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THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

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A HISTORY OF CSITISH INDIA.

By Sib William Wilson Httmer, K.C.S.I., C.I.E., &c.

Vol. I.— introductory TO THE OVERTHROW OF

THE ENGLISH IN THE SPICE ARCHIPELAGO,

1623. With 4 Maps. 8vo. 18s.

Vol. II.— TO THE UNION OF THE CLD AND NEW

COMPANIES UNDER THE EARL OF GODOLPHIN'S

AWARD, 1708. Svo. 16s. c

THE LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER,
K.C,S.I., G.I.E., Ac.

By Fbancis Henry Skbine, F.S.S.

With 6 Portraits (2 Photogravures V and 4 other Illustrations.

8vo. 16s, net.

LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London,
New York and Bombay.

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THt ,INDIA OF THE QUEEN '

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AND OTHER ESSAYS

BY THE LATE

SIR WILLIAM* WILSON HUNTER

K.O.S.I.,'C.I.E., LL.B., &c. '^ ^

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EDITED BY LADY HUNTER

WITH AN

INTRODUCTION BY FRANCIS HENRY SERINE

INDIAN CIVIL SEEVICE (rKTIRED)

' LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND ioMBAY

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DEDICATION

, / dedicate these Essays to the dear memory of their
Author, who loved the races of India, and ever strove to
reveal their needs and aspirations to his countrymen, t

J. H.

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I • CONTENTS

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INTRODUCTION . . * a . . ix

I. THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 1

I. THE EXPANSION OF INDIA 1

II. CONSOLIDATION 11

III. CONCILIATION " 20

IV. JUE NEW LEAVEN 30

V. WHITHER? * 41

II. POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA . . * . . 53

III. > THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 75

IV. ENGLAND'S WORK, IN INDIA 97

THE WORK DONE: »•

*' ' I. PEOTBCTION OF PERSON AND PROPERTY ... 97

* II, DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE . 117

• -, THE WORK TO BE DONE:

III. THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE FOOD SUjpPLY TO THE

» GROWING POPULATION' . ^ . . .* . 133

IV. THE MAINTENANCE OF A GOVERNMENT ON EUROPEAN
t STANDARDS OF EFFICIENCY ^ FROM AN ASIATIC

® SCALE OF REVENUE 167

V. A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS . ... .193

VI. OUR MISSIONARIES ^ . 211

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VII. A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT . ^ . .231
VIII. A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 251'

I. THE S'xART . . . . '. . . 251

< II. THE JOURNEY 258

III. THE END 266

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INTEODUCTION

' I DO lo^e these Indian races so much, 9jid I do so, long to
obtain a hearing for India in "Europe ! ' Thus wrote Sir
William Hunter in early manhood, when the glamour of the
East fell upon him and inspired the guiding principles of his
strenuous career. They were * first to enable England to learn
India''s wants ; next to help. England to think fairly of India ;
and, finally, to make the world feel the beauty and pathos of
Indian life/ The firstfruits of this resolve were seen in the
' Annals of Rural Bengal,"" which told the ryofs simple stoay
and the blind struggles of his masters at the dawn of Bl'itish
rule. For more than a third of a centmy no year passed by
without its contribution to Indian literature from the same
practised and sympathetic pen.» Apart from his books, which
woitid fill a library, Sir William Hunter's many-^ided energy
found an outlet in j ournalism ; and mdJiy of his ephemerides
havfi a value extending far beyond the day for which they were
wi-itten. Lady Hunter has m&sde a selection of the most note-
worthy ; and s)ie is deeply indebted to the editors of ' The
Times,' the ' Pioneer ■" of Allahabad, the ' Nineteerith Century,'
the •* Fortnightly ' and ' Contemporary * Reviews : to Messrs.
isnlith & Elder and Messrs. W. H. Allen &'Co. for permission
to reproduce them in a permanent form. *

In 1887 Sir AVilliam IJunter bade farewell to the land
which he had served so well, and retiu-ned to English life. A
tirAe when the innermost fibres of our national existence were
stirred by the first Jubilee was propitious for a review of the

xv , ikTRODUCTION

changes which had passed ovei' India during the Victorian era.
He comphed with a reccuest thaf he should describe them in
' The Times ' ; and ' The India of the Queen ' afforded him
some solace in the deep distress caused b^ the loss of l^is only
^daughter. These brilliant essays were published in the leading
journal between November 4 and December 8, 1887 ; and they
attracted ^vide notice by the grace of their style and ihe
sympathy which thiills in every line. ' The Expansion of Jndia,'
with which the series opens, enunciates a truth which had been
grasped , by no pre^ ious writer. As in physics tlfe greater
attracts ^\\e less, so the possession of India had, in fifty years,
converted our gi'oup of islands set in a Northern sea from a
Eiu-opean into an Asiatic Power. Fussia is undergoing the self-
same evolution, and the forces let loose in its progi'ess will
change the whole cmrent of civilisatioK. In India the process
has assumed tlu'ee well-marked phases. The first was an era of
conquest ; and its presiding spirit was the Maf-quis of Dalhousie,
T*hose life-story was told by Sir William Hunter in 1891.
Entering on his high office with an earnest desire to promote
peace and material progress, he believed himself compelled by
the inexorable logic of events to annex the Punjab, Oudh, and
the greater portion of Burma. This policy was one of the
many cause** of the cataclysm of 1857, which is a landmark in
Indian history. Speaking broadly, the Mutiny came of an
attempt to centralise while the moral and material appli'^nces
were wanting which alone coulJ weld all India into a homo-
geneous whole. It was not merely difference of race and
language which kept its peoples apart ; for we have again and
again seen alien communities knit together by loyalty ' to a
common Head. Nor was it even divergence of religion, which
is independent cf racial distinctions and sometimes^ destroys
them. The nations of India were .isolated by the distances of
their peninsula, which is fifteen times larger than the United
Kingdom and is scanned by rivers and mountain ranges on an
almost inconceivable scale. A strong central government became

INTRODUCTION . jci,

possible only when railways and steam' navigation had annihi-
lated space and pierced the barriers ei»ected by Natiu-e. Nor,
at Queen Victoria's accession, were moral influences more favour-
able to the rulers encajnped, as ^i were, in the ruidst of a hostile
pjopulatipn. Our Hold on India Avas of the slightest.^
For the British public these distant possessioris were a sealed
book, and they were regarded as a cloie preserve for the
Com^any> European servants. When an attempt was made
to infringe this monopoly of office by' the appointment to the
covenante'd service of Ram Mohan Ray's adopted so^j, it was
hastily abandoned owing to the tlamoiu- evoked in .Calcutta.
The Feudatory Princes were thoroughly alarmed by Dalhousie's
annexations ; and each be^aeved that his dynasty's interests
were at the mercy of a foreigner's caprice. Intrigue and self-
interest were rampant among them, and they agreed only in
regarding every measure adopted by the intruders with intense
suspicion. The masses were plunged in ignorance, a prey to
fanaticism and unreasoning panics. Every reverse sustained by
our arms during the campaigns undertaken by Amherst; and
Auckland was hailed throughout India with undisguised satis-
faction. ' It is true that, for at least a generation before the
Mutiny, higher instruction was within the reach of youths
belonging to the wealthier classes ; and that the foundations of
a systjem of national education were Mid in 1854. But its
proriuct served only to intensify the forces of revolt. The man
who is now known to have prompted the Cawnpore massacres
had 'been^ a pupil at a British college. De Tocqueville has
pointed out that a weak government's period of greatest danger
is that in which it attempts self-reform.

'On the restoration of- peace England made a determined
attempt ^^to set her Indian house in order. Jt is needless to
recount the measures adopted with this end in view. Some of
them have not stood the test of time, but others were inspired
byjtrue statecraft. An age of conquest was followed by one of
consolidation, whose principles were typified by Lord Lawrence.

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xi^i , ikTRODUCTION

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Its keynote was struck by the Queen's Proclamation of 1858.
We learn fi'om Mr. Sidney Lee's ^recent Biography how large a
shai'e her late Majesty took in framing the noble words which
are regarded as their Magna Clj^rta by educated Indians. Tne
Princes received an« assmance that the feifdal right of annexing
their territories bn the failure of natural heirs would no longer be
exercised. The people at large learnt that, as far as was possible,
they would be admitted to a share in the task of gfjverninent.
These pledges have been fulfilled to the letter. The assump-
tion of jiirect adnynistration by the Crown resulted in the
transfer pf supreme control to the Secretary of State, who is
answerable to Parliament for his action. In India all the
threads of government were gathered up by the Viceroy, whose
Council developed into a Cabinet on the European model. This
tendency to centralise, which has r4)bbed local officers of much
of their prestige, was made possible by the network of railways
which overspread the peninsula, and by its postal and tele-
graph sei*vices, which compare favourably with those of any
coun'try. The new ties forged by that great civiliser, commerce,
were strengthened by the legal codes which are among the most
precious legacies of the Victorian era. Like Justinian^s ' Digest,'
those masterpieces of lucidity and precision have given common
ideals to cojTimunities opposed in race, religion, and langua'ge.

As the conscience of England awoke to a sense of her
responsibilities towards this distant Empire it was feltj.that
material bonds would not suCSce to maintain a connection
essential to the welfare of both. The outcome^ was ca policy of
reconciliatioiu, which found its highest expression in I^ord Mayo.
While the nighYmare of absoi-ption was finally lifted from the
Feudatories, educated Indians of every class gained a sub-
stantial share in the sweets of office. The masses Icvere still
unfit to participate in political po^er ; and it was necessary to
interpose an educative stage between the existing centralisation
and a full recognition of the people's right to manage tkeir
local affairs. The series of measures introduced by Lord Ripon

INTRODUCl^ION

Xlll

was an* attempt to bridge over l;his period of probation.
Despite an dndtie preponderance o^ the legal element in the
.rural and municipal Boai'ds established during his viceroyalty,
»the new orijanization has* undoubtedly awakened a sense of
pulSTic duty throughout the Empire. ,

Having traced the evolution of Victorian -'India, Sir William
Hun tei-* describes the forces brought intoiplay and predicts their
^Fectioy. Until the eve of the Mutiny such education as
existed was iyn a pin-ely religious basis. NoW creeds originate in
man's ^jnvironment ; and, varying in grandeur with its influence,
they become a potent factor in Jais physical and mental develop-
ment. The essayist has seized the innermost spirit of Hindu-
ism and Islam. He projes that both are strongly vital, that
they retain a large measure of elasticity, and that they exercise
a beneficent influence ^on aboriginal tribes who are haunted by
the imaginary tenors of deriibn-worship. The British adminis-
trators'" attitude towards these social forces is dictated by ex-
pediency, and its rationale was convincingly stated in the report
of a gieat Education Commission which Sir William 'Hunter
presided over in 1881. Our public instruction has thus been
remodelled on a secular basis ; and the outcome is to be found
in ' the upheaval of new ideas, the quickening of new social and
political forces, and in the deadening of the old fanaticism, the
dismemberment of the old superstitiouLit, the death of old beliefs."

Such is the New Leaven, which forms the subject of the
fourth essay. The aspiratioyis of an educated class are fraught
with political danger, but they are, on the whole, preferable to
those arising from bigotry and ignorance. Tbp Princes have
gained a loftier sense of duty towards thtrir subjects 'and of
' loyalty to the Paramount Power. The imminence of a collision
with Fiussia in 1885, and the war cloud wl;iich hung over the
North-VVestern Frontier two years later, elicited a very different
feeling from that which was excited by the old campaigns in
TJurma, Afghaiiistan, and the Punjab. The feudatory chiefs
then vied with each other in proffering, money and troops for

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INTRODUCTION

the Empire's defence. Sir William Hunter urged that acl vantage
should be taken of these ifignificar^ impulses • tnat the armed
rabble maintained by the Native States should be fashioned bv*^
European discipline into a second^liVie of defence. The aspira- '•
tions of the educated classes were formulated by the National
Congresses which iiad met annually since 1885, and found in
Sir William Hunter ai doughty champion. He advocated the
establishment of the Indian Councils on a representative ba/gis,
and claimed for them the right of interpellating the Goverimient
and criticising the budgets. The Secretary of State's "council
should, he thought, be strenglhened by the infusion of an
Indian element. Anticipating an event which was probably due
to his prompting, he declared that ^ny English constituency
which should choose an Indian to represent it in Parliament
would deserve well of the Empire. ^ ,

' Popular Movements in India,' which appeared in^ the
'Contemporary Review' for February 1891, deals with the
effect on our Eastern policy of the preceding essays. A well-
equipped force 25,000 strong had been formed from the armies
kept up in native States ; and the ' Imperial Service Troops ' are
a welcome addition to the Empire's defences. The defects of
the system arise from the dearth,, of European officers and of
medical equipment ; the mutual jealousies still felt by Indiicn
Princes ; and the tendency shown by all volunteer organizations
to fluctuate in interest and efficiency. The Congress agitation
received a powerful stimulus froei the publicity given to its'
propaganda by ' The Times.' Mr. Charles Bradlaygh, the
member for Northampton, who was approaching the close of nis
stormy* career, wa;>the riiouthpiece of the movement in ParVa-
ment. With the excessive zeal which is the demagogue's mark
he had introduced, a Bill during the session of 1890k which
contemplated large additions to the strength of the Provincial
Councils and a cut-and-dried system of electoral colleges bearing
a fixed ratio to population. Sir William Hunter did no^
conAder India ripe for numerical representation ; and gave his

INTRODUCTJoN , . ijcv

support ^o a counter-proposal madt^ by Lord Cross, who was
then Secretary of State. I^ndgr his. Bill, which was discussed
by Parliament in 1890, the principle of election was restricted
to municipalities, District "Boards, and similar public bodies.
The new departure "was ultimately carried., into effect by Lord
Lansdowne, who also conceded the right of interpellating and
' c/f discussing the Budgets. It satisfies the political ambitions
of educated Indians ; but its value is lessened by the virtual
monopoly oi^ representation secured by the lawyer class, ^

The? ' Ruin of Aiu-angzeb,"' published in the ' Nineteenth
Century ' of May 1887, probably suggested the policy outlined
in * The India of the Queen.' It traces, with true poetic
instinct, the story of an i^nperial bigot who sapped the whole
fabric of Mughal rule by his lack of human sympathy and
respect for alien creeds. \. pregnant moral is drawn by the
concljiding sentence : ' It was by the alienation of the native
races that the Mughal Empire perished ; it is by the incorpora-
tion of those races into a loyal and a united people that ihe
British rule will endure.' But the germs of the new policy of
conciliation are to be found in ' England's Work in India,'
which reproduced the substance of two lectmes delivered at
Edinburgh dming the winter of 1879-80. The first was a
codnterblast to those mischievous and unpatriotic doctrines
which proclaim to the world that England's hold on India is
rooted in fraud and bloodshed and upheld by spoliation. The
Second lectme set forth the E>npire's demands and the manner
in ".vhich ,they might be met. Every measm'e proposed in ' The
India of the Queen ' was outlined in the earlier wo^'k.

-Buckle's * History of Civilization,' which irmde a de^p im-
pression on Sir William Hunter at the dawn of his active life,
enlarge s on the influences of physical environment in moulding
the character of a nation. Modern thought inclines to a belief
that, in the case of European communities, the historian laid
undue stress on this factor. But it is admitted on all sides

that Bengal is emphatically the offspring of its rivers, whose

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INfRODUCTION

mysterious workings appealfed vividly to the poetry in Hunter's
nature. The materials for*' A Riv^ of Ruined Capitals,' which
appeared in the ' Nineteenth Centm-y ' of January 1888, were
gathered dm'ing a tour undertakeji in the preceding Februarj^
thi'ough the upper reaches of the Hugli and its confluents. It
shows the Gangetic Delta in the making, and recounts the
efforts made by sciencA to protect Calcutta, which is the last
survivor of many great cities entombed in the treacherorMs flood.
e ' Om* Missionaries ' and«^ ' A *]Forgotten Oxford 'Movement '
deal Avith ^ subject w]tiich was very near their writerV heart.
It has been said with perfect' ' truth that the bent of every
Anglo-Indian's career is determined at his first station. Sir
William Hunter's began at Suri, the ^headquarters of a Baptist
Mission whose venerable chief became one of his closest friends.
The sympathy with missionary effbrt^whif h he retained through
life is rarely seen in Indian officers, whose attitude is coloured
by the neutrality imposed on Government by the instinct of
self- preservation. It bore fruit in ' The Old Missionary ' (1889),
a poem in prose which will keep his memory green for many a
year to come. In February 1888 he lectured before the Society
of Arts on ' The Religions of India,' and his peroration was a
noble defence of missionary enterprise. ' Speaking as an
Englishman,' J he said, 'I declare my conviction that it is ihe
highest modern expressiQjn of the worldwide national life of om"
age. I regard it as the spiritual complement of England's
instinct for colonial expansion ax\^ imperial rule. And I believb
that any falling off in England's missionary efforts willj.be a aure
sign of swiftl^^-coming national decay.' In the following June
he presided at titP" inaugm^al meeting of the Centennial Confer-
ence on Foreign Minions ; and he discoursed on the same theme
in the * NineteentKCentury ' for July 1888. His plea fori support
was tempered by sound common sense. Purge yom- propaganda,
he said, of bigotry and cant ; treat all organized religions with
respect, and lay stress on the spirit of Christianity rather th^n
undiluted dogma.

JNTR0DUC2^I0N , ,:^vii

The^ University of Oxford, which has been the birthplace of
so many phases of our national life^, has endowed India with a
mission which regards alien creeds in a liberal spirit and seeks

* to win over the educated cla'Sses, not by declamation but by apply-
ing" the Socratic method of argument.. Until Sir William
Hunter gave an account of ' A Forgotten Oxford Movement '
in the ^-Fortnightly Review "* of May 189G, it was universally held
that 16.98 marked the origin of foreign missions. He showed
that the movement dated back io 1681. Its founder was
Dr. John Fell, one of the best-remembered of Oxford Bishops,
whose fiery zeal induced the magnates of Leadenhall Street to
employ their chaplains ' in the pious design of propagating the
Christian religion in the East Indies.' This new departure soon
spent its force. The pastors attached to the Company's semi-
monastic factories in the East had their hands more than full
in the ministrations requn'ed by their flocks, tempered with
occasional lapses into commerce. Moreover, the band of mer-
chants on whom the burden • of empire was thrust eventijally
had to give pledges to respect the beliefs of their subjects.

The concluding sketch, ' A Pilgrim Scholar,"" was published
by the * Pioneer ' of Allahabad during the spring of 1885. The
writer's peisonal tastes were certainly not those of the ascetic.
Like Walter Savage Landor, he ' warmed both hands at the fire
of life,' and valued it rather for the -eensations with which it
may be filled than for its length. But he had a true reverence

•" for the ideals of self-sacrificetand self-devotion ; and the career
o^ the lonely Hungarian scholar who endured severe privations
id the pursuit of science touched an inner chord in his natru'e.
And we get a glimpse of Hunter's own meii4r.l struggles in his
eloquent description of those of Csoma de Koros, who, ' in
addition to his physical sufferings, had to^ wrestle with those
spiritual demons of self-distrust, the bitter sense of the world's
neglect, and the paralyzing uncertainty as to the value of his
labours.' Such touches as these are in themselves sufficient
warrant for rescuing this beautiful story from oblivion.

xviji, , INl^RODUCTION

It has been truly reinai'ked that Sir William , Hunter was
the discoverer of India in as- real a s^nse as those early naviga-
tors who carried home such wondrous tales of its riches and
glory. He left an enduring mark ^)n its administration, and in-
spired his countrymen owith a sentiment of it^ potentialities and
gi'andeur. Had he survived to take part in the late imperial
pageant he would havt seen the full result of his tealfchings.
He would have heard Lord Curzon of Kedleston proclaiming
to the representatives of one sixtti of the human racef' assembled
at Delhi that 'to the niajority of these millions the 'King's
Government has given freedom fiom invasion and anarchy ; to
others it has guaranteed their rights and privileges ; to others
it opens ever-widening avenues of hon^iuable employment ; to
the masses it dispenses mercy in the hour of suffering, and to
all it endeavom's to give equal justice^, immunity from oppres-
sion, and the blessings of enlighteniiient and peace. To have
won such a dominion is a great achievement, to hold it by fair
and fTighteous dealing is a greater ; to weld it by prudent states-
manship into a single and compact whole will be, and is, the
greatest of all.'

F. H. SKRlNE.

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THE INDIA OF THE* QUEEN

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THE EXPANSION OF INDIA '

During the fifty years of* Queen Victoria's reign, three vast
enterprises have been going; on in India — a work of conquest,
a work of consolidation, 'md a work of concihation. But,
momentous as are the changes thus effected by the direct action
of England's servants in the Eiist, still gi'aver national conse-
quences have been brought about by the altered relations of In^ia
to Great Britain. In the early part of the reign the foreign«policy
of England was a policy of European responsibilities imposed
by the Treaty of Vienna and bequeathed by Waterloo. During
the latter part of the reign the foreign interests of England have
been Asiatic interests, domirJated b}' the requirements of an
Asiatic frontier and by the necessity of a safe pt^th to India.
The Suez Canal is now a more powerftil factor in England's
slttitude to the Great Powers than would be a dozen Spanish
nfarriages. The occupation of, Egypt has ousted from public
view the integi-ity of the Ottoman Empire. The neutralisation
of Afghanistaii has taken the place of the neutralisation of the
Black Sea. . ,^, •

"Not less imperative are the new military obligations laid
upon England. Great Britain has become the recruiting gTound
for an ^irmy in Asia. Service with the Queen's colours now
means chiefly service in India. Lord Wolseley has insisted on
the duty of maintaining at home a number of infantry exceed-
ing the whole battalions serving abroad, in order to supply the
demand for mature troops capable of resisting hot climates

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2r, , THE INDIa of THE QUEEN

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How seriously India intensifies this strain may be realised from
the fact that in 1837 sh,e only employed 19,000 men of the
English Army, while in 1887 she requires 65,000. At the
former period the East India Con?.pany had its separate Euro-
pean force, naval And military ; fhe whole burden of theP*''tish

/5:rmament in India iiow falls upon the Queen's ships and the
Queen"'s troops. But, the altered relations of India to Great
Britain make themsefves as acutely felt in the English farmhouse
and market town as in the Foreign Office and at the Horse

r Guards. In 1837 'India vms a retail dealer in luxiu'ies, sending
away ten millions sterling a year of articles chiefly for t>he rich.
In 1887 she appears as a wholesale exporter to the extent of
about 90 'inillions sterling, a cotton spinner, and a cheap grain
merchant on an enormous scale, supplying piece goods to the
Asiatic market and food to the English labourer, in keen com-
petition with the Norfolk wheat grower and the Lancashire
mill hand. Above all, the control of India has passed dm-ing
the fifty years from a limited body of experts in Leadenhall-
street to the British Parliament and the nation at large.

c I pm-pose to exhibit in their political aggregate the two-fold
series «of changes which have thus taken place — the changes in
India and the changes in the relation of India to Great Britain.
The occasion seems opportune for such a review. Op the one
hand, our Imperial dealings with India have given rise in Eng-
land to diplomatic responsibifities and military exigencies
formerly unknown, and involve a close Parliamentary supervfsion
which, I believe, will s'nortly disclose new difficulties. On the
other hand, we have reared up in India a population greatly in
excess of the numbers that the qountry supported and fed undor
any previous rule. A small section of that population has been
swiftly educated in the ideas which Europe conqbered for herself
by centuries o^-^durance and self-discipline. We have nurtured
two generations of University youth in India on the strong
meat of English political eloquence ; they quote to us the
' Areopagitica ' of Milton, and the ' Representative Government '
of Mill. But the mass of the people still remain face to face
with th^ primitive struggle for existence in an Asiatic country —
a struggle no longer mitigated for the survivors by the sharp
Asiatic cauteries of unchecked famines and internal war. We

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN . - ' 3

thus find our^lves confronted by a small but able and oratorical
class, trained tcT political ^spiratior^ which the general state
of* India allows us only gradually to satisfy ; a class keenly alive

,to the hard lot of the groat body of their countrymen, well
a.v&i^ of the palliat^es which representative institutions in Eng-

•land have applied to social suffering, and eager to be allowe(I<
to make trial of similar institutions for themselves.

The*effbrts of nati^'e gentlemen from India to wrjii their vv^ay
into Pai'liament form a new and significant feature in British
electioneering. The presence of eten two oi- three of these
gentlemen in the House of Commons, if well informefj as to the
local facts, persistent in their^ demands, and united in action,
n)ight lead to important changes in our methods *of Indian
government. Foiled for the moment in their attempts with
British constituencies, the educated natives have brought the
whole weight of their influence to bear upon the Government
in India. A Viceroy^so frfin and sagacious as Lord Dufferin
has t4)und it expedient to publicly try their claims to ^a larger
share in the administration. During the past ten months a
Commission on which the natives are ably represented has bden
hearing evidence throughout India. It will shortly re-as^mble,
with an ex-Lieutenant-Governor of well-known native sym-
pathies m president, to settle its report. The Public Service
Commission in India and the Indian candidates for Parliament
at home are concurrent indications of a new force with which
Indian statesmen have henceforth to reckon — namely, the fixed
resolye. of the educated natives to secure for themselves a larger
share in the government of their country.

The problem of Indian itatesmanship, as prescribed by
the. Queeji's Proclamation and defined by pledges from her
Miitisters, is not how to resist these demands but ^ow far it is
safe to concede them. The British governmei?!!> of India*must

^be a strong government, the British administration of India
must be efficient. It is evident that constitutional checks well
suited to a country like England, homogeneous as to its people
and trained by 800 years of corporate action in peace and in
war, might be dangerous for a congeries of long hostile races
who, within the past century, and without any effort of their
own, have been brought together under a central Government.
• 4 £ 2 •

4 ^ c , THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

It is also evident that the central rulers, in cc^nsidering the
claims of any one class hof^^^ever intelligent and patriotic, must
assure themselves that the vigour of the administration will n'6t
be impaired for the whole peoples As long as the British
nation guarantees, by its arms and diplomafy, the Indian Iflv^'es

•ffom external enemies, and as long as it stands responsible for
the internal peace and good government of the country, so long
must it adopt the means which seem to it best suited to these
ends. But if it is to continue to rule in the spirit in which it

■has hitherto ruled, it miftt reconcile those meaJis with the
aspiration^ ^vhich its own example of constitutional -govern-
ment has created, and M'hich it» fearless system of Indian Public
Instruction has deliberately encouraged, among the educated
classes in India.

' The Times ' has described in a series of brilliant letters
the advancing prosperity of the United States. I think that
no man with a practical experience of 'Indian legislation can
have read without envy that marvellous record of national
well-being. It is a record of internal progress (and by the
wcrd ' internal ' I wish to reserve the question of external
tariffs) made in harmony with economic laws, in a land which
is still in excess of the needs of the people, and by a people
who have adopted more thoroughly than any otheit race on
earth the maxim of Uhi bene ibi patria. The progress of India
during the past fifty years has 'been not less wonderful, and,
considering l^e lower level from which India started, in some
respects even more rapid. But in India the progress has, been
made, as regards the fundamental question of population^ in
defiance of economic laws, and in a land which no longer
suffices for the wants of a people who cling to thei\' placp of
birth with a^tenacity unknown in any other country. America
is arP exampla-ef the excellent results to be obtained from
putting new wine ijito new bottles. India illustrates the risk
of putting new wine into old ones. In the present article I
shall briefly show how, during Queen Victoria's reign, the vast
receptacle was put together for the liquid. Subsequent articles
will disqlose the ferments which we have poured in, and will
indicate some of the products which may be expected shortly to
come out.

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

At the {'•ccession of Queen Victoria in 1837 the map of
India remained practically Jts it had »been revised on the close
^i the Maratha war in 1818, the year before her Majesty ""s
•birth. An extension, insig!iificant in regard to population and
r€?^ehuc, had been ^ade to the eastern frontier, and the people
of the little State of Coorg had involuntarily sought the prc>'»
tection ^ of British rule. The twenty years of calm ended
suddenly in a war tempest, lasting over twenty years of disasters,
victories, and annexation, and dying away only after the
thunderclap^ of the Mutiny had, cfeared the |iir. During the-
Queen"^ reign eight great wars have been waged, in India,
besides minor military operatif>}?s sometimes of a difficult nature.
'Ten territories have been conquered or annexed, witJi a popula-
tion of about 45 millioi^s of people, and an area exceeding
400,000 square miles. Sir Richard Temple states the latter
figure at 528,700, including certain tracts brought less directly
under British admimstration. Broadly speaking, therefore,
Quetn Victoria's reign has witnessed the acquisition of nearly
one-fourth of the present population and about one-half of the
present area of British India. The lirst fact to be fimly
grasped is that when her Majesty ascended the throne the
Indian territories imder English rule were little more than a
half of tlie British India of to-day.

This vast expansion of territory has led to organic changes
in the methods of Indian government. Its influence has been
intensified and rendered uniform by the circumstance that, with
, the exception of Burmah, the expansion has been inland to-
\v3,rds the north and west. In the early part of the Queen's
reign, the Governor of Lowei-» Bengal was in fact as in name
the Gov irnor- General of India. Great bodies of troops were
massed in and around his capital, Calcutta. Besides the local
garrison the headquarters of the army were in Fort "\^Mlliam,
and the headquarters of the Bengal Artillery at Dum Dum,
seven miles off. The strong cantonment of Barrackpur lay
sixteen miles up the river, and Chinsura, with its magnificent
accommodation for European troops, about ten miles above.
A line of military stations stretched thence along the ,valley of
the Ganges to Dinapur, 636 miles northward by the river,
supported by cantonments tlu'own out to a distance on Hoth

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

sides. Lower Bengal is now shorn of its ancrent military
strength. The headquart^s of ther Bengal Artillery were re-
moved to Meerut, 1,000 miles to the north-west, in 1854, after
Lord Dalhousie''s wars. The pernfanent headquaiters of the
army were transferred in 1865 to Simla, still further oflP, in the
<jfunjab. Chinsur^ is now a solitude of palatial barracks with-
out a soldier. Barrackpur has become a charming su,burb of
Calcutta, still with a few troops, but chiefly prominent of late
years for the little differences of^ season ticket-holders with the
^-ailway company, The lin^^ of cantonments up the lower valley
of the Ganges is abantjoned for strategic positions in the far
north-west. I have seen the Sj^acious mess-house of a Bengal
station offered at auction for 40Z. and sold eventually for the
value of the old wood in its doofs and windows. Native
soldiers are dotted here and there, but the nearest military
place of strength to Calcutta is now *Dinapur, high above the
limits of the Delta, and 343 miles by railway (or 636 by river)
from the capital. The port of arrival and debarcation of the
British troops is transferred from Calcutta to Bombay. The
sea* of the Government is necessarily fixed at the headquarters
of the Army, Simla, during the greater part of the year. The
Viceroy of India is completely dissociated from the Governorship
of Bengal.

While the war-array of British India has thus advanced
inland the external relations of the Indian Government have
moved still fu5^ther to the north-west. During the first years
of Queen Victoria's reign the Indian Foreign Office was cstill
' the secret and political department." Its business was chiefv
' political ' business, consisting of transactions with feudatory or
native States. Four such States, or groups of States,^ severely
taxed the resources and tried the patience of Indian diplo-
matistf. The luxmious Muhammadan Court of Oude, a Sodrm
of profligacy and misrule, oppressed the northern valley of the
Ganges. The religious and military confederation of the Sikhs
ruled the Punjab beyond our furthest frontier on the north-
west. A warlike aristocracy held Scinde in the extreme, west.
The powerful Maratha State of Nagpur occupied the heart of
India. Oude is now a British province, the Punjab is now r.
British province, Scinde is a British province, Nagpur is a

THE INDIA OF T1\e QUEEN

British ^province. The management of these vast territories
has passed from the Political Department to the Home Depart-
ment of the Government of India. Other great native States
.remain, and under the assured policy of the Queen's rule will
alw'.a-ys remain ; but. the most 'critical problems of Indian dipio-
» macy no longer arise out of our feudatory relations. The
dangers which the armies of India are now 'prepared to face,

' £fhd whfch the Indian Foreign Office now-» laboiirs to avert, lie
far to the west of Oude, and of Scinde, and of the Punjab.
The same iri'esistible march of events which* impelled our troops
northviards from the mouth of tHe Ganges ri^er to the mouth
of the Khyber Pass and beyoud^the Bolaii has transferred our
.chief diplomatic problems from' the Courts of Hindo'itan to the
great dividing line of Central Asia.

The expansion of the* British power in India during her
Majesty's reign and concurrent changes in the methods of ad-
ministration, hereafter to» be described, enable the Queen's
Government in India to act with an overwhelming force,
unknown in the days of the Company. I have mentioned that
one exception exists to the north-western tendency of that ex-
pansion — the conquest of Burmah. The three wars which, in
1824-26, 1852, and 1885, led to the annexation of this province,
tell their own story of the increased weight of resources which
the Indian Government now brings to bear at every point of its
empire. The first Burmese \far in 1824 lasted over two costly
and bloody years ; and five more years were spf^it in guerilla
fighting before order could be finally evolved. The second

* Burmese war in 1852 was of less, but still of serious difficulty.
The actual military operations proved incomplete. Standing
cajnps of banditti maintained their positions during two years,
aiKl eight yegtrs elapsed before a completely successful adminis-
t^tion was established. The third Burmese wa? in 1885 was
not so much a campaign as a military progress. The country
has been flooded with troops and armed police, recruited from
the distant northern races who, 40 years Ago, were our most
formidable enemies. There is every reason to hope that within
two years and a half of the landing of the force in 1885, Upper
^Burmah will have peacefully settled down under civil rule. Yet
the territories now annexed exceed the acquisitions of 1826 and

8 ^ ^ THE INDIRA OF THE QUEEN

< f

1852 put together ; and their geographical position presented

difficulties which the East India Company might well have
hesitated to face. On all the three occasions the provocation
was equally persistent, and the necesjsity for war equally impera-
tive. But the history of the past' two years, in Burmah form^ a
significant contrast to the wars of 1824 and 1852 for complete-
ness of design, foi'' swiftness of execution, and for that truest
humanity which, by Vhe employment of all available means,
shortens the pangs of the new birth.

This aggregation of forqe, with the whole might of England
in reserve, has arlned \\ath a giant's strength the Governirent of
India. It "is a most sdlemn dutr of the British nation to see
that that Covernment does not use it as a giant. I believe, and
I shall give reasons for my belief, that the increasing coiitrol of
Parliament is an absolutely necessary complement of the expan-
sion of India under the Queen. But before passing to changes
of system, it may be Avell to get a vclear^ idea of the type of
Indian statesman to Avhom the expansion has been chiefly due.
There have been many conquering Governor- Generals in India
under the Queen, from the histrionic Ellenborough, a few years
after her accession, to Lord Duff'erin in the year of her jubilee.
But one man towers wdth majestic forehead and dauntless eyes
above the rest. During the Marquis of Dalhousie's gov<",rnment
the period of conquest and annexation found its climax ; in his
character the highest qualities of an Indian subjugator were
summed up. Jle came earnestly desiring peace. Throughout
his long rule of eight years his mind was full of schemes of sober
development. He founded the modern Department of Public
Works. He opened the Ganges (^.anal. He gave the gi'cat im-
pulse from the Indian side to the overland route, and ^o steajtn
communication, v'/d the Red Sea, with England. ' He cut the
first sod of an Indian railway. Under his orders the first liip
of electric telegraph posts across India was set up. His en-
gineers metalled a longer mileage of roads than had been con-
structed by the four-^preceding Governor-Generals. His Revenue
officers settled the assessment of the soil, and recorded the land-
rights of the people throughout a larger area. He introduced
cheap postage into India. On the system of Public Instruction
inaugoirated during his rule the education of India still rests.

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN . )9

But JLord palhousie came to India at a time when peace
was not possible.' Three n^onths after his arrival his prede-
ces'sor's scheme for governing the Punjab by a Sikh protectorate
broke down beneath its own> weight of Ministerial corruption,
military ambition, ^nd femaib intrigue. The Queen Regent
had taken her Prime Minister as her parahiour. Two British
officers were treacherously massacred, awaiting hand-in-hand
* tlreir death, and foretelling with their last' words the day when
England would avenge their blood. The first operations of
our hasty border levies failed. ^An Afghan force poured
through the passes, seized the frontier capital, and streamed
onwards to swell the Sikh army.jj, Lord Dalhousie's Government
had no alternative but to conquer or to be effaced in' the Pun-
jab. The battle of Chilianwallah saAv British guns and British
colours lost on the field, and made the spring of 1849 a time of
)nourning throughout England. By the victory of Gujarat
the Punjab was annexed. -On the distant south-eastern ex-
tremity of the Empire, the ill-treatment of British merchants
and seamen by the King of Burmah, and the insults to our
naval officer sent to remonstrate, forced on another war, ending
in the annexation of Pegu. Within India, under many pf the
feudatory Princes, fifty years of British guarantee from external
attack and internal revolt had delivered over the people to a
callous misrule. It is impossible to read a matter-of-fact
narrative of what men witnessed day by day in a native king-
dom, like Colonel Sleeman"'s Journey through OucJe, Avithout a
sense of guilt that such a state of thingJ> should have grown up
under British treaties and should have been maintained by
British troops. Lord Dalhousje kept faith with the feudatory
I'rijices tcy the letter, but he availed himself of the precedents of
the^Mughal Empire to intervene on the failure of natural heirs.
Tl^s is not the place either to attack or to defend the Doctrine
of Lapse which brought several of the native States under
direct British rule. In each case Lord Dalhousie acted within
what he believed to be his rights, and in eacrf case he believed
himself bound to take action by his duty to the people. His
private diary bears witness to the anxious desire to do justice
with which that pained and noble heart accepted the task thus
forced upon it. As one who has examined the Coulston mai/iu-

10.

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

scripts, I may be permitted to say that the C9dicil to Lord
Dalhousie's will, which forbids th^ publicatioii of his journals
till fifty years after his death, has proved not only a misfortime
to his own memory, but a serious loss to each succeeding
Governor-General. The great pro-consul Reclined to add fuel
^o the strife which raged on Indian questions during the period
between the close of his rule and his death. But the whole
nature of the man stands revealed in one passage of Kis diary,
in which he sums up the gi-ound for his last and gTeatest act of
annexation, the absorption- of*^Oude. He believed that the
British Government lay under a solemn obligation to fr«e from
oppression a people from whon^ it had taken away the possi-
bility of fi-eeing themselves. ' With this feeling on my mind,
and in humble reliance on the blessing of the Almighty, for
millions of His creatures will draw freedom and happiness from
the change, I approach the executiop of this duty, gi'avely and
not without solicitude, but calnAy and altogether without
doubt.' By such a type of master-builder the expansion of
India during Queen Victoria's reign was chiefly wrought.

) . j

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN » il

)

.9 '

■Ji

II o

CONSOLIDATION

I -3

-) «'

' )

After '-' Lord Dalhousie, the conqueror, and shortly before
Lord Lawrence, the consolidattyr of India under the Queen,
Came Lord Canning, who, in regard to his work as in^ sequence
of time, holds an internie^iiate place between the two. On
Earl Canning fell the double burden of losing a large part of
India and of retrieving the4oss. The Mutiny of 1857 was the
price paid for attem'pting to unite India under a central
Govornment without the material appliances and the moral
influences necessary to maintain unity. That attempt had
been made, on a larger or smallei- scale, by Afghan, Pathfijn,
Mughal, and Maratha. Its uniform history had been n slow
aggregation of territories separated by race and by nature,
reaching ^a climax of strength under some exceptionally vigorous
ruler, and ending in disintegration and revolt. Distance and
space, mountains and deserts, vast intervening regions of forest,
and mighty rivers, had placed barriers to any ceritral Govern-
ment in India, barriers which the native dynasties had been
able for a time to overstep, but never in the long run to over-
come. It is only during the jecond part of Queen Victoria''s
reign thit the railway, the steamship, and the telegraph have
rendered the resources of the Empu-e swiftly avai^ble at every
pfi-'.nt within it, and made a united India a permanent possi-
bility. Lord Canning in 1 857 had not only to contend against
the old centrifugal forces in India, and against distances which
might well have broken any Power with a heart less high and a
resolve less stern than England ; he had to fight the battle
with an army drained of its ablest officers for the civil -,adminis-
tration of the lately annexed provinces, and at first with
generals avIio, in the most critical posts, as at Meerut ixxuS.

lU. THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

Cawnpore, were incapacitated by age or by rrresolution of
character. « ^ , •

Nor were the moral influences which have since welded India
into an Empire less conspicuously absent than the material
appliances of centralisation. Lord Canning had to depend- on
^ the shifting self-interests of Princes who, until Lord Mayo's
rule 12 years later, never knew the sentiment of personal loyalty
to the Thi'one. He had to deal with peoples for whose en-
lightenment no serious effort had been made till three short
years before his arrival ; peoples left a prej to 1?he panics of
ignorance, liable to false and fatal alarms as to our intentions,
and subject to those storm-was;es of fanaticism which Western
education'-in India has since dammed up in sluggish backwaters
and reduced to a sceptical calm. AVorst of all, he had to act
through men in high places, some of whom were grossly ignorant
or culpably negligent of the feelings, of the native army, while
others were paralysed by routine. ^The dfficial historian of the
iNIutiny has had sorrowfully to record that the rumour of the
greased cartridges was no fable ; and although steps were taken
tq prevent the covers smeared with cow's fat from defiling the
mouths of the Sepoys, the flame which the panic had kindled
could only be bui-ned out by the fiercer fires of war. Lord
Canning put down the Mutiny, proclaimed the Queen's rule
throughout India, and reached England only to die.

A Plan of Government, published mth an air of authority
in 1793, had^ suggested that ' a Viceroy ' should be appointed
for British India. But' the East India Company, while ndJling
on various occasions to di-aw closer to the Crown, held itself ^as
far aloof as it dared from Parliament. It was an aphorism of
Leadenhall-street, an aphorism asso(;iated Avith more .^.han one
great name, f^hat if ever India was lost it would be lost in the
Horse of Commons. There was truth in the saying from V.ie
Leadenhall-street point of view. The India of the retired
nabob in the last century, when the lawful pay of the Company's
servants formed but a small part of their gains, was lost in 1773
and 1784 in Parliament. The India of the first quarter pf the
present century, with its commercial monopoly and its too ex-
clusive government by Eiu-opean officials, was lost in 183 3 and
18*3 in Parliament. The India of the middle of the century,

THE INDIA OF THlE QUEEN 1^

with its close pborough of patronage, a close borough which
sometimes indeed sent to India noble representatives, was in
1853 lost in Parliament. But in each case the loss to the
Company and its servants pv,oved a gain to India and the British
nation. The Act fqi' the better government of India in 1858
did not bring India for the first time under the control of the
House of Commons. It provided that instead of that control
being enforced by a great inquest held every 20 years on the
renewal of the Company"'s charter, or on very special occasions
between, it., should be daily ex^ercised by her Majesty's
Ministers, responsible for their acts each evening in Parliament.
A corresponding change wag introduced into the adminis-
trative mechanism for giving effect to Parliamentary super-
vision. To the outward world the Secretary of State appeared
to step into the place of the President of the Board of Control,
and the Secretary of State's Council seemed the natural suc-
cessor of the Court ®f Directors. But beneath this show of
continuity a fundamental difference lay hid. The Court of
Directors supervised, on their own initiative, the whole ordinary
administration of India. They drew up the despatches to ^he
Governor- General, and their special knowledge of^ India
rendered it difficult for the President of the Board of Control
to exercise his undoubted right to criticise or alter what they
had written. His interference was chiefly confined to his own
allotted departments, the regulation of treaties, and the declara-
tion of war or peace. Even in these department?, his decisions
were usually forced upon him by the previous action of the
Governor-General in India, or were powerfully influenced by
the Indian experts in the Court of Directors. It often only
remaine(J for the President of the Board of Control to sanction
what the Company or its servants had done. The power of
ii^^^itiative in the control of all great Indian questions, a^i.le of
internal administration and of external policy, now rests, not
with the Secretary of State's Council, but with the Secretary of
State himself. The despatches to India issue under his single
signature and in his name. ' I have considered in Council,' he
says, the facts of the case, and then he proceeds to give his
decision thereon. He may not only overrule his Council, but
he and the permanent officials under him can to some extent

it^. THE INDIJ OF THE QUEEN

regulate what individual questions shall be sulmiitteci to his
Councillors. The Council is still strong in Indian experience,
but it has not the power of initiative possessed by the CoUrt
of Directors. Personal Indian experience, moreover, is no^v
supplemented (it never can be superseded) l^y carefully compij^ed
and published information regarding each district and province ;
f^ and, so far, the Council has lacked that representative character
which gave to the C6urt of Directors their abiding strength.
Nor can the Viceroy by previous action force the hand of the
Secretary of State," as the G'jvemor-General coyld confront
with the fait aclompli the President of the Board of Control.
The old 'despatches from the Company's servants in India
solicit approval for what they have done ; the present des^
patches from the Indian Government request sanction for what
it proposes to do. The telegraph informs the Secretary of
State, day by day, of every important intention of the Govern-
ment of India, and enables him in «ach case to stay action if he
sees fit.

While the control of India has thus been consolidated in
the hands of the Secretary of State, the Government of India
has been firmly gathered up into the hands of the Viceroy.
Apart from cases of emergency or high importance, in which
the Viceroy may by law act independently of his colleagues,
modern practice has rendered the Governor-General in Council
a more compact and automatic body than it was under the
Company, "^he open opposition of the Council, which for a
time crippled Warren Hastings, had long ceased to be possible.
But down to the last year of the Company, the system of work
tended to keep the Governor-Geijeral and his Council asunder.
The discussion of every case was done in writing. T^e
members of Council recorded elaborate minutes, which travelled
in locked mahogany boxes from the house of one member fa
another, varied by Ulysses-like wanderings after the camp of
the Governor-General, perhaps 500 miles off. He governed
most who wrote *^most, and the personal influence of the
Governor-General, except on questions of policy which he
pleased to make his own, was apt to be lost in the mass of
manuscript.

Jjord Canning remodelled his Council into a Cabinet, with

i! « ^

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN iJS

himself as m-esident. Each member of Council has now
become a minister in charge of a separate department, and
responsible directly to the Viceroy ^r its work. Matters of
^•outine seldom go beyond the member in charge ; questions of
more importance are generall}. settled between the member and
^he Viceroy. Only when they differ, or when points of special
interest or of public policy are involved, does the Viceroy
circulate the papers to his colleagues. Lurd Lawi-ence further
developed this reform. A great deal more is now done by
personal discussion. The secretary of each department has a
day a yeek with the Viceroy, lays before him the facts of every
important case, and receives his orders upon it. Another day
a. week is given to the oral discussion of the most important
cases by the Viceroy and his Council. Under the Company, an
indolent Governor-General might leave all but the most capital
questions to be fought out by his members of Council in
writing. A masterful. Viceroy might treat the lucubrations of
his Councillors as of merely academic interest, and amid the
multiplicity of minutes take his own course. But, unless he
had the tact and the iron will of Dalhousie, he quickly found
his relations grow strained with his Council, and his position
sooner or later made uncomfortable by their friends in the
Court of Directors. A masterful Viceroy would now find it
more difficult to pursue his own way without fair discussion,
and an indolent Viceroy, unless bereft of the sense of humour,
would feel his appearances in Council ridiculous. But the
daily personal influence of a Viceroy who gives his mind to his
-work has immensely increased under the Cabinet system of
transacting business.

The consolidating forces which have thus reorganised the
Parliamentary control and the Viceregal government of India,
m,ake themselves equally felt in the administration. At the
beginning of the Queen's reign the district officer was the
one conspicuous figure in the internal lilanagement of the
country. Far-off things called boards fJad councils and
governors were known to exist, but their existence was scarcely
realised by the people. The head of the district, or ' collector,'
was a king in his own right, and his subjects troublt?d them-
selves with few speculations as to the ultimate sanctions on

)

lb . THE INd\a of the QUEEN

which his authority might rest. One by one hi^^ prerogatives
have been curtailed by the Provincial Governments. Fifty
years ago those Governments had riot the knowledge requisite
to safely curb the collector's power ^f the initiative. District'
now within eight hours of Cabutta were described in the
' Calcutta Review ' shortly before the Mutiny as ' quite unex-
/ plored.' Famines, pestilences, agrarian agitations, tribal move-
ments, the upheavals* of sects and castes — in short, all' the less
common but inevitable incidents of Indian rule — took the
Government by surprise. No regular census, ^hat i^iitialstep to
a knowledge of the people, n5d ever been attempted in Bengal ;
and the fitst census m this lieutenant-governorship disclosed, in
1872, the^existence of twenty -fivL millions of British subjects
above the previous official estimates. The facts regarding each
administrative division, town, and village of any size in British
India, with an account of their physical aspects, their history,
peoples, and products, are now ranged in, 120 printed volumes,
drawn up and indexed on a uniform plan, upon the shelves of
the Indian secretariats. This enormous work is only an out-
ward symbol of the efforts made by the Provincial Governments
during the Queen's reign to inform themselves regarding the
local conditions of government. The railway enables a governor
to visit as many districts in a few months as formerly occupied
his tour during as many years.

The district officers now complain that their duties are
being narro\^ed to writing reports, and to carrying out the
orders of Government (thereon. The commissioners, or high
local officials intermediate between the collectors and the
Government, lament that they have become mere post-offices
for the transmission of these documents. The Boards of
Revenue, which formerly supervised the district administration
from the provincial capitals, perceive themselves drifting into
the** position of secretaries to the Lieutenant-Governor, and
expect the day when they will be formally constituted his
councillors. Mdnwhile the persomul of the Provincial
Governments has been strengthened in proportion to their
increased duties. Where one chief secretary sufficed, ""'three
separate "^"secretariats, each with a complete staff, now fence
round a Lieutenant-Governor. A new race of beings, called

i
(

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 17

heads ol depe'rtments, director-generals, and inspector-generals,
who existed only in a rudimentary form under the Company,
firtnly enforce the control which the secretariats initiate. A
^nancial councillor of the A'^iceroy lately bewailed his lot, fallen
in evil days, when ' ^he Finance Minister of India had become
a mere secretary to the Secretary of State'. I comfort myself,
however,' he added, ' by the reflection that my successor will be
only his^clerk."* Yet the Finance Minister is, and must always
bcj, the most powerful member of the Government, next to the
Viceroy. ^ *

'• Th'i same complaint of excessive centralisation comes from
every class of Indian' administrators. Whether centralisation
has really been carried too far cannot yet be with ' certainty
pronounced. The district officer still stands as the visible
representative of British rule to the people. The administrative
machine seems to work with a smoothness and rapidity formerly
unknown. Mistakes d,re mure easily corrected ; misconduct is
more promptly checked ; from a cheaper judicial agency equal
results are obtained. Whether good work will be equally en-
couraged, honest workers as firmly supported, and the individu-
ality of the administrators as usefully developed, time* alone
can show. Any forecast is complicated by the circumstance
that, while the initiative of the collectors has been curtailed, a
new administrative mechanism of rural unions, district boards,
and municipal bodies has been created. It may seem to the
next generation that the decay of the district officer was merely
a natural stage in the growth of local self-government. To
'Respondent critics of an older school it appears the first step
towards disintegration. One ihing is certain. The increased
strength, the prompter action, and the fuller knowledge which
the heads of pi'ovinces now bring to bear on the district adminis-
tri.tion, permit of local self-government being tried undei-y^fer
conditions, because imder a more vigilant control.

The consolidation of India under the Queen is not, however,
a mere question of the mechanism of government. The old
Customs' lines, which strangled internal trade and divided
province from province, have been swept off the map of India
dui'ing the second half of her Majesty's reign. Unless one
remembered the years of effort required to effect this refoim,

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THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

it would now be difficult to realise the state of things which
preceded it. Actual hedges of tl^orns and cactus bushes and
prickly pear walled out the products of one territory frAm
another. Regiments of Customs' r)fficers walked up and do\vi.'
the sides of these hedges along 'imaginary geographical lines.
Those lines were oifce, indeed, the bitterly contested frontiers
( of hostile States. ' Before the beginning of the reign they had
lost their meaning. *^ Differential duties on a prime riecessary
of life — salt — continued, however, during more than 40 years
to be levied in the several ^Pftsidencies. The railways which
rendered a united India possible also rendered necessary the
equalisation of duties and the abolition of the internal Customs'
lines. Etvch succeeding Viceroy ^ince the Mutiny has laboured
at the task of making unity a reality in India. But as Lord
Dalhousie stands conspicuous as the conqueror, so will Lord
La^vrence and Lord Northbrook be memorable as the consoli-
dators of India under the Queen, iJrxid the brothers Strachey as
the breakers down of the old artificial bamers between its
provinces. Lord Mayo did not live long enough to fully earn
tl?e name of consolidator, although his three short years won for
him, as I shall show in my next article, perhaps a higher title.

While India has thus been compacted and knit together by
the ties of government, by the fibres of trade, and by bands of
iron and steel from railway centres in every province, its popu-
lation has been incorporated under a system of common codes.
Each race re!:ains its domestic law, and the special conditions of
each Presidency are provided for by local legislation. But the
protection of person and property, with the punishment Ox
offences against either, the tranj^actions of commerce, the busi-
ness of daily life between man and man, are placed under the
sanctions of ^ common law. To any one who ha* in his menysry
th^J^iiperial rescript which prefaced the Institutes of Justinian,
the central authority '•non solujii armis decoi-atam sed etiam
legibus armatarn^ and who looks back on the results of Roman
legislation on the modern world, the Indian codes may well
appear the most endming monuments of consolidation under
the Qu^en. Those codes have been described by two masters
of exact and vigorous English, Sii* Henry Maine and Sir James
Stephen, themselves veterans in Indian codification. Any

THE INDIA OF ^HE QU^EN 'l9

attempt to enter upon the subject is forbidden by the limits of
this Review. Bu^ as an imp<Jrtial observer whose Indian experi-
ence has included the twenty-five years during which the codes
Arere introduced, I may be permitted to say that it is almost
impossible to overraZfe the benefits which tjiey have conferred,
'/hey have cheapened and simplified justice to .the people ; they
have improved the quality of the justice done ; they have raised
th^ standard among those engaged in its administration, whether
on the Bench or at the Bar. From a legal point of view it has
been said that the'^difference betwe^ii India before the codes and
• since thS bodes is the difference between IMia without A law and
with a law. From the politi(ial point of view it njay with
greater accuracy be added that the difference is the difference
of the Indian peoples withctit a bond of union and with one.
Separated, like the nations of the Roman Empire, by religion,
by race, and by language, tllev^ are at length brought together
under a common law.

T4iis work has been done by a series of Englishmen, each in
his turn singularly fitted for the part of the task which fell to
his share. The philosophical acumen of Sir Henry Maine was
succeeded by the strong-fisted common sense of Sir James
Stephen, to be followed by Lord Hobhouse's cautious industry,
the long dkperience and technical skill of Mr. Whitley Stokes,
and Mr. Ilberfs ^ fine hand. One weak point in Indian codifi-
cation has been the lack of that acquaintance with actual
difi^iculties in Avorking, which, it would , appear, can only be
gained by a leading practice in the Indian courts. This has at
length been remedied by the appointment for the first time, as
law member, of an acknowledged head of the Indian Bar.
Oxfierd is Addini^ one more to the manv services which she has
rendered to India by publishing an admirable ed?tion of the
Indian codes. Tlie Clarendon Press could not have commemo-
rated the Queen's jubilee by any nobler monument of work done
by Englishmen during her Majesty's reign. »

' Sir Courtenay Peregrine Ilbert, K.C.S.I.

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THE^ INDIA QF THE QUEEN

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CONCILIATION

The Roy^l Proclamation which in 1858 declared the transfer of
India from the Company to the Queen gave three pledges to
that country. To the Princes of India the Crown frankly re-
linquished the right, which the Cor(ipany had lately enforced, of
resuming the great fiefs of the Empire on the failure of natural
heirs. To the people of India the Crown gave an assurance of
their employment in the government 6f the country without
distinction of religion or race. To both Princes and people the
Queen proclaimed her deep personal concern in their welfare.
I propose to narrate the chief measures by which these three
pledges have been fulfilled — the measures by which the sense ot
self-interest, that fidelity to the salt, which formed the allegiance
of India to the Company, is being transmuted into a-sentiment
of loyalty to the Throne. The first two involved new departures
in policy which could only receive effect through her Majesty ""s
representatives. The third was an expression of the mind of
the Sovereign direct to the people, coming from the Royal heart,
and depending for its performance on the Royal will. It may
be convenient, therefore, first briefly to call to mind how the
Queen's personal intentions to India have been carried out.^

It is not too much to say that on every occasion which, oince
IcC^, has stirred India the Queen has made her individual in-
fluence felt to a decree not conceived of by any previous Sovereign
of England. In times of India's rejoicing the telegraph has
never failed to flash the message that the Queen also rejoiced
with her people ; in seasons of suffering, that she suffered with
them., In the domestic joys and sorrows of her own life the
sympathies expressed by India have been acknowledged with a
simplicity and pathos that go straight to the heart of Asiatic

^ '

THE INDIA OF/FHE QUEEN ' 21

races. In the great calamities which at intervals have befallen
tl^e country, whether in tht? outburst of grief and wrath Avith
which the Princes and people lamented Lord Mayo's death, or
when they have had to mourij the loss of their own great chiefs,
ce during the long Hgony of famine, or amjd the swift destruc-
tion of pestilence and flood, there have never Ijeen wanting Royal
words Ojf tenderness, consolation, and peac$. Nor has the Royal
purse been found closed in the hour of India's need. The Queen
has not lacked sympathy towards her Indiar\ servants and troops
in their successes' or their trials. But she has recognised, with a
fine dynastic tact, that the joys and sorro^ws of her I:<idian sub-
jects lie outside the scope of mjlitary achievement or the Govern-
ment ' Gazette.'' There is not a province in which her name is
not associated with some movement for the good of the people.
It is known throughout the length and breadth of the land that
the widespread efforts now* being made to bring medical relief
to the women of India had their origin in words spoken in
pri^rate by the Queen.

Until the present reign no Prince of the blood royal had
ever set foot in India. Each of the Queen's three sons nbw
living has visited India, and one of them, the EAike of
Connaught, is there pursuing a soldier's career. The Duke of
Edinburgh came in 1869, bearing messages of motherly love
from the Sovereign to her people. His visit awakened chords
which had lain mute since the overthrow of the Mughal dynasty.
It was the seal of peace after the great struggle which placed
^ndia* under the Crown, an Act of Oblivion for the painful
memories which that struggle had left behind. The Prince of
Wales's journey through India* in 1875-6 called forth a burst
o^passicAiate loyalty such as had never attended the progress
of any Delhi Emperor. The great feudatories fek for the first
time that they were no longer passive units in an irresistible
organization of political skill and militasy force, but living
members of an Empire under a living head., As the Queen's
Proclamation in 1858 had addressed the understanding, so the
Heir^Apparent's visit in 1876 appealed to the eyes of the people.
It presented in a magnificent series of pageants the* national
significance of the change from India under the Company to
India under the Crown. It heralded that ' still closer union of

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22' THF; INDIA ,0F THE QUEEN

India with the British Monarchy which was consummated on
the Delhi ridge on Januai^y 1, \STi .■ The Diike of Connaugbt's
work in India has been of a non-spectacular and strictly practical
character. He afforded, however, the unusual sight of an
English General, soon after his arrival in the country, address-
ing the native troops in their own tongue. He has come at a
time when two greatcinilitary problems are pressing for solution
— the provision of younger and technically trained native
officers for our native regiments, and the possibility of utilising
the armies of tbe feudatory' 'States. His Royal Highness }ias
applied Mmself to thgt part of the question which directly con-
cerns himself as a Presidency Corrimander-in-Chief, and is under-
stood to be advocating a military college for native officers,
which will do for them what Sandhiti'st has done for the British
subaltern. India has been a country of new growths under the
Queen ; of a new era of industry,^ vf^ith new manufactures and
new commerce ; of new military aims on the part of the
Princes, and of new political aspirations on the part of the
people. But when one looks back on the race-hatreds of 1857,
the most unexpected as well as the most beautiful of the new
growths in India is the sentiment of personal loyalty to the
Thi'one. That sentiment is in no small measure due to the
spirit in which the Sovereign and her sons have during thirty
years fulfilled the words of personal affection which the Queen
in 1858 spoke to the Indian people.

The main pledges, of the Royal Proclamation involved
political or constitutional changes which had to be worked out;
not by the Sovereign herself, but by her representatives. The
most conspicuous of these promfSes was addressed to the Princes
of India. The native chiefs include rulers of eveiy degioe,
from the grelat potentate with ten millions of subjects and an
aiVny of 40,000 men, who raises his oavti revenues, stamps his
own coinage, and exercises absolute powers of life and death,
down to the owner of a few acres exempt from British taxation,
or the hill rajah entitled to a chair in durbar. In the aggre-
gate they govern nearly 600,000 square miles and a population
exceedifig 56 millions, and they maintain a force returned at
350,000 men, with 4,000 guns. The origin of their authority
was as various as are the degrees in which they are permitted

THE INDIA OFJTHE QUEEN '33

to exercise it. Some trace their descent from the gods of the
Hiindu Pantheon or the he^oes of the prehistoric epics, many
to a time before the Mughal dynasty. A large number were
mei'ely the civil or military, officers of that dynasty, whose
$«<flaries had taken tVie form of grants of land, originally resum-
able at the Imperial pleasure or on the death^of the incumbent.
, Others jvere soldiers of fortune who had jysen out of the ruins
of the Mughal Empire, and whose success had beeji legitimated
by treaties with the East India Company. , But one deep and
universal serrtimenl: pervaded the -.hole — the df?sire to transmit

' to their successors their dignity and their^ States. The right of
many of them to do so had always been doubtful ; during the
last years of the East India Company it was subjected to well-
defined limits. It was allowed in the case of natural heirs, but
denied in the case of an adopted son. The question was sur-
rounded by many difficulties, historical and juristic. But,
broadly speaking, the Company held that while an adopted son
continued the legal and religious persona of the adoptive father,
he did not, as a matter of right, continue his political status ;
and that the succession to a feudatory throne must, in sijch
cases of adoption, be regulated by the dictates of public Expedi-
ency. Lord Dalhousie enforced this doctrine, and several native
States came under direct British rule. A feeling of uncertainty
in the very matter in which certainty was most valued spread
among the feudatory chiefs. It stands in history as the chief
political incentive which co-operated Avith religious fanaticism
/yid* military insubordination to produce the disaster of 1857.

The Royal Proclamation of 1858 skilfully re-appealed to
this common sentiment. It cflt away all technical difficulties,
AVi-iether ^f original title or of Hindu law, or of treaties, or of
custom, or desuetude. It gave once and for all 'jo the Princes
of India an indefeasible hereditary title to their States. "Mew
grants were issued to chiefs of rank, the s'jialler ones reposed
under the general terms of the Proclamation., That Proclama-
tion did in 1858 for the feudatory Princes throughout all India

• what.-the Permanent Settlement had done in 1793 for the land-
holders of Bengal. It took a vast heterogeneous coll action of
powerful men, whose rights varied widely both in extent and in
origin, and it united them into a body of firm supporters of the

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24 '' THE INDIA f}F THE QUEEN

,\
British rule by placing them on a common basis of permanent

title derived from the Bi-itish Gb\'ernment. The feudatory
Princes and the Bengal landholders alike realise that their
present status is the creation of ^ht English Government, and
depends upon the stability of that Go\ernment. On tkp
slightest symptom ^of British rule being threatened from without
they have been eager^ in their offers of military and pecuniary
aid. The Permanent Settlement of 1793 conferred the inesti-
mable boon of indefeasible title on the Bengal landholders in
return for payment of a fixeR revenue. The sole Conditions of
the grant.to the feudatory Princes in 1858 were fidelity to their
engagements and loyalty to the Crown,

The Indian Foreign Office now works on the definite principle
that it has got to make the best o£. a body of potentates who
have become as permanent a part of the framework of Indian
Government as the Peers have been of the British Constitution.
One result of this principle is that, in cases of misconduct by a
feudatory chief, the Foreign Office proceeds against him at, an
individual, but takes the utmost care to preserve his dynasty.
Oil the occasions, now happily rare and becoming still more
infreqiient, of a Prince grossly misgoverning his people, or
resorting to poison, or conniving at murder, he is removed from
a position for which he has proved himself unsuited. But
effectual steps are at the same time taken to continue the
feudatory independence of his State. Sometimes a native
council of regency is appointed, sometimes joint Prime Ministers,
English and native, or his heir, however distant, or sdn\e
collateral member of the family, is at once placed on the State
cushion. This principle unexpectedly elevated, not many years
ago, a herd-boy to the throne of the premier Hindu" State^f
India. <•

«rtt would, however, be a poor policy which contemplated only
cases of misconduct The whole relations of the Indian Foreign
Office are now mqre cordial and more forbearing towards the
feudatory chiefs. It interferes with them less, it respects their
native methods of doing business more, it is the chanv,el of
honours «from the Sovereign to those who govern well. It has
become almost a fixed rule of practice that the Viceroy should
be* his own Foreign Minister, retaining in his own hand the

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

Foreign Office portfolio, with no Member of Council between
hi-tfiself and the feudatory cMefs. Ho is in direct and friendly
(contact with them, and takes every opportunity to gather them
around him at solemn Stata functions as the visible represen-
^ive of the Queei\. Above all, he laboiu-s by precept and
example for the education of their sons. The greater native
States, or groups of States, have now their Indian Etons,
p^i-sonally inaugurated by the Viceroy or under his direct
auspices, where the future Princes of India receive a manly and
liberal trainlmg, -^as nearly on tfie lines of an English public
schooFas the pomp and exclusiveness of the Indian feudatories
permit.

