interests, and he practically passed to the enemy's 
 camp. It could not), however, adopt the rough-and-ready 
 methods to a chaplain by which it coerced other of its servants 
 who incurred displeasure. For a chaplain, i^ summarily dis- 
 missed and deported to England, might carry his own story to 
 the bishops, and enlist on his side ecclesiastical forces which the 
 Company, with^its disputed charter, was unwilling to encounter. 
 As a matter of fact, it vented its ill-will against Evans in mild 
 sarcasms about ' the merchant parson,' and ' quondam minister 1 
 but late great merchant,' and merely stoppetl his pay. In this 
 it showed worldly wisdom, for the enriched Welshman had 
 strong fi-iends. On his retm*n home he received good prefer- 
 ment, became Bishop of Bangor, and was translated to Meath, 
 the jjremier bishopric in Ireland. 
 
 The situation in India, therefore, rendered it necessary that 
 any English clergyman who went thither must go in the Com- 
 pany's service, or practically as one of its chaplains. It was 
 this consideration vhich made the Court of Committees so J 
 careful to reserve absolute power to itself when adopting the 
 Bishop of Oxford's 'pious design' in 1681. It would bind 
 neither itself nor its successors to any definite scheme of manage- 
 ment. 
 
 I shall now briefly examine how far mat design was actually 
 carried out. It should not be forgotten that the Bishop of 
 Oxford's proposals in 1681 were only the final form of a plan 
 for the propagation of the faith in India which he had long re- 
 volved in his mind, and which his friend Boyle had, under his 
 influence, already urged on the Company in 1677.^ Its ground- 
 
 ' Letter from the Honourable. Robert Boyle to Robert Thompson, Eiq- 
 Dated Pall Mall, March, 1676-7.
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 243 
 
 work was the diffpsion of translations of the Gospel. The 
 Malayan v&sion, issued at Oxford in the same year, was ' sent 
 all over the East Indies.' But unfortunately the Malay tongue 
 was as little known on the Indian continent as on the Eui'opean 
 one, and however serviceable it might havi been in the Dutch 
 settlements of the distant Ai'chipelago, it was a dumb voice in 
 India itself. In pursuance of the further •* printing design,"* of 
 which the Bishop wrote to Sancroft in 1681, the East India 
 Company addressed a despatch to the Madras Council on 
 February 20, 1695-6. ' We have caused the Liturgy of the 
 Church of England with the Psalms ot David to be translated 
 into the Portuguees for the use and benefit of the Portuguese 
 Inhabitants undfer oui- Government in India, which we caused 
 to be printed at Oxford.' One hundred copies accompanied the 
 despatch ; a Portuguese version of the Go.jj\el seems to have 
 been sent out at an earlier date. 
 
 By that time the failure to reach the Indians through the 
 medium of Arabic types and the Malay language was recognised, 
 and the scheme had shaped itself into a mission to the few 
 natives who spoke the Indo-Portuguese patois. On February 18, 
 1390-1, the Com't of Directors urged the Madras authorities to 
 build a church ' for the Protestant black people and Portuges 
 and the Slaves ' to prevent them going to the Popish cffapeTs. 
 They forwarded a draft translation of the Anglican litm'gy ' in 
 the Portuguez dialect of India ' for local revision. They also 
 hoped to send ' by om* ships that depart next winter some able 
 kiister that can preach in the Portugafl tongue, and also a 
 Domine, as the Dutth call them, which, in the style of our 
 Church, is a Deacon that can read out prayers in Portuguees.' 
 
 The second feature in Bishop Fell's plan was the training at 
 Oxford of young men who should combir# the work of chaplains 
 to the Company with that of mi.-:«>ionaries to the heathen. If 
 the Bishop's conception could have been realised, Oxford would 
 have become a centre for the propagation of the faith in the 
 East. But for thiji also the resources of that day proved 
 altogether inadequate. No instruction in divinity or in Arabic, 
 which was practically all that Oxford could then give, would 
 have enabled an Englishman to preach to the Indian races. ^ It 
 seems doubtful, indeed, whether^ this training branch of the 
 
 B 2
 
 244 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 scheme was carried out. Bishop Fell died in 1686, almost before 
 it could have borne its first fruits, and certainly before it could 
 have had a fair trial. Dean Paget has kindly gone thi'ough 
 the matriculation roll and Chapter books of Christ Church, but 
 can find no trace of action in regard to such scholars. Nor 
 have I come across any payments for their' support in the East 
 India Company''s accounts. If there were any such young men 
 at Oxford, they probably passed unnoticed among the poor 
 scholars maintained by Fell himself and diverged into other 
 studies after his death. 
 
 But although Bishop Fell was dead, the movement did not 
 die with him. Among his dearest friends and most beloved 
 pupils Humphrey Prideaux held the favoured ^p?^ce. Prideaux 
 was admitted a student of Christ Church in 1669 when Dean 
 Fell was in the .prime of his university career. The young 
 scholar took hil* degree of M.A. in 1675, the year that Fell 
 became Bishop, and he remained at Christ Church until Fell's 
 death in 1686. One of his first works was an edition of ' Lucius 
 Florus ' in collaboration with Dean Fell. The Dean's influence 
 also guided Prideaux into the eastern studies which resulted in 
 his ' Life of Mahomet ' ; and it is from the ' Life of Prideaiix ' 
 that we gather some of the most interesting details of FelPs 
 K'cel-fciry labours. From the first Prideaux was associated with 
 Fell in his Indian missionary scheme. Indeed, he had warned 
 Fell in 1676 of the failure of his Malayan version of the Gospels 
 on the ground that that language ' is not the vulgar ' in India. 
 In the same year Fell described Prideaux to Evelyn ' as f» y'^"-?ig^ ► 
 man most learned in antiquities.' On rFell's death, Prideaux 
 becaipe a champion of the missionary cause, and after a 
 distinguished career died Dean of Norwich. 
 
 Another Oxford |eader of the move^ment after Fell's death 
 was William Lloyd, who hel,d in succession three bishoprics. A 
 contemporary of Fell in his undergraduate days, and a fellow 
 resident with him at Oxford during at least nine years, Lloyd 
 shared his taste for eastern studies, and ^in later life displayed 
 a zeal for missions even more ardent than Fell's, if not under so 
 wise control. A third Oxford man and contemporary of Fell's 
 who took an active part >vas Nicholas Stratford, Bishop of 
 Chester. Stratford spent nine years as Dean of St. Asaph
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 245 
 
 while Lloyd was Bishop of that see, and we shall find them 
 closely united with ]?iideaux of Christ Church in the promotion 
 of the scheme which Fell bequeathed. 
 
 Under the guidance of«» these Oxford leaders the project 
 entered on new developments. Its missionary aspects, as 
 distinguished from the training of the Company's chaplains for 
 possible missionary work, gi-ew more prominent. Nor were 
 there wanting powerful members of the Company itself who, 
 realising the failure of the chaplain missionary scheme, would 
 gladly have seen agents deputed to exclusively mission work. 
 The Court Books refer in 1689 to the ei^agementof two French 
 ministers, who unfortunately deserted after receiving advances 
 of pay.^ Such ill-sustained efforts by no means satisfied the 
 Oxford leaders of the movement, and some plain speaking 
 passed between them. 
 
 ' The case of the Indians under, the Eng->'.^i Government,' 
 wrote Stratford, Bishop of Chester, in 1695, to Dr. Prideaux, 
 who was stirring afi-esh in the matter, ' is sad, but that of our 
 East India Com^ny is doubtless much more deplorable. For 
 they have some sort of excuse for their infidelity, and conse- 
 quently their punishment will be the more easy ; but these can 
 pretend nothing for their wi'etched neglect and contempt of 
 those poor souls ... I think the method proposed for, their 
 conversion is very fit and proper, and I wish it were once put in 
 practice. The great difficulty will be to find out men of zeal to 
 set about the work.' ^ At the same time Lloyd, then Bishop of 
 Coventry and Lichfield, as the member of the trio most influ- 
 ential" at Court, is pressing the scheme on the East India 
 Company and has ' left it with my Lord of Canterbury that he 
 might either show it or impart the contents to his Msfjesty.' ^ 
 He regrets that Parliament was so taken iip with the great 
 Bribery Case,"* that ni^thing could be dfTne in that quarter at 
 present. 
 
 Meanwhile Prideaux had seized the opportunity of Tenison's 
 
 ' Minutes of December 9, 1689. India Office MSS. 
 
 - Ta7t7ter MSS., vol. ixiv. p. 17. Letter dated April 2, 1694, signed N. 
 Cestriens. 
 
 " Ibid. p. 32. Letter to-Dr. Humphrey Prideaux. Dated April 20, 1695, 
 signed W. Coventry and Lichfield. 
 
   Marvlinson MSS. A. 82. Bodleian Library. •
 
 246 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 promotion to the Primacy to address him in forcible words. He 
 submitted a scheme to the Archbishop for bringing the Christian 
 faith within the knowledge of the one million Indians who, as 
 he estimated, were under British influence. He claimed that 
 there should be ' a (Church and school for the benefit of the 
 Indian inhabitants ' m each of the Company's 'settlements.' 
 He points out that the proper occasion to impose such a con- 
 dition on the Company was the time of granting a new charter 
 to them : an occasion which had been formerly allowed to slip, 
 but which was presently to recur. 
 
 Influential members of both Houses were favourable to the 
 cause, including about half the Bench of Bishops. Men inter- 
 ested in any particular movement are apt to overestimate its 
 importance in determining national action. Of tftis particular 
 movement it may be safely said that it represented a current of 
 public opinion a^ '^vas backed by a weight of official authority 
 which could not fail to affect the Government deliberations 
 then in progress regarding the India trade. The old Company 
 and the Interlopers now about to be constituted into the new 
 Company found their forces fairly balanced, and were anxious 
 to secure the goodwill of the missionary party. The charter 
 granted to the new East India Company in 1698 discloses the 
 result. It provides that the Company shall maintain one 
 minister in every gan-ison or superior factory in the East Indies, 
 together with a place set apart for divine service only. All 
 ministers within a year of their arrival shall learn the Portu- 
 guese language. They shall also apply themselves to acquire 
 the vernacular tongue of the province to which they are 
 appointed, so as to instruct the native servants and slaves of the 
 Compaiiy in the Protestant religion. Among the first acts of 
 the new Company was a request to the Ai'chbishop of Canter- 
 bury to draw up prayef{; for their particular use. On December 
 15, 1698, they ordered a thous^and copies to be printed of three 
 devout supplications, ' one to be used at home, another in their 
 factories abroad, and a third on board their ships.' 
 
 The extent to which the Bishops had become interested in 
 
 ' Dr. Humphrey Prideaux to the Aj-chbishop of Canterbury, dated 
 January 23, 1694-5. The subject occupies thirty-seven pages in ' Prideaux's 
 Life,'> London, 1748, pp. 151-88.
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 247 
 
 what may be called evangelical work appears from the signatures' 
 to the preaijible of t^e Society for Promoting Chi"istian Know 
 ledge, approved four months later in April 1699. Twelve 
 prelates put their names to the first list ; our old acquaintances, 
 Stratford, Bishop of Chester, and Lloyd, translated to the see 
 of Worcester in 1700, signing next to each other. How deeply 
 Oxford was concerned in this movement may be realised from 
 the fact that, of the twelve Bishops who signed, ten were 
 Oxford men and the other two had been incorporated at 
 Oxford. y^ 
 
 The charter of 1698 made provision for the religious in- 
 struction of the Indians in the Company's immediate service- 
 But it fell far short of ' the conversion of the natives,'' which the 
 Bishop of Oxfora aimed at in his original letter to Archbishop 
 Sancroft in 1681, and which he and his successors in the move- 
 ment had always on their minds. Tjie truth *'? that neither the 
 old Company, nor the new Company, nor the united Company 
 which they presently formed, found it possible to establish a 
 missionary agenqy. At that time the English in India were 
 struggling for existence. In 1701 the bigot Emperor 
 Aurangzeb issued a Proclamation ordering the arrest of the 
 English in India, the seizure of their goods, and the confinement 
 of their persons, although ' not to close imprisonment.' During 
 the following years the British settlements that survived owed 
 their safety to the maxim, which bitter experience had forced 
 tfiem to adopt, that ' A fort is better than an ambassador.' 
 
 "But there was one corner at the southern extremity of India 
 in whicTi the experiment might be tried. A little strip of land, 
 five miles long by three in breadth, had been obtained by the 
 Danes in 1616 from the Hindu Raja of Tan j ore. I«i this 
 secluded settlement of Tranquebar, far removed from the storm 
 which the Mughal Etnperor let loose •'upon the north, two 
 Lutheran missionaries arrived fnim Denmark in 1706. It is 
 stated to be the fii"st Protestant mission to the Indian continent, 
 although the Dutch attempted evangelistic work in Ceylon as 
 early as 1642. The'^lsolation of Tranquebar, and the fact that 
 its fifteen square miles were the actual property of the Danes, 
 well secured by a Danish fort, renderod the experiment possible. 
 Even under these favourable circuiYistances the difficidties proved
 
 248 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 great. The Lutheran missionaries, although supported by the 
 influence of the King of Denmark, could not work in harmony 
 with their own Governor, who imprisoned their leader for four 
 months, forbidding liim pen and paper, or any communication 
 with the outer worldl 
 
 The English East India Company was quite willing to 
 render friendly offices to the Tranquebar mission. Fell's 
 scheme for the translation of the Gospels and the training of 
 chaplains with a view to their conversion of the heathen had 
 now developed ihio a fund 'For encouraging the Protestant 
 missionaries and erecting charity schools in the East Indies/ 
 A.n account, under this heading, and evidently belonging to the 
 year 1710, contains the following entry: ^ 'Remitted hence in 
 Bills of Exchange and foreign silver for the use oi' the mission- 
 aries, 80/.' The next item renders it probable that ' the 
 missionaries ' we^e- ^Danes. .This item, also for 80Z., includes a 
 collection for ' the missionaries at Tranquebar,' ' of catechetical 
 and practical Ti*acts written by our own Bishops and eminent 
 Divines, to be translated into such languages jn India as shall 
 render them most usefuU to the Heathen in those parts.' 
 