Towards these results each succeeding Governor-General
under the Queen has toiled. But one Viceroy stands con-
spicuous as the c;onciliator of the Princes of India — the
lamented Earl of Mayo. I cannot conclude this part of my
subject more fitly than by the words which that great-hearted
rulei" addressed to the chiefs of Rajputana, in the speech in
which he laid down the plan for "a college for their sons : —

' I, as the representative of the Queen, have come here jto
tell you, as you have often been told before, that the desire of
her Majesty's Government is to secure to you and to your
successors the full enjoyment of your ancient rights and the
exercise of all lawful customs, and to assist you in upholding
the dignity and maintaining the authority which you and your
fathers have for centuries exercised in this land. '
, > But in order to enable us fully to cany into effect this '©■ur
fixed resolve, ve must receive from you hearty and cordial
assistance. If we respect youi^ rights and privileges, you must
rJso resffcct the rights and regard the privileges of those who
are placed beneath your care. If we support *you in your
power, we expect in retm-n good government. We dcirg,nd
that everywhere, throughout the length and breadth of Raj-
putana, justice and order shall prevail ; that every man's
property shall be secure ; that the traveller shall come and go
in safety ; that the cultivator shall enjoy the fruits of his
labour and the trader the produce of his commerce ; ^that you
5hall make roads, and undertake the construction of those
works of irrigation which will improve the condition of the

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26' THE INDIA pF THE QUEEN

people and swell the revenues of your States ; that you shall
encourage education and provide fdi'.the relief of the sick. ^

' Be assured that we ask you to do all this for no other but
your own benefit. If we wished yoij to remain weak, we should
say, " Be poor, and ignorant, and disorderly^" It is because v^«
■wish you to be strong that we desire to see you rich, instructed,
and well-governed. Jt is for such objects that the servants of
the Queen rule in India, and Providence will ever sustain t\vt
rulers who go^'ern for the people''s good.

' I am here o^ply for a tiirel The able and ean-nest officers
who surreund me will, at no distant period, return to their
English homes. But the power which we represent will endure
for ages.*' Hourly is this great Empire brought nearer and
nearer to the throne of om- Queen, c The steam-vessel and the
railroad enable England, year by year, to enfold India in a
closer embrace. But the coils she seeks to entwine around her
are no iron fetters, but the golden chains of affection and of
peace. The days of conquest are past ; the age of impr.>ve-
ment has begun.

t ' Chiefs and Princes, advance in the right way, and secure
to youv children's children, and to future generations of your
subjects, the favouring protection of a Power which only seeks
your good.'

Such are the principles which now guide the Government of
India in its daily dealings with the feudatory chiefs. They
explain the passionate sorrow and resentment with which the
Pi-hlces of India mourned for Lord Mayo's death. They alsp
explain the new aspirations of the feudatory chiefs to incor-
porate themselves more actively in the defence of the Empire —
aspirations which lately found expression in the NizamV mggni^^
cent offer. I may be permitted to add that they account, too,
for#.the satisfaction given in India by a peerage created a few
months since. Loi;d Dalhousie and Lord Mayo, the conqueror
and the conciliator of India under the Queen, both passed from
this world under circumstances which rendered it difficult for the
Crown to confer a permanent acknowledgment of their services.
But bothttheir families are at present represented in India in one
household — that of the Governor of Madras, Lord Connemara>
The third pledge of the Royal Proclamation in 1858 was to

THE INDIA OF {THE QUEEN " 27

• I

the people. It promised that, so far as might be, public employ-
ments in India should be.ftpen to all her Majesty's subjects
>vithout distinction of race or creed. In some respects this
pledge may be regarded as"* a.^ development of the policy pre-
^ribed by Parliamthit in 1833, and embodied in measures of
the Indian Government and Legislature during a series of years
extending: from 1821 to 1843. But it has been carried out in
the India of the Queen in a spirit unknown in the India of the
Company. In the first place, the position and prospects of the
branches of the -public service formerly open ^to natives have
bcenliteliberately improved. Their pay,^ their pens'pns, their
independence in action, the degree of initiative allowed to
them, and the place assigned to them alike in ttte official
hierarchy and in social eiLkeem have been greatly enhanced.
A widely spread taint of bribery had been bequeathed to the
early native services by the Muhammadan system of direct
payments for all judicial and, indeed, all official acts. This
evif had to be provided against in the Penal Code, compiled
under the Company and passed soon after its downfall, by
clauses against coiTuption in public servants of a searchi/ig
severity unknown to any other body of civilised law.' That
taint has been purged away, except among the police underlings
and the'lowest classes of native officials. To take one example
— when India came to the Crown, the native judicial service
was under-paid, weak in numbers, deficient in qualifications,
and generally believed to be corrupt. The rural administration
gf justice has now practically passed to native officers, ^11
paid, highly qualified, and absolutely free from suspicion of
bribery. A Hindu gentlemai^ is at this moment acting as
Chief Jiistice of Bengal, the highest judicial post in India.
Native Judges sit upon the benches of her M'ajesty's Higli
Court in each of the Presidency towns, and conduct in the
lower grades the immense preponderance, of judicial work
throughout the districts.

While the position of the branches of the service formerly
avaiUble to natives has been improved, new branches have been
thrown open to them. Native gentlemen exercise a # powerful
voice in making and modifying the laws of India, as members
of the Viceroy's and the Provincial and Legislative Councils.

28^' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

They are graded with European officers in all th^ gi*eat depart-
ments, Revenue, Education, andtPublic Works. The Cove-
nanted Civil Service, that sacred college of sons and nephews in
the days of the Company, is now open to the youth of India by
the same methods as it is open to the youtk of England. Tie
new limit of age bekrs hard upon the Indian candidates, and
this, with other details, has probably not yet reached its final
adjustment. In the meanwhile another channel of entrance has
been provided by direct appointments in India, and one-sixth
of the Covenanted' Civil SgrVice must by* l^w be eventually
composed of natives of that country. The great body of
administrative offices not reserved under statute for the Cove-
nanted Civil Service, which is n6\v a service of control rather
than of administrative mimdice, are^ already filled by natives of
India.

Her Majesty's Indian subjects now claim a fair share, not
merely in the administration, but also in the government of
their country. These aspirations form part of that momentous
question Whither.? which all men who have taken a serious
p?rt in the conduct of Indian affairs under the Queen are at
this n>3ment asking themselves. In my concluding letter I shall
endeavour, with such lights as I possess, to deal with that
question. But meanwhile it has been found in India^ that an
intermediate stage exists between the fair admission of the
natives to the administration, and their incorporation into the
political management of the country. That intermediate stage
is»lxjcal self-government! What Lord Ripon practically replied
to the people was : — ' We neither allow nor deny your claims at
present to a share in the government of the country. But we
ask you to prove yom* fitness by shoAving us how you can ryje
your own visages.' Tliis was the constraining political nedes-
sii^^ underlying Lord Ripon's measures for the development
of local self-government in India. Initial mistakes were made.
They will be forgotten. The Parliamentary method of first
trying to find out what everybody would like obscured for a
time the autocratic method which every Viceroy of India has
had sooi^jer or later to adopt — namely, to realise the force of
the accomplished fact among heterogeneous races and to keep
his programme to himself. The question of local self-govern-

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN -29

ment was complicated by the soreness of an important section of
the community caused by thfe Criminal Jurisdiction Bill. But
when we look back to the solid work left behind by the late
Viceroy, not as foreshadowed in too eloquent sermons of his
^cretariat, but as Embodied in lasting laws, it is difficult not to
feel that the advance was made on the trVie lines, and that a
great question was dealt with in a great arid Imperial spirit.
Much of the actual legislation was necessarily done by the
Provincial Legislatures, but Lord Ripon was rightly recognised
alike by his suppoi^ters and his d|)pt)nents, as the mainspring of
tlie Miole.

It is vain to expect that local self-government will perma-
nently satisfy the aspirations Vhich the Queen's Prtyclamation
and English education havr, awakened in India. But meanwhile
it has accomplished two things. It has supplied a fair answer
at an intermediate stage in the growth of political rights, an
answer which not only proved the good will of the Government,
but. which will also test the fitness of the governed. The policy
of which it formed a chief part "produced a popular conviction
in India, to an extent never existing before, that the Engljsh
Viceroy was earnestly interested in, and deeply sympathised
with, the people. Lord Ripon had the gift of making great
populatfons regard him as their personal friend. The Viceroy-
alty of India is a many-sided office. It allows free scope to the
most widely different types of character. But no English
statesman who fills it in a noble spirit can fail to jfeave his last-
ing mark for good upon the country. 'To each Viceroy his'^'^jvn
special task. Indian history, which knows men neither as
Whigs nor as Tories, but sim<ply by the work which they do
for Indin, while it assigns to Lord Mayo the position of the
conciliator of the Princes, will also recognise in J^ord Ripon a
conciliator of the people.

30 . THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

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THE NEW LEAVEN

The Mutiny of 1857 found the people of India perilously igPxdrant
of the character and the aims of the Government. It also
fomid theci a prey to those panit,:s of fanaticism which sweep-
across uninstructed and superstitious^races. But shortly before
that disaster a policy had been inaugurated which was destined
to modify profoundly this state of things. Sir Charles Wood's ^
great despatch of 1854 had laid lipon the Indian Government
the duty of educating the Indian people. Until then this du.ty,
so far as it had been fulfilled at all, had been discharged by
pundits and maulavis of the ancient credulous learning and by
Christian missionaries. The Company had, indeed, endowed or
assisted many noble institutions ; and educational committees,
guided by philanthropic Englishmen, whose memories ivre still
held in honour in India, laid the groundwork of a system of
general instruction. But these efforts were on a scale altogether
inadequate tcr the work to be done. At first, indeed, the
Cqc-vpany only aimed at' winning the popular esteem which ^ in
the East attaches to a royal patron of learned religious men.
Its next aspirations were confined to training up a sufficient
number of young Indians to assist it, on low pay, in thr details
of the administration.

The real instruction of the people was carried on by different '
methods and in other hands. The ancient Sanscrit tols, or
colonies of colleges^ still shed their old-world lights in rural
India, giving their shorter preliminary course of philosophy in
seven years, and a more adequate curriculum in fourteen or
twenty-one ; but chiefly priding themselves on their gray-headed
students, who devoted their whole earthly existence to the life

' Viscount Halifax.

• THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN >31

of a learner. In every village the little boys squatted under
some spreading tr-ee or in a v^aX hut, writing and ciphering on
the strewn sand, and listening to stories of gods and heroes
from a poor but holy prec^tor, Avhom they propitiated with
pumpkins and a monthly dole t)f rice. While the Hindu pundits
thus pursued their ancient routine, the education of the Muham-
madans remained undisturbed in the hands of their own religious
• instructors. In the mosques and in the verandah or courtyard
oT every Musalman noble some servant of Islam varied his calm
round of daily pray<?r by teachings t^je youth Ihe principles of the
fai^-v The recftation of the Koran ascended hourly from thou-
sands of such boy groups, swaying their* supple little brown
bodies backwards and forwards^ in rhythmic time as they chanted
the Arabic texts, of which they were never taught the meaning.
The higher Muhammadan education was conducted by theo-
logians who basked in the Imperial presence, and whose decisions
on knotty points of doctrme "issued with more than Imperial
authority. To zealous Christian propagandists such instruction,
Hindu and Muhammadan alike,- was the mere teaching of the
devil. The missionaries threw themselves with passionate
energy into the work of imparting more excellent ^hings.
There is no brqjach of the Latin Church, whether Catholic or
Protesta«t, which has not left some name dear to India as that
of a public instructor. All honour to those early voices crying
in the wilderness— alike to the Jesuits, De Nobili and Beschi ;
to the martyr, De Britto ; to the Carmelite, Fra-»Paolino ; to
the Lutherans, Ziegenbalg, Schultze, "and Schwartz ; to -the
• >> Baptists, Carey, Marshman, and Judson ; to the Presbyterians,
Duff, of Calcutta, and Wilson of Bombay ; to Henry Martyn,
that beaijtifid young spirit of the Anglican Church ; and to the
vfho\e noble a]*my of Christian workers, by whatsoever sect they
were sent, and from whatsoever country they came, who, before
the national conscience of England had awakened and while
the official conscience in India still remained' inert, entered on
the great task of educating the Indian people.

Since 1854 State education has formed an important instru-
ment 'bf British rule in India. The previous committees were
organized into a complete system of public instruction, directed
by high officers, and spreading u network of schools over every

32^ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

district. The old agencies, indigenous and missionary, were
for a time and in certai,ti localiti'^s, looked upon by the new
department with a cold eye. But they were unmolested, then
aided, and aie now, by the recrnt Education Commission,
cordially incorporated into a tiiily national system of State
education. The same year, 1857, that witnessed the convulsibn
of the Mutiny saW also the Universities of Calcutta, Madras,
and Bombay foundea by Acts of the Indian Legislatui'e. Two
additional Universities have since been established for the
North- Western Provinces af^d*the Punjab. > It is almost impos-
sible to convey t^o any one who has not spent the greatftY-f»art
of the last thirty years in India a conception of the profound
changes »yhich State education has brought about. It is easy
indeed to reckon up the schools of , which the State has cogni-
sance at 143,000, and the pupils at over 3,400,000. But all the
facts of Indian progress express themselves in millions, and the
true residts of a great spiritual influence on a people cannot be
gauged by statistics, or by the number of its visible habitations,
or by any outward magnificence in stone and lime. The marvel-
lous uprising of the Indian intellect has been compared with
the revival of learning in Europe. But there is this essential
difference. The schools and colleges of Europe were still mainly
directed by the Church ; the schools and colleges of lindia ai'e
directed by the State. The British Government of India, like
Matthew Arnold's ideal ruler, is of the religion of all its
subjects, anti of the bigotry of none. Thirty- three years ago
tfejiX Government founi' Indian education resting on an almost
exclusively religious basis. It has reorganized Indian education <•
on an almost exclusively seculai; basis. The result is not chiefly
one of figmes. It is to be found rather in the upheaval of new
ideas, the quickening of new social and political forces, and- in
tl^e deadening of the old fanaticism, the dismemberment of the
old superstitions, the death of old beliefs.

This is the New Leaven at work in the India of the Queen.
Many Indian thinkers, Hindu, Muhammadan, and missionary,
only fear that it has done its work too thoroughly. They look
forward, with apprehension to the effects of a national education
which is destructive of the national faiths. There is something
vei:y touching in the anxious consideration which the Indian

* THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ^33

Education Commission of 1882 gave to this subject, compared
with the meagren^ss of the 'results. .That body consisted of
twenty-one men chosen for their administrative ability or
educational experience fronir the various provinces of India ;
high English officials, Hindus, Muhammadans, missionaries,
the representatives alike of the Government and of the great
sections of the Indian community. The membci-s conferred
*\vith eacR other again and again in private on the effects of edu-
cation on the religious character of the Indian races ; their
discussions at the mv;etin";s of thotiommission in the Calcutta
, ToAv'n-Hall were long and animated. ' On the one hand,' says
their report, ' it was argued that moral and religious instruction
was the necessary complement ^^o secular instruction ; »that to
the people of India, so instinctively religious, such instruction
would be thoroughly congenial ; that the necessity of it had
been forcibly pressed upon^ the Commission by a number of
witnesses, and its abserrce been the subject of many complaints."
But after careful deliberation the Commission found itself
forced back upon a non possu'nin.'i. It rejected a proposal
' that religious insti'uction be permitted in primary schook
maintained by ^boards,' even if the sanction of the local com-
mittee were obtained and absolute exemptions provided for
children M»hose parents objected. The decision against attempt-
ing to teach religion in Government schools and colleges was
equally firm, and extended to the prohibition of any examiner
setting a question which might call for an expre^Ssion of a
candidate's belief. All that the Commission could propose J^r^
•primary schools was that ' inspecting officers and teachei-s be
directed to see that the teaching ^nd discipline of every school
are such %s to exert a right influence on the manners, the
coftduct, and the character of the children, and that for tlie
guidance of the masters a special manual be prepared.' The
utmost it could recommend for colleges was that ' an attempt
be made to prepare a moral text-book, based upon the funda-
mental principles of natural religion,' and that a course of
lectures be delivered each session ' on the duties of a man and
a citizen.' This solemn endeavour of a great and powerful
Commission to provide religious teaching for two bundled
UiiHions of souls ending in ' a moral text-book,' carried by a

S4 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

( (■

narrow majority, and 'a series of lectures on the duties of a
man and a citizen,' which the repdrt feared \Cbuld be ' delivered
in a perfunctory manner,' is one of the pathetic spectacles of
modern history. *

While, however, the Indian Government declines to teach
religion in the Stafe schools, it also declines to interfere with
the teaching of religion in private institutions. To all alike,
to the Hindu school, to the Mosque school, to the missionary
school, to the schools of the Jews, of the Greeks, the Armenians,
the Parsees, and the new 'Sitlstic sects, it 'offers pecuniary aid
under pi'inted rules according to their standards of •sCfiular
instruction. It is partly owing to this safety valve that the
Indian System of public instruction, M'hile profoundly modify-
ing Indian religious thought, has produced no violent disruption
of the ancient faiths. There has been no spiritual cataclysm.
The result, hoAvever, is chiefly due to the well-earned hold which
the national religions of India have i!pon the people. The
doctors of Islam are confident that their pure monotheism
has less than Christianity to fear from modern science.
Hinduism is embarrassed by no definite canon of scripture. No
oecumenical council, no received and finite tradition, ever
sealed up its fountains of inspired truth. Hinduism forms
a unique product of plastic conservatism, which has' moulded
itself during ages upon the slowly changing needs, social and
religious, of the Indian races. For Hinduism is a social
organization as well as a religious confederacy. As a social
•c>tganization it rests upon caste, but with its roots deep down
in the ethnical elements and family life of the people. As a^
religious confederacy it repres^its the coalition of the higher
Brahmanical faith with popular rites. c-

For the masses, Hinduism has constructed a round'"of
observances amounting to a perpetual recognition of the
Unseen Powers. Its religious year still rests upon the basis of
nature, to whose times and seasons the births and apotheoses of
deities have, on pain of oblivion, to conform. Its frankly solar
cycle of festivals is not obscured by the meteorological vagaries
of the<. northern temperate zone. As the sun declines sadly in
winter to its lowest point, the people purify themselves from
the sins of the past witli lustrations for their ancestors, and

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 35

bathings in tlie river or the ocean for their own backslidings.
The tardy solar re-ascent is celebrated *by mingled ceremonies of
retrospect and of hope, culminating in the joyous outburst of
the spring festival and the solemnities of high summer. In the
tropics the festivals cff a people are the religious life of a people,
little affected by educational text-books or by the Govern-
ment inspector of schools. For the morw intellectual classes
Hinduism provides less material devotions ; and for the most
intellectual it has its esoteric truths. Hereditary religions are
usually placid*. - The educated Hindus find' a benevolent
•scepticism as to the dogmas of their national faith quite
compatible with a calm enjoyment of its ritual. One^ of the
most eminent of them, a maft full of years and riches and
honours, who has established' hospitals, founded schools, made
roads and drained marshes thoughout his estates, came last
spring to bid me * good-bytf "■ -^vhen I was leaving India for a
few months. Like most elderly Brahmans, he had been
engaged for years in preparation ^for the future life, living on
the simplest diet at the cost of a few pence a day. As he was
going away, J said, * I trust I shall find you well on my return
in November."' He answered, 'I hope so,' adding gently,
* unless before then you hear that I am better.' It is not
surprising that a religion which can produce this inward
serenity, and which can freely adapt its externals to the chang-
ing wants of the age, should fear little from the Stat^ college or
the Anglo- vernacular school. , \

Rficent careful observers would state the case more strongly.
They think that Hinduism has yet much work to do. They
point out that its old task of absJi-bing the races of India into
a religious 3lnd social federation is still unfinished. The low
castes are yearly creeping upwards to higher standards of cere-
monial observance, the out-castes are coming within the pale, *
the hill and forest peoples are entertaining Brahman priests and
copying Hindu rites. Whether the rise of the low castes in the
ceremonial scale is a gain to them in this life seems doubtful,
but it i% not a question which they will ask us to decide. To
the aboriginal races, with their witch-finders and mm'rain-
spr^ders, and perpetual fear of sorcerers, and devils, the
advantage is more evident. A Brahman has only to set up his
. '02

36 THE INDIA, OF THE QUEEN

[

leaf hut in their glens and to mark a stone or trunk of a tree

with a daub of red painf, and the poor malignant spirits of - the
forest flee before the powerful Hindu gods. The legend of the
Archangel smiting down the demon with his sword is every
year enacted in sorne forest recess of India. An authoritative
system of worship is a gi'eat comfort to these backward races,
hemmed in by the vncontrolled forces of tropical nature, as it
teaches them how to propitiate the mysterious powers and
tends to liberate <^heir minds from the terrors of the unseen.
I have no symrathy with those who would minimise the results
of Christian missionary enterprise in India. But the "^Indian
census, in spite of obscurities of classification, proves that
Hinduism is a religion which hUs not yet exhausted its mandate.
For the hundreds which it loses ti!» Christianity, or to Islam, or
to the new theistic sects, thousands of the lower races crowd
into its fold. To those races Hinduism means a change from
the fear of demons to the Avorship of gods.

The railways, which have rendered the political unity of
India under the Queen possible, tend also to the consolidation
of the national faiths. The path of pilgrimage has been made
smooth. For the Muhammadans the Passenger Ships Acts and
the ocean steamers have deprived the journey to the Prophet's
birthplace and tomb of its dangers. Messrs. Cook & Son,
under a convention with the Bombay Government, conduct
Musalmans to Mecca with the same care and economy as they
qfnduct Christians to Jerusalem. For the leading Hindu
shrines convenient branch railways have been constructed, which
give fair promise of 6 per cent, dividends and shares at 25
above par. The more secluded temples still have their old-
fashioned worshippers. But the chances of a god doing a large
and increasing business are greatly improved by a railway
'"station. Juggernaut himself, after defying the calumnies of a
century, now finds his popularity imperilled for want of railway
communication. The prospects of ' The Lord of the World '
rise and fall as the Secretary of State is rumoured in India to
be willing to grant terms to the proposers of the branch Orissa
line dt 3 or 3^ per cent. But pilgrimage by return ticket, with
children at half- fares, while it promotes joyous gatherings of
the people in honour of the gods, is death to fanaticism.

^ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN *37

Education in India has its political embarrassments ; but it
hag strengthened iSie hands bf the Bi'itish Government. We
are no longer, as in 1857, dealing with dense masses ignorant of
our aims and a prey to fals» but fatal misrepresentations. If
the little cakes or cl^patis of the Mutiny were now forwarded
from village to village they would have abbut the same effect
that the sending out of the Fiery Cross would in the Scottish
'Highlands, or the despatch of the tribal sal-leaf through the
San tal glens. The Indian peoples have their grievances, as the
Ai-gyllshire cottars have theirs. IJat they now seek redress for
. theiT^gi'ievances by methods which wecan watch and understand.
IMuhammadans and Hindus still hate each'other enough to like
a -street fight when their festijjv'al processions get jammed at a
narrow corner, and neither p'*rty will give way. But organized
fanaticism is a thing of the past. Instead of the perils of igno-
rance, we are now face to fape with the dangers of education.
Amid our new difficulties, we sliould not forget the old ones
whigh they have superseded.

The benefits of the change ■- may be realised from many
examples. I shall select two drawn from the two gi'ea^
sections of tlie Indian population. Muhammadan agitations in
India have usually been stimulated by fatwas, or decisions of
the doctA's of Islam, in favour of holy war. Such a fatwa was
pronuilgated with solemn pomp in 1857, and the long course
of Wahabi disaffection was during forty years supported by
similar decisions. A standing camp was maintaii!ed against
us j^st.over our north-western frontier, 'recruited from zealous
Muhammadans in the Company's territories, and supplied with
the sinews of war by subscriptions in the rich cities of the
Ganges. One expedition after another was sent against the
c^'mp beyond bur border, and one State trial after another
strained the credit of the Government in British India.
The disaffected leaders conscientiously rested their cause
on the religious duty of the Indian Musalmans to bring back
a Muhammadan country under the rule of Islam. So serious
was this aspect of the case that Lord Mayo, in 1871, per-
mitted the evidence in the records of the Government to be
erybodied in a work entitled ' The Indian Musalmans — Are

;

38' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

they bound in conscience to rebel against the Queen ? ' ' It
showed that, according to the beLt authorities, they were ijot.
But the criticisms which the little treatise drew forth from
learned Musalmans were more valuable than the treatise itself,
and disclosed the change which was taking place in the
Muhammadan view iegarding this alleged obligation. Orthodox
and semi-orthodox doctors of Islam pulled to pieces the
decisions which had been issued in support of Jehaa. They
based their conclusions mainly on the technical ground that, as
the ruling power in India p?ocected the Muhammadan religion,
India was not a t)ar-ul-harb, or country of the enemy, ^ut a
Dar-ul-Islam, or coiintry where the true faith was practised
midisturbed. In such a cour^ry thei*e could be no lawful
Jehad, or holy war. This was very satisfactory at the time, and
was exactly what the little work had been intended to elicit.

But since then the discussio.n has passed into a very
different stage. One Muhammadan wliter after another has
examined the philological and the legal significance of Je^ad.
A convenient compendium of this class has recently reached me
from Maulavi Abu Said Mahomed Husain, of Lahore. It
states the case in ten propositions, or points of law, Avith de-
ductions fi'om them. The final conclusions are that not only
is Jehad or holy war unlawful in India, because the Mu-
hammadans there enjoy the full exercise of their religion, but
also that a true Jehad can nowhere be waged at present, or,
indeed, ' ev^r since the lawful Caliph ceased to exist.' I state,
Avittiout criticising, the maulavi's views. Some ^vriters go fur;^her.
They insist that Jehad literally means striving or strenuous
exertion with a sense of duty to God. They hold that the
industrious Muhammadan peasant while driving his .plough, or
the Muhammadan clerk while diligently bending over his desk, Is
in the true sense waging holy war. The Indian doctors of Islam
are not content, however, with stating their own views. They
unsparingly condemn the ignorance of the views which preceded
them. ' No really learned man,"' says the Lahore maulavi,
' either took part in the Mutiny, or willingly signed the fatwa
declariijg it to be lawful Jehad.'

' The Indian Musalvians, by Sir William W. HunLer, K.C.S.I. London,
Tiubner & Co., 1871.

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN '39

% ^ '

The progress of intelligence has exercised an equally
powerful influencft on the flindu lyethod of treating their
sacred texts. With the exception of the new theistic sects, the
Hindus would not formally deny the sanctions of their ancient
scriptures any moreHhan the Muhammadans would dispute the
sanctions of the Koran. But the Hindus have an effective
method of getting rid of the incubus of divine authority when
'it sits too heavily on the freedom of human action. They hold
that their earlier scriptures embody a more direct inspiration,
and have a higher warranty than ;:ricir later ones. A new pre-
cept 'cannot supersede an older text. An appeal can, therefore,
always be made from modern practice to i?he ancient scriptures.
The sensible reformer in India^when he finds the sacred law no
longer suitable to the existing state of things, does not say ' Let
us make a new law,' but 'Let us go back to an older law.'
The appeal is practically ffom the mediaeval scriptures of the
last 1,800 years to the Veda. ' These mediaeval scriptures are
voluminous, and on their enormous aggregation of doctrine and
custom modern Hinduism rests. -The Veda has but a meagre
theology. It is a poetical rendering of an old world which hf^s
passed away rather than a legal code to regulate the pi'esent
stage of human life. The Hindu reformers appeal, therefore,
with confidence against present abuses to the Veda, for they
know that those abuses will find no support in the Veda, and
probably no reference to them whatever. Indeed, they may
safely rely on the essential differences of the social* state which
the Vejla represents to discover some Veflic text in an opposite
sense to the modern custom. The abolition of widoAv-
burning was commended to religious Hindus by showing that
the Vedic^ texts, so far from enjoining the rite, were opposed to
it. The abolition of child marriages is now advocated on the
same ground, and the disabilities imposed by the present system
of caste will be melted away in the same crucible. But they
must first be felt by the Hindus to be abuses. As soon as Hindu
gentlemen of good caste really desire to come to England in any
numbers they will easily get rid of the prohibition against
crossftig the ' black water.' At the beginning of the Queeji's reign
the appeal back to the Veda was made by learned Englishmen ;
tTiat appeal is now conducted by the Hindus themselves.

40'

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

Indian customs will stand or fall according to their own power
of adaptation to the v^ants of < the age. <■ But Indian con-
sei*vatism will render the change a slow one. The vis inerfiw
is still the strongest force among the masses of the people. We
must not forget this fact in considering the aspirations of the
educated class. It is in order that we may take a calm and just
view of the political products of Indian fermentation that
I have dwelt on the religious and social working of the New
Leaven.

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ' 41

WHITHER ?

AVhat is to Secome of the India thus conquered, consolidated,
and conciliated under the Queen ? It *is no answer that as
India went on well enough for a long time under the Company
so it may go on well epough for a long time under her
Majesty's Government ; for the main problem of holding India
set before the Company was exactly the reverse of that which
we have now, on pain of public calamity, to solve. The
problem under the Company was to divide and govern ; the
problem of the Queen's Government in India is to unite and rule.
Remember that the India of the Queen to-day is half as lar^e
again as the India of the Company at the commencenjcnt of
her Majesty's reign. Remember, too, that when the Company
allowed* its problem to get the mastery, it fell. The Mutiny
was the direct result of uniting the Princes and sepoys in a
common animosity and fear before the Government had the
appliances for rendering the force of the Empire ^swiftly avail-
able at every point. The unification *of popular feeling out-
stripped the resources of centralisation.

The Queen's Government^ has deliberately accepted the
risks of^a united India. It is inspiring the Princes of India
-^vith coinmoi> aims, it is associating the peoples of India on
common platforms, it has bound together the provinces of
India by railways and telegraphs, as they never were inspired,
associated, or bound together under the Company, Its
administration is being centralised as it never was centralised
under the Company. The defences of India by land and sea
depend upon the British army and upon the British fleet as
they never depended under the Company. The foreign policy,
^he internal measures, the daily acts of the Indian Government

42 ' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

are controlled by orders from Westminster as they never were
controlled under the Company. The Queen"'s Government of
India has preferred the dangers of popular education to the
perils of popular ignorance. Foe the isolated hazards of
heterogeneous races it has substituted the •talculated risks of
a vast coalition of 200 millions of human beings, whom it is
binding together by common interests. Those common inter-
ests are finding a powerful and persistent advocacy in' a free
native Press such as was quite unknown at finy previous period
in India. An analogy dra*'n from the Company's century
of office is a false analogy when applied to the India of "the
Queen ; for the conditions are essentially different, and the
problem is no longer how to govern a divided India, but how,
having united India, to rule.

I should be undeserving of public attention if I were
to indulge either in optimistic prophesyings or in pessi-
mistic forebodings. I shall confine myself to setting forth
from such knowledge as I possess a few of the difficulties
which surround, and some of the dangers which seem to
threaten, the government of a united India. The first question
is the. fundamental problem of population. The resiilt of
civilised rule in India has been to produce a strain on the
food-producing powers of the country such as it had never
before to bear. It has become a truism of Indian statistics that
the removal of the old cruel checks on population in an Asiatic
country is by no means an unmixed blessing to an Asiatic
people. The Hindu and' che Muhammadan are alike unrestrained
by Malthusian scruples. The restrictions which war, pestilence,
and famine formerly imposed ox* their increase they refuse to
impose upon their own actions. That increase has of L ±e years
expressed itself in large and appalling figures. Sut when we
look more narrowly into the figures they are not without some
comfort. The increase is most rapid in the parts of India
which can best support it. While population in several of the
densely thronged Gangetic districts has reached the stationary
stage, it increased in thinly peopled Assam by 18 per cent,
during the nine years between the census of 1872 and that of
1881, and in the Central Provinces by over 25 per cent. While
the valley of the Ganges is yearly over-cropped to supply its

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ' 43

congested millions with food, vast areas of land on the outskirts
(jf that valley still await tlie plough- To take only the two
Chief Commissionerships already named, the cultivable lands
still unoccupied in Assam and the Central Provinces, deducting
Government foresis and the area within great private estates,
exceed seventeen million acres, or more than the whole area in
Great Britain and Ireland returned under corn crops, green
crops, gi-ass, and all other crops in 187*^ (before the present
depression of agriculture set in), excluding, of couise, permanent
pasture. •-> ^^

* With thes^ and similar facts before us Tdo not think that

the increase of popidation is a problen^ which will beat the
Queen's Government of Indja. In this, as in other difficult
social questions, India has, been passing through a transition
stage. During the last half-century of the Company the increase
of the people outstripped the appliances for their distribution.
The internal peace airti prosperity of British rule led to a gi'owth
of population of which even the ablest servants of the Company
formed an altogether inadequate estimate. We have the highest
authority for stating that shortly before the Permanent Settje-
ment in 1793 a third of the Lieutenant-Governorship of JBengal
was destitute of inhabitants. AVe have an absolute knowledge
that when Bengal passed to the Crown in 1858 the Company
under-estimated by one-half the population then transferred. I
do not say this by way of reproach. The Company had to build
up its rule with the sword in one hand and the Ll'owel in the
other, It substituted an immeasurable? superior administration
in India for the administration which preceded it. But the
truth remains that it bequeathed in Bengal to the Queen's
Government a congested population of whose increase it possessed
— no accurate knowledge, and for whose distribution it had con-
structed practically no railways. The few hundred miles of
single line which it left behind in India have multipHed lo
13,000. But the increase has been necessarily gradual, and
until the routes now in progress to the Central Provinces and
to Eastern and North-Eastern Bengal are completed their
ultimate effect on the congested districts cannot be known.

The obvious remedy of emigiation has meanwhile been tried
and has failed. The official Gazettes give Ikom time to time the

44 ' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

statistics of those who seek their fortunes in Assam or beyond
the seas, and the amount of the savings which 'chey bring back.
But their numbers, although making a fair show in figures, are
altogether inadequate to the facts to be dealt with. In a
country where there is no poor law, and where caste and the
system of coi-porate "family aid which caste represents alone
stand between the accidents of poverty and absolute want, men
naturally dread to go forth with their women and children from
the one spot on earth in which they are sm-e of help in their
hour of need. The vernacular school is only very slowly making
the Bengal peasant understand that within 500 miles of Ms
overcrowded hamlet there are lands which would yield him two-
fold better crops at one-fifth of the rent. To a Bengal peasant
ftimily, unless aided by the State or by foreign capitalists, a
500 miles' jom-ney without a railway is about as practicable as a
migration to a moon of Jupiter. The Government has mean-
while laboured by legislation to make the existing area of culti-
vated land go as far as possible to feed the people. It has
stepped in between the monopoly of the soil which over-popu-
lafion creates for the landholders and the consequent rise in
rents. > It has given a clear and full tenant-inght to the culti-
vator, with every legislative encouragement to increase the
produce of his fields. But land laws can only mitigate, Svithout
remedying, the pressure on the soil in an agricultm-al country
in which the population multiplies and the amount of land
stands still. ' Dui-ing the past five years an inquiiy has been
silently conducted as to the extensions of tillage recently made,
and still possible, in every district of British India. How far
direct action by Government maj' be practicable in aiding the
movements of the people to new lands, is a question whjch must
be deliberately reconsidered with a view to the new appliances'
of distribution now at the Government's disposal. The spread
of education is slowly but surely lessening the peasant's ancient
dread of migration, and the railway is every year making it
more possible for him to migrate. The battle of civilisation
against over-population has not yet been lost, and it may yet
be won. ^

The difficulties of governing a united India are of our own
making. As the prosperity of the people under British rule,

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ' 45

the cessation of internal wars, and State-aid on an enormous
scale in time of famine hive led to an increased population
whom it is not easy to feed, so our fearless system of public
instruction has inspired thit population with aims and ambitions
which it is not possible at once to satisfy. We have taken the
young Princes of India out of the seraglio and placed them
under high-minded English officers or in schools of chiefs. For

» the perpetual flattery of women we have substituted a training
in manly sports and in manly arts, Their^ tutors and governors
have constantly kept before them the English ideal of public
duty attaching to a great position. We have done all this
because, in the words of Lord Mayo, we wish them to be strong ;

to realise the high responsibilities of rulers of States, and to be
able to discharge those re?ponsibilities in a noble spirit. Can
we be surprised that this sort of education is beginning to bear
its fruits — that the young Princes of India should no longer be
content with the old' role of tlie stage-king in a Court pageant ;
tjiat with 55,000,000 people to govern they decline to live by
deputy, or to accept an existence of tableaux v'wants ; that with
an army of a third of a million at their command they shcyild
claim to take a share in the defence of the Empire ?

In India it is most true that it is the unexpected which
happefis. Until a few weeks ago Indian statesmen thought
that, although the problems of the people and of the Press
might be urgent, yet that the problem of the Princes might
well wait. A polite letter from the Nizam to Lord Dufferin
has .completely altered the situation*. This young Prince is
essentially a product of our new system of educating the feuda-
tory rulers of India. He has, brought the whole question to a
direct Jfesue by offering 600,000/. towards the frontier defences.
'^ Ever since Lord Mayo we have always been able to count upon
the swords of our feudatories in event of war. What the
Nizam courteously asks is that he may be allowed to share
the cost of the needful precautions during peace. He lays this
request not only before the Viceroy, but he comes, as the
premier Muhammadan vassal of the Queen, directly before the
British nation with the text of his letter, telegraphed by His
Highness's orders from Hyderabad to Tlw Times. The

* spectacle of this generous and powerful young Prince begging

46 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN ,

to be allowed to be of use to England may well make the
English heart beat high. It is not surprising that the British
Press should have urged the immediate acceptance of so splendid
a token of loyalty, and wondered thair there could be a momenfs
delay. But the Government of India knows well that this
offer, disinterested and noble as it is, may force on the decision
of momentous issues. The Nizam does not stand alone among
the Princes of India in his loyal aspirations. No Englishman,
and certainly no successful English statesman like Lord Dufferin,
can help a quickeninsr.of the pulse in the midst of a great out-
burst of I^nglish piiblic sentiment such as the Nizam's offer has
called forth. But England would have cause to augur ill of a
Viceroy who permitted the measured march of Indian policy to
break into an emotional pace for any expression of opinion less
fully instructed and less deliberately matured than his own.

The Indian Government will doubtless, at the proper time,
render its reasons to Parliament for its present action. Mean-
while, without glancing in any way at the individual case, it is
possible to indicate the gravity of the issue involved by a new
departure in our dealings with the feudatory States. I am one
of those who frankly believe that a new departure is becoming
inevitable. I do not think that the British Government can,
with its new militaiy exigencies, go on for ever giving lililitary
protection to feudatory India under ancient arrangements made
before those exigencies arose. The military protection origin-
ally re^quired "ibr the native States was protection against one
another and against the^r own subjects. But the irresistible
march of events has now rendered the Indian frontier almost
conterminous with the armed can^p of Eiu-ope, and has involved
a costliness and a completeness of equipment never" before
contemplated. The ablest of the feudatory chiefs perceive this
and say in effect : ' Why should we Indian Princes continue to
play at soldiering with one-third of a million of tin troops ?
Take these men, or as many of them as you want, discipline
them at our expense, either up to the point of effectiveness
required for active service or up to the point sufficient for a
second lin,e of reserve. You will give us a career, and you will
enormously strengthen the Empire."* But one great historical
fact stares us in the face. The main function of the armies of

THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 47

^ '

British India has hitherto been to i<eep watch and ward over
t)je native States. A comparatively small body of highly
disciplined troops have accomplished this task, partl}^ by great
cantonments located at strategic points of a network of railways,
partly by ineffectiveness of the feudatory levies. How far do
the altered circumstances of India and the growing loyalty of
the Indian Princes justify a departure from this system ? How
:^r is it yet safe to supersede a policy of watch and ward by a
policy of trust ? To stand still is, I belie^fe, impossible. But
a false step in a forward movement may,, as^ every one can see
fof himself, imperil British rule. Woe to the nati'^n which
decides such a question by self-seeking party speeches or by
s-ensational magazine articles- or in any otherwise than by the
cautious and deliberate actiofti of those who have the complete
knowledge to guide their decision, and who are directly respon-
sible for the results.

This question of confidence lies at the root of our whole
position in India. How far is it yet safe to trust the Princes ;
how far is it yet safe to trust Ihe people ? For the Queen's
Proclamation and the Queen's government of India have al;»o
inspired the people with aspirations imknown under any pre-
vious rule. I have shown how these aspirations have been
hithertc/ met by incorporating the natives of India into the
administration. The Public Service Commission now sittine: at
Calcutta will have something more to say on this subject within
the next few months. But we have deliberately e3ucated the
upper-classes to aspire not only to administrative offices, but
also to political power. These aspirations not only find utter-
ance in the native Press and qu the platforms of hundreds of
local associations, but are authoritatively formulated and re-
nterated each cold weather by a powerful representative body
drawn together from almost all the provinces of India, and
meeting at one or other of the Presidency capitals. This self-
constituted chamber of deputies forms a very significant
phenomenon of a united India. I do not believe that the British
nation can for any long period put aside some of the questions
with "which its programme deals. If I did not believe, this on
the gi'ounds of generosity and justice, I should come to the
same conclusion on the grounds of expediency and prudence.

48 ' THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

I believe, too, that we can very gradually and very safely re-
spond to some of the claims made iipon us. Any real necessity
for a direct representative Government in India has not yet
arisen. I sincerely trust, however, that India will before
long be represented indirectly by Indian gentlemen elected
by English constituencies to the British Parliament. The
best men may not go at first, for the serious political leaders
of India have hitherto been prevented by caste and other con-
siderations from co»ning to England. But they will come in
time.

It is impossible for an Englishman acquainted with the facts
of Indian finance to read the report of its annual scurry through
Parliament without pain. It is difficult for Indian journalists
to write about those debates withv^^ut indignation. A few old
civilians, more or less out of touch with the altered condition
of things in India, criticise certain^ details with the foregone
conclusion that they cannot alter them. The true issues are not
raised. India complains, for example, that England has practi-
cally compelled India to give up its moderate tariff of sea
customs, although almost all countries in India's stage of
progress depend largely on external customs duties, and
although England down to our own day did so herself. India
complains that English policy compels India to borrow? yearly
large sums of money, for which England would probably find
herself, if the worst came, morally compelled to acknowledge
resppnsibilily, but which meanwhile have to be raised at Indian
instead of English rates of interest. India complains; that
while the Queen's Government has said India shall have an
annual Budget, yet that Budgel;, unless it imposes a new tax,
is not brought before the Indian Legislature. Except in this
contingency, the whole public expenditure of India, stated at^
the nominal official exchange at seventy millions sterling, is
altogether exempted from discussion in the Indian Legislative
Council, and is run through an almost empty Parliament in a
few hours per annum. I do not at present say how far these
complaints of the natives of India are well founded, or how far
they cap be remedied. But they are complaints on which^t is
expedient that England should hear the views of Indian gentle-
men in the House of Commons ; and the constituency wih

\ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 49

deserve well of the nation which sends the first native of India
to ""Parliament.

Meanwhile a principle has been silently adopted in India
which furnishes a provisional outlet for the native aspirations
towards a share in the Government. The system of nomination
to the Supreme and the Provincial Legislative Councils is being

^conscien^ously worked, so as to render it'^a system of repre-
sentation. For some time after the transfer of India to the
Crown a seat in the Supreme Legislative Coilncil was regarded
as one of the many decorative incidents iti-l^ life of a great

Raja. Now, an Indian political leader mny be made a Raja
for good work done in the Viceroy's Legislative Council, but
an Indian gentleman will notJ/« made a member of that Coun-
cil because he is a Raja. 1 only state Avhat every Indian
publicist would acknowledge, that the most perfect electoral
system could not sele,ct ti\ier representatives of the Hindu
community than the Hindu members of the Viceroy's Legis-
lative Council and of the Legislative Councils of Bombay and
Bengal. The same remark probably applies to Madras, but
I cannot speak of its Council from my own knowledge. The
representative character of the Supreme and Pro^'incial Legis-
lative Councils, by the conscientious exercise of the system of
nomination, is capable of foi'ther developments. As the powers
of those Councils are gTadually extended, and when the
({uestion of their right of interpellation comes, r^- it must
before long come, before Parliament, jtheir effectiveness as
organs 6f representation will be immensely increased.

Meanwhile there is a body capable of rendering great
services alike to England and to India whose capacity for good

Js impaireci by its non-representative character. The Secretary
of State's Council has of late years been strengthened by
members who are known to represent the commercial interests A
of the Anglo-Indian community. This is right, and there can
be no question as to the access of financial practical skill which
the Council received last spring. But the deliberate system of
seeking out men who represent the views or possess the con-
fidence of the native Indian community, which is giving \o the
Indian Legislative Councils a truly representative character, has
not yet been adopted in regard to the Council of the Secretary

> E

(
50 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN

of State. The appointments to ;'-hat Council are made fairly
and openly, with an eye io the administrative experience of Lhe
few possible candidates, or with a view to reward their past
services. But the Council would be strengthened, and it would
greatly strengthen the hands of the Secretary of State, if it
contained one or two Indian gentlemen, or gentlemen who were
known to represent the views of the native community. As
soon as Indian gentlemen find their way into Parliament this
concession will bij inevitable, for the Secretary of State will
require the aiitkci4ty of native opinion at his back when he
has to'face it in front. In his Council, as in the House of
Commons, there may be a difficulty in getting real leaders of
Indian political thought at firs+. But that difficulty is daily
growing less. When one reflects how weak and unfruitful
would have been the long discussions on the Land Law passed
a couple of years ago by the Mceroy's Council for Bengal
without the aid of the working native member in the Select
Committee, one wonders how the Secretary of State's Co'mcil
can seriously attempt to control Indian affairs without similar
^assistance. The difficulty of getting the best men to come to
England must, I repeat, not be underrated. But the Govern-
ment of India could at this moment pick out one or two
native leaders, sober and cautious men, who would be regarded
by the native community as true representatives of its interests,
and whfv might not be unwilling to represent those interests
for a period of two or three years in the Secretary of State's
Council.

Can we wonder, with these and other outstanding problems
unsolved, that a free native 'Press is becoming a serious em-
barrassment in India ? We have systematically during thirty
years nurtured the educated classes in political aspirations ; we
have given them an absolutely unrestricted liberty in demand-
ing what they aspire to. Daily, weekly, and monthly these
demands are being enforced in about 300 native newspapers
over the length of India, sometimes with bitterness, and not
always with knowledge. The Government of India, alone
among civilised Governments, is destitute of the power of reply.
In constitutional countries the right of interpellation, or of
asking questions in Parliament, enables the Executive promptly

^ THE INDIA OF THE QUEEN 51

to state the facts qn any que!*tion of public interest. In a con-
stuutional country of the most advanced type, like England, the
political party for the time being in office has also the powerful
aid of its own section of the Press. More despotic or autocratic
Governments have 'their official and semi-official journals.
The Indian Government alone has no power of quietly and

.promptly making the facts authoritatively known. We see
there a native Press vehemently advocating native interests
and an Anglo-Indian Press vehemently advocating Anglo-Indian
intej-ests, with" the Viceroy at intervals asking *his Legislative
Council not to consider him out of order if he makes a state-
ment on a grave question of public importance ; and hard-beset
secretaries, happily also at ii^^ervals, resorting to the perilous
practice of writing leading articles in the guise of Government
resolutions. By the time that the ordinary official papers reach
the Gazette their interest is usually of an academic sort.

If little is done to inform Indian public opinion in regard to
the'present, almost nothing has been seriously done to instruct
it with regard to the past. The motives, the actions, the
characters of the Englishmen who built up the British Enjpire
in the East are still at the mercy of every common defaraer.
Now and ihen a powerful English writer, like Sir James Stephen,
flashes the bulPs-eye of judicial inquiry into some dark corner
of misrepresentation. Or a mature scholar, like Horace
Hayman Wilson, 'edits' our one standard history -^' British
rule with a running protest of footnotes to almost every page
of the text. Or a young Le Bas essayist, like Mr. Rapson,
breaks his maiden lance against the old windmills ; or a wearied
philosoph^^', like Sir Henry Mame, dismisses a whole series of

^.historical misstatements with calm contempt. It has become
the fashion not only to expose the inaccuracies, but also to
impeach the veracity, of our only comprehensive Indian
historian, James Mill. I, for one, can take no part in this
latter line of attack. I have had opportunities for knowing
how seriously MilFs misconceptions warp educated native
opinion with regard to England's action in India during the
past, and tend to obscure the true issues of Indian legislation at
present. But we must remember that Mill had never set foot
in India, that he knew not a single Indian langujige, was abso-

I £2

(
52 THE INDIA OF THE QUEEX

lately destitute of the instincts of &,n Indian administrator, and
altogether ignorant of the actual conditions of the Indian racfes.
Instead of scoffing at his mistakes, one should rather admire
the marvellous verisimilitude of Indian 4iistory which the
philosopher-clerk evolved from the letter^books of a London
office. Nor need we despair that the Queen's Government of
India, with unrivalle(3 materials for a true history at its disposal,
will yet awake to the duty which most civilised Governments no^
acknowledge, of rendering the recorded facts available in such
a shape as to eltabfea 'correct popular judgment io be formed.'
An unrestricted nati^ve Press, apart from any wilful misrepre-
sentations or race hostility, will continue a growing embarrass-
ment to the Government so Icig as Indian public opinion
remains uninformed in respect of the present and uninstructed
in regard to the past. The Queen's Government of India has
elected for the inconveniences* of "popular education in place
of the perils of popular ignorance. It is now eating the som'
fruits of half-knowledge. ^

The difficulties of governing a united India are, I repeat,
of our own making. For only the British nation would have
dared deliberately to train up the peoples of India to govern
themselves. I believe that this generous policy has also proved
the safest policy. If the experience of the past teaches any-
thing, it is that the dangers of ignorance and the defective
appliai'ice»"'of centralisation constitute the greatest joint-risk
which a foreign Government of India can be called to encounter.
I have not underrated the political problems of a united and an
educated India. But I regard those problems, if dealt with in
time and in a serious spirit iSy England, as preferable to the
perils which preceded them. I am also confident that as
Englishmen in India mastered the perils of the past, so will they,
,^ with God's help, solve the problems of the present. The
Queen's reign found the people of India a collection of hetero^
geneous races. It has moulded them into the beginnings of
a nation. ' In their prosperity,' to quote her Majesty's noble
words in 1858, ' will be our strength, and in their grfititude
our best reward.'

1 The History of British India (Longmans), Vol. 1, by Sir William W.
Hunter, was published in 1899, and Vol. 2 in 1900, a few mouths after the
death of the author, -[Ed.]

•

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA'

During the past year, 1890, the Goveninient has declared its
poHcy ill regard to three important questions in India. It
has accepted the offers of tt'oops made by the Princes of the
Feudatory States ; it has shown how far it is wilHng to accede
to the wishes of our own subjects in the British Provinces with
reference to the expansion of the Legislative Councils ; it has
talien action to meet the demands of the social reformers for
the protection of child-brides. I Tshould like to explain briefly
the influences now at work in India which have led to thest
three movements, and the stage which each of the moveiflents
has now reached. .

In so doing I may have to repeat ideas to which I have
already given expression. It is only by again and again insist-
ing on the altered conditions of the India of our dayjhat we
can make clear its problems, or gauge the forces at work. -.For
it is not the old India of romance and adventure with which we
have to deal — the old Indiaof magnificent emperors, and marble
palaces, and jewelled gods. Ih is not even the India of the
East Ind!a Company, with its heroic battles and its rapid
fortunes, and its retired Anglo-Indian nabobs from Calcutta,
whose yellow cheeks and abominable tempers were the laughing-
stock of the English stage. It is the new and commonplace ^
India of our own day, where men are beginning to be moved by
the same political aspirations which have made England what
she is ; where they are trying to solve their own hard social
problems, as we are trying to solve ours ; where the struggle for
life is gradually disclosing itself as a struggle between laboiu-
' The Conicmyorary Hin-ieiv, February 1891,

54 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

and capital, even as in our own land. It is the India of the
railways and of the Factories' Commission,*" the India of the
movement for bettering the condition of women, the India of
the annual political Congress — in a word^j the India of the
Queen.

AVhat has brought aboiit this change in the India of our
day ? It is an uprising of the Indian intellect, an awakening of
Indian thought and Indian aspirations, such as the world hps
not seen since the Revival of Learning in Europe. Until
thirty-seven years affo such education as existed in India
rested r'hiefly on a sectarian basis. It was principally con-
ducted by the priestly class of the Hindus, the Maulavis of the
Musalman mosques, and the missionaries of various Christian
bodies. During the last thirty-^ven years Indian education
has been re-organized on a non-sectarian basis, and Government
schools and colleges have been thrown open throughout the
land to all Indian subjects of the Queen, irrespective of their
race, or their creed, or their caste. The result has been to
create a system of public instruction, based on Western know-
ledge and Western enlightenment, which forms a new era in
the life of the people.

One of its consequences has been to convert what was
formerly a hostile India into a loyal India. We have dui-ing
the last quarter of a century grown so accustomed to the
loyalty of India that we are apt to take it as a matter of
course. But to the rulers of India under the East India
Company the one thin^' impossible seemed to be the creation of
a loyal India. I will not refer to the malignant rejoicings
which broke forth in the native Courts when a great disaster
like the destruction of our army in Afghanistan, in 1&42, made
it seem safe for them to show their hatred. I shall take a
period when Lord Wellesley's policy — the policy upon which
^the East India Company's rule rested during the first half of
the century — was achieving its culminating triumphs ; and I
shall quote the words of one who knew India with the perfect
knowledge of a man who rose from the ranks of the Civil
Service to the Governor-Generalship.

' All India,' wrote, in 1824, the distinguished administrator
who was afterwards created Lord Metcalfe, ' all India is at all

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA V55

times looking out for our downfall. The people everywhere
wguld rejoice, or 'fancy that they v*ould rejoice, at our de-
struction.' In another State document he declared, in
1814 : ' Our situation in india has always been precarious.
We are still a handful of Europeans governing an immense
empire without any^ firm hold on the country, having war-
like and powerful enemies on all our frontiers, and the spirit
* of disaffection dormant but rooted universally among our
subjects. We might now be swept away, in a single whirl-
wind. We are without root. The best affected natives would
thihk of a chans:e of Government with indifterence, and in the
North- Western Provinces there is hardly a* man who would not
hope for benefit from a change.' ' Shall we ever,' he asked
despondently, in 1820, after ^he final conquest of the Marathas
and Pindaris by the British arms — ' shall we ever contrive to
attach the native population to our Government ? and can this
be done by identifying the interests of the upper classes with
our own ? Is it possible in any way to identify their interests
with ours ? To all three questions, if put to me, I should

answer No .' '

It was in this despair of ever conciliating India that, the
ablest of the Company's servants went through their lives. In
order tcf understand the new forces at work in India, and in
order to deal with them fearlessly and righteously, it is first of
all needful to understand how profoundly they are changed for
the better, compared with the forces which the Z-asf India
Compajiy had to encounter. Can we 'ever conciliate India?
This v/as the vital question to Avhich the ablest administrators
' deliberately answered No, in tl^e India of the Company. It
remains the vital question to which we deliberately answer. Yes,
in the India of the Queen. As a matter of fact, the task of con-
ciliation has been accomplished. It is the beneficent legacy
which the past thirty-thi-ee years of the Queen's rule in India ^.
now hands down to the incoming centmy. The desire of the
classes whom we sometimes hear spoken of as the troublesome
classes in India is no longer (as in Lord Metcalfe's time) to get
rid of our Government, but to be admitted to a larger share in
it. The problem of British rule in India is no longer to coerce
and crush down the perpetual disaffection of hostile races, but

56^ POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

to safely direct the new consolidating forces which have been
evoked in a conciliated a;id a loyal India. r. ^

This change forms the key to the whole situation. It has
profoundly modified the views of t\e native population towards
our rule. Every national joy or sorrow, whether in the family
of our Sovereign or in the life of the British people, is now felt
by the Indian races to be a joy or sorrow^ in which they also
share. If our Indian administration presses hardly on them
at any point, they meet together no longer to rise in arms,
but to petition for reform. Internal insurrection, which Lord
Metcalfe declared to be a perpetual danger, has disappeared out
of the calculation of the Governors of Indian provinces.
External mishaps to our power, such as a defeat of our troops
or a check in our foreign policy, i^o longer send a thrill of dis-
loyal delight through India, but call forth eager and enthusi-
astic offers of their whole military resources from the Princes,
and of volunteering from the peoples of our owai provinces.
Compare the triumphant outburst of hatred against us, evoked
by our temporary reverses in the first Burmese war under the
Company, with the outburst of loyalty produced by the
Penjfjeh incident under the Crown.

'Your Lordship,' wrote Sir Charles Metcalfe to the
Governor-General sixty-seven years ago, ' will probably have
heard from various quarters that the Bm-mese war has excited
the strongest sensation throughout India. Everything of an
unprosp^^r^ds character has been exaggerated and magnified.
Delay in decided success has been represented as entire .failure
and disastrous defeat. Our real victories and the exploits of
our troops have been unnoticed, while the most wanton and
extravagant reports of our approaching downfall have gained
credit. I have seen a native paper stating that the Com-
mander-in-Chief had been killed in an action with the Burmans
|iiear to Calcutta, and that your Lordship had put an end to
V yourself by poison ! '

Contrast these truculent rejoicings at a rumoured reverse of
the British arms under the Company with the wave of loyal
and patriotic feeling which swept across India in 1885 ac the
tidings that the Queen's representatives had received a check at
Penjdeh in Afghanistan from the Russians. The Indian races

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 57

were again ready to rush to arms, but to arms no longer for
the annihilation, -but for the defence »f the British Government.
The native Princes throughout India vied with each other in
pressing the Eng],ish Govsrnment to accept freewill offerings
from them of money and transport and troops. Their one
desire was to place the whole resources of* their States, without
fee or payment, at the disposal of the British Viceroy. They
" oiot only offered their armies fully equipped to take the
field, but they asked as a privilege that th«y should themselves
be permitted to defray the charge of their troops while fighting
tlTe battles of the Queen. ,

That crisis passed off without actual war. The incident,
however, had awakened an enthusiastic loyalty to the British
Government in India on j/\vhich Russia had not reckoned.
While the Princes of India were offering their armies, the
natives in our own provinces were asking to be enrolled as
volunteers. Splendid' as were the testimonies borne throughout
the world to the wisdom and justice of Queen Victoria's reign
in her Jubilee Year of 1887, still more impressive was that
outburst of stern loyalty in India two years previously, those
magnificent offers of patriotism from Princes and people, among
whom a new-born sense of union with England had giown up
under lifer Majesty's rule.

Nor was it a merely passing ebullition of sentiment. It was

the embodiment of a deliberate conviction on the part of the

native chiefs and the educated classes in British India* that

their interests are bound up in the maintenance of the British

power. Down to the end of the East India Company's rule,

such an outburst of loyal enthusiasm would have been regarded

as impos^^ible. Not only did the ablest servants of the Company

/ despair of ever winning the real and disinterested support of

the natives to British rule, but shrewd non-official observers

. ... \

took an equally hopeless view. The most distinguished ot \

Anglo-Indian joui-nalists, who gained his experience at the close

of the Company's rule, has scouted the idea of any actual

existence of a British Indian Empire. His belief until recently

continued to be that our power in India consisted solely of a

close official corporation of English civilians and a garrison

of English troops. ' That corporation and that garrison,' he

(

58 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

said, ' constitute the " Indian Empire." There is nothing else.
Banish those fifteen hundred men in black, defeat that slender
garrison in red, and the Empire has ended. . . . They are the
Empire, and there is no other."'

To this conception of the Indian Empire — a conception
which was a perfectly' just one under the East India Company —
the natives of British India have themselves made answer. ' If
there were ever to arise,' said the President of the Indian
National Congress n,t Madras — that is to say, the President
of a native and spontaneous body of delegates from all the
province" of India, who meet together each year to express the
feelings and the wishes of their countrymen — ' if there were ever
to arise — which God forbid — any great struggle between Russia
and Great Britain for the supremerioy in India, who is best able
to judge of the relative merits of the two empires ? It is we,
the educated natives, that are best qualified to judge, because
it is we who know and are best able to appreciate, for instance,
the blessings of the right of public meeting, the liberty of action
and of speech, and high education, which we enjoy under Great
Britain ; whereas, probably, under Russia we should have
nothiiig but a haughty and despotic Government, whose chief
glory would consist in vast military organization, aggressions
upon our neighbours, and gi^eat military exploits.'

This new feeling, on the part alike of the Princes and
the people of India, of a common interest with England in the
stability of feritish rule, has given rise to two of the movements
refeiTed to in my opening paragraph.

The one is a movement among the Feudatory Princes of
India to be more actively incorporated in the militaiy defence
of the Empire ; the other is a movement among our^ subjects
in the British provinces, to be more actively incorporated in the
work of Indian government. The question before the Queen's
repi-esentatives in India during the past five years has been how
far it may be safe to trust the Princes and the peoples of India
to help us in the defence and in the government of the Indian
Empire. This question of confidence now lies at the root of
our whoje position in India. How far is it safe to trust the
native princes of the Feudatory States ; how far is it safe to
trust the influential classes in our own provinces ?

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 59

To both of these vital, questions the British Government
lias, as I mentiofied, now given its "reply. It has plainly told
the native princes of the Feudatory States that it has confidence
in their loyalty, a]^d that 4t accepts their freewill offerings of
troops. The matter was brought to an issue by the magnificent
offer of the Nizam, thfc leading Muhammadan Feudatory Prince
in India, of ^600,000 towards the frontier defences of the
JEmpire. Other princes followed with offers of money, men,
animals of transport, and the equipage oS war. The British
Government ^has not seen fit to accept offerings of money from
th'e Feudatory chiefs. But it has accepted their loyal offerings
of troops. We must remember that while the British Govern-
ment has only an army (European and native) of about
220,000 men in India, the Jeudatory States maintain on their
oMii account, and at their own expense, separate armies which
aggregate over 350,000 men. Under the East India Company
these vast bodies of troops were regarded as a standing menace
t(^the British authority. In the India of the Queen, and under
the influence of the sentiments of loyalty and united interest
which have grown up, the armies of the native States axe
becoming a source of strength, and not of weakness, to the
ruling power. The result is that the English Government finds
that it T?an now, with safety to itself, inaugurate a new system
by which the flower of the Feudatory armies will be trained
to form a reserve for the British forces in India. A certain
number of picked men in the various Feudatory States* who
have offered their troops have been selected to be trained into an
imperial contingent. The contingents already offered aggi'egate
25,000 men, the elite of the cai^alry and infantry of the native
States, bt/sides transport and artillery.

It would be wrong to shut our eyes to the risks which may
attend this new departure in the military policy of India.,
Those risks have at the outset been reduced to a minimum by \
declining the offers of artillezy, on the ground that it * is an
arm requiring such scientific training that the native States
could not be expected to maintain it in a condition of efficiency
for modern warfare.' Great care has also been fallen, by
observing a wise distribution in regard to the contingents, to
render any combination geographically difficult, and indeed

60 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

almost impossible by reason of the barriers of caste and race.
The Government of India'' has, moreover, redbgnised from th«i
first the necessity of keeping a firm hand on the movement and
exercising a steady supervision over it. D'U'ing the present
winter, 1890-1, the new imperial contingents have been reviewed
at places by the Viceroy in person, and "elsewhere by British
generals. Judging from the high praise which Lord Lan^^downe
has felt himself justified in according to the troops, they
promise to add an €*i!ective reserve to the war array of British
India, a reserve vvhich w^H not cost a rupee to the British Indian
ExcheqL-er.

Each of the imperial contingents is maintained entirely at
the cost of the native State which offers it. It is commanded
by the Feudatory chief, and it is o^cered by native gentlemen
and noblemen of the State to which it belongs. So anxious is
the British Government that the movement shall be altogether
a spontaneous one on the part of the Feudatory chiefs,
uninfluenced by pressure from outside, that it only consents +o
lend a very few subordinate officers for the purposes of drill
and instruction alone. The direct control and management of
the ilfew imperial contingents will rest with the native chiefs
who have asked to be allowed to maintain them as freewill
offerings of their loyalty. This is the answer which the British
Government has made to the imperialising movement among
the Fei^datory Princes of India.

Ih the British territories the new sense of a common interest
with the Government has taken a different form. Its most
conspicuous outcome is the Indian National Congress. This
body consists, as I have said,'^of delegates from the various
provinces of India, who meet together in the last week of each
year to discuss the political needs of the country. The Congress
has been in active existence throughout six years. It selects as
{'its place of annual meeting one of the Presidency towns, or
some other great centre in India, and has in this way familiarised
the various divisions of the country with its work. During the
past five years its numbers have increased from a few hundred
to over- a thousand delegates. At its sixth session, held in
Calcutta a month ago, fourteen hundred delegates attended.
Indeed, it is now stated that to prevent the Congress gi'owing

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 61

into too unwieldy a body, mrrangements have had to be made
tb keep down fhe number of defegates to one thousand.
Whether we agree with the proposals of the Congress or not, it
would be foolish to deny it? significance. For the first time in
the history of India the ruling power has thus been brought
into contact with an authoritative expression of the wants and
aspirations of the races whom it govern^ Under the Mughal
"Emperors of India such an assemblage would not only have
been impossible from want of means of conAnunication between
the provinces, but it would have been pegarde^ as a danger to
the throne. The railways have made ^an Indian National
Congress possible, and the loyal sentiments of the people towards
the Queen have rendered it safe.

What is it that the eduaated classes of India, as represented
by their delegates in the Indian Congress, now ask of their
British rulers ? Some of their yequests deal with questions of
local administration. They ask, for example, that the excise shall
bs administered in such a Avay as not to lead to the growth of
intemperance and to jii'inking habits among the people. They
ask that they shall be allowed to bear arms as volunteers in th'e
defence of the Empire. They ask for certain changes iii the
revenue system, so that taxation in the form of the salt duty
shall press less heavily on the poor. They ask that they shall
be more largely admitted to the public services Avhich administer
the affairs of their districts and provinces. They ask that the
House of Commons shall exercise a more effective control* over
the Iridian revenues and expenditure, by taking up the Indian
Budget at an earlier period in the session, instead of hurrying
through it in the last days of Parliament before empty benches.

But beyond all such requests for administrative improve-
ments, the Indian National Congress asks that the natives of
India shall have a more effective voice in making their own
la^\ s. Thirty years ago, shortly after India had passed from
the Company to the Queen's Government, Legislative Councils
were created for India by Act of Parliament. The chief of
these bodies is the Viceroy's Legislative Council, which makes
laws applying to the whole Indian Empire, or to any part of it.
The other Legislative Councils are the Provincial Councils in
Madras, Bombay, Bengal, and now also in the North-AYest,

62 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

which make laws for their respecti^ a provinces. It will suffice
to explain the constitution of the most important of them —
namely, the Viceroy''s Legislative Council.

The Viceroy''s Legislative Council is mainly made up of the
high officials who form what may be called the Ministry, or
technically the Executive Council, in India. To these official
members are added q^rtain ' additional "* members, whom the
Viceroy selects chiefly from the influential classes of natives and
from the leaders of the British mercantile community in India.
He also appoints, certain other additional members- selected for
him by"°the Provincial Governments, in order to represent
the views and requirements of the various provinces.

This system has, on the whole, worked well dm'ing the past
thu'ty years. But the educated clauses among the natives now
point out certain defects in its working, and ask that these
defects shall be remedied. For example, they urge that it is
not right that the whole revenue and expenditure of the Indian
Empire should, except when a new tax is required, be exempted
from discussion in the Viceroy "'s Legislative Council. As the
British Parliament only deals with the Indian Budget during
the last expiring hours of each session, the natives complain
that the Indian national expenditure is subject to no real con-
stitutional control, either by the Legislative Council lii India
or by the House of Commons in England. They accordingly
ask that the Indian Budget shall be regularly discussed every
year iti the Viceroy's Legislative Council.

In the next place, the educated natives of India, speaking
through their National Congress, desire that the members of
the Legislative Councils shall have the right to ask questions,
somewhat in the same way as, but in a less degree than, the
members of the English Parliament have this right. At present
no member of an Indian Legislative Council can bring forward
^ any business without the consent of the Government. Nor can
he ask any question as to alleged miscarriages of justice, or
as to alleged abuses in the administration, or in fact as to any
subject whatever. This is now found to be not only a sub-
stantial . grievance to the natives, but also a serious incon-
venience to the Government. For it often happens that the
action of Government is misunderstood by the Indian Press, and

POltJLAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 63

bitterly condemned for wanll of proper information, when a few
words asiced and* answered in the Legislative Council would
make the whole matter clear.

A still more important Request is being made by the natives
through their annual National Congress for an increase in the
number of members^ of the Legislative Councils. The con-
stitution of the Viceregal and the chief JProvincial Legislative
"^Councils was practically fixed thirty years ago, when no large
class of highly educated English-speaking hatives existed who
could supply effective members of th^ Legislative Councils.
But during the past thirty years a new geijeration of iniluential
natives has grown up into middle life, trained in our Indian
State schools and colleges, and perfectly competent to assist in
the task of Indian legislati-jn. The natives of India now ask
that this important change shall be recognised, and that the
number of the non-official mem.bers of the Legislative Councils
shall be increased.

^ As a matter of fact, the Government of India and her
Majesty's Ministers jat home have admitted in principle the
reasonableness of the three foregoing requests in regard tb
the Legislative Councils. Lord Cross's Bill, which was intro-
duced in the last session of Parliament, provided for the annual
discussion of the Indian expenditure in the Viceroy's Legislative
Council, for giving the members the right to ask questions in
the Legislative Councils, under suitable safeguards, anfl for a
cautious increase in thenumber of the members of those Coi5ncils.
It did not provide for nearly so many new members as the
natives through their National Congress had asked for, but it
took a moderate step in this dii«ction.

There is, however, a fourth request put forward by the
natives tlirough their yearly National Congi'ess, with regard to
which a Avide difference of opinion exists. Hitherto, all the
non-official members of the Legislative Councils have been ,
appointed by the Viceroy for his own Council, and by the
Provincial Governors for their Councils. But, as a matter of
fact, both the Viceroy and the Provincial Governors have con-
sulted the leading native and mercantile bodies in making their
selections. For example, it is now understood that the Com-
mercial member in the Viceroy's Council represents the vieAvs of

64 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN IltDIA

the British commercial community in Calcutta. The great
Native Landholders' Association in Bengal is, as a rule,
represented in the Viceroy's Legislative Council by a native
gentleman or nobleman who gives utterance '^to its wants. To
a certain moderate extent, therefore, the Indian Legislative
Councils have assumed a quasi-representative character.

The educated nai-ives of India, speaking thi'ougk their
annual National Congress, now ask the Government to go a step
further and to alloAV them to elect their own representatives to
the Legislative Councils^ One party among them c went so far
as to ctk^ie a paper constitution for all India, with a cut-and
di'ied scheme of electoral colleges and constituencies, which
should return so many members to the Legislative Comicils
calculated per million of the popislation. A Bill embodying
that scheme was introduced into Parliament by Mr. Bradlaugh
last session, but little practical progress was made with it.
The Indian National Congress has now given up this hasty
proposal, and wishes to leave it to the Government, under the
control of Parliament, to work out such an elective system for
India as may be found to be really suited to the country.

The views of the Government in regard to the adoption of
the elective principle are not so clear as in regard to other re-
quests made by the Indian National Congi-ess. It is stated that
no fewer than thi-ee Viceroys and several eminent Governors of
Indian ^'ovinces are disposed to give a cautious trial to repre-
sentative government in India. Lord Cross's Bill, as introduced
last session, did not, however, accept this principle. But" on an
amendment made by Lord Northbrook, a very distinguished
former Viceroy of India, it appeared that her Majesty's Ministry
were not unwilling to reconsider the question, and that a qualified
recognition of the elective principle might be introduced at a
later stage into the Bill. The Bill for India was, unfortunately,
, crowded out by other measures affecting Ireland and England.
It is understood that a similar Bill will be brought forward again
during the coming session [1891].

Meanwhile Mr. Bradlaugh has again prepared a rival Bill,
embodying the new proposals of the Indian National Congress.
Those proposals perhaps go further than even Mr. Bradlaugh
or the Congress itself would eventually insist on. But the

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 65

difference between Mr. Bradlt|,ugh's proposed Bill and the Bill
which we may expect from the Govei^nment is no longer a diffe-
rence of principle, but of degree. Lord Cross's Bill of last session
went a certain lengtji ; Lord* Northbrook would have liked it to
go a little further ; and Mr. Bradlaugh, on behalf of the Indian
National Congi^ess, w(5tJd like it to go a go^d deal further.

The various measures now put forward enable Parliament to
understand what the educated classes in India, as represented
by their yearly political Congress, desire. 'They wish for a
recognition of the elective principle in the constitution of the
Le^^islative Coimcils ; they wish for a numerical expan?k)n of
the Legislative Councils ; they wish that more extended powers
shall be granted to those bodies. Many of them wish for these
reforms in a larger measure ^and at a quicker pace than the
Government deems prudent.

During the debates on Lord Cross's Bill last session two
things became apparent. In the first place, that Parliament
will not allow a gi'eat constitutional change in our system of
governing India to be rushed upon it. In the second place, that
both Parliament and her Majesty's Ministers are perfectly*
aware that the time for some advance has come. The arrange-
ments for the introduction of the elective principle into India
must tawe time, and the safeguards required to ensure its
satisfactory operation can only be worked out province by
province, and by the responsible authorities in India. But I
believe that before the end of this century England will iiave
added to the other services which she has rendered to India the
noble gift of a true beginning of representative government.

In regard to the request of, the educated classes in the
British pri5vinces to be allowed a larger share in Indian
legislation, as in regard to the desire of the Feudatory Princes to
be allowed to take a larger part in the defence of the Empire,
the Government has found itself able to go a certain length,
but only a certain length. We shall presently see that the
same result has been arrived at with reference to the demands of
the party of social reform in India. Neither tlic Feudatory
chiefs, nor the yearly political Congress, nor the child-marriage
reformers have received all they asked for ; but the Goverment
has found it possible to make an advance, or to offer to make an

F
I

66 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN IjVDIA

advance, in each of the directions (lesired. The special value of
Mr. Bradlaugh's proposed Bill is that it will . indicate the exact
difference in the length which the Government may be willing
to go, compared with the length- which tjie Indian National
Congress asks it to go. For Mr. Bradlaugh takes the text of
Lord Cross's Bill of last session, and only alters it so far as to
show how it would ^stand if Lord Cross's Bill had gone into
committee, and if all the amendments which Mr. Bradlaugh had
made to it had been carried.

Mr. Bradla^ugh's new Bill leaves the working out of the
electi-tt; principle to the Indian Government acting under the
control of Parliament. But it goes on to provide that the
Indian Government shall accomplish this ta.sk within a period of
eighteen months. Again, Mr. Br^idlaugh's Bill fixes the exact
number of the members for the various Councils, and fixes them
on a larger scale than the Government will probably listen to.
Thus Mr. Bradlaugh would fix the number of additional members
of the Governor-GeneraPs Council at not less than forty, nor more
than sixty. So far as one can infer from Lord Cross's measure
of last session the Viceroy's Council, on its new constitution,
would consist of from twenty to thirty members, and not from forty
to sixty, as Mr. Bradlaugh proposes. There are a number of other
differences between Mr. Bradlaugh's Bill and the one Incroduced
last session by Lord Cross — differences which, in the aggregate,
woulc^jTiaterially alter the framework of the Indian constitution
as xlesigned by Lord Cross's measure. But when all is said,
these differences are differences in degree lather than in
principle, and in each case a plain issue is placed before
Parliament as to the rate of ^advance which it may deem safe
alike in the interests of India and of England — an' issue which
Parliament is well qualified to decide.

The ncAv awakening of the Indian intellect and conscience is
not only making itself felt in the political aspirations of India,
but is working a social and domestic revolution in the homes
of the people. We sometimes hear those who are opposed to
political gatherings in India advising the political leaders to
mind their own business, and to look into the institutions of
their own family life. Now, this is precisely what the leaders
of Indian thought are doing. Foi', as at the Revival of

1 '

POPULAR MOW^MENTS IN INDIA 67

Learning in Europe, so at all times ^nd in all lands, a gieat

human movement advances not in one, but in many directions.

In India we see it take an industrial direction, we see it take an

•. ....

intellectual direction, we see it take a political direction, we see

it take a religious dirfx'tion, we see it rush into a hundred social

and domestic channels. You cannot let loose the mighty

waters of knowledge, and then command 1?hem to flow only in

one narrow course. We have thrown open tjie floodgates of a

new moral and intellectual life in India. The result is a new

energy which is making itself felt irf every 'departm^t of

> human effort in India. •

In economics, it is developing the old industrial system of
India, which was conducted by household manufactures, into a
system of production on a great scale. For the old basis of
production by the family, or the unit, it is substituting the
modern organization of»labour and capital. The Indian artisans
are ceasing to weave each at his own loom in his own cottage,
■ani. are working by thousands in steam-mills and factories. In
religious life, it is profoundly modifying ancient superstitions,,
and giving birth to new spiritual movements, some of which may
yet be destined to compare with the Protestant Reformation
in Europe, In intellectual life, it is creating written languages
out of what were down to our own day only spoken dialects ; it
is producing a vast new literature, issuing six thousand printed
books each year, and circulating daily and weekly a poA^^ful
newpaper press. »

The* new political activity in India of which we hear so much
\^ only one of the many aspects of this great awakening of the
Indian race^. It is as impossible" to arrest that new political
activity as it would be impossible to arrest the new industrial
activity, and to put a stop to the jute mills and cotton factories
in Calcutta and Bombay. To accomplish these feats we
should first have to arrest the new educational activity, and
shut up the 133,000 colleges and schools.

I propose to show how this new activity is aflecting the inner
household life of India — \'ery briefly, on this occasion, for it is a
subject on which I have written so much that I can scarcely hope
to do so again without repeating myself. The rising generation
of young men are becoming imbued with oui- Western ideas as

i r2

68 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN i'nDIA

e
to the true position of woman. They desire wives who will be

helpmates to them, capable of understanding their aims and of
sharing their thoughts. The remedy at first seems simple.
The system of public instruction established by the British
Government in India provides as liberally for the education of
girls as of boys. The girls' schools are open to all who choose to
go, and at fees so moderate as to bring them within the' reach of
all. As a matter of fact, the Indian girls do go to school in
considerable numbers, and in no department of public instruc-
tioi^ has the jiroportionate rate of increase been' so rapid a^ in
female education. But the remedy is by no means so simple as
it looks. For there are two influences at work in India which
hamper and cui'tail the progiess of female education. The first
is a deep-seated prejudice against girls going out from the
seclusion of their homes after the early years of childhood.
Until the establishment of British rule this feeling was no
prejudice at all, and but a very well-founded conviction of the
dangers which lay in wait for female honour' in a despotic cvxid
badly governed country.

Another obstacle to female education in India is early
maiTiage. The first duty of an Indian father is to secure a
provision for his daughters, and in Eastern countries. +hat pro-
vision has almost always taken the shape of an early marriage.
The great majority of Indian girls of respectable position are
accordingly married before they are eleven years of age.
Practically speaking, the school education of Indian girls
comes to an end between the age of ten and eleven — that is to
say, just at the age when the real school education of English
girls begins. This is a very serious obstacle to elevating the
position of women in India. But it is an obstacle which many
earnest reformers in India are trying to overcome. A gi-eat
native movement is taking place to persuade Indian public
opinion against early marriages. The evils of such marriages,
physical, moral, and intellectual, are being powerfully insisted
on by native writei-s in hundreds of publications, and eloquently
denounced by native speakers on scores of platforms. Associa-
tions are being formed in which the members bind themselves
under penalties not to give their daughters in marriage or to
allow their sons to marry wives under the age of sixteen. The
t

•y

]

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 69

wealthier classes to some eiUent get rid of the difficulty by
retaining aged Bmhman teachers to 'instruct their daughters
and girl-relatives in their own homes. But it is gradually,
although slowly, being accepted by the native leaders of
thought that female education in India will not be possible on
an adequate scale until the prejudice against girls going out
to schoql dies away, and until very early marriages are dis-
* countenanced by native public opinion. A Social Conference
with this and similar objects is now held pearly during the
session of the, Indian National Congress, and is largely made jup

, of i'ts members. But the two bodies having different eittis in
view, the one political and the other social, wisely maintain
thfeir organization separate, and do not interfere with each
other"'s work. ,

Side by side with the advance of female education, a move-
ment is taking place to mitigate ^he harsh restrictions laid upon
Hindu widows. The whole structure of Hindu society is

^ajTanged to give every woman one chance in life. As a matter
of fact, every Hindu girl of respectable position gets married,
and the failure of a father to secure a husband for his daughter*
would be considered not only dishonourable to himself, but
a crime against religion. In order, however, that every girl
shall be' sure of marriage, it seems expedient to Hindu society
that no woman shall have two husbands.

Apart from the strong religious views of the Hindus^ as to
the propriety of a celibate life for widows, a view which Saint
Paul enforces in his Epistle to Timothy, the custom of pro-
hibiting widows to re-marry had a practical basis of social
expediency in India. For in Ind.m, under native rule, male life
was subjecled to many risks, and there was a constant
tendency to disproportionately large numbers of females. A
state of almost constant war, or invasion, or tumult, means a
steady drain on the manhood of a people. As a matter of fact,
the provision of a married home for the daughters of respect-
able families was an even greater difficulty during the rough
mediaeval ages in India than it was in Europe. For the
difficulty in Europe was to some extent met by convents,
nunneries, and various sisterhoods. Mediaeval India, after the
political expulsion of Buddhism, had not these devices on any

70 POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN Ii^DIA

adequate scale for providing fci.- its surplus women. It
accordingly placed harsher checks on theil disproportionate
numbers by female infanticide, by the prohibition of widow
re-marriage, and by the voluntaly burning of widows of
certain of the higher castes upon their husband's funeral pile.
The British Government, in putting an end to the wars and
tumults which formed a constant drain on male life in India,
also put an end to the female infanticide and the voluntaiy
widow-burning, which tended to keep down the surplus of
feir^ale life. The growth of the two sexes was allawed to follow
its n^dral laws, with the natural tendency towards an equili-
brium. The census of 1881 showed that the male population
is now in excess of the female population of British India,
in the proportion of 101 men to 97 women. An imporant
survival of the old system remains, however, in the strong
public sentiment that every gjrl should l^e manied ; but that,
having been once married, if her husband dies, she should not
marry again. , ,, _

A large and enlightened section of the Indian community is
now asking Government to remove by legislation the restrictions
thus imposed by custom on the re-marriage of Hindu widows.
They point out that the practice of child-marriage leaves at the
age of fourteen or fifteen large numbers of Hindu child- widows,
and that there are over two million of young widows in India
to wh,om enforced celibacy is an injustice and a wrong. The
evil Is cruelly intensified by the custom of child-marriage, and
by the multitude of child-widows who are left without ha\ing
been really wives at all. The reformers accordingly ask
Government to do one of ' two things : either to refuse to
recognise child-marriage as binding — that is to say, to treat
the religious marriage ceremony of the Hindus as merely a be-
trothal ; or by law to remove all restrictions placed by custom
on the re-marriage of widows.

The Government finds it impossible to accede to either of
these apparently reasonable requests. For the British Govern-
ment, when it took over India from the native dynasties,
repeatedly assm'ed the people that it would not interfere with |
their family customs ; and these solemn assurances helped to
procure the acquiescence of the native races in our rule. Now m

(

POPkJLAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 71

the most imperative custom m Hindu family life is that every
Hindu girl shall be married, and one (5f the most deeply rooted
convictions of the great majority of Hindus is the necessity of
very early marriages in orde?" to secure this end. The necessity
is not one of expediency alone, but a solemn obligation imposed
on parents by the Hindu religion. The txovernment cannot,
therefore, interfere without breaking its promise to the people.
But it can show its sympathy with the movement of the
educated classes against child-marriage ; antl it can let it be
known that it is willing to legislate as soon as it can do so wjih
, the support of the Hindu community. "s^

The other proposal of the social reformers is for Govern-
ment to legislate in favour of the re-marriage of widows. This
also, is not so simple as it segms at first sight. For if the Hindu
law attaches severe restraints to the position of a widow, it also
grants her important j^rivileges. ^ According to Hindu law, the
widow has always a right to be maintained by her husband's
. family. Among the poorer working Hindus, a widow forms a
recognised charge on the labour of the male members of the
household. In well-off' Hindu families, if the husband leaveis»
no son, the widow succeeds as a matter of right, not by favour
or by testament, to her husband's property. In some parts of
India sKe takes all his movable wealth as her own, and has a
life interest in his landed estate. In other parts of India she
has only a life interest in both his real and personal property.
But in all parts she succeeds to very substantial legal advantages
as a widow, because the law regards her as continuing the
religious persona of her deceased husband in this world, and as
ministering to his soul's welfare.. in the next by her round of
pious ceremonies^ her prayers, and self-denying life. If she
marries again, she gives up her religious status of widow, and
therefore has no claim to carry away into her new husband's
family the property to which she succeeded for the express
purpose of benefiting her late husband's soul by the ceremonies,
prayers, and self-denials of Hindu widowhood.

The British Government has tried to cut the knot by a law
allowing every Hindu widow to re-marry if she pleases, but
attaching to her re-marriage the condition that she shall give
up to her late husband's family the usufruct which she had

72 POPULAR MOVEMF^NTS IN INDIA

inherited from him to maintain hei religious status as his widow.
The reforming Indian party now ask that this unpleasant con-
dition shall be abolished in whole or in part, and that Hindu
widows may be allowed to re-marry without giving up their
late husband's property. The British Government can only
answer that if the reformers will persuade the majority of their
countrymen of the exjiediency of the change, the Government
will be ready to legislate in the manner proposed. But, as a
matter of fact, Hindu public opinion is at present opposed to
smh a change. - - r

'fee net result is that the Government does not find it
possible to at once accede to either of the demands of the social
reformers, whether in regard to placing restrictions upon child-
marriage or in regard to removing the restrictions on the re-
marriage of Hindu widows. Yet it has been able to do some-
thing towards social reform. It declines to interfere with the
religious man'iage of the Hindus, and it refuses to declare such
marriages (in however early childhood the marriage may be cop»^
tracted) as inoperative. It respects the religious mairiage
ceremony among the Hindus as a valid and binding act of
marriage. It refuses to treat that ceremony as a mere
betrothal, as some of the social reformers suggest, or to allow
a right of repudiation to the boy and girl before the marriage
is actually consummated. But it is about to pass a law which
will pvactically defer the consummation of marriages in India
until the child-bride reaches the age of twelve. It will thus,
indirectly, aid in extending the unmarried years of girHife in
India, but extending them only to the age of twelve. This
may seem a small advance. But it is an advance in the right
direction, and the opposition which has already developed
among the orthodox Hindus proves how necessary is the caution
which has been observed by the British Government.

The truth is that to whatever form of Indian aspiration
we turn the same result is disclosed. While the Feudatory
Princes of India have made large offerings to the British
Government of money and men and transport animals, to aid in
the defence of the Indian Empire, the Government has only
accepted a small imperial contingent of troops or transport from
each State that desires to maintain one. In like manner, while

(

POMJLAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA 73

the Indian Congiess, which' represents the political movement
among om* own' subjects, asks for 'a large expansion of the
Legislative Councils, and a widespread introduction of the elec-
tive principle and ^f representative government, Her Majesty's
Ministers, while willing to go as far in these directions as they
think safe, do not find it possible to go' so far as the more
advanced of the Indian political reformers desire. The social
reformers complain of the same incompleteness in the Grovern-
ment response to their requests for infprovements in the
marriage system of the Hindus. In each of these three depfyrt-
ments of Indian activity — Feudatory, political, and socii;!'^— the
British Government finds itself unable to fully satisfy the
aspirations of the more advanced reformers.

The important fact is ^hat such aspirations have for the
first time sprung into existence in India, and that they have
found a loyal expression. Last .year the leading Indian social
reformer, Mr, Malabari, came to England to plead his cause.
. A. strong deputation of Indian political reformers also spent
several months in this country in explaining their wants. The
telegi'aph announced a few weeks ago that the Indian National
Congress is again going to appeal to the British nation during
the present year. It is said to have appointed no fewer than
one hundred delegates to come to England and state their case
on British platforms. Such a spectacle must, I think, stir the
hearts of us all. It may not be possible for the British Govern-
ment to grant all that the Indian political reformers desire in
the way of political progress, just as it has not been found
possible to grant all that the Indian social reformers desire in
legislative restrictions upon child-marriage. Yet the fact of
such a deputariOn* cSming to us from India forms a splendid
recognition of Britain''s position as the mother-country of her
great Empire throughout the world. It makes us realise not
only the solidarity which is growing up between India and
Britain, but also the confidence which the Indians themselves
feel that they can lay their requirements before the British
people, with the certainty of a fair hearing and of a fair
consideration of their wants. The sight of the Indian troops
hun-ying to the aid of the Queen's armies in the Mediterranean
and in Egypt taught the military nations of Europe a lesson

)

POPULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

as to the poAver and resources of Greater Britain. But the
present project of a hundred delegates comiiig from India to
explain their political needs to Englishmen stnkes me as a fai-
more imposing spectacle. For it tells the world in unmistak-
able language that India herself believes in the justice of
England, and in the determination of the British nation to do
what is right by the Asiatic Empire which Providence has
committed to their care.

•^ «._

Ill

THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB ;
OR THE HISTORY OF A, REACTION ^

When Dr. Johusbn wanted a modern example of ' The Vanity
of Human Wishes "* he to'ok the career of the Royal Swede.
But during the same period that witnessed the brief glories
of Charles XII. in' Europe a more appalling tragedy of
wi'ecked ambition was being enacted in the East. Within a
year of Charles's birth in 1681, Aurangzeb, the last of the
Great Mughals, set out with his grand army for Southern India^
Within a year of Charles's fatal march to Russia in 1708,
Aurangzeb's grand army lay shattered by a quarter of a
centiT?y 6f victory and defeat ; Aurangzeb himself was dying of
old age and a broken heart ; while his enemies feasted around
his starving camp, and prayed heaven for long life to a sovereign
in whose obstinacy and despair they placed the firmest *?iopes.
The Indian emperor and the Swedish l^ing were alike men of
severe simplicity of life, of the highest personal courage, and
of indomitable will. The memory of both is stained by great
crimes. H\sij2:^j- - -:*n never forget that Charles broke an
ambassador on the wheel, and that Aurangzeb imprisoned his
father and murdered his brethren.

But here the analogy ends. As the Indian emperor fought
and conquered in a wider arena, so was his character laid out on •
grander lines, and his catastrophe came on a mightier scale.
He knew how to turn back the torrent of defeat, by command-
ing his elephant's legs to be chained to the ground in the
thick of the battle, with a swift yet deliberate valour which

' Published in the Nineteenth Century,- May 1887.

76 THE RUIN OF 4URANGZEB

Charles might have envied. He cc^jld spread the meshes of a
homicidal intrigue, enjoying all the time o the most lively
consolations of religion ; and he could pursue a State policy
with a humane repugnance to the neljessary ecimes, yet with an
inflexible assent to them, which Richelieu would have admired.
From the meteoric transit of Charles XII. history learns
little. The sturdy English satirist probably put thai vain-
glorious career to its highest purpose when he used it * to point
a moral, or adorn a tale.' From the ruin of Aurangzeb the
dccynfall of the Mughal Empire dates, and the history of
moderix India begins.

The house of Timur had brought with it to India the
adventurous hardihood of the steppes, and the unsapped
vitality of the Tartar tent. Babar, the founder of the Indian
Mughal Empire in 1526, was the sixth in descent from Timur,
and during six more generations his own dynasty proved prolific
of strongly marked types. Each succeeding emperor, from
father to son, was, for evil or for good, a genuine original man..
In Babar himself, literally The Lion, the Mughal djmasty had
produced its epic hero; in Humayun, its knight-errant and
royal refugee ; in Akbar, its consolidator and statesman ; in
Jahangir, its talented drunkard ; and its magnificent palace
builder in Shah Jahan. It was now to bring forth in
Aurangzeb a ruler whom hostile writers stigmatize as a cold-
heartM usurper, and whom Muhammadan historians venerate
as a siiint.

Aurangzeb was born on the night of November 4,
1618, and before he reached the age of ten, his father. Shah
Jahan, had succeeded to the throne of his ancestors. His
mother, The Exalted of the Palace, was 'tne Ta^i- of' the great
queens who shared and directed the fortunes of a Mughal
Emperor. Married when just out of her teens, she bore
thirteen children to her husband, and died in giving birth
to a fourteenth. Her nineteen years of wedded life had been
splendid but sorrowful. Of her children, eight died in infancy
or childhood. Her bereaved husband raised to her, in sight of
his palace, the most beautiful tomb in the world. It crowns
the lofty bank of the Jumna, a dream in marble, with its
cupolas floating upwards like silver bubbles into the sky. To this

. 1

THE RUIN] OF AURANGZEB 77

day it bears her Persian title, The Exalted of the Palace : a
title which travellers from many far^ countries have contracted
into the Taj Mahal.

She left behiiid her ibur^ sons and two daughters. Her
eldest surviving child was the Princess Imperial, named The
Ornament of the World : a masterful but affectionate girl of
seventeen, and not free from feminine frailties. The Princess
Imperial succeeded to her mother's place in her father's heart.
During the remaining twenty-seven years of his reign she
guided his policy and controlled his palace, and during his .Jast
eight years of dethronement and eclipse she shared lis im-
prisonment. The great rest-house for travellers at Delhi was
one of her many , splendid charities. She died with the fame of
her past beauty still fresh, .unmanied, at the age of sixty-seven.
Her grave lies close to a saint's and to a poet's, in that campo
santo of marble latticework., and exquisite carving, and
embroidered canopies of silk and gold, near the Hall of the
sixty-four Pillars, beyond the Delhi walls. But only a piece of
pure white marble, with a little grass piously watered by gene-
rations, marks the princess's grave. ' Let no rich canopy sux =
mount my resting place,' was her dying injunction, inscribed
on the J\eadstone. ' This giass is the best covering for the
grave of a lowly heart, the humble and transitory Ornament of
the World, the discipline of the holy Man of Chist, the
daughter of the Emperor Shah Jahan.' But the magriificent
mosque of Agra is the public memorial of the lady who Uies in
that modest grass-covered grave.

The eldest son of The Exalted of the Palace, and the heir
apparent to the Empire, wa^ Prince Dara. One year younger
than the PnYiCess Imperial, he became the object of her ardent
affection through life. In the troubles that were to fall upon
the family she devoted herself to his cause. Dara was an open-
handed, high-spirited prince, contemptuous of advice, and
destitute of self-control. He had a noble and dignified bearing,
except when he lost his temper. At such moments he would
burst out into a tornado of abuse, insulting and menacing the
greatest generals and officers of State. The rigid observances
of Islam, with its perpetual round of prayers and its long fasts,
were distasteful to his nature. And he had all the rival

)

78 THE RUIN OP ^UHANGZEB

religions, Chi'istian, Muhammadan, and Hindu, to choose from,
in the Court and the seraglio. Dara leaned t(Jivards Christianity
and Hinduism. While contemptuously continuing in externals
a Muhammadan, he concocted for himself all easy and elegant
faith from the alternate teaching of a Brahman philosopher and
a French Jesuit. He shocked good Musalmans by keeping an
establishment of learned Hindus to translate their infidel scrip-
tuies into Persian. He even wrote a book himself to reconcile
the conflicting creeas.

>.,^ His next brother Shuja was a more discreet young prince.
Conciliatory to the nobles, courageous, and capable of forming
well-laid plans, he might also have been able to execute them
but for his love of pleasure. In the midst of critical affairs he
would suddenly shut himself up with the ladies of his palace,
and give days and nights to wine, and song, and dance ; no
Minister of State daring to disturb his revels. Like his elder
brother, he too fell away from the orthodox Suni faith of the
Indian Muhammadans. But Shuja's defection was due to.
deliberate policy. He adopted the Shia heresy of Persia with
uhe hope of winning the Persian adventiu-ers, then powerful at
Court and in the army, to his side in the struggle which he
foresaw must take place for the throne.

Next to him in the family came the princess named The
Brilliant Lady ; less beautiful and less talented than her elder
sisteT:^but equally ambitious, and fonder of gifts and of display.
She aift-ached herself to the cause of the third brother Aurangzeb,
born fourteen months after herself. The youngest of the four
brethi'en was Prince Murad, six years younger than Aurangzeb.
Murad grew up a model Muhammadan knight ; generous, polite,
a despiser of intrigue, and devoted to war^ahd^^e"' chase. He
boasted that he had no secrets, and that he looked only to his
sword to win his way to fortune. But as years passed on his
shining qualities were tarnished by an increasing indulgence at
the table, and the struggle for the throne found him still a
brave soldier indeed, but also a glutton and a drunkard.

In the midst of this ambitious and voluptuous Imperial
family, a very different character was silently being matured.
Aurangzeb, the third brother, ardently devoted himself to study.
In after-life he knew the Koran by heart, and his memory was

(

I •

THE RUIN j OF AURANGZEB 79

a storehouse of the literature, sacred and profane, of Islam.
He had himself g- facility for verse,^and wrote a prose style
at once easy and dignified, running up the complete literary
gamut from pleasa atry to pathos. His Persian Letters to his
Sons, thrown off in the camp, or on the march, or from a sick
bed, have charmed Indian readers during two centuries, and
still sell "^ the Punjab bazaars. His poetic faculty he trans-
mitted in a richer vein to his eldest daugnter, whose verses sur-
vive under her nom de plume of The Incognita.

But in the case of Aurangzeb, poetry and literary grpffe
merely formed the illuminated margiii of a solid and st/mbre
learning. His tutor, a man of the old scholastic philosophy, led
him deep into the ethical and grammatical subtleties which still
form the too exclusive basis of an orthodox Muhammadan
education. His whole nature was filled with the stern religion
of Islam. Its pure adoration of one unseen God, its calm
pauses for personal prayer five times each day, its crowded
celebrations of public worship, and those exaltations of the
soul which spring from fasting and high- strained meditation,
formed the realities of existence to the youthful Aurangzeb. — •
The outer world in which he moved, with its pageants and
pleasures, Avas merely an irksome intrusion on his inner life.
We shall presently see him wishing to tm'n hermit His eldest
brother scornfully nicknamed him The Saint.

To a young Muhammadan prince of this devout tenipej, the
outer world was at that time full of sadness. The heroic sOldiers
of the.early Empire, and their not less heroic wives, had given
place to a vicious and delicate breed of gi-andees. The
ancestors of Aurangzeb, who swooped down on India from the
North, wex^e-JiVJ^.*!/ x^x-oli in boots. The comtiers among whom
Aurangzeb grew up were pale persons in petticoats. Babar,
the founder of the Empire, had sAvum every river which he met
with during thirty years of campaigning, including the Indus
and the other great channels of the Punjab, and the mighty *!
Ganges herself twice during a ride of 160 miles in two days.
The luxm-ious lords around the youthful Aurangzeb wore skirts
made of innumerable folds of the finest Avhite muslin, and went
to Avar in palankeens. On a royal march, Avhen not on duty
with the Emperor, they were carried, stiys an eye-Avitness,

)

80 THE RUIN OF \URANGZEp

' stretched as on a bed, sleeping at ease till they reached their
next tent, where they ai-e sure to find an excellent dinner,'
a duplicate kitchen being sent on the night before.

A hereditary system of compronise with strange gods had
eaten the heart out of the State religion. Aui'angzeb's great-
gi-andfather, Akbar, deliberately accepted that system of
compromise as the basis of the empire. Akbar discerned that
all previous Muhammadan rulers of India had been crushed
between two opposite forces, between fresh hordes of Musalman
invaders from without and the dense hostile masses of the
Hindu populati6n withiii. He conceived the design of creating
a really national empire in India, by enlisting the support of
the native races. He married, and he compelled his family to
maiTy, the daughters of Hindu princes. He abolished the
Infidel Tax on the Hindu population. He threw open the
highest offices in the State, and the highest commands in the
army, to Hindu leaders of men.

The response made to this policy of conciliation forms the
most instructive episode in Indian history. One Hindu general*
-Bubdued for Akbar the great provinces of Bengal and Orissa ;
and organized, as his finance minister, the revenue system of the
Mughal Empire. Another Hindu general governed the Punjab.
A third was hm-ried southwards two thousand miles" frcxn his
command in Kabul to put down a Muhammadan rising in
districts not far from Calcutta. A Brahman bard led an
impeiial division in the field, and was Akbar's dearest friend,
for whose death the Emperor twice went into mourning. While
Hindu leaders thus commanded the armies and shaped the
policy of the Empire, Hindu revenue officers formed the back-
bone of his administration, and the ^ixitx*;.;.^.'iicary races
supplied the flower of its troops. It was on this political
coniederation of interests, Musalman and Hindu, that the
Mughal Empire rested, so long as it endured.

Akbar had not, however, been content with a political con-
federation. He believed that if the Empire was to last, it must
be based on a religious coalition of the Indian races. He
accordingly constructed a State religion, catholic enough, as he
thought, to be acceptable to all his subjects. Such a scheme of
a universal religion had, during two hundred years, been the

T^E RUIN hP AURANGZEB 81

dream of Hindu reformers and the text of wandering preachers
throughout India.t On the death of' the Bengal saint of the
fifteenth century, the Muhammadans and Hindus contended
for his body. The Wnt suddenly appeared in their midst, and,
commanding them to look under the shroud, vanished. This
they did. But under the winding sheet they found only a heap
of beautiful flowers, one half of which the ^Hindus burned with
holy rites, while the other half was buried with pomp by the
Musalmans. In Akbar's time many sacred 'places had become
common shrines for the two faiths : the Musalmans veneratiii'^-
the same impression on the rocks as the footprint of their
prophet which the Hindus revered as the footprint of their
god.

Akbar, the great-grandjather of Aurangzeb, utilised this
tendency towards religious coalition as an instrument of
political union. He promulgate a State religion, called the
Divine Faith, which combined the monotheism of Islam with
the symbolic worship of Hinduism, and with something of the
spirit of Christianity. He worshipped the sun as the most
glorious visible type of the Deity ; and he commanded the
people to prostrate themselves before himself as the divine
representative. The Muhammadan lawyers set their seal to a
decision supporting his Majesty. The Muhammadan medical
men discovered that the eating of beef, which Akbar had re-
nounced as repugnant to Hindu sentiment, was hurtful to .ihe
human body. Poets glorified the new^ faith; learned men
translated the Hindu scriptures and the Christian gospel ;
Roman priests exhibited the birth of Jesus in waxwork, and
introduced the doctrine of the Trinity. The orthodox Muham-
madan beard ''v.jjs shaved ; the devout Muhammadan salutation
was discontinued ; the Muhammadan confession of faith dis-
appeared from the coinage ; the Muhammadan calendar gave
place to the Hindu. At length, a formal declaration of
apostasy was drawn up, renouncing the religion of Islam for the
Divine Faith of the Emperor.

TTie Emperor was technically the elected head of the
Muhammadan congregation, and God's vicegerent on earth. It
was as if the Pope had called upon Christendom to renounce in
set terms the religion of Christ. A Persian historian declai-es

82 THE RUIN OF UURANCrZEB

that Avheii these ' effective letters of damnatioii,"* as he calls
them, issued, ' the heave"hs might have rent asunder and the
earth opened her abyss.' As a matter of fact, Akbar was a
fairly successful religious foundei'. One or two grave men
retired fi'om his Court, and a local insurrection was easily
quelled. But Akbar had no apostolic successor. His son, the
talented drunkard, while he continued to exact the prostrations
of the people, revived the externals of Islam at Court, and
restored the Muhammadan confession of faith to the coin,
Akbar's grandson, the palace builder, abolished the prostrations.
At the same time he cynically lent his countenance to the
Hindu worship, took toll on its ceremonies, and paid a yearly
allowance to the Hindu high-priest at Benares.

But neither the son nor the gi-andson of Akbar could stem
the tide of immorality which rolled on, Avith an ever-increasing
volume, during three generations of contemptuous half-belief.
One of Akbar's younger sons had drunk himself to death,
smuggling in his liquor in the barrel of his fowling-piece when
his supply of wine was cut off. The quarter of Delhi known as
Shaitanpara, or Devilsville, dates from Akbar's reign. The
tide of immorality brought with it the lees of supei*stition.
Witches, wizards, diviners, professors of palmistry, and miracle
workers thronged the capital. ' Here,' says a French' pilysician
at the Mughal Court, ' they tell a poor person his fortune for a
haJloenny.' A Portuguese outlaw sat as wisely on his bit of
carpet as the rest, practising astrology by means of an old
mariner's compass and a couple of Romish prayer-books, whose
pictured saints and virgins he used for the signs of the zodiac.

It was on such a world of immorality, superstition, and un-
belief that the austere young Aurangz'i^b'TtJ&Tt^d -t/ut Avith sad
eyes. His silent reflections on the prosperous apostates around
him must have been a sombre monotone, perhaps with ominous
passages in it, like that fierce refrain which breaks in upon the
Easter evening psalm, ' But in the name of the Lord, I will
destroy them.' A young prince in this mood was a rebuke to
the palace, and might become a danger to the throne. No one ^ i
could doubt his courage ; indeed he had slain a lion set free
from the intervening nets usually employed in the royal chase.
At the age of seventeen his father accordingly sent him to

1 J

THE RUIN i)F AURANGZEB 83

o-overn Southern India, where the Hindu Marathas and two
independent Muhammadan kingdoms professing the Shia heresy
inigiit afford ample scope for his piety and valour.

The imperial army of the south, under his auspices, took
many forts, and for a time effected a settlement of the country.
But after eight years of viceregal splendour, Aurangzeb, at the
age of t\renty-five, resolved to quit the world, and to pass the
rest of his life in seclusion and prayer. His father angiily put
a stop to tliis project ; recalled him to Court, stripped him of
his military j;ank, and deprived him ^f his j^ersonal estate!
But next year it was found expedient to employ Aurangzeb in
the government of another province ; and two years later he
received the great ijiilitary command of Balkh. On his arrival,
the enemy swarmed like locusts upon his camp. Tlie attempt
to beat them off lasted till the hour of evening prayer ; when
/ Aurangzeb, calmly dismounting fr9m his horse, kneeled do^vn in
/ the midst of the battle and repeated the sacred ritual. The
I opposing general, awed by the religious confidence of the prince,
called off his troops, saying ' that to fight with such a man is
to destroy oneself.' After about seven years of wars and sieges
in Afghanistan, Aurangzeb was again appointed Viceroy of
Southern In^ia.

In 1*657 his eldest brother, firmly planted in the Imperial
Court, and watching with impatient eyes the failing health of
the Emperor, determined to disarm his brethren. He procWieli
orders to recall his youngest brother Murad from his viceroyalty
on the western coast ; and to strip Aurangzeb of his power in
tlje south. These mandates found Aurangzeb besieging one of
the two heretical Muhammadan capitals of Southern India.
Several of the'^reat nobles at once deserted him. He patched
up a truce v/ith the beleaguered city, and extorted a large sum
of money from its boy-king. He had previously squeezed a
great treasure from the other independent Muhammadan
kingdom of the south. Thus armed, at the cost of the Shia
heretics, with the sinews of war, he marched north to deliver
his father, the Emperor, from the evil counsels of the Prince
Imperial.

For the Emperor, now sixty-seven years of age, lay stricken
with a terrible disease. The poor old palace-builder well knew

G 2

84. THE RUIN OF'AURANGZEB

the two essential conditions for retaining the Mughal throne —
namely, to be perfectly pitiless to his kiridred and to be in
perfect health himself. In the early days of the Empire, the
royal family had been knit together in bands of warm affection ;
and its chivalrous founder had given his own life for his son's.
Babar, runs the story, seeing his son sinking under a mortal
disease, walked thr€2 times solemnly round the bed,' and im-
plored God to take his own life and spare the prince. After a
few moments of silent prayer, he suddenly exclaimed, ' I have
borne it away , I have borne it away ! "" and from that moment
his son began to recover, while the Lion Babar visibly declined
But dm'ing three generations the Mughal dynasty had lain
under the curse of bad sons. AurangzeVs father, the stricken
Emperor, had been a rebel prince. He left not one male alive
of the house of Timur, so that he and his childi-en might be the
sole heirs of the Empire. These children were now to prove
his perdition. Amid the pangs of his excruciating disease, his
eldest son Dara grasped the central government ; while his next
son. Prince Shuja, humed north from his Viceroyalty of Bengal
to seize the imperial capital.

Prince Shuja was driven back. But there was a son ad-
vancing from the south whose steps could i\ot^be^ stayed.
Aurangzeb had been forced by his eldest brother's intrigues to
assume the defensive. It seems doubtful whether, at first, he
asp red to the throne. His sole desire, he declared, was to
rescue his father frorn evil counsellors and then to retire from
the world. This longing for the religious life had led to his
public degradation when a young prince : it asserted itself amid
the splendoui's of his subsequent reigg^. _At the tDresent crisis
it served him for a mask : as to whether it was genuine, his
previous and later life perhaps entitle him to the benefit of a
doubt. On one point he had firmly made up his mind : that
the apostasy of his two elder brothers disqualified them for a
Muhammadan throne. He accordingly resolved to join his
youngest brother, whose viceroyalty lay on his way north ; and
who, although a drunkard in private life, was orthodox in his
public belief.

A five years' war of succession followed. Each one of the
four brethren knew that the stake for which he played was an

THE RUIN 6f AURANGZEB 85

empire or a grave. The eldest brother, Dara, defeated by
Aurangzeb and betrayed into his hands, was condemned by the
doctors of the law for his apostasy to Islam, and put to death
as a renegade. The second orother, Shuja, was hunted out of
his viceroyalty of Bengal into the swamps of Arakan, and out-
raged by the barbarian king with whom he had sought shelter.
The last* authentic glimpse we get of hi/n is flying across a
mountain into the woods, wounded on the head with a stone,
and with only one faithful woman and three followers to share
his end. The destiny of the youngest^ brothei^ Murad, with
whom Aurangzeb had joined his forces, for some time hung
in the balance. The tenderness with which Aurangzeb, on a
memorable occasion, wiped the sweat and dust from his brother's
face was probably not altogether assumed. But the more
Aurangzeb saw of the private habits of the young prince, the
less worthy he seemed of the throne. At last, one night, Murad
awoke from a drunken sleep to find himself Aurangzeb's
prisoner. His friends planned his escape ; and he would have
safely let himself down from the fortress, but for an alarm
caused by the weeping of a lady who had shared his confine-
ment and from whom he could not part without saying farewell.
He wa.s ry^t allowed another chance. Aurangzeb had him
tried — nominally for an old murder Avhidi he had committed
when Viceroy — and executed. Having thus disposed of his
three brothers, Aurangzeb got rid of their sons by slow po^rJn-
ing with laudanum, and shut up his aged father in his palace
till he died.

J Then was let loose on India that tremendously destructive
force, a puritan Muhammadan monarch. In 1658, in the
same summer that witnessed the death of the puritan Protector
of England, Aurangzeb, at the age of forty, seated himself on
the throne of the Mughals. The narrative of his long reign of
half a century is the history of a great reaction against the
religious compromises of his predecessors, and against their
policy of conciliation towards the native races. He set before
himself three tasks : he resolved to reform the morals of the
Court ; to bring down the Hindus to their proper place as
infidels ; and to crush the two heretical Muhammadan king-
doms of Southern India.

86 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB

The luxurious lords soon found that they had got a very
different master from the old palace buildew. Aurangzeb was
an austere compound of the emperor, the soldier, and the
saint; and he imposed a like austerity on all around him. Of
a humble silent demeanour, with a profound resignation to
God's will in the height of success as in the depths of disaster,
very plainly clothed, ^never sitting on a raised seat in private,
nor using any vessel of silver or gold, he earned his daily food
by manual labour. But he doubled the royal charities, and
established free eating-houses for the sick and poor. Twice
each day he took his seat in com't to dispense justice. On
Fridays he conducted the prayers of the common people in the
great mosque. During the month of fast, he^ spent six to nine
hours a night in reading the Koran to a select assembly of the
faithful. He completed, when Emperor, the task which he had
begun as a boy, of learning the sacred book by heart ; and he
presented two copies of it to IMecca, beautifully written with
his own hand. He maintained a body of learned men to
compile a code of the Muhammadan law, at a cost exceeding
20,000/. sterling.

The players and minstrels were silenced by royal proclama-
tion. But they were settled on grants of land, if J"Jiey would
turn to a better life. The courtiers suddenly became men of
prayer ; the ladies of the seraglio took enthusiastically to
reciting the Koran. Only the poor dancers and singers made
a struggle. They carried a bier Avith wailing under the mndow
of the Emperor. On his Majesty's looking out and asking the
purport of the funeral procession, they answered that ' Music
was dead, and that they were bearing forth her corpse.' ' Pray
bury her deeply,' replied the Emperor from th^ balcony, * so
that henceforth she may make no more noise.'

The measures taken against the Hindus seemed for a time
to promise equal success. Aurangzeb at once stopped the
alloAvance to the Hindu high-priest at Benares. Some of the
most sacred Hindu temples he levelled with the gi'ound, erecting
magnificent mosques out of their materials on the same sites.
He personally took part in the work of proselytism. 'His
Majesty,' says a Persian biographer, ' himself teaches the holy
confession to numerous infidels, and invests them with dresses

THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 87

of honoui' and other favours.' He finally restored the Muham-
madan Calendar. ^He refused to receive offerings at the Hindu
festivals, and he sacrificed a large revenue from Hindu shrines.
He remitted eighty taxes ofli trade and religion, at a yearly loss
of several millions sterling. The goods of the true believers,
indeed, were for some time altogether exempted from duties ;
and were eventually charged only one-half the rate paid by the
Hindus.

These remissions of revenue compelled Aurangzeb to resort
to new taxation. When his ministers remonstrated again&t
giving up the Hindu pilgrim tax, he sternly declined to share
the profits of idolatry and proposed a general tax on the infidels
instead. That hated impost had been abolished by Akbar in
the previous centm-y — as part of his policy of conciliation
towards the Hindus. Aurangzeb revived the poll-tax on
infidels, in spite of ,the clamours of the Hindu population.
They rent the air with lamentations under the palace windows.
When he went forth in state on Friday, to lead the prayers of
the faithful in the great mosque, he found the streets choked
with petitioners. The Emperor paused for a moment for the
suppliant crowd to open ; then he commanded his elephants to
advance, trampling the wretched people under foot. The
detested impost was unsparingly enforced. If a Hindu of rank,
writes a Persian historian, met a menial of the tax-office, ' his
countenance instantly changed.' So low were the native r^vses
brought that a proclamation issued forbidding any Hindu to
ride in «, palankeen, or on an Arab horse, without a licence from
Government.

While Aurangzeb dealt thus hardly with the Hindu
population, liis hand ifell heavily on the Hindu princes. He
vindictively remembered that the Hindu Rajputs had nearly
won the throne for his eldest brother, and that their most dis-
tinguished chief had dared to remonstrate \n\h himself. ' If
your Majesty,' wrote the brave Hindu Rajaof Jodhpur, ' places
any faith in books by distinction called divine, you will there be
instructed that God is the God of all mankind, not the God of
the Musalmans alone. In your temples to His name, the voice of
prayer is raised ; in a house of images, where a bell is shaken,
He is still the object of worship.' Aurangzeb did not ventui'e

88 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB

to quarrel with this gi'eat mihtary prince. He sought his
friendship, and employed him in the highest and most
dangerous posts. But on his death the Emperor tried to seize
his infant sons. The chivalrous blood of the Rajputs boiled
over at this outrage on the \vidow and the orphan. They rose
in rebellion ; one of Aurangzeb's own sons placed himself at their
head, proclaimed himself Emperor, and marched against his
father with 70,000 men. A bitter war of religion followed.
Aurangzeb, whose cause for a time had seemed hopeless, spared
not the Hindus. He burned their homesteads, cut down their
fruit-trees, defiled their temples, and carried away cartloads of
their gods to the capital. There he thi-ust the helpless images,
with their faces downwards, below the steps of the great
mosque, so that they should be hourly trampled under foot by
the faithful. The Rajputs, on their side, despoiled the mosques,
bm-ned the Koran, and insulted the prayer-readers. The war
ended in a sullen submission of the Hindus ; but the Rajputs
became thenceforth the destroyers, instead of the supporters,
of the Mughal Empire.

Having thus brought low the infidel Hindus of the north,
Aurangzeb tm-ned his strength against the two heretical Muham-
madan kingdoms of Southern India. The conquest of the south
had been the dream of the Mughal dynasty. During lour genera-
tions each Emperor had labom-ed, with more or less constancy,
at ^^e task. To the austere conscience of Aurangzeb it seemed
not duly an unalterable part of the imperial policy, but an
imperative religious duty. It grew into the fixed idea, of his
life. The best years of his young manhood, from seventeeaa-
to forty, he had spent as Viceroy of the South, against the
heretic Shia kingdoms and the infidel* Marathasf When the
Viceroy of the South became Emperor of India, he placed a son
in charge of the war. During the first twenty-thi*ee years of
his reign Aurangzeb directed the operations from his distant
northern capital. But at the age of sixty-three he realised
that, if he was ever to conquer the South, he must lead his
armies in person. Accordingly, in 1681, he set forth, now a
white-bearded man, from his capital, never to return. The
remaining twenty-six years of his life he spent on the march,

THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 89

or in the camp, until death released him, at the age of nearly
ninety, from his long labom\

Already a gi-eaj^ sense of isolation had chilled the Emperor''s
heart. ' The art of reigning,* he said, ' is so delicate, that a king's
jealousy should be awakened by his very shadow.' His brothers
and nephews had been slain, as a necessary condition of his
accession to the throne. His own sons were now impatient of
his long reign. One of them had openly rebelled ; the conduct
of another was so doubtful that the imperfal guns had to be
pointed against his division during a battle. The able Persian
adventm-ers, who had formed the most trustworthy servants of
the Empire, were discountenanced by Aurangzeb as Shia heretics.
The Hindus had been alienated as infidels. But one mighty
force still remained at his command. Never had the troops of
the Empire been more regularly paid or better equipped,
although at one time Jaetter disciplined. Aurangzeb knew that
the army alone stood between him and the disloyalty of his
sons, and between him and the hatred of the native races. He
now resolved to hurl its whole weight against the two heretical
Muhammadan kingdoms of Southern India.

The military array of the Empire consisted of a regular
army of about 400,000 men, and a provincial militia estimated
as high as 4*400,000. The militia was made up of iiTegular
levies, uncertain in number, incapable of concentration, and
whose services could only be relied on for a short period. The
regular army consisted partly of contingents, whose commanders
received gi'ants of territory, or magnificent allowances for their
support, partly of troops paid direct from the imperial treasury.
The policy of Akbar had been to recruit from three mutually
hostile classes — the Siini Muhammadans of the Empire, the
Shia Muhammadans from beyond the north-western frontier,
and the Hindu Rajputs. The Shia generals were conspicuous
for their skill, the Rajput troops for their valour. On the eve
of battle the Rajput warriors bade each other a cheerfid
farewell for ever ; not without reason, as in one of Aurangzeb's
actions only six hundred Rajputs survived out of eight
thousand.

The strength of the army lay in its cavalry, 200,000 strong.
The pay was high, a trooper with only one horse, says Bernier,

90 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB

receiving not less than Rs. 25 (say 55 shillings) a month —
a large sum in those days. Cavaliers with parties of four or
more horses drew from 200Z. to nearly IjOOfjZ. sterling a year,
while a commander of five thousand had an annual surplus of
15,000/. sterling, after defraying all expenses. The sons of the
nobility often served as private troopers, and the path of pro-
motion lay open to all. Originally a commander of -cavalry
was bound to maintain an equal number of infantry, one-fom'th
of them to be matchlockmen and the rest archers. But, as a
matter of fact, the infantry were a despised force, consisting of
15,000 picked men around the king's person, and a rabble of
200,000 to 300,000 foot soldiers and camp-followers on the
march. The matchlockmen squatted on the ground, resting
their pieces on a wooden fork which they carried on their
backs ; ' terribly afraid,' says Bernier, ' of burning their eye-
lashes or long beards ; and, above all, lest some jin or evil
spirit should cause the musket to burst.' For every random
shot which they fired under these disadvantages, the cavalry
discharged three arrows with a good aim, at their ease. The
pay of a matchlockman went as high as 44*. a month.

The artillery consisted of a siege train, throwing balls up to
96 and 112 pounds ; a strong force of field guns ; 200 to 300
swivel guns on camels ; and ornamental batteries oTnght guns,
known as the stirrup artillery. The stirrup artillery on a royal
masch numbered 50 or 60 small brass pieces, mounted on
painted caiTiages, each di-awn by two horses, with a third horse
led by an assistant driver as a relay. At one time many of
the gunners had been Christians or Portuguese, di-awing 22Z.
sterling per mensem. The monthly pay of a native artillery-
man under Aurangzeb was about 70*. The importance of the
artillery may be estimated from the fact that after a battle
with one of his brothers Auiangzeb found 114 cannon left on
the field. The army of Kandahar in 1651 caiiied vnih. it
30,000 cannon-balls, 400,000 lbs. of gunpowder, and 14,000
rockets. The war elephants were even more important than
the artillery. Experienced generals reckoned one good
elephant equal to a regiment of 500 cavalry ; or, if properly
supported by matchlockmen, at double that number. Ele-
phants cost from 10,000/. downwards ; 500/. to 1,000/. being

THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 91

a common price. Akbar kept 5,000 of these huge animals,
'in strength like; a momitain, in courage and ferocity lions.'
Under AurangzebJ\over 800 elephants were maintained in the
royal stables, besides the large number employed on service and
in the provinces,

A pitched battle commenced with a mutual cannonade.
The guns were placed in front, sometimes^ linked together with
chains of iron. Behind them were ranged the camel artillery
with swivel guns, supported by the matchlockmen ; the ele-
phants were |<;ept as much as possible out of the first fire ; the
cavalry poured in their arrows from either flank. The Em-
peror, on a lofty armour-plated elephant, towered conspicuous
in the centre ; pj'inces of the blood or powerful chiefs com-
manded the right and left wings. But there was no proper
staff to enable the Emperor to keep touch with the wings and
the rear. After the cannonade had done its work of confusion,
a tremendous cavalry charge took place ; the horse and ele-
phants being pushed on in front and from either flank to break
the adverse line of guns. In the hand-to-hand onset that
followed the centre division and each wing fought on its own
account, and the commander-in-chief might consider himself
fortunate if one of his wings did not go over to the enemy. If
the flmperor descended from his elephant, even to pursue the
beaten foe on horseback, his own troops might in a moment
break away in panic, and the just won victory be turned ^ito
a defeat.

With all its disadvantages, the weight of this array was
^such that no power then in India could, in the long run, with-
stand it. Its weak point was not its order of battle, but the dis-
order of its march. T here was no complete chain of subordina^
tion between the divisional commanders. A locust multitude
of followers ate up the country for leagues on either side. The
camp formed an immense city sometimes 5 miles in length,
sometimes Ih miles in circumference. Dead beasts of burden *
poisoned the air. ' I could never,' writes Bernier, in words
which his countryman Dupleix turned into action a century
later, ' see these soldiers, destitute of order, and moving with
the irregularity of a herd of animals, without thinking how
easily five and twenty thousand of our veterans from Elandei*s,

92 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB

under Conde or Turenne, would destroy an Indian army, how-
ever vast.'

A Bundela officer in the gi-and army has Kift a journal of its
operations, but without mentioning the total number of troops
employed. Aui'angzeb found two distinct powers in Southern
India : first, the heretical Muhammadan kingdoms of Golconda
and Bijapur ; second, the fighting Hindu peasantry, known as
the Marathas. In the previous century, while Akbar was con-
ciliating the Hindu Rajputs of the north, the independent
Muhammadan sovereigns of the south had tried a like policy
towards the Hindu Marathas, with less success. Dming a hun-
dred years the Marathas had sometimes sided with the indepen-
dent Muhammadan kingdoms against the imperial troops,
sometimes with the imperial troops against the independent
Muhammadan kingdoms ; exacting payment from both sides ;
and gradually erecting themselves into a third party which held
the balance of power in the south. After several years of fight-
ing, Am'angzeb subdued the two Muhammadan kingdoms, and
set himself to finally crash the Hindu Marathas. In 1690 their
leader was captured ; but he scornfully rejected the Emperor''s
offer of pardon coupled with the condition of turning Musalman.
His eyes Avere burned in their sockets \vith a red-hot iron, and
the tongue which had blasphemed the Prophet was cut out.
The skin of his head, stuffed with straw, Avas insultingly exposed
thiwughout the cities of Southern India.

These and similar atrocities nerved with an inextinguishable
hatred the Avhole Maratha race. The guerilla war of extei-mina-
tion which folloAved during the next seventeen years has scarcely
a parallel in history. The Marathas first decoyed, then baffled,
.and finally slaughtered the imperial troops. The chivalrous
Rajputs of the north had stood up against the shock of the
grand army and had been broken by it. The Hindu peasant
confederacy of the south employed a very different strategy.
They had no idea of bidding farewell to each other on the eve
of a battle, or of dying next day on a pitched field. They de-
clined altogether to fight unless they were sm'e to win ; and
their word for victory meant ' to plunder the enemy."* Their
clouds of horsemen, scantily clad, with only a folded blanket for
a saddle, rode jeeringly round the imperial cavalry swathed in

THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 93

sword -proof wadding, or fainting under chain-armour, and with
difficulty spun'ing their heavily caparisoned steeds out of a
prancing amble, i^f the imperial cavalry charged in force, they
charged into thin air. If they pursued in detachments, they
were speared man by man.

In the Mughal army the foot-soldier Was an object of con-
tempt. The Maratha infantry were among the finest light
troops in the world. Skilled marksmen, and so agile as almost
always to be able to choose their own groi!nd, they laughed at
the heavy cavalry of the Empire. The Marathas camped at
pleasure around the grand army, cutting off sifpplies, dashing in
upon its line of march, plundering the ammunition waggons at
river-crossings, arid allowing the wearied imperialists no sleep
by night attacks. If they did not pillage enough food from the
royal convoys, every homestead was ready to furnish the millet
and onions which w^s all they, required. When encumbered
with booty, or fatigued with fighting, they vanished into their
hill forts ; and next morning fresh swarms hung upon the
imperial line of march. The tropical heats and rains added to
the miseries of the northern troops. One autumn a river over-
flowed the royal camp at midnight, sweeping away ten thousand
men, with countless tents, horses, and bullocks. The destruction
only ceasea when the aged Emperor wrote a prayer on paper
with his own hand, and cast it into the rising waters.

During ten years Aurangzeb directed these disastrous oj?era-
tions, chiefly from a headquarters cantonment. But his head-
quart'ers had grown into an enormous assemblage, estimated by
an Italian traveller at over a million persons. The Marathas
were now plundering the iinpeiial provinces to the north, and
had blocked the line of communication with upper India. Jn
1698 the Emperor, lean, and stooping under the burden of eighty
years, broke up his headquarters, and divided the remnants of
his forces into two corps cVarmk'. One of them he sent under
his best general to hold the Marathas in check in the open*
country. The other he led in person to besiege their cities and
hill forts. The corps cVarmee of the plains was beguiled into a
fruitless chase from province to province ; fighting nineteen
battles in six months. It marched and counter-marched, writes
the Bundela officer, 3,000 miles in one continuous campaign.

94 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB

until the elephants, horses, and camels were utterly worn
out.

The Emperor's corps (Tarmee fared even \^orse. Forty years
before, in the struggle for the throne, he had shared the bread
of the common soldiers, slept on the bare ground, or recon-
noitred, almost unattended, several leagues in front. The
youthful spirit flamed up afresh in the aged monarch. He
marched his troops in the height of the rainy season. Many of
the nobles, having lost their horses, had to trudge through the mire
on foot. Fort after fort fell before his despairing onslaught ; but
each capture left his army more shattered and the forces of the
enemy unimpaired. At last his so-called sieges dwindled into
an attack on a fortified village of banditti, during which he was
hemmed in within his own entrenchments. In ] 703 the Marathas
had surprised an imperial division on the banks of the Narbada,
21,000 strong, and massacred, or driven it pell-mell into the
river, before the troopers could even saddle their horses. In
1705 the imperial elephants were carried off from their pastm-e-
ground outside the royal camp ; the convoys from the north
were intercepted ; and grain rose to fivepence a pound in the
army — a rate more than ten times the ordinary price, and
scarcely reached even in the severest Indian famines when millions
have died of starvation. The Marathas had before this begun
to recover their forts. The Emperor collected the wreck of his
army, and tried to negotiate a truce. But the insolent exulta-
tion of the enemy left him no hope. ' They plundered at
pleasure,' says the Bundela officer, ' every province of the south ; '
' not a single person durst venture out of the camp,'

In 1706, a quarter of a century since the grand army had
jpt forth from the northern capital, the 'Emperor began to sink
under the accumulation of disasters. While he was shut up
within his camp in the far south, the Marathas had organized
a regular system of extorting one-fourth of the imperial revenue
from several of the provinces to the north. In the north-west
the Hindu Rajputs were in arms. Still further north, the
warlike Jat Hindu peasantry were up in revolt, near the
capital. Aurangzeb had no one to quell this general rising of
the Hindu races. The Muhammadan generals, who had served
him so weU during his prime of life, now perceived that the end

THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB 95

was near, and began to shift for themselves. Of his four
surviving sons, he had imprisoned the eldest during six years ;
and finally released him only after eleven years of restraint.
The next and most favoured* son so little trusted his father that,
after one narrow escape, he never received a letter from the
Emperor without turning pale. The third son had been
during eighteen years a fugitive in Persia from his father's
vengeance, wearying the Shah for an army with which to
invade Hindustan. The fourth son had Ifnown what it was
to be arrested on suspicion. The finances had sunk into such
confusion that the Emperor did not dare to discuss them Avith
' his ministers. With one last effort, he retreated to Ahmad-
Aagar ; the Marathas insulting the line of march, but standing
aside to allow the litter of the Emperor to pass, in an awed
silence.