 It was not alone in the translation of religious works, 
 however, that Fell's original movement gave an impulse to sub- 
 sequent developments. The same account shows that by far 
 the larger proportion of the expenditiue was still devoted to 
 printing — that is, to the ' printing design ' which Fell mentioned 
 in his letter of August 6, 1681. It comprises 1,500 copies of 
 St. Matthew's Gospel ; a printing press with six hundredweight 
 of types complete, 72/. ; ' 100 rheams of paper,' 40/. ; and V351. 
 ' to Mr. John [i.e. Jonas] Finck, the printer,' for provisions on 
 his voyage and first year's salary. In 1711 the Company re- 
 solved that books for the Protestant missionaries should be sent 
 out in their ships free.* Finck was a foreigner, and wrote an 
 account of his voyage and ckpture by the French in ' High 
 Dutch.' 
 
 ' Tanner MSS., vol. ccxc. p. 238. No date ; but^'ihe year is fixed by the 
 sailing of the Jcme Frigate, which took out Finck and the printing-press 
 referred to in the next paragraph. India Office MSS. Wage-books and Con- 
 sultations. ' 
 
 ^..Court Minutes of November 30,' 1711. India Office MSS.
 
 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 249 
 
 > 
 
 The naiTative may here fitly close. It suffices to show that 
 during the^j careless, days of Charles II. a movement emanated 
 from Oxford, and specifically from Christ Church, for the spread 
 of the faith in India. Tliat»the East India Company put itself 
 at the head of the movement and underfook the management 
 of the funds. That the movement did not end with the death 
 
 * 
 
 of the Dean-Bishop, its originator, but was carried on by other men 
 of Oxford and Christ Church, his friends and disciples. That, 
 although some of its aims went beyond what was possible in 
 those times, it exercised an influence alike op^the action of the 
 old Company and on the ' Godly charter ' which in 1698 incor- 
 porated the new. That thirty years after the Bishop of Oxford 
 addressed the East Indian Directors in 1681, a fund was still 
 being administered on the lines which he had laid down, namely, 
 missionary work, ' the erecting of free schools in India,"* the 
 translation of the Scriptures, and the ' prihtlrg design.' ' The 
 terms on which the new Company was incorporated,' says the 
 Madras official edition of the charters, were ' almost the same ' 
 as before, 'but jvith the addition of a provision for the main- 
 tenance of ministers and schoolmasters.' This addition was in 
 a large measm-e due to the movement initiated by Bishop Fell, - 
 and continued by his Oxford fi*iends and disciples. 
 
 When the curtain next rises on British missionary efFo,rt in 
 India we find the position of the English and the Danish Com- 
 panies reversed. Denmark well repaid the succour ^hich 
 England had sent to the Tranquebar mission at the beginning 
 of the eighteenth century by carrying the first Baptist mission- 
 ^ries""^nder the Danish flag to India in 1793, and sheltering 
 them in the Danish settlement of Serampur. Those who marvel 
 at the change should bear in mind that the British had* by that 
 time become the governing power in India, pledged to respect 
 the right of their subjects to worship iiT* their own way. If the 
 East India Company had encouraged Christian missionaries in 
 1793, it could not have refused an equal liberty to the propa- 
 ganda of Hinduism and Islam. But religious movements in 
 India have always tended to develop into political revolution, 
 and the Company did not, at that time, feel itself strong enough 
 to face the risk. ^ 
 
 Yet the missionary spirit whith supplied the impelling power
 
 250 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 
 
 to the Oxford movement of 1681, although it long remained in 
 abeyance, was never quenched. The monument in St Paul's to 
 'The First Protestant Bishop of India' (1814-1822) was 
 erected by the two sister Societies avhom we saw, on the first 
 page of this article, continuing Bishop Fell's work at the begin- 
 ning of the last century. Its marble group represents the 
 prelate receiving an Indian man and woman into the Christian 
 faith, and the native Church now forms an important branch of 
 the episcopal duty in India. Wlien the East India Company 
 grew into the gov^Auing power it became obviously wi-ong for 
 its chaplains, paid out of Qindu and Musalman taxes, to attempt 
 to destroy the religions which form the most cherished posses- 
 sions of the Indian races. But propagandist societies, supported 
 by voluntary contributions, and unconnected with the State, 
 sprang up under the equal protection afforded by the Company 
 to every creed. ^These missionary bodies do what the old 
 military chaplains, projected by Fell, could never have accom- 
 plished. They hold exactly the same status in the eye of the 
 law as Hindu or Musalman propagandists. 
 
 The right now possessed by all sects and races in India, not 
 only to enjoy their own faith, but also to actively spread it, is 
 a right which could not have been conceived of in India two 
 centuries ago, and which could not have been safely granted a 
 hmidi-ed years later. Even now it is subject to the provisions 
 of the Penal Code against wounding the rehgious feelings of 
 others, applied impartially to Christian, Musalman, and Hindu.' 
 The free yet orderly exercise of this right of the hostile creeds 
 in India to proselytize from each other forms one of the most 
 striking testimonies, not only to the justice but also to the 
 strength^of British rule. 
 
 (
 
 \ 
 
 « 
 
 VIII 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAli^ 
 
 I 
 
 • • THE START 
 
 In November 1824 a European descender! from the inner 
 Himalayas to the British outpost at' Sabathu. ' *He was poorly 
 clad in a native dress, ' the coarse blanket of the country.' But 
 he declared himself to be an Austrian subject ; a student of 
 languages who had spent the past five years in making his way, 
 chiefly on foot, from Hungary to Central Asia. He desired the 
 protection of the British Government to enable him to proceed 
 into the unknown regions of Tibet ; and he produced a letter of 
 recommendation from the English explorer, Moorcroft^ with 
 whom he had passed five months in Kashmir. 
 » Captain Kennedy, afterwards the chief founder of Simla, 
 was then the political officer in charge of the Himalayan frontier 
 ■oLivckAr*" He civilly detained the straitger, half as prisoner, 
 half as guest, until h* could receive the orders of the Governor- 
 General regarding him. After some characteristic caution, 
 Lord Amherst granted the protection solicited and supported 
 it by a stipend, models IT in amount, but^sufficient for the still 
 more modest wants of the travellor. Armed with letters to the 
 Himalayan Chiefs, and with a few hundred rupees in his scrip, 
 the stranger re-entered the mountains. The next six years he 
 spent, with an intervjil of some months, in exploring the archives 
 of Buddhist monasteiies in Tibet. 
 
 The poor scholar was Csoma de^ Koros, one of the great 
 
 ' In TJie Pioneer, Allahabad, 1885. J «
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 252 
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR |! 
 
 original workers of our century. As a Hungarian student, 
 before entering the University, he liad vowed, togethpr with two 
 fellow-pupils, to penetrate Central Asia in search of the origin 
 of his nation. Alone of the three,iyCsoma kept his word. The 
 first thirty-five years t>f his life were passed in self-preparation 
 in Europe for the task. The next twelve he spent as an humble 
 foot traveller through Asia, or in studying amid cold, privation, 
 and solitude, with Buddhist priests in Tibet. His remaining 
 eleven years he devoted in India to publishing a part of the 
 materials he had e^^llected, and to constantly adding to them, 
 with an unslakable thirst;, for learning. 
 
 The result of his life was to open up a vast new field to 
 human inquiry. Csoma, single-handed, did more than the 
 armies of Ochterlony, and not less than the diplomacy of 
 Hodgson, to pierce the Himalayas, and to reveal to Europe 
 what lay behin^, the mountain wall. He has suffered the 
 fate allotted in this world to the pioneers of knowledge. Other 
 men have entered on his labours. They have built their easy 
 edifices from the materials which he with a lifer's toil amassed : 
 the meaner translating sort, as usual, not fearing to patronise 
 the dead master. 
 
 The fame of a solitary worker like Csoma de Koros is, in 
 truth, a plant which grows not on mortal soil nor in broad 
 inimom' lies. A hundied years had elapsed from his birth be- 
 fore he found a biographer. To the scholars of this generation 
 he has been a dim Transylvanian figure, lean and homeless 
 among the Himalayas, but projecting a giant shadow from tKeir 
 heights across Central Asia. Last year, the centenary of his' birth, 
 his life was at length worthily written. Dr. Duka has brought to 
 his task the enthusiasm of a compatriot, and a loving reverence 
 which in this iron age of biography may Avell excuse some slight- 
 ness in Oriental research. We purpose very briefly to sketch 
 the life of noble self-devotion ' which Dr. Duka has so tenderly 
 portrayed, to throAv sidelights on certain episodes which he has 
 left obscure, and to indicate Csoma's true position in Tibetan 
 scholarship. The fame of Csoma de Kciros should be dear to 
 the English nation ; for he was never tired of acknowledging 
 that to English generosity he had owed the means of doing 
 his <.life'sy work. It was an 'old Hungarian fund subscribed
 
 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 255 
 
 ill London dining the reign of Queen Anne that defrayed his 
 university » education at Gottingen. It was EngHsh HberaHty 
 in Persia and Ladakh which enabled him to prosecute his 
 journey across Asia. Duriii^- his long monastic studies in Tibet, 
 and throughput his eleven years in India, jlie was supported by 
 grants from the British Government. In the English language 
 the grateful Hungarian published his wor^s. He rests from his 
 labours, on a spm* of his beloved Himalayas, in an English 
 graveyard. 
 
 Alexander Csoma was born in the picl^uresque village of 
 Koros, in Transylvania, Apiil 1784, His family, although 
 poor, belonged to the Szeklers, or military nobles, who through- 
 out many hmi4red years had held the south-eastern frontier of 
 Hungary against the Turks. The Szeklers, whom Csoma loved 
 to call tlfle Siculian nation, were a warrior tribe of Huns, settled 
 in Dacia since the fourth centmy a.'d. Dm-ing,the Middle Ages 
 they had formed the advanced guard of Christendom ; and they 
 still maintained something of their ancient tribal equality, the 
 cultivators being also the owners of the soil. In Csoma'^s family 
 the military instinct was curiously blended with a love of leam- 
 ijig. One of his uncles was a distinguished professor ; a cousin 
 was a Protestant pastor ; a nephew fell in the street-fighting of 
 the War of Independence in 1849. The school-life^ of the 
 poorer military nobles of Hungary in the last century was a 
 .hard one. Csoma obtained his education as a pupil-servant in 
 t|;ie gymnasium or collegiate high-school of Nagy-Eiiyed ; keeping 
 .thpj.'^^inre rooms clean and tidy in retui;ii for his board. When 
 he reached the higilier classes he ga\e private lessons to the 
 younger boys, and stored up his humble fees as the means of 
 carrying on his further studies. 
 
 At the age of twfjnty-three Csoma completed his gymnasium 
 course (1807), and was elected Lectmer of Poetry to the college, 
 devoting part of his holidays also to private tuition. It was not 
 till he reached his thirty-first year that he found leisure to pass 
 his examen rigoroswji, which ((ualified him to continue his studies 
 at a foreign university. At the beginning of the previous 
 century the Protesbint college of Nagy-Enyed had been razed 
 to the ground, and its students dispersed or slain, in the Hun- 
 garian Ci\il Wars of 1704. The tragedy had fetched the
 
 254 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 teart of the British nation. Eleven thousand pounds were 
 subscribed under the auspices of the Archbishop of <^anterbiu-y, 
 invested in Consols, and formed into a Hungarian fund, part of 
 which sm-vives to this day. The distressed collegiate town rose 
 anew from its ruins ;^^and in 1816 the managers of the old fund 
 were able, after meeting all expenses, to, found two travelling 
 scholai'ships. Csomp. de Koros was one of the first students who 
 benefited by these bui'saries. After passing his rigorosum in 
 1815 he proceeded to Germany, During the next thi-ee years, 
 supported by one\^f the travelling scholarships from the English 
 fund, and by a gi'ant for. twelve months of the libera mensa regm 
 from the Hanover Government, he studied at the Univei*sity of 
 Gottingen. Having there learned English, ai^d plunged into 
 Arabic, he retm-ned to his native country in 1818, a finished 
 academician aged thirty-four. ' 
 
 Honours ant*' emoluments awaited the returned scholar. A 
 tutorship in a nobleman's family, a professorship in a public 
 school, were innnediately offered ; while before him lay the 
 assm^ance of a first-class chair in the college in which he had 
 passed his youth, and whose fame as a seat of learning his uncle 
 had helped to establish. To these tempting offers Csoma turned 
 a deaf ear. When an humble pupil-servant in that college, he 
 anjd two fellow-students had devoted themselves to the discovery 
 of the origin of their race. His two comrades had forgotten 
 their vow. To Csoma it became the object of his life. He had 
 endm'ed the long indigence of a poor student to the age of nearly 
 thirty-five in qualifying; himself for the task. He now timigd, 
 from honours and emoluments among his ajlmiring countrymen, 
 to spend his remaining twenty-thi-ee years in this world as a poor 
 wanderer in fulfilment of his vow. 
 
 His friends found that their affectionate pleadings only gave 
 him sorrow. Amid the snows of February 1819 he left Tran- 
 sylvania on foot, to master the Slavonic language in Lower 
 Hungary and Croatia. In November he set his face towards 
 the East. His old professor, Hegediis, relates how with an 
 'expression of joyful serenity which shone from his eyes,"* Csoma 
 came to bid him good-bye. They di'ank a farewell cup in old 
 tokay. Next morning the ^ounger scholar started, ' lightly clad, 
 as if he \^ntended merely taking a walk,"" on his life's journey
 
 \ 
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 255 
 
 through Asia. The professor went with him a Httle way ; then 
 they partejl in the tields ; the old master wistfully watching his 
 pupil till he reached the batik of the Maros stream, which was 
 to sever him from home and» friends for ever. A certain Count, 
 standing at his gate, saw the wayfarer pa/^s by ' clad in a thin 
 yellow nankin di'ess, with a stick in his hand and a small bundle.'' 
 
 Csoma possessed, in addition to his academical equipment, 
 several qualifications for his task. He had a sweet patience 
 which silently won sympathy, and which endeared him in a 
 special manner to his native teachers in Iiir^ia and Tibet. ' I 
 include Csoma,' writes one who kne.w him from childhood, 
 * among those fortunate and rare individuals against whom 
 nobody has ever had a grievance ; nor have I heard him make a 
 complaint against others.' He could bear severe labour, mental 
 and physfcal, without strain ; from his childhood he had been 
 a great walker ; a stranger alike to artificial, ;|timulants and to 
 fatigue. The poor scholar was also an athletic young military 
 noble ; and his firmly knit frame resisted during fifty-eight years 
 every trial of e^^posure, bad food, and infectious disease. 
 