The only escape left to the wprn-out Emperor was to die.
' I came a stranger into the world,' he wrote to one of his sons
a few days before the end, ' and a stranger I depart. I brought
nothing with me, and, save my human infirmities, I carry
rwthing away. I have fears for my salvation, and of what
torments may aw^ait me. Although I trust in God's mercy, yet
terror will not quit me. But, come what may, I have launched
my bSrque oil the waves. Farewell, farewell, farewell ! ' The
fingers of the dying monarch kept mechanically telling his
beads till the last moment. He expired on February 21, 17^7,
in the 91st year of his age and the 51st of his reign according
to the Muhammadan calendar, or two years less by our reckoning
of time. ' Carry this creature of dust to the nearest burying-
place,' he said, ' and lay it in the earth without any useless coffin.'
His will restricted his Mineral expenses to ten shillings, whiclj^
he had saved fiom the sale of work done with his own hands.
Ninety odd pounds that he had earned by copying the Koran, '
he left to the poor. His followers buried him beside the tomb
of a famous saint, near the deserted capital of Daulatabad.

Never since the Assjrrian summer night when the Roman
Emperor Julian lay dying of the javelin wound in his side had
an imperial policy of reaction ended in so complete a catastrophe.
The Roman Empire was destined to centuries of farther
suffering before it passed tlirough death into new forms of life.

96 THE RUIN OF AURANGZEB

The history of Aurangzeb's successors is a swifter record of ruin.
The Hindu military races closed in upon the Mughal Empire ;
its Muhammadan viceroys carved out for themselves independent
kingdoms from its dismembered provinces. A series of puppet
monarchs were set up and pulled down ; seven devastating hosts
poured into India through the northern passes ; a new set ot
invaders who would take no denial landed from the sea. Less
than a century after Aurangzeb's death, Lord Lake, on his entry
into Delhi, was shown a feeble old captive of the Hindu
Marathas, blinded, poverty-stricken, and half imbecile, sitting
upon a tattered canopy, whom he compassionately saluted as
the Mughal Emperor. A new rule succeeded in India ; a rule
under which the too rapid reforms of Akbar, and the too
obstinate reaction of Aurangzeb, are alike impossible.

Periods of progress have alternated with periods of pause.
But the advance has been steady towards that consciousness of
solidarity, that enlightenment of the masses, and that capacity
for political rights, which mark the gi'owth of a nation. It was
by the alienation of the native races that the Mughal Empire
perished ; it is by the incorporation of those races into a loyal
and a united people that the British rule will endui-e.

And ye, that read these Ruines Tragicall, , ..
Learne, by theu- losse, to love the low degree ;
And, if that Fortune chaunce you up to call
To Honour's seat, forget not what you be :
u For he, that of himself is most secure,

Shall finde his state most fickle and unsure.

IV
ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA^

THE WORK DONE

PROTECTION* OF PERSON AND PROPERTY

British rule in India is again upon its trial. On the one
hand, the Government finds itself face to face with problems
which, on a much smaller scale in Ireland, are the despair of
our wisest statesmen. On the other hand, doubters have arisen
who 4^sputje -v^hether our supremacy in the East is a gain either
to om'selves or to the peoples over whom we rule. The question
as to the benefit of our Indian connection to ourselves is a
rhetorical rather than a serious one. For with the downfall of
British rule in India would disappear that security of person
and property which forms the first essential for our commerce
with the East. I, for one, am not aft-aid of the cry of ' Perish
India ! ' when I remember that that cry means. Perish the
greatest customer of England in all the world ; perish its chief^-^
market for Manchester goods ; perish 50 millions sterling of
British trade per annum, AVhat we have reason to fear is not
the cry of ' Perish India ! ' but the murmur against the respon-
sibilities which our rule in India involves.

If, however, as some have recently alleged, that rule has
failed to benefit the Indian races, then I can sympathize with
those who question whether we should extend the responsibili-

' Lecture;? delivered at the Philosophical Institution in Edinburgh,
1879-80.

98 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

ties which Indian rule entails. For no government has a right
to exist which does not exist in the interests of the governed.
The test of British rule in India is, not what it has done for
ourselves, but what it has done for the Indian people. By this
test our work in the East must stand or fall. If our attempt to
administer that vast and distant empire has tm'ned out a
failure ; if its people are not more free, more secm-e, and more
prosperous under British rule than they were under their native
dynasties ; then the wise coui'se for Great Britain would seem
to be to curtail her former responsibilities, to ? ccept no new
ones, and to withdraw as far as may be from an undertaking to.
which she had proved miequal.

If, on the other hand, we find that our countrymen have
not failed in their splendid and difficult task ; if we find that
British rule in India means order in place of anarchy, protection
by the law instead of oppression by the sword, and a vast fi'ee
people dwelling in safety where of old each man was beaten
do\vn beneath whosoever was stronger than himself, then I think
that Great Britain may with a firm heart continue to accept
the great responsibility which has fallen to her, and that she
may calmly face each new duty which that responsibility in-
volves.

During the last ten years it has been my business to visit,
almost every winter, the twelve provinces of India, and to
superintend a survey of their population and resources. The
Indian Government has, so to speak, ordered me to conduct for
it a great stock-taking after a century of British rule. I have
often amused myself, dming my solitary peregrinations, by
imagining what a Hindu of the last centuiy would think of
the present state of his country if he could revisit the earth.
I have supposed that his first surprise at the outward physical
changes had subsided ; that he had got accustomed to the fact
that thousands of square miles of jungle, which in his time
were inhabited only by wild beasts, have been turned into fertile
crop-lands ; that fever-smitten swamps have been covered with
healthy, well-di'ained cities ; that the mountain walls which
shut off the interior of India from the seaports have been
pierced by roads and scaled by railways ; that the great rivers
wliich formed the barriers between provinces, and desolated the

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 99

country with their floods, have now been controlled to the uses
of man, spanned by bridges, and tapped by canals. But what
would strike him as more siwprising than these outward changes
is the security of the people. In provinces where every man,
from the prince to the peasant, a hundred years ago, went
armed, he would look round in vain for a matchlock or a sword.
He would find the multitudinous native States of India, which
he remembered m jealous isolation broken only by merciless
wars, now trading quietly with each other, bound together
by railways <^nd roads, by the post S,nd the 'telegraph. He
• would find, moreover, much that was new as well as much that
Avas changed. He would see the country dotted with imposing
edifices in a strange foreign architecture, of which he could not
guess the uses. He would ^sk what wealthy prince had reared
for himself that spacious palace ? He would be answered that
the building was no pl'easure-house for the rich, but a hospital
for the poor. He would inquire, In honour of what new deity
is this splendid shrine ? He would be told that it was no new
temple to the gods, but a school for the people. Instead of
bristling fortresses, he would see courts of justice ; in place of a
Muhammadan general in charge of each district, he would find
an English vnagistrate ; instead of a swarming soldiery, he
would discover a police.

He would also detect some mournful features in the land-
scape. In provinces where, a hundi-ed years ago, there was
plenty of land for everyone who wished to till it, he would see
human beings so densely crowded together as to exhaust the soil,
And yet fail to wring from it enough to eat. Among a people
whose sole means of subsistence was agriculture he would find
a landless proletariate springing up, while millions more were
clinging with a despairing grip to their half-acre of earth a-piece,
under a burden of rack-rent or usury. On the one hand, he would
see great bodies of traders and husbandmen living in a security
and comfort unknown in the palmiest days of the Mughals. On
the other hand, he would ask himself, as I have often asked
myself, whether the prosperity of the prosperous is not highly
paid for by the poverty of the poor, and whether this splendid
fabric of British rule does not rest deep down on a harder
struggle for life.

100 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

I shall endeavom- to present a few scenes of the panorama
which would thus pass before his eyes. There are all the signs
at present of a new depai'ture in oui' dealings with India, and
it is of the utmost importance that the English nation should
realise the actual facts. My desire is so to state these facts that
they may be read and remembered by numbers of my country-
men. It will be in n© vainglorious spirit that I contrast what
has been with what is. In thinking of her work in India,
Great Britain may proudly look back, but she must also look
anxiously forward. If, in these preliminary pages, I dwell on
what England has accomplished in India, it is only that I .
may clear the way for stating with the greater emphasis what y
England has yet to do for the Indian people. •

Indian frontier affairs have lately occupied much attention,
and I shall commence my sketch by a glance at the frontiers of
India in the last century. India is a" great three-cornered
country, stretching southward from Asia into the sea. Its
northern base rests upon the Himalayan ranges ; the chief part
of its western side is washed by the Indian Ocean, and of its
eastern by the Bay of Bengal. But while thus guarded along
the whole length of its boundaries by Nature's defences, the
mountains and the sea, it has, at its north-eastern end north-
western corners, two opposite sets of gateways which connect it
with the rest of Asia. Through these gateAvays successive
horde,>s of invaders have poured into India, and in the last
century the process was still going on. Each set of new-comers
plundered and massacred without mercy and without restraint.
Dming 700 years the warring races of Central Asia and
Afghanistan filled up their measure of bloodshed and pillage to
""ilhe full. Sometimes they returned with their spoil to their
mountains, leaving desolation behind ; sometimes they killed off
or drove out the former inhabitants, and settled down in India
as lords of the soil ; sometimes they founded imperial dynasties,
destined to be crushed, each in its turn, by a new host swarming
into India through the Afghan passes. In the middle of the
last century, six such inroads on a great scale took place in
twenty-three years. The first was led by a soldier of fortune
fi'om Persia, who slaughtered Afghan and Indian alike ; the last
five were regular Afghan invasions.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 101

The precise meaning of the word ' invasion ** in India during
the last century may be gathered from the following facts. It
signified not merely a host of twenty to a hundi'ed thousand
barbarians on tlie march, ^^aying for nothing, and eating up
every town, and cottage, and farmyard ; burning and slaughter-
ing on the slightest provocation, and often in mere sport. It
usually also meant a grand final sack and massacre at the
capital of the invaded country. Here is t?he account of the fate
of Delhi in the first of the six invasions in* the middle of the
last century — an account drawn up by the least rhetorical and
most philosophical of Indian historialis, the 'father of John
Stuart Mill. Delhi had peacefully opened its gates to the
-strangers, but a brawl had afterwards arisen between the troops
and. the citizens. 'With the first light of the morning,' the
invading leader, ' Nadir, issued forth, and, dispersing bands of
soldiers in every direction, ordered them to slaughter the inhabi-
tants, without regard to age or sex, in every street or avenue in
which the body of a mui'dered Persian should be found. From
sunrise to midday the sabre raged ; and by that time not less
than 8,000 were numbered with the dead. During the massacre
and pillage the city was set on fire in several places.' At the
end of a fifty-eight days' sack, the plunderers ^vent oft' with
theif booty, leaving the capital stripped, burned, and desolate.

On this first of the six invasions, then, 8,000 men, women,
and children were hacked to pieces in one forenoon in the strp,ets
of the capital. But the Persian general knew how to stop the
massacre at his pleasure. The Afghan leaders had less authority,
and their five gi'eat invasions during the thirteen middle years
of the last century form one of the most appalling tales of
bloodshed and wanton cruelty ever inflicted on the human race.
In one of these invasions, the miserable capital, Delhi, again
opened her gates and received the Afghans as guests. Yet for
several weeks, not merely for six hours on this occasion, the
citizens were exposed to every foul enormity which a barbarian
army could practise on a prostrate foe. Meanwhile the Afghan
cavalry were scouring the country, slaying, burning, and muti-
lating in the meanest hamlet as in the greatest town. They took
especial delight in sacking the holy places of the Hindus, and
murdering the defenceless votaries at the shrines. For example.

■"^

102 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

one gang of 25,000 Afghan horsemen swooped down upon the
sacred city of Muttra during a festival, while it was thronged
with peaceful Hindu pilgrims engaged in their devotions. ' They
burned the houses,' says the Tyrolese Jesuit Tieffenthaler, who
was in India at that time, ' together with their inmates,
slaughtering others with the sword and the lance ; hauling off'
into captivity maidens and youths, men and women. In the
temples they slaughte.'ed cows,' the sacred animal of the Hindus,
' and smeared the ijjiages and pavement with the blood.'

It is needless to quote further from the tale of Afghan
atrocities in thci last century. They went on year after year,
the Afghans being too loosely organized to serve as a barrier •
against the hosts from Central Asia, and always ready for an_
Indian invasion on their own account. The boider-land between
Afghanistan and India lay silent aud waste ; indeed, districts
far within the frontier, which had once been densely inhabited,
and which are now again thidkly peopled, were swept bare of
inhabitants. Thus Gurjanwala, the seat of the ancient capital
of the Punjab in Buddhist times, was utterly depopulated. Its
present inhabitants are immigrants of comparatively recent date.
The district, which was thus stripped of its inhabitants in the
last century, has now a new population of over half a million
soiils. The Afghan question survives to this ,day, birt its
present form, although by no means easy of solution, is prefer-
able to the shape in which it presented itself in the last
century.

In the last century, however, invasions and inroads were
yearly events along the whole frontier of India. The Hima-
layan mountains, instead of serving as a northern wall to shut
out aggressors, formed a line of fastnesses from M'^hich the hill
^rJtces poured down upon the plains. For fifteen hundred miles
along their base stretched a thick belt of territory which no one
dared to cultivate. This silent border-land varied from twenty
to fifty miles in breadth, and embraced a total area of 30,000
square miles, that yielded no food for man, but teemed Avith
\n\d beasts, which nightly sallied forth to ravage the herds and
hamlets in the open country beyond. Such a border-land
seemed to the miserable villagers on the plains to be the best
possible frontier ; for its dense jungles served as some sort of

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 103

barrier against the invasions of the wild Himalayan races, and it
bred deadly fevers whic;h made havoc of armies that attempted
a passage through it. Indeed, the ancient Hindu laws of Manu,
Avi'itten more than 2,000 ye£y.'s ago, ordained, as a protection to
a royal city or kingdom, a belt of wilderness tAventy miles
around it in place of fortifications ; an,d the peasantry of
Northern India were thankful in the last century for the tract
of disease-laden jungle which, to a certain CKtent, defended them
from the savage hillmen beyond. ,

Such was the state of the north-western and the long
northern boundary of India before the cstablisli^nent of British
•rule. A glance at the north-eastern border discloses a still
more painful picture. The history of the fertile valley of Assam,
in the north-easteVn corner of India, is one long narrative of
invasion and exterminatioi?. Anciently the seat of a powerful
Hindu kingdom, whose ruined forts of massive hewn stone we
find bm'ied in the jungle, Assam v^as devastated, like the rest of
Eastern Bengal, by the fanatical Muhammadan invaders in the
fifteenth century from the west. A fierce aboriginal race (the
Koch) next swooped down on it from the north. They in turn
were crushed by another aboriginal race (the Ahams) from the
east ; and these again were being exterminated by the Burmese
fro m# the soivth, when they implored the English to interfere.
During the last century large tracts of Assam were depopulated,
and throughout that province and Eastern Bengal 30,000
square miles of fertile frontier districts lay waste. In addition
to these systematic invasions, the smaller liill tribes every
autumn rushed down upon the miserable hamlets which were
left and drove away the women and the cattle.

The gi'eat mountain, wall round Northern India failed there-
fore, till the British came upon the scene, to afford any security
to the Indian races. The sea, which forms the natural defence
of the rest of the country, was in like manner only a source of
new dangers. On the Bay of Bengal, the pirates from the
Burmese coast sailed up the gi-eat rivers, burning the villages,
massacring or carrying off into slavery the inhabitants. Tlie
first English surveyor, in the second half of the last century,
entered on his maps a fertile and now populous tract of a
thousand square miles on the sea-board, as bare of villages, with

104 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

the significant words written across it, ' Depopulated by the
Maghs/ or sea-robbers. A fleet was ineffectually maintained
by the Muhammadan Government to keep open the river
channels, and a heavy impost, whos*„ name survives to the pre-
sent day, although the tax itself has long been abolished, was in
vain levied for this service. On the other side of the peninsula,
in the Indian Ocean, piracy was conducted on a grander scale.
Wealthy rajas kept iip luxurious Courts upon the extortions
which their pirate? fleets levied from trading vessels, and
from the villages along the coast. The truth is that the
natural defences ^of Inditl, the mountains and the sea, were in
the last century equally powerless to protect the Indian races.

This state of things could not be permitted under.
British rule, and the first business of the English was to secm'e
India from foreign invasions. The sea robbers were effectively
dealt with. One of Clive's achievements was rooting out the
pirate nests of the south-western coast ; and the Indian navy,
after sweeping the robber hordes from the sea, and rendering
Indian waters as safe as the English Channel, finished its work
nineteen years ago, and was abolished in 1861. The unruly
tribes of the Himalayan frontiers had always their hill fastnesses
to retreat to. Their subjugation took a longer time, and is
less complete, as our troubles with Afghanistan" still attest.
But by persuasion, and, when necessary, by chastisement, Ave have
tavght the Avild races along the whole northern and north-
eastern frontier, for a distance of 1,500 miles, the lesson that
they must please keep quiet, and betake themselves to some
other livelihood than the pillage of the husbandmen on the
plains. Most of them have proved apt scholars. The great
kingdom of Nepal on the north, whkh forced us to coiTect
its inveterate practice of raiding by two campaigns, followed by
partial annexation, has, for the last sixty years, been our firm
ally, and hurried out its armies to our help in the Mutiny of 1857.
At one time during this long interval the dynastic intrigues,
always fermenting in a native Court .^xxeatened to bring the
Nepalese into conflict with the British ; and on that occasion the
whole kingdom of Nepal was kept loyal to its treaties, through a
prolonged crisis, by the firmness and skill of a single English-
man, Brian Hodgson. Other native States, like the principality

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 105

of Kuch Behar, at once settled down into peaceful industry.
Its first and only treaty mth us, dated 1773, remains unbroken
by either party to this day, a monument of mutual good faith.

A firm frontier being t^tablished in Northern India, the
peasantry spread themselves out upon the unoccupied border-
lands. The task of reclaiming these tracts has been a heavy
one. In some parts, as in the now prosperous district of
Goalpara with its half-million of inhabitants, more money was
I spent, until twenty-five years ago, by Government in rewards
for killing the wild animals than the whole sum realised from
the land revenue. This broad belt of waste land along the
frontier was almost the only unoccupied territory which the
British Government could grant to European settlers. The
first. British capitalists had to do battle alike with the banditti
and the wild beasts. We read in the manuscript records of 1788
of a Mr. Raush, one o:f the earliest, English merchants in Assam,
who made an alliance on his own account with the local raja,
and sent a private regiment of 700 men to the aid of that
prince. While the natives of India have pushed their rice
cultivation towards the foot of the mountains, English
capitalists have dotted their slopes with tea plantations. Not
less than 13,000 square miles of border districts have been re-
claimed, and yield each year at the lowest estimate eighteen
millions sterling worth of produce. The tea gardens alone
exported last year three millions sterling worth of tea, chiefly to
England.

The unsettled frontier of the last century meant that sixty
thousand square miles of border-land (double the whole area of
Scotland) were abandoned to jungle and the wild beasts, not
because there were no people to cultivate the soil, but because
they did not dare to do so. It signified that tracts %\'hich
might have yielded, and which will yet yield, thirty millions
sterling worth of food each year lay unfilled through terror of
the tm'bulent hill races. The security given by a century of
British rule in these nv^- tier districts means 13,000 square
miles already brought under the plough, gi'owing each year
eighteen millions sterling worth of produce, or more than the
average normal cost of the Indian army and the whole defence
of the Indian Empire.

106 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

The task of freeing India from foreign invasion was, however,
only the first of many heavy responsibilities which our acquisition
of the country entailed. The dying throes of the Mughal Empire
had let loose its disbanded or revpHed armies upon the people
The troops, finding that their pay was no longer forthcoming
from the Muhammq.dan treasury, lived by open pillage. In
what are now the most peaceful and most populous districts
of Bengal there were, in the last century, standing camps of
banditti. Many of the principal native families, being ruined
by the exactions of the Musalman tax-gatherers, betook them-
selves to plunder:. The} sheltered the banditti on their estates,
levied black-mail from the surrounding villages as the price of
immunity from depredation, and shared in the pillage of such
as would not come to terms. Their country houses were robber
strongholds, and the English judges of the last century have
left it on record that a gang robbery never occuiTcd without a
landed proprietor being at the bottom of it.

Lawlessness breeds lawlessness, and the miserable peasants,
stripped of their little hoards, were forced to become plunderers
in their turn. Many ' husbandmen,' says an official report of
1771, 'who have hitherto bome the first of characters among
their neighbours, piu-sue this last resom'ce to procure them-
selves a subsistence.' The Council of Calcutta reported iml772
that organized gangs of robbers were burning, plundering, and
ravaging the interior districts of Bengal in bodies of 50,000
men. • The English found no police in India to cope with this
great evil. Each village had its watchman, but the village
watchman would have been powerless against the robber gangs,
and so he entered into league with them. For a time the East
India Company's troops were constantly engaged against the
banditti. In 1773 we hear of our Sepoys ' being totally
defeated ' by a robber horde, and ' their English leader with
the whole party cut off.' But by degi-ees these vast armies
of banditti were broken up, and scattered themselves over the
country in smaller gangs.

Such lawlessness was the normal condition of all India for
a full half-century, and in some provinces for many centuries,
before the advent of British rule. A long succession of invaders
during 700 years had crushed beneath them the preceding

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 107

races. In many instances the previous inhabitants were driven
from their fields altogether and forced to take refuge in the
mountains or jungles. They then became what is called in
India a ' depressed race,' cjr a ' predatory caste." In every
province we find one or more of these depressed or vanquished
races, such as the Bhars of Oudh, the Rhils of Jalami, the
Gaulis of the Central Provinces, the Chan dels and Bundelas of
Bundelkhand, the Ahams of Assam, besides ^ the numerous hill
tribes scattered over the country. In the »last century there
were over a hundred hereditary ' predatory castes "■ or marauding
hill and forest tribes in India, and many of their names survive
to our days in the census of 18T1 ; that is to say, there were
more than one hundred resolute communities openly living
irom generation t6 generation by plunder.

Here, then, was a gr&at organisation of the criminal
classes, which had long existed, and which the English had to
put down without the*aid of any regular police. At first the
Company's servants attempted to extirpate crime by copying
the cruel criminal code of the Musalmans. Warren Hastings,
for example, made a law that every convicted gang robber should
be executed ; that he should be executed in all the forms and
terrors of the native law in his own village ; that his whole
family should ,be made slaves, and that every inhabitant of the
village should be fined. The gang robbers retaliated by incen-
diarism on a great scale throughout the country. In 1780 thej^
were believed to have caused a conflagration of Calcutta *vhich
bui'ned down 15,000 houses. Nearly 200 people perished in the
flames, ' Deduct,' saith the deed for the Benares District for the
year 1782, ' deduct the devastations, &c., of two months' distur-
bances, sicca rupees 666,666,' or over 70,000Z. ' A few nights
ago,' says a Calcutta newspaper of 1780, ' four armed men entereci
the house of a Moorman, near Chowringhi,' the principal street,
' and carried off' his daughter,' No native ever ventm'ed out after
dusk with a good shawl on ; and it was the invariable practice,
even in English mansions in Calcutta, for the porter to lock the
outer door at the commencement of each meal, and not to open
it again till the butler brought him word that the plate was
safely shut up in its strong box. Clear cases of fire-raising are
constantly recorded, and at length it was gravely recommended

108 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

' that all those owning straw houses should have a long bamboo
Avith three hooks at the end to catch the villains.''

All this has changed. Strange as it may sound, there is
now less crime in India than in England. For each million
persons in England and Wales there are about 870 criminals
always in gaol. In" India, where the police is very completely
organized, there are only 614 prisoners in gaol for each million
of the people. Moreover, in England and Wales there are 340
women in gaol for each million of the female population, while
in India they have only twenty-eight Avomen in gaol for each
million of the female population. The petty offences, punished
by a fine, are also less numerous in Bengal than in England,
compared with the total number of inhabitants. These gaol
returns are sometimes misleading, owing to differences in the
class of punishment inflicted, but I have satisfied myself that
the above figures substantially represent the facts. The use of
troops against banditti is now a thing of the past. The exis-
tence of an army is less realised in a rural district of Bengal
than in an English shire. Of the sixty -three millions of people
in that province, probably forty millions go through life with-
out ever seeing the face of a soldier.

A centmy of British rule has, therefore, not only secured
the Indian frontier from invaders, but it has freed the iiUerior
of India from banditti. How has this result been achieved ?
Eartly by legislation and partly by police. The English in
India recognised the fact that they had a special class of crimes
to deal with, and they framed a special department of criminal
law to put those crimes down. ' The dakaits or gang robbers
of Bengal,"* so runs a State paper written in 1772, ' are not,
like the robbers of England, individuals driven to such desperate
courses by sudden want. They are robbers by profession and
even by birth. They are formed into regular communities, and
their families subsist by the spoils which they bring home to
them.' These spoils were frequently brought from great dis-
tances ; and peaceful villages 300 miles up the Ganges lived by
housebreaking in Calcutta. A special law was therefore framed
against the crime of dakaiti, or gang robbery, that is to say,
robbery committed by five or more persons. Another special
crime was thagiy or strangling dexterously performed by bands

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 109

of professional murderers disguised as travelling merchants or
pilgrims. The thug's and daJcaits, or hereditary stranglers and
gang robbers, thought none the worse of themselves for their
profession, and were regarde'd by their countrymen with an awe
which in the last centmy could hardly be distinguished from
respect. ' I am a thag- or strangler of the "Royal Records,' one
of these gentlemen was good enough to explain to an English
officer : ' I and my fathers have been professional stranglers for
twenty generations.' Accordingly special laws were framed to
deal with the crime of ' being a thag ' or professional strangler.

Special laws, however, would have done verj"^ little without
special police. A separate department of the criminal adminis-
tration was thereibre created to deal with these widespread
special crimes of India. Jt has effectively done its work.
Some time ago, I was taken to visit the principal gaol of one
of the Indian provinces. At parting, when I was thanking the
governor of the prison for all he had shown me, he exclaimed :
' Ah ! there is one thing more we must not forget to see.'
He took me to a well-ventilated, comfortable room in the gaol
hospital, where, lolling upon pillows, reclined a reverend,
white-bearded man. ' This,' he said, ' is the last of our thags.
He alone survives of the batch which we received twenty-five
years ago.' I* found that the venerable strangler had been for
fifteen years enjoying himself in the hospital, the object of much
solicitude to the doctors, and his life carefully prolongj^d 'Ay
medical comforts, as an interesting relic of the past.

Nevertheless, this problem also presents itself from time to
time, although in a mitigated form. The old predatory castes,
the survivals of down-trodden, half-exterminated races under the
native dynasties, still cliii^ to their wandering life. But inOjst
of them, like the Bediyas, are now merely gipsy families, who
roam from village to village, earning a little rice by their
singing and juggling, or by their dexterity as bird-catchers,
basket-weavers, and fortune-tellers. Their boldest flight in
robbery is the pilfering of a stray chicken or kid. In recently
annexed parts of India, however, as in the province of Oudh,
the old predatory clans still give trouble. A special law,
entitled the Criminal Tribes Act, has accordingly been levelled
against them, and is occasionally enforced. For example, in the

110 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

Gonda district of Oudh, which passed under British rule only
in 1855, there is a caste of professional thieves called Bar wars.
They spread over the country in communities of forty or fifty,
and have no objection to rob temples, but will not steal cattle.
They go on more distant expeditions in parties of two or three.
Their plunder is fairly divided, a portion being set apart to buy
offerings of goats apd ardent spirits to their patron goddess,
and a fixed percentage being paid to the land-holder of the
village. They carry on their trade with hereditary skill ; but
the rides of their religiqn sternly restrict their operations to the
daytime, between sunrise and sunset. Any Barwar stealing by
night is ignominiously turned out of the caste. In 1869 these
scrupulous gentlemen numbered 2,500 in a single pargana or
parish. But they have, under British rule, sunk from their
ancient dignity as a hereditary robber community, and, like my
old friend the professional strangler in the gaol hospital, they
are regarded with much interest by the local authorities as a
relic of the past. They have been placed under the operation
of the Criminal Tribes Act, and are now betaking themselves to
the more commonplace callings of small husbandmen and petty
pilferers. Throughout almost the whole of British India the
ancient special crimes have been extirpated. The old cripiinal
tribes find it more profitable to be on the side of the law than
against it, and now seek employment as detectives or house-
watchmen. We have seen how the Indian navy, after having
swept the sea of piracy and cleared out the robber nests at the
river mouths, finished its work, and was abolished nineteen years
ago. In like manner, the old lawlessness in the interior has
now disappeared, and the special branch of the criminal ad-
ministration known as the Tliagi and 'Dakaiti or Stianglers' and
Gang Robbers'" Department has practically ceased from its
operations in British India.

We have of late years heard a great deal about Indian
famines. The heart of England has been touched by tales of
suffering and privation on a vast scale, and the charity of
England has flowed forth on a scale equally munificent. Famine
is now recognised as one of the most difficult problems with
which the Indian administration has to deal. A hundred years
ago it was regarded not as a problem of administration, but as

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 111

a visitation of God utterly beyond the control of man. When
] the rains, on which the crops depended, fell short, no crops were
reared, and the people perished. Sometimes their failure was
confined to a single district, and only a few thousand families
starved to death. Sometimes their faijm-e extended to a
province, and the victims were counted by hundi-eds of
thousands. More rarely the rains failed* over a still greater
area, and, as in 1770, a third of the whole ^(opulation perished.
The loss of life was accepted in each case as a natm^al
and an inevitable consequence of the loss, of the crop.
The earth had yielded no food, and so the people, in the
ordinary and legitimate course of things, died. The famine of
1837 left behind so temble a memory that to this day the
peas:ants of Hamirpur employ it as an era by which to calcu-
late their ages. Such calamities are accepted as the ordinary
and inevitable visitations of Providence in Asia. It is said
that the recent famine in Northern China stripped large tracts
of one-half their inhabitants.

Here is a bird's-eye view of a single famine in the last
centmy, taken almost word for word from the official records.
' The fields of rice,' one of the native superintendents of Bengal
reported in the autumn of 1769, ' are become like fields of
di'ied straw.' •■ The mortality,' \\Tote the President of the
Bengal Council in the following spring — 'the mortality, the
beggary exceed all description. Above one-third of the itihabi-
tants have perished in the once plentiful province of Purniah,
and in' other parts the misery is equal,' All through the
tftifling summer of 1770 the people went on dying. The
husbandmen sold their cattle ; they sold their implements of
agriculture ; they devourt^d their seed-grain ; they sold th^r
sons and daughters, till at length no buyer of children could be
found ; they ate the leaves of trees and the giass of the field ;
and in June 1770, the Resident at the Durbar affirmed that the
living were feeding on the dead. Day and night a ton-ent of
famished and disease-stricken wretches poured into the gieat
cities. At an early period of the year, pestilence had broken
out. In March we find small-pox at Murshidabad, where it
glided through the viceregal guards, and cut off the Prince
Saifat in his palace. The streets were blocked up with promis-

112

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

cuous heaps of the dying and dead. Interment could not do its
work quick enough; even the dogs and jackals, the public
scavengers of the East, became unable to accomplish their
revolting work, and the multitude of mangled and festering
corpses at length threatened the existence of the citizens.

Tavo years after the dearth, Warren Hastings made a progress
thi'ough Bengal, and he deliberately states the loss to have been
' at least one-third, of the inhabitants,' or probably about ten
millions of people. Nineteen years later, the next Governor-
General, Lord Cornwallis, had still to report to the Court of
Directors that one-third of the Company's territory in Bengal
was 'a jungle inhabited only by wild beasts.'

In that terrible summer of 1770, in which ten millions of
peasants perished, only 9,000Z. were distributed to aid. the
starving population of Bengal. ' A centui-y later, in the much
milder Bengal scarcity of 1874, the British Government spent
close on four millions sterling, and dui-ing the five years ending
1878 it devoted over fourteen millions sterling in feeding its
people dui-ing famine. Here is one great difference between
the last century and the present one. But it is by no means
the most important difference. In the last centmy neither the
Government nor the people thought that it was possible to deal
with a great Indian famine. Any such effort* were, iii the
words of the Bengali proverb, merely watering tlie top of a tree
uhose^ roots are cut. In the present centmy, earnest efforts
have been made to bring famine within administrative control.
A vast organisation of preventive and remedial agencies is con-
stantly kept in readiness to deal with the periodically recuiTing
dearths. Canals, irrigation works of many kinds, railways,
roads, steamboats, and every impro\^d form of modern com-
munication, together with State charity in India and the
munificent benevolence of the British nation at home — these
are the weapons with which the Indian Government now does
battle against famine.

That battle is not yet won. Many Indian administrators
of gTeat experience, both English and native, still believe that,
when a real famine has once developed itself, it is impossible to
prevent a terrible loss of life. This is a subject which will re-
quire very faithful dealing. The temptation in modern times

ENGLAND\S WORK TN INDIA 113

is not to gTudge State aid during famine, but to lavish the
public funds with an open hand, so that each official may be
able to say that nothing which money could accomplish for the
starving population was left "undone. The problem of Indian
famine is still unsolved ; but it has been accepted by all earnest
administrators as one for which we must find a solution. The
famine of 1877 and 1878 is supposed to have raised the mor-
tality from 35 to 63 per thousand, causing jfrom disease and
starvation throughout ail India an excess of 5\ million deaths.
But the cultivated area in the stricken tracts was greater, by
120,000 acres, after the famine than before it. Heartrending
as was the calamity, it produced no results analogous to those
of famines in the last century and early years of the present
one, . when ' half the ryots were credibly reported to have
perished,' when the landed classes were completely disorganized,
and a third of the land.relapsed into jungle.

The effect of famine in modern times upon the gi-owth of
the population is almost imperceptible. Taking the whole
scarcities of the past thirty years, the Commissioners estimate
the annual deaths from the diseases and all other causes con-
nected with famine at * less than 2 per 1,000 ' of the inhabitants.
Permanent depopulation from any cause is now unknown. No
frontier belt i.f left waste through fear of invasions from the
north, no provinces are swept clean by Maratha cavalry from
the south, no villages are laid waste by internal banditti* and
no districts are now stripped of inhabitants by famine. In
the last -century all these causes of depopulation were at work.
The quick-growing jungle spread over the deserted land, and
the fierce beasts of the tropics were the undisputed lords of
fertile tracts. In the o^4 revenue accounts of the native
Government during the last century there was a eolumn in each
district for palataKa or deserted lands, literally ' the lands from
Avhich the people had fled."" Even ten years after the famine of
1770, a once populous district was a silent jungle ; and in 1780
a small body of Sepoys coidd with difficulty force its way
through its forests. ' For 120 miles,' says an eye-witness,
* they marched tlii-ough but an extensive wood, all the way a
perfect wilderness ; sometimes a small village, presented itself
in the midst of these jungles, with a little cultivated ground

114

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

around it, hardly sufficient to encamp the two battalions.
These woods abound with tigers and bears, which infested the
camp every night, but did no other damage than carrying off a
child and killing some of the gentlemen's baggage bullocks.""

As the rural communities relinquished their hamlets and
di'ew closer together towards the centre of a district, the wild
beasts pressed hung\"ily on their rear. In vain the East India
Company offered |a reward for each tiger''s head sufficient to
maintain a peasant's family in comfort for three months — an
item of outlay which ^our officers deemed so important that
when, in the financial crisis of 1790-91, the Treasmy had to
suspend all payments, it made the tiger-money and diet allow-
ance for prisoners the sole exceptions to the, rule. In vain ^t
spent the whole land revenue of a .frontier district in revrards
for killing wild beasts. A belt of jungle filled with ferocious
animals lay for years around the cultiva^.ed land. The official
records frequently speak of the mail-bag being carried off" by
tigers, and the custom of the mail-runners carrying a bell to
scare away the wild beasts survived to om- own da3^ Lord
Cornwallis, in 1789, had to sanction a grant of public money
to free the military road through Bengal from the depredations
of these animals.

The ravages of the wild elephants were on* a larger' scale,
and their extermination formed one of the most important
^utieii of the British officers after the country passed under our
rule. Tigers, leopards, and wolves slew their thousands of men
and their hundreds of thousands of cattle. But the • herd of
wild elephants was absolutely resistless, lifting off" roofs, pushing
down walls, trampling a village under foot as if it were a city
ef sand which a child had built 4rtjpon the shore. In two
districts alone, during the last few years of the native adminis-
tration, fifty-six hamlets with their surrounding lands ' had all
been destroyed and gone to jungle, caused by the depredations
of wild elephants,' Another official return states that forty
market villages throughout Birbhum district had been deserted
from the same cause. Large reductions had to be made in the
land tax, and the East India Company borrowed tame elephants
from the native Viceroy's stud in order to catch the wild ones.
' I had ocular proof on my journey,' writes an English officer in

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 115

1791, 'of their ravages. The poor timid native ties his cot in
a tree, to which he retires when the elephants approach, and
silently views the destrnctiwn of his cottage and the whole
profits of his labour." ' One night," writes an English surveyor
in 1810, 'although I had a guard, the men of the village close
to my tent retired to the trees, and the women hid themselves
among the cattle, leaving their huts a prey* to the elephants,
who know very well where to look for grain. Two nights be-
fore, some of them had unroofed a hut in the village, and had
eaten up all the grain which a poor famtly posst^sed.' ' Most
fortunately for the population of the country,' wrote the greatest
elephant hunter of the last century, ' they delight in the
secj'iestered range oF the mountains ; if they preferred the plains,
whole kingdoms would be laiS waste."

All this is now changed. One of the complaints of the
modern Englishman in India is that he can so seldom get a
shot at a tiger. Wolves are dying out in many provinces ; the
ancient Indian lion has disappeared. The wild elephant is so
rare that he is specially protected by the Government, and in
most parts of India he can only be caught by official licence
and under official supervision. Many districts have petitioned
for a alose season, so as to pi-eserve the edible game still
remaining. The only animal that has defied the energy of the
British official is the snake. One may, however, judge of the*
loss of life by wild beasts in the last century from the deaths
caused by this their chief survivor at the present day. The
ascertained number of persons who died from snake-bite in
ISTS was 17,000, out of a total of 21,391 killed by snakes and
all other wild animals. The deaths from wild beasts in the last
century were probably not under 150,000 a year.

I shall now briefly sunnnarise some of the outward and
obvious results of a century of British rule. As regards the
northern or Himalayan frontier of India, the wild hill tribes
are no longer invaders, but are employed as loyal soldiers or
border police. As regards the southern fiontier of India, the
sea, the pirate races have been converted into cheap and
excellent seamen. Indian waters are now as safe as the English
Channel, and the Indian navy, having finished its work, is
disbanded. As regards internal disturbances, banditti are

I 2

116 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

unknown, breaches of the law are rarer in India than in Eng-
land, and the special department which was created to deal with
the old special crimes of India now finds no more work to
do within the British provinces. Famine, which in the last
centmy was considered as the act of God, beyond any help of
man, has been accepted as the great administrative problem of
om' day ; and a vast'organization of public works, State relief, and
private charity is interposed between the Indian races and the
merciless calamities of nature. As regards the reclamation of
M^aste land, formerly tl:-e local hero was the man who cut down
the jungle ; now a special branch of legislation is required to
enable the Government to conserve what jmigle remains, and
to plant fresh forests. These are a few of the outward and
visible results of a centiu-y of British rule in India.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 117

DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE

There are other and less obvious results of British rule ; and
perhaps foremost among them is the development of new
industries and the, growth of great centres of trade. Com-
mercial cities, in our sense oi^ the word, did not exist in ancient
India. The capital was the standing camp of the mona,rch ; its
trade depended upon the presence of the Court. Magnificent
Emperors required magnificent cities around them, and an in-
considerate or a tyrannical prince ordered the movements of the
citizens as he ordered the movements of his troops. One cruel
Emperor of the house of Tughlak forced the whole inhabitants
of Delhi, in the north of India, to migi-ate to his new capital,
Daulatabad, 700 miles away in the distant south. Thousands
perished on thfe road. The king twice changed his mind.
Twice he allowed the miserable people to return to Delhi ;
twice he compelled them on pain of death to leave it. Que of
these forced migrations took place during a famine ; a gi'eat
part of* the citizens died of hunger; the rest were utterly
ruined. But, says the historian, ' the Emperor's orders were
strictly complied %vith, and the ancient capital was left
desolate."" .» •

A large exteinal trade was indeed an impossibility at the
native metropolis, Delhi, which lay more than a thousand miles
from the river's mouth. But even the capitals of the seaboard
provinces were chosen for military purposes, and with small
regard to the commercial capabilities of their situation. Thus,
in Lower Bengal, the Muhanmiadans under dift'erent dynasties
fixed in succession on six towns as their capital. Each of these
successive capitals was on a river bank ; but not one of them
possessed any foreign trade, nor indeed could have been

118 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

approached by an old East Indiaman. They were simply the
Coui't and camp of the king or the viceroy for the time being.
Colonies of skilful artisans settled round the palaces of the
nobles to supply the luxurious fabrics of oriental life. After
the prince and Court had in some new caprice abandoned the
city, the artisans remained, and a little settlement of weavers
was often the sole surviving proof that the decaying town had
once been a capita^city. Thus the exquisite muslins of Dacca
and the soft silks of Murshidabad still bear witness to the days
when these two places were successively the capital of Bengal.
The artisans forked ih their own houses. The manufactures
of India were essentially domestic industries, conducted by
special castes, each member of which wove at his own
hereditary loom, and in his own village or homestead.

One of the earliest results of British rule in India was the
gi'owth of great mercantile towns. Our rule derived its origin
from our commerce, and from the first the East India
Company's efforts were directed to creating centres for
maritime trade. Other European nations, the Portuguese, the
Dutch, the Danes, and the French, have rivalled us as mer-
chants and conquerors in India, and each of them in turn
attempted to found great seaports. The long Indian coast,
both on the east and the west, is dotted Avith decaying a illages
which were once the busy scenes of those nations' early
^European trade. Of all their famous capitals in India, not one
has now the commercial importance of Cardiff or Greenock, and
not one of them has a harbour which would admit at low tide
a ship drawing twenty feet.

The truth is that it is far easier to pitch a camp and erect
a palace, which, under the native dynasties, was synonymous
Avith founding a capital, than it is to create a centre of trade.
Such centres must grow of themselves, and cannot be called
suddenly into existence by the fiat of the wisest autocrat. It is
in this difficult enterprise, in which the Portuguese, the Dutch,
the Danes, and the French had successively failed, that the
British in India have succeeded. We make our appearance in
the long list of races who have ruled that splendid Empire, not
as temple builders like the Hindus, nor as palace and tomb
builders like the Musalmans, nor as fort builders like the

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 119

Marathas, nor as church builders like the Portuguese, but in the
more commonplace capacity of town builders, as a nation that
had the talent for selecting sites on which gi'eat commercial
cities would grow up, and who have in this way created a new
industrial life for the Indian people.

Calcutta and Bombay, the two commercial capitals of India,
are essentially the creations of British rule. Shortly after
Bombay was ceded by the Portuguese to the British Crown in
1661, as part of the dower of the wife of Charles II., the king
was glad to hand over his unprofitable acquisition, which was
then considered the grave of Europeans, to* a company of
London merchants for an annual payment of lOZ. in gold.
Bombay city has now close on three-quarters of a million of
inhabitants, living entirely by commerce. It ranks next to
London (if we except Calcutta and its municipal subm-bs) in
the cities of the British Empire. Its population is nearly one
and a-half times that of Glasgow or Liverpool, and nearly
double that of Manchester or Birmingham.

The history of Calcutta, the metropolis of India, is still
more striking. Together with its municipal suburbs, it has a
population exceeding three-quarters of a million, or nearly
double that of any city in Great Britain except London. Less
than* two centuries ago, when our countrymen first settled at
Calcutta, they were a poor band of fugitive merchants seeking
shelter from the extortions of the native ruler of Bengal ; ai,>d
the futm-e City of Palaces consisted of three clusters of mud
huts OM the river bank. It was not their first attempt to found
a city where they could trade in peace. The seaboard of
Bengal was the scene of many an earlier and unsuccessful effort.
Sometimes the English were driven away by the exactions of
the native general in charge of the surroimding district ; some-
times the river on which their little town was rising shifted its
course, and left their wharves high and dry ; sometimes the
estuary which they had fixed upon as a harbour silted up, and
long banks of sand rose between their port and the sea.
Calcutta on the eastern coast of India, and Bombay on the
west, are the results of a long and patient series of unsuccessful
efforts — they represent the survival of the fittest ; and many
an English heart was broken, and many a hard-earned fortune

120 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

lost, in attempting to found ports at the mouths of silting
rivers, and amid the dismal Bengal swamps, before Calcutta
rose to its proud position, next to London, as the metropolis of
India and the second city of the British Empire.

In one of these deserted seats of the early British trade I
have seen the husbandman driving his plough over what were
once the wet docks, and turning up spars and rotten fragments
of sloops from the furrows. Others of them have entirely dis-
appeared from the map. For example, the harbom* on the
Orissa seaboard, which was officially reported, as late as 1809,
to be the safest' and most frequented port on that coast, has
now ceased to exist. The mouth of the river has so completely
silted up, and is so perfectly concealed by a dense fringe of
jungle, that it is almost impossible for a strange vessel to
discover it. A similar ruin has, in a milder degi'ee, fallen on
every ancient seaport of India. All round the Indian coast,
from the Gulf of Cambay to the mouths of the Irawadi, the
silt-bearing rivers and the sand-charged tides have built up
barriers of mud between the old historic harbours and modern
commerce.

This fate would long ago have overtaken Calcutta but for
the strenuous efforts of our countrymen. The Hugli river, upon
which Calcutta lies, forms one of the chief nlbuths of the
Ganges. Six great historical ports have been built upon its
bA,nks.^ The oldest of them, Satgaon, the ancient royal port
of Bengal under the native dynasties, has been completely
deserted by the navigable channel, and is now a thatched Village
crumbling upon the banks of a muddy ditch. The Dutch, the
French, and the Danes each set up capitals and ports of their
owTi on the Hugli river, off which vesjsels of the largest tonnage
in the last century used to lie. Every one of these once
famous emporiums is now blocked up by banks of sand and
silt, and is unapproachable by sea-going ships at the present
day.

Calcutta has been saved from the same isolation by a system
of river-engineering which forms one of the memorable triumphs
in the contest of man with nature. The river Hugli has ceased
to be the direct channel of the Ganges ; but Calcutta alone,
of all the successive river capitals of Bengal, has overcome the

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 121

difficulties incident to its position as a deltaic centre of com-
merce. Strenuous efforts of engineering are required to keep
open the three offshoots of the Ganges above Calcutta which
combine to form the Hugli. Still greater watchfulness and
more extensive operations are demanded by the eighty miles of
the Hugli itself below Calcutta, to save it from the fate of other
deltaic streams, and to prevent it from silting up. In 1853
the deterioration of the Hugli channel led to a proposal to
found an auxiliary port to Calcutta on the Matla, another
mouth of the Ganges farther east. A committee then appointed
to inquire into the subject reported that ' the river Hugli was
deteriorating gradually and progressively."* At that time
' science had done nothing to aid in facilities for navigation,'
but since then everything tas been effected which the foresight
of modern engineering could suggest or the power of modern
capital could achieve. Observations on the condition of the
Hugli channels are taken hourly, gigantic steam -dredgers are
continually at work, and the shifting of the shoals is carefully
recorded. By these means the port of Calcutta has been kept
open for ships of the largest tonnage, drawing twenty-six feet,
and almost seems to have outlived the danger which threatened
its existence.

jf have dwtlt on the rise of our commercial capitals in India
because the development of city life in India means the growth
of a new industrial career for the people. Formerly, as ije ha^e
seen, the industries of India were essentially domestic manufac-
tures, tach man working at his hereditary occupation, at his
x)wn loom or at his own forge. Under British rule a new era
of production has arisen in India — an era of production on a
gi'eat scale based upon tb,e co-operation of capital and lal^gui",
in place of the small household manuftictures of ancient times.
To us, Avho have from our youth grown up in the midst of a
keen commercial civilisation, it is not easy to realise the change
thus implied. I shall briefly indicate some of the most salient
features of the re\ olution which it has wrought in the industrial
life of the Indian people.

The great industrial cities of British India are the type of
the new state of things implied by this change. Under native
rule the country had reached what political economists of

122 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

Mill's school called ' the stationary stage ' of civilisation. The
husbandmen simply raised the food-gi-ains necessary to feed
them from one haryest to another. If the food crops failed in
any district, the local population hud no capital and no other
crops wheremth to buy food fi'om other districts ; so, in the
natural and inevitable course of things, they perished. Now
the peasants of India raise other and far more profitable crops
than the mere food-stuffs on which they live. They also raise
an annual surplus of gi'ain for exportation, which is available for
India's own wants in time of need ; and there is a much larger
aggregate of capital in the country, that is to say, a much
greater national reserve or staying power. The so-called
' stationary stage ' in India has disappeared, and the Indian
peasant is keenly alive to each new demand which the market
of the world may make upon the industrial capabilities of his
country.

Thus, up to 1850, cotton was produced on a small scale in
India, and the total value exported averaged during the previous
five years only 1| millions sterling. Ten years later, the
American war gave rise to a sudden demand ; and the Indian
cotton exports rushed up, till, in 1865, they exceeded the
enormous value of 37f millions sterling. This vast amount of
money went into the pockets of the cultivatcrs, who,' the
moment that they had found a more profitable crop than their
old food-stuffs, quickly began to cultivate it on a large scale.
What the American war was to the Bombay peasant, the
Russian war had been to the Bengal husbandman. The blockade
of the Baltic ports put an end to Great Britain's supply of
fibres from Russia during the Crimean campaign. ForthAvith
the^ Bengal peasant enormously increased his production of jute.
In 1852-53, before the Crimean war, the whole export of jute
from Bengal was about 100,000/. In 1872-73 it exceeded 4^
millions sterling, an increase of fortyfold.

The Indian peasant knows, however, not only how to take
prompt advantage of a rise in prices, he knows also how to
quickly recoup himself for the loss of a market. The re-extended
cultivation in America led to a di'op, eventually reaching to
30 millions sterling, in the Indian cotton exports. But the
Indian peasant has moi-e than made good the loss by the gi'owth

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 123

of other staples. The year 1865 was one of inflated markets
throughout the world, and the Indian exports reached the un-
precedented height of 69 millions. Last, year, 1879-80, was
a year of great depression! in many markets, but the Indian
exports again exceeded 69 millions sterling.

During the same period vast numbeis of people from the
overcrowded interior of Bengal had been drafted off to the
border districts, which, till the British obtained the country,
were left waste through fear of the wild frontier races. These
peasants, instead of starving in their old densely populated
homes, are now earning high wages oft the teA plantations, and
' last year exported three millions sterling worth of tea.

All these are essentially rural industries, which owe their
existence to the new commercial life developed by the cities of
British India. Besides such rural industries, however, there are
a number of manufactures and productions which more especially
appertain to the industrial life of great towns. Coal mines
have been discovered in several provinces, and now employ tens
of thousands of miners. Mills and steam factories have followed
the opening up of the coal fields. Twenty-six years ago there
was not a single loom worked by steam-power in India ; there
are now \^ million spindles employed in the cotton manufacture
alo»e, and 40,000 spindles employed in the manufactme of
jute.

Early in the last century, before the English became the
ruling power in India, the country did not produce a million
sterling a year of staples for exportation. During the first
three-quarters of a century of om- rule the exports slowly rose
to about eleven millions in 1830. During the half-centmy
which has elapsed since that date they have (juickly multiplied
by sixfold. In 1880 India sold to foreign nations HQ millions
sterling worth of strictly Indian produce, which the Indian
husbandman had reared, and for which he was paid. In that
year the total trade of India, including exports and imports,
exceeded 122 millions sterling.

These figures are so great, and the material progiess which
they indicate is so enormous, that they elude the grasp of the
imagination. It may assist us in realising the change which
they imply in the industrial life of the people to glance at the

124 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

history of two single ports. I shall first take the local harbour
of a ruial district, Akyab, in British Bui-ma. In 1826, when
we obtained the province in which it is situated, Akyab was
merely a fishing village. Within f6ur years, by 1830, it had
developed into a little town, with a trade valued at 7,000/. In
1879 the trade exceeded 2 millions sterling, so that the trade
of Akyab has multiplied close on three hundredfold in fifty
years. The other example is one on a larger scale. When we
obtained Calcutta, in 1686, it consisted of three mud hamlets,
scarcely raised above the river slime, without any trade what-
soever. After a"" century ' and a-half of British rule the total
value of the sea-borne trade of Calcutta in 1820 was 12
millions sterling. In 1879 it had risen to over 61 j millions
sterling, besides 45 millions of trade with the interior, making
a total commerce of 106 millions sterling a year at a town
which had not ten pounds' worth of external trade when the
British settled there.

India has more to sell to the world than she requires to buy
from it. During the five years ending 1879 the staples which
she exported exceeded by an annual average of 21 millions
sterling the merchandise which she imported. One-third of this
balance she receives in cash ; and during the five years she
accumulated silver and gold, exclusive of re-exjjorts, at ' the
rate of 7 millions per annum. With another third she pays
intterest,-at low rates for the capital with which she has con-
structed the material framework of her industrial life — her
railways (120 millions), irrigation works, cotton mills^ coal
mines, indigo factories, tea gardens, docks, steam navigation
lines, and debt. For that capital she goes into the cheapest
market in the world, London, and she^vemits the interest, not in
cash, but in her own staples, which that capital has enabled her
to produce and to bring to the seaboard. With the remaining
third of her surplus exports she pays the home charges of the
Government to which she owes the peace and security that
alone have rendered possible her industrial development. The
home charges include not only the salaries of the supervising
staff in England, and the pensions of the whole military and
civil services, who have given their life's work to India, but the
munitions of war, a section of the army, including the cost of

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 125

its recruitment and transport, all stores for public works, and
the whole viaUriel of a civilised administration. That materiel
can be bought more cheaply in England* than in India, and
India's expenditure on goo'd government is as essential an item
for her industrial development, and repays her as high a profit,
as the interest which she pays in England for the capital Avith
which she has constructed her dockyards a^nd railways. To sum
up, India sells 21 millions a year more of her staples to
foreign nations than the merchandise which she buys fi'om
them. She takes payment of one-third of the balance, or say
T millions, in good government, and so secures that protection
to person and property which she never had before and which
alone have rendered her industrial development possible. With
another third, or 7 millions, she pays for the capital with which
she has constructed the material framework of that development
— pays for it at the lowest interest, and pays for it, not in cash,
but in her own products. The remaining 7 millions she
receives in gold and silver, and puts them in her purse.

I feel that I have taxed, perhaps too heavily, the reader's
attention with so many figures. But it is impossible for any-
one to realise the progi'ess made by India under British rule
without having the statistics placed before him. Commerce
anJ manufactures have been created for the people, vast outlets
opened up for the productions of the country. The reader will
perhaps pardon me for having wearied him with statistics wnen
he remembers that those statistics mean a new industrial life
for India — an industrial life which supersedes the sword of
' the invader and wholesale starvation by famine, in maintaining
the balance between a population of small cidtivators and the
available land. -> «^

The eft'ects of this new industrial life are not, however,
confined to the great Indian cities. The new outlets for Indian
staples have led to a rise in the price of the husbandman's crops,
and in the value of the land on Avhich they are grown. In
many districts, during the last century, the entire price of a field
was the value of the crop upon it. In fertile deltas the price of
land did not exceed two years' purchase. In the same districts
it is now from twelve to twenty years' pm'chase. It has been
my duty to make inquiries in every province of India as to the

126

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

interest which money yields. I find that for small loans to the
cultivators the old native rate of 37| per cent, per annum still
prevails. But if anyone has a landed property to pledge, he
he can borrow at less than one-third of that rate of interest ;
and a native merchant of Calcutta who wishes to retire and
purchase an estate thinks himself fortunate if he can invest in
land yielding 7 per cent, clear per annum. Landed property,
which in the last century was one of the most precarious
possessions, has now become the most secure form of investment
in India, precisely as it i,s in England. The growth of rural
rights, and the increase in the value of land, have advanced side
by side with the creation of a new industrial life, and with
the opening up of fresh outlets for the productions of the
country. '

These are a few of the results of English rule on the
material development of India. It is nbt necessary for me
here to dwell on the more obvious and often-recited aspects of
that progress, on the network of roads and railways which we
have spread over India, on the canals by which we have
multiplied and secm^ed her internal resources, or on the spacious
harbours by which we have brought those resources into the
market of the world. All these and many other agencies of
material progress are involved in the one great fact, the creation
of that new industrial life which has taken place under British
rule. Bi?t, before closing this chapter, I should like to direct
attention to a few of the moral aspects of that rule.

In the last century education in India was a monopoly in
the hands of the priests — a power which they employed to sub-
jugate the minds of the people. Under British rule, education
in India has been taken entirely out o:^ the hands of the priests,
and it has become the gi-eat emancipator of the Indian races.
In ancient India a Brahman was forbidden, on pain of death, to
teach the sacred books to the masses. Under British rule the
State schools offer instruction to everyone, and open the same
careers to all. In the last century the Hindus were taught,
from their earliest childhood, that they must remain im-
prisoned for life in the caste in which they were born. We
have now two millions of boys and girls receiving public in-
struction in India, These two millions of native childi-en are

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 127

learning that every occupation and every profession in British
India is open to every boy on the benches of an Indian
school. The rising generation in India haie been freed from
superstitious tenors, they 'have been led to give up cruel
practices, they have learned to detest and despise their fore-
fathers"* bloody rites. Widow burning, infanticide, hook-
swinffine:, self-mutilation, and human sacrifice — these are a
few familiar relics of the old bondage under which the
Indian intellect cowered and the Indian heart bled. Great
as has been tlie material progi'ess of India during the past
century, its emancipation from ignorance and priestcraft forms,
to my mind, a far more splendid memorial of British rule.
Truly the people that walked in darkness have seen a great
light. %

The result has been a revival of letters such as the world
has never seen. On l^Iarch 31, 18J8, the Serampur missionaries
issued the first newspaper ever printed in a native language of
India. The vernacular jom-nals now exceed 230 in number, and
are devoured every week by half a million readers. In 1878,
5,000 books were published in India, besides a vast importation
of literature from England. Of this mass of printed matter
only 500 were translations, the remaining 4,500 being original
worlfs. The* Indian intellect is marching forth in many
directions, rejoicing in its new strength. More copies of books
of poetry, philosophy, law, and religion issue every year from
the Press of British India than the whole manuscripts compiled
during any century of native rule. In music, the revival has
Jaeen effected on the old Sanskrit basis. One of my native
friends has published a series of volumes on Indian music in
English and Sanskrit ; organized an orchestra of about fift}!, per-
formers to illustrate the art ; and presented complete collections
of Hindu instruments to the Conservatoire at Paris, and other
institutions in Europe. Among the earliest subjects which
the new movement took as its theme was the celebration of the
Queen of England and her ancestors, in a Sanskrit volume
entitled the Victoria Gitika.

The di-ama has in all ages been a great educator of the
Indian races ; and it was the first branch of Hindu literature to
heartily accept the spoken dialects. The native theatre forms

128 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

the best, indeed the only, school in which .an Englishman can
acquaint himself with the indoor life of the people. He suddenly
finds himself in an ^ra of intense dramatic productiveness. Last
year 175 plays were pubhshed in 'India, and patriotic young
natives form themselves into companies to produce their
national dramas. Many of the pieces are vernacular render-
ings of stories from the Sanskrit epics. Others have a political
significance, and deal with the phases of development upon
which India has entered under the influence of British rule.
One Bengali play, the Nildarpan, or the 'Mirror of Indigo,'
became the subject of 'a celebrated trial in Calcutta ; while
others, such as Ehei ki bale Sabhyata, ' Is this what you call
civilisation ? ' suggest serious thoughts to a candid English

mind. ,

I have often been asked how it is that amid this dayspring
of the Indian intellect Christianity makes so little way. The
Hindus are one of the religious races of the earth. A series of
great reformations during the past ten centuries have given to
their national faith a vitality which has defied alike the per-
secutions and the persuasions of their conquerors. Last year
there were published in India two books of travels, seven on
politics, and 1,502 on religion, or nearly a third of the whole
works which issued from the press. Every .great Indian
reformer, from Buddha do-svnwards, has, in spite of himself, had
^^iraculpus powers ascribed to him by the loving piety of his
followers. At this moment there is an able and earnest man
walking about Calcutta who, if his disciples can only refrain
from writing his life for fifty years, will attain the dignity of a
Divine Founder. Great tidal waves of religion are sweeping
over the Indian mind. The theistic element in Hinduism has
powerfully re-asserted itself as the'Brahmo Samaj, or Deist
Church of Bengal. The old Hindu dissenters, such as the
Vaishnavs, have greatly increased their following, and new
popular sects are springing up. Even orthodox Hinduism has
financially prospered, the railways having done much to render
pilgrimage pleasant. A centm-y ago, Muhammadanism seemed
to be dying of inanition in Bengal. In the mosques, or amid
the serene palace life of the Musalman nobility, a few maulavis
of piety and learning calmly carried on the routine of their

)

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA V29

faith. But the Musahiian peasantry of Bengal had relapsed
into a mongrel breed of circumcised Hindus, not one in ten
of whom could recite the kalmn — a simple cvied, whose constant
repetition is a matter of uncftnscious liabit with all good Muham-
madans. Under oui- rule fervid Muhammadan missionaries
have wandered from district to district, conimanding the people
.to retui'n to the pure faith, and denouncing God's \vi'ath on
the indiftei-ent. A great body of the Bengali Musalmans have
purged themselves of rural superstitions, and evinced such an
ardour of revivalist zeal as occasionally to cause some little
inconvenience to the Government.

It is, therefore, not from any lack of the religious instinct
in India that Christianity fails to make progi'ess. The
Muhammadan ideal of a i^iissionary is a lean old man with a
staff and a couple of ragged disciples. Among the Hindus, for
the past 2,400 years, gvery preacher who would appeal to the
popular heart must fulfil two conditions, and conform to a
certain type — he must cut himself off' from the world by a
solemn act, like the Great Renunciation of Buddha ; and he
must come forth from his solitary self-communings with a
simple message. This message need not be original, for it must
consist of a re-assertion, in some form, of the unity of God and
the eltjuality of man. One poor low-caste, who issued, haggard
and naked, from the jungles of the Central Provinces, with only
a broken cry of ' Sat-ndm, Sat-ntim, Sat-ntim,'' ' The True Goci^
the True God, the True God,' and a message not to drink
spirits,»made over a quarter of a million of followers before his
death in 1850. .

Our missionaries do not seem to the natives to belong to
this type. They are highly regarded as men of letters and as
teachers of youth, as the guides who first opened up the stores
of western knowledge to India, and who are still the pioneers
of education among the backward races. The mission printing
presses may be said to have created Bengali as a literary
language, and to have developed ruder tongues, like Santdli
and Assamese, into \mtten vehicles for thought. But, whatever
may be the self-sacrifices of our missionaries, or the internal
conflicts which they endure, their lives do not appear to the
poor toilers of the rice-field in the light of a Great Renuncia-

130 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

tion. To the natives, the missionary seems to be a charitable
Englishman who keeps an excellent cheap school, speaks the
language well, preaches a European form of their old incarna-
tions, and drives out his wife and lilttle ones in a pony-carriage.
This friendly neighbom*, this affectionate husband, this good
man, is of an estimable type, of a type which has done much
to raise the English character in the eyes of the natives, but
not of the traditional type to Avhich the popular preacher in
India must conform.

The missionary has neither the personal sanctity nor the
simple message of the visionary who comes forth from his
fastings and temptation in the forest. Instead, he has a dog-
matic theology which, when he discusses it with the Brahmans,
seems to the unprepared populace to '-esolve itself into a wrangle
as to the comparative merits of the Hindu triad and the Euro-
pean Trinity, and the comparative evidence for the incarnation
of Krishna and the incarnation of Christ. The uneducated
native prefers, if he is to have a triad and an incarnation,
to keep his own ones. The educated native thinks that triads
and incarnations belong to a stage of mental development which
he has passed.

It should be remembered, however, that apart from the
higher claims of Christianity there are always a numb'er ol
human chances running in its favour in India. • Its propaganda
is supported by a steady supply of capital which none of the
native proselytising sects can command. It maintains, there-
fore, a continuity of effort and a constant exertion of brain'-power
which the intenser but more spasmodic apostles of other creeds
cannot rival. There is the possibility, any day, of some
missionary striking the native imagination as a religious re-
former of the true Indian type, and converting half a million
of people. The Christian missions are, moreover, great educa-
tional agencies, and naturally attract to their faith a certain
number of the young minds which they train and develop. The
dearths which periodically afflict the country also tend to swell
the Christian population, as the missionaries are often the best
available guardians to whom the State can make over the
thousands of orphans that a great famine leaves behind. The
schisms among the Hindu theistic sects may from time to time

ENGLAND'S WOBK IN INDIA 131

lead wearied inquirers after truth to seek rest within the
authoritative Christian dogma. Already the Christian popula-
tion numbers one and a-half millions ; over • one million being
Roman Catholics, and undef half a million Protestants. While,
therefore, Christianity has to contend with fundamental
difficulties in India, it has, merely from \he human point of
view, many permanent chances in its fayour. No one who
has studied the facts would venture to predict that it may not,
some day, strike root as one of the popular religions of India.

Meanwhile the intellectual upheaval is profoundly influencing
family life. European ideas are knocking at the door of the
zanana, and we hear confused cries from within, which seem to
show that the death-like monotony of woman's existence in India
is broken. The degradati«»n of the female intelligence means
the loss of one-half its brain-power to a nation. Last October,
while I was writing thpse pages, an. accomplished Brahman lady
was travelling through Bengal with her brother, holding public
meetings on the education and emancipation of women. ' They
were received everywhere,' says an Indian correspondent, ' with
great enthusiasm by the Hindus, who were delighted to hear
their holy Sanskrit from a woman's lips. It seemed to them as
if Saraswati (the goddess of Eloquence) had come down to visit
them! Instead of a hot, confined room, we had a long and
broad terrace, open to the sky, and with the Ganges flowing at
our feet. The meeting was at half-past four in the af4«rnoori,
by which time the terrace was shaded from the sun by trees and
houses to the westward. At the eastern end of the terrace a
small marble table, with a glass of flowers on it, and some chairs
were set, and there Roma stood up, facing the west, and ad-
dressed her audience. On her right was the Ganges, co^«?red
with large broad-sailed boats of a type which has perhaps lasted
for 2,000 years. There was little or nothing around to remind
her or her audience of European civilisation. The clear blue
sky and the broad river coming sweeping down from the walls
of Benares dominated everything else. It was such a place as
Buddha might have chosen for addressing his followers.'

This young lady is twenty-two years of age, the daughter ot
a learned paiidit and public official, slight and girlish-looking,
with a fair complexion and light grey eyes. She is now engaged

s 2

132 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

to be niarried to a Bengali pleader, an M.A. of the Calcutta
University.

Side by side vath the stirring of the Indian intellect there
has also been an awakening of the Indlian races to a new political
life. The old village communities of India, with their rural
guilds and castes, and all the good and evil which they implied,
had in many provinces lost their vitality before the commence-
ment of the English rule. Their memories and their outward
forms survived ; but the life had been trodden out of them
beneath the heel of the Musalman taxgatherer and the hoofs
of the Maratha cavalry. In some parts the village institutions
had ceased to pi'otect the peasantry from external oppression,
or even to settle their disputes among themselves. Every
attempt on a large scale to resuscitate the ancient village com-
munity has failed. For a time the English rulers were content
to deplore this fact — a fact which, in reality, marks the advance
of a race from a lower to a higher stage of social organization.
But during the past twenty-five years efforts have been made to
develop a new political life in place of the old village guilds
which had disappeared. The village has given place to the
municipality in India. Before our own eyes we see the self-
government, which the primitive village communities had ceased
to give, developing into a higher form of self-government under
^municipal institutions. At this moment there are nearly one
thousaKil municipalities in India, with a municipal population
exceeding fourteen millions, and raising among themselves for
local purposes a revenue of close on two millions sterling. - There
are also, in some of the provinces, district boards and ruraj
unions, which do for the country what the municipalities do for
the - iowns. The Indian races are visibly passing from the
village into the municipal stage of social organization ; and the
first lessons in local government are being learned by fourteen
millions of native citizens.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 133

THE WORK TO BE "DONE

III

THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE FOOD SUPPLY
TO. THE GROWING POPULATION.

There is, as I mentioned at starting, another side to the picture.
Good work has beei;i done by Qur countrymen in India, but
gi'eater difficulties now confront them. The population has in
many parts outgrown the food-producing powei-s of the soil.
To some observers the situation seems so hopeless that a maga-
zine wi'iter lately urged that we should retire from a spectacle
of overcrowded human misery which we are powerless to relieve.
But the English are not a people to take on themselves a great
natibnai task like the government of India, and then to desert
the ship when the breakers come in sight. To others, the cause
for despair is that the difficulty proceeds from the vgry merit's
of oui" rule ; and that the better we do our duty by India, the
more the people will multiply and the harder will become their
.struggle for life. To despondents of this nobler class, I would
say, ' Look back at what oui" countrymen have already achieved
in India, and you will not despair of what they may yet ^j^com-
plish.' Their history fr^m the commencement has been a
narrative of great difficulties overcome. A hundred years ago
no one would have ventm-ed to predict the united peaceful India
of the present day. Therefore it is thai I have tried to show
what British rule has done in India, in order that we may, with
a firm heart, examine what it has yet to do for the Indian
people.

I shall now ask attention to two of the saddest problems
with which a State can be called to deal — namely, the poverty

134 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

of the people, and the alleged inability of the Government to
pay its way. With these fundamental problems yet unsolved
in India, it may seem a delusive optimism to speak of the success
of the British administration. It profits little that we have put
an end to invasion from without, established order and security
in place of anarchy and rapine within, covered the land with
schools and court-houses, with roads, railways, and canals, and
given a vast impulse to population and trade — all this profits
little if the people have not enough to eat, and if the country
cannot support the cost of our rule. There is some exaggera-
tion, but there is also much truth in criticism such as this. The
poverty of a densely crowded population of small cultivatoi-s,
and the difficulty of defraying a civilised government from the
revenues of an Asiatic country, lie at the very root of our posi-
tion in India. These are the initial facts with which we have
to struggle, and until they are accepted as the basis of this
country's dealings with India, our financial position there will be
one of danger.

India was for long in the unfortmiate position of a man who
is supposed to be richer than he really is. If the British nation
had realised the poverty of India, it would have refrained from
several acts which now form standing reproaches against Eng-
land in the native press. Fortunately for the national horioui*,
^Jie list of our injustices to India, although sufficiently painful
to all wi.o wish to see this country discharge its great duties in
a noble spirit, is not a very long one. But under pressure of
party exigencies and class interests in England that list may at
any moment be added to. For example, we should think it
passing strange if we were taxed in London in order to set up
an English museum in Calcutta. Yet a proposal was not long
ago made to charge, at least in part, to the Indian revenues
the cost of an Indian museum in London. I am glad to say
that this attempt failed. Indeed, it has ended in the Indian
exhibitions in London being henceforth maintained at the
expense of the nation which enjoys them, and in a saving (I am
told) of 15,000Z. a year formerly charged to the Indian revenues.
When next you visit the Amravati sculptures at the British
Museum, or the gorgeous Indian rooms and their delicate art
products at South Kensington, you may have the satisfaction of

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 135

knowing that your pleasui'e is honestly paid for by the English
Exchequer.

I hope that this country will realise once and for all the
poverty of the people from whom the Indian revenues are raised.
When we have clearly recognised this, we shall see that the
smallest act of financial sharp-dealing with India is an act not
only of iniquity but of cruelty and meanness, and one which
carries with it lasting reproach.

How comes it that India was once held to be so rich, and
now proves to be so poor ? The wealth of the East Indies was
handed down as a tradition from RAman ti».?es, and has for
centuries been an accepted belief in Europe. There is usually
an element of truth in such a belief, and the traditional wealth
of India appeared to rest^ on a very solid basis. In the first
place, India has always been the greatest accumulator of the
precious metals known to commerce. Besides her own produc-
tion of gold — by no means inconsiderable in ancient times, and
perhaps destined to be again revived on a great scale in our
own day — India absorbed bullion to an extent which seemed, to
the economists of bygone centm'ies, to threaten the depletion of
Europe. But if the power of amassing gold and silver be
accepted as a proof of the wealth of a country, India is richer
now* than ever. Roman patriots deplored that the eastern
trade, including China, India, and Arabia, drained the empire
of three-quarters of a million sterling of silver per annum ; ai.a
the loudest complaint against the East India Company in the
seventeenth century was aimed at its privilege — a privilege
.guarded by many restrictions — of exporting 30,000/. a year of
bullion and foreign coin to the East. Well, the average im-
portation of gold and silver into India during the past ten years
averaged 9 millions stening per annum ; and in 1878 it ex-
ceeded 17 millions. Of this enormous sum, India retains by
far the greatest proportion. Thus, after deducting all re-
exports, so far as they can be ascertained, by sea, India
accumulated close on seventy millions sterling in gold and silver
during the past ten years.

There is another sense in which India appeared to our
ancestors to be a very wealthy country. It contained a number
of kings and princes, and the lavish magnificence alike of the

136 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

imperial and of the local Courts seemed a proof of the in-
exhaustible riches of the people. The early travellers never
realised that India was the size of all Europe less Russia, and
that the Indian Courts must be compared in number and dis-
play, not with the palace of his own single sovereign at home,
but with all the Courts of Europe, The Indian princes, more-
over, were compelled by the absence of any system of national
credit to hoard gi'eat sums with a view to meeting sudden
demands, such as the mutiny of their troops or the rebellion of
a too powerful kinsman. These hoards they kept to a large
extent in precic as gems,' so that the national reserve fund was
also a principal means of courtly display. When Nadir Shah
sacked Delhi in 1739, and cleared out the imperial treasui'es,
he found, if we may believe our £(^'jthorities, S^ millions of
specie, and 28^ millions worth of jewels, ornaments, and plate.
Of the specie, only one million is said — I know not on what
original evidence — to have been in gold or silver coin. From
the treasury of Bengal, the richest province of the empire, our
countrymen in 1757 extracted about 1^ millions sterling, but
only 58,000/. in rupees, the rest being in specie and jewels.
The cash balances of the British Government of India varied
between 1870 and 1878 from 25 to 15 millions sterling. But
the British cash balances are hidden away in strong rooms out
of sight ; while the Peacock Throne blazed with its diamonds
"Hbefore the eyes of every foreign ambassador.

There is more accumulated wealth held by natives in two
cities of British India, Calcutta and Bombay — cities which a
couple of centuries ago were mud-hut hamlets — than all the
treasures of the Imperial and local Courts under the Mughal
Empire. The magnificence of the rich natives still excites the
admiration of European travellers. / In a narrative of a recent
Indian journey, the President of the Cheshire Salt Chamber of
Commerce dwells on the costly entertainments given by native
residents of Calcutta to over a thousand guests. ' Gentlemen at
home,' he says, ' who repeat the cant phrase " the poverty of
India," should witness a scene like this, and we warrant they
would be cured. Our host, a man still in the full prime of life,
is the architect of his own gi-eat fortune, gained in lawful com-
merce. The expenditure of ten thousand pounds upon one

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 137

entertainment by a private citizen does not smack much of the
poverty of the country.' If, therefore, we are content to accept
travellers' tales of the magnificence of native^ grandees as a proof
of the wealth of the country, India's old reputation for riches
might stand as high as ever.

But we cannot accept such proof. We judge nowadays of
the wealth of nations not by the splendour of individuals, but
by the prosperity of the people. This test the early European
travellers never applied to India. If they applied it, they
would have found that beneath the extravagance of the few lay
the misery of the many. Their own ndrratives supply evidence
that the common lot in India was a very wretched one under
the native dynas^^ies ; and a hundred years of British rule have
scarcely sufficed to obliteiHte the traces of oppression and rural
servitude which those dynasties left behind. The change in our
views regarding the wealth or ppverty of India results from
the application of the more enlightened tests by which political
economy has taught us to judge of the well-being of a people.

Judged by those standards, India is, and ever since it came
under modem observation has always been, a poor country.
Alike under Mughal and British rule, we see a population of
small husbandmen contending, without any reserve of capital,
agaiiast the chances and misfortunes of the tropical year. The
lives of millions of families have depended each autumn on a few
inches more or less of rainfall. The calamities insepar^jble from
such a condition of things were intensified under native rule
by invasions from without ; by rebellions, feuds, and hordes of
banditti within ; and by the perpetual oppression of the weak
by the strong. On the other hand, these disorders to some
extent worked their own cure. They kept down the popidg-tion,
and the pressure of the peo|Ale on the soil was much less severe
than it now is. When India passed into our hands in the last
century, there was plenty of good land for everyone who
wanted it. The importance of this fact to a people consisting
entirely of cultivators can scarcely be over-rated. In 1789 the
Governor-General declared, after three years' vigilant inquiry,
that one-third of Bengal lay imoccupied. Only the best lands
in the Province were cultivated ; and the landholders, where
they existed, had to treat their peasantry \\ ell ; for the compe-

138 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

tition was among the proprietors for tenants, and not among
the tenants for land.

Under such conditions, the means of existence were easily
raised, and the people had only ttf be protected from plunder
and the sword in order to prosper. The establishment of
British rule afforded" that protection almost from the first ; and
by degrees, as the English conscience awoke more fully to its
responsibilities in India, it has endeavoured to combat the
other two ancient devastators, namely, pestilence and famine.
No sooner does one of the old epidemics break out in a district
than an army h\ doctors', native and European, marches forth to
do battle with it ; and the Government has set up as a great
cinchona planter, in order to bring the cheap quinine alkaloids
Avithin reach of the people. Somefjhing has also been done,
although much more remains to be accomplished, to mitigate
the periodical famines which, were formerly accepted as inevitable
concomitants of the climate. One by one the old checks on an
Asiatic population have been removed. I have just mentioned
that a century ago one-third of Bengal lay unoccupied ; but
since then the population of Bengal has increased not by one-
third, but threefold ; and the area which had to feed twenty-one
millions in 1780 has in 1880 to feed over sixty-three millions of
mouths. After a minute comparison of rural India at plesent
with the facts disclosed in the manuscript records, I am com-
pelled .+o the conclusion that throughout large tracts the
struggle for life is harder than it was when the country passed
into our hands.

For not only have the British districts to support a much
denser population than they had a century ago, but they have
to fe'^d a population nearly three times as dense as that in the
Native States at the present da/. Throughout all British
India, the average population is 212 persons to the square
mile ; or, deducting the comparatively new and outlying pro-
vinces of British Burma and Assam, it is 243 persons to the
square mile. The average population in Native or Feudatory
India is, so far as we can discover, 89 persons to the square
mile. Excluding, therefore, Assam on the eastern frontier, and j
Burma beyond the sea, each square mile of British India has to
feed on an average nearly three times as many mouths as each

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 139

square mile of the Native States. How thick this population
is may be realised from the fact that fertile France has only
180 people to the square mile ; while even ip crowded England,
wherever the density appi'baches 200 to the square mile it
ceases to be a rural population, and has to live by manufactures,
mines, or city industries. '

We speak of the poverty and the miserably small farms of
the Irish peasant. Well, Ireland has, according to the last
census, 169 persons to the square mile. But we can take
thirteen districts of Northern India, equal in size to Ireland,
which have to support an average of 6^0 persons to the square
mile, or over one person to each acre. This calculation, it
must be remembeied, allows no deduction for swamps, wastes,
and land incapable of tillage. The Famine Commissioners
report that two-thirds of the whole farmers of Bengal have
holdings of between J:wo and thuee acres. If we allow four
persons to each peasant family, we find twenty-four millions of
human beings struggling to live off' the produce of fifteen
million acres, or just over half an acre apiece. The Indian soil
cannot support that struggle.

We may object to sensational writing, but we cannot
wonder that patriotic Englishmen who have never been in
Indi^, and who suddenly catch sight of the results of this state
of things without a previous knowledge of the causes, should
head their essays with such titles as ' Bleeding to Deatt''

The above figures fail, indeed, to present the facts in their
full significance. For Ireland, like the rest of Great Britain,
kas many .cities and centres of manufacturing industry, while in
India practically the whole people has to iiiake its livelihood by
the tillage of the land. Thus, in England and Wales 42, per
cent., or nearly one-half of 'the population, dwell, according to
the last census, in toAvns with upwards of 20,000 inhabitants ;
while in British India, under 5 per cent., or not one-twentieth,
dwell in such towns. Ninety per cent, of the rural population
have to live more or less entirely by the tillage of the soil.
India, therefore, is almost exclusively a country of peasant
farmers, and many of the so-called towns are merely groups of
villages, in the midst of wliich the ploughman drives his cattle
a-field, and all the operations of agricidture go on. Indeed,

140 ENGLAND'S WORK TN INDIA

the term ' municipality,"' which in Europe is only applied to
towns^ means quite as often in India a collection of rural home-
steads for the purposes of local government.

The increasing population has driven from the open country
the larger sorts of wild beasts. It is also exhausting the waters
of their fishes. About 80 per cent, of the natives are permitted
by theu' caste rules to eat this kind of food — practically the
only animal food available to the Indian husbandman. The
price of fish has doubled, and for a time the fishing castes
prospered greatly. In time, however, the enormously increased
consumption began to ' tell. The fishermen plied their trade
harder, and contracted the meshes of their nets till not a
minnow could pass through them. The fishes in India never
have a day''s rest — no close season is«"allowed for breeding time,
and even the spawn is gathered for food. The young fry,
which would grow into large fish, are sold by jars-full, about
two hundred being required to make a pound. They are caught
by every device of human ingenuity — by traps, nets, baskets,
weirs, poisoning, suffocation by cloths, and draining off" the
water from the streams, marshes, and ponds. In 1871 returns
collected from all India disclosed an alarming decrease in this
most important source of food supply. Almost everywhere the
yield had ceased to be equal to the demand. In some''parts
the fishing castes had so exhausted the waters that many of
them h?4 to give up their hereditary trade and become tillers
of the soil. In others, the people were eating frogs instead of
fish, cooking them in the same way, and distinguishing between
the comparative delicacy of the ' solitary,' ' gi'een,' and
' spangled ' species.

Another effect of the increased population is the gi'owth of
landless classes. The cultivated airla no longer suffices to alloM-
a plot of ground for every peasant, and vast multitudes no«
find themselves ousted from the soil. The census of 1872
returned seven and a-half million males in this category ; or,
allowing for women and children, about twenty-four millions.
They earn a poor and precarious subsistence as hired labourers.
Numbers of them go through their lives in a state of chronic
hunger ; they are the class whom a scai'city first attacks, and
who supply the mass of the victims in a famine.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 141

To the peasant fanner, the result of the inci-ease in popula-
tion is twofold : he gets a smaller return from the land for his
labom', and he has to pay away a larger proportion of that
smaller return to his landlord. For with the increase of popu-
lation the peasantry had to fall back on inferior or less
favourably situated soils. The fact that a 'third of a province
lay waste might be an unfortunate, or even a discreditable fact
for the Government, but it did not necessarily in\'olve any hard-
ship to the tiller of the soil. Only the best lands in a village,
and only the best villages in a district, were cultivated. The
rest were entered in the accounts of the* Native 'Administration
as ' unoccupied.'' As the people multiplied under our lule, they
had to bring into. tillage these inferior lands, and so by degrees
they have had to expend £? larger amount of labour in order to
raise the same quantity of food. As the increase of the popu-
lation went on, they could no longej- allow the soil any rest, and
many thousands of acres have to produce two crops each year.
Moreover, the surrounding jungle was gradually ploughed up,
and the people had to fall back upon the cow-dung for fuel.
In this way both the two great sources of manure were cut off —
namely, the ashes from the wood which they formerly burned,
and the ammonia and other volatile parts of the cow-dung
which they now burn in place of timber.

Many careful observers believe, indeed, that the clearing
and cultivation of the jungles have been carried to».such an
excess in some parts of India as to seriously alter the climate.
For forests, and the undergi'owth which they foster, not only
husband the rainfall, but they appear to attract it. A hill
covered with forest is a reservoir of moisture ; the same hill
stripped of its woods becomes hard, arid ground, wiown
whose bare surface the tropical rains rush off in destructive
torrents, instead of sinking into the subsoil, or being stored up
in the vegetation. It is alleged that the risk of drought and
famine has increased in many parts of India from this cause ;
and whereas the great object of the ancient native dynasties was
to get the cultivators to clear the jungle, the British Govern-
ment finds a costly Department necessary to conserve the forests
which still remain.

The pasture gi'ounds of the villages have also, to a large

142 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

extent, been brought under the plough, and the cattle in many
districts have degenerated from insufficient food. The same
number of oxen cap no longer put the same amount of work
into the soil. Temble outbreaks oT the cow epidemic and the
foot-and-mouth disease sweep across Bengal, and some years
ago necessitated the appointment of a Cattle Plague Com-
mission. While, therefore, the husbandman has now to \vring
a subsistence out of inferior lands which he would not have
touched a hundred years ago, the good lands have deteriorated
for want of manure and from want of rest, and the cattle have
degenerated fr6\ii lack ot pasture. This sad description does not
apply, as I shall presently show, to all India, but it represents
the state of things in large and incrjiasing ^ areas where the
population has outgrown the food-^producing powers of. the
land. It explains, and to some extent justifies, the mournful
forebodings of those who warai us that ou^ real danger in India
is not any temporary insolvency of the finances, but a per-
manent bankruptcy of the soil.

Of the smaller crops which the husbandman thus extracts
from the soil, he has to give a larger share to the landlord ; for
rent represents, fundamentally, the difference in value between
the most profitable and the least profitable lands under culti-
vation. This is the economical theory, and, in spite of fevery
effort at limitation by custom or law, the economical theory
constantly tends to assert itself in the actual facts. As the
peasantry in Bengal have been forced back upon the poorer
lands, the natural rent of all the other lands has risen. A
large and prosperous body of proprietors has grown up under
cm- rule. Their prosperity has resulted partly from their own
good cinanagement, but chiefly from the husbandmen having
been forced by their growing numbers to bring into tillage the
inferior lands, and from the natural increase of rent to which
that process gives rise as regards the superior soils.

We may realise the revolution thus silently effected in the
rural economy of India fr^om two facts — an historical fact and
a legal one. The historical fact is that when the English
obtained Bengal in the last century they found two classes of
tenants — the thani or ' stationary ' husbandman, with occupancy
rights in the soil, and the paikasht or floating rural population.

ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 143

without such rights. At that time, so great was the surplus of
land that the proprietors were glad to attract the floating
population to their estates by giving them fayms at lower rates
than those paid by the stationary tenants. The latter had
built their own homesteads, dug wells or tanks, and would
submit to a higher rent rather than abandon their holdings,
and lose the capital and labour invested in ,them. It thus re-
sulted that rack rents — that is to say, the rents paid by tenants
without leases or occupancy rights — were, in parts of Bengal,
lower than the rents paid by tenants with occupancy rights.
This state of things is now reversed, 'rhe ever-increasing rack
rents exacted by the landlords from the tenants without leases
or occupancy rights fovm the great complaint of the rural
population, and one of the* most difficult problems with which
the Government has to deal.

The legal fact is th^at the enhancement of rent, which never
came within the contemplation of the law-makers of the last
century in Bengal, is now the vital question of legislation. Our
first attempt to ascertain and define the land law of Bengal is
embodied in the Cornwallis Code of 1793. The difficulty at
that time was where to get tenants, not how to raise their rent.
Enhancement finds no mention in the Code. So far as can
be ini%rred from the spirit of its provisions, the Indian Legisla-
ture seems to have assumed that the proprietors were thence-
forward to pay the same land tax for ever to the Gov«irnment,
and that the tenants were thenceforward to pay the same rates
of rent "for ever to the proprietors. But before the middle of
the present century rents had been enhanced to such a degree
as to threaten an agrarian deadlock. It was found absolutely
necessary to revise the land law ; and 1859, the year aftej* the
coimtry passed under the Cr^wn, is memorable in Bengal for
the second great liand Code. Restraints upon the enhancement
of rents form the most important features of this Land Code of
1859. But in spite of its provisions, the increase of the people
and the natural operation of economic laws have led to a still
further rise in rent. The peasantry resisted by every legal
means, and in some parts combined to ruin the landlords by
refusing to pay rent. Their attitude was in ceilain respects
similar to the position of the Irish peasantry. The Indian

144 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

husbandman has, however, a power of pacific combination and
of patient, passive resistance which the Irish cotters have not
yet developed. The most peaceful district of Bengal, Pabna,
was for some time in a state of agi'&rian revolt. But it was a
revolt conducted, as a rule, according to the strict forms of law.
With the exception of a few quite insignificant ebullitions, the
husbandmen simply said : ' We shall not fight, but we shall not
pay. ^Ve shall claim occupancy rights ; and every single rent
which you landlords collect shall cost you a law suit. This we
shall contest at each stage, from the institution of the plaint to
the final order"for sellin'g us up, by every delay, appeal, and
other weapon of chicanery known to the law. You will get
your decree in the long run ; but in th^; meantime you will be
ruined. For ourselves, we are as badiy off as we can be, and
it is better fr us to sell our last cow to fight you in the courts
than to pay your rent with it.' In Bengal, six millions, or two-
thirds of the whole tenantry, pay rents of less than ten shillings
a year. Among such a nation of small cultivators it is simply
impossible to collect every petty rent by a law suit, and their
combination really did mean ruin to many of the landlords.
The Government, while it declared that it would maintain
public order, counselled private concessions. Some sort of com-
promise was arrived at, and the Legislature obtained a bi^ath-
ing space to again consider the whole questions involved. The
result is^..a new Land Code, the draft of which has just reached
England. In this Code the most prominent question is again
the enhancement of rent, and its provisions are more stringent
than ever in favom- of the tenant.

'Where the subdivision of land among tenants-at-will is
extreme,"' write the Famine Commissioners in 1880, ' and in a
country where agriculture is almost/ihe only possible employment
for large classes of the people, the competition is so keen that
rents can be forced up to a ruinous height, and men will crowd
each other till the space left to each is barely sufficient to
support a family.' If they relax their gi-asp on their holding,
they sink into the landless classes.

Such is the state of things in Bengal, where landlordism and
great proprietors chiefly prevail. But in other parts of India
the British Government has retained the land in its own hands,

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 145

as it was kept by the previous native dynasties, and deals
directly with the cultivators. The Government is the landlord
itself, and it is necessary to see how it has betjaved to its tenants.
Bengal forms the most typical representative of the former system,
and Madras is usually taken as the most typical representative of
the lattel-. But even in Madras, the British rulers have made
over a large part of their territory (paying^about one-eighth of
the land revenue) to private proprietors ; and my remarks will
be confined to the remaining seven-eighths, which remain in
the hands of the Government. The population has here also
increased, and the people have been forced bacfi upon inferior
soils. The figures have been worked out only for the past
quarter of a century — t^at is, from 1853 to 1878. They show
the following results, lii 1853 the general population was
estimated at twenty-two millions ; in 1878, at thirty-one and
a-half millions, showing an increase of 43 per cent., or nearly
one-half. The cultivated land, held by husbandmen direct from
the State, had increased from twelve to twenty millions of acres,
or QQ per cent., exactly two-thirds. The area of tillage had,
therefore, not only kept pace with the increase of population,
but had extended at a rate of 50 per cent, more rapidly. This
resulted partly from the fact that the inferior lands, now re-
claimed, could not support so large an average of people as the
superior lands which were already in cultivation at the com-
mencement of the period. The Government recognisedJ;his, and
has accordingly increased its rental only from three millions to
three-ahd-four-fifth millions sterling ; being only 26 per cent., oi-
one-fourth, while the area of cultivation has increased by 66 per
cent. The Government, in fact, has reduced its average rental over
the total area of cultivation from 5*. an acre in 1853 to 3.9»10(Z.
an acre in 1878, or over 23 p^vr cent., say one-fourth. According
to the ordinary theory of rent, rates should have risen enor-
mously during that period ; and they have risen enormously
wherever the land is held by private proprietors. As regards
the Madras Presidency, therefore, the facts may be recapitulated
thus. During the twenty-five years the ;u'ea of cultivation Iw^
increased by 66 per cent., or two- thirds ; the population by 43
per cent., or nearly one-half; and the Government rental by
only 26 per cent., or one-fourth ; while the average rates of

146 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

rent per acre have been actually reduced by over 23 per cent.,
or nearly one-fourth, from 5*. an acre in 1853 to 3*. 10c?. an acre
in 1878. Instead of taking advantage of the increase of popula-
tion to enhance the rental, the Ma&ras Government has realised
the fact that the increase in numbers means a harder struggle
for life, and has reduced instead of enhancing, according to the
economic laws of rept, the average rates throughout its domains.

But a crowded population of small cultivators, mthout
capital and with no restraints on marriage, everywhere is, has
been, and must be, poor. Remember that each Hindu maiTies
as a religious duty, and' that marriage takes place at the close
of childhood, quite in-espective of there being any means of
subsistence for the young couple. Th^ t is the root of the evil.
In districts where the soil is poor, or the rainfall uncertain, the
people have always had to depend upon village money-lenders for
the capital necessary to feed., them till the next harvest. Amid
the tumults of native rule, the usurers lent comparatively small
sums. If the peasant failed to pay, they could not evict him
or sell his holding ; because, among other reasons, there was
more land than there were people to till it. The native
Government, moreover, could not afford to lose a tenant.
Accordingly the bankrupt peasant went on, year after year,
paying as much interest as the money-lender could squee^ out
of him ; until the next Maratha invasion or Muhammadan rebel-
lion sw^t away the whole generation of usurers, and so cleared
up the account. Under om* rule there is no chance of such
relief for insolvent debtors ; and our rigid enforcement bf con-
tracts, together with the increase of the population, has armed
the creditor with powers formerly unknown. For the peasant's
holdiiig under the British Government has become a valuable
property, and he can be readily >«old out, as there are always
plenty of husbandmen anxious to buy in. The result is two-
fold. In the first place, the village banker lends larger sums,
for the security is increased ; and in the second place, he can
push the peasantry to extremities by eviction, which was econo-
mically impossible under native rule.

In certain districts of Southern India the people are some-
times driven by misery to take the law into theii' o^vn hands.
They kill the village usurer, or burn down his house with his

ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 147

account-books, and perhaps himself in it. But this offence,
Avhich was a common and venial one under native rule, now
brings upon the perpetrator^ the inflexible ^rm of the British
law. Of late years there has been an agrarian agitation in
Southern India, similar in some respects to, the agrarian agita-
tion in Bengal. But in the south, where the Government as
proprietor has granted peasant tenures, tlie revolt has been
against the usurers, while in Bengal it has been against the
landlords. In Southern India the demand is for legislative
restraints on selling out the husbandman for debt ; in Bengal
it is for legislative restraints on the enhancement of his rent.

The sad result seems to be, that whether we give over the
land to a propriefary cla.s, as in Bengal, or keep it in our own
hands, as in Southern India, the struggle for life grows harder
to large sections of the people. But those sections, although
numbered by millions,' fortunately do not make up the whole
population. Throughout wide tracts where land is still plenti-
ful, the peace and security of British rule produce a permanent
prosperity never before reached in India. I have tried to look
with my own eyes into the condition of the tillers of the soil in
almost every country of Europe, from Norway to the Black Sea,
but J know of no peasantry so well off" as the husbandmen in
Eastern Bengal and many other parts of India. Vast trading
classes have also been developed under our Government, who
enjoy a degree of comfort which no considerable booy of the
people^possessed when the covmtry passed into our hands. But
the comfortable classes, whether husbandmen or traders, keep
silence. The uncomfortable classes very properly make them-
selves heaid.

You now know what I mean by the poverty of the Indian
people. More food is laised ¥rom the land than ever was raised
before ; but the population has increased at even a more rapid
rate than the food supply. We are compelled to stand by and
watch the pitiless operation of economic laws, whose force no
man can stay. Those laws decree that a population of smaU
husbandmen which marries and multiplies irrespective of the
means of subsistence shall suffer a constantly, increasing struggle
for existence. But while it is important to clearly realise this
evil, it is necessary to calmly gauge its proportions. Nothing is

L 2

148 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

more dangerous to a Government than ignorance, and few
things are so terrifying as half-knowledge. However great
may be the pressure upon certain classes of the people, India
produces each harvest more food than she consumes. She
exported during the last five years an average of over twenty-
three million hundredweights of food-gi'ains alone, capable of
feeding her whole population for ten days, or an additional five
and a-half millions of people for the entire year. This makes
no allowance for the other edible seeds, oils, and condiments
which she exports. We may put it in another way. During
the past five years, India has sold an average of under eight
millions worth of food-grains to other nations. This sum is
rather more than equal to the balancjp*' of over seven millions
sterling which she receives in cash for her exports ; after paying
for all her imports, for the interest on money raised in England,
and for all the home chaiges of the - Government. With
these eight millions sterling she could, if she pleased, pay for
another twenty-three million cwts. of food. In either case
we find that the Indian harvest produces a surplus equal to the
whole consumpt of her population during ten days, or to the
support of an extra five and a-half millions of people during an
entire year.

It may, however, be alleged with some truth, that ii" the
whole population ate as much as they could this surplus would
not exist? The grain exports of India represent many hungry
stomachs in India. On the one hand, it is incoiTect to say that
those exports of food are compulsory in order to pay for the
Endish charges of the Government. For the value of the whole
food exports of India only slightly exceeds the seven millions
sterling which she yearly hoards in gold and silver, after paying
for her imports, for interest on English capital, and for all
home charges of the Government. Those expenses would be
defrayed by her other exports, even if she did not send out a
bag of gi-ain from her harbours. On the other hand, if all the
poorer classes in India ate two full meals every day, the surplus
for export would be much less than at present. That sui-plus
only proves that the yearly supply of food in India is greater
than the effective demand for it.

There is, however, another way of approaching the question.

ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA

149

'A
I— I

»
OS

Q
O
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(n

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Annual

Food Supply

per Pereon,

in IbB.

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and

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No returns
19,803

CO o CO "5 -g -* -g q_

»0 CICO >-i l-i O ^H IN

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Cultivable
Waste

No returns

18,000?

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Cultivated
Area in
sq. miles

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» -t-t+t- ^^-©.« -^0 5

150 ENGLAND\S WORK IN INDIA

I have taken all the provinces for which returns exist, and
endeavoured to find out what amount of food they yield per
head of the population. Our experience in famines shows that
1^ lbs. of grain a day, or say 450 lbs. per aimum, will keep
a working adult male in health. That allowance becomes
a comfortable one if gi*anted for a whole population of
men, women, and children ; supplemented as it is in the Indian
homesteads by milk, oils, condiments, fruits, vegetables, and
occasionally fish. From the statement on the preceding page,
it will be seen that in every province for which retimis exist
the average produce of the local crops is over 600 lbs. per
person, while 450 lbs. is the average required to maintain
the people in health. The table does i ot inoJude the acreage
under other crops, which go to pay "Ihe rent. Even Burma,
where the peasantry have enough and to spare, only consumes
507 lbs. per head. Accordipg to the Famine Commissioners,
Burma raises a total of one and a-half million tons, or 1,087
lbs. per head. But, deducting exports, &c., she only consumes
for ordinary purposes 700,000 tons, or 507 lbs. per head.
This shows that one of the best-fed provinces in the world,
where there is still more land than there are husbandmen to
till it, and abundance of fish, cannot consume much more grain
than the rate I have allowed of 450 lbs. per head.

If, therefore, the food supply of India were equally dis-
tributed, there would be plenty for all. But, owing to the
pressure of the increasing population on the soil, and the
extreme subdivision of holdings, it is not equally distributed.
For example, of the sixty-three millions of Bengal, including
the protected States, forty millions, as nearly as I can estimate,
are w^ll fed ; ten millions suffer hunger when the harvest falls
short ; and thirteen millions are always badly off — in fact, do
not know the feeling of a full stomach except in the mango
season. An acre of food crops produces, under ordinary cir-
cumstances, from 600 to 900 lbs., or much more than is re-
quired to feed a man for a year. A Bengal peasant, holding five
acres or upwards of land, is reckoned well off, for he can support
an average family of four or five persons, and have enough over
to pay his rent. But anything mider two acres leaves a
perilously small margin for a family of four persons. Half an

ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 151

acre yields about 400 lbs, of food in Bengal, and less in other
provinces ; while the allowance for health and comfort is 450 lbs.
per head, besides the rent, seed, and interest to the village
money-lender. Now, there 'are twenty-four millions of people
in Bengal, who live off fifteen millions of acres; and of these,
not less than ten millions, with three millions of the worst-off
among the landless classes, make up the thirteen millions of
Bengal, who, notwithstanding the ample food supply of 634 lbs.
per head, scarcely ever lose the sensation of hunger.

The ratio of the permanently hungry population is some-
what smaller in other provinces. Thu!;, while in Bengal two-
thirds of the entire holdings pay less than 10^. of rent, and
average about twjo and'a-half acres, in Bombay only one-third
of the holdings are under five acres, while in Madras one-half
the entire holdings pay over 20.S. rent at lower rates per acre
than those current in Bengal. Tbp pressure of the people on
each square mile of Bengal is double the average pressure in
Madras and Bombay (including Sind) ; the holdings are neces-
sarily smaller, and the poverty is more intense. ' A square mile
of land in England,' says Mr. Caird, ' highly cultivated, gives
employment to 50 persons, in the proportion, 25 men, young
and old, and 25 women and boys,' or at the rate of 51 acres to
4 pef-sons. France, with its 180 persons to the square mile, is
considered a densely peopled country, and ten acres of plough
land would be reckoned a small holding. Well, there is not a
single district in India with only 180 persons to the square mile
whichr is not exceedingly well off; and not a Bengal peasant
.with ten acres to a family of ten persons who would not be
regarded as a fortunate man. An acre of crop-land, under
plough cultivation, suffices to keep a human being in coj;nfort ;
but anything under half an acre means a struggle for life.

The extent of the evil may be thus stated. Two-fifths of
the people of British India enjoy a prosperity unknowai under
native rule ; other two-fifths earn a fair but diminishing sub-
sistence ; but the remaining fifth, or forty millions, go through
life on insufficient food. It is these underfed forty millions who
form the problem of over-population in India. The difficulty
of solving it is intensified by the fact that in spite of the hard
struggle for life their numbers rapidly increase. ' In ten years,'

152 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

says Mr. Caird, ' at the present rate of gi'owth, there will be
twenty millions more people to feed.'

It may help ns to understand the precise dimensions of the
problem if we express it in figures. Mr. Caird estimates that
the Indian population increases at the rate of two millions per
annum. If the lot- of the people is to be really improved,
additional supplies must be provided not only to feed these new
mouths, but to furnish a more adequate diet for the already
existing ones. This latter task means an annual increase of food
sufficient to entirely feed at least half a million, or to double
the rations of one million of the poorer classes. In this way
the lot of ten millions of these classes, would be ameliorated in
the course of ten years ; and the condition of .the whole would
be gradually improved in the course of a generation. The
initial problem, therefore, is to increase the means of subsistence
in India so as to annually feed two and a-half millions more
people : two millions representing the actual increase in immbers,
and the half million representing a double diet for at least a
million of the poorer classes. But figures can only express one
aspect of this great social problem. For after providing the
additional means of subsistence, it is necessary, if it is to amelio-
rate the common lot, that it should reach the mouths which
most m-gently need it. The problem, therefore, is not onlj' one
of supply, but of distribution.

I do iiot, however, agree with those who think the problem
insoluble. The permanent cure for over-population rests with
the people themselves, and consists in those restraints' upon
marriage to which all nations of small husbandmen have sooner
or later to svibmit. But we cannot wait till that compulsory
lesson ..is learned, for meanwhile millions wll perish. Over-
population in India is the direct product of British rule. We
have taken on ourselves the responsibility by removing the
previous checks upon the increase of the people — checks which,
however cruel, are the natural and inevitable ones in Asia, and
which take the place of the prudential restraints practised by
the peasant-farming races of Em-ope. We must now discharge
that responsibility, and as our own civilised rule has created the
difficulty, we must meet it by the resources of civilisation.
These resom'ces may lighten the pressure of the population on

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 153

the soil in three ways — first, by withdrawing large numbers to
non-agincultural industries ; second, by distributing the pressure
over new or under-populated tracts ; third, by increasing the
produce of tlie existing aveU of cultivation.

In the first direction, something has already been achieved.
The new industrial life of India described i\i the last chapter is
already feeding millions of mouths, and .before ten years are
over it will feed many millions more. India can command the
cheapest and most dexterous manufacturing labour in the world.
England can supply the cheapest capital in the world. The
household manufactures which were crushed by the co-operation
of coal, labour, and capital in England are now being re\ived
by the co-operation of coal, labour, and capital in India, I
believe that we are there at the commencement of a period of
manufacturing enterprise which will form an epoch in the history
of commerce. We are also apparently on the eve of great min-
ing enterprises. Apart from the gold of Southern India, from
the tin, antimony, lead, and mineral oils of Burma ; we only
await a process for profitably smelting iron with coal having
15 per cent, of ash in order to create a new industry. No one
would have predicted in 1855 that our Indian exports would
rise from twenty to close on seventy millions during twenty-five
yeaai ; and no wise man will now venture to predict the limits
of the industrial development of India before the close of this
century. But we may with safety assume that the opmmercial
industries of India for export and home consumption will dis-
tribute, in wages to the labouring classes and in profits to the
•husbandman, a yearly increase of a million sterling. Now those
classes can live well at the rate of 2Z. a year, for old and young,
i^million sterling of increased wages and peasant-profit;-* would
therefore represent a comfortable subsistence for an annual
increase of half a million of people.

In the second direction, also, something has been done to
lighten the pressure of the people on the soil. The emigrants
by sea are indeed few, averaging only 18,000 per annum. But
there is a tendency for the people to spontaneously spread tliem-
selves out to the less thickly peopled districts. We have only
had one census in India, and it will not be possible to gauge
the extent of such movements till the next census in 1881.

154 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

From Column iv. of the table on page 149 it will be seen that
a great balance exists of cultivable land not yet brought under
the plough. This uncultivable land consists of two classes —
of large blocks or even extensive tracts in sparsely peopled
provinces such as Assam, the Punjab, and the central plateau ;
and of small patches of pasture, jungle, or reclaimable waste
interspersed among the closely cultivated districts. The first
class opens up a field for migi-ation on a large scale. Hitherto
such migrations, although carefully watched by Government,
cannot be said to have been fostered by it. A labour transport
department exists, but its object is to secure a high scale of
comfort to the coolies en route, at the cost of the tea planters,
rather than to encourage both capitalists and labourers in the
work of transferring the population from the overcrowded to
the under-peopled provinces. The Government is now recon-
sidering the question in the .latter aspect. The transport of
labour has, so far, only paid for undertakings yielding a high
return, such as tea planting. That industry now employs
300,000 natives, and feeds about half a million, a large pro-
portion of whom have been brought from densely inhabited
tracts to the distant tea districts.

The problem before Government is how to render labour
transport a paying enterprise for the staple operations of
husbandry. It is conceivable that such facilities might be given
as would make it profitable for capitalists and land companies
to found agi'icultural settlements in Assam and the Central
Provinces. If the landholders of Bengal were thus to turn
captains of industry, they would vindicate their position and
render it inexpugnable. Thus, among the most thickly
peopled parts of India are Bardwan and Darbhanga, each
of them held by a Maharaja. The incomes of these two
magnates are popularly reckoned tv) make a total of over half
a million sterling. Well, if the Maharaja of Bardwan and the
Maharaja of Darbhanga were to obtain suitable facilities from
the Government, and to lead forth a colony, each from his own
crowded district, by ten days' easy journey to Assam or the
Central Provinces, he woidd not only add to the foi-tunes of
his house, but would set a noble example which other great
proprietors in Bengal would not be slow to follow.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 155

Such enterprises already yield a good profit on the hilly
outskirts of Bengal and in marshy districts. Half a million of
acres have been i-eclaimed by immigrant colonies in the Sundar-
bans during the present generation. From' personal examina-
tion of these clearings, and of the reclaimed tracts in Assam, I am
able to say that the task is a lighter one in* the latter province.
But it requires a capitalist, and above all^ a native capitalist.
A fakir ^ or spiritual person, accompanies each party to pray
against the tigers ; and receives 1*. ?>d. per 100 logs removed in
safety. A simple ecclesiastical polity of this sort is found to
give confidence and coherence to the iiflmigrants. The Bengal
Tandholder delights to tr^jge his origin to some remote ancestor
who came from ,the north and cut down the jungle. The
eponymous village hero is still the man who dug the tank and
ploughed up the adjacent fields. Well, the landed gentlemen
of Bengal have now a chance of illustrating their families, not
by a Brahman-invented pedigree, but by themselves doing what
they love to think that their ancestors did — by founding agri-
cultural colonies, and by giving their names to new districts.

The landholders of Bengal are the class which has profited
by the increase of population which now forms the great
difficulty of Bengal. Many of them have a high sense of their
dutieig ; many of them are at present apprehensive that their
privileges will be curtailed. Whatever may be the legal basis
for« those privileges, they have no foundation in the sympathies
of their countrymen ; and there is a tendency to question that
basis among Englishmen both in India and at home. If the
great landholders could co-operate with the Government in
equalising the pressure of the population on the soil, they would
rfliWVe the principal cause which has led to their privileges
being challenged. But Government should remember that, in
such enterprises, the undertakir risks his capital, and the labourers
must be content to risk their health. Hitherto the one object
of our labour transport laws has been to reduce the labourer's
risk at the cost of the capitalist. Fifteen years ago it was
my duty to administer those laws in the principal seat of
river embarkation for Assam. The Acts were framed in favour
of the coolie, and I administered them, as I was bound to do,
in favour of the coolie. At a later period I had to inquire into

156 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

the whole operation and spirit of these laws. I came to two
conclusions — first, that labour transport was practicable in
Bengal, not only for special industries like tea, but on a great
scale for agricultural settlements •' second, that if the system
were to be re-organized on this new basis, Governinent must
legislate with an eye to the money risks of the capitalist as
well as to the health risks of the labourer.

The other class of imoccupied land consists not of large
blocks, but of patches interspersed among closely cultivated
districts. A glance at the table on page 149 will show how vast
an aggregate must exist of this class. ' There is,' write the
Famine Commissioners, ' in most vilHges scope for a slow and
gi'adual extension of cultivation by the breakkig-up of unculti-
vated land ; and outside the village areas there is an inmiense
extent which is more or less fit for cultivation.'' How rapidly
the process goes on may be realised from the fact that the
Madi'as peasantry increased their cultivated fields from twelve
to twenty millions of acres in the quarter of a century
ending 1878. In truth, the process goes on too rapidly.
For the cultivable waste comprises the pasture lands on which
the village herds graze, and the patches of jungle on which the
people depend for fuel. Now, as we have seen, the lack of
pastm-e and the substitution of cow manure for firewood are
main factors in the exhaustion of the Indian soil.

Whik, therefore, much may be done by migration to un-
occupied tracts, and by the tillage of waste patches of land,
the latter process drives us back upon the third means of
augmenting the food-supply — namely, by increasing the pro-
duce of the existing area of cultivation. And here we ai*e met
at the outset by a statement often repeated, and which the
Hindu Patriot lately put in verv pithy words : ' The native
cultivators have nothing to learn)' so far as non-scientific agri-
culture is concerned, and the adoption of scientific agiiculture
is wholly beyond their means.' I had the good fortune, in my
youth, to work during two years in the laboratory of the
greatest agricultural chemist of that day. If the only alternative
lay between a strictly scientific and an altogether unscientific
husbandry, I should have to concm* in the Hindu Patriofs con-
clusion. But the choice is not thus limited. I have compared

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 157

the high farming of the Lothians with the primitive tillage ot
the Argyleshire glens, and I find that both these extremes are
essentially local. The husbandry of England and of Europe
occupies a shifting position* between the two. One little im-
provement takes place in one district, another small change for
the better in another. Everyone knows tAat strictly scientific
farming trebles the produce ; that a field wlych produces 730 lbs.
of wheat without manure can be made to yield 2,342 lbs. by
manure. But everyone also knows that the native of India has
neither the capital nor the knowledge required to attain this
result. If, therefore, the problem before him was to increase
his crops threefold, I sl^o^i-M despair of his success. But, as I
shall now show, the problem is not to increase the food supply
of India by 300 per cent, at a stroke, but by 1^ per cent, a
year.

Wheat land in tl^e North- Western Provinces, which now
gives only 840 lbs. an acre, yielded 1,140 lbs. in the time of
Akbar, and would be made to produce 1,800 lbs. in East
Norfolk. The average return of food-grains in India shows
about 700 lbs. per acre ; in England, Avheat averages over
1,700 lbs. The Secretary to the Government of India, in its
late Department of Agriculture, declares, ' that with proper
maniiring and proper tillage, every acre, broadly speaking, of
land in the country can be made to yield 30, 50, or 70 per cent,
moi'e of every kind of crop than it at present procUices ; and
with a fully corresponding increase in the profits of cultivation.'
But, a's I shall now show, a yearly increase of li per cent, would
suffice.

The food supply of India must be augmented so as to allow
an annual increase of two and a-half millions of people. . This
rate will not only feed the new mouths, but will ameliorate
/ the condition of the existing! population. Now two and a-half
millions are less than 1^ pw cent, of the present population,
and the present food supply is more than that population con-
sumes. If, therefore, we add 1^ per cent, yearly to the food
production, the supply will more than keep pace with the in-
creased demand upon it, so far as the internal wants of India
are concerned. I shall specify four out of many considerations
which make me believe that, ^vithout attempting any flights in

158 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

scientific farming, it is possible to steadily increase the Indian
food supply to the extent of li per cent, per annum.

The first impediment to better husbandry is the fewness and
weakness of the cattle. ' Over a great portion of the Empire,'
writes the Secretary to the late Agricultural Department in
India, ' the mass of the cattle are starved for six weeks every
year. The hot winds roar, every green thing has disappeared,
no hot- weather forage is grown ; the last year's fodder has
generally been consumed in keeping the well bullocks on their
legs during the irrigation of the spring crops ; and all the
husbandman can do is just to keep his poor brutes alive on the
chopped leaves of the few trees and^-shrubs he has access to,
the roots of grass and herbs that he digs out "of the edges of
fields, and the like. In good years he just succeeds ; in bad years
the weakly ones die of starvation. But then come the rains.
Within the week, as though* by magic, the burning sands are
carpeted with rank, luscious herbage, the cattle will eat and
over-eat, and millions die of one form or other of cattle dis-
ease, springing out of this starvation followed by sudden repletion
with rank, juicy, immature herbage.'' He estimates ' the average
annual loss of cattle in India by preventable diseases' at ten
million beasts, worth seven million sterling. He complains that
no real attempt has been made either to bring veterinary know-
ledge within reach of the people, or to organize a system of
village pkntation which wo aid feed their cattle through i!he
summer.

The second impediment to improved husbandry is the want
of manure. If there were more stock, there would be more
manure, and the absence of firewood compels the people to use
even the scanty droppings of their existing cattle for fuel.
Under such circumstances agriculture ceases to be the manufac-
ture of food, and becomes a mere sj^ioliation of the soil. Forage
crops, such as lucerne, guinea-grass, and the gi'eat stemmed
millets, might fm'nish an immense weight to the acre. Govern-
ment is now considering whether their cultivation could not be
promoted by reducing the irrigation rates on green fodder
crops. A system of village plantations Avould not only supply fire-
wood, but would yield leaves and an midergrowth of fodder
sufficient to tide the cattle over their six weeks' struggle for life

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 159

each summer. In some districts Government has land of its
own which it could thus plant ; in others it is only a sleeping
partner in the soil. The system would have to be considerately
organized on a legislative basis, but Mr. Hume, the highest
authority on such a subject, declares the system perfectly
practicable. For the details I refer the reader to his valuable
pamphlet on ' Agi'icultm-al Reform in India.' In Switzerland,
I found that the occupiers of albnends; or communal lands, have
at least in some cantons to keep up a certain number of trees.
It seems a fair question whether plantations ought not in many
parts of India to be now made an inciclent of the land tenure ;
they would go far to so^4^:ihe two fundamental difficulties of
Indian agricidtu?;e — the loss of cattle, and the want of manure.

Meanwhile, the natives set an increasing value on manure.
The gi'eat cities ai-e being converted from centres of disease into
sources of food suppl3^. For a tirae, caste prejudices stood in
the way of utilising the night-soil. ' Five years ago,' writes the
Secretary to the Poona Municipality, ' agriculturists would not
touch the jioudrette when prepared, and could not be induced to
take it away at even a nominal charge. At present the out-
turn of manure is not enough to keep pace with the demand,
and the peasants buy it up from four to six months in advance.'
At ifmritsar, in the Punjab, 30,000 donkey loads were sold in
one year. A great mai'gin stills exists for economy, both in the
towns and villages ; but the husbandman is becoming more
alive to the utilisation of every source of -Aianure, and his
prejudices are gradually giving way under the stern pressure of
facts.

The thifrHTTTpecliment to improved agriculture in India is
TITe want of water. Mr. Caird, the chief English authority who
has inquired into the subject, believes that if only one-third of
/ the cultivated area were im^lated India would be secure against
famine. At any rate, an extension of irrigation would alone
suffice to raise the food supply by more than 1^ per cent,
during many years. Since India passed to the Crown, great
progress has been made in this direction. Money has been
invested by millions of pounds"; 200 millions of acres are now
under cultivation ; and in the five British provinces which
require it most 28 per cent, of the area, or say one-third, is

160 ENGLAND\S WORK IN INDIA

artificially supplied with water. Those Provinces are the
Punjab, the North-West, Oudh, Sind, and Madi-as. Looking
to what has of late years been done, and to what yet remains
to be done by wells and petty works with the alid of loans
from the State, I think Ave may reckon on a vast increase of
food from irrigation.

I shall mention qnly one more means of improving Indian
tillage. The Indian Government is the gi-eatest landed pro-
prietor in the world ; it is, I think, the only Government of a
people of husbandmen which has no Agricultural Department.
From the first, it concert trated its attention on its own share of
the crops, and interested itself toO|^|,|ttle in their cultivation.
Ten years ago Lord Mayo, the only Indian Viceroy who had
ever farmed for a livelihood, founded an Agricultural Depart-
ment in India. But the traditions of Indian administra-
tion were too strong for him. His Agricidtural Department
soon became a Revenue Department, and before long was
abolished. I do not think that any official deus ex machina
can bring down an avatar of steam ploughs and chemical
manures upon India. But I watched the operations of the late
Agricultural Department, and I have studied the practical work
done at its model farms. I believe it capable, by continuous
effort, of slowly but surely effecting great improvemen'us in
Indian husbandry. Food production depends on three elements
— labom*, Jand, and capital. We have abundance of labomv in
India : there isxstill enough land if the population could be
equally distributed over it ; and the Government has unlimited
cheap capital at its command, if it had only the knowledge and
supervision requisite for its safe application tb'iLoooil. India
has entered on the inevitable change which takes place "in
all countries from ' extensive ' to ' intensive ' husbandry, as the
population increases. It has been ny duty to find out precisely
what amount of information exists ..vith regard to the agricul-
ture of India ; and to compare that information with the facts
which the Governments of Eui'ope And America supply on the
same points. I have come to the conclusion that no central
Government stands more in ne.id of agricultural knowledge
than the Government of India, and that no Government has
a smaller stock of such knowledge within its central body.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 161

I rejoice, therefore, that the Famine Commissioners urge the re-
establishment of an Agricultural Department in India.

I have now set forth the problem of an increased food supply
for India ; endeavoured to s^te its exact dimensions ; and shown
that, while it demands organized efforts on a great scale, it is
quite capable of solution. The problem, however, is not only
one of supply, but of distribution. By or,e set of efforts the
food must be increased ; another set of efforts must secure a fair
.share of that food to the actual tiller of the soil. In Southern
India, as I have mentioned, the cry of the peasantry is for pro-
tection against the money-lenders. After a careful inquiry, the
Government determine4>*r/respond to that cry. It has practi-
cally said to the village bankers : ' A state of things has grown
up under British rule which enables you to push the cultivators,
by means of our courts, to extremities unknown under the
native dynasties anc^ repugnant 'to the customs of India.
Henceforth, in considering the security on which you lend
money, please to know that the peasant cannot be imprisoned
or sold out of his farm to satisfy your claims ; and we shall free
him from the lifelong burden of those claims by a mild bank-
ruptcy law.' Such is the gist of the Southern India Agricul-
turists' Relief Act of 1879.

It provides, in the first place, for small rural debtors of
5Z. and under. If the court is satisfied that such a debtor is
k really unable to pay the whole sum, it may direct th» payment
of such portion as it considers that he can pay,>^nd grant him a
discharge for the balance. To debtors for larger amounts, it
gives the protection of an Insolvency Act. No agriculturist
shall hen^idbffti^iSe arrested or imprisoned in execution of a
decree for money. In addition to the old provisions {^gainst
the sale of the necessary implements of his trade, no agricul-
turist's immovable property t:hall be attached or sold in execu-
tion of any decree, unless it jias been specifically mortgaged for
the debt to which such decree relates. But even when it has
been specifically mortgaged jthe court may order the debtor's
holding to be cultivated, for a period not exceeding seven years,
on behalf of Jtlie creditor, aftei^N^llowing a sufficient portion of
it for the- support of the debtor and his family. At the end of
the seven years the debtor is discharged. If- the debtor himself

162 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

applies for relief under the Insolvency clauses, the procedure is
as follows : his movable property, less the implements of his
trade, is liable to sale for his debts. His immovable pro-
perty, or farm, is divided into two "parts, one of which is set
aside as ' required for the support of the insolvent and members
of liis family dependent on him,'' while the remainder is to be
managed on behalf of his creditors. But ' nothing in this
section shall authorise the com't to take into possession any
houses or other buildings belonging to, and occupied by, an
agriculturist.' Village arbitrators or ' conciliators "* are ap-
pointed by the same Act, and every creditor must first try to
settle his claims before them. If tks-^flPort at arbitration fails,
the ' conciliator ' shall give the applicant a certificate to that
effect. No suit to which an agricultmist (residing wthin- any
local area to which a ' conciliator ' has been appointed) is a
party shall be entertained* by any Civil Court, unless the
plaintiff produces a certificate from the ' conciliator ' that arbi-
tration has been attempted and failed.

Much may be said on general principles against this Act,
and much also may be said for it under the special conditions
in which the South Indian peasant now finds himself placed.
On the one hand, it gives a protection to the ignorant cultivator
such as he practically enjoyed under native rule, when the
money-lender could not sell his holding, because there was more
land thai> there were husbandmen to till it. But, on the other
hand, it increases the risks in the application of capital to land.
It secm'es the idle or extravagant cultivator from the con-
sequence of his own acts, and thus tends to arrest that process
of riddling out the thriftless members of the popUiVvL^on which,
howe'ter cruel in its action, results in bringing the soil inYo "the
hands able to make the most of it.

While in Southern India the c^emand is thus for restraints
upon the money-lender, in Bengal the cry of the peasantry is
for protection against the landl)rd. Accordingly, in 1859,
the Government practically said* to the landholdei-s : ' We
created you as a proprietary body in 1793 by om- own act.
In doing so, we made over to yr-[i valuable rights which up to
that time were vested in the State, but Me carefully reserved
the rights of the cultivators. We shall now ascertain and

ENGLAND?S WORK IN INDIA 163

define the rights of the cultivators ; and we shall settle your
relations with them on the basis of those rights/ The result
was embodied in the famous I^and Law of 1,859, which divided
the cultivators of Bengal into fom- classes : First, those who
had held their holdings at the same rates sipce 1793, and whose
rents could not be raised at all. Second, those who had held
their land at the same rent for twenty year§, and were therefore
presumed by law to have held since 1793, unless the contrary
was proved. Third, those who had held for twelve years. Such
tenants had a right of occupancy, aijd their rents could be
raised only for certain specified reasons by a suit at law. Fourth,
those who had held for less than twelve years, and were left to
make what bargain they could with the landlords.

Fm-ther experience, since 1859, has taught the Govern-
ment that even these provisions are inadequate to avert the
wholesale enhancement of rents in Bengal. It accordingly
issued a Commission in 1879 to inquire into the questions
involved, and the report of the Commission has just reached
England. Whatever may be the fate of the draft law which
these folios propose, they will remain a monument of noble
intention, able discussion of principles, and honest statement of
the facts. The Commissioners of 1879, like the legislators of
1859, have anived at the conclusion that a substantial peasant
right in the soil exists in Bengal. They would confirm all the
rights given to the peasant by the Land Codep^of f859, and
they propose to augment them. The first class of cultivators,
who have held their land at the same rates since 1793, can
n'ever have their reijt raised. The second class, or those who
have thyif^eld for twenty years, are still presumed to have held
since 1793. The third class of cultivators, who have held for
twelve years, have their privileges increased. Their occupancy
rights are to be consolidatec\ into a valuable peasant tenure,
transferable by sale, gift, oi I inheritance ; and it is proposed
that all increase in the value if the land or the crop, notarising
from the agency of either th' landlord or tenant, shall hence-
forth be divided equally bet\N;een them. This provision is a
very importa^ one in a counti^y like Bengal, where new rail-
ways, nevr^roads, and the increase of the people and of trade,
constantly tend to raise the price of the agricultural staples.

H 2

164 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

AVhat political economists call the * unearned increment ' is no
longer to accrue to the proprietor, but is to be divided between
him and the cultivator; so that landlord and tenant' are hence-
forth to be joint sharers in the increasing value of the land.

But the great changes proposed by the Rent Commissioners
of 1879 refer to the fourth or lowest class of husbandmen, who
have held for less thfin twelve years, and whom the Land Code
of 1859 admitted to no rights whatever. The Commissioners
declare that the competition for land, if unchecked by law or
custom, will reduce 't|)e whole agricultural population to a
condition of , misery and degradation ' ; and they have resolved,
so far as in them lies, to arrest this^CfU ruin of Bengal. They
enunciate the principle that ' the land of a cduntry belongs to
the people of a country ; and while vested rights should be
treated with all possible tenderness, no mode of appropriation
and cultivation should be permanently allowed by the ruler
which involves the wretchedness of the great majority of the
community ; if the alteration or amendment of the law relating
to land can by itself, or in conjunction with other measiu-es,
obviate or remedy the misfortune.'

Strong doctrine this ; and very stringently do the Com-
missioners apply it. In their draft code, they propose a system
of compensation for disturbance whose thoroughgoing character
contrasts strongly with the mild Irish Bill which the House of
Lords rejectefcl, last session. The Bengal Rent Commissioners
would accord a cjuasi-occupancy right to all tenants who have
held for three years. If the landlord demands an increased
rent from such a tenant, and the tenant prefers to leave rather

than submit to the enhancement, then the landlofcf'k^'ist nav

" ... -»^» ' —

him, first, a substantial compensation for disturbance, and,
second, a substantial compensation for improvements. The
compensation for disturbance is calculated at a sum equal to
one year's increased rent, as demanded by the landlord. The
compensation for improvements in'dudes payment for buildings
erected by the tenant, for tanks, w ills, irrigation works, drainage
works, embankments, or for the r^^newal or improvement of any
of the foregoing ; also for any ^knd which the tenVnt may have
reclaimed or enclosed, and for all fruit trees which he' inay have
planted. The operation of these clauses will be, that before

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 165

the landlord can raise the rent, he must be prepared to pay to
the outgoing tenant a sura which will swallow up the increased
rental for several years.

The practical result is la give tenant right to all cultivators
who have held their land for three years or upwards — that is,
to the mass of the people in Bengal. Wh.5ther these stringent
provisions become law remains to be seen. For we must
remember that the landlords have rights as well as the tenants.
But before the Commissioners' suggestions can become law they
they must obtain the assent, successively, of the Provincial
Government of Bengal, of the GovernOr-General in Council, of
the Indian Legislature, and finally of the Secretary of State
who represents ^^he majority in the British Parliament. At
each of these stages the vested lights of the landholders will be
carefully considered, and the arguments on which the proposed
changes are based will be threshed oiit.

While the efforts of the Indian executive are directed to the
increase of the food supply, the Legislature is thus endeavour-
ing to secure a fair share of that supply to the tiller of the soil.

The analogy of the situation in Bengal to the agrarian
agitation in Ireland is in some respects a striking one. In
both countries, a state of things has grown up under British
rule which seems unbearable to a section of the people. In
Bengal, the peasantry have fought by every weapon of delay
afforded by the courts ; in England, the Irish representatives are
fighting by every form of obstruction possibl;/^in Parliament.
In both countries we may disapprove of the weapons employed ;
but in both we must admit that these weapons ai'e better
than th*^ .,.>li.r oTries of physical force. In neither can the
"ijrov(^rnment parley with outrage or crime. In both covmtries,
I believe that the peasantry will more or less completely win the
day ; for in both, the state of things of which they complain
is repugnant to the awakene-1 conscience of the British nation.

striking, must not be pushed
hand, the Irish peasantry has
emigi-ation open to it — a resource practically not available to
the Bengal h>isbandman, Oii'the other hand, the proprietary
right in bengal was a gift of o\k own as late as 1793 — a gift
hedged in by reservations in favour of the peasantry, and

But the analogy, althougt
too far. For, on the one

166 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

conferred for the distinctly expressed purpose of securing the
welfare of the people. The proprietary right in Ireland is the
growth of centuries of spoliation and conquest.. It may,
perhaps, be found possible to accord a secure position to the
peasantry of Bengal without injustice to the landlords. The
Irish difficulty, althovigh on a smaller scale, is complicated by
old wrongs.