 Above all, Csoma had learned to do without money. In 
 boyhood he had earned his own education ; his stipend at the 
 university was fifteen pounds per annum. He now started on 
 a five years' journey through Asia with a hardly saved hoard 
 of twenty pounds. To this should be added a promise of ten 
 pounds a year from a friendly Councillor. His admiring 
 countrymen afterwards raised a fund for him ; but he returned 
 tfie money untouched, to found a scholarship in his old school. 
 Throughout his life he would have no private patron, and 
 shrank from private help of any sort. When at the university, 
 a friend who was leaving tried to make over to Csonta a few 
 books, and indeed hyj college cap, as Csoma's was worn out. 
 The poor student refused the gift, •and the fiiend had to 
 transfer the articles to him ty sale for ten kreuzers, say 
 eightpence. When snowed up in Tibet, with thirty sheep hung 
 for winter consumption in the neighbouring monastery, Csoma 
 could scarcely afford* a scrap of the animal food which would have 
 helped him to bear the rigour of the climate. In India we shall 
 find him living like a native on' boiled rice, but refusing 
 pecuniai-y aid, unless it came from the public purse kiid &r a
 
 256 :d PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 specified public purpose. Everywhere we shall see him ' poor, 
 humbly clad, and reserved,' accomplishing gveat resul+s with the 
 smallest means ; unconscious of aiiy wants beyond the single 
 coarse suit which he wore, and just enough of the cheapest 
 native food to enable^him to work on from day to day. 
 
 Against these qualifications for his task must be set -one 
 di'awback. The task itself was an impossible one. The object 
 of Csoma's life proved to be but a student's dream. He believed 
 that the Hungarians of Europe were of the same family as the 
 Hungars, Yungar^ or Yugars in Mongolia. To discover his 
 distant kinsmen of Asia and the common home of the race was 
 the subject of his boyish vow ; it remained the central purpose 
 of his mature years; it formed the theme of ^almost his last 
 conversation before death. The English officer who noted 
 down his sick-bed utterances states that Csoma summarised 
 the grounds for^ believing that ' his native land was possessed by 
 the original Huns, and his reasons for tracing them to Central 
 or Eastern Asia.' ' All his hopes of attaining the object of the * 
 long and laborious search were centred in the • discovery of the 
 country of the Yugars.' Dr. Duka, with that biographical 
 tenderness which we are told passeth the love of women, would j 
 conceal the visionary nature of Csoma's main object under a ' 
 nimbus of his actual achievements. But the evidence on this 
 subject, although it does not seem to have come before Dr. 
 Duka, is categorical and complete. To quote only a single letter 
 from Csoma's own hand, a letter which his biographer might 
 surely have seen : ' Both to satisfy my own desire,' he . wr^tf — 
 from Teheran, ' and to prove my gi'atitude ^ud love to my nation, 
 I have set off", and must search for the origin of my nation 
 according to the lights which I have kindled in Germany ; 
 avoiding neither dangers which may ^lerhaps occur, nor the 
 distance I may have to travel.' 
 
 For this and other errors of his old-world philology Csoma 
 needs no apologist. It was not till after he had left Europe 
 that Bopp finally transferred the science of language from the 
 basis of verbal resemblance to that of fundamental structm'e. 
 Even now, when Aryan scholarship has for long rested on this 
 firm foundation, the Turanian races, who formed the subject of 
 Csoma's' ti'eseaich, still remain the spoi't of conjectiue or asser-
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 257 
 
 tion, according to the modesty or the temerity of the individuffl 
 student. Vambery places the two epoch-making settlements of 
 the Hungarian people, firs^ between the Ural Mountains and 
 the Volga River, and then a^id the Slav elements of Pannonia. 
 But the linguistic tools which the Hungar^^n scholar of our da} 
 so dexterously wields were not in the hands of his earlier com- 
 patriot. It is Csoma^s glory that, starting from one set of old 
 eiTors, he arrived at quite a different set of new truths ; that in 
 pursuing a di'eam he accomplished a reality. He never forced 
 his facts to fit his preconceptions. His honesty in work over- 
 came his fallacies of theory. A very few thuikers in this world 
 have seen a great thing to do, seen it and done it. England 
 has produced two such original workers, Newton and Darwin ; 
 for Bacon's performance was different. Csoma, like Browning's 
 Grammar^n, with a great end to pursue, died ere he knew it. 
 His search for the home of his race in Asia was predestined to 
 failure. But by his self-denying labours, during the long dis- 
 appointment of that search, he laid the foundation for a new 
 department of human knowledge. 
 
 ^^o 
 
 * 
 
 » 
 
 > 
 > 
 
 ;
 
 258 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 < 
 
 II 
 
 THE JOURNEY 
 
 V. 
 
 In November 1819 Csoma de Koros crossed the hill frontier of 
 Hungary, with intent to enter Asia by way of Constantinople. 
 The plague in the Turkish capital forced him, ho v, ever, to turn 
 aside. He therefore took shipping from the European coast of 
 the Archipelago and sailed by Rhodes to Egypt. At Alexandria 
 he devoted himself to Arabic, but another outburst of the 
 plague drove him eastward to Aleppo in Syria. Thence he 
 walked to Mesopotamia dressed like an Asiatic, and floated down 
 the Tigris on a raft to Bagdad. A small gift of money from 
 the English resident in that city enabled him to go forward 
 with a caravan to Persia. He reached the Persian capital, 
 Teheran, in October 1820 after twelve months'" march from the 
 Hungarian frontier. 
 
 A year had already been consumed on the road, yet Csoma 
 was still far to the west of the countries which he believed to 
 contain the object of his search. His money was quite gone ; 
 and to add to his helplessness, no Europeans were at tJa^ t Boac on 
 of the year in Teheran. A native servant of the British 
 Embassy received him, however, with kindness and wrote of his 
 forlorn condition to Sir Henry and Major George Willock, two 
 Madras Cavalry officers who had beerf attached to Sir Gore 
 Ouseley"'s mission. These distinguished brothers, the uncle and 
 the father of the Bengal Cavalry officer of our day, ^ promptly 
 
 ' Sir Henry Willock, K.L.S., was for eleven years charge d'affaires at 
 Teheran, and was the last chairman of the H.B.I. Company. His brother, 
 Major George Willock, was an excellent Persian scholar, and served his 
 country with credit in the East. A second brother, alluded to in the text, 
 was Captain F. G. Willock, of the 6th Bengal Cavalry, who met a soldier's 
 death dtUing the siege of Delhi. Sir Henry's son, Mr. H. D. Willock. B.C.S.,]
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 259 
 
 » 
 
 responded to the appeal. They supplied the poor traveller with 
 money, clothes, and books, and Csoma rested four months under 
 their protection, improving'»his English and perfecting himself 
 in the Persian tongue. In March 1821 he writes, ' I bid adieu 
 to my noble benefactors.' He 'resumed his Asiatic name, 
 Sikandar Beg, ' Gentleman Alexander,"* and again putting on a 
 native dress he set his face towards Mongolia. He left with 
 the brothers Willock all his humble properties, his University 
 certificates, his passport, his few papers, and his European suit, 
 with a request that they might be sent to his family ' in case I 
 should die or perish on my road to Bol^hara."* After traversing 
 deserts, mountains, and steppes, he reached Bokhara only to find 
 his fm'ther advance to the east blocked by the rumoured approach 
 of a Russian army. He accordingly turned southwards, and, 
 marching (,with a caravan, arrived at Kabul in January 1822. 
 
 More than two years had now passed on the journey. But 
 Kabul proved to be a -perilous resting place, and Sikandar Beg 
 pushed on for the Sikh kingdom in the Punjab, meeting with 
 Ranjit Singh's famous European generals Allard and Ventura, 
 by the way. At the Sikh capit^J, Lahore, he found himself far 
 to the south of the Mongolian countries, with the Himalayan •^'» 
 Willi now between him and the object of his search. By June 
 1822, however, he had made his way through the mountains to 
 the capital of Ladakh. But here again he discovered that 
 further progress eastwards was i)nj)ossible. He therefore re- 
 traced his weary steps towards the Punjab, resolved to seek for 
 soi\ie other passage through the Himalayas into Central Asia. 
 Near tne K^ashmir frontier he met the English explorer Moor- 
 croft. The two solitary Europeans in that wild region 
 joined company and became friends. Csoma opened his sad 
 heart and unfolded his baffled plans. Moorcroft advised him to 
 learn Tibetan as the Dest groundwork "for future success, and 
 gave him his copy of Father Giorgi's ' Alphabetum Tibetanum.' „ 
 That poot, voluminous compilation, printed at Rome in 1762 from 
 materials sent home by the Capuchin friars, was then the only 
 attempt to open up tAe language of Tibet to European research. 
 
 accompanied Havelock's force which relievo(i Lucknow, took part in every 
 action, and remained with the Residency garrison until the seconc'x relief by 
 Sir Colin Campbell. ' . ;( * 
 
 » s 2
 
 260 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR j 
 
 With the study of this vohiiiie, however, Csoma's enterprise 
 for the first time touched soHd ground. He spent the winter 
 of 1822 in Kashmir poring over its pages. Before the spring 
 of 1823 a resolve had grown up > within him that he would 
 master, if he died fo^ it, the new realms of learning of which 
 he caught distant glimpses in Giorgi's work. He eked out its 
 vmcertain materials by conversing in Persian with a Tibetan 
 resident in Kashmir. But the grammar and literatm'e of Tibet 
 could only be mastered in Tibet itself. Csoma determined 
 to penetrate that ^ unknown land. Moorcroft furnished him • 
 with letters and some ^^upees. The Hungarian, on his side, 
 pledged himself to bring back results that would repay the 
 outlay, and the two fnends parted in Kashmir, never again to 
 meet in this world. The solitary scholar plunged into the 
 north-eastern mountains. From June 1823 to October 1824 
 he studied Tibetan with a learned priest, or Lama, in the 
 Buddhist monastery of Yangla. 
 
 During half the year the cold at that altitude is intense. 
 Even on midsummer day snow had fallen, and the ground was 
 again sheeted with white before the crops were cut in September. 
 In winter the doors were blocked with snow, and the thermometer I 
 ranged below zero. Throughout four months Csoma sat with 
 his Laijia in a cell nine feet square, neither of them daring to 
 stir out, with no fire, with no light after dark, with only the J 
 ground to sleep on, and the bare walls of ^he building as their 
 sole defence against the deadly cold. Wrapped in a sheepskin 
 cloak, his arms folded tightly across his breast to keep in the 
 last sparks of his animal heat, Csoma read from da^HFeak to 
 dark, and then relapsed into night for the next fourteen hours. 
 To put' forth his hand for a moment from its fleecy shelter was | 
 an enterprise of pain and of danger. But before the end of 
 winter he gi-ew quite dexterous in tm-ning over his pages, with- 
 out getting his forefinger frostbitten. 
 
 Of his sufferings Csoma could never be got to speak one 
 word. His reticence as to the hairbreadth escapes and personal 
 privations of his long solitude in Centraf' Asia contrasts with 
 the picturesque frankness of his compatriot Vambery. Of this 
 period of his life he merely says : ' I became acquainted with 
 maiiy li'l^rary treasm'es, shut Up in 320 printed volumes which 
 
 i:
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 261 
 
 are the basis of all Tibetan learning and religion/ l\\ 
 November J. 824 he descended the Sutlej gorge, emerging from 
 the Himalayas at the Britisli hill -cantonment of Sabathu, with 
 an epitome of the 320 voluilles and the beginnings of a Tibetan 
 dictionary in his bundle. ^ 
 
 •The apparition vf a European, known to the natives as 
 Sikandar Beg and clad in a blanket, issuing forth from the 
 Himalayas, was without precedent in the respectable routine of 
 our frontier station. The officer in charge hospitably detained 
 the pilgi'im, and put on him English clothes, but at the same 
 time wrote for orders regarding his disposal. The Governor- 
 General briefly commanded that the stranger should give an 
 account of Jiin^self. This Csoma did, in two letters of a 
 simplicity so touching, and Avith a singleness of purpose so 
 manifest, %s to establish himself once and for ever in the confi- 
 dence of the Indian Government. 'He only def jred to continue 
 his studies, and if the* British nation would be pleased to help 
 him, all the results should belong to it. Lord Amherst 
 accepted the-{»oposal , granted an allowance of fifty rupees a 
 month to the scholar, and had him furnished with letters to the 
 Chiefs on the Tibetan Frontier. Before setting out again, < 
 Csoma put on record in May 1825 precisely what he under- 
 took to do. Until he could fulfil his obligations to the, Indian 
 Government, he silently gave up his search for the origin of his 
 yation in Mongolia. He agreed to return to Tibet, and to 
 remain there till he had collected the materials for three great 
 works, first, a Tibetan grammar ; secpnd, a Tibetan-English 
 dictionary of over 3p,000 words ; third, an account of Tibetan 
 literatm-e, with specimens of its books, and a succinct history of 
 the country. ^Vhen he should have gathered his materials in 
 Tibet, he prayed that J:he Governor-General would permit him 
 to journey to C'alcutta, to submit the results to the Asiatic 
 Society of Bengal. 
 
 Henceforward this became the practical programme of 
 Csoma's life. He never, indeed, abandoned the hope of resum- 
 ing his search for the Mongolian starting-point of his race. 
 That was to be his crowning achievement. But he never per- 
 mitted this dream to interfere with the work which he had 
 taken public money for doing. t)n the one. hand, vrites* the
 
   V 
 
 262 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 llnglishman who, as we shall see, visited him in his final 
 monastic retreat, ' his great aim and unceasing anxiety is to get 
 access to Mongolia."" On the other iiand, says the same witness, 
 ' he told me with a melancholy emphasis that, on his delivering 
 up the grammar and dictionary of the Tibetan language, and 
 other illustrations of the literature of that, country, he would be 
 the happiest man on earth, and could die with pleasure on 
 REDEEMING HIS PLEDGE.' The Capitals are. not ours. He 
 deemed it an honom* that he had everywhere in Asia won the 
 trust of Englishmen ; and he regarded the help which he had 
 received on his journey, riot as pecuniary favours, but as free 
 gifts towards the execution of a gi-eat work. ' There is yet in 
 Asia,' he wrote in his first letter to the Indian (government, ' a 
 vast terra incognita of oriental learning.' ' In the last four 
 years of my travelling in Asia, I have depended for my^necessary 
 subsistence entirely upon British generosity.' It was with "a 
 proud resolve that that generosity should never be repented of, 
 that he stated the exact work which he purposed to give in re- 
 turn, and re-entered the mountains to accomplish it. 
 
 But while Csoma carried back to Tibet a very gi-ateful heart 
 to the Government and to individual Englishmen, his feelings 
 towards the little Anglo-Indian society in which he had fomid 
 himself, were different. On his travels through Asia he had 
 met with distinguished Indian officers, the Willock brothers and 
 Moorcroft, men engaged on serious and perilous work. The 
 life of the poor little dining and dancing hill-station of 
 Sabathu, the miniature Masuri of those days, appeared to him 
 altogether distasteful. The well-intentioned officer at the head 
 of it (his name still survives in 'Kennedy' House at Simla) 
 officially described him as ' this learned and enterprising indi- 
 vidual.' But the < learned and enterprising individual ' had the 
 blood of a military nobfe in his veins ; and it is difficult to say 
 whether he was more pained by the uncongenial indifference to 
 his pursuits, or by the fitful attentions to his person, as a pet 
 protege of the Governor-General. Csoma, nourishing his gi-eat 
 desire ' to enter into the cabinet of curiosity of remote ages,' 
 and a master of ten languages, found himself tongue-tied during 
 his six weary months of waiting at Sabathu. Any momentary 
 outflashiiig of his tme nature was taken as self-assertion, and 
 
 ti
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 263 
 
 promptly snuffed out by the gossip of the last flirtation *r 
 the odds of the current ciicket-match. The only bitter words 
 which he is known to have* ever uttered in his life referred to 
 this period ; when he was ' treated at Sabathu like a fool, 
 caressed and ridiculed at the sama time.' ' 
 
 . Indian station-life seldom, indeed, seems to have commended 
 itself to the occasional man of genius who has passed this way. 
 From time to time a commercial traveller of literatm'e comes 
 round, and on returning to his native land puffs the houses 
 along the road at which he has been flattered and fed free of 
 charge. But at the hands of men of letters of the higher sort, 
 our artless Anglo-Indian Society has suffered many things ; 
 from the bludgeon satire of Sir Philip Francis in the last 
 century, and the rapier ridicule of Jacquemont early in the 
 present one, to the sarcasms of Macaulay, with his recollections 
 of our Indian dinner-parties as combining the dulness of a State 
 banquet and the conflision of a shilling ordinary. On the one 
 hand, the distinguished stranger finds the subjects, on which he 
 has been listened to with admiration in other countries, of no 
 conversational interest here. On the other hand, our innocent 
 chatter seems to him a jargon, made up of the dialect of the 
 jjlaying-fields and the technical terms of the native land revenue 
 office. We speak, of course, of the time before the great im- 
 provement which has of late years taken place in refinefl Anglo- 
 Indian converse. 'For now, although bisques, and byes, and 
 ties, and off-sides, and half-backs, enter more largely into our 
 Cable-talk ; yet native terms, or any expressions implying an 
 ^ interest in the country, are genteelly excfuded. As we grow older 
 we gi'ow simpler. The vernaculars of our school sports resurge as 
 the polite conversation of our riper years. The old wo?ds revive 
 the old emotions, and we experience all the pangs and pleasures 
 of fifteen at forty-hve played ovei^* again. Meanwhile the 
 employment of native words, which so strongly flavoured the 
 talk of our predecessors, has become as discreditable as profane 
 swearing. If a guest were to speak of a jarna-wcasU-haki at a 
 dinner-table he woifld be stared at, amid a solemn hush, as if 
 he were using bad words ; and even our familiar friend, the 
 bandobuM, has been exiled to *bachelor parties in*i'emote 
 stations. • ^ .
 
 264 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 ^ Csoma was of too gentle and grateful a nature to indulge in 
 satire on his benefactors. The futilities of the little hill-station 
 struck him with a pained sui-prise rather than with i-esentment. 
 His six months of waiting for ordei:s at Sabathu were a period 
 of suppression and silence. In his later Calcutta years, while 
 the honoured friend of the Englishmen best worth knowing in 
 India, and a most interesting companion to those who sought 
 him out, he absolutely refused to go into society, as a thing not 
 tending to profit a man who has a serious aim in life. 
 
 In June 1825 Csoma started on foot on his second ascent 
 into Tibet. His first stages carried him up the spur of the 
 Himalayas, which forms the watershed between the river systems 
 of the Indus and the Ganges. Climbing by sheep tracks through 
 heavy forest, and along the ledges of precipitous mountains, he 
 reached a narrow ridge called Semla or Simla ; ' a vaex^ halting- 
 place, a name given to a few ^miserable cultivators' huts.' From 
 the Simla ridge, then at places only two or three yards broad, the 
 rain Avhich falls on the western side flows towards the Arabian 
 Sea, while that which drops on the eastern slope starts for 
 the Bay of Bengal. The upper end of that neck of land is 
 ^ now crowned by an English church ; a Gothic town hall has 
 risen from its eastern edge ; while around, above and beloW, 
 is dotted the summer capital of India. Csoma made his 
 way painfully into the interior, by nmch the same route as 
 parties of tourists now canter gaily from stage-house to stage- 
 house out to Narkanda. From this dominating colle he dropped 
 by way of Kotgarh into the Sutlej Valley. Kotgarh, now a 
 missionary station with an old graveyard smothereST under 
 roses, then formed the outermost defence-work of British India. 
 Two detachments, raised from the shattered Gurkha armies 
 whom we had lately expelled, controlled fi-om Kotgarh the 
 upper crossings of the Swtlej and the hill chiefs. Here Csoma 
 bade adieu to Em"opean faces ; and plunging into the gloomy 
 Sutlej gorge, disappeared for the next eighteen months. In 
 August 1825 he reached the village of his former friend and 
 teacher the Buddhist priest, in the province'' of Zanskar. 
 
 That spiritual person was, however, ' absent on some 
 mercalvtile affairs in the deserts of Tibet.' ' On his return,' 
 continues ' Csoma, ' he has engaged to dwell and labour with
 
 I 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 265 
 
 me from November 10 to the summer solstice of nejft ye£l\' 
 ' Medicinej astrononiy, and astrology are his professions. In 
 searching after knowledge lie visited in six years many parts of 
 Tibet, &c., and Nepal. Ho knows the whole system of their 
 religion, has a general knowledge *)f everything that is contained 
 in .their books ; and of customs, manners, economy ; of the 
 polite language used among the nobility and in the sacred 
 volumes ; and of speaking respectfully to superiors.' This 
 accomplished ecclesiastic combined, indeed, many avocations. 
 He was fifty-two years of age, had married the widow of the 
 local Raja, was the chief physician in the great province of 
 Ladakh, and on occasion served as Chief Secretary to that 
 Government in communicating with the Grand Lama of Tibet. 
 He had a sincere love for Csoma, but in time his affection was 
 worn ou^ by the Hungarian's insatiable demands for new 
 knowledge. He took effectual preca^ution, indeed, against being 
 iigain fi'ozen up for fdui- months with his pupil in a nine-feet 
 square cell by providing an apartment in his own house. Many 
 thousand words he patiently wrote down in Tibetan for the 
 stranger, with a register of all the gods, heroes, constellations, 
 minerals, animals, and plants ; from the cedar-tree which groweth^ 
 oil the Himalayas, even unto the hyssop that springeth out of 
 the wall. But by degiees the learned Lama waxed faint over 
 their labours, and after some months he quietly left his pupil. 
 No other teacher c6uld be found in that wild country : and 
 nothing remained but for Csoma to return to India with his 
 work unaccomplished. 
 
 ^ One inore frustration was thus added to this life of disap- 
 pointed hopes. But although defeated, Csoma did not despair. 
 In January 1827 he re-appeared at om^ frontier sta+ion no 
 longer with a few copied manuscripts in his bundle, but mth 
 boxes laden with literary treasures. The Government had now 
 to decide whether it would rest content with his half-finished 
 work, or* enable him to complete it. Lord Amhei*st resolved to 
 trust the bafHed scholar to the end. 
 
 I 

 
 266 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 III 
 
 THE END 
 
 In the spring of 1827 Csoma was introduced to Lord Amherst. 
 That nobleman saw nothing ridiculous in the extreme simplicity 
 of dress and diet which moved the mirth of meaner spirits. He 
 perceived that Csoma was one of those rare natures whose whole 
 existence is centred in the achievement of a gi'eat work, and to 
 whom it is a mere accident whether th«y accomplish it amid 
 wealth and comfort or in isolation and want. The poor scholar 
 admitted the failm-e of his second visit to Tibet. He oifered 
 either to proceed to Calcutta, to work up such materials as he 
 . had been able to collect, or to return to the mountains for three 
 years more to complete them. His one fear was that he might 
 exhaust the generosity of the British Government before his 
 task was finished. He had, therefore, husbanded his resources 
 so well, that out of Rs. 500 granted to "-him more than two 
 years previously about Rs. 150 remained. He had, in fact, 
 lived in one of the most rigorous climates in the world, and 
 collected a vast treasure of Tibetan manuscripts, orT a total 
 expenditure of Rs. 15 a month, or, say, seven shillings a week. ^ 
 
 To -the Government of India the question was complicated 
 by considerations with which his biographer seems unacquainted. 
 Dr. Duka writes as if Givjrgi's ' Alphabetum Tibetanum' of 1762, 
 supplemented by certain doubtful efforts in India, remained in 
 1827 the sole source of information regarding the language of 
 Tibet. This statement represents the facts with a fair degree 
 of accuracy at the period of Csoma's firs^c arrival in India in 
 1824. But diu-ing the thi-ee years which had since elapsed an 
 impo»ilant advance had bten made; and in 1826 a Tibetan \ 
 Dic^ionairy, compiled independently of Csoma, was printed at
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 267 
 
 Serampur. The work was derived from lists of words 1^ 
 behind by a Catholic missionary on the Bhutan frontier. The 
 poor missionary had died, his very name was lost, but his few 
 worldly possessions fell into the hands of an English officer, 
 who passed them on to another \nissionary in Bengal. From 
 tht;se papers, rich in vernacular terms and in the language of 
 popular Tibetan literature, but unsifted and unsorted, and 
 without any Tibetan scholar to edit them or to correct the 
 proofs, a Dictionary had been printed at the expense of the 
 ' East India Company in 1826. AVhen, therefore, Csoma 
 returned to India in 1827, declaring^ tha^ he had failed to 
 complete his Avork, he found that that work had just been done 
 by others. 
 
 Lord Amherst had to decide whether he would pay for the 
 cost of d->ing it over again. European scholars had pronounced 
 against such efforts, initiated from the south of the Himalayas. 
 Klaproth in particular had put forth his great authority to 
 cast contempt on the endeavours of the English in India to 
 study Tibet'^n. To send forth Csoma again was, therefore, not 
 only to incur the expense of doing work twice over in India, 
 but also to run the risk of a double share of ridicule in Europe.^ 
 Dord Amherst realised, however, that here was a man capable 
 of doing a great work for the British nation. After six months 
 of waiting, Csoma received the sanction of the Government of 
 India to return to •'Tibet, with an allowance of Rs. 50 per 
 mensem dm-ing the three years which he required for the 
 completion of his materials. Accordingly for the third time he 
 ^,^_^e-ascen{?ed the Himalayas, penetrating'^by way of Simla, where 
 a few wood houses had by this time been erected, into the wilds 
 of Kunawar. * 
 
 He reached the monastery of Kanum about the autumnal 
 equinox of 1827, and passed the ne>t three years, 9,500 feet 
 above sea-level, in silence and 'solitude, completing his task. 
 Only once was his isolation broken. Dr. Gerard, the earliest 
 medical explorer of the Himalayas, visited him in 1829, and has 
 left a pathetic picture of the life of the hermit scholar. The 
 cold and privation of which Csoma never deigned to speak 
 became terriljle realities in Dr. Gerard's letter. We Ic^i^i, too, 
 that Csoma, in addition to his physical sufferings, had to
 
 268 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 wl3stle with those spiritual demons of self-distrust, the bitter 
 sense of the world's neglect, and the paralyzing uncertainty as 
 to the value of his labours, which hitve eaten the heart of the 
 solitary worker in all ages and in all lands. Like Buddha he 
 had to bear his Temptation in the Wilderness, alone and an 
 hungered : but unlike Buddha, no angels came to comfort him 
 after his struggles with the Doubting Enemy of mankind. 
 