One comfort we may derive from our experience in Bengal.
It is, that the land laws, if rightly dealt with, form an ordinary
and a necessary subject for legislative improvement in countries
like India and Ireland, ^V^here the mass of the people live by
the tillage of the soil. The reform of4)iQexisting tenures is, there-
fore, a matter for legislation, not for revolution.,. The problem,
alike in India and in Ireland, is how to do the best for the
peasant at the least cost to the State, and with the least in-
fringement of vested proprietary rights.

A-

/ X

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 167

THE MAINTENANCE OF A GOVERNMENT ON EUROPEAN
STANDARDS OF EFFICIENCY FROM AN ASIATIC SCALE

OF REVENUE'

I HAVE eiideavou^-ed to explain the real meaning of the poverty
of the Indian people. I shall now ask attention to some of the
difficulties which that poverty gives rise to in the government of
the country. Men must first have enough to live upon before
they can pay taxes. The revenue-yielding powers of a nation
are regulated, not by its numbers, but by the margin between
its national earnings and its requirements for subsistence. It is
because this margin is so gi'eat in England that the English are
the most taxable people in the world. It is because this margin
is so small in India that any increase in the revenue involves
serious difficulties. The thirty-four millions of our countrymen
in Great Britain and Ireland pay their 68 millions sterling of
Iroperial taxation^ with far greater ease than the qjje hundred
and ninety millions of British subjects in Indi^ pay an actual
taxation of 35 millions. It may seem a contradiction in terms
•to say that the English Avho pay at the rate of forty shillings
per head t-i Liic^iiifperial exchequer, besides many local burdens,
are inore lightly taxed than the Indians, who pay only, at the
rate of 3*. Sd. per head to the imperial exchequer, with
scarcely any local burdens. But the sum of forty shillings per
head bears a much smaller - proportion to the margin between
the national earnings and t][e national requirements for subsist-
ence in England than the s^m of 3.?. Sd. bears to that margin

in India. In estimating tl Je revenue-yielding powers of India

' Customp/*20 millions ; Inland ". «5venue, 48 millions : total taxation, 68
millions. " fhe gross revenue of the United Kingdom in 1880 was 81,265,055^,
besides 29,247,595^, of local taxation ; total, 110,512,650 J.

168 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

we must get rid of the delusive influence which hundreds of
millions of taxpayers exercise upon the imagination. We
must think less of the numbers and more of the poverty of
the Indian people. ^

But while anxious that the gravity of our financial situation
in India should be realised, I do not think that any good can
come of exaggerating it. At this moment we are taking less tax-
ation from the Indian people than was taken by their own Asiatic
rulers. The following table (p. 169) shows the revenues of the
Mughal Empire from the reign of Akbar in 1593 to its practical
downfall in 1761. The figures are derived from many indepen-
dent soui'ces — from retm-ns drawn up^by skilful English officers of
the East India Company ; from the materials afforded by the
Native Revenue Survey, and the Mughal exchequer accounts ;
fi-om the reports of European travellers ; and from the financial
statement of the Empire as presented to the Afghan conqueror,
Ahmad Shah Abdali, on his entry into Delni. One of the most
learned numismatists of om* day, Mr. Edward Thomas, has de-
voted a treatise to sifting these materials, and I reproduce his
results. Indeed, the difficulty of a comparison has arisen, not fi'om
the absence of information in respect to the Mughal revenues,
but from want of exact statements regarding our own. As
I pointed out at Bu'mingham in 1879, the Parliamentary Indian
Accounts are rendered in such a form as to permit of the widest
assertions regarding Indian taxation, varying from an annual
total of 34 to 6wr 60 millions sterling. Efforts have since then
been made to remedy this, and a statement lately presented to
Parliament exhibits the actual revenue and expenditm-e of British .
India during a series of years. ^*^ .i.,.^

From this authoritative statement I find that the mSttioiT"
of British India, dm^ing the ten years ending 1879, has averaged
35^ millions per annum. That is the gross sum, as shown in
the table on next page ; the net world be less ; say for purposes
of easy recollection 35 millions stei ling, or 3*. 8c?. per head.
From the table on next page we see that in 1593, when the
Mughal Empire was of much less ex^ ent and much less populous
than our own, the burdens of the plople amounted, voider Akbar,
to 42 millions sterling. Captain Hawkins, frw*;^ oareftJ
inquiries at Agra, returned the revenue of Akbar's successor in

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

169

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170 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

1609 at 50 millions. At the end of that century we have two
separate returns for 1695 and 1697, giving the revenues of
Aui'angzeb respectively at 80 and 77^ millions.

If we examine the items in the I.Iughal accounts, we find the
explanation of their enormous totals. The land tax then, as
now, formed about .one half of the whole revenue. The net
land revenue demand of the Mughal Empire averaged 25
millions sterling from 1593 to 1761 ; or 32 millions during the
last century of that Empire, from 1655 to 1761. The annual
net land revenue raised from the much larger area of British
India during the ten years ending 1879 has been 18 millions
sterling (gross, 21 millions). Bi^ besides the land revenue
there were under our predecessors not less than forty imposts of
a personal character. They included taxes upon religious
assemblies, upon trees, upon marriage, upon the peasant's hearth,
and upon his cattle. How severe some of them were may be
judged from the Poll Tax. For the purposes of this tax, the
non-Muhammadan population was divided into three classes,
paying respectively 4/., 21., and 11. annually to the exchequer for
each adult male. The lowest of these rates, if now levied from
each non-Musalman male adult, would alone yield an amount
exceeding our whole Indian taxation. Yet under the Mughal
Empire the Poll Tax was only one of forty bm-dens.

We may briefly sum up the results as follows. Under the
Mughal Empire from 1593 to 1761, the Imperial demand
averaged about fJO millions sterling a year. During the past
ten years ending 1879 the imperial taxation of British India,
with its far larger population, averaged 35 millions. Under the
Mughal Empire, the land tax between 1655'tmd-*7€laveraged
32 milj.ions. Under the British Empire, the net land fST hag^
during the past ten years, averaged 18 millions.

Not only is the taxation of British India much less than
that raised by the Mughal Emperors, but it compares favourably
with the taxation of other Asiatic! countries in our own days.
The only other Empire in Asia which pretends to a. civilised
government is Japan. I have no s'oecial acquaintance with the
Japanese revenues ; but I find frdm German writes that over
11 millions sterling are there revised from a populatioh<>f thirty-
four million people, or deducting certain items, a taxation of

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

171

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172 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

about Qs. a head. In India, where we try to govern on a higher
standard of efficiency, the rate of actual taxation is 3*. 8c?. a head.
If, instead of deaHng with the imperial revenues as a whole,
we concentrate our* survey on any one Province, we find these
facts brought out in a still stronger light. To take a single
instance. After a patient scrutiny of the records, I found that,
allowing for the change in the value of money, the ancient
revenue of Orissa represented eight times the quantity of the
staple food which our own revenue now represents,* The
native revenue of Orissa supported a magnificent Court with
a crowded seraglio, swarvns of priests, a large army, and a costly
public worship. Under our rule, Orissa does little more than
defray the local cost of protecting person and property, and of
its irrigation works. In Orissa, the Raja's share of the crops
amounted, with dues, to 60 per cent., and the mildest Native
Governments demanded 33 -per cent. The Famine Commis-
sioners estimate the land tax in the British Provinces ' at from
3 per cent, to 7 per cent, of the gross out-turn.' Ample deduc-
tions are allowed for the cost of cultivation, the risks of the
season, the maintenance of the husbandman and his family. Of
the balance which remains, Government nominally takes one-
half ; but how small a proportion this bears to the crop may be
seen from the returns collected by the Famine Coramissionei-s.
Their figures deal with 176 out of the 191 millions of our
Indian fejlqw-subjects. These 176 millions cultivate 188
millions of acres, grow 331 millions sterling worth of produce,
and now pay 18f millions of land revenue. While, therefore,
they raise over IZ, 15*. worth of produce per acre, they pay ta
Government under 2*. of land tax per acr5. Insteai^ of thus
payingj 5^ per cent, as they do to us, they would uri3er the"
Mughal rule have been called to pay from 33 to 50 per cent,
of the crop. The two systems, indeed, proceed upon entirely
different principles. The Native Governments, write the
Famine Commissioners, often taxed the land ' to the extent of
taking from the occupier the whole of the surplus ' ' after
defraying the expenses of cultiva|)*ion.' The British Govern-
ment objects to thus ' sweeping off the whole margaa of profit,'

' The evidence on which these statements are based was published in my
Orisia, vol. i. pp. 323-329. Smith, Elder & Co. 1872.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 173

What becomes of the surplus which our Government declines
to take ? It goes to feed an enormously increased population.
The tax-gatherer now leaves so large a margin to the husband-
man that the province of* Bengal, for example, feeds three
times as many mouths as it did in 1780, and has a vast surplus
of produce, over and above its own wai/ts, for exportation.
'In the majority of Native Governments/ writes the greatest
living authority on the question,^ ' the revenue officer takes all
he can get ; and would take treble the revenue we should
assess, if he were strong enough to exact it. In ill-managed
States the cultivators are relentlessly Squeezed : the difference
between the native system .«,nd ours being, mainly, that the
cultivator in a liative State is seldom or never sold up, and that
he is usually treated much as a good bullock is treated — i.e. he
is left with enough to feed and clothe him and his family, so
that they may continue to work.-* John Stuart Mill studied
the condition of the Indian people more deeply than any other
political economist, and he took an indulgent view of native
institutions. His verdict upon the Mughal Government is
that, ' except during the occasional accident of a humane and
vigorous local administrator, the exactions had no practical
limit but the inability of the peasant to pay more.'

Throughout British India the landed classes pay revenue at
the rate of 5s. 6d. per head, including the land tax for their
farms, or Is. 9d. without it. The trading classe^^pay 3*. Sd.
4 per head ; the artisans, 2*. — equal to four days' wages in the
year ; and the agricultural labourers, 1*. Sd. The whole taxa-
•tion, including the Government rent for the land, averaged, as
we hav^ seen, 3^'. Sd. per head during the ten yeai's ending
1879. But the Famine Commissioners declare that ' any native
of India who does not trade or own land, and who chooses to
drink no spirituous licjuor, and to use no English cloth or iron,
need pay in taxation only about sevenpence a year on account
of the salt he consumes. On a family of three persons, the

' Mr. Alfred Lyall, C.B. (Sir'Alfred Lyall, K.C.B., G.C.I.E.), fonnerly
Governor-Gene~.<.il's Agent in Rajputana, and now Foreign Secretary to the
Governmen,^ of India ; quoted in the ,_JDespatch of tlie Governor-General in
Council to the Secretary of State, June 8, 1880. ' Condition of India,' Blue
Book, pp. 36-37. ^

174 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

charge amounts to 1*. 9cZ., or about foiu' days"' wages of a
labouring man and his wife.'

The weak point of our financial position in India? is not that
we take more from the people thaiT their native rulers did, but
that what we take barely suffices for the cost of our administra-
tion. Each petty provincial prince under the Mughal Empire
spent as much on his personal pomp and luxury, as now suffices
for all the expense of the British Viceroy of India and his
Council. But our Government, although less magnificent, rests
upon a more costly basis. For the treasures, which under the
Mughal dynasties were**^ concentrated upon the palaces and
harems of the rulers, are by us scattered broadcast in seeming
protection to the ruled. No previous Govei^uiment of India
ever kept up an army on such a scale of efficiency as to render
invasion and piratical devastation impossible from without,
and to absolutely put down internecine wars and the preda-
tory nations within. Those invasions and depredations ruined
thousands of homesteads every year. But the idea of such an
army, paid like om's from the imperial exchequer, would have
been dismissed as an impossible dream by the most powerful of
the Mughal Emperors. Well, we keep up such an army, and it
does its work at an average cost of I*. 8^. a head of the Indian
population. This may seem a moderate sum. It is not one-
twentieth part of the 40*. per head paid by the population of
the United ^Kingdom ; but it represents nearly one-half of the
whole actual taxation which we take from the Indian people. ,
No native dynasty ever attempted to develop the resources of
India by a network of communications. Some of the emperors
constructed great military highways, but the idea of sysi;ematic-
ally opening out every district of India by commercial trade
routes, by roads, railways, and navigable canals, is a purely
British idea. The outlay will reimbm-se the Indian taxpayer a
hundredfold, but meanwhile the railways alone have saddled him
with a debt of 120 millions sterling; while many public works
are profitable rather by their indirect consequences on trade or
agricultm'e than by any direct yielc^' to the revenues.

No Mughal Emperor ever mapped out Indis^for judicial
pm'poses, assigning to each sK^iall district a com"t'>)f justice
maj^ntained from the imperial exchequer. The district records

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 175

show that when we obtained the country the people had simply
to settle their disputes among themselves ; which the landholders
did very profitably by bauds of lathials or club-men, and the
peasantry with the aid of tibial by ordeal, the divining rod, and
boiling oil. Where a law officer existed in the rural districts,
he was not a salaried judge di'awing his monthly pay from the
Treasury and watched by superior courts, but a mere seller ot
decisions dependent for his livelihood on the payments of the
litigants. The police of the Mughal Empire were an undis-
ciplined, half-starved soldiery, who lived upon the people. The
officer in charge of the local troops was <5,lso the chief magistrate

, of his district ; and the cmminal courts of the East India
Company long j^etained their old Mughal appellation of the
Faujdari, or ' army department.' The idea of prison as a place
of reformatory discipline never entered the minds of these
soldier-magistrates, Om- early officers found the Muhanmiadan
jails crowded with wretched men whose sole sentence was ' to
remain diu'ing pleasure '' — a legal formula which, translated into
honest English, meant until the harpies of the court had
squeezed the prisoner's friends of their uttermost farthing.
The prisons themselves were ruinous hovels, whose inmates had
to be kept in stocks and fetters, or were held down flat under
bamboos, not on account of their crimes, but, to use the words
of an official report of 1792, ' because from the insecurity of the
jails, the jailor had no other means of preventing ^«ir escape.'
•No Mughal Emperor ever conceived the idea of giving public
instruction as a State duty to all his subjects. He might raise
a marble mosque in honour of God and himself, lavish millions on
a favourite lady's tomb, or grant lands to learned men of his

" own religion ; but the task of educating the whole Indian
people, rich and poor, of whatever race, or caste, or creed, was
never attempted.

In these, as in other departments, the English have had to
build up, from the very foundations, the fabric of a civilised
government. The material framework for such a government,
its coui't houses, public buildings, barracks, jails, hospitals, and
schools, has c««t not less than a hundred millions sterling. But
the revolution in the inward S|»irit of the administration has
involved a far gi'eater and more permanent expenditure th^n

176 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

this reconstruction of its outward and material fabric. Wc
have had to re-organize a government, conceived in the interests
of the pomp and luxury of the few, into a governmeiit conceived
in the interests of thfe well-being and secm-ity of the many. The
vast outlay thus involved may be realised from three items —
justice, police, and* education. As regards the dispensing of
justice, rural tribuna,ls, maintained by the State, scarcely existed
when we obtained the country in the last century. One of the
earliest acts of the East India Company was to create such
tribunals. Well, I have taken six districts at hazard from my
Statistical Account of 'Bengal, and I find that the Company
allowed about the end of the last centru"y nineteen courts of
justice for these six districts. The Queen's^ Government of
India in 1870 maintained 161 courts of justice in those six
districts. The demand for accessible justice constantly becomes
more exacting. Thus, in eight districts, for which in 1850 the
Company allowed 176 coiu-ts of justice, 288 courts had to be
provided in 1870, and further additions have since been made.
Justice has been brought very near to the door of the peasant.
But it has cost the Government many millions sterling to do so ;
and the gi*oss outlay has risen from under 1| millions in 1857,
during the last year of the Company, to over 3^ millions dm'ing
the present year 1880, or twofold.

The police of India has, in like manner, been completely
re-organizsd^ince the Government passed under the Crown. The
general force w£^s reconstructed on a new basis by Act V. o^
1861. The Muhammadans bequeathed to us in the previous
century a police which I have described from the manuscript
records as ' an enormous ragged army who .ate up the industry
of th^ province.' ^ The Company had improved this police so
far as to spend a million sterling upon it in its last year, 1857.
The re-organized police of India now costs, in 1880, a gross sum
exceeding 2^ millions sterling, or more than twofold. As
regards education, no system of public instruction existed either
under the Mughal Emperors or under the East India Company.
Sir Charles Wood's ' justly fam(>us despatch, which laid the
foundation of the enlightenment of India, was <*ily penned in
1854). The Company had v^t time to give effect to that
• ' Annals of Rural Bengal, 5th ed. p. 335. '■' Viscount Halifax.

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 177

despatch before its rule disappeared ; and the vast system oi
pubHc instruction which is now educating two millions of our

! eastern fellcV subjects is the work of the Queen's Government
in India. It is a noble work*, but it has cost money. In going
over the items of Indian expenditure, the single one which I
find steadily increases from year to year is 'the expenditure on
education. It now exceeds a gross sum of ^ million sterling per
annmn from the imperial revenues, with perhaps double that
sum from fees and local sources. I cite only three examples of

' the increased cost of a Government conducted according to
European standards of efficiency, but rrom those three items
. you may not unfairly judge of the increased cost of every other
department. •

Take Justice, Police, and Education, and you will find that
, the East India Company in 1857 gave less than three millions
worth of these commodities to its subjects in the last year of its
rule, while the Queen's Government now spends a gross sum of
nearly seven millions sterling upon them. No one will ginidge a
rupee of the extra four millions sterling thus spent in educating
the people of India, in protecting their persons and property,
and in hearing their complaints. Nor, I think, can any of us
grudge another large item of expenditure, almost unknown in
the time of the Company, but which is now estimated at an
annual charge of 1|^ millions sterling — namely, the relief of the
peasantry during famine. The truth is, that we h,?.vo suddenly
applied our own English ideas of what a g^od government
should do to an Asiatic country where the people pay not one-
ttnth per head of the English rate of taxation. It is easy to
govern efficiently at a cost of forty shillings per head as in
England ; but the problem in India is how to attain the 'same
standard of efficiencry at a cost of 3,9. ^d. a head. That is the
sum in proportion which one finance minister after another is
called to work out. Every year the Indian finance minister has
to provide for more schools, more police, more courts, more
hospitals, more roads, more railways, more canals. In short,
every year he has to spend more money in bringing up the
Indian adraini;?tration to the English standard of efficiency.
The money is well spent, but it lijas to be found, and there are
only two ways by which a finance minister caii find it. »

178 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

He must either cut down existing expenditure, or he must a
increase the taxation. As a matter of fact, the finance
ministers of India have done both. Dming the «^twenty-two
years since India pgvssed to the Crown they have abolished one
highly paid place after another. Under the Company, the civil |
and military services of India were regarded as roads to an
assiu-ed fortune. Those services now yield very little more than
suffices for a man to discharge the duties of the position in which
he may be placed. "V\Tiile the higher salaries have been
curtailed or lopped off, the purchasing power of money has
decreased, and the IndiSn civilian or soldier now looks forward
to scarcely anything besides his hard-earned pension, after a .
service of twenty-five to thirty-five years. Of that pension the
civilian is compelled by Government to contribute fully one half
by monthly subscriptions throughout his service. If he dies, his
subscriptions lapse ; and it is estimated that the nominal pension
of 1,000/. a year paid to covenanted civil servants represents a net
outlay to Government of under 400/. per annum. This cutting
down of high salaries is perfectly justified by the modern con-
ditions of Indian service. India is much nearer to England than
it was under the Company. An Indian career no longer means
a lifelong banishment, and Indian officers cannot now expect to
be paid for the miseries of an exile which they no longer endure.

I myself believe that if we are to give a really efficient
administration to India many services must be paid for at lower
rates even than at present. For those rates are regulated in the
hio-her branches of the administration by the cost of officers
brought from England. You cannot work with imported
labour as cheaply as you can with native labour, and I regard
the more extended employment of the natives, not only as an
act of justice, but as a financial necessity. Fifty years ago the
natives of India were not capable of conducting an administra-
tion according to our English ideas of honesty. During
centuries of Mughal rule almost every rural officer was paid by
fees, and every official act had to be purchased. It is difficult
to discriminate between fees and bribes, and such a system
was in itself sufficient to corrupt the whole •administration.
It has taken two generati&ns to eradicate this old taint
from the native official mind. But a generation has now

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 179

sprung up fi'om whose minds it has been eradicated, and who
are therefore fitted to take a much larger share in the adminis-
tration thali the Hindus of fifty years ago. I beUeve that
it will be impossible to deny them a larger share in the
administration. There are departments, conspicuously those of
Law and Justice, and Finance, in which the natives will more
and more supplant the highly paid imported officials from
England. There are other departments, such as the Medical,
the Customs, the Telegraph, and the Post Office, in which the
working establishments now consist of natives of India, and for
which the superintending staff will in a constantly increasing
degi-ee be also recruited from them. The appointment of a fe\v
natives annually 4^o the Covenanted Civil Service will not solve
the problem. By all means give the natives every facility for
entering that service. But the salaries of the Covenanted
Service are regulated, not by the rdtes for local labour, but by
the cost of imported officials. If we are to govern the Indian
people efficiently and cheaply, we nmst govern them by means
of themselves, and pay for the administration at the market
rates for native labour.

We must, howexer, not only realise this great change which
has taken place in the native standard of official morality, M-e
nmst also realise the great change which has taken place in the
physical aspects of administration. Fifty years ago, distance
played a much more important part in the goverKxiient of the
^omitry than it can now be allowed to play, ^ach district was
as far 'separated from its neighbours as the three Presidencies are
now from one anothey ; and the three Presidencies were practi-
cally different countries, requiring completely distinct establish-
ments for their administration. Railways and steamboats have
now drawn every part of India closer together, and rendered it
possible to control the whole with a smaller superintending staff.
For example, the troops in each of the three Presidencies had to
be organized as separate armies. This means that there are not
only three Commanders-in-Chief in India, but three head-
quarters'' establishments, three Adjutants-General, three Quarter-
masters General, three Surgeons-General, &c., each with his own
separate establishment of supervision and his own separate
budget of expenditure. This large outlay was unavoidable whcMi

N 2

180 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

Madras and Bombay were seventy days' march distant from
Bengal. But Bombay is now only a sixty hours' railway journey
from Calcutta, and steamers leave the Hugli almo^^t daily for
Madias. The telegraph connects every part of India, and flashes
news in half an hour which formerly would have taken weeks in
transmission. The necessity for separate headquarters' establish-
ments for each of the tlu'ee Presidencies is, therefore, becoming
a thing of the past, and economies are now proposed by the
Indian Army Commission in this respect.

But while reductions can thus be effected both in the civil
administration by the larger employment of natives, and in the
military expenditure by re-organizing the three armies in •
accordance with the altered physical facts of the country, such
reductions will not alone suffice to meet the constantly increasing
demands for expenditure. I have shown how the cost of Police,
Justice, and Education has "more than doubled since the last
year of the Company in 1857. The civil administration, as a
whole, discloses an equal increase ; and, in spite of reductions
in certain departments, has risen from 7^ millions sterling
in 1857 to 13^ millions net in 1880. The same causes which
have led to this increase of expenditm-e in the past twenty-
three years will compel a yet further increase in the next twenty
years. We now educate two millions of pupils in our Indian
schools. Before the end of the century I hope we shall be
educating fOhr millions.^ For every square mile now protected
by irrigation woiv'^s there will then be nearer two square miles.\^
For every native doctor and schoolmaster, there will probably
be three. No severity of retrenchment jn the civil expendi-
ture, no re-organization of the military establishments, will
suffice to meet the outlay thus involved. In India there is a
necessity for a steadily increasing revenue, and there is no use
in shirking the fact.

How is the additional revenue to be raised ? Indian finance
ministers have already answered this question. They have shown
that it is possible, through the agency of local government, to
increase the revenue by means which they would have found it
difficult, and perhaps dangerous, to enforce as p'Srts of an im-
perial central policy. A greaif department of Provincial Finance

' The pupils attending Indian schools in 1900-1 numbered 4,427,000,

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 181

has thus been created since the country passed to the Crown,
and now yields a revenue of several millions. As the local de-
mands for improvements in the administration increase, these
demands will be met to some extent by local taxation. A tax
is a tax, however it may be levied ; but in India, as in England,
it is possible to do by local rates what it would be very difficult
to do by a general impost. In this way » local government in
India has obtained an importance which no one would have
ventmed to predict twenty years ago, and may, before twenty
years are over, have become a financial necessity.

While additional resources may thus be hoped for fi-om local
taxation, the imperial revenues have not stood still. Many of
their items increase from natural causes. Thus, the land revenue
has risen from under 15 millions in 1857 to 18§ millions net in
1880. As the population multiplies they consume more salt,
more excisable commodities of every sort ; and as the trade of
the country develops, the revenue from stamps and miscel-
laneous items increases with it. The revenues of India are by
no means stationary, but they do not augment with the same
rapidity as the increased demands upon them. Under the
Company, almost the whole revenues were supplied by indirect
taxation ; the Queen^s Government has been forced to intro-
duce direct taxation. Forty years ago, a permanent income
tax would have been regarded as a cruel and an unrighteous
impost by the British nation. In England, we have only
y learned to bear an income tax by slow de^^ees. Year after
year our fathers were assured that the income tax was only
temporary ; we have, been constrained to recognise it as one of
the most permanent items in our national revenue. The Indian
people are now learning the same lesson with equal dimculty.
Twenty years ago, the income tax was introduced into India as
a purely temporary measure. Its temporary character has again
and again be^i re-asserted ; various disguises have been substi-
tuted for it ; but it has now become an established source of
Indian revenue. It is an unpopular tax everywhere, but it is
especially unpopular in India, where the average income is very
small ; and w"fiere the lower officials, through whom such a tax
must be levied, still lie under '^suspicion of corinipt practices.
I believe it is possible to free that taxation from much of » its

182 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

present unpopularity. For its vexatiousness has to a large ex-
tent proceeded from its temporary character, and from the
necessity of a fresh inquisition into the private aftairs of the
people on each occa.^ion of its renewal. You cannot expect a
host of native underlings to be very honest, when they know
that their employment will cease in a few years. But while
something may be done to render the income tax less unpopular,
the fact remains that the people of India are now brought face
to face with direct taxation.

It may be said that, after all, we take much less revenue
than the native dynasties did. Surely, if the State demands
averaged 60 millions sterling dmnng the tumultuous centm-ies
of the Mughal Empire, the country could be nrjade to pay the
same amount under our peaceful rule. Yet the actual taxation
during the ten years ending 1879 has averaged just 35 millions,
and at the present moment, including the new Provincial Rates,
it stands at 40 millions. If we were to levy the 80 millions of
taxation which Aurangzeb demanded, India would be, financially,
the most prosperous country in the world. But she would be,
morally and socially, the most miserable. The Mughal Empire
wrung its vast revenue out of the people by oppressions which
no English minister would dare to imitate. The technical
terms of the native revenue system form themselves a record
of extortion and pillage. Among the Marathas, to collect
revenue and to make war was synonymous. Better the poverty
of the British Gc^vernment of India than the imperial splendour!
of the Mughals, or the military magnificence of the Marathas,
reared upon the misery of the peasant. In a country where thd
people are poor, the Government ought to be poor : for it must
be either poor or oppressive. The poverty of the Indian people
lies at the root of the poverty of the Indian Government.

No financial dexterity will get rid of this fimdamental fact.
I sometimes see devices proposed for making the Indian Govern-
ment rich without rendering the Indian people miserable. One
of the latest is to I'elax the so-called rigidity of our finance.
This means that we are to calculate the cost of administration
over a period of twenty years, and to allow the anftual collections
to fluctuate according to the harvests ; relaxing, when necessary,
\hfi demand for individual years, and spreading the deficit over

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 183

the whole period of twenty years. Such a system is impractic-
able for two distinct reasons. In the first place, the taxpayer
would nevtV know exactly how much he would have to pay in
any year. Revenue collect'kig in India woijld resolve itself into
an annual wrangle between the Government officers and the
people. This was the state of things unden the Mughal Empire.
The peasant protested and cried out ; the revenue officer in-
sisted and squeezed ; and the victory rested with the most
clamorous on the one side, or with the most pitiless on the
other. But even after the annual wrangle was over, there
woidd still be an annual necessity of collecting the balance of

~ previous years. It would simply be impossible to collect such
balances without the severities which disgraced the early days
of the Company, when it took over the native revenue system
and administered it by native officers. The second objection to
relaxing the uniformity of the ye,arly demand arises from the
fact that it would be 'impossible to vary the uniformity of the
yearly expenditiu'e. Punctuality in defraying the charges of
Government involves, also, punctuality in realising its revenues.
Tinder the Mughal Empire, as under the Turkish Empire at
present, no large class of officials evei- expected to receive
regular salaries. They got their pay Avhen they could, and those
who threatened loudest got most. Wlien the Treasury ran dry,
the officials could always fall back upon the plvmder of the
Pi^ople. This irregularity of payment was so deeply impressed

f upon the native revenue system that years after the Company
took over Bengal it ordered as a matter di' course, during a

• time of financial difficulty, that all payments from the Treasury
should be suspended, except the cost of dieting the prisoners
and the rewards for killing tigers. If the Government pf India
were now to get six months into arrears with the payment of its
servants, it would open the old flood gates of official extortion,
bribery, and fee-levying which it has taken a hundred years of
honest rMJ^M:o dam up. Rigid punctuality in paying one's
debts is only possible by means of rigid punctuality in collecting
one's dues. Apart from the evils of constant borrowing to
meet cuiTent*outlay, incident to such a plan of relaxing the
current taxation, it would strikp at the root of the first essential
of a good revenue system ; namely, the certainty which the

184 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

man has as to the amount which he can be called to pay. In
place of a regular demand from the taxpayers and regular
salaries to the public servants, it would substituted an annual
wrangle with the Jtaxpayers and 'an annual scramble among
the officials.

The rigidity of ,om" Indian system of finance is only one of
many difficulties which a Government that tries to do right has
to encounter in India. Such an administration is based upon
the equality of all its subjects ; it has to work among a people
steeped in the ideas of caste and of the inequality of races. I
shall cite only two illustrations. Twenty-five years ago we were
told that railways could never pay in India, because no man of '
respectable position would sit in the same carriage with a man
of low caste. We open our schools to all our Indian subjects,
of whatever creed or birth. The Hindus, with their practical
genius for adapting themselv.es to the facts around them, have
prospered by a fi-ank acceptance of this' system of education.
But the upper classes of the Muhammadans, with their pride of
race and disdainful creed, have stood aloof, and so fail to qualify
themselves for the administration of a country which not long
ago they ruled. Ten years ago, in my ' Indian Musalmans,"*
I pointed out, that among 418 gazetted judicial native officers
in Bengal, 341 were Hindus, while only 77 were Muhammadans.
The Government took measures to remedy this inequality, and
went so far as to supplement its general system of public instryc-
tion with sectarian schools and colleges for Muhammadans. But \
the Musalman sttll isolates himself, and out of 504 similar
appointments now held by natives only fifty- three are filled by'
Muhammadans. This practically means thkt while one-third of
the population of Lower Bengal are Musalmans, only one-tenth of
the Government patronage falls to them ; the other nine-tenths
are monopolized by the Hindus. It thus follows that a system
of education based upon the equality of the subject results in
the practical exclusion of a large section of the po^rJjtion from
public employ.

You will now understand how unsafe are those guides who
see only the anomalies of our rule without having penetrated
into their causes. Such writers tell you that the people of
India are very poor, therefore they conclude the Government is

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 185

to blame. I also tell you that the people of India are very
poor, because the population has increased at such a rate as to

1 outstrip, iix some parts, the food-producing powers of the land ;
because every square mile oi Bengal has now to support three
times as many families as it had to support a hundred years
ago ; because every square mile of British India, deducting the
outlying provinces of Burma and Assam, has to feed nearly
thi'ee times as many mouths as each square mile of the Native
States. Such writers tell you that the soil of India is being
exhausted, and that therefore the Government is to blame ;
that the expenditure is increasing ; *that the revenues are

." inelastic ; that the rigidity of our taxation bears heavily on the
people ; and th^t for each of these and all om* other difficulties,
the simple and invariable explanation is that the Government
is to blame. I also tell you that the soil is being exhausted ;
that the requirements for additional expenditure are incessant,
while the revenues can' with difficulty be increased ; and I have
tried in each case to tell you honestly the reason why. Such
writers tell you, or would tell you if they kneAv it, that in a
single province, under our system of State education, twenty
millions of Musalmans, the former rulers of the country, are
practically ousted from public employment, and that therefore
the Government nmst be to blame. Let me answer them in
the words in which the leader of the Muhammadan community of
Calcutta sums up his most able pamphlet on this exclusion of
if his countrymen : ' For these figines, however lamentable, I cer-
tainly do not lay the blame at the door of (aovernment. The
•real cause of this unhappy state of things is to be found in the
backwardness of the Muhammadans in conforming themselves to
the requirements of the times, and thus remaining behind in
the race of competition with other nations. "*

I only wish that the goitlemen were right who think that
all our Indian difficulties are due to the shortcomings of the
Goverfim»*f^ For if they were right, then I feel sure that
England, in the discharge of her high duty, would swiftly
sweep away her culpable representatives in India. But, alas !
our difficulties there are not susceptible of so easy a cure.
Every year England sends to In'^ia a picked body of young men
from lier public schools and universities to -recruit the Indian

186 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

administration. There is not a master in the country who
does not feel honoured when his pupils are thus chosen. For,
although the old pecuniary advantages of the liidian Civil
Service have very properly been "tturtailed, that service still
forms one of the noblest and most useful careers open to our
youth. To an administration thus composed England sends
out, as heads, the ablest statesmen who can be tempted by the
emoluments and honours of high Indian office. She supplies
India with trained Parliamentary financiers like Mr. James
Wilson ; with jurists and legislators like Sir Fitzjames Stephen
and Sir Henry Sumnef Maine ; with Governors-General like
the iron Dalhousie and the beloved Mayo, from one ofhergi'eat'.
national parties, and like the wise Minto and, the just North-
brook, from the other. I do not see ho\v to improve the
English materials of an administration thus selected and thus
led. But I do know that,- if the easy explanation of all our
Indian difficulties were that the Indian Government is to
blame, the British nation would very soon substitute a better
government for it. '

I believe that, in dealing with the difficulties which now
confront it, the Government of India must look round for new
allies. Those allies will be found among the natives. So long
as the administration proceeded upon the English political
maxim of lai.ss-e;: /'aire in India, it v\ as possible to conduct its
higher branches, at any rate, by Englishmen. The Compai?y\s
administration, thus composed, did much. It secured India^
from external enemies, created internal protection for jJerson
and property, and took the first steps in the development of the
country. But the good work thus commenced has assumed
such dimensions under the Queen's Government of India that
it can no longer be carried on, or even supervised, by imported
labour from England, except at a cost which India cannot
sustain. While the old duties have extended, new ones have
been added. As soon as the English nation begct^.. reuUy to
interest itself in India, it found that the Government must
there take on itself several functions which in England may
well be left to private enterprise. In a coui»try where the
Government is the sole great papitalist, railways, canals, docks,

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 187

and commercial works of many sorts had either to be initiated
by the Government or to be left unattempted. The principle
of laissez Jaire can, in fact, be safely applied only to self-
governing nations. The Eliglish in India »are now called upon
either to stand by and witness the pitiless overcrowding of
masses of hungry human beings, or to aid the people in in-
creasing the food supply to meet their growing wants. The
problem is a difficult one ; but I have shown why I believe it
capable of solution. Forty years ago the political economists
would have told us that a Government had no right to enter
on such problems at all ; and forty yl'ars hereafter we should
have had an Indian Ireland, multiplied fiftyfold, on our hands.
The condition ^f things in India compels the Government to
enter on these problems. Their solution, and the constant
demand for improvement in the general executive, will require an
increasing amount of administrative labour. India cannot afford
to pay for that labour kt the English rates, which are the highest
in the world for official service. But she can afford to pay for
it at her own native rates, which are perhaps the lowest in the
world for such employment.

It may be well, therefore, to know what the natives them-
selves think about the situation. A petition presented to
Parliament last session by the British Indian Association sets
forth their programme of reform. It asks for a more indepen-
dont share in the legislative councils of India ; and it is certain

'that at no distant date such a share must be conceded to the
Indian people. It urges the necessity of military retrenchments,

'and the injustice of dealing with the Indian finances in the
party interests of England rather than in the sole interest of the
Indian taxpayer. At this moment, retrenchments to tht? extent
of, I am told, 1^ millions are being proposed by the Indian Army
Commission ; and there is no doubt that Indian finance has been
sometimes handled with an eye to English rather than to Indian
intere'Sts?«''*Trasks, to touch only on the principal heads, for the
more extended employment of the natives ; and I believe a more
extended employment of them to be not only an act of justice,
but a financial necessity. The number of Europeans employed
in the higher civil offices had been reduced in all the provinces

188 ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

of the Bengal Presidency from 929 in 1874 to 838 in 1879, and
the Government has now a scheme under consideration for
further reducing them to 571.

The native petition asks for "a Commission of Inquiry,
similar to those gi'eat Parliamentary Committees which sat every
twentieth year in the time of the Company to examine into its
administration. I am compelled as a student of Indian history
to acknowledge that each successive period of improvement
under the Company took its rise from one of these inquests.
The Parliamentary Inquiry of 1813 abolished the Company\s
Indian trade, and compelled it to direct its whole energies in
India to the good government of the people. The Charter Act •
of 1833 opened up that government to the j^atives of India
ii'respective of caste, creed, or race. The Act of 1853 abolished
the patronage by which the Company filled up the higher
branches of its service, and laid down the principle that the
administration of India Avas too national 'a concern to be left to
the chances of benevolent nepotism ; and that England's repre-
sentatives in India must be chosen openly and without favour
from the youth of England. The natives now desire that a
similar inquiry should be held into the administration of India
during the two-and-twenty years since it passed to the CroAvn.
It may perhaps be deemed expedient to postpone such an inquiry
till after the next census. Remember we have only had one
enumeration of the Indian people. A single census forms, >as
I have keenly felt while Avriting these chapters, a very slender
basis for the economical problems with which a Commission
would have to deal. The Indian administration has nothing to'
fear, and it may have much to learn, from an inquiry into its
work. ' It is, perhaps, the only administration in the world
which has no interest in perpetuating itself. No Indian civilian
has the smallest power to secure for son or nephew a place in
the service to which he himself belongs. And I^eel sure that,
if it were found that India could be better adminis^ed on some
new system, the Indian Civil Service would give its utmost
energies to ctUTy out the change.

The native petition also asks that the lec^nt restrictions
on the liberty of the Press should be removed. ' The Indian

ENGLAND S WORK IN INDIA 189

Press spoke out the tvuth," Mr. Gladstone said in Mid-Lothian,
' what was the true mind of the people of India ; so tliat while
I the freedom of the vernacular Press is recommended in India
. by all the considerations whith recommend jt in England, there
are other considerations besides. We can get at the minds of
people here by other means than the Press. They can meet
and petition, and a certain number of them can vote. But in
India their meetings and petitioning are comparatively ineffec-
tive, while the power of voting is there unknown. The Press
was the only means the Government had of getting at the
sentiments of the Indian people.' *

• There is one thing more for which the natives ask, and that
is representative institutions for India. I believe that such
institutions will, before long, not only be possible but necessary,
and that at this moment an electoral body is being developed
in India by the municipalities and 4ocal district boards. There
are already 1,163 ele(M;ed members in the municipal bodies of
the Bengal and Madras Presidencies alone. The legislative coun-
cils of the Imperial and local Governments have each a native
element in their composition, which, although nominated, is
fairly chosen so as to represent the various leading classes of the
people. Thus of the ten members of the Bengal Council three
are covenanted civilians, one is a Crown lawyer, two are non-
official Europeans, and foui^ natives. Of the natives, the first
is^the editor of the Hindu Patriot, the chief native paper in
^ndia ; the second is the head of the Muhammadan community in
Calcutta ; the other two represent the lanfled and important
'rural interests. It will not be easy to work representative
institutions, and it will be very easy to be misled by them. In
the first place, England must make up her mind that, irf grant-
ing such institutions to the Indian people, she is parting to
some extent with her control over India. In the second place,
we must proceed upon native lines, rather than on those paper
constfi?B*i#?ris for India which English writers love to maimfac-
ture. What we want at the present stage is a recognition of
the end to be attained, not a unanimity as to any particular
scheme for at^ining it.

We must carefully consider^ the native solutions for the

190 ENGLAND \^ WORK IN INDIA

problem ; and I think we may learn a lesson from the practical
and moderate character of the native demands, '^he Hindu
Pat7-iot lately expressed those demands in three feasible proposals.
First, the extension . of the elective principle to all first-class
municipalities of British India. Second, the concession to the
municipal boards of the three Presidency towns, and a few
other great Indian qjties, of the right to elect members to the
Legislative Councils. Third, the extension of the scope of those
Councils, so as to include questions of finance. There would
still be the representation of rural India to be provided for by
nomination or otherwisfe. It has taken ten centuries to make
the British Constitution, and we must not try to build up one
for India in a day. Meanwhile I can only repeat what I said
in 1879 at Birmingham on this point : ' I do not believe that
a people numbering one-sixth of the whole inhabitants of the
globe, and whose aspirations have been nom-ished from their
earliest youth on the strong food of English liberty, can be
permanently denied a voice in the government of their country.
I do not believe that races, among whom we raise a taxation of
35 millions sterling, and into whom we have instilled the maxim
of " No taxation without representation," as a fundamental right
of a people, can be permanently excluded from a share in the
management of their finances. I do not believe it practicable
to curtail, for long, the right of the freest criticism on their
rulers to 191 millions of British subjects, who have the speeches
of our great English statesmen at this moment ringing in their
ears.'

Administrative improvements can do much, but the Indian '
people themselves can do more. The poverty of certain parts
of Indik is the direct and inevitable result of the over-population
of those parts of India. The mass of the husbandmen are living
in defiance of economic laws. A people of small cultivators
cannot be prosperous if they marry irrespectivvu^f the means
of subsistence, and allow their numbers to outstriJJ*^we food-
producing powers of the soil. Now that the sword is no longer
allowed to do its old Avork, they must submit to prudential
restraints on marriage, or they must suffer HVinger. Such
restraints have been imperative upon races of small cultivators

ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA 191

since the days when Plato wi*ote his ' Republic' The natives must
also equalise the pressure on the soil by distributing themselves
more equally over the country. There is plenty of fertile land
in India still awaiting the plough. The Indian husbandman
must learn to mobilise himself and to migrate from the over-
crowded provinces to the under-peopled ones. But prudential
restraints upon marriage and migi-ation, or emigration, are
repugnant alike to the religious customs and to the most
deeply seated feelings of the Indian husbandman. Any general
improvement in these respects must be a work of time. All we
can do is to shorten that time by givii»g the amplest facilities
for labour transport, for education, for manufactiu-es, mining
enterprise, and trade. Meanwhile, Government must throw
itself into the breach, by grappling with the necessity for an
increased and a better distributed food supply. Changes in the
maiTiage customs, and migrations to. new provinces, now opposed
by all the traditions ofj the past, will be forced by the pressure of
circumstances upon no distant generation of the Indian people.
Every year thousands of new pupils are gathered into our schools,
those pestles and mortars for the superstitions and priestcraft of
India. English writers who tell our Indian fellow-subjects to
look to the Government for every improvement in their lot
are doing a very great dis-service to the Indian races. The
permanent remedies for the poverty of India rest with the people
themselves.

* But while the Indian Government can do much, and the Indian
' peopie can do more, there are some unfulfilfed functions which
•Englishmen in England must with greater fidelity perform.
They must realise that the responsibility for India has passed
into the hands of Parliament, and through Parliament -to the
electoral body of Great Britain. They nuist lealise that if,
through ignorance or indifference, they fail to discharge that
responsibility, they are acting as bad citizens. They must
therefc:^-^'jL' themselves to learn more about India; they
must act in a spirit of absolute honesty towards the Indian
finances ; and they must deal with Indian questions sent
home for thei> decision, not in the interests of powerful classes
or political parties in England, but in the sole interest of the

19a ENGLAND'S WORK IN INDIA

Indian people. I believe that important questions of this sort
will before long be submitted to Parliament. ^jVhen that
time comes, if any remembrance of this essay lingers among
my countrymen, I hope it may make them more alive to their
responsibilities to India, and the more earnest to do their
duty by the Indian people.

v..

V
A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS ^

A LAMENTED historian has shown the influence exerted on the
making of Engtand by the natural configuration of the island.
But while physical geography is now recognised as an initial
factor in the fortunes of European countries, it has received
scanty acknowledgment in histories of the East. Yet in
India, where man has for ages confronted with bare arms the
forces of tropical nature, his terrestrial surroundings have
controlled his lot with an energy unknown in oin- temperate
clime. Mountains and rivers and regions of forest set barriers
to human ambition in India, barriers against whicli the most
powerful Mughal sovereign in vain shattered his dynasty. The
same isolating influences which forbad a universal dominion
tended also to perpetuate local institutions, race animosities, and
*xllusive creeds. The conception of India as a whole, or of its
» races, as a united people, is a conception of«the British brain.
,The realisation of that conception is the great task of British
.inile. For in India* man no longer confronts the forces of
nature Avith bare arms. Science, which is in England jj, calm
pm'suit, is to om' countrymen in the East an instrument of
empire. It has overtopped the moimtains, spanned the rivers,
and pierced the forests which divided kingdom from kingdom.
It has Jthrowu -rtown the landmarks of isolation which Natm-e had
set up, ancl is clasping together with bands of iron the peoples
and provinces of a united India.

The followiyg pages present a single episode in this great

struggle between man and nature. I shall show how, during ages,

•

' In the Nineteenth Ccttiury of January 1888. •

194 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

nature lorded it over man, laughing at his painful toils, and
destroying with scornful ease his mightiest works I shall
indicate the new allies which man has lately called to his aid.
The battle is still a di'awn one, anA on its issue the prosperity,
if not the existence, of the capital of British India now depends.
I believe that only by thus examining Indian history in con-
nection Avith Indian geography can its true significance in the
past or its bearings on the present be understood. There is
another point, also, in regard to which I have a strong convic-
tion. "When Marco Polo retui-ned from the East, the Venetians
nicknamed him the Man of Millions, from the huge figm-es in
which he indulged. Indian history and Indian progress still
express themselves in vast totals — in totals so enennous as almost
to seem to place themselves outside the range of accurate
Western research. I believe that if we are to approach Indian
questions in a scientific spirit, we must begin by getting rid of
these immense integers. We must shun the foible of Messer
Marco Millioni. For in India, as elsewhere, the aggregate is
merely the sum of its items, and exact knowledge is best
reached by proceeding from the particular to the general —
by leaving the whole alone until we have examined its pai'ts.
This article will restrict itself to a short river trough, which runs
inland from the Bay of Bengal, with the buried Buddhist port
near its mouth ; with Calcutta about half-way up ; and with
Mm'shidabad, the forsaken Muhammadan capital, towards its
northern end.

The Hugh is the most westerly of the network of channels
by which the Ganges pours into the sea. ^ Its length, mider its
distinctive name, is less than 150 miles — a length altogether
insignificant compared with the great waterways of India. But
even its short course exhibits in full work the twofold task of
the Bengal rivers as creators and destroyers. The delta through
Avhich it flows was built up in times primaeval, dtK of the sea, by
the silt which the Hugli and adjacent channels brotr^it down
from inland plains and Himalayan heights, a thousand miles ofi^".
Their inundations still add a yearly coating of slime to vast
low-lying tracts ; and we can stand by each autmnn and see the
ancient secrets of landmaking laid bare. Each autumn, too, the
network of cuiTents rend away square miles from their banks,

A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 195

and deposit^ their plunder as new alluvial formations further
down. Or *a broad river writhes like a monster snake across
the country, leaving dry it?, old bed, and covering with deep
water what was lately solid land.

Most of the channels do their work in solitude, in drowned
wastes where the rhinoceros and crocodile wallow in the slush,
and whither the woodcutter only comes in the dry months, after
the rivers have spent their fury for the year. But the Hugli
carries on its ancient task in a thickly peopled country, destroying
and reproducing with an equal balance amid the homesteads
.and cities of men. Since the dawn of history it has formed the
great high road from Bengal to the sea. One Indian race after
another built th5iir capitals, one Em'opean nation after another
founded their settlements, on its banks. Buddhists, Hindus,
Musalmans, Portuguese, Dutch, Dapes, French, Germans, and
English, have lined Avith ports and fortresses that magnificent
waterway.

The insatiable river has dealt impartially with all. Some it
has left high and dry, others it has buried under mud, one it
has cleft in twain and covered with its waters : but all it has
attacked, or deserted, or destroyed. With a single exception,
whatever it has touched it has defaced. One city only has
completely resisted its assaults. Calcutta alone has escaped
unharmed to tell of that appalling series of catastrophes. The
o+jhdrs lie entombed in the silt, or moulder like Avi-ecks on the
tank. . The river flows on relentless and nftjestic as of old,
ceaselessly preaching with its still small ripple, the ripple that
has sapped the palaces'of kings and brought low the temples of
the gods, that here we have no abiding city. It is a visitjn of
the world's vanities such as the world has not seen since Spenser
mourned the ' Ruines of Rome '' —

Ne ought save Tyber hastning to his fall
'" ^"' Remaines of all : O world's inconstancie !
That which is firme doth flit and fall away,
And that is flitting doth abide and stay.

In order to understand a great Indian waterway, we must
lay aside our common English idea of a river. In England tho
streams form lines of di'ainage from the inteiior to the sea.

196 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

The life of a Bengal river like the Ganges is much more com-
plex. Its biography divides itself into three chapters — a bois-
terous boyhood, a laborious manhood, a sad old age. In its
youth the Ganges leaps out fiom a snow -bed in the Himalayas,
and races across the sub-montane tracts, gathering pebbles and
diverse mineral treasm'es as it bounds along. After three
hundred miles of this play, it settles down to its serious work in
life, giinding its mountain spoils to powder against its sides,
bearing on its breast the commerce of provinces, and distributing
its waters for the culti^'ation of the soil. Its manhood lasts a
thousand miles, during which it receives tributaries fi'om both .
sides, and rolls onward with an ever-increasing volume of water'
and silt. But as it gi'ows older it becomes sloW'ir, losing in pace
as it gains in bulk, until it reaches a country so level that its
mighty mass can no longer hold together, and its divergent
waters part from the main stream to find separate com'ses to the
sea. The point at which this disseverance takes place marks
the head of the delta. But the dismembered river has still an
old age of full two hundi*ed miles before its worn-out currents
find rest. It toils sluggishly across the delta, splitting up into
many channels, each of which searches a com'se for itself
southwards, with endless bifurcations, new junctions, twists,
and convolutions.

The enfeebled currents can no longer carry on the silt which
the parent stream, in its vigorous manhood, has borne do'>?|i.
They accordingly deposit their bm-dens in their beds, or along^
their margins, thus raising their banks above the low adjacent
plains. They build themselves up, as iif Avere, into high-level 1
canalc. The delta thus consists of branching rivers winding
about at a perilous elevation, wth a series of hollow-lands or -j
dips between. The lofty banks alone prevent the channels from
spilling over ; and when a channel has filled up, the old banks
run like ridges across the delta, showing where a dead river once
flowed. In the rainy season the floods bm"st over the banks,
and di'own the surrounding flats with a silt-laden deluge. Then
the waters settle and drop their load in the form of a coating of H
mud. As the inundation subsides, the aqueous expanse, now
qjpnuded of its silt, paitly finds its way back to the channels,
partly sinks into the porous soil, and partly stagnates in land-

A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 197

)
locked fens. The Ganges thus yields up in its old age the

accumulati'^ns of its youth and manhood. Earth to earth.
The last scene of all is the solitude of tidal creeks and jungle,
amid whose silence its water » merge into the sea.

The Hugli is formed by the three most westerly of the deltaic
spill-streams of the Ganges. The first or ni^ost northerly is the
Bhagirathi, a very ancient river, which represents the original
course of the Ganges, down the Hugli trough to the Bay of
Bengal. A legend tells how a demon diverted the sacred
Ganges by swallowing it. The demon was a geological one — a
band of stiff yellow clay which confined t^e Ganges to its ancient
. bed, until a flood burst through the barrier and opened a
passage for the main body of the Ganges to the east. The dis-
ruption took place in prehistoric times. But to this day the
Bhagirathi, and the Hugli which it helps to form loAver down,
retain the sanctity of the parent stream. The Ganges ceases
to be holy eastward from the point where the Bhagirathi breaks
south. It was at this point that Holy Mother Ganga vouch-
safed, in answer to the Sage's prayer, to divide herself into a
hundred channels to make sure that her purifying waters
should reach, and cleanse from sin, the concealed ashes of the
heroes. Those channels form her distributaries through the
delta. The Bhagirathi, although for centuries a mere spill-
stream from the parent Ganges, is still called the Ganges by
the villag-ers alono; its course.

'*^ The levels of the surrounding country show that the bed of
• the Bhagirathi must once have been many tiaies its present size.
«The small portion of the waters of the Ganges which it con-
tinued to receive aftef' the geological disruption no longer suf-
ficed to keep open its former wide channel. Its bed accordingly
silted up, forming islands, shoals, and accretions to its banks.
It now discloses the last stage in the decay of a deltaic river.
In that stage thfyprocess of silting up completes itself, until the
stream dwindles into a series of pools and finally disappears.
This fate is averted from the Bhagirathi by engineering effbi'ts.
The vast changes which have taken place in the Hugli trough
may be estimatfxl from the one fact, that the first of its head-
waters, which originally poured into it the mighty Ganges, is
now a dying river kept alive by artificial devices.

198 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

v»

The other two headwaters of the Hugli bear witness to not
less memorable vicissitudes. The second of them ta|<es off from
the Ganges about forty miles eastward from the 'fihagirathi. tl
At one time it brought down sucl^, masses of water from the :^l
Ganges as to earn the name of the TeiTible. But in our own ■'
days it was for long a deceased river ; its mouth or intake from
the Ganges was closed ^vith mud ; its course was cut into three
parts by other streailis. The country through which it flowed
must once have been the scene of fluvial revolutions on an ap-
palling scale. That tract is now covered with a network of dead
rivers ; a vast swamp}^ reticulation in some places stretching as
lines of pools, in others as fertile green hollows. But thirteen
years ago a flood once more burst open the mouth of the Terrible
from the Ganges, and it re-expanded fi-om a Mtle cut into a
broad distributary. The third of the Hugli headwaters has its
principal offtake from the Ganges again about forty miles
further down. It constantly shifts its point of biftu'cation from
the Ganges, moving its mouth up and down the parent river to
a distance of ten miles. All the three headwaters of the Hugli
dwindle to shallow streams in the cold weather. At many places
a depth of eighteen inches cannot always be maintained by the
most skilful engineering. But during the rains each of them
poiu-s down enormous floods from the Ganges to the Hugli
trough.

The Hugli, thus formed by three uncertain spill-streams of
the Ganges from the north and east, receives no important tribti-*
tary on its western^^bank above Calcutta. One channel brings *
down the torrents from the mountain fringe of the Central India,
plateau. But during three-quarters of tiie year this channel
dwindles, in its upper course, to a silver thread amid expanses
of sand. Formerly, indeed, the Hugli above Calcutta received
a mighty river from the westward, the Damodar. About
two centuries ago, however, that giant stream burst south-
ward, and now enters the Hugli far below Calciijta. For
practical purposes, therefore, the only feeders of the Hugli are
the three spill-streams from the Ganges on the north and
east. ^;^

How comes it that these decaying rivers suffice to supply
one of the great commercial \<aterways of the world .? In the

J RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 199

dry weather, writes the officer in charge of them, it is impossible,
at a short rlistance below their final point of junction, ' to tell
whether thty are opened or closed, as the proportion of water
\ which they supply "■ to the |iugli ' is a mere trifle.^ Thus in
1869 two of them were closed, and the third only yielded a
trickle of twenty cubic feet a second. Yet ^within fifty miles of
their junction the Hugli has grown into a magnificent river,
deep enough for the largest ships, and supplying Calcutta with
twelve million gallons of water a day without any appreciable
diminution to the navigable channel.

This was long a mystery. The exjjlanation is that during
the eight dry months the Hugli is fed party by infiltration
underground, and partly by the tide. The delta forms a sub-
terraneous siev? of silt, througli which countless rills of water
percolate into the deep trough which the Hugli has scooped out
for itself. The drainage from the swamps and hollow lands,
finding no outlet on the surface, sinks into the porous alluvium.
The delta thus stores up inexhaustible underground reservoirs,
to feed the Hugli in the hot weather. There is a moving mass
of waters beneath the siu'face of the land, searching out paths
into the low level formed by the Hugli drain. This perpetual
process of subterrene infiltration, together with the action of the
tides, renders the Hugli almost independent of its headwaters
so long as it can maintain the depth of its trough below the
adjacent country. That depth is secured by the scouring of
4tie current in the rainy season. During the dry months the
. Hugli silts up. But if only its headA\;3ters are kept from
. closing altogether, the floods from the Ganges will pour down
them on the first biifst of the rains, and again deepen the Hugli
trough. The problem of engineering, therefore, is to s^ve the
three headwaters from being absolutely silted up during the
dry season.

The struggl^^etween science and nature which the last
sentence represents lies beyond the s(!ope of this aiticlo. Mean-
while let us sail quickly up the Hugli in the cold weather, and
see how man, unaided by science, fared in the conflict. The
country round J:he mouth of the river consists of disappointing
sand banks or mean mud formations, covered with coarse gi-ass
and barely a few inches above higli-tide. But about thirty-five

200 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

miles below Calcutta we reach a better raised land, bearing
cocoanuts and rich crops of rice. There on the western side of
the Hugh, but at some distance from its present course, and
upon a muddy tributary, once flom-ished the Buddhist port of
Bengal. From that" port of Tamluk the Buddhist pilgrim of
the fifth century a.d- took shipping to Ceylon. It is now an
inland village six miles from the Hugli channel and fifty from
the sea. Its Buddhist princes, with their ten monasteries and
one thousand monks, succumbed to Hindu kings of the wamor
caste, who built a fortified palace said to cover eight square
miles. The Hindu kings of the warrior caste were succeeded
by a semi-aboriginal line of fishermen princes. As each dynasty
perished, the delta buried their works beneath its silt. The
floods now unearth Buddhist coins from the deep gullies which
they cut dming the rains ; sea-shells and fragments of houses
occur at a depth of twenty feet. The old Buddhist port lies
far down in the mud ; of the great palace of the Hindu warrior
kings only faint traces remain above the surface. Even the
present temple, said to be built by the later fishermen princes,
is already partly below ground. Its mighty foundation of logs
spread out upon the delta, heaped with solid masonry to a
height of thirty feet, and smnnounted by a Cyclopean triple
wall and dome, forms a marvel of mediaeval engineering. But
the massive structure, which has defied the floods and tidal
waves of centuries, is being softly, silently, surely shovelled
underground by the silt.

A little above t>e bm-ied Buddhist port, but on the Hoigli
itself, we come to Falta. Once the site of a Dutch factory, and
a busy harbom' of Dutch commerce, it fornlfed the retreat of the
English Council in 1756, after the Black Hole and their flight
from Calcutta. It now consists of a poor hamlet and a few
grassy earthworks mounted with guns. The Dutch factory is
gone, the Dutch commerce is gone ; it strairi^^he imagination
to conceive that this green solitary place was once the l^«t foot-
hold of the British power in Bengal. I moored my barge for
the night off its silent bank, and read the oflScial records of
those disastrous days. A consultation held b.^' the fugitive
Council on board the schooner ' Phoenix ' relates how their
military member had written 'a complimentary letter to the

A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 201

Nawab,' who had done their comrades to death, ' complaining a
Httle of the hard usage of the EngHsh Honourable Company,
assuring him of his good intentions notwithstanding what had
happened, and begging him ,in the meanwhile, till things were
cleared up, that he would treat him at least as a friend, and
give orders that our people might be supplied with provisions
in a full and friendly manner."' To such a depth of abasement
had fallen the British power — that power to which in less than
a year the field of Plassey, higher up the same river, was to give
the mastery of Bengal.

Swiftly sailing past Calcutta, witji its fourfold tiers of
great ships, its fortress, palaces, domes, and moniunents, we
come upon a series of five early European settlements, from
sixteen to twenty-eight miles above the British capital. Each
one of these formed the subject of as high hopes as Calcutta ;
several of them seemed to give pj-omise of a greater future.
Every one of them is now deserted by trade ; not one of them
could be reached by the smallest ships of modern commerce.
The Hugli quickly deteriorates above the limits of the Calcutta
port, and the rival European settlements higher up are as
effectually cut oft' from the sea as if they were buried, like the
Buddhist harboiu-, in the mud of the delta.

The first of these settlements, sixteen miles by water above
Calcutta, is the old Danish town of Serampur. It formed the
outcome of a century of efforts by the Danes to establish them-
^Ives in Bengal. During the Napoleonic wars it was a pros-
perous port, many of our own ships sailing J^hence to avoid the
- heavy insurance paid by British vessels. Ships of 600 to 800
tons, the largest theft in use, could lie off" its wharfs. In the
second quarter of the present century the silt formations , of the
Hugli cliannel rendered it inaccessible to maritime commerce.
The manuscript account of the settlement, dra^n up with
minute care whs;ii<^ve took over the town from the Danes in
1845, sets forth every detail, down to the exact number of hand
looms, burial grounds, and liquor shops. But thi'oughout its
seventy-seven folio pages I could discover not one word indicat-
ing the survivaVof a sea-going trade.

On the opposite or eastern bank, a couple of miles further
up, lay an ancient German settlement, Bankipur, the scene of

202 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

an enterprise on which the eyes of European statesmen were
once malevolently fixed. No trace of it now survives ; its very
name has disappeared from the maps, and can only be found in
a chart of the last century. Cqrlyle, with picturesque in-
accm"acy, describes that enterprise as the Third Shadow Huntof
Emperor Karl the Sixth. ' The Kaiser's Imperial Ostend East
India Company,' he says, ' which convulsed the diplomatic mind
for seven years to come, and made ^Europe lurch from side to
side in a terrific manner, proved a mere paper company,
never sent ships, only produced diplomacies, and " had the
honom- to be."' As a ^matter of fact, the Company not only
sent ships but paid dividends, and founded settlements which
stirred up the fiercest jealousy in India. Although sacrificed in
Europe by the Emperor to obtain the Pragmrfcic Sanction in
1727, the Ostend Company went on ^\ith its business for many
years, and became finally bankrupt in 1784. Its settlement on
the Hugli, deserted by the Vienna Court, was destroyed in 1733
by a Muhammadan general, whom the rival Em'opean traders
stirred up against it. The despairing garrison and their brave
chief, who lost an arm by a cannon-ball, little thought that
they would appear in history as mere paper persons and
diplomatic shadows who had only 'had the honour to be.'
The European companies were in those days as deadly to each
other as the river was destructive to their settlements. AVhen
Frederick the Great sent a later expedition, the native Viceroy
of Bengal warned the other Europeans against the coming b*
the German ships.^^^ ' God forbid that they should come, this
way ! ' was the pious response of the President of the English ,
Council ; ' but should this be the case, I am hi hopes that through
your Uprightness they will be either sunk, broke, or destroyed.'
A few miles higher up the river on the western bank, the
French settlement of Chandernagar still flies the tricolor. In
the last century it was bombarded by Engi^.?h vessels of war.
A great silt bank, which has formed outside it, would now
effectually protect it from any such attack. A grassy slope has
taken the place of the deep water in which the admiral's flagship
lay. Captured and recaptured by the British .^uring the long
wars, the settlement now reposes under international treaties,

A RIVER OF RUIXED CAPITALS 203

a trim little Frencl/ toAra landlocked from maritime commerce.
A couple of miles above it lies the decayed Dutch settlement,
Chinsura ; ' and another mile further on was the ancient
Portuguese emporium, HugV town. Both of these were great
r<2sorts of sea-going trade before Calcutta was thought of.
In 1632, when the Muhammadans took Hugh town from the
Portuguese, and made it their own royal port of Bengal, they
captured over three hundred ships, large and small, in the
harbour. As one now approaches the old Dutch and Portuguese
settlements, a large alluvial island, covered with rank grasses and a
few trees, divides the stream into unceij:ain channels, with lesser
silt formations above and below. Noble buttressed houses and
the remains of the river wall still line the banks of the land-
locked harbour^. Then the marvellous new railway bridge seems
to cross the sky, its three cantilever spans high up in the air
aboA-e the river, with native boats crawling like flies underneath.
Beyond rise the tower and belfry of the Portuguese monastery
of Bandel, the oldest' house of Christian worship in Bengal,
built originally in 1599. The Virgin in a bright blue robe,
with the Infant in her arms, and a garland of fresh rosemaries
roimd her neck, stands out aloft under a canopy. Two lamps
ever lit by her side served as beacons during centuries to the
European ships which can never again ascend the river. They
now guide the native boatmen for miles down the decaying
channels.

* From this point upwards, the Hugli river is a mere record
of rwin. An expanse of shallows spreads oij,t among silt forma-
tions, stake nets, and mud. Oval-bottomed country boats, with
high painted sterii^, bulging bellies, and enormous brown
square sails, make their way up and down with the tidfj. But
the distant high banks, crowned by venerable trees, and now
separated from the water by emerald-green flats, prove that a
gi'eat and powev^ river once flowed past them. For some
miles the channel forms the dwindled remains of an ancient lake.
Old names, such as the Sea of Delight, now solid land, bear
witness to a time when it recei\'ed the inflow of rivers long
dead or in decyr. From this mighty mass of waters one arm
reached the sea south-eastward, by the present Hugli trough ;

204 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

another, and once larger, branch, known £(s the Saraswati, or
Goddess of Flowing Speech, broke off to the south-west. At
their point of bifurcation stands Tribeni, a very ancient place
of pilgrimage. But the larger western branch, or Goddess of
Speech, is now a silent and dead river, running fo» miles as-^a
green broad hollow through the country, with a tidal ditch
which you can jump across in the dry weather.

Yet on this dead western branch flourished the royal port
of Bengal from a prehistoric age till the time of the Portuguese.
Its name, Satgaon, refers its origin to the Seven Sages of Hindu
mythology, and the map of 1540 a.d. marks its river as a large
channel. Purchas in the beginning of the next century describes
it as ' a reasonable fair citie for a citie of the Moores, abounding
with all things.' Foreign trade sharpened the wi'ts of the towns-
men, and a Bengali proverb still makes ' a man of Satgaon '
synonymous with a shrewd fellow. In the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries the river silted up, and the royal port of
Bengal was transferred to Hugh town. I walked a few miles
along the broad depression Avhere once the river had flowed,
and searched for the ancient city. I found only a region of
mounds covered with countless fragments of fine bricks, buried
under thickets of thorn and stunted palms. I asked a poor
nomadic family of sugar-makers, who were boiling down the date
juice into syrup in earthen pots under ii tree, 'Where was
the fort.?' They pointed to the jungle around. I asked,
' Where was the harbour ? ' For a time they could not com^
prehend what I was-.ted. At length the father took me 'co a
dank hollow, and said that some years ago the floods in the
rainy season had there washed out the tiiiibers of a sea-going
ship from deep under the gi'ound.

What caused this ruin.? I have said that although the
Hugli now receives no important affluent on its western bank,
yet at one time a gi'eat tributary flowed into^:^iijrom that side.
This was the Damodar, which brings down the drainage of the
western plains and highlands of Lower Bengal. It originally
entered the Hugli a few miles above the Saraswati branch on
which lay the royal port. But between 1500 fs^d 1800 a.d. its
floods gi-adually worked a more direct passage for themselves to

A RIVE:R of ruined capitals 205

the south. Instead of entering the Hugli about thirty-five
miles abov^ Calcutta, it now enters the Hugli nearly thirty-five
miles below Calcutta. The Hugli trough, therefore, no longer re-
ceives its old copious water Supply throughout the intermediate
seventy miles. Its bed accordingly silted up, and certain old
branches or off-takes from it, like the or/e on which lay the
royal Muhammadan port of Bengal, have died away. This gi"eat
fluvial revolution, after preparing itself during three centuries,
ended in fifty years of terrible catastrophes. The ancient mouth
of the Damodar into the Hugli above Calcutta had almost com-
pletely closed up, while the inundation* had not yet opened to
a sufficient width the new channel to the south. In 1770, for
example, the Pamodar floods, struggling to find a passage, de-
stroyed the chief town of that part of Bengal. During many
years our officers anxiously considered whether it was possible
to re-open by artificial means its old exit into the Hugli.
' Picture to yourself/ writes a Calcutta jom-nal of its flood
in 1823, ' a flat country completely under water, running
with a force apparently irresistible, and carrying with it
dead bodies, roofs of houses, palanquins, and wreck of every
description.""

Proceeding upwards from the old mouth of the Damodar,
the Hugli abandons itself to every wild form of fluvial caprice.
At places a deep cut ; at others a shallow expanse of water, in
^the middle of which the fishermen wade with their hand-nets ;
or a mean new channel, with old lakes and swamps which mark
its former bed, but which are now separated from it by high
sandy ridges. Nad^ya, the old Hindu capital, stands at the
junction of its two upper head-waters, about sixty-five miles
above Calcutta. We reach the ancient city through" a river
chaos, emerging at length upon a well-marked channel below
the jimction. It yas from Nadiya that the last Hindu King of
Bengal, on the 'approach of the Muhammadan invader in 1203,
fled from his palace in the middle of dinner, as the story runs,
with his sandals snatched up in his hand. It was at Nadiya
that the deity was incarnated in the fifteenth century a.d. in
the great Hincfu reformer, the Luther of Bengal. At Nadiya
the Sanski-it colleges, since the^ dawn of history, have taught

206 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

their abstruse philosophy to colonies of students, who calmly
pursued the life of a learner from boyhood to white, haired old

age.

I landed with feelings of reverence at this ancient Oxford of
India. A fat benevolent abbot paused in fingering his beads to
salute me from the verandah of a Hindu monastery, I asked
him for the birthplace of the divine founder of his faith. The
true site, he said, was now covered by the river. The Hugli
had first cut the sacred city in two, then twisted right round
the town, leaving anything that remained of the original capital
on the opposite bank. Whatever the water had gone over, it
had buried beneath its silt. I had with me the Sanskrit chronicle
of the present line of Nadiya Rajas. It begins vith the an-ival
of their ancestor, one of the first five eponymous Brahman
immigrants into Bengal, according to its chronology, in the
eleventh century a.d. It brings down their annals from father
to son to the great Raja of the eighteenth centmy, Clive's
friend, who received twelve cannons as a trophy fi'om Plassey.
So splendid were the charities of this Indian scholar-prince that
it became a proverb that any man of the priestly caste in Bengal
who had not received a gift from him could be no true Brahman.
The Rajas long ago ceased to reside in a city which had be-
come a mere prey to the river. Nadiya is now a collection of
peasants' huts, grain shops, mud colleges, and crumbling Hindu
monasteries, cut up by gullies and hollows. A few native*^
magnates still have houses in the holy city. The only objects
that struck me in itsMiarrow lanes were the bands of yellow-
robed pilgi'ims on their way to bathe in th^ river ; two stately
sacred bulls who paced about in well-fed complacency ; and
the village idiot, swollen with monastic rice, listlessly flapping
the flies with a palm-leaf as he lay in the sun.

Above Nadiya, where its two upper hea^aters unite, the
Hugli loses its distinctive name. We thi-ead otu* way up its
chief confluent, the Bhagirathi, amid spurs and training works
and many engineering devices : now following the channel
across a wilderness of glistening sand, now sticking for an hour
in the mud, although our barge and flat-bottomeS steamer only
draw twenty inches of water, l^n a region of wickerwork dams

A RIVF,R OF RUINED CAPITALS 207

and interwoven stakes for keeping the river open, we reach the
field of Plas^sey, on which in 1757 Clive won Bengal. After
trudging about with the village watchman, trying to make out
a plan of the battle, I restefl at noon unde^' a noble pipal tree.
Among its bare and multitudinous roots, heaps of tiny earthen-
ware horses, with toy flags of talc and tins&l, are piled up in
memory of the Muhammadan generals who fell in the fight.
The venerable tree has become a place of pilgrimage for both
Musalmans and Hindus. The custodian is a Muhammadan, but
two of the little shrines are tipped with red paint in honoui" ol
the Hindu goddess Kali. At the yearly festival of the fallen
warriors, miraculous cures are wrought on pilgrims of both
faiths. ,

I whiled away the midday heat with a copy of Clive's
manuscript despatch to the Secret Committee. His account of
the battle is very brief. Finding* the enemy coming on in
overwhelming force at^ daybreak, he lay with his handful of
troops secm'ely ' lodged in a large grove, surrounded with good
mud banks.' His only hope was in a night attack. But at
noon, when his assailants had drawn back into their camp,
doubtless for their midday meal, Clive made a rush on one or
two of their advanced positions, from which their French gunners
had somewhat annoyed him. Encouraged by his momentary
success, and amid a confusion caused by the fall of several of the
Nawab's chief ofiicers, he again sprang forward on an angle of
the enemy"'s entrenchments. A panic suddenly swept across the
unwieldy encampment, probably surprised ofer its cooking-pots,
and the battle was ^ six miles'" pursuit of the wildly flying
masses.

A semicircle of peasants gathered round me, ready* with
conflicting answers to any questions that Recurred as I read.
Fifty years after the Jbattle of l^lassey the river hud completely
eaten away the fieicT on which it was fought. ' Every trace is
obliterated,"' ^vrote a traveller in 1801, ' and a few miserable huts
overlianging the water are the only remains of the celebrated
Plassey.' In a later caprice the river desei'ted the bank, which
it had thus cut away, and made a plunge to the opposite or
western side. The still water whi(,'h it left on the eastern bank

208 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

soon covered with deep silt the site of the battlefield that it had
once engulfed. Acres of new alluvial formations, meadows,
slopes, and green flats gently declining to the river, take the
place of Clive's mango grove and the NawaVs encampment.
The wandering priest, who sei-ved the shrines under the tfee,
presented me with an old-fashioned leaden bullet which he said
a late flood had lai4 bare.

Some distance above Plassey lies Murshidabad, once the
Muhammadan metropolis of Lower Bengal, now the last city
on the river of ruined capitals. Here, too, the decay of the
channel would have sufficed to destroy its old trade. But a
swifter agent of change wi'ought the ruin of Murshidabad. The
cannon of Plassey sounded its doom. The p^'esent Nawab, a
com'teous, sad-eyed representative of the Muhammadan Viceroys
from whom we took over Bengal, kindly lent me one of his empty
palaces. The two Englishmen whom his Highness most
earnestly inquired after were the Prince of Wales and Mr.
Roberts, jun. Indeed he was good enough to show me some
pretty fancy strokes which he had learned from the champion
billiard-player. Next evening I looked down from the tower of
the great mosque on a green stretch of woodland, which Clive
described as a city as large and populous as London. The
palaces of the nobles had given place to brick houses ; the brick
houses to mud cottages ; the mud cottages to mat huts ; the
mat huts to straw hovels. A poor and struggling population
was in\isible somewhere around me, but in dwellings so mean
as to be bmied undter the palms and brushwood. A wreck of'
a city with bazaars and streets was there. Yet, looking down
from the tower, scarce a building, save the NawaVs palace, rose
above'^the sui'face of the jungle.

Of all the cities and capitals that man has built upon the
Hugli, only one can now be reached by s(^-going ships. The
sole survival is Calcutta. The long story or*hiin compels us to
ask whether the same fate hangs over the capital of British
India. Above Calcutta, the headwaters of the Hugli still silt
up, and are essentially decaying rivers. Below Calcutta, the
present channel of the Damodar enters the "ftugli at so acute
an angle that it has thi'own up the James and Mary Sands, the

A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS 209

most dangerous river-shoal known to navigation. The combined
discharges vf the Damodar and Rupnarayan rivers join the

' Hugh, close to each from the same bank. Their intrusive
mass of water arrests the now of the Hwgli current, and so
causes it to deposit its silt, thus forming the James and Mary.
In 1854 a counnittee of experts reported by a majority that,
while modern ships required a greater deptlf of water, the Hugli

; channels had deteii orated, and that their deterioration would
under existing conditions go on. The capital of British India
was brought face to face with the question whether it would
succumb, as every previous capital on tne river had succumbed,
to the forces of nature, or whether it would fight them. In
1793 a similar iq[uestion had arisen in regard to a project for
re-opening the old mouth of the Damodar above Calcutta. In
the last century the Government decided, and with its then
meagre resources of engineering wisely decided, not to fight
nature. In the present century the Government has decided,
and with the enlarged resources of modern engineering has
wisely decided, to take up the gage of battle.

It is one of the most marvellous struggles between science
and nature which the world has ever seen. In this article I have
had to exhibit man as beaten at every point ; on another oppor-
tunity I may perhaps present the new aspects of the conflict.
On the one side nature is the stronger ; on the other side science
is^more intelligent. It is a war between brute force and human
strategy, carried on not by mere isolated fights, but by perennial
campaigns spread over wide territories. Science finds that
although she cannot control nature, yet that she can outwit and
cii-cumvent her. As regards the headwaters above Calcut^ta, it
is not possible to coerce the spill-streams of the Ganges, but it
is possible to coax and train them along tl»e desired channels.
As regards the Hugl" 'IdcIow Calcutta, all that can be effected by
vigilance in watching the shoals and by skill in evading them is
accomplished. The deterioration of the channels seems for the
vtme to be arrested. But Calcutta has deliberately faced the
fact that the forces of tropical nature may any year overwhelm
and wreck the delicate contrivances of man. She has, therefore,
thrown out two advanced works in <the form of railways towards
the coast. One of these railways taps the Hugli where it

210 A RIVER OF RUINED CAPITALS

expands into an estuary below the perilous James and Mary
shoal. The other runs south-east to a new and depp river, the
Matla. Calcutta now sits calmly, although wth no false sense
of secui'ity, in her state of siege ; fighting for her ancient water-
way to the last, but provided with alternative ' routes fi-om
the sea, even if the Hugh should perish. Sedet oeternumq^te
sedebit.

VI
OUR MISSIONAlYlES 1

Saint Paul, when he made answer before princes and governors,
was wont to divide his defence between eloquent vindication
and well-weighed argument. The great missionai-y Apologia of
last month wisely followed the same lines. A series of crowded
public meetings awakened enthiisiasm and powerfully urged the
religious claims of missionary enterprise. A separate series of
Open Conferences quietly and accurately examined into the
practical problems of missionary work. It is full time that to
some of the questions thus raised an honest answer should be
given. During a century Protestant missionaries have been
continuously at labour, and year by year they make an ever-
increasing demand upon the zeal and the resources of Christen-
dom. Thoughtful men in England and America ask, in all
"seriousness, what is the practical result of so fast an expenditure
hf effort ? And while the world thus seeks for a sign, the
Churches also desire light. What lesson does the hard-won
experience of the century teach ; the experience bought by the
lives and labours of thousands of devoted iijen and women in
every quarter of the globe ? AVhat conquests has that great
missionary ai'my made from the dark continents of ignorance
and cniel rites ? What influence has it exerted on the higher
Eastern races who have a religion, a literature, a civilisation
older than our own ? How far do the missionary methods of
the past accord wi'ch the actual needs of the present ?

For the first time the Protestant Missionary Societies of the

>
' In the Nineteenth Century of July 1888.

p 2

212 OUR MISSIONARIES

world have given an organized and authoritative reply to these
questions. Their Centennial Conference, which assembled in
London in June, devoted fifty meetings to a searching scrutiny
into each departmejit of missionaiy labour', and to the public
statement of the results. Fourteen hundred delegates attended,
from Europe, Great Britain, and America ; each with his own
special knowledge on one or other of the subjects dealt with.
Of the 2|^ millions sterling expended annually on Protestant
Foreign Missions, over 2 millions were officially represented at
the Congress. But the delegates brought to their task not
only the collective authority of Protestant Christendom ; they
also brought their personal experience, gained in every outlying
region of the earth. Certain of our High Qhui"ch Societies,
while expressing their sympathy, preferred not to send members.
But with this exception, the International Conference seems to
have fairly represented the sense of Protestant Christianity on
the issues involved. ,

The first result of its scrutiny is to bring out certain funda-
mental differences in the problem of proselytism at the begin-
ning and at the close of the period under its review. During
the hundred years, the convictions of Christendom in regard
to missionary work have undergone a profound change. When
Carey, the father of Protestant missions in Bengal, pro-
pounded at the meeting of Baptist ministers a centmy ago the
duty of preaching the Gospel to ' the heathen,' the aged presi-
dent is said to have sprung up in displeasure and shouted :
' Young man, sit "down. When God pleases to convert the
heathen He will do it without your aid or mine.' A second
Pentecost, he thought, must precede such a work. To another
pious Nonconformist divine the proposal suggested the thought,
' If the Lord woul<^1 make windows in heaven might this thing
be.' Ministers of the Kirk . of Scotla^l, which has since
laboured so nobly for the education of Inctta, pronoimced the
idea to be ' highly preposterous,' and extolled the simple virtues
of the untutored savage. A Bishop of the Chm^ch of England,
the Church whose missionaries now compass the earth, argued
publicly and powerfully in opposition to such schemes. The
British nation as represented in Parliament declared against
tiiem. Its servants in the East regarded the missionaries as

OUR MISSIONARIES 213

dangerous breakers bf the law. But for the benevolence of a
Hindu mon^y-changer the first English missionary family in
^ Bengal would at one time have been without a roof. But for
the corn-age of a petty Danish governor, the next missionary
party would have been seized by oin- authorities in Calcutta
and shipped back to Europe. A hinidred years ago the sense
of the Churches, the policy of I'arliament, ihe instinct of self-
preservation among the Englishmen who were doing England's
work in distant lands, were all arrayed against the missionary
idea.

The missionaries had to encountei* not less hostile, and
certainly better founded, prejudices among the non-Christian
peoples to whorj they went. For until a century ago the white
man had brought no blessing to the darker nations of the earth.
During thi-ee hundred years he had been the despoiler, the
enslaver, the exterminator of the si'mpler races. The bright
and brief episode in Pennsylvania stands out against a grim
background of oppression and wrong. In America, ancient
kinsdoms and civilisations had been trodden out beneath the
hoofs of the Spanish horse. In Africa, the white man had
organized a great export trade in human flesh. In South Asia,
cities had been sacked, districts devastated, by the Portuguese.
Throughout the Eastern Ocean the best of the nations of
Europe appeared as rapacious traders, the worst of them as
pirates and buccaneers. In India, which was destined to be the
chief field of- missionary labom-, the power had passed to the
Engli'sh without the sense of responsibility fA- using their power
aright. Dming a wl^ole generation the natives had learned to
regard us as a people whose arms it was impossible to resist, and
to whose mercy it was useless to appeal. Even the retired
slavetrader of Bristol looked askance at the jetired nabob from
Bengal. '

But just before the beginning of the century of missionary
labour commemorated last month, Englishmen at home had
gi-own alive to the wrongs which were being done in their name.
And with this awakening of the political conscience of England,
the religious conscience of England also awoke. At that time
and ever since, the missionary iippulse has been intimately
associated with the national resolve to act riglitly by the peoplfcs

214 OUR MISSIONARIES

who have come under our sway. During fc, hundred yeai's the
missionaries have marched in the van of the noblest movements
of England. In the abolition of slavery, in the education of
India, in the exposjure of the liqlior traffic which is bringing
ruin to the African races, in the protection of the aboriginal
tribes for whose welfare England has made herself responsible
in many parts of the world, the missionary voice has uniformly
expressed the moral sense of the nation. It is because I
recognise in missionary work an expiation of national wrong-
doing in the past, and an aid to national right-doing in the
future, because I honestly believe that the missionary instinct
forms the necessary spiritual complement of the aggressive
genius of our English race, that I, a plain,, secular person,
venture to address persons like myself.

Whatever may be the statistical results of missionary
labour, missionaries hold a' very different position, in the opinion
alike of Christendom and of the non-Christian peoples, fi'om
that which they held a hundred years ago. Many competent
critics, clerical and lay, still decline to unreservedly accept their
statements. But the character of the criticism to which those
statements are subjected has changed. Sydney Smith's sneers
at ' the religious hoy I'iding at anchor in the Hugh river ' would
now be regarded not only as in bad taste, but also as irrelevant.
The majority of Englishmen are fairly satisfied that the work is
in the right dire(;tion, and only doubtful as to the practical
results. The ancient seats of orthodoxy which ^\'ere the strong-
holds of C()ntemptiW:)Us indifference to the missionary idea now
send missions of their own. The Universities' IMission td
Central Africa has its stations from among the rescued slaves of
Zanzibar, inland to the very source of the slave trade, and is
training up a native ministry in its own theological college.
The Oxford Brotherhood in .Calcutta v^iscloses the strange
spectacle of men of birth and scholarship living in common a
life of apostolic simplicity and self-sacrifice. The Cambridge
brethren at Delhi present a not less attractive picture of culture
and piety. Medical missionaries represent the hard-headed
University intellect of the North. The missionary idea, once
popularly associated with the Chadbands and Little Bethels,
Itas taken root in our public schools. Eton has its vigorous]

OUR MISSIONARIES ' 215

and most practical ^mission to the East of London ; Harrow,
Winchester, Charterhouse, Clifton, Marlborough, Haileybury,
Wellington* and many other of our great seminaries of manliness
and leai-ning, each supports its own special work. The ' Year
Book of the /Church of England' gives the cletails of twenty-six
Public School and College Missions, including several foreign
ones, besides the thi'ee Oxford and Cambridge Missions men-
tioned above. The nation at large recognises with increasing
liberality, if not with assured confidence, the claims of missionary
effort. Carey"'s collection of 13Z. 2*. Qd. with which ' to convert
the heathen ' a centmy ago has grown, into an annual income
of S^ millions sterling from Protestant Christendom. The
two half-starved preachers making indigo for a livelihood in
1795 have nuiltiplied into an admirably equipped and strongly
organized force of six thousand missionaries, aided by a trained
native army of thirty thousand auxiliaries engaged in active
woik. Three million converts, or children of converts, have
been added to Protestant Christianity within the hundred
years.

Let us clearly miderstand what this last sttitement implies.
Protestant apologists are accustomed to add up the number of
the Protestant nations and confessions in the world, and to dis-
play the total as the strength of the Protestant Church. But
we are assured by more careful statists that the actual number
even of professing Protestants — that is to say, of real or nominal
Conummicants — does not exceed thirty millions. If this estimate
be correct, the three million converts from n(iii-Christian religions
assume a new significance. For it discloses not only that Pro-
testant Christianity has received an enormous numerical increase
of three million converts, but also that this increase baars an
important ratio to the actual Protestant Church. So far as can
be inferred from theyivailable data, the stcftistical probability is
that the darker races will within' the next century constitute a
very large proportion of the professing Protestants in the world.
For the increase has of late years gone on with cumulative
velocity. The missionaries claim, indeed, that their hundred
yeai-s of labour hitve produced numerical results not inferior to
the first century of Christianity. A comparison of this kind
lies beyond the range of ascertained statistics. It receives coim-

216 OUR MISSIONARIES

tenance, however, from several more cautious inductions. The
late Governor of the Punjab, a scholar and a careful thinker,
comes to the conclusion that at no other period since the apo-
stolic age has conversion gone on sc quickly. In another gieat
province of India, in which we can absolutely verify, the rate of
progress, the native. Christians are increasing six times more
rapidly than the general population.

To a man like myself who, during a quarter of a ceiitmy,
has watched the missionaries actually at their work, the statistics
of conversions seem to form but a small part of the evidence.
The advance which thq missionaries have made in the good
opinion of great non-Chiistian populations well qualified to
judge, such as those of India and China, is even more significant
than their advance in the good opinion of sensible people at
home. I shall speak only of facts within my own knowledge.
But I know of no class of Englishmen who have done so much
to render the name of England, apart from the power of
England, respected in India as the missioiiaries. I know of no
class of Englishmen who have done so much to make the better
side of the English character understood. I know of no class
who have done so much to awaken the Indian intellect, and at
the same time to lessen the dangers of the transition from the
old state of things to the new. The missionaries have had their
reward. No class of Englishmen receive so much unbought
kindness from the Indian people while they live ; no individual
Englishmen are so honestly regi-etted when they die. What
aged Viceroy ever received the posthumous honours of affection
accorded to the Presbyterian Duff" by the whole Native Press .?
What youthful administrator has in om- days been mourned for
by the educated non-Christian community as the young Oxford
ascetic was mourned in Calcutta last summer ? It matters not
to what sect a missio^iary belongs. An orthodox Hindu news-
paper, which had been filling its (Columns with a vigorous polemic
entitled * Chiistianity Destroyed,' no sooner heai'd of the death
of Mr. Sherring than it published a eulogium on that missionary
scholar. It dwelt on 'his learning, affability, solidity, piety,
benevolence, and business capacity."" The editor, while a stout
defendei- of his hereditary faith, regretted that ' so little of Mr.
Sherring's teaching had fallen to his lot.' This was written of

OUR MISSIONARIES > 217

a man who had spei?^t his life in controversy with the uncompro-
mising Brahmanism of Benares. But the missionary has won
for himself the same respect in the South as in the North. If
I were asked to name the two men who, during my service in
India, have exercised the greatest influence* on native develop-
ment and native opinion in Madras, I should name, not a
governor, nor any departmental head, but a missionary Bishop
of the Church of England, and a missionary educator of the
Scottish Free Kirk.

It is considerations of this class that lead many Indian
administrators to bear public testimony,in favour of missionary
work. The careless onlooker may have no particular convictions
on the subject, and flippant persons may ridicule religious effort
in India as elsewhere. But I think that few Indian administra-
tors have passed through high office, and had to deal with the
ultimate problems of British governnjent in that country, without
feeling the value of the work done by the missionaries. Such
men gradually realise, 4is I have realised, that the missionaries
do really represent the spiritual side of the new civilisation and
of the new life which we are introducing into India. This view
is not the product of a Clapham clique, or of any naiTow
Evangelical tradition. It is possible that down to a certain
period zeal rather than judgment may have influenced some of
the witnesses, although the shrewd and hard sense of Lord
Lawrence would certainly have laid bare imposture or exaggera-
tion of whatever sort. But for twenty years the old Clapham
Evaftgelicalism has been a discredited, a^d latterly almost a
defunct, tradition in India, so far as the great body of the
officials are concerned. The opinion of a Viceroy like Lord
Northbrook, or of a clear-headed administrator like Robert Cust,
on the actual value of Indian missionary work is beyond sus-
picion. Such men jange themselves unhesitatingly, as at the
late International Conference, oh the side of the missionaries.
But if you closely watch them you will find that whenever the
spirit of bigotry is in the air they keep out of the way. They
never make themselves a party to exaggeration ; and if their
authority is cited^'to support views of which they disapprove,
they do not fear to protest. One of these ' gentlemen, at the
risk of severing the ties of a lifetime, lately stood forth^ to

218 t OUR MISSIONARIES

unhesitatingly expose what he believed to be, the over-statements
of the party to which he belonged. I have mentioned two
names, because these names are public property in regard to
missionary work. But they only fcvm prominent names among
a large body of Indian administrators who are, deliberately t
convinced that the missionaries are doing for England the very ' ^
best work which any private Englishmen can do in India. \
Mr. Cust took as the motto of his memorable missionary lecture ti
to the youth of Oxford, Tti regere imperio populos, Roinane, *'
memento. ^

This national aspect ^of missionary work has been rather lost 1
sight of amid the outburst of evangelical enthusiasm during the
present century. But it is not a new view. Each of the gi-eat
European nations who went forth to conquer the' world in tui'n
recognised the importance of disclosing the spiritual as well as
the material side of its , character to the subjected races.
Religious instruction not less than military aggrandisement
formed the basis of the Portuguese pOflicy in India. Saint
Francis Xavier wrote solemnly to King John in 1548 urging
that the obligation of spreading Christianity ' rests upon the
Viceroy,"* and begging his Majesty to bind himself by oath to
punish governors Avho neglected this duty with ' close imprison-
ment for many years.' In the next century, when the Dutch
expelled the Portuguese from Ceylon, they established the re-
formed religion in that island, and required the conformity
of the natives as a condition of civil employment. In 1649
the English Parliai^ent passed an Act creating a ' Corpora-
tion for the Promoting and Propagating the Gospel of Jesus
Christ in New England ' among the Indian tribes. The Unitas
Fratrum, or Moravian Brotherhood, which has since won the
admiration of Christendom, commenced its missionary labours
in 1732 among th6' slaves of the Danis^ West Indies, and
well earned the official supp&rt which the Government of
Denmark long gave to evangelistic enterprise. George the
First of England addressed a royal letter to the missionaries at
Tranquebar.

The ascendency of the East India C(5ttipany gradually
arrayed the policy of Great Britain against attempts at prose-
lytjsm, imtil at length Carey,' at the end of the last centuiy,

OUR MISSIONARIES i 219

founded missionary work definitely on its proper basis of private
Christian effort. No sensible man would now propose that the
State should interfere ; in India any such interference would be
a political crime. But thisishould not make Englishmen blind
+0 the fact^ that missionaries, especially in India, are doing a
really national worK : a work not necessarily of conversion, but
of conciliation and concord. In spite of occasional disagi'ee-
ments, the missionaries are recognised by the natives as a
spiritual link between the governing race and the governed.
I believe that the three quarters of a million subscribed for
missionary work in India strengtheys England's position in
that country in a greater measure than if the entire sum
were handed over to the Government to be expended on edu-
cation, or on the army, or on any administrative improvement
whatsoever.

An important change has coiyie over the methods of mis-
sionary work. It is not very long ago since the popular concep-
tion of the missionary, derived from many a frontispiece and
vignette, was an excited preacher under a palm-tree. A hair
ring of blacks of a low physical type listened in attitudes of
admiration. This may at one time have represented the facts ;
it may still represent the facts in parts of the world of which I
have no knowledge. But in the great fields of missionary labour,
in China, India, and throughout the Muhammadan countries —
that is to say, in regard to the religions whose followers out-
* number by eightfold the whole Protestant population of the world
— It is a mere travesty of the truth. A y^erely zealous preacher
would tlierefind himself surrounded by no gaping circle of admirers,
but by amused and* caustic critics. As a matter of statistics,
the old-fashioned form of ' simple preaching'' failed to .produce
adequate residts wherever it came in contact with educated races.
Nearly three-(juart^rs of the century Commemorated by the
International Conference had passed away, leaving only 14,000
Protestant native communicants in India. During the last
thirty years more scientific methods gradually developed, and
the number of native communicants increased close on tenfold
to 138,000. Simple preaching often hit hard, and many a
random shot told. But the leaders of the chm'ch militant now
perceive that the Christian ca'mpaigii must be fought ,with

220

OUR MISSIONARIES

weapons of precision. During the last twenty -five years the
study of the Science of Religion, or, speaking more acciu'ately,
of the histories of religions, has profoundly modified missionaiy
methods. t

That study has led the world, and is com^pelling.the Church;
to acknowledge the good in other faiths. Yt has disclosed the
services which all the greater religions have performed for
mankind, the binding power which they supplied to the feeble
social organizations of ancient days, the support which they
gave to the nascent moral sense, the function which they have
discharged in developing ,the ideas of national obligation and of
domestic duty. It was these religions that removed the most
important relationships of life, alike in the family and in the
State, from the caprice of individual option, and gave security
to human intercourse by sanctions which the individual man
did not dare to challenge. For a moment it seemed that this
recognition of the noble aspects of other faiths might enervate
the energies of our own. One still remem'oers when Buddhism
almost promised to become a fashion at Oxford, and only last
autumn a Canon of York eloquently declared the merits of
Muhammadanism in The Times. But all m-eat reliffions, and

*> •'

especially the Christian religion, have proved that zeal is not
incompatible with knowledge. Indeed, without the capacity
for solving this permanent problem, no creed could continue
great. The Science of Religion has now stated its main
conclusions ; but Christian missionary effort has enormously ^
increased in volume, .and has distinctly improved in character,
quality, and results. It is by no accident that the editor of
the ' Sacred Books of the East ' is also ' the author of the
' Univeiasal Missionary Alphabet.' Between the missionary
conceptions of the beginning of the centmy and of the present
day there is all the*^ difference between ^. Peter at Joppa
and St. Paul on Mars' Hill, In the non-Christian religions
the early Protestant missionaries beheld only unclean things,
four-footed beasts of the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping
things, and fowls of the air. The modern missionary to the
Hindus takes the tone in which the great proSelytising apostle
addressed the Brahmans of Europe at Athens ; he quotes their
liteijatm'e, and starting from their devotions at their o\vn altai's,

OUR MISSIONARIES ) 221

he labours to supplant an ignorant worship by an enlightened
faith, ^

This is not the place, and I am not the person, to treat of
the theological aspects of missionary work. But the Science
^, of Religion^^or mo\e correctly the study ot' the development of
religions, has armed the missionary with new weapons. In
controversial combats it enables him to wield the sharp blade
of historical criticism with an effectiveness hitherto unknown.
In dealing with individual inquirers, it qualifies him to point out
how the venerable structure of their ancestral belief was no
supernatural edifice let down from he/iven, but was distinctly
and consciously put together at ascertained periods by human
hands. In pooular appeals, it gives him the means of accm*ately
and powerfully pressing home the claims of the religion which
he advocates as against those which he would supersede. For
the great religions of the world took their present form in ages
when mankind was very unhappy. In the East the logic of
extremes accepted, onte and for all, the conclusion that existence
is in itself a long suffering, and extinction the sole deliverance.
Hinduism and Buddhism embodied their deep despondency in
different terms — Liberation, Absorption, or the Blowing-out of
one's Being as a woman blows out a lamp. But underlying all
their euphemisms is the one conviction that life is not, and cannot
be, worth living. Christianity avoided the difficulty arising
from the obvious miseries of mankind by another answer. From
the first it declared that life might become worth living, if
not here yet elsewhere ; and the later developments of Christi-
anity have directed their energies to make life worth living here
also. Apart from other aspects, Christianity as a help to
humanity is a religion of effort and hope ; Hinduism and
Buddhism are religions of resigned acceptance or of despair.
They were true intf^fpreters of Asiatic m^'s despondency of tlie
possibilities of existence, in the 'age in which they arose. They
are growing to be fundamentally at variance with the new life
which we are awakening in India. I believe that Hinduism is
still sufficiently plastic to adapt itself to this new world ; that it
has in it enough of the vis medicatria; naturae to cast disused
doctrines, and to develop new ones. But the process nmst be
slow and difficult. Christianity comes to the Indian i-aces iy an

222 ' OUR MISSIONARIES

age of new activity and hopefulness, as a fully equipped religion
of effort and of hope. And it comes to them in ,a spirit of
conciliation which it did not disclose before. It thus presents
its two most practical claims on* human acceptance. For,
although to a fortunate minority Christianity may tee a religion <.
of faith, yet I think that to most of us it is rather a religion of
hope and of charity. ,

I should not be candid if I left the impression that I expect,
even with the present improved missionary methods, any large
accession from orthodox Hinduism or Islam to the Christian
Church. It is rather fr-om the low castes and the so-called
aboriginal peoples that I believe direct conversions will chiefly
come. At this moment there are fifty millions of human beings
in India sitting abject on the outskirts of Hinduism, or beyond
its pale, who within the next fifty years will incorporate them-
selves in one or other of the higher faiths. Speaking humanly,
it rests with Christian men and women in England, and with
Chi^stian missionaries in India, whether a great proportion of
these fifty millions shall accept Chi'istianity or Hinduism or
Islam. But, apart from direct conversion, the indirect influence
of missionaries is a factor of increasing power in the religious
future of India. The growth of new theistic sects among the
Hindus, such as the Brahmo Samaj, under the impulse of
Christian teaching, has long been a familiar phenomenon. The
Centennial Missionary Conference brought to light correspond-
ing movements among the Muhammadans. The account given by
an eye-witness, of exo-^ptional opportunities for obsei^ation and
of most commendable caution in statement, regarding the
growth of a critical historical school among the Muhammadans
in Southern Indian was very significant. In Islam, as in
Hinduism, there is an enlightened party who are shaking off
the trammels of old superstitions, and are ''labouring to bring
their hereditary faith into accord with the requirements of the
times. The treatises which Indian Muhammadans have lately
published to disprove the formerly accepted duty of Jihad, or war
against the unbelievers, indicate a political ispect of the new
school. It would be untiTie to allege that the new school, either
among the Hindus or the Muhammadans, shows a tendency to
accept the Christian faith. It would be hazardous to assert

■I
i

OUR MISSIONARIES i 223

that they are a direct outcome of missionary teaching. But it
4..^ is certain that the leader of the new Muhammadan school in
the south, and the chief Hindu reformers in the north, are
men who have been in close contact with missionaries, and
_ ,^ho, as to ^,he mcvthods employed and \he results obtained,
are powerfiil, even* when unwilling, witnesses to missionary
influence. ,

To the more enthusiastic advocates of Christian proselytism
such a statement may seem vague and perhaps discouraging.
; But any gain in precision could only be attained by a sacrifice
i of accuracy. In a country like India, ,where many new influ-
ences are at work, it is not safe to single out any one of them
as the cause of <^omplex religious and national movements. We
only know that the State does not and cannot give spiritual
teaching in its schools ; and that, as respects the higher educa-
tion of the people, the missionary colleges alone redeem Western
instruction from its purely secular character. We also know
that the modern Indigtti reformers, whether of Hinduism or of
Islam, or of social hardships like those inflicted by child marriage
and the enforced celibacy of widows, are almost invariably men
who have been educated in missionary schools or colleges, or
who in adult life have deeply conversed with missionaries on the
subjects in regard to which they stand forth to lead and en-
lighten their countrymen. The indirect results of a great
spiritual influence, like that of the missionaries, among a sus-
ceptible and profoundly religious Asiatic people do not admit
of being expressed in compact formulae, ♦At the same time I
feel that both the supporters and the critics of missionary
enterprise have a right to demand some statement of direct
results. I shall therefore take the country with reference to
which I have personal knowledge, the largest field of missionary
labour in the world,>?ind almost the only ^ne in which we can
test missionary statistics by a periodical census conducted by
official experts. I shall briefly state the facts of missionary
progress in India from 1851 to 1881. These thirty years in-
clude the whole pe^ibd for which verified statistics exist, down
to the most receiit census.

In 1851, the Protestant missions in India and Burma had
stations ; in 1881, their stations had increased nearly three-

224 ( OUR MISSIONARIES

fold to 601. But the number of their churches or congregations
had, during the same thirty years, multipUed from 267 to 4,180,
or over fifteen-fold. There is not only a vast increase in
the number of stations, but also a still greater increase in the
work by each station within itself. In the iame ^\}fty, while the^
number of native Ptotest^nt Christians increased from 91,092
in 1851 to 492,882 in 1881, or fivefold, the number of com-
municants increased from 14,661 to 138,254, or nearly tenfold.
The progress is again, therefore, not alone in numbers, but also
in pastoral care and internal discipline. During the same
thirty years, the pupils i;,i mission schools multiplied by three-
fold fiom 64,043 to 196,360. These enormous increments have
been obtained by making a larger use of natne agency. A
native Protestant Church has, in truth, grown up in India,
capable of supplying, in a large measure, its own staff. In
1851 there were only 21 avdained native ministers ; by 1881
they had increased to 575, or twenty-sevenfold. The number
of native lay preachers had risen during thirty years from 493
to the vast total of 2,856. In the opinion of the most cautious
of the Anglo-Indian bishops, the time is close at hand, or has
already arrived, when this great body of Indian converts and
of Indian clergy and lay preachers ought to be represented in
the episcopate. It is hoped that the Pan- Anglican Synod, now
assembling at Canterbury, will find itself able to come to some
distinct declaration regarding the appointment of native bishops
for the native Church of India.

The foregoing figures are compiled from returns carefully
collected from every missionary station in India and Burmah.
The official census, notwithstanding its obscurities of classifica-
tion and the distm-bing effects of the famine of 1877, attests
the rapid increase of the Christian population. So far as these
disturbing influences kllow of an inference xj^or all British India,
the normal rate of increase anfong the general population was
about 8 per cent, from 1872 to 1881, while the actual rate of
the Christian population was over 30 per cent. But taking the
lieutenant-governorship of Bengal as the greatest province out-
side the famine area of 1877, and for whose population, amount-
ing to one-third of the whole of British India, really comparable
statistics exist, the census ;-esul'ts are clear. The general popu-

OUR MISSIONARIES » 225

lation increased in the nine years preceding 1881 at the rate of
10-89 per cent., the Muhammadans at the rate of 10-96 per cent.,
the Hindus at some undetermined rate below 13-64 per cent.,
the Christians of all races at >he rate of 40-71 per cent., and the
native Christians at ^he rate of 64-07 per cent.

As regards progrtJss, therefore, the missionaries in India may
well look back with thankfulness to the past and with hopeful-
ness to the future. But some of my Hindu friends, when I
first published these figures, correctly pointed out that they
have another aspect. For, although the rate of increase is
great, the net result is small indeed con>pared with the popula-
tion of India. They hold that half a million Protestant con-
verts out of two hundred and fifty millions of people is no
source of alarm to Hinduism or Islam, and should be a subject
of very modest self-gi-atulation to Christianity. They regard
this result with equanimity as a moderate and natm-al product
of the capital expended, and of the energy, ability, and really
friendly nature of the agency employed. They point to their own
religious activity ckfring the same period, and to the larger
totals which have been added to the two great native faiths.
They have little fear of Christian eftbrt in the future, because
they believe that that effort, although strongly supported by
money and made honourable by the lives and characters of»
its men, does not proceed upon lines likely to lead to important
results.

' A new form of missionary effort has arisen in India. The great
Evaifgelical societies, to whom the rapid progress of the past thirty
•years has been chiefiy due, go on with their work more actively
than ever. But side by side with them, small Christian brother-
hoods are springing up — ascetic fraternities living in con'nnon,
and realising the Indian ideal of the religious life. In Bombay, in
Calcutta, in Delhi, ce:Jtain houses of Christian celibate bretln-en
are becoming recognised centres of influence among the Indian
university youth. They consist of English gentlemen of the
highest culture, who have deliberately made up their minds
to give their lives without payment to the work. They are
indifferent to harclships, fearless of disease, extraordinarily
^patient of labour, and in no hurry to produce results. The

226 ' OUR MISSIONARIES

Cambridge mission at Delhi has got into its hands the chief
share in the Univei'sity teaching in the ancient Mughal capital.
Six hundred students in its college and a well-filled hostel attest
the confidence which it has gained c-with the upper and educated
classes, notwithstanding its public training q,r a constant suppl-^
of Christian native youth as masters for tt-e provincial schools. *
The Oxford brethren in Calcutta, while conducting a purely
Christian seminary, exert their special influence by discussions
and personal interviews with the graduates and undergraduates
of the University. Every afternoon a brother sits waiting to
see any young man who, cares to call, and to talk with him on
any question which he chooses to start. If he wishes to be alone
with the missionary, no one else is present : if two or thi-ee youths
come together, the missionary is equally at their service. Some
of these young men have told me of the patience, the humility,
and the dexterous Socratic methods with which their doubts
and difficulties are treated. No one is pushed or hustled to
desert his ancestral faith. But everyone, carries away mateiial
for deep reflection. Student clubs formed under the auspices
of the Oxford brotherhood diffuse the effects produced
by this private teaching. At their meetings and lectures the
brethren meet the Calcutta midergi^aduates on the common
ground of intellectual men interested in the subjects of the
day. Young Hindus at the University are anxious not only to
listen to them, but to dwell together subject to strict moral
regulations under their supervision, if the houses could be
procured.

The relations of the Oxford fraternity to the natives are of *
the coiu-teous Pauline type ; the unclean-beast theory regarding
non-Ciu-istian religions is conspicuously and conscientiously
absent. When I was asked to become president of a Hindu
society formed in connection with them, If<thought it discreet to
first look through the reports knd epistles of the mission. From
first to last I did not come upon the word ' heathen."* One of
the offshoots of this activity is a students' club for the critical
study of Jesus Christ. I am informed tl^^t its members are,
with a few exceptions, non-Christian graduates or undergradua^s
of the University. What should we think if a society aros^
among the English University youth to seriously and accm'ately

OUR MISSIONARIES ' 227

inquire into the t^iaching of Buddha ? The truth is that the
example of these Oxford men's Hves, their simple and unostenta-
tious asceticism, their daily service to others without a thought
of themselves, aro creating a deep impi;ession. Their deaths
/produce a deeper ^npression still. It would be unwise to over-
rate the narrow spllere within which they at present work. But
it is difficult to over-estimate the value of* their influence within
that sphere. I myself do not expect that any Englishman, or
any European, will in our days individually bring about a great
Christian awakening in India. But I think it within reasonable
prolmbility that some native of India will spiiiig up, whose
life and preaching may lead to an accession on a great scale
to the Christjan Church. If such a man arises he will set in
motion a mighty movement, whose consequences it is impossible
to foresee. And I believe that, if ever he comes, he will be
produced by influences and surroundings of which the Oxford
brotherhood in Calcutta is at present the foierunner and
prototype, /

It is to be regretted that this new form of missionary effort
was not represented at the Congress of last month. At the
same time it is not difficult to appreciate the reasons which led
the ascetic Christian brotherhoods, and se\ eral of the High-
Church societies, to abstain from that public demonstratie*i.
One cannot help feeling that such gatherings sometimes fail to
, disclose the most genuine aspects of missionary work. In their
eagerness to intensify enthusiasm and to prove their case, they
are liable to lapse into methods not calciflated to carry convic-
tion to minds whicji are simply desirous to get at the facts.
The first Open Conference, for example, dealt with a contro-
versy which had filled many columns of The Times and which
has since occupied the thoughts of seriqjjs men in many lands.
Is it true, or is it riot true, that the non-Christian races of the
world are being rapidly absorbed into Islam, and that Muhannna-
danism, by its discountenance of strong drink, exercises on the
whole a higher moral influence than Chi'istianity ? Here were
distinct issues in/zregard to which dignitaries of the Church,
experienced travellers, and others well qualified to speak had
ranged themselves on opposite ^ides. They were issues which
delegates from the missionary societ.'W of Europe and America

\ o 2

228 ^ OUR MISSIONARIES

had come to debate. Many of these gentlf^inen brought the
careful observation of a lifetime to the subject, and a, little pile
of cards had been handed up to the chairman by those who
wished to take part in the discu^^sion. Yet, with the full
knowledge that the time allowed for the m'ieting ,was strictly '
limited by the hands of the clock, certain ^zealous persons, in
the body of the hall, insisted on interrupting the proceedings
by a resolution demanding an interval for prayer. It is clearly
right that such a meeting should commence and should close
with an act of devotion. But it is most damaging to the
missionary cause that a sei'ies of careful statements of evidence
should be broken in upon by an irrelevant resolution of this
sort. In any other class of meeting a chairman WQuld decorously
ignore such a proposal. But at Exeter Hall he is made to feel
that this course is not open to him. A speaker who followed
with a unique personal knowledge of the facts was coldly
received, and some of the subsequent proceedings had a declama-
tory character adapted rather to elicit ci eers than to leave
behind conviction. ''"•

I am convinced that the really noble work done by the
missionaries abroad often suffers, in the opinion of candid and
serious men, from the methods employed at home. It suffers
aUo from a vague but general impression that only a part of
the evidence appears. It is well known that many experienced
missionaries believe the chief obstacles to the spread of Chris-
tianity are to be found in certain degrading customs and institu-
tions which make themselves specially prominent in Christian
communities. Among this class of thinkers, the Professor of
Chinese at Oxford holds a distinguished place. His thirty-four
years ol successful labour as a missionary, his erudition, his
orthodoxy, and the unrivalled position which he holds as the
translator and expounder of the sacred bSoks of China, give
weight and authority to his views. He holds that as long as
Christianity presents itself infected with the bitter internal ani-
mosities of the Christian sects, and associated with the habits of
drunkenness and the social evil conspicuous among Christian
nations, it will not do its work, because it does not deserve,
to do its work, in the non-Christian world. When Professor
Legge was asked to take mrt in the Centennial Conference, he

OUR MISSIONARIES , 229

explained that he would have to clearly put forward his convic-
tions — with the result that he did not take part in it at all. It
may be that some of the ground which he would have occupied
lay beyond its scope, and could not be satisfactorily dealt with
by it. But incidents like these, although* perhaps isolated ones,
tend to weaken the authority of such an assemblage, and to
create a suspicion among fair-minded men that they have not
been placed in full possession of the facts.

I have thought it right to refer to these defects because I feel
that I should be chargeable with the same one-sided advocacy if
I feared to raise my voice against thpm. I think that the late
Congress, in its fifty meetings, gave a true and, on the whole,
an accurate and a complete presentment of missionary work.
I know that its projectors and managers were sincerely desirous
to overstate nothing and to conceal nothing. But I cannot help
feeling that these good intentions. were sometimes overborne by
the old hankering after unctuous declamation which at one time
made missionary stg^tements sneered at even by clergymen, and
suspected by alWi'ccurate critics, whether clerical or lay. The
able biographer of Carey has acknowledged that occasion was
given by at least one coadjutor of that truly gi'eat man for Sydney
Smith's ridicule. The time has come for missionaries themselves,
and for those who have watched the simple and noble spirit in
which they labour, to protest against every form of exaggeration"*
or insincerity in popular expositions of their work. They must
purge their cause of bigotry and cant. Of bigotry, such as the
iiljustice Avhich some pious people in England do to the Roman
Catholic clergy in India ; to that great Church which is quietly
and with small worldly means educating, disciplining, and
consoling a Christian population three times more numerous
than all the Protestant converts in India put together. Of cant,
such as the tirades r.Jgainst caste and oth^ indigenous institutions,
which accomplish for a densely' 'crowded tropical population what
the Primitive Church did for its own little communities, and what
later Christianity fails to effect, namely, to support the poor with-
out State aid. ^';^ou may pass a whole life in contact with the
missionaries yfho are doing the actual toil, without having
to listen to a single insincerity. The results of their labour
need neither over-statement nor i.V)ncealmcnt. I believg that

230

OUR MISSIONARIES

those results justify the expenditure of money, and the devotion
of the many lives, by which they are obtained. And I am
convinced that, if Englishmen at home knew the missionaries
simply as they are, there would be kss doubt as to the merit of
their claims and as to the genuine character of their work.

"^.

*
1

VII
A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT '

When examining the Indian manuscripts in the Bodleian
Libraiy, I came across a cm'ioiis series of documents. They
commence with a letter from the Bishop of Oxford to the Ai'ch-
bishop of Canterbury in 1681, setting forth a scheme for the
spread of the Christian faith in India. They disclose the steps
by which the East Irjdia Company was induced to place itself at
the head of the asrjbciation then formed, and to take charge of
its funds. They conclude with a statement of expenditure ;
an undated account, but apparently made up in the year 1710.
Taken together with the manuscript minutes in the India
Office, they record a phase of our early dealings with India which
has hitlierto escaped notice. ^^"^

The Baptists claim, and justly claim, the lionour of the
first regidar organization for a supply of English missionaries to
India in 1792. During the preceding century efforts of a less
direct character had not been wanting. The Society for Pro-
moting Christian Knowledge, founded in 1698, appointed an
Indian Committee in 1709, and in 1710 began to send money
to the Danish Missionaries in Tranquebar. Ziegenbalg, the
Lutheran apostle 'J) the East, soughFhelp in London, and
delivered his famous ' Malabarifc Speech,"' perhaps not the less
impressive because in an unknown tongue, before the society
in 1715. When the Danish missionaries in Southern India
were almost perishilig from want, after the death of Ziegenbalg
in 1719, the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge under-
took their permanent maintenance. Schwartz, the founder of
' In the Fortnightly Eevicf of May 1896. •

232 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

the TinevelH Mission in 1750, was furnished forth and supported
at its expense. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel,
incorporated by Royal Charter in 1701, also helped the Danish
mission to India with a subscription of 20/. in the early years of
the eighteenth century, and it eventually took over that mission,
from the Society for Promoting Chiistian , Knowledge in 1824.
But the labours of these two sister societies fi'om 1709 onwards,
by means of Danish or German agents, do not detract from the
claims of the Baptists as the pioneers of strictly British missions
to India in 1792.

The documents now brought to light in the Bodleian
Library and the India Office take us back to a much earlier
date. They show that the first English association for the
spread of the Clu-istian faith in India oiiginated with Oxford
men. It formed, in fact, one of the many ' Oxford INIovements '
in the centuries before that term was invented. They also
exhibit the East India Company in a new aspect. The
Company has always been portrayed as, unfriendly to evan-
gelistic work in India, and the experientc" of the Baptist
missionaries on their arrival in 1793 support this view. The
present papers disclose the difference between the Company in
1681, when it had only to regard its duties in India from the
standpoint of British merchants, and the Company a hundred
"years later, when it had to regulate its action by the responsi-
bility for keeping peace among its Indian subjects and by its
pledges of non-interference with their customs and creeds.

The first letter from Fell, Bishop of Oxford, to Sancroft,
Archbishop of Canterbury, is dated June 21, 1681,^ and runs
as follows :

' jNIay it please your Grace,

' I gaxe you the trouble of a letter by the last post, and
should not have bin so soon importunate, but that an unex-
pected occasion has happened, which may prove of concernment
to the public, and which ought to proceed with your Grace's
privity and guidance. That your Grace may have a perfect
knowledge of the affair, I shall present you with a naiTative of
every step that has bin made in it. The evening before I left

4. ' Tan9ier MSS., vol.]:xxvi. p. 61. Bodleiau Library.

vol.^

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT^ 233

London I went to take my leave of Mr. Boyle, with whom I had
long agoe .contracted an acquaintance when he dwelt in this
place [Oxford].

' It so happened that we ♦fell into discom-se of the East India
X/'ompany, and I enlarged upon the shame that lay upon us, who
had so great opporbmities by our commeffce in the East, that
we had attemted nothing towards the Conversion of the Natives,
when not only the papists, but even the Hollanders had
laboured herein. While I was upon this argument Dr. Burnet
came in and heard the remainder of it. The effect of the dis-
course at that time was, that Mr., Boil {sic) immediately
assigned a hundi'ed pound which lay in Mr. Robert Clayton's
hands, towards ^the encouragement of such as should learn the
Malaian language and fit themselves for the service of God in
the East. Since then Dr. Burnet having an occasion of speak-
ing with Sir Josiah Child, Governour of thV East India Com-
pany, reported to him what had past at Mi-. Boyle's, which he
seemed affected ^vith,/ Whereupon Dr. Bmnet about ten daies
since wrot to me*i'id gave me notice of what had past, adding
that he verily believed that if I would write to Sir Josiah
Child, he would be induced to do somewhat that would be
considerable.

' I thought Avith myself that the loss of a letter was no^to be
put in balance with the possibility of a real advantage, especially
one to the public ; and accordingly I wrote, and by the last
post am informed by Dr. Burnet that on Friday last a committee
of {he Company was called and he directs^ to attend. Where
being called in he was told that the proposition which I had
made was unanimously entertained by the Company ; that they
had appointed a sub-committee to form a design, and l-aise a
fund, which the Governour hoped would rise to five thousand
})ouiids, wherewith tAey would buy acti^is which would render
10 or 20 per cent. With these sums they would maintain in
the University young scholars who should be instructed in the
principles of religion and the Malaian language. There are
other particulars c':>ficerning the translation of the Gospel, and
Psalms and Catechism, and printing them ; with gi-ammars,
vocabularies, and other subsidiary books, of which Dr. Burnet
will be able to give your Grace a mere distinct account. How

234 , A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

far this very unexpected affair may proceed, and how 'tis to be
managed and advanced, your Grace will best judge. , The whole
thing being undesigned and pro\'idential will, I hope, not look
like medling and business in the colicerns of pthers/

Signed, Jo. Oxon. ^

The winter of tl^is letter, Dr. John Fell, was perhaps the
most prominent Oxford man of his day. Son of the loyal Dean
of Christ Chmxh, and himself admitted as a student on that
foundation at the age of eleven, he took his degree of M.A. at
eighteen, when already, in arms for King Charles. Of the
hundred students of Christ Chm-ch, Fell and nineteen others
were officers ; the rest, almost to a man, served iii the royal cause.
Ejected from his studentship by the Puritans, Fell and two
friends kept up the daily ritual of the Church throughout the
Commonwealth. The picture of the three young divines hangs
over the great stone fireplace in Christ Church hall. On the
Restoration Fell became Dean of ChrisN^ Chiu'ch, afterwards
Vice-Chancellor of the University, and in 16TS-3ishop of Oxford,
retaining the deanery in commendam. Cuddesdon Palace rebuilt,
and the lofty gate-toAver of Christ Church, to which he trans-
ferred Great Tom after repeatedly recasting it, form the most
conspicuous of the edifices that rose under his hands. His
statue adorns the * Killcanon "" archway in the great quadrangle,
and his spare scholarly face still looks forth from four portraits
or replicas in the deanery and hall of Christ Chmxh.

Among his many,, sided activities, from reforming discipline
in the University and editing the Fathers, to ' The Interest of
England Stated,' ' The Vanity of Scoffing,"* and the ' Ladies'
Calling,' plans for the spread of the faith in India held an im-
portant place. He presented to the University a set of types
in Arabic, from which he hoped that ^he Bible might be
published in the Eastern tongues. A Malayan translation of
the Gospels and Acts was issued by the Oxford press, apparently
from the Bishop's Arabic founts supplemented by a few addi-
tional letters, in 1677. \

In this work he was associated with the Honourable Robert
Boyle, at whose house the meeting described in the foregoing
letter took place. Boyle,jthe chief foiuider of the Royal Society,

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 235

held a position among philosophers and men of science not less
distinguishe(\ than that of Fell in the English ecclesiastical
world. Dm'ing his long residence in Oxford, from 1654 to 1668,
he came under Fell's influence^ and in 1677 he commended to
the East India Company a plan which he ha'd discussed with the
Bishop of Oxford for the propagation of the'^Gospel in the East
Indies. He reported that Bishop Fell would undertake to fit
men for the purpose at the University ' not only Avith Arabic,
but, if it were desired, with arithmetic."' Boyle spoke with
authority, as a Director of the company, whose family influence
had helped it to obtain its charter from C^hai-les II, in 1661, and
as the first Governor of the Society for the spread of the faith
in New England, re-incorporated by the same monarch.

The third actor on the scene, set forth in the Bishop of
Oxford's lettei', is Dr. Gilbert Burnet, afterwards Bishop of
Salisbury and historian of his Own TimesJ^whose perfervid
Scottish energy launched him into every philantlu'opic movement,
and iiito not a few ^x)litical intrigues. Burnet had met P'ell
during his first visii-to England in 1663, and he was in close
sympathy with the Bishop of Oxford's schemes for the spread of
the faith in India. But the wary bishop made the disclaimer at
the end of his letter to Sancroft against anything ' like medling
and business in the concerns of others,' not without reason ^for
Cliarles II. had struck Burnet's name off* the list of his chaplains
on the ground of being ' too busy.'

The Bishop of Oxford's proposals were warmly taken up
by the East India Company. On JuneJL7, 1681, its Cornet
of Committees * considered the plan submitted by Fell ' for
propagating the Christian religion among the natives in India.'
That plan included, first, 'The education of four or»morc
scholars in Oxford in the knowledge of the Eastern languages
and in divinity, to fit ^em to serve the Company as chaplains
in the East Indies.' Second, ' Th& erecting of free schools in
India.' Third, ' The printing design ' for the translation and
distribution of the Gospel in the Eastern languages. Grants of
money to missionarie^i^ were subsequent developments.

The Court referred the working out of the scheme to a sub-
committee, with the Earl of Berkeley at its head. The decision
' Cmcrt BooJis, India Office MS. Records. •

236 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

ari'ived at on July 6, 1681,^ was that the East India
Company should undertake the management of the missionary
fund, without entering into any engagement ' by what methode,
or by whose advice, they or thein, successors shall or will carry
on the designed charitable and pious work. But only that they
will doe it faithfully according to the bei^t of their judgements
and understandings^ without making any kind of gain thereof
to themselves.*' During the lifetime of Sancroft, Fell, Burnet,
and certain other divines, all moneys were to be expended under
their advice.

The Bishop of Oxf(>rd and his agent in London, the ever-
active Burnet, did not allow the matter to rest here. On
August 6, 1681, Fell, after referring to 'om- printing design,'
was able to inform Sancroft ' that the East India Company have
at last actually subscribed several sums of money for the nmin-
tenance of young '^ men to be educated here [Oxford] in order to
the better serving of God in their Factories,'' and that the Court
of Directors will accept ' such nominatiens as your Grace, my

•>2-

Lord of London, and myself shall make.

The final step was taken in the following year, Avhen the
Company resolved to open a permanent subscription list for the
purpose. The bishop^s copy of the proceedings ^ has an incom-
plete date, as the edges are frayed off, owing to its having fallen
"into the Thames, with other of the Tanner manuscripts, on their
transit by water to Oxford. But the India Office Minutes record
a regular bond of agreement adopted on May 3, 1682.^ It recites
the Bishop of Oxfo^^^ ^^ the originator of the scheme, said the
propagation of the faith in the East Indies as its object.

' We, the East India Adventurers, and others, being moved
thereunto by the Court of Committees upon the aforesaid
proposal made unto them, Doe hereby undertake for ourselves
severally, and not jointly one for anoVAier, That dm-ing the
continuance of the present 'joint Stock, and our having an
interest or share of adventure therein, we will yearly pay unto
the Cashire Generall of the East India Company for the time
being, such several sums of money as at v^^resent we have sub-

' Court Books, India Offiec M8. Reowds. Also Tanner MSS., vol. xxxvi.
p. 67. Bodleian Library.

- Ta/fmer MSS., vol. xxxvij p. ^*). =* Ibid. p. 69.

•^ * Court Books, India Ojfice MS. Eevords.

A FOKGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 237

scribed, or such sums annually as we shall think fit, for the
education anrj. instruction of young Scholars in both or either of
the Universities in the Eastern languages, and such other pious
uses of the same kinde, as tlws Court of Comittees shall from
time to time think fit."*

The first subscriptipn list under this bonfl ^ is headed by Sir
Josiah Child, the Governor of the East India Company, the
Earl of Berkeley, Sir John Banks, Sir Joseph Ashe, and Sir
Jeremy Sambrooke, each of whom give ten pounds per annum.
Many other members of the Company subscribe from ten to
three pounds. Nor was the list altogethe^i- confined to merchants
engaged in the East India trade. The I^adies Arabella and
Henrietta Berkeley are entered for five pounds each per annum ;
the never-failing Bmniet gives three pounds a year.

In 1682, therefore, the East India Company formally em-
barked on ' that pious design for pj'opagatii^, the Christian
religion in the East Indies, proposed by the Right Reverend
Father in God, John Lord Bishop of Oxon.' ^ Its materials for
the enterprise at st**iting consisted of the Malay translation of
the Gospels and Acts issued by the Oxford Press five years
previously, and the teaching afforded by the Laudian professor-
ship of Arabic, founded in 1637 ; Bishop Fell's offer to train
four or more scholars at Oxford for the work ; Boyle's gi^^of
lOOZ., together with donations from other members of the East
India Company which, it was hoped, would reach 5,000Z. ; and
a first subscription list by leading members of the Company
yielding an income of 161/. per annum. To what amount this
list eventually reached does not appear.

In order to understand the subsequent history of the move-
ment, three things nuist be borne in mind. Its master-i?pirit,
John Fell, Bishop of Oxford, died only four years later, in 1686.
The cliarter of the Coi-fipany lapsed in 1093, although revived
under limitations ; a new Company was incorporated in 1698,
and the old joint-stock, dm'ing the continuance of which the
subscriptions were alone promised, soon ceased to have a separate
existence. AAHiile thi'^se events were taking place in England a
third set of causes operated even more powerfully from the East,

' Tcmner MSS., vol. xxxvi. p. 69 et seq\

'' Minutes of Court of Committees liolden the 3rd May, 1682. •

238 ^ A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

arising out of the situation of the English in India and the
necessities which it imposed. ' ,

We shall best obtain an insight into that situation by
confining our view to a single one of the Company's settlements.
Its headquarters in Bengal were then in the town of Hugli,
twenty-seven miles ''up the river from ;the present Calcutta.
The internal econoipny of the Factory was that of a college for
the purposes of trade. The whole English community dwelt
within the Factory walls, except senior married officers specially
allowed to live outside. A strict rule was maintained as to the
allotment of the twen,+y-four hours for work, meals, and rest.
After attending public prayers, the joint labours of the morning
began at nine, or in certain seasons at ten o"'cl9ck. At mid-day
all dined in a common hall, seated in exact order of seniority.
On finishing their afternoon work they took the exercise of
shooting at bui'^'s. A common supper in hall and evening
prayers brought the day to a close. At nine o'clock the
Factory gates were shut. The few meerried seniors exempted
fi^om the strict rule still retained their right*\:o the privileges of
the collegiate life, and received diet money, candles and servants'
wages in lieu of the common meals.

The governing body of this compact community consisted
of ^a chief or president and council who ruled over the general
body of merchants, factors, writers, and apprentices engaged in
carrjdng on the trade of the Factory. Outside Englishmen
attempting to traffic in Bengal were regarded as ' Interlopers,'
fair objects of per^cution, and liable to deportation if the
Company's servants found themselves strong enough to enforce '
the orders of then- Honom-able Masters to that effect. In such
a scheme of collegiate life during the seventeenth centmy a
chaplain formed an important officer. The records of the
Levant Company, which traded on a ^mewhat similar plan,
disclose a regular succession of chaplains attached to its settle-
ments — nineteen at Constantinople from 1611 to 1691, with
separate supplies for Aleppo and Smyrna. The East India
Company also maintained clergymen at it*fe principal settlements
on the Madras and Bombay coasts. In 1678 it sent out its
first chaplain to the more recently established Factory in
Bengal, the Rev. John Evans, of Jesus College, Oxford, on the

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 239

recommendation of Sir Joseph Ashe, who figures as one of the
principal subscribers to the Bishop of Oxford''s missionary
scheme, three years later.