 ' The cold,' writes Dr. Gerard, ' is very intense ; and all last 
 winter he sat at his desk wrapped up in woollens ft-om head to 
 foot, and from morning to night, without an interval of recrea- 
 tion or warmth, except t];\at of his frugal meals, which are one 
 universal round of greasy tea.' Nevertheless the Himgarian 
 had ' collected and arranged 40,000 words of the Tibetan 
 language in a situation that would have driven most men to 
 despair.' His Lama, or Buddhist priest and instructor, 
 continues Dr. Gerard, ' is a man of vast acquirements, strangely 
 disguised under modest confidence of siiperiority, the mildest 
 and most unassuming address, and a countenance seldom dis- 
 tm*bed by a smile. His learning has not made y>vv bigoted or 
 self-sufficient ; but it is singularly contrasted with his person 
 ^ and appearance, which are humble, dignified, and gi'easy. Mr. 
 Csoma himself appears, like one of the sages of antiquity, liviiig 
 in the most frugal manner and taking no interest in any object 
 around him, except in his literary avocations ; which, however, 
 embrace the religions of the countries ai*'bund him. In his 
 conversations and expressions he is frequently disconsolate, and 
 betrays it in involuntary sentiment, as if he thought himself 
 forlorn and neglected. He can form no idea of the spirit in whicl'is,,,^^^ ' 
 Government will receive his works, and almost fears they may not 
 be considered with that indulgence which is due to his research.' 
 But although at times feeling ' forlorn and neglected,' 
 Csoma never lost the i2oble confidence in his work. If no 
 angels came to comfort him in his conflict with self-distrust and 
 Giant Despair, he had at length the encouragement in his 
 loneliness of seeing his labours mentioned with honour in the 
 'Government Gazette.' A poor form of celestial consoler, per- 
 haps i, but the old Company had the grace to make one who 
 was dymg difficult and solitary Avork for it, feel that he was 
 not forgotten. His ' whole earthly happiness,' says Dr. Gerard, 
 
 tl
 
 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 269 
 
 'consists in being merely able to live and devote himself >o 
 mankind, with no other reward than a just appreciation and 
 honest fame.' To such a> man what mattered it that of his 
 fifty rupees a month one-hal/ was paid to his Lama or teacher ; 
 and that this, with other expenses^ according to Gerard, ' leaves 
 ' hii^i less than twenty rupees to provide the necessaries of life, 
 which in that remote and secluded region are very expensive, 
 and must frequently be supplied from a distance of two 
 hundred miles. His chief and almost only meal is tea, in the 
 '' Tartar fashion, which is indeed more like soup, the butter and 
 salt mixed in its preparation leaving no flavour of tea. It is a 
 repast at once gi-easy and nourishing, and being easily made, is 
 very convenient in such a country.*' What mattered it, as we have 
 mentioned, that in winter with ' thirty whole sheep hung up for 
 consump^^ion ' in the monastery hard by, ' poor Mr. Csoma can 
 hardly afford to taste even a piece of one ' ? Or that in summer, 
 with the cheap hill fxiits in season, ' he abstained from every- 
 thing of this sort from a prudent conviction that they would 
 not make him happier'? Dr. Gerard records, not without 
 pathos, these and many other touching details. It formed 
 a great event in the poor scholar's life when he had saved up^ 
 twelve rupees with which to build for himself a fireplace. But 
 Csoma cared as little for all these things as for the bareness of 
 his hut, without either table or bed. ' Two rustic ben<^hes and 
 a couple of ruder chairs,' writes the sympathetic Gerard, ' are 
 all the furniture in his small abode. But the place looks 
 comfortable, and the volumes of the Tibetan works, the 
 ^* Kahgyur " and " Stangyur," his manifscripts, and papers, are 
 neatly piled up around him.' 
 
 Thus in penury and solitude Csoma accomplished his work. 
 Any offer of private aid he quietly put aside. On leaving him. 
 Dr. Gerard begged his acceptance ' o^ a cloak which was well 
 adapted for so cold a climate. "I sent him also some rice and 
 sugar, but he returned the whole, and out of his scanty resources '^ 
 sent me sixteen rupees to purchase a few articles at Sabathu. 
 Mr. Csoma would ac'cept of assistance oidy from a public source, 
 because he seems confident of his ability to return a re- 
 munerating advantage ; but to prit'ate individuals, he.i*t«ys, he 
 has nothing to give.' « . *
 
 270 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 ^ Even the aid from public sources was on occasion so em- 
 bittered by the remembrance of official pettiness and neglect 
 that Csoma could not bring himsdf to accept it. A o-reat 
 literary enterprise, like Csoma's, is in India usually inaugurated 
 by a Governor-General of large views, who clearly sees what the 
 country and the British nation will in the end gain by it. But * 
 it is hateful to a certain type of official, especially to a second- 
 rate specimen of the type, cramped by the long formalism of j 
 his life, and honestly unsympathetic to any work outside the I 
 circumvallations of routine which form the defence-works of his ' 1 
 little bureaucratic citadel. Such animosity seldom affects the 
 main results, if the worker has learned to keep his temper and to 
 suffer fools. Indeed, be it said to the honom- of the Govern- 
 ment of India that no real worker has every looked back on a 
 great literary enterprise conducted under its orders without 
 acknowledging that its conduct has been, if not sympathetic in 
 manner, yet in essentials just. This feelihg was always upper- 
 most in Csoma's mind. He found, too, that the narrow second- 
 rate official is not the only official in India, nor in. the long run 
 the predominant one. From the men who really made the history 
 ^f that day, whether Governor-Generals like Lord Amherst and 
 Lord William Bentinck, or civilians like Metcalfe, Trevely^n, 
 and Prinsep, the poor scholar always received the most delicate 
 regard and kindness. His annoyance from the meaner sort of 
 secretaries was merely the stone-throwing ot street boys. The 
 routine official could enforce his general rules in such a way as 
 to inflict a good deal of pain on the solitary worker. But the 
 petty affronts and smarts which a man thus endm-es in^carrvins __^ ' 
 out a great work are no more worth remembering than 
 scratches received in a battle. 
 
 Csoma felt them, however, with the acuteness of a sensitive 
 nature, although he seldom condescended to complain. For 
 example, the routine gentlemen had the art of twice making 
 him wait six months for an answer. They had also the triumph 
 of keeping him very poor ; always a comforting reflection to the 
 ignoble order of mind which estimates a man's position by his 
 pay-abstract. Csoma seems to have regretted this circumstance, 
 only 'Iftivsmuch as it disabled him from buying manuscripts. 
 ' If,' ivrote Dr. Gerard, ' means -could be devised to increase his
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 271 
 
 small allowance even to 100 rupees a month, it would ^e 
 liberality well conferred, and must eventually be well repaid.' 
 They could also starve him , in regard to books. This was the 
 one affront which Csoma never forgot, and could not forgive. 
 It was for books that Csoma first\asked on his arrival in India. 
 Yet the Gofernment never supplied him with books or with 
 the means of buying them ; while the Asiatic Society, who 
 might well have supplemented the action of Government, delayed 
 during six years to answer his appeal. When at length, stirred 
 by certain nobler spirits, the Society resolved to add fifty rupees 
 a month to the stipend of fifty granted by <Jovernment, Csoma 
 refused the tardy aid. He had by tliat time got beyond the 
 help of books, for he knew more than books could teach him. 
 ' I beg leaveV he wrote in his quaint English to the Society in 
 1829, ' for declining to accept the offered allowance and of 
 returning the di'aft. In 1823, being destitute of books, Mr. 
 Moorcroft, on my behalf, had requested you t6 send me some 
 necessary works. I have never received any. I was neglected 
 for six years. Now, under such circumstances and prospects, 
 I shall want no books.' 
 
 For now the first part of his task was done. He had 
 surveyed the whole domain of Tibetan classical literatiu*e. That 
 literature is arranged in two great collections : the ' Kahgyiu- ' 
 in 104 folio volumes of 500 to 700 pages each, coill prising 
 1083 distinct works, chiefly ethical ; and the ' Stangyur,' a still 
 \nore colossal encyclopaedia of science in 225 folios, each weigh- 
 ing about five pounds. A single copy of the ' Kahgyur ' sells in 
 Central Asia for 7,000 oxen, and its cose of production at Pekin 
 " is officially estimatM at 600Z. sterling. In the monastery at 
 which Csoma worked these vast compilations were arra:aged ' in 
 chests or cisterns standing on end and partitioned into cells, 
 each containing a volume which is ^refully wrapped within 
 many folds, laced with cord, antt- bound tightly between boards 
 of cypress or cedar.' In 1831, after eight years' study of 
 Tibetan, Csoma returned to India with a train of coolies bear- 
 ing his manuscripts'^, and on arriving in Calcutta 'placed all 
 the literary treasures in his possession at the disposal of the 
 authorities.' *■ jt-^ 
 
 Csoma's first friend. Lord i^juherst, had left India ; b:it he
 
 272 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 he^d he&a succeeded by a statesman even greater in peace than 
 Lord Amherst had been memorable in war. From the rule of 
 Lord William Bentinck, the policy, of governing Inaia with a 
 single eye to the benefit of the people dates. ' He abolished 
 cruel rites,' says Macaulay ^on his monument, 'he effaced 
 humiliating distinctions, he gave liberty to the Expression of 
 public opinion."* But the abolition of Thagi, the suppression 
 of Sati, the initiation of popular instruction, the enfranchise- 
 ment of the Press, and the protection of Mysore, were only a 
 part of the debt which India owes to Lord William Bentinck. 
 He diligently searched out the best men for every department, 
 and trained up a school of Indian administrators who converted 
 his beneficent personal principles into a permanent State policy. 
 Before 1831 when Csoma reached Calcutta, thie Governor- 
 General had already begun to surround himself with men, 
 almost every one of whom has written his name in bright letters 
 on Indian histoly. Personal contact with, such men at once put 
 an end to Csoma's vexations. His stipend was promptly 
 doubled, then quadrupled ; although the original rate was more 
 than Csoma could spend, and as much as, for 'some time, he 
 would consent to draw. A room was provided for him in the 
 Asiatic Society's house, with a noble library under the same 
 roof, and appliances for undisturbed research exceeding the 
 dreams,' and indeed the wishes, of the scholar. Five thousand 
 rupees were sanctioned for printing his( work ; and when 
 the publishei's' bills came to Rs, 6,412, they were passed 
 without making the author feel as if he were a public male- 
 factor. '   
 
 In January 1834 his Dictionaiy andi Grammar of the 
 Tibetan, language were published. In the preface Csoma 
 describes himself as ' only a poor student.' But these two 
 books have proved to \if. one of the m6st valuable and most 
 enduring contributions which the Indian Government has made 
 to human knowledge. ' They are,' says the learned Jaschke, 
 who in om- own day placed the cope-stone on the edifice of 
 which Csoma laid the foundation, ' the svork of an original 
 investigator and the fruit of almost unparalleled determination 
 and y«.-tience,' The studies of Csoma's biogi'apher do not 
 appear to have led him into the Tibetan by-path of Oriental 
 
 J
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 273 
 
 research. He seems to regard Csoma's work as a solitary 
 structure, %nd thero is a want of perspective thi'oughout his 
 narrative which prevents us /rom estimating the true magnitude 
 of the edifice by comparing it' with the labom's of other scholars. 
 Csoma^s real /^.chievement was this. In place of the old-world 
 medley of Giorgi, and. the vocabulary published at Serampur in 
 1826, from the copious but unsifted materials left behind by 
 the poor Catholic missionary who died on the Bhutan frontier, 
 Csoma substituted a new and an original work. He explored 
 for himself the vast storehouses of classical Tjbetan, and reduced 
 the language to a Dictionary and Grammar, which made it the 
 common property of the world. 
 
 Since Csoaia.no great original worker has arisen in the same 
 field till within quite recent years. The St. Petersburg Lexicon 
 is little m'bre than an adaptation of the Serampur Dictionary 
 of 1826, and of Csoma's Dictionary of 1834. ,The translator, 
 while almost entirely dependent on these two works, has never- 
 theless ventured to condemn the former in terms which excite 
 indignation, ;ind to patronise the latter with an air of superiority 
 which moves mirth. Csoma stands in need of no such imperti- 
 nent secondhand eulogies. The real element of incompleteness 
 in Kis books, apart from defects of method, is due to his having 
 worked too exclusively from the Tibetan classics, to the disregard 
 of the modern literature and language. This imperfection has 
 n9w been remedied by the labours of the Moravian missionary, 
 Jaschke. To the British Government belongs the credit of 
 carrying tg completion the work whichj it commenced half a 
 cihtmy ago. JaschHe's Tibetan Dictionary was published at 
 the charge of the Secretary of State for India, in 1881. 
 
 Csoma's Dictionary and Grannnar form, in the words on his 
 tombstone, ' his best ani real monument."* Of his lesser essays, 
 numerous and valuable as they we);e, it is unnecessary to speak 
 in detail. ^ They amply redeemed Csoma's third promise, made 
 in 1825, to furnish an acco^mt of Tibetan literature. They give 
 a special interest to thrj Asiatic Society's Journal and Researches 
 of that period. Some of them remain monographs on the 
 subjects of which they treat; but ^'soma's central work.Jjas 
 enabled later scholars to advance beyond many of hi» minor 
 contributions. In 1834 the Society elected him an honorary
 
 274 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 « 
 member, at that time a very rare distinction, Sir Charles 
 
 Trevelyan being his proposer and Prinsep his seconder. Csoma 
 
 had for some time reaHsed that witliout a knowledge of Sanskrit 
 
 no further progi'ess in philol(^gy could be made. From 1834 to 
 
 1837 he accordingly devoted himself to Sanskrit aijd its dialects ; 
 
 studying in Calcutta, or travelling by bopt or on foot through 
 
 North-Eastern Bengal. He declined the hospitality of British 
 
 officers on his route, as it impeded his studies, and preferred to 
 
 live in a hut on tea and boiled rice. His monthly expenses 
 
 came to three rupees for a servant and four rupees for all other 
 
 outlay ; total, say, Ss. Sd. a week. The accumulated surplus of 
 
 his stipend, together with 300 ducats presented to him from 
 
 Hungary, he sent home to his relatives, an^ m aid of the 
 
 Hungarian Literary Society. 
 
 In January 1837 he returned to Calcutta a competent 
 Sanskrit schoUa\ The Asiatic Society appointed him their sub- 
 librarian, and gave him quarters in their house. But his 
 invincible simplicity of life and self-concentration in study 
 remained unperturbed. A letter describes how, in +he last stage 
 of his life, Csoma airanged his four boxes of books around him, 
 and sat, laboured, and slept on a mat within the little quad- 
 rangle which they formed. The work that he had undertaken 
 for Government he had honom-ably accomplished. But he 
 never forgot, as he says in the preface to his Dictionary, that 
 * the study of the Tibetan language did not form part of my 
 original plan,"" which was to search out ' the origin and language 
 of the Hungarians' in Central Asia. During th^ next four 
 years (from the end of 1837 to early in 1842) he silently girded , 
 himself for his final enterprise, meanwhile cataloguing manu- 
 scripts and doing much solid work for his employers. 
 
 ' I saw him often during my stay in. Calcutta,' says one dis- 
 tinguished visitor, ' absorbed^ in phantastic thoughts, smiling at 
 the course of his o^vn ideas, tacitmn like the Brahmans, Avho, 
 bending over their Avriting desks, are employed in copying texts 
 of Sanskrit. His room had the appearance of a cell, which he 
 never left, except for short walks in the corridors of the build- 
 ^"Sut-., Against the distinguished visitor, however, Csoma was 
 apt to ^hut his heart and his door: in fact he kept his room 
 lock^^d fi'om the outside, so that it could not be opened without
 
 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 275 
 
 » 
 
 sending for the keys. To a sympathetic fellow-student Csoma 
 was a different bei\ig. ' I found him,'' says the learned Dr. 
 Malan,^ (n^^y his memory I6ng flourish at Broad Windsor,) ' a 
 man of middle stature, mucl/ weather-beaten from his travels, 
 but kind, amiable, and willing to impart all he knew.' With a 
 compatriot who coulc^ talk of his beloved country, he warmed 
 into a thousand reminiscences and a sweet gi-ave mirth. ' He 
 was cheerful,' writes a travelling artist from Pesth, ' often merry, 
 his spirits rose very considerably when we took the opportunity 
 of talking about Hungary. Often, when speaking of our native 
 land, our conversation was protracted till after ten o'clock. I 
 began to suspect, however, that he would never see his native 
 land again, b^in^* then already advanced in age,' and enfeebled 
 by his almost ' prison life.' 
 
 From ithis prison life, however, Csoma in due time 
 soared free. By 1842 he felt himself fully eq,vipped for the 
 long-deferred enterprise of his life. He was then 58 years 
 old, but, like the aged Ulysses, he could not rest from travel. 
 Like Ulysses, too, ' he had become a name for always roaming 
 with a hungry heart ; ' and though made weak by time and 
 fate, yet strong in will, he resolved ' to follow knowledge like a 
 sinking star.' His little quadrangle of book-boxes was his 
 dukedom, in which he soberly worked and cautiously reasoned. 
 But beyond this enclosure of real life ever arose visions of the 
 cloud-capt tov/ers and snowy realms of the Himalayas. In 
 February 1842 he \vrote a gi'ateful letter of farewell to the 
 Asiatic Society, thanking them for they* long kindness, and 
 saying that, as he wa':^ setting forth ' to make a tour in Central 
 Asia,' and might perhaps not return, he left all his books, 
 papers, and savings at their disposal. He travelled the foui' 
 hundred miles to the nv)untains apparently on foot, was thus 
 compelled to spend a night in the deatlly Terai, and reached 
 Darjiling on March 24 stricken with fever. Om* Political 
 Agent there, Archibald Campbell, was a skilled physician and 
 an enthusiastic Oriental student. Every attention which medical 
 science and admiring veneration could suggest was bestowed on 
 the woni-out scholar. Dr. Campbell records how, in the interv^Js^ 
 
 ' Dr. Malan, Oriental linguist and brilli^ant scholar, died at Boumemyrth, 
 1894. (See Supplement to Dictionary of National Biography.)
 
 276 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 
 
 o^ the fever, the patient would burst forth into brilliant antici- 
 pations of the work which he was now at Jast to accomplish. 
 * ^Vhat would Hodgson, Turnour, aad some of the philosophers 
 of Eiu'ope not give to be in my place when I get to Lhassa ! ' was 
 a frequent exclamation. The poor pilgrim was never to reach 
 Lhassa. After three weeks' illness, he ^^died very peacefully 
 at daybreak on April 11, 1842, without a groan or a struggle. 
 
 ' The effects,' wrote Dr. Campbell, ' consisted of four boxes 
 of books and papers, the suit of blue clothes which he always 
 wore and in which he died, a few sheets, and one cooking pot.' 
 There were also a bag cf silver coins and a waist-belt of gold 
 ducats, and a memorandum of Government securities for five 
 thousand rupees, which he had saved from his mqdest stipend. 
 These went in due course to his beloved country ; but Csoma's 
 bequest to the world was of the kind which neither, moth nor 
 rust can corru^pt. English officers laid the Master, ' famous 
 calm and dead,' in a fitting spot. Not on any low-lying plain 
 of India, but on a mighty slope of the Himalayas — ' that 
 appropriate country where man's thought, rarer, intenser, self- 
 gathered for an outbreak, as it ought, chafes in the censer ' — 
 they bmied the pilgrim scholar. The Asiatic Society raised a 
 pillar over his grave, with an error as to his age, but with a noble 
 epitapl). The monument is now entered in the list of tombs of 
 Great Men, which the British Government maintains for ever at 
 the public charge. The little child of a Lieutenant-Governor 
 of Bengal lies just behind. Csoma's grave looks southwards to - 
 India, where the trug work of Csoma's life was finished : a 
 shoulder of Birch Hill shuts out the spowy ranges beyond 
 which lay the visionary search, which he was destined never to 
 accomplish : 
 
 ' Here's the top-peak ; the multitude helow 
 
 Live, for they (.an, there : 
 This man decided not to Live but Know — 
 
 Bury this man there ? 
 Here — here's his place, where meteors shoot, clouds form, 
 
 Lightnings are loosened. 
 Stars come and go I Let joy break with the storm, 
 
 Peace let the dew send ! 
 Lofty designs must e-lose in like effects : 
 ^■' Loftily lying, 
 
 Leave him — still loftier than the world suspects, 
 
 Living and dying.'
 
 ' :» 
 
 I 
 
 > 
 
 3n flDcmoriam 
 
 WILLIAM WILSON 'hunter 
 
 THEjOrient touched him with her magic wand, 
 She bade him labour in her boundless field ; 
 Straight went ^je forth— he could not chocfee but yield — 
 
 Submissive to her dominant command. 
 
 Then wrought with strenuous will, untiring hand, 
 Till iier fair features (in dark mists concealed), 
 Her splendour, and her pathos flashed revealed 
 
 By his transcendent life-work, nobly planned. 
 
 For him the peace, for those he loved the pain, 
 Who yet shall surely see him (but not here !), 
 
 Whose name is Vorthy of a worthier strain : 
 Yet be it mine, who hold thy memory dear, 
 To lay this frail song-violet on thy bier, 
 
 Masilfer, of genial heart and subtle bi^in. 
 
 » C. A. K. 
 
 I 
 
 » 
 
 »
 
 c«
 
 A HISTORY OF BRITISH INDIA. 
 
 By SIR WILLklAM WILSON HUNTER, K.C.S.I. 
 
 ' Vol. I., with 4 Maps. 8vo. 18*. ' 
 
 TO THE OVEKTHROW OF THE ENGLISH IN THE 'fepiCE? 
 
 ARCHIPELAGO, 1623. 
 
 "* ' VOL^ II. Svo. 16s. 
 
 TO THE UNION OF THE OLD AND NEW COMPANIES UNDER 
 THE EARL OF G^DOLPHIN'S AWARD, 1708. 
 
 *^* Messrs. Langmans S; Co. have arranged for the c.ontinnation of the late 
 Sir William JTiinter's ' History of British India,' and have entrusted the worii 
 to Mr. P. E. Roberts, of Worcester College, Oxford, who for some time acted as 
 private secretary to Sir William Hunter, and after his death edited and 
 finished the second volume, which lias just been published. 
 
 It has been determined to complete the ' History ' down to the eve of the 
 Mutiny {IS56) in fve more volumes, making, with those already written, seven in 
 all. The next volume will, it is expected, cover the period from the Earl of 
 Godolphin's Award (1708) to Lord Clive's acceptance on behalf of the East 
 India Company of the Diwani of Bengal in 176J. 
 
 PRESS NOTICES OF VOL. I. 
 
 TIMES. — 'J^o one in our time or 
 in the past has doiie so much as Sir 
 William Hunter for the history of 
 India. . . .j Every page of the volume 
 speaks of diligent research. Every- 
 where presides a sober, calm judg- 
 ment.' •' 
 
 PALI MALL GAZETTE.—' Its 
 lessons are told with a clearness of 
 vision which ,has been given to no 
 other historian of British India. We 
 see the spirit of the times reflected 
 in each phase of the secular struggle 
 for^the trade of India.' 
 
 SPECTATOR.—' No man in these 
 islands was nearly so well fitted for 
 the task as Sir William Hunter. . . . 
 We may assert without 'fear of con- 
 tradiction that he knows more of 
 these facts than anyone who has ever 
 lived.' 
 
 . ACADjilifY. — 'We have good 
 hopes that at last ourinational re- 
 proach is to be taken away . . . that 
 at last we are to have a History of 
 British India to which we can point 
 as sound and adequate woyk, which 
 will respect the demands made upon 
 the historian by the modern ideals of 
 history.' 
 
 DAILY NEWS.—' With the his- 
 toric sense — which is as rare as the 
 poetic sense — our author '« gifted in 
 an exceptional degree. . . . His 
 History, if it fulfils the promise of 
 its beginning, will prove to be the 
 British Indian history which has 
 never yet been written, and which 
 we have been wailing for.' 
 
 PRtSS NOTICES OF VOL. 11. 
 
 ST. JAMES'S GAZETTE.— 'The 
 dark and uncertain period of struggle 
 with the Dutch and Portuguese has 
 not p)-eviously been treated by his- 
 torians with the fulness of exposition 
 Sit William Hunt-^r has devoted to it.' 
 
 SPECTATOR.—' ... The pen 
 dropped from Sir William's hand 
 before he had quite finished chap. 8, 
 and the work has been completed 
 with the help of his materials by Mr. 
 Roberts. That gentleman has done 
 his part in a very adequate fashion ^ 
 and it would be quite wrong to deny 
 him his fair meed of praise.' 
 
 TIMES.—' The lights and shades 
 of the great picture are djawn with 
 a master's hand. . . . There are few 
 things more difficult than that of 
 completing a work interrupted by its 
 author's death. That the introduc- 
 tion as well as the concluding pages 
 of this in^olume should preserve the 
 spirit which animates the rest of the 
 narrative proves that Mr. Roberts 
 possesses many of the essentials of 
 the historian's equipment.' 
 
 PALL MALL GAZETTE.— ^ A 
 posthumous work bespeaks the critic's 
 tender&t consideration, for its author 
 is no longer at hand to meet animad- 
 version or enjoy applause. The ^ 
 second volume of Sir William Hun- 
 ter's " History of British India " 
 stands in no need of indulgence on 
 that score, for it betrays no sign 
 of incompleteness, although he was 
 tak-in from the scene of so irvyfih 
 strenuous labour bef ore^ "thei first 
 ^tage in his, vast design hatt^been 
 nccomplisbed.' 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., London, ^ew York, and Bombay.
 
 With 6 Portraits (2 Photogravures) and ^ other Illustrations. 
 8vo. price 16s. net- 
 
 LIFE OF 
 SIE WM. WILSON HUNTEE, 
 
 K.C.S.I., M.A., LL.D. 
 
 A VICE-PEBSIDENT OF THE BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, ETC. 
 
 Author of ' The Annals of Rural Bengal,' ' The Old Missionary,' 
 ' A History of British India,' &c. 
 
 By FRANCIS HENRY SKRINE, F.S.S. 
 
 LATE H,M. INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 
 
 WESTMINSTER GAZETTE.— ' A. striking picture' of a remarkable 
 career.' 
 
 PALL MALL GAZETTE.— ' A very interesting Life, the 'writing of 
 which has evidentlv been to Mr. Skrine a labour of love.' 
 
 \ 
 
 MORNING POST.—' Early in life it was Sir W. W. Hunter's ambition, 
 in his ovm words, " to obtain a hearing for India in Europe." Mr. Skrine in ^ 
 this volume describes his success.' 
 
 DAILY NEWS. — ' Sir William Hunter is shown to us as a journalist, an 
 historian, an official of the Government of India, and in his private life ; and 
 ' the impression left when one puts down the book is that Mr. Skrine has done 
 his work well.' 
 
 SPECTATOR. — 'No one can read this absorbing book without a better 
 appreciation of the fine quahties of the sturdy Scotsman who was not only our 
 most sympathetic writer on Indian subjects, but was also a vivid personality 
 and every inch a man.' ' 
 
 TIMES. — ' It is eminently fitting that the life of the Anglo-Indian who/^ 
 has done more than any other man to bring home to his countrymen the 
 careers of the great Anglo-'Indians who have gone before sho«'.d itself be 
 adequately commemorated.' , "^ « 
 
 DAII.Y CHRONICLE.—' To write the history of such a hfe required 
 a knowledge of India to appreciate its value, and an independent mind to 
 judge between Hunter and his official superiors. These qualities Mr. Skrine 
 supplies in the superlative degree, and his biograpLy is a model of sympathetic 
 insight joined to sanity of judgment.' 
 
 INDIA. — 'We welcome very cordially Mr. Skrine's ample and effective 
 biography of the late Sir William Hunter. Fortunately, there has been no 
 undue delay in the just commemoration of a most distinguished and many- 
 sided public servant, who has impressed his mark, on the relations between 
 England and India, as well as upon Indian administration. " The story is 
 indeed," as Mr. Skrine says, " well worth telling." ' 
 
 LOFGMANS, GREEN, & CO., London, New York, and Bombay.
 
 WORKS BY SIR WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER. 
 
 THE ANNALS OF RURAL BENGAL. 
 
 New, Revised, and Cheaper Edition (the Seventh). 
 
 Crown Svrj. Is. Gd. 
 
 ' It is hard to over-estimate the importance of a work whose author succeeds in fascinating 
 us with a subject so generally regarded as unattractive, and who, on questions of grave impor- 
 tance to the future destiny of ibdia, gives the results of wide research and exceptional oppor- 
 tunities of personal study, in a bright, lucid, forcible narrative, rising on occasion to eloquence.' 
 — Times. 
 
 ' Mr. Hunter, in a word, has applied the philosophic method of writing history to a new 
 field. . , . The grace, and ease, and steady flow of the writing almost make us forget, when 
 reading, the surpassing severity and value of the author's labours.* — Fortnightly Review. 
 
 (London : Smith, Elder, & Co.) 
 
 '_> 
 
 ORISSA:' 
 
 THE VICISSITUDES OF AN- INDIAN PROVINCE UNDER 
 NATIVE AND BRITISH RULE. 
 
 Being the Second and Third Volumes of ' Annals of Rural Bengal.' 
 Two Vols. Demy 8vo. with Map and Steel Engravings. 32«. 
 