The duties of the chaplajn were to enforce an orderly life
within what we may call the trading college, and he received
a position which gave weight to his authority. He ranked as
third in precedence, and his pay (100/. a year with liberal
allowances) was, until 1682, about equal to that of the chief of
the Factory. A code of regulations promulgated at Hugli in
1679 provided for the punishment of any inmate guilty of
swearing, drunkenness, or profanation of the Lord's Day, and
for breaches of collegiate discipline, such as being ' out of the
house or from their lodging late at nights, or absent from
morning or evenmg prayers.' The penalties consisted of fines :
ten rupees (1/. 5*.) for staying out after the gates were locked
at nine o'clock ; 5.9. for drunkenness,; 1*. for Sj'j-ofane swearing ;
1*. for lying ; and 1*. for shirking morning or evening prayers.
The fines were to be applied to the relief of the indigent ; and
the funds of the ^rst Overseers of the Poor in Bengal, indeed of
the earliest charitable institution in Calcutta, were obtained
from this source. If the fines were not paid on demand, they
were levied by distraint on the culprit's goods. Failing this,
' the offender shall sett in ye stocks six hours, or suff^'^ im-
prisonment until payment.' ^

It is clear that such a plan of life had no place for anyone
ilot in the service of the Company and under its direct control.
An* independent Protestant missionary could not then have
existed in Bengal. What the Bishop of Oxford contemplated
in 1681 was to use* the Company's chaplains as missionaries,
and to train them for spreading the faith among the h'eathen.
It was to this proposal that the Company gave its hearty
support. The idea \^^ not altogether ^new one ; indeed, the
Company's original invitation 'to the two Universities on
February 13, 1657-8, to supply candidates for its chaplaincies
opens thus : ' The East India Company have resolved to
endeavour the advf Aice and spreading of the Gospell in India.'
But its efforts at conversion were practically confined to the

' Hitgli Diary, December 12, 1679. Inlia Office MSS. Also Wilson's
Bengal Public Cmisnltations, i. 69. '

240 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

Portuguese Catholics within its settlements, as is indicated by
the preamble to its Resolution of July ,6, 1670, appoint-
ing one of its chaplains at Bombay to undertake this special
duty : ' The Court being desirous that the Portuguezes residing
in the Island of Bombay may be instructed in the Protestant
religion, and that the true worship of God may be taught and
promoted among then),"' &c. It must be remembered that any
religion which differed widely from the Protestant varieties
recognised in England, seemed to our orthodox ancestors as
little better than no religion at all. In 1698, when the Society
for Promoting Christian Knowledge started, its proselytizing
efforts were mainly directed to the papists and to the Quakers who,
in Dr. Bray's words, ' May be looked upon as a heathen nation. ""
But the Company's good intentions, even altnough confined
to the ' Portuguezes,' had, up to 1681, borne little fruit. Tlie
truth is that the C; mpany's chaplains found more than enough
work among their own countrymen in India. The sickness and
mortality in the early British settlements y ere on a scale which
we now find difficult to realise. Captain Hanq.il ton relates how,
in one year in Calcutta, there were 1,250 English residents in
August and 450 burials before the following January. The
ministrations to the sick and dying of their own faith left the
chaplains no leisure for enterprises against other religions. Nor
''diU lEhe Company find it easy to secure the performance of their
chaplains' duties to their own countrymen. Suitable clergy-
men were not always to be had, and the Puritan leaven
worked strange disturbances in the Indian Factories.

For example, a remonstrance from the Company's servants
on the Madras coast in 1669 to Gilbert Sheldon, Ai'chbishop of
Canterbury (well remembered as Warden of All Souls, and
builder, on Fell's prompting, of the Sheldonian theatre at
Oxford), complained that two laymen Kid been sent out as
ministers. These worthies refused to use the liturgy or to
' Baptise, marry or bury, as by law established.' ' We therefore
make it our humble request and desire to the Honourable
Company, that as we do and have in this^ farr country served
them both to the hazard of Lives and Estates, they would, for
the service of God in the first place, and next the comfort of
our Soules and Honour of the Gospell amongst the Heathen,'

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT , 9Ai

recall the two lay officiants, and send out properly-ordained
ministers.^ • The remonstrance is signed, among others, by
Jeremy Sambrooke, who, as we have seen, entered his name for
ten pounds a year in the firsi? subscription list for the Bishop of
Oxford's sche\ne in 1682. The language ^of the remonstrants
may not form a perfect specimen of English. But their
gi'ievance proved a real one, and it was r'jdressed by an Order
of Council passed in the presence of King Charles II. himself,
his brother the Duke ot York, his Highness Prince Rupert,
the Ai'chbishop of Canterbury, and other great dignitaries of the
realm.^ »

But the Company had difficulties with its chaplains more
serious than gojnts of doctrine. Its servants in India were
permitted — indeed, at one time, were encouraged — to trade on
their own accomit, and some reverend gentlemen took advantage
of this privilege to the utmost. Mr. Evans," iSie first chaplain
to Bengal, drew on himself the wrath of his Honom*able
Masters for a graver offence. He seems to have been an able
and energetic man. His friends declared that he 'ever had
greatly at heart to fulfil the ministry.' He was certainly a
cfipable man of business, trafficking with a vigour and success
that stin-ed up jealousy among his fellow-servants in the
Factory less fortunate in their private ventm'es. They a#^ JS<*d
him of too intimate relations with the Interlopers or Free-
merchants who traded to India in defiance of the Company's
authority and denied the validity of the Company's charter.

The Rev, Mr. Evans ^ shared in the#general flight of the
Company's servants iij 1688, when, driven forth from Bengal by
the Mughal general, they put the remnant of their goods into
their ships and sailed away in despair to Madras. On their
return to the Hugli River in 1690 they built a Factory among
the group of mud hamlets which have since grown mto Calcutta.
During their absence ' a nest of Interlopers ' had established
itself at their old Factory, higher up the river in Hugli town.
These Free-merchants bought the favoiu- of the native Governor

' Taimer MSS., vol. xliv. pp. 96, 100.

* 'At the Court att Whitehall the 13th of^ October, 1669.' Tanner MSS.,
vol. xliv. p. 162. » ^

•* Sir William Hunter's Uktory of British India, wl. ii. p. 271.

242 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

by bribes, and the Company's servants settled miserably amid
incessant rain on their new site, with no weathertight building
to shelter them, but ' only tents, hutts, and boats.' The Rev.
Mr. Evans did not return with^them on their forlorn hope.
He stayed on to trajde and administer spiritual consolations in ,
Madras, and when he re-appeared in Bengal in 1693 he joined
his old allies, the Interlopers, and took up his abode among
them in Hugh town. He appears to have occasionally visited
Calcutta in a clerical capacity ; but the Company deemed him
disloyal to their interests, and he practically passed to the enemy's
camp. It could not), however, adopt the rough-and-ready
methods to a chaplain by which it coerced other of its servants
who incurred displeasure. For a chaplain, i^ summarily dis-
missed and deported to England, might carry his own story to
the bishops, and enlist on his side ecclesiastical forces which the
Company, with^its disputed charter, was unwilling to encounter.
As a matter of fact, it vented its ill-will against Evans in mild
sarcasms about ' the merchant parson,' and ' quondam minister 1
but late great merchant,' and merely stoppetl his pay. In this
it showed worldly wisdom, for the enriched Welshman had
strong fi-iends. On his retm*n home he received good prefer-
ment, became Bishop of Bangor, and was translated to Meath,
the jjremier bishopric in Ireland.

The situation in India, therefore, rendered it necessary that
any English clergyman who went thither must go in the Com-
pany's service, or practically as one of its chaplains. It was
this consideration vhich made the Court of Committees so J
careful to reserve absolute power to itself when adopting the
Bishop of Oxford's 'pious design' in 1681. It would bind
neither itself nor its successors to any definite scheme of manage-
ment.

I shall now briefly examine how far mat design was actually
carried out. It should not be forgotten that the Bishop of
Oxford's proposals in 1681 were only the final form of a plan
for the propagation of the faith in India which he had long re-
volved in his mind, and which his friend Boyle had, under his
influence, already urged on the Company in 1677.^ Its ground-

' Letter from the Honourable. Robert Boyle to Robert Thompson, Eiq-
Dated Pall Mall, March, 1676-7.

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 243

work was the diffpsion of translations of the Gospel. The
Malayan v&sion, issued at Oxford in the same year, was ' sent
all over the East Indies.' But unfortunately the Malay tongue
was as little known on the Indian continent as on the Eui'opean
one, and however serviceable it might havi been in the Dutch
settlements of the distant Ai'chipelago, it was a dumb voice in
India itself. In pursuance of the further •* printing design,"* of
which the Bishop wrote to Sancroft in 1681, the East India
Company addressed a despatch to the Madras Council on
February 20, 1695-6. ' We have caused the Liturgy of the
Church of England with the Psalms ot David to be translated
into the Portuguees for the use and benefit of the Portuguese
Inhabitants undfer oui- Government in India, which we caused
to be printed at Oxford.' One hundred copies accompanied the
despatch ; a Portuguese version of the Go.jj\el seems to have
been sent out at an earlier date.

By that time the failure to reach the Indians through the
medium of Arabic types and the Malay language was recognised,
and the scheme had shaped itself into a mission to the few
natives who spoke the Indo-Portuguese patois. On February 18,
1390-1, the Com't of Directors urged the Madras authorities to
build a church ' for the Protestant black people and Portuges
and the Slaves ' to prevent them going to the Popish cffapeTs.
They forwarded a draft translation of the Anglican litm'gy ' in
the Portuguez dialect of India ' for local revision. They also
hoped to send ' by om* ships that depart next winter some able
kiister that can preach in the Portugafl tongue, and also a
Domine, as the Dutth call them, which, in the style of our
Church, is a Deacon that can read out prayers in Portuguees.'

The second feature in Bishop Fell's plan was the training at
Oxford of young men who should combir# the work of chaplains
to the Company with that of mi.-:«>ionaries to the heathen. If
the Bishop's conception could have been realised, Oxford would
have become a centre for the propagation of the faith in the
East. But for thiji also the resources of that day proved
altogether inadequate. No instruction in divinity or in Arabic,
which was practically all that Oxford could then give, would
have enabled an Englishman to preach to the Indian races. ^ It
seems doubtful, indeed, whether^ this training branch of the

B 2

244 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

scheme was carried out. Bishop Fell died in 1686, almost before
it could have borne its first fruits, and certainly before it could
have had a fair trial. Dean Paget has kindly gone thi'ough
the matriculation roll and Chapter books of Christ Church, but
can find no trace of action in regard to such scholars. Nor
have I come across any payments for their' support in the East
India Company''s accounts. If there were any such young men
at Oxford, they probably passed unnoticed among the poor
scholars maintained by Fell himself and diverged into other
studies after his death.

But although Bishop Fell was dead, the movement did not
die with him. Among his dearest friends and most beloved
pupils Humphrey Prideaux held the favoured ^p?^ce. Prideaux
was admitted a student of Christ Church in 1669 when Dean
Fell was in the .prime of his university career. The young
scholar took hil* degree of M.A. in 1675, the year that Fell
became Bishop, and he remained at Christ Church until Fell's
death in 1686. One of his first works was an edition of ' Lucius
Florus ' in collaboration with Dean Fell. The Dean's influence
also guided Prideaux into the eastern studies which resulted in
his ' Life of Mahomet ' ; and it is from the ' Life of Prideaiix '
that we gather some of the most interesting details of FelPs
K'cel-fciry labours. From the first Prideaux was associated with
Fell in his Indian missionary scheme. Indeed, he had warned
Fell in 1676 of the failure of his Malayan version of the Gospels
on the ground that that language ' is not the vulgar ' in India.
In the same year Fell described Prideaux to Evelyn ' as f» y'^"-?ig^ ►
man most learned in antiquities.' On rFell's death, Prideaux
becaipe a champion of the missionary cause, and after a
distinguished career died Dean of Norwich.

Another Oxford |eader of the move^ment after Fell's death
was William Lloyd, who hel,d in succession three bishoprics. A
contemporary of Fell in his undergraduate days, and a fellow
resident with him at Oxford during at least nine years, Lloyd
shared his taste for eastern studies, and ^in later life displayed
a zeal for missions even more ardent than Fell's, if not under so
wise control. A third Oxford man and contemporary of Fell's
who took an active part >vas Nicholas Stratford, Bishop of
Chester. Stratford spent nine years as Dean of St. Asaph

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 245

while Lloyd was Bishop of that see, and we shall find them
closely united with ]?iideaux of Christ Church in the promotion
of the scheme which Fell bequeathed.

Under the guidance of«» these Oxford leaders the project
entered on new developments. Its missionary aspects, as
distinguished from the training of the Company's chaplains for
possible missionary work, gi-ew more prominent. Nor were
there wanting powerful members of the Company itself who,
realising the failure of the chaplain missionary scheme, would
gladly have seen agents deputed to exclusively mission work.
The Court Books refer in 1689 to the ei^agementof two French
ministers, who unfortunately deserted after receiving advances
of pay.^ Such ill-sustained efforts by no means satisfied the
Oxford leaders of the movement, and some plain speaking
passed between them.

' The case of the Indians under, the Eng->'.^i Government,'
wrote Stratford, Bishop of Chester, in 1695, to Dr. Prideaux,
who was stirring afi-esh in the matter, ' is sad, but that of our
East India Com^ny is doubtless much more deplorable. For
they have some sort of excuse for their infidelity, and conse-
quently their punishment will be the more easy ; but these can
pretend nothing for their wi'etched neglect and contempt of
those poor souls ... I think the method proposed for, their
conversion is very fit and proper, and I wish it were once put in
practice. The great difficulty will be to find out men of zeal to
set about the work.' ^ At the same time Lloyd, then Bishop of
Coventry and Lichfield, as the member of the trio most influ-
ential" at Court, is pressing the scheme on the East India
Company and has ' left it with my Lord of Canterbury that he
might either show it or impart the contents to his Msfjesty.' ^
He regrets that Parliament was so taken iip with the great
Bribery Case,"* that ni^thing could be dfTne in that quarter at
present.

Meanwhile Prideaux had seized the opportunity of Tenison's

' Minutes of December 9, 1689. India Office MSS.

- Ta7t7ter MSS., vol. ixiv. p. 17. Letter dated April 2, 1694, signed N.
Cestriens.

" Ibid. p. 32. Letter to-Dr. Humphrey Prideaux. Dated April 20, 1695,
signed W. Coventry and Lichfield.

Marvlinson MSS. A. 82. Bodleian Library. •

246 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

promotion to the Primacy to address him in forcible words. He
submitted a scheme to the Archbishop for bringing the Christian
faith within the knowledge of the one million Indians who, as
he estimated, were under British influence. He claimed that
there should be ' a (Church and school for the benefit of the
Indian inhabitants ' m each of the Company's 'settlements.'
He points out that the proper occasion to impose such a con-
dition on the Company was the time of granting a new charter
to them : an occasion which had been formerly allowed to slip,
but which was presently to recur.

Influential members of both Houses were favourable to the
cause, including about half the Bench of Bishops. Men inter-
ested in any particular movement are apt to overestimate its
importance in determining national action. Of tftis particular
movement it may be safely said that it represented a current of
public opinion a^ '^vas backed by a weight of official authority
which could not fail to affect the Government deliberations
then in progress regarding the India trade. The old Company
and the Interlopers now about to be constituted into the new
Company found their forces fairly balanced, and were anxious
to secure the goodwill of the missionary party. The charter
granted to the new East India Company in 1698 discloses the
result. It provides that the Company shall maintain one
minister in every gan-ison or superior factory in the East Indies,
together with a place set apart for divine service only. All
ministers within a year of their arrival shall learn the Portu-
guese language. They shall also apply themselves to acquire
the vernacular tongue of the province to which they are
appointed, so as to instruct the native servants and slaves of the
Compaiiy in the Protestant religion. Among the first acts of
the new Company was a request to the Ai'chbishop of Canter-
bury to draw up prayef{; for their particular use. On December
15, 1698, they ordered a thous^and copies to be printed of three
devout supplications, ' one to be used at home, another in their
factories abroad, and a third on board their ships.'

The extent to which the Bishops had become interested in

' Dr. Humphrey Prideaux to the Aj-chbishop of Canterbury, dated
January 23, 1694-5. The subject occupies thirty-seven pages in ' Prideaux's
Life,'> London, 1748, pp. 151-88.

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 247

what may be called evangelical work appears from the signatures'
to the preaijible of t^e Society for Promoting Chi"istian Know
ledge, approved four months later in April 1699. Twelve
prelates put their names to the first list ; our old acquaintances,
Stratford, Bishop of Chester, and Lloyd, translated to the see
of Worcester in 1700, signing next to each other. How deeply
Oxford was concerned in this movement may be realised from
the fact that, of the twelve Bishops who signed, ten were
Oxford men and the other two had been incorporated at
Oxford. y^

The charter of 1698 made provision for the religious in-
struction of the Indians in the Company's immediate service-
But it fell far short of ' the conversion of the natives,'' which the
Bishop of Oxfora aimed at in his original letter to Archbishop
Sancroft in 1681, and which he and his successors in the move-
ment had always on their minds. Tjie truth *'? that neither the
old Company, nor the new Company, nor the united Company
which they presently formed, found it possible to establish a
missionary agenqy. At that time the English in India were
struggling for existence. In 1701 the bigot Emperor
Aurangzeb issued a Proclamation ordering the arrest of the
English in India, the seizure of their goods, and the confinement
of their persons, although ' not to close imprisonment.' During
the following years the British settlements that survived owed
their safety to the maxim, which bitter experience had forced
tfiem to adopt, that ' A fort is better than an ambassador.'

"But there was one corner at the southern extremity of India
in whicTi the experiment might be tried. A little strip of land,
five miles long by three in breadth, had been obtained by the
Danes in 1616 from the Hindu Raja of Tan j ore. I«i this
secluded settlement of Tranquebar, far removed from the storm
which the Mughal Etnperor let loose •'upon the north, two
Lutheran missionaries arrived fnim Denmark in 1706. It is
stated to be the fii"st Protestant mission to the Indian continent,
although the Dutch attempted evangelistic work in Ceylon as
early as 1642. The'^lsolation of Tranquebar, and the fact that
its fifteen square miles were the actual property of the Danes,
well secured by a Danish fort, renderod the experiment possible.
Even under these favourable circuiYistances the difficidties proved

248 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

great. The Lutheran missionaries, although supported by the
influence of the King of Denmark, could not work in harmony
with their own Governor, who imprisoned their leader for four
months, forbidding liim pen and paper, or any communication
with the outer worldl

The English East India Company was quite willing to
render friendly offices to the Tranquebar mission. Fell's
scheme for the translation of the Gospels and the training of
chaplains with a view to their conversion of the heathen had
now developed ihio a fund 'For encouraging the Protestant
missionaries and erecting charity schools in the East Indies/
A.n account, under this heading, and evidently belonging to the
year 1710, contains the following entry: ^ 'Remitted hence in
Bills of Exchange and foreign silver for the use oi' the mission-
aries, 80/.' The next item renders it probable that ' the
missionaries ' we^e- ^Danes. .This item, also for 80Z., includes a
collection for ' the missionaries at Tranquebar,' ' of catechetical
and practical Ti*acts written by our own Bishops and eminent
Divines, to be translated into such languages jn India as shall
render them most usefuU to the Heathen in those parts.'

It was not alone in the translation of religious works,
however, that Fell's original movement gave an impulse to sub-
sequent developments. The same account shows that by far
the larger proportion of the expenditiue was still devoted to
printing — that is, to the ' printing design ' which Fell mentioned
in his letter of August 6, 1681. It comprises 1,500 copies of
St. Matthew's Gospel ; a printing press with six hundredweight
of types complete, 72/. ; ' 100 rheams of paper,' 40/. ; and V351.
' to Mr. John [i.e. Jonas] Finck, the printer,' for provisions on
his voyage and first year's salary. In 1711 the Company re-
solved that books for the Protestant missionaries should be sent
out in their ships free.* Finck was a foreigner, and wrote an
account of his voyage and ckpture by the French in ' High
Dutch.'

' Tanner MSS., vol. ccxc. p. 238. No date ; but^'ihe year is fixed by the
sailing of the Jcme Frigate, which took out Finck and the printing-press
referred to in the next paragraph. India Office MSS. Wage-books and Con-
sultations. '

^..Court Minutes of November 30,' 1711. India Office MSS.

A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT 249

The naiTative may here fitly close. It suffices to show that
during the^j careless, days of Charles II. a movement emanated
from Oxford, and specifically from Christ Church, for the spread
of the faith in India. Tliat»the East India Company put itself
at the head of the movement and underfook the management
of the funds. That the movement did not end with the death

of the Dean-Bishop, its originator, but was carried on by other men
of Oxford and Christ Church, his friends and disciples. That,
although some of its aims went beyond what was possible in
those times, it exercised an influence alike op^the action of the
old Company and on the ' Godly charter ' which in 1698 incor-
porated the new. That thirty years after the Bishop of Oxford
addressed the East Indian Directors in 1681, a fund was still
being administered on the lines which he had laid down, namely,
missionary work, ' the erecting of free schools in India,"* the
translation of the Scriptures, and the ' prihtlrg design.' ' The
terms on which the new Company was incorporated,' says the
Madras official edition of the charters, were ' almost the same '
as before, 'but jvith the addition of a provision for the main-
tenance of ministers and schoolmasters.' This addition was in
a large measm-e due to the movement initiated by Bishop Fell, -
and continued by his Oxford fi*iends and disciples.

When the curtain next rises on British missionary efFo,rt in
India we find the position of the English and the Danish Com-
panies reversed. Denmark well repaid the succour ^hich
England had sent to the Tranquebar mission at the beginning
of the eighteenth century by carrying the first Baptist mission-
^ries""^nder the Danish flag to India in 1793, and sheltering
them in the Danish settlement of Serampur. Those who marvel
at the change should bear in mind that the British had* by that
time become the governing power in India, pledged to respect
the right of their subjects to worship iiT* their own way. If the
East India Company had encouraged Christian missionaries in
1793, it could not have refused an equal liberty to the propa-
ganda of Hinduism and Islam. But religious movements in
India have always tended to develop into political revolution,
and the Company did not, at that time, feel itself strong enough
to face the risk. ^

Yet the missionary spirit whith supplied the impelling power

250 A FORGOTTEN OXFORD MOVEMENT

to the Oxford movement of 1681, although it long remained in
abeyance, was never quenched. The monument in St Paul's to
'The First Protestant Bishop of India' (1814-1822) was
erected by the two sister Societies avhom we saw, on the first
page of this article, continuing Bishop Fell's work at the begin-
ning of the last century. Its marble group represents the
prelate receiving an Indian man and woman into the Christian
faith, and the native Church now forms an important branch of
the episcopal duty in India. Wlien the East India Company
grew into the gov^Auing power it became obviously wi-ong for
its chaplains, paid out of Qindu and Musalman taxes, to attempt
to destroy the religions which form the most cherished posses-
sions of the Indian races. But propagandist societies, supported
by voluntary contributions, and unconnected with the State,
sprang up under the equal protection afforded by the Company
to every creed. ^These missionary bodies do what the old
military chaplains, projected by Fell, could never have accom-
plished. They hold exactly the same status in the eye of the
law as Hindu or Musalman propagandists.

The right now possessed by all sects and races in India, not
only to enjoy their own faith, but also to actively spread it, is
a right which could not have been conceived of in India two
centuries ago, and which could not have been safely granted a
hmidi-ed years later. Even now it is subject to the provisions
of the Penal Code against wounding the rehgious feelings of
others, applied impartially to Christian, Musalman, and Hindu.'
The free yet orderly exercise of this right of the hostile creeds
in India to proselytize from each other forms one of the most
striking testimonies, not only to the justice but also to the
strength^of British rule.

(

VIII
A PILGRIM SCHOLAli^

• • THE START

In November 1824 a European descender! from the inner
Himalayas to the British outpost at' Sabathu. ' *He was poorly
clad in a native dress, ' the coarse blanket of the country.' But
he declared himself to be an Austrian subject ; a student of
languages who had spent the past five years in making his way,
chiefly on foot, from Hungary to Central Asia. He desired the
protection of the British Government to enable him to proceed
into the unknown regions of Tibet ; and he produced a letter of
recommendation from the English explorer, Moorcroft^ with
whom he had passed five months in Kashmir.
» Captain Kennedy, afterwards the chief founder of Simla,
was then the political officer in charge of the Himalayan frontier
■oLivckAr*" He civilly detained the straitger, half as prisoner,
half as guest, until h* could receive the orders of the Governor-
General regarding him. After some characteristic caution,
Lord Amherst granted the protection solicited and supported
it by a stipend, models IT in amount, but^sufficient for the still
more modest wants of the travellor. Armed with letters to the
Himalayan Chiefs, and with a few hundred rupees in his scrip,
the stranger re-entered the mountains. The next six years he
spent, with an intervjil of some months, in exploring the archives
of Buddhist monasteiies in Tibet.

The poor scholar was Csoma de^ Koros, one of the great

' In TJie Pioneer, Allahabad, 1885. J «

252

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR |!

original workers of our century. As a Hungarian student,
before entering the University, he liad vowed, togethpr with two
fellow-pupils, to penetrate Central Asia in search of the origin
of his nation. Alone of the three,iyCsoma kept his word. The
first thirty-five years t>f his life were passed in self-preparation
in Europe for the task. The next twelve he spent as an humble
foot traveller through Asia, or in studying amid cold, privation,
and solitude, with Buddhist priests in Tibet. His remaining
eleven years he devoted in India to publishing a part of the
materials he had e^^llected, and to constantly adding to them,
with an unslakable thirst;, for learning.

The result of his life was to open up a vast new field to
human inquiry. Csoma, single-handed, did more than the
armies of Ochterlony, and not less than the diplomacy of
Hodgson, to pierce the Himalayas, and to reveal to Europe
what lay behin^, the mountain wall. He has suffered the
fate allotted in this world to the pioneers of knowledge. Other
men have entered on his labours. They have built their easy
edifices from the materials which he with a lifer's toil amassed :
the meaner translating sort, as usual, not fearing to patronise
the dead master.

The fame of a solitary worker like Csoma de Koros is, in
truth, a plant which grows not on mortal soil nor in broad
inimom' lies. A hundied years had elapsed from his birth be-
fore he found a biographer. To the scholars of this generation
he has been a dim Transylvanian figure, lean and homeless
among the Himalayas, but projecting a giant shadow from tKeir
heights across Central Asia. Last year, the centenary of his' birth,
his life was at length worthily written. Dr. Duka has brought to
his task the enthusiasm of a compatriot, and a loving reverence
which in this iron age of biography may Avell excuse some slight-
ness in Oriental research. We purpose very briefly to sketch
the life of noble self-devotion ' which Dr. Duka has so tenderly
portrayed, to throAv sidelights on certain episodes which he has
left obscure, and to indicate Csoma's true position in Tibetan
scholarship. The fame of Csoma de Kciros should be dear to
the English nation ; for he was never tired of acknowledging
that to English generosity he had owed the means of doing
his <.life'sy work. It was an 'old Hungarian fund subscribed

J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 255

ill London dining the reign of Queen Anne that defrayed his
university » education at Gottingen. It was EngHsh HberaHty
in Persia and Ladakh which enabled him to prosecute his
journey across Asia. Duriii^- his long monastic studies in Tibet,
and throughput his eleven years in India, jlie was supported by
grants from the British Government. In the English language
the grateful Hungarian published his wor^s. He rests from his
labours, on a spm* of his beloved Himalayas, in an English
graveyard.

Alexander Csoma was born in the picl^uresque village of
Koros, in Transylvania, Apiil 1784, His family, although
poor, belonged to the Szeklers, or military nobles, who through-
out many hmi4red years had held the south-eastern frontier of
Hungary against the Turks. The Szeklers, whom Csoma loved
to call tlfle Siculian nation, were a warrior tribe of Huns, settled
in Dacia since the fourth centmy a.'d. Dm-ing,the Middle Ages
they had formed the advanced guard of Christendom ; and they
still maintained something of their ancient tribal equality, the
cultivators being also the owners of the soil. In Csoma'^s family
the military instinct was curiously blended with a love of leam-
ijig. One of his uncles was a distinguished professor ; a cousin
was a Protestant pastor ; a nephew fell in the street-fighting of
the War of Independence in 1849. The school-life^ of the
poorer military nobles of Hungary in the last century was a
.hard one. Csoma obtained his education as a pupil-servant in
t|;ie gymnasium or collegiate high-school of Nagy-Eiiyed ; keeping
.thpj.'^^inre rooms clean and tidy in retui;ii for his board. When
he reached the higilier classes he ga\e private lessons to the
younger boys, and stored up his humble fees as the means of
carrying on his further studies.

At the age of twfjnty-three Csoma completed his gymnasium
course (1807), and was elected Lectmer of Poetry to the college,
devoting part of his holidays also to private tuition. It was not
till he reached his thirty-first year that he found leisure to pass
his examen rigoroswji, which ((ualified him to continue his studies
at a foreign university. At the beginning of the previous
century the Protesbint college of Nagy-Enyed had been razed
to the ground, and its students dispersed or slain, in the Hun-
garian Ci\il Wars of 1704. The tragedy had fetched the

254 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR

teart of the British nation. Eleven thousand pounds were
subscribed under the auspices of the Archbishop of <^anterbiu-y,
invested in Consols, and formed into a Hungarian fund, part of
which sm-vives to this day. The distressed collegiate town rose
anew from its ruins ;^^and in 1816 the managers of the old fund
were able, after meeting all expenses, to, found two travelling
scholai'ships. Csomp. de Koros was one of the first students who
benefited by these bui'saries. After passing his rigorosum in
1815 he proceeded to Germany, During the next thi-ee years,
supported by one\^f the travelling scholarships from the English
fund, and by a gi'ant for. twelve months of the libera mensa regm
from the Hanover Government, he studied at the Univei*sity of
Gottingen. Having there learned English, ai^d plunged into
Arabic, he retm-ned to his native country in 1818, a finished
academician aged thirty-four. '

Honours ant*' emoluments awaited the returned scholar. A
tutorship in a nobleman's family, a professorship in a public
school, were innnediately offered ; while before him lay the
assm^ance of a first-class chair in the college in which he had
passed his youth, and whose fame as a seat of learning his uncle
had helped to establish. To these tempting offers Csoma turned
a deaf ear. When an humble pupil-servant in that college, he
anjd two fellow-students had devoted themselves to the discovery
of the origin of their race. His two comrades had forgotten
their vow. To Csoma it became the object of his life. He had
endm'ed the long indigence of a poor student to the age of nearly
thirty-five in qualifying; himself for the task. He now timigd,
from honours and emoluments among his ajlmiring countrymen,
to spend his remaining twenty-thi-ee years in this world as a poor
wanderer in fulfilment of his vow.

His friends found that their affectionate pleadings only gave
him sorrow. Amid the snows of February 1819 he left Tran-
sylvania on foot, to master the Slavonic language in Lower
Hungary and Croatia. In November he set his face towards
the East. His old professor, Hegediis, relates how with an
'expression of joyful serenity which shone from his eyes,"* Csoma
came to bid him good-bye. They di'ank a farewell cup in old
tokay. Next morning the ^ounger scholar started, ' lightly clad,
as if he \^ntended merely taking a walk,"" on his life's journey

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 255

through Asia. The professor went with him a Httle way ; then
they partejl in the tields ; the old master wistfully watching his
pupil till he reached the batik of the Maros stream, which was
to sever him from home and» friends for ever. A certain Count,
standing at his gate, saw the wayfarer pa/^s by ' clad in a thin
yellow nankin di'ess, with a stick in his hand and a small bundle.''

Csoma possessed, in addition to his academical equipment,
several qualifications for his task. He had a sweet patience
which silently won sympathy, and which endeared him in a
special manner to his native teachers in Iiir^ia and Tibet. ' I
include Csoma,' writes one who kne.w him from childhood,
* among those fortunate and rare individuals against whom
nobody has ever had a grievance ; nor have I heard him make a
complaint against others.' He could bear severe labour, mental
and physfcal, without strain ; from his childhood he had been
a great walker ; a stranger alike to artificial, ;|timulants and to
fatigue. The poor scholar was also an athletic young military
noble ; and his firmly knit frame resisted during fifty-eight years
every trial of e^^posure, bad food, and infectious disease.

Above all, Csoma had learned to do without money. In
boyhood he had earned his own education ; his stipend at the
university was fifteen pounds per annum. He now started on
a five years' journey through Asia with a hardly saved hoard
of twenty pounds. To this should be added a promise of ten
pounds a year from a friendly Councillor. His admiring
countrymen afterwards raised a fund for him ; but he returned
tfie money untouched, to found a scholarship in his old school.
Throughout his life he would have no private patron, and
shrank from private help of any sort. When at the university,
a friend who was leaving tried to make over to Csonta a few
books, and indeed hyj college cap, as Csoma's was worn out.
The poor student refused the gift, •and the fiiend had to
transfer the articles to him ty sale for ten kreuzers, say
eightpence. When snowed up in Tibet, with thirty sheep hung
for winter consumption in the neighbouring monastery, Csoma
could scarcely afford* a scrap of the animal food which would have
helped him to bear the rigour of the climate. In India we shall
find him living like a native on' boiled rice, but refusing
pecuniai-y aid, unless it came from the public purse kiid &r a

256 :d PILGRIM SCHOLAR

specified public purpose. Everywhere we shall see him ' poor,
humbly clad, and reserved,' accomplishing gveat resul+s with the
smallest means ; unconscious of aiiy wants beyond the single
coarse suit which he wore, and just enough of the cheapest
native food to enable^him to work on from day to day.

Against these qualifications for his task must be set -one
di'awback. The task itself was an impossible one. The object
of Csoma's life proved to be but a student's dream. He believed
that the Hungarians of Europe were of the same family as the
Hungars, Yungar^ or Yugars in Mongolia. To discover his
distant kinsmen of Asia and the common home of the race was
the subject of his boyish vow ; it remained the central purpose
of his mature years; it formed the theme of ^almost his last
conversation before death. The English officer who noted
down his sick-bed utterances states that Csoma summarised
the grounds for^ believing that ' his native land was possessed by
the original Huns, and his reasons for tracing them to Central
or Eastern Asia.' ' All his hopes of attaining the object of the *
long and laborious search were centred in the • discovery of the
country of the Yugars.' Dr. Duka, with that biographical
tenderness which we are told passeth the love of women, would j
conceal the visionary nature of Csoma's main object under a '
nimbus of his actual achievements. But the evidence on this
subject, although it does not seem to have come before Dr.
Duka, is categorical and complete. To quote only a single letter
from Csoma's own hand, a letter which his biographer might
surely have seen : ' Both to satisfy my own desire,' he . wr^tf —
from Teheran, ' and to prove my gi'atitude ^ud love to my nation,
I have set off", and must search for the origin of my nation
according to the lights which I have kindled in Germany ;
avoiding neither dangers which may ^lerhaps occur, nor the
distance I may have to travel.'

For this and other errors of his old-world philology Csoma
needs no apologist. It was not till after he had left Europe
that Bopp finally transferred the science of language from the
basis of verbal resemblance to that of fundamental structm'e.
Even now, when Aryan scholarship has for long rested on this
firm foundation, the Turanian races, who formed the subject of
Csoma's' ti'eseaich, still remain the spoi't of conjectiue or asser-

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 257

tion, according to the modesty or the temerity of the individuffl
student. Vambery places the two epoch-making settlements of
the Hungarian people, firs^ between the Ural Mountains and
the Volga River, and then a^id the Slav elements of Pannonia.
But the linguistic tools which the Hungar^^n scholar of our da}
so dexterously wields were not in the hands of his earlier com-
patriot. It is Csoma^s glory that, starting from one set of old
eiTors, he arrived at quite a different set of new truths ; that in
pursuing a di'eam he accomplished a reality. He never forced
his facts to fit his preconceptions. His honesty in work over-
came his fallacies of theory. A very few thuikers in this world
have seen a great thing to do, seen it and done it. England
has produced two such original workers, Newton and Darwin ;
for Bacon's performance was different. Csoma, like Browning's
Grammar^n, with a great end to pursue, died ere he knew it.
His search for the home of his race in Asia was predestined to
failure. But by his self-denying labours, during the long dis-
appointment of that search, he laid the foundation for a new
department of human knowledge.

^^o

>
>

;

258 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR

THE JOURNEY

In November 1819 Csoma de Koros crossed the hill frontier of
Hungary, with intent to enter Asia by way of Constantinople.
The plague in the Turkish capital forced him, ho v, ever, to turn
aside. He therefore took shipping from the European coast of
the Archipelago and sailed by Rhodes to Egypt. At Alexandria
he devoted himself to Arabic, but another outburst of the
plague drove him eastward to Aleppo in Syria. Thence he
walked to Mesopotamia dressed like an Asiatic, and floated down
the Tigris on a raft to Bagdad. A small gift of money from
the English resident in that city enabled him to go forward
with a caravan to Persia. He reached the Persian capital,
Teheran, in October 1820 after twelve months'" march from the
Hungarian frontier.

A year had already been consumed on the road, yet Csoma
was still far to the west of the countries which he believed to
contain the object of his search. His money was quite gone ;
and to add to his helplessness, no Europeans were at tJa^ t Boac on
of the year in Teheran. A native servant of the British
Embassy received him, however, with kindness and wrote of his
forlorn condition to Sir Henry and Major George Willock, two
Madras Cavalry officers who had beerf attached to Sir Gore
Ouseley"'s mission. These distinguished brothers, the uncle and
the father of the Bengal Cavalry officer of our day, ^ promptly

' Sir Henry Willock, K.L.S., was for eleven years charge d'affaires at
Teheran, and was the last chairman of the H.B.I. Company. His brother,
Major George Willock, was an excellent Persian scholar, and served his
country with credit in the East. A second brother, alluded to in the text,
was Captain F. G. Willock, of the 6th Bengal Cavalry, who met a soldier's
death dtUing the siege of Delhi. Sir Henry's son, Mr. H. D. Willock. B.C.S.,]

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 259

responded to the appeal. They supplied the poor traveller with
money, clothes, and books, and Csoma rested four months under
their protection, improving'»his English and perfecting himself
in the Persian tongue. In March 1821 he writes, ' I bid adieu
to my noble benefactors.' He 'resumed his Asiatic name,
Sikandar Beg, ' Gentleman Alexander,"* and again putting on a
native dress he set his face towards Mongolia. He left with
the brothers Willock all his humble properties, his University
certificates, his passport, his few papers, and his European suit,
with a request that they might be sent to his family ' in case I
should die or perish on my road to Bol^hara."* After traversing
deserts, mountains, and steppes, he reached Bokhara only to find
his fm'ther advance to the east blocked by the rumoured approach
of a Russian army. He accordingly turned southwards, and,
marching (,with a caravan, arrived at Kabul in January 1822.

More than two years had now passed on the journey. But
Kabul proved to be a -perilous resting place, and Sikandar Beg
pushed on for the Sikh kingdom in the Punjab, meeting with
Ranjit Singh's famous European generals Allard and Ventura,
by the way. At the Sikh capit^J, Lahore, he found himself far
to the south of the Mongolian countries, with the Himalayan •^'»
Willi now between him and the object of his search. By June
1822, however, he had made his way through the mountains to
the capital of Ladakh. But here again he discovered that
further progress eastwards was i)nj)ossible. He therefore re-
traced his weary steps towards the Punjab, resolved to seek for
soi\ie other passage through the Himalayas into Central Asia.
Near tne K^ashmir frontier he met the English explorer Moor-
croft. The two solitary Europeans in that wild region
joined company and became friends. Csoma opened his sad
heart and unfolded his baffled plans. Moorcroft advised him to
learn Tibetan as the Dest groundwork "for future success, and
gave him his copy of Father Giorgi's ' Alphabetum Tibetanum.' „
That poot, voluminous compilation, printed at Rome in 1762 from
materials sent home by the Capuchin friars, was then the only
attempt to open up tAe language of Tibet to European research.

accompanied Havelock's force which relievo(i Lucknow, took part in every
action, and remained with the Residency garrison until the seconc'x relief by
Sir Colin Campbell. ' . ;( *

» s 2

260 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR j

With the study of this vohiiiie, however, Csoma's enterprise
for the first time touched soHd ground. He spent the winter
of 1822 in Kashmir poring over its pages. Before the spring
of 1823 a resolve had grown up > within him that he would
master, if he died fo^ it, the new realms of learning of which
he caught distant glimpses in Giorgi's work. He eked out its
vmcertain materials by conversing in Persian with a Tibetan
resident in Kashmir. But the grammar and literatm'e of Tibet
could only be mastered in Tibet itself. Csoma determined
to penetrate that ^ unknown land. Moorcroft furnished him •
with letters and some ^^upees. The Hungarian, on his side,
pledged himself to bring back results that would repay the
outlay, and the two fnends parted in Kashmir, never again to
meet in this world. The solitary scholar plunged into the
north-eastern mountains. From June 1823 to October 1824
he studied Tibetan with a learned priest, or Lama, in the
Buddhist monastery of Yangla.

During half the year the cold at that altitude is intense.
Even on midsummer day snow had fallen, and the ground was
again sheeted with white before the crops were cut in September.
In winter the doors were blocked with snow, and the thermometer I
ranged below zero. Throughout four months Csoma sat with
his Laijia in a cell nine feet square, neither of them daring to
stir out, with no fire, with no light after dark, with only the J
ground to sleep on, and the bare walls of ^he building as their
sole defence against the deadly cold. Wrapped in a sheepskin
cloak, his arms folded tightly across his breast to keep in the
last sparks of his animal heat, Csoma read from da^HFeak to
dark, and then relapsed into night for the next fourteen hours.
To put' forth his hand for a moment from its fleecy shelter was |
an enterprise of pain and of danger. But before the end of
winter he gi-ew quite dexterous in tm-ning over his pages, with-
out getting his forefinger frostbitten.

Of his sufferings Csoma could never be got to speak one
word. His reticence as to the hairbreadth escapes and personal
privations of his long solitude in Centraf' Asia contrasts with
the picturesque frankness of his compatriot Vambery. Of this
period of his life he merely says : ' I became acquainted with
maiiy li'l^rary treasm'es, shut Up in 320 printed volumes which

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 261

are the basis of all Tibetan learning and religion/ l\\
November J. 824 he descended the Sutlej gorge, emerging from
the Himalayas at the Britisli hill -cantonment of Sabathu, with
an epitome of the 320 voluilles and the beginnings of a Tibetan
dictionary in his bundle. ^

•The apparition vf a European, known to the natives as
Sikandar Beg and clad in a blanket, issuing forth from the
Himalayas, was without precedent in the respectable routine of
our frontier station. The officer in charge hospitably detained
the pilgi'im, and put on him English clothes, but at the same
time wrote for orders regarding his disposal. The Governor-
General briefly commanded that the stranger should give an
account of Jiin^self. This Csoma did, in two letters of a
simplicity so touching, and Avith a singleness of purpose so
manifest, %s to establish himself once and for ever in the confi-
dence of the Indian Government. 'He only def jred to continue
his studies, and if the* British nation would be pleased to help
him, all the results should belong to it. Lord Amherst
accepted the-{»oposal , granted an allowance of fifty rupees a
month to the scholar, and had him furnished with letters to the
Chiefs on the Tibetan Frontier. Before setting out again, <
Csoma put on record in May 1825 precisely what he under-
took to do. Until he could fulfil his obligations to the, Indian
Government, he silently gave up his search for the origin of his
yation in Mongolia. He agreed to return to Tibet, and to
remain there till he had collected the materials for three great
works, first, a Tibetan grammar ; secpnd, a Tibetan-English
dictionary of over 3p,000 words ; third, an account of Tibetan
literatm-e, with specimens of its books, and a succinct history of
the country. ^Vhen he should have gathered his materials in
Tibet, he prayed that J:he Governor-General would permit him
to journey to C'alcutta, to submit the results to the Asiatic
Society of Bengal.

Henceforward this became the practical programme of
Csoma's life. He never, indeed, abandoned the hope of resum-
ing his search for the Mongolian starting-point of his race.
That was to be his crowning achievement. But he never per-
mitted this dream to interfere with the work which he had
taken public money for doing. t)n the one. hand, vrites* the

262 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR

llnglishman who, as we shall see, visited him in his final
monastic retreat, ' his great aim and unceasing anxiety is to get
access to Mongolia."" On the other iiand, says the same witness,
' he told me with a melancholy emphasis that, on his delivering
up the grammar and dictionary of the Tibetan language, and
other illustrations of the literature of that, country, he would be
the happiest man on earth, and could die with pleasure on
REDEEMING HIS PLEDGE.' The Capitals are. not ours. He
deemed it an honom* that he had everywhere in Asia won the
trust of Englishmen ; and he regarded the help which he had
received on his journey, riot as pecuniary favours, but as free
gifts towards the execution of a gi-eat work. ' There is yet in
Asia,' he wrote in his first letter to the Indian (government, ' a
vast terra incognita of oriental learning.' ' In the last four
years of my travelling in Asia, I have depended for my^necessary
subsistence entirely upon British generosity.' It was with "a
proud resolve that that generosity should never be repented of,
that he stated the exact work which he purposed to give in re-
turn, and re-entered the mountains to accomplish it.

But while Csoma carried back to Tibet a very gi-ateful heart
to the Government and to individual Englishmen, his feelings
towards the little Anglo-Indian society in which he had fomid
himself, were different. On his travels through Asia he had
met with distinguished Indian officers, the Willock brothers and
Moorcroft, men engaged on serious and perilous work. The
life of the poor little dining and dancing hill-station of
Sabathu, the miniature Masuri of those days, appeared to him
altogether distasteful. The well-intentioned officer at the head
of it (his name still survives in 'Kennedy' House at Simla)
officially described him as ' this learned and enterprising indi-
vidual.' But the < learned and enterprising individual ' had the
blood of a military nobfe in his veins ; and it is difficult to say
whether he was more pained by the uncongenial indifference to
his pursuits, or by the fitful attentions to his person, as a pet
protege of the Governor-General. Csoma, nourishing his gi-eat
desire ' to enter into the cabinet of curiosity of remote ages,'
and a master of ten languages, found himself tongue-tied during
his six weary months of waiting at Sabathu. Any momentary
outflashiiig of his tme nature was taken as self-assertion, and

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 263

promptly snuffed out by the gossip of the last flirtation *r
the odds of the current ciicket-match. The only bitter words
which he is known to have* ever uttered in his life referred to
this period ; when he was ' treated at Sabathu like a fool,
caressed and ridiculed at the sama time.' '

. Indian station-life seldom, indeed, seems to have commended
itself to the occasional man of genius who has passed this way.
From time to time a commercial traveller of literatm'e comes
round, and on returning to his native land puffs the houses
along the road at which he has been flattered and fed free of
charge. But at the hands of men of letters of the higher sort,
our artless Anglo-Indian Society has suffered many things ;
from the bludgeon satire of Sir Philip Francis in the last
century, and the rapier ridicule of Jacquemont early in the
present one, to the sarcasms of Macaulay, with his recollections
of our Indian dinner-parties as combining the dulness of a State
banquet and the conflision of a shilling ordinary. On the one
hand, the distinguished stranger finds the subjects, on which he
has been listened to with admiration in other countries, of no
conversational interest here. On the other hand, our innocent
chatter seems to him a jargon, made up of the dialect of the
jjlaying-fields and the technical terms of the native land revenue
office. We speak, of course, of the time before the great im-
provement which has of late years taken place in refinefl Anglo-
Indian converse. 'For now, although bisques, and byes, and
ties, and off-sides, and half-backs, enter more largely into our
Cable-talk ; yet native terms, or any expressions implying an
^ interest in the country, are genteelly excfuded. As we grow older
we gi'ow simpler. The vernaculars of our school sports resurge as
the polite conversation of our riper years. The old wo?ds revive
the old emotions, and we experience all the pangs and pleasures
of fifteen at forty-hve played ovei^* again. Meanwhile the
employment of native words, which so strongly flavoured the
talk of our predecessors, has become as discreditable as profane
swearing. If a guest were to speak of a jarna-wcasU-haki at a
dinner-table he woifld be stared at, amid a solemn hush, as if
he were using bad words ; and even our familiar friend, the
bandobuM, has been exiled to *bachelor parties in*i'emote
stations. • ^ .

264 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR

^ Csoma was of too gentle and grateful a nature to indulge in
satire on his benefactors. The futilities of the little hill-station
struck him with a pained sui-prise rather than with i-esentment.
His six months of waiting for ordei:s at Sabathu were a period
of suppression and silence. In his later Calcutta years, while
the honoured friend of the Englishmen best worth knowing in
India, and a most interesting companion to those who sought
him out, he absolutely refused to go into society, as a thing not
tending to profit a man who has a serious aim in life.

In June 1825 Csoma started on foot on his second ascent
into Tibet. His first stages carried him up the spur of the
Himalayas, which forms the watershed between the river systems
of the Indus and the Ganges. Climbing by sheep tracks through
heavy forest, and along the ledges of precipitous mountains, he
reached a narrow ridge called Semla or Simla ; ' a vaex^ halting-
place, a name given to a few ^miserable cultivators' huts.' From
the Simla ridge, then at places only two or three yards broad, the
rain Avhich falls on the western side flows towards the Arabian
Sea, while that which drops on the eastern slope starts for
the Bay of Bengal. The upper end of that neck of land is
^ now crowned by an English church ; a Gothic town hall has
risen from its eastern edge ; while around, above and beloW,
is dotted the summer capital of India. Csoma made his
way painfully into the interior, by nmch the same route as
parties of tourists now canter gaily from stage-house to stage-
house out to Narkanda. From this dominating colle he dropped
by way of Kotgarh into the Sutlej Valley. Kotgarh, now a
missionary station with an old graveyard smothereST under
roses, then formed the outermost defence-work of British India.
Two detachments, raised from the shattered Gurkha armies
whom we had lately expelled, controlled fi-om Kotgarh the
upper crossings of the Swtlej and the hill chiefs. Here Csoma
bade adieu to Em"opean faces ; and plunging into the gloomy
Sutlej gorge, disappeared for the next eighteen months. In
August 1825 he reached the village of his former friend and
teacher the Buddhist priest, in the province'' of Zanskar.

That spiritual person was, however, ' absent on some
mercalvtile affairs in the deserts of Tibet.' ' On his return,'
continues ' Csoma, ' he has engaged to dwell and labour with

I
A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 265

me from November 10 to the summer solstice of nejft ye£l\'
' Medicinej astrononiy, and astrology are his professions. In
searching after knowledge lie visited in six years many parts of
Tibet, &c., and Nepal. Ho knows the whole system of their
religion, has a general knowledge *)f everything that is contained
in .their books ; and of customs, manners, economy ; of the
polite language used among the nobility and in the sacred
volumes ; and of speaking respectfully to superiors.' This
accomplished ecclesiastic combined, indeed, many avocations.
He was fifty-two years of age, had married the widow of the
local Raja, was the chief physician in the great province of
Ladakh, and on occasion served as Chief Secretary to that
Government in communicating with the Grand Lama of Tibet.
He had a sincere love for Csoma, but in time his affection was
worn ou^ by the Hungarian's insatiable demands for new
knowledge. He took effectual preca^ution, indeed, against being
iigain fi'ozen up for fdui- months with his pupil in a nine-feet
square cell by providing an apartment in his own house. Many
thousand words he patiently wrote down in Tibetan for the
stranger, with a register of all the gods, heroes, constellations,
minerals, animals, and plants ; from the cedar-tree which groweth^
oil the Himalayas, even unto the hyssop that springeth out of
the wall. But by degiees the learned Lama waxed faint over
their labours, and after some months he quietly left his pupil.
No other teacher c6uld be found in that wild country : and
nothing remained but for Csoma to return to India with his
work unaccomplished.

^ One inore frustration was thus added to this life of disap-
pointed hopes. But although defeated, Csoma did not despair.
In January 1827 he re-appeared at om^ frontier sta+ion no
longer with a few copied manuscripts in his bundle, but mth
boxes laden with literary treasures. The Government had now
to decide whether it would rest content with his half-finished
work, or* enable him to complete it. Lord Amhei*st resolved to
trust the bafHed scholar to the end.

266 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR

o
o

III

THE END

In the spring of 1827 Csoma was introduced to Lord Amherst.
That nobleman saw nothing ridiculous in the extreme simplicity
of dress and diet which moved the mirth of meaner spirits. He
perceived that Csoma was one of those rare natures whose whole
existence is centred in the achievement of a gi'eat work, and to
whom it is a mere accident whether th«y accomplish it amid
wealth and comfort or in isolation and want. The poor scholar
admitted the failm-e of his second visit to Tibet. He oifered
either to proceed to Calcutta, to work up such materials as he
. had been able to collect, or to return to the mountains for three
years more to complete them. His one fear was that he might
exhaust the generosity of the British Government before his
task was finished. He had, therefore, husbanded his resources
so well, that out of Rs. 500 granted to "-him more than two
years previously about Rs. 150 remained. He had, in fact,
lived in one of the most rigorous climates in the world, and
collected a vast treasure of Tibetan manuscripts, orT a total
expenditure of Rs. 15 a month, or, say, seven shillings a week. ^

To -the Government of India the question was complicated
by considerations with which his biographer seems unacquainted.
Dr. Duka writes as if Givjrgi's ' Alphabetum Tibetanum' of 1762,
supplemented by certain doubtful efforts in India, remained in
1827 the sole source of information regarding the language of
Tibet. This statement represents the facts with a fair degree
of accuracy at the period of Csoma's firs^c arrival in India in
1824. But diu-ing the thi-ee years which had since elapsed an
impo»ilant advance had bten made; and in 1826 a Tibetan \
Dic^ionairy, compiled independently of Csoma, was printed at

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 267

Serampur. The work was derived from lists of words 1^
behind by a Catholic missionary on the Bhutan frontier. The
poor missionary had died, his very name was lost, but his few
worldly possessions fell into the hands of an English officer,
who passed them on to another \nissionary in Bengal. From
tht;se papers, rich in vernacular terms and in the language of
popular Tibetan literature, but unsifted and unsorted, and
without any Tibetan scholar to edit them or to correct the
proofs, a Dictionary had been printed at the expense of the
' East India Company in 1826. AVhen, therefore, Csoma
returned to India in 1827, declaring^ tha^ he had failed to
complete his Avork, he found that that work had just been done
by others.

Lord Amherst had to decide whether he would pay for the
cost of d->ing it over again. European scholars had pronounced
against such efforts, initiated from the south of the Himalayas.
Klaproth in particular had put forth his great authority to
cast contempt on the endeavours of the English in India to
study Tibet'^n. To send forth Csoma again was, therefore, not
only to incur the expense of doing work twice over in India,
but also to run the risk of a double share of ridicule in Europe.^
Dord Amherst realised, however, that here was a man capable
of doing a great work for the British nation. After six months
of waiting, Csoma received the sanction of the Government of
India to return to •'Tibet, with an allowance of Rs. 50 per
mensem dm-ing the three years which he required for the
completion of his materials. Accordingly for the third time he
^,^_^e-ascen{?ed the Himalayas, penetrating'^by way of Simla, where
a few wood houses had by this time been erected, into the wilds
of Kunawar. *

He reached the monastery of Kanum about the autumnal
equinox of 1827, and passed the ne>t three years, 9,500 feet
above sea-level, in silence and 'solitude, completing his task.
Only once was his isolation broken. Dr. Gerard, the earliest
medical explorer of the Himalayas, visited him in 1829, and has
left a pathetic picture of the life of the hermit scholar. The
cold and privation of which Csoma never deigned to speak
became terriljle realities in Dr. Gerard's letter. We Ic^i^i, too,
that Csoma, in addition to his physical sufferings, had to

268 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR

wl3stle with those spiritual demons of self-distrust, the bitter
sense of the world's neglect, and the paralyzing uncertainty as
to the value of his labours, which hitve eaten the heart of the
solitary worker in all ages and in all lands. Like Buddha he
had to bear his Temptation in the Wilderness, alone and an
hungered : but unlike Buddha, no angels came to comfort him
after his struggles with the Doubting Enemy of mankind.

' The cold,' writes Dr. Gerard, ' is very intense ; and all last
winter he sat at his desk wrapped up in woollens ft-om head to
foot, and from morning to night, without an interval of recrea-
tion or warmth, except t];\at of his frugal meals, which are one
universal round of greasy tea.' Nevertheless the Himgarian
had ' collected and arranged 40,000 words of the Tibetan
language in a situation that would have driven most men to
despair.' His Lama, or Buddhist priest and instructor,
continues Dr. Gerard, ' is a man of vast acquirements, strangely
disguised under modest confidence of siiperiority, the mildest
and most unassuming address, and a countenance seldom dis-
tm*bed by a smile. His learning has not made y>vv bigoted or
self-sufficient ; but it is singularly contrasted with his person
^ and appearance, which are humble, dignified, and gi'easy. Mr.
Csoma himself appears, like one of the sages of antiquity, liviiig
in the most frugal manner and taking no interest in any object
around him, except in his literary avocations ; which, however,
embrace the religions of the countries ai*'bund him. In his
conversations and expressions he is frequently disconsolate, and
betrays it in involuntary sentiment, as if he thought himself
forlorn and neglected. He can form no idea of the spirit in whicl'is,,,^^^ '
Government will receive his works, and almost fears they may not
be considered with that indulgence which is due to his research.'
But although at times feeling ' forlorn and neglected,'
Csoma never lost the i2oble confidence in his work. If no
angels came to comfort him in his conflict with self-distrust and
Giant Despair, he had at length the encouragement in his
loneliness of seeing his labours mentioned with honour in the
'Government Gazette.' A poor form of celestial consoler, per-
haps i, but the old Company had the grace to make one who
was dymg difficult and solitary Avork for it, feel that he was
not forgotten. His ' whole earthly happiness,' says Dr. Gerard,

J PILGRIM SCHOLAR 269

'consists in being merely able to live and devote himself >o
mankind, with no other reward than a just appreciation and
honest fame.' To such a> man what mattered it that of his
fifty rupees a month one-hal/ was paid to his Lama or teacher ;
and that this, with other expenses^ according to Gerard, ' leaves
' hii^i less than twenty rupees to provide the necessaries of life,
which in that remote and secluded region are very expensive,
and must frequently be supplied from a distance of two
hundred miles. His chief and almost only meal is tea, in the
'' Tartar fashion, which is indeed more like soup, the butter and
salt mixed in its preparation leaving no flavour of tea. It is a
repast at once gi-easy and nourishing, and being easily made, is
very convenient in such a country.*' What mattered it, as we have
mentioned, that in winter with ' thirty whole sheep hung up for
consump^^ion ' in the monastery hard by, ' poor Mr. Csoma can
hardly afford to taste even a piece of one ' ? Or that in summer,
with the cheap hill fxiits in season, ' he abstained from every-
thing of this sort from a prudent conviction that they would
not make him happier'? Dr. Gerard records, not without
pathos, these and many other touching details. It formed
a great event in the poor scholar's life when he had saved up^
twelve rupees with which to build for himself a fireplace. But
Csoma cared as little for all these things as for the bareness of
his hut, without either table or bed. ' Two rustic ben<^hes and
a couple of ruder chairs,' writes the sympathetic Gerard, ' are
all the furniture in his small abode. But the place looks
comfortable, and the volumes of the Tibetan works, the
^* Kahgyur " and " Stangyur," his manifscripts, and papers, are
neatly piled up around him.'

Thus in penury and solitude Csoma accomplished his work.
Any offer of private aid he quietly put aside. On leaving him.
Dr. Gerard begged his acceptance ' o^ a cloak which was well
adapted for so cold a climate. "I sent him also some rice and
sugar, but he returned the whole, and out of his scanty resources '^
sent me sixteen rupees to purchase a few articles at Sabathu.
Mr. Csoma would ac'cept of assistance oidy from a public source,
because he seems confident of his ability to return a re-
munerating advantage ; but to prit'ate individuals, he.i*t«ys, he
has nothing to give.' « . *

270 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR

^ Even the aid from public sources was on occasion so em-
bittered by the remembrance of official pettiness and neglect
that Csoma could not bring himsdf to accept it. A o-reat
literary enterprise, like Csoma's, is in India usually inaugurated
by a Governor-General of large views, who clearly sees what the
country and the British nation will in the end gain by it. But *
it is hateful to a certain type of official, especially to a second-
rate specimen of the type, cramped by the long formalism of j
his life, and honestly unsympathetic to any work outside the I
circumvallations of routine which form the defence-works of his ' 1
little bureaucratic citadel. Such animosity seldom affects the
main results, if the worker has learned to keep his temper and to
suffer fools. Indeed, be it said to the honom- of the Govern-
ment of India that no real worker has every looked back on a
great literary enterprise conducted under its orders without
acknowledging that its conduct has been, if not sympathetic in
manner, yet in essentials just. This feelihg was always upper-
most in Csoma's mind. He found, too, that the narrow second-
rate official is not the only official in India, nor in. the long run
the predominant one. From the men who really made the history
^f that day, whether Governor-Generals like Lord Amherst and
Lord William Bentinck, or civilians like Metcalfe, Trevely^n,
and Prinsep, the poor scholar always received the most delicate
regard and kindness. His annoyance from the meaner sort of
secretaries was merely the stone-throwing ot street boys. The
routine official could enforce his general rules in such a way as
to inflict a good deal of pain on the solitary worker. But the
petty affronts and smarts which a man thus endm-es in^carrvins __^ '
out a great work are no more worth remembering than
scratches received in a battle.

Csoma felt them, however, with the acuteness of a sensitive
nature, although he seldom condescended to complain. For
example, the routine gentlemen had the art of twice making
him wait six months for an answer. They had also the triumph
of keeping him very poor ; always a comforting reflection to the
ignoble order of mind which estimates a man's position by his
pay-abstract. Csoma seems to have regretted this circumstance,
only 'Iftivsmuch as it disabled him from buying manuscripts.
' If,' ivrote Dr. Gerard, ' means -could be devised to increase his

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 271

small allowance even to 100 rupees a month, it would ^e
liberality well conferred, and must eventually be well repaid.'
They could also starve him , in regard to books. This was the
one affront which Csoma never forgot, and could not forgive.
It was for books that Csoma first\asked on his arrival in India.
Yet the Gofernment never supplied him with books or with
the means of buying them ; while the Asiatic Society, who
might well have supplemented the action of Government, delayed
during six years to answer his appeal. When at length, stirred
by certain nobler spirits, the Society resolved to add fifty rupees
a month to the stipend of fifty granted by <Jovernment, Csoma
refused the tardy aid. He had by tliat time got beyond the
help of books, for he knew more than books could teach him.
' I beg leaveV he wrote in his quaint English to the Society in
1829, ' for declining to accept the offered allowance and of
returning the di'aft. In 1823, being destitute of books, Mr.
Moorcroft, on my behalf, had requested you t6 send me some
necessary works. I have never received any. I was neglected
for six years. Now, under such circumstances and prospects,
I shall want no books.'

For now the first part of his task was done. He had
surveyed the whole domain of Tibetan classical literatiu*e. That
literature is arranged in two great collections : the ' Kahgyiu- '
in 104 folio volumes of 500 to 700 pages each, coill prising
1083 distinct works, chiefly ethical ; and the ' Stangyur,' a still
\nore colossal encyclopaedia of science in 225 folios, each weigh-
ing about five pounds. A single copy of the ' Kahgyur ' sells in
Central Asia for 7,000 oxen, and its cose of production at Pekin
" is officially estimatM at 600Z. sterling. In the monastery at
which Csoma worked these vast compilations were arra:aged ' in
chests or cisterns standing on end and partitioned into cells,
each containing a volume which is ^refully wrapped within
many folds, laced with cord, antt- bound tightly between boards
of cypress or cedar.' In 1831, after eight years' study of
Tibetan, Csoma returned to India with a train of coolies bear-
ing his manuscripts'^, and on arriving in Calcutta 'placed all
the literary treasures in his possession at the disposal of the
authorities.' *■ jt-^

Csoma's first friend. Lord i^juherst, had left India ; b:it he

272 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR

he^d he&a succeeded by a statesman even greater in peace than
Lord Amherst had been memorable in war. From the rule of
Lord William Bentinck, the policy, of governing Inaia with a
single eye to the benefit of the people dates. ' He abolished
cruel rites,' says Macaulay ^on his monument, 'he effaced
humiliating distinctions, he gave liberty to the Expression of
public opinion."* But the abolition of Thagi, the suppression
of Sati, the initiation of popular instruction, the enfranchise-
ment of the Press, and the protection of Mysore, were only a
part of the debt which India owes to Lord William Bentinck.
He diligently searched out the best men for every department,
and trained up a school of Indian administrators who converted
his beneficent personal principles into a permanent State policy.
Before 1831 when Csoma reached Calcutta, thie Governor-
General had already begun to surround himself with men,
almost every one of whom has written his name in bright letters
on Indian histoly. Personal contact with, such men at once put
an end to Csoma's vexations. His stipend was promptly
doubled, then quadrupled ; although the original rate was more
than Csoma could spend, and as much as, for 'some time, he
would consent to draw. A room was provided for him in the
Asiatic Society's house, with a noble library under the same
roof, and appliances for undisturbed research exceeding the
dreams,' and indeed the wishes, of the scholar. Five thousand
rupees were sanctioned for printing