 ' The mature and laborious v^ork of a man who has devoted the whole power of his mind, 
 first to the practical duties of his profession as an Indian civilian, and nest to the study of all 
 that relates to or can illustrate it. As long as Indian civilians write books like this — as long as 
 they interest themselves so passionately in their work, and feel so keenly its connection with 
 nearly every subject which cai occupy serious thousrht— the English rule will not only last, but 
 will prosuer, ai.d make its subjects prosper too.' — Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 'A great subject worthily bundled. He writes with great knowledge, great sympathy with 
 the Indian people, a keen and quick appreciation of all that is striking and romantic in their 
 history and character, and with a flowing and picturesque style, which carries the reader light!" 
 ovar ground which, in less skilful hands, might seem tedious beyond endurance.' — Satuedai^ 
 Rkvikw 
 
 (London : Smith, Elder, & Co.) 
 
 A LIFE OF THE EARL OF MAYO, 
 
 FOURTH VICEROY OF INDIA. 
 From Official and Family Documents. 
 
 Second Edition. Two Vols. Demy 8vo. 24s. 
 
 1 
 
 ' The picture presented to us of the late Lord Mayo is a fair and noble one, and worthy of the 
 much lamented original.'— Edinburgh Review. 
 
 'This n^asterly work has two great recommendations : it is the vividly and fAithfully told 
 narrative of the life of a man ; and it contains a lucid and comprehensive history of recent 
 administration in India.' — Wori.d. 
 
 (London : Smith, Eld tr, & Co.) 
 
 THE EARL OF MAYO. 
 
 (^Rulers of India Series.) 
 Third Thousand. One Vol. 2s. Gd, 
 
 'A brief but admirable biography.'— Times. 
 
 'The wrld is indebted to the author for a fit aJid attractive record of what was ,' .^iljjntly 
 a noble life.' — Academy. j 
 
 (Oxford and London :^ The Clarendon Press ) ,
 
 WORKS BY SIB WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER— continued. 
 
 THE INDIAN EMPIRE: 
 
 ' ITS HISTORY, PEOPLE, AND PRODUCTS. 
 
 Thikd and Standakd Edition. With Map. Demy 8vL». 28«. 
 
 •Never before has the whole subject of Indian history been so adequately and so 
 intelligibly treated.'— Pall Mall GAZKrrK. , 
 
 ' A compact body of information arranged ^.nd classified on correct principles.' — Academy. 
 'A model of combined lucidity, conciseness, and comprehensiveness.' — Economist. 
 
 (London : Smith, Elder, & Co,^) 
 
 THE IMPERIAL GAZETTEER OF INDIA. 
 
 Second Edition. Fourteen Vols. 
 {Otct of print. ^ 
 
 ' The publication of the " Imperial Gazetteer of India " marks the completion of the largest 
 
 national enterprise in statistics which'lias ever been undertaken The volumes before ua 
 
 form a complete account of the country, its geography, topography, ethnology, commerce, and 
 products. ... It is one of the grandest works of administrative statistics which have ever been 
 issued by any nation.' — Times. {Two notices.) 
 
 • Dr. Hunter has rendered to the Indian Government and to English (people generally the 
 highest service a public servant could achieve.' — Athen^um. 
 
 (London : Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Limited.^ 
 
 THZ INDIAN MUSALMANS. 
 
 Third Edition. 
 
 {Out of print.) 
 
 (London : Kegan'Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Limited.) 
 
 A STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF BENGAL AND 
 
 ASSAM. 
 
 c 
 
 In Twbnty-two Vols. 
 
 (^Out of print.) ' 
 
 *Vn ensemble d'efforts digne d'une grande nation, et comme aucune autre n'en a fait 
 jnsqn'ici de semblable pour son empire colonial.' — Rsvus Critique. 
 
 ' Twenty volumes of material, cirlleoted under the most favourable anspiceS,'are built up 
 under his hands into a vast but accessible storehouse of invaluable facts. Invaluable to the 
 statesman, the administrator, and the historion, they are no le^a interesting to the general 
 reader. Mr. Hunter undoubtedly has the faculty of making the dry bones of statistics live. 
 But they also contain matter which may be regarded as the fountain of the yet unwritten 
 history of Bfcngal. They are a guide for administrative action now. They also seem to be the 
 point of a new departure for the future.' — Nineteenth Century. 
 
 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner 'iS; Co., Limited.) 
 
 I,. 
 
 FAMINE ASPECTS OF BENGAL DISTRICTS. 
 
 Second Edition. 
 {Out of print.) 
 
 ' One of the boldest efforts yet made by statistical science. ... In this work he has laid down 
 the basis of a system by which he may faif'y claim that scarcity in Bengal has been reduced t& 
 an afiSfr of a 'm anministrative calculation.' — Daily News. 
 
 ,, [(London : Kegan Paul, Trensh, Triibner & Co., Limited.)
 
 WOBKS BY SIB WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER— continued. 
 A LIFE OF BRIAN HOUGHTON HODGSON. 
 
 BRITISH RESIDENT AT THE COURT OF NEPAL. 
 
 Us. 
 
 ' In thi3 life of a great Indian civiliair'and scholar. Sir William Wilson Hunter has produced 
 a work which might serve as a model for biograt-hies of the kind.' — Timbs. 
 
 ' A revelation of a remarkable and most interesting personality. A charming book.' 
 
 Scotsman. 
 
 ' Gracefully and tenderly vritten . . . The story of Brian Hodgson is not only of interest to 
 the man of affairs, the scholar, and the student of science, but it is a tale which appeals to all 
 who can notice and appreciate genuine human qualities.' — ATHBNiECM. 
 
 (London: John Murray.) 
 
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE INJDIAN PEOPLES. 
 
 Twenty-second Edition, Eighty-sixth Thousand. 
 
 3s. 6d. (Clarendon Press.) 
 
 ' By far the best manual of Indian History that has hitherto been published.' 
 
 TntES OP INDU. 
 
 A LIFE OF THE MARQUESS OF DALHOUSIE. 
 
 Seventh xSOUSANd. 2s. 6d. (Clarendon Press.) 
 
 ' A brilliantly written account of the life and work of that able ruler of men, the Marquis of 
 Dalhousie.'— Asiatic Quakteely Review. 
 
 BOMBAY, 1885 TO 1890. ^ 
 
 A STUDY IN INDIAN ADMINISTRATION. 
 15s. (Henry Frowde.) 
 
 ' Few living writers have done so much as Sir WilUam Hunter to make British India and 
 Its government intelligible * ) English readers.' — Times. 
 
 THE OLD MISSIONARY. 
 
 ... " 
 
 Twenty-pirst Thousand. 
 
 fiDITION DE LUXE. Illustrated by General Sir Charles D'Oyly, 
 Bart. 2s. 6rf. (Henry Frowde). ■• 
 
 Also a Smaller Edition, square 16mo., paper covers, Is. net. 
 
 'A tale of tender pathos which it is difflcult to read rrithout tears ' — Spectator. 
 
 ' A descriptive study analogous to some of M. Paul Bourget's " Pastels." Perhaps the best 
 of these, Un Saint,yn\\ be recalled to the memory of its readers by Sir William Hunter's "Old 
 Missionarv."'— Times. , 
 
 THE THACKERAYS IN INDIA. 
 
 AND SOME CALCUTTA GRAVES. 
 
 Sixth Thousand. 2s. Qcl, (Henry Frowde.) '_:., 
 
 'It is a grand record, and Sir William tells it in the picturesque langnafe and with the 
 rabtle humour and dignified pathos which we tave learned to expect from the author.' j 
 
 Pall Mall Gazkttb.
 
 c- 
 
 U 
 
 \ 
 
 o
 
 H Classifieb Catalogue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 G-ENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 
 
 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, and 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE)- - 
 BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- 
 MOIRS, &c. 
 
 CHILDREN'S BOOKS 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- 
 LATIONS, ETC. . - - - 
 
 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 
 MENT, &c. 
 
 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, 
 &c. 
 
 FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - 
 
 FINE ARTS (THE) AND MUSIC - 
 
 FUR, FEATHER AND FIN. SERIES 
 
 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, 
 , POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - 
 
 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND 
 SCIENCE OF 
 
 LOGIC, RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY, 
 &c. 
 
 PAGE 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 32 
 
 22 
 36 
 
 21 
 
 25 
 36 
 
 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 
 WORKS 
 
 POFTRY AND THE DRAMA - 
 
 17 
 
 3S 
 23 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 
 NOMICS 20 
 
 POPULAR SCIENCE - - - - 
 RELIGION, THE SCIENCE OF 
 SILVER LIBRARY (THE) 
 SPORT AND -PASTIME - 
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL 
 
 STONYHURST 
 SERIES - 
 
 20 
 
 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE 
 COLONIES, &c. - - . - 
 
 17 WORKS OF REFERENCE - 
 
 30 
 21 
 
 33 
 12 
 
 19 
 
 II 
 31 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Page 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) 3, 19, 22 
 
 (J. H. M.) - 3 
 
 (T. K.) - -17,18 
 
 . 'E. A.) - - 17 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 3 
 
 Acton (Eliza) - - 36 
 
 Adelborg (O.) - - 32 
 
 iEschylus - ; 22 
 Albemirle (Earl of) - i-; 
 
 Alcock'(C. W.) - 15 
 
 Allen (Grant) - - 30 
 
 AUgood (G.) - - 3 
 
 Alverstone (Lord) - 15 
 
 Angwin (M. C.) - 36 
 
 Anstey (F.) - - 25 
 
 Aristophanes - - 22 
 
 Aristotle - - - 17 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin)- 11,23 
 
 (Dr. T.) - - 3 
 
 Ashbourne (Lord) - 3 
 
 Ashby (H.) - " - ^56 
 
 Ashley (W. J.) - - 3, "20 
 
 Avebury (Lord) - 21 
 
 Ayre (Kev. J.) - - 31 
 
 Bacon - - -9,17 
 
 Bagehot (W.) - 9, 20, 38 
 
 Bagwell (R.) - - 3 
 
 Bailey (H. C.) - - 25 
 
 Baillie (A. F.) - - 3 
 
 Bain (.Alexander) - 17 
 
 Baker (J. H.) - - 38 
 
 (Sir S. W.) - ii. 12 
 
 Balfour (A. J.) 13, 21 
 
 Ball (John) - 11 
 
 OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. 
 
 Page 
 Banks (M.M.)- - 24 
 Baring-Gould (Rev. 
 
 S.)- - - -21.38 
 Harnett (S. A. and H.) 20 
 Baynes (T. S.) - - 38 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 25 
 Beaufort (Duke of)i2, 13, 14 
 
 Becker (W. A.) 
 Beesly (A. H.) - 
 Bell (,Mrs. Hugh) - 
 BentlJ. Theodore) - 
 Besant (Sir Walter)- 
 Bickerdyke (J.) 
 Bird (G.) - 
 Blackburne I]. H.) - 
 Bland (M J .Hubert) 
 Blount (Sir E.) 
 Boase (Rev. C. W.) - 
 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 
 Bonnell (H. H.) 
 Booth (A. I ) - 
 Bottome (P.) - 
 I3owen (W. E.) 
 Brassej' (Lady) 
 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - 
 Broadfoot (Major W 
 Brooks (H. J.) - 
 Brown {A. F.) - 
 Bruce (R. I.) - 
 Buckland (las.) 
 Buckle (H. T.)- 
 Bull (T.) - 
 Burke (U. R.) - 
 Burne-Jones (Sir E.) 
 
 14 
 
 22 
 
 9 
 
 23 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 23 
 15 
 24 
 9 
 6 
 
 IS) 
 
 38 
 
 38 
 
 25 
 
 9 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 13 
 17 
 
 32 
 
 3 
 
 32 
 
 i 
 36 
 
 Page 
 Burns (C. L.) - - 36 
 Burrows (Montagu) 6 
 
 Butler (E. A.) - - 30 
 Campbell (Rev. Lewis) 
 
 21, 22, 38 
 Chesney (Sir G.) - 3 
 
 Childe-Pemberton(W.S.) 9 
 Chisholm (G. C ) - 31 
 Cholm'Jndeley-Pennell 
 
 (H.) - - - 13 
 Christie (R. C.) - 38 
 Churchill (Winston S.) 4, 25 
 Cicero 
 
 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) 
 Climenson (E. J.) 
 Clodd (Edward) 
 Cluttrrbuck (W. J.) 
 Colenso(R. J.) - :,6 
 
 Conington (John) 23 
 
 Conybeare(Rev. W. J.) 
 
 & Ilowson (Dean) 33 
 Coolidge (W. A. B.) n 
 
 Corbett (Julian S.) - 4 
 
 Coutts (W.) - - 22 
 Cox (Harding) - 13 
 
 Crake (Rev. A. D.) - 32 
 Crawford (J. H.) - 25 
 Creed (S.) - - 25 
 
 G¥eii?hton (Bishop) -4, 6, 9 
 Cross (A. I..) - - 5 
 
 Crozier (I. B.K- - 9. '7 
 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 6 
 
 Dabney (J. P.)-   23 
 Dale (L.) - - - 4 
 
 22 
 
 19 
 
 10 
 
 21,30 
 
 12 
 
 Dallinger (F. W.) - 
 Dauglish (M. G.) - 
 Davenport (A.) 
 Davidson (A. M. C.) 
 
 (W. L.) - 17, 
 
 Davies (J. F.) - 
 Dent (C. T.) - 
 De Salis (Mrs.) 
 De Tocqueville (A.) - 
 Devas (C. S.) - 
 Dickinson (G. L.) - 
 
 (W. H.) - - 
 
 Dougall (L.) - 
 Dowden (E.) - 
 Do\le (Sir A. Conan) 
 DuBois (VV. E. B.)- 
 Dunbar (Marv F.) - 
 Dvson (E.) " - 
 Eilisd. H.)   
 
 (R. L.) - - 
 
 Erasmus - 1^ 
 Evans (Sir John) 
 Falkiner (C. L.) 
 Farrar (Dean) - 
 Fitzmaurice (Lord E 
 Folkard (H. C.) 
 Ford (H.) - 
 Fountain (P 
 Fowler (Edith H.) - 
 ^ancis (Francis) 
 
 (M. E.) - 
 
 FreemaVi (Edward A.) 
 Fremantle (T. F.) - 
 Frost (G.)- 
 
 Page 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 22 
 
 20, 21 
 
 22 
 
 14 
 
 36 
 
 4 
 
 19, 20 
 
 4 
 38 
 25 
 40 
 
 25 
 5 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 15 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 38 
 4 
 
 20, 26 
 
 ) 4 
 15 
 16 
 II 
 26 
 16 
 26 
 6 
 16 
 3S
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND KUlTOHS—covtinued. 
 
 Pag, 
 
 Fronde (James A.) 4,9,11,26 
 
 Fuller (F. W.) - - 5 
 
 Furneaux (W.) - 30 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 5 
 
 Gathorne-Hardy 'Hon. 
 A. E.) - - :5, 16 
 
 Geikie (Rev. Cunning- 
 ham) - - . 
 
 Gibson (C. H.)- 
 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 
 
 Graham (A.) 
 
 (P. A.) - -15, 
 
 (G.F.) - - 
 
 Granby (Marqvjss of) 
 
 Grant (Sir A.) - 
 
 Graves (R. P.) - 
 
 Green (T. Hill) - 17, 
 
 Greene (E. B.)- 
 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 
 
 Grose (T. H.) - 
 
 Gross (C.) 
 
 Grove (Lady) - 
 
 (Mrs. Lilly) 
 
 Guiney (L. L) - 
 
 Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 
 
 Gurnhill (J.) - 
 
 Gwilt(J.)- 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 
 
 II, 26, 27, 3I 
 
 Hallivvell-Phillipps(J.) 
 
 Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 
 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 
 
 Harding (S. B.) 
 
 Ha msworth (A. C.) 13 
 
 Harte (Bret) - 
 Harting(J. E.)- 
 Hartwig (G.) - 
 
 Hassall (A.) 
 Haweis (H. R.) 
 Head (Mrs.) - 
 Heath (D. D.) - 
 Heathcote (J. M.) - 
 
 (C. G.) - 
 
 (N.) - - - 
 
 Helmholtz (Hermann 
 
 von) - 
 Henderson (Lieut- 
 Col. G. F. R.) - 
 Henry (W.) 
 Henty (G. A.) - 
 Higgins (Mrs. N.) - 
 Hill (Mabel) - 
 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 
 Hime(H. W.L.) - 
 Hodgson (Shadworth) 
 Hoenig (F.) 
 Hogan(J.F.) - 
 Holmes (R. R.) 
 Homer 
 
 Hope (Anthony) 
 Horace 
 
 Houston (D. F.) 
 Howard (Lady Mabel) 
 Howitt (W.) - 
 Hudson (W. H.) - 
 Huish (M. B.) - 
 Hullah(|.) 
 Hume (David) - 
 
 (M. A. S.) - 3 
 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) - 6 
 
 Hunter (Sir W.) - 6 
 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) 
 
 13, 16, 27, 38 
 Ingelow (lean) - 23 
 
 Ingram (T. D.) - 6 
 
 James (W.) - - 18, 21 
 Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 37 
 'efferies (Richard) - 38 
 Jekyll (Gertrude) - 38 
 Jerome (lerome K.) - 5/ 
 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 39 
 
 Jones (H. Bence) 31 
 
 Joyce (P. W.) - 6, 27, 39 
 Justinian - - - 18 
 Kant (L) - . - 18 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 36 
 
 5 
 '4 
 27 
 15 
 30 
 
 8 
 
 9. 36 
 37 
 17 
 14 
 14 
 II 
 
 3" 
 
 9 
 14 
 32 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 22 
 18 
 38 
 
 9 
 10 
 22 
 27 
 22 
 
 5 
 27 
 II 
 30 
 37 
 37 
 
 Page 
 
 6 
 
 23 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 18 
 6 
 
 14 
 10 
 
 37 
 
 - Ill 
 
 Kaye(Sir J. W.) - 
 Keary (C. F.j - 
 Kelly (E.)- 
 Kent (C. B. R.) 
 Kielmansegge (F.) - 
 Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 
 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 
 Knight (E. F.) 
 Kostlin (J.) 
 Kristeller (P.) 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - - 18 
 Lang (Andrew) 6 ,13, 14, 16, 
 21, 22, 23, 27, 32, 39 
 Lapsley (G. T.) - 5 
 
 Laurie (S. S.) - - 6 
 
 Lawrence (F. W.) - 20 
 Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 36 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) 6, 18, 23 
 Lees (J. A.) - - 12 
 Leighton (J. A.) - 21 
 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 20 
 Lieven (Princess) - 10 
 Lillie (A.) - - - 16 
 Lindley(J.) - - 31 
 Locock (C. D.) - 16 
 
 Lodge (H. C.) - - 6 
 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 6 
 
 Longman (C. J.) - 12, 16 
 
 (F. W.) - - 16 
 
 (G. H.) - -13.15 
 
 (Mrs. C.J.) - 37 
 
 Lowell (A. L.) - - 6 
 
 Lucian - - - 22 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 18 
 Lyall (Edna)   - 27, 32 
 Lynch (G.) - - 6 
 
 (H. F. B.)- - 12 
 
 Lytton (Earl ot 1 - 24 
 
 Macaulay (Lord) 6,7, 10,24 
 Macdonald (Dr. G.) - 24 
 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 37 
 Mackail ( (. W.) - 10, 23 
 Mackenzie (C. G.) - i5 
 Mackinnon (J.) - 7 
 
 Macleod (H. D.) - 20 
 Macpherson (Rev.H.A.) 15 
 Madden (D. H.) - 16 
 Magnusson (E.) - 28 
 Maher (Rev. M.) - 19 
 Mallet (B.) - - 7 I 
 
 Malleson (Col. G. B.) 6 
 
 Marbot (Baron de) - 10 
 Marchment (A. W.) 27 
 
 Marshman (J. C.) - 9 
 
 Maryon (M.) - - 39 
 Mason (A. E. W.) - 27 
 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 16 
 Matthews (B.) 39 
 
 Maunder (S.) - - 31 
 Max Mijller (F.) 
 
 10, 18, 20, 21, 22, 27. 39 
 May (SirT.Erskinel 7 
 
 Meade (L. T.) - - 32 
 Melville (G. J. Whyte) 27 
 Merivale (Dean) - 7 
 
 Merrimm 'H. S.) - 27 
 Mill (John Stuart) - *j, 20 
 Millais (J. G.) - - 16, 30 
 Milner (G.) - - 40 
 Monck (W. H. S.) - 19 
 Montague (F. C.) - 7 
 
 Moore (T.) - - 31 
 
 (Rev. Edward) - 17 
 
 Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 21 
 Morris (W.) - 22,23,24, 
 27, 28, 37, 40 
 Mulhall (M. G.) - 20 
 Murray (Hilda) - 3'' 
 
 Myers (F. W. H.) - 19 
 
 Nansen (F.) - - 12 
 
 Nash (V.) - - - 7 
 
 Nesbit (E.) - - 24 
 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 17 
 
 Newman (Cardinal) - 28 
 
 Page [ 
 Nichols (F. M.) - 9 i 
 
 Oakesmith (J.) - - 22 
 Ogilvie (K.) - - 22 
 Oldfield (Hon. Mrs.) 9 
 
 Osbourne (L.) - - 28 
 
 Packard (A. S.) - 21 
 
 Paget (Sir J.) - - 10 
 Park (W.) - - 16 
 
 Parker (B.) - - 40 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir 
 
 R.) - - - 14, 16 
 learse (H. H. S.) - 5 
 
 Peek (Hedley) - - 14 
 Pemberton (W. S. 
 
 Childe-) - - 9 
 
 Penrose (H. H.)' - 33 
 Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 12,28 
 19 
 17 
 , 40 
 36 
 40 
 28 
 
 7 
 10 
 
 33 
 
 14 
 
 I 35 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 7 
 
 . 25 
 
 3,8 
 
 9 
 
 23 
 
 12 
 
 23 
 19 
 19 
 19 
 
 28 
 
 24 
 33 
 37 
 
 Page 
 Steel (A. G.) • - 13 
 Stephen (Leslie) - 12 
 Stephens (H. Mor.e) t 
 
 Sternberg (Count 
 
 Adalbert) - - 8 
 
 Stevens (R. W.) - 40 
 Stevenson (R. L.) 25,28,33 
 Storr (l'.) - - - 17 
 Stuart-\Vortley(A.J.) 14, 15 
 
 W.)- 
 
 '9. 
 
 Pierce (A. H. 
 
 Pole (W.) - 
 
 Pollock (W. H.) - 13, 
 
 Poole (W.H. and Mrs.) 
 
 Poore (G. V.) - 
 
 Portman (L.) - 
 
 Powell (E.) 
 
 Powys (Mrs. P. L.) - 
 
 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 
 
 Pritcheti (R. T.) 
 
 Proctor (R. A.) 17,30. 
 
 Raine (Rev. James) - 
 Ramal (W.) - 
 Randolph (C. F.) - 
 Rankin (R.) - - 8 
 Ransome (Cyril) 
 Reid(S. J.) 
 Rhoades(J.) - 
 Rice (S. P.) - 
 Rich (A.) - 
 Richmond (Ennis) - 
 Rickaby (Rev. John) 
 
 (Rev. Joseph) - 
 
 Ridley (Lady Alice) - 
 Riley (J. W.) - 
 Roberts (E. P.) 
 Robertson (W. G.) - 
 Roget (Peter M.) - 20, 31 
 Romanes (G.J.) 10, 19,21,24 
 
 (Mrs. G. J.) - 10 
 
 Ronalds (A.) - - 17 
 Roosevelt (T.) - - 6 
 
 Ross (Martin) - - 28 
 Rossetti (Maria Fran- \ 
 
 cesca) - - - 40 
 Rotheram (M. A.) - 36 j 
 Rows (R. P. P.) - 14 i 
 Russell (Lady)- - 10 
 
 Sandars (T. C.) - 18 
 
 Sanders (E. K.) - 9 
 Savage- Armstrong(G.F.)25 
 
 Scott (F.J.) - -• 37 
 
 Seebohtn (F.) - - 8, 10 
 
 Selous (F. C.) - - 12, 17 
 
 Senior (W.) - - 13, 15 
 
 Seton-Karr (Sir H.)- 8 
 
 Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 28 
 
 Shadwell (A.) - - 40 
 
 Shake^peare • - 25 
 
 Shaw(W. A.) - - 8 
 
 Siiearman (M.) - 12, 13 
 
 Sheehan (P. A.) - 28 
 
 Sheppard (E ) - - 8 
 
 Sinclair (A.) - - 14 
 
 Skrine (F. H.) - - 9 
 
 Smith (C. Fell) - 10 
 
 (R. Bosworth) - 8 
 
 (T. C.) - - 5 
 
 (W.P. Haskett) 12 
 
 Somerville (E.) - 28 
 
 Sophocles - - 23 
 
 Soulsby (Lucy H.) - 40 
 
 Southey (R.) - - 40 
 
 Spedding (J.) - - 9, 17 
 
 Spender (A. E.) - 12 
 
 i Star.iev (Bishop) - 31 
 
 Stebbing (W.) - - 28 
 
 Stubbs ( L 
 
 (WT- 
 
 Suifolk & Berkshire 
 
 (Earlol) - 
 Sv'.livan (Sir E.) 
 Sully (James) - 
 Sutherland (A. and G.) 
 
 (Alex.) 
 
 (G.) - - - 
 
 Suttner (B. von) 
 Swan (M.) 
 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - 
 Symes (J. E.) - 
 
 Tail (J.) - 
 Tallentyre (S. G.) - 
 Tappan (E. M.) 
 Tavlor (Col. Meadows) 
 Thomas (J. W.) 
 Thomson (H. C.) 
 Tho.nhilKW. J.) - 
 Thornton (T. H.) - 
 Thuillier (H. F.) - 
 Todd (A ) - 
 Tout (T. F.) - 
 Toynbee (A.) - 
 Trevelyan(SirG.O.) 
 
 6, 7, 8, 9 
 
 (G. M.) - 
 
 Trollope (Anthony)- 
 Turner (H. G.) 
 TyndalKJ.) 
 TvrrelKK. Y.)- 
 
 8 
 > 
 
 14 
 14 
 19 
 8 
 40 
 40 
 29 
 29 
 
 19 
 ao 
 
 7 
 10 
 
 33 
 8 
 
 19 
 8 
 
 93 
 10 
 
 40 
 8 
 7 
 
 30 
 
 , 9> 10 
 
 7.8 
 29 
 
 4oe^ 
 9, 12 
 22, 23 
 
 Unwin (R.) - - 40 
 
 Upton(F.K.and Bertha) 33 
 
 Van Dyke (J. C.) - 37 
 
 Vanderpoel (E. N.j - 37 
 
 Virgil - - - 33 
 
 Wagner (R.) - - 25 
 
 Wakeman (H. O.) - 8 
 
 Walford (L. B.) - 29 
 
 Wallas (Graham) - 10 
 
 (Mrs. Graham)- 32< 
 
 Walpole (Sir Spencer) 8, 10 
 
 (Horace) - - 10 
 
 Walrond (Col. H.) - 12 
 
 Walsincham (Lord)- 14 
 
 Ward (ivlrs. W.) - 29 
 
 Warwick (Countess of) 40 
 
 Watson (A. E. T.) 12, 13. 14 
 
 Weathers (J.) - - 40 
 Webb (Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 - Sidney) - - 20 
 
 (Judge T.) - 40 
 
 (T. E.)- - - 19 
 
 Weber (A.) - - 19 
 
 Weir (Capt. R.) - 14 
 Wellington (Duchess of) 37 
 
 Wemyss (M. C. E.)- 33 
 
 Weyman (Stanley) - 29 
 Whatelv( Archbishop) 17,19 
 
 Whitelaw (R.) - - 23 
 
 WhittalKSirJ. W. )- 40 
 
 Wilkins (G.) - - 2; 
 
 (W. H.) -   : 
 
 Willich (C. M.)   31 
 
 Wood (Rev. J. G.)- - 31 
 
 Wood-Martin (W. G.) 22 
 
 Wyatt (A. J.) - - 24 
 
 Wylie(J.H.) - - 8 
 
 Yeats (S. Levett) - 29 
 
 Yoxall (J. H.) • - 29 
 
 Zeller (E.) - - 19
 
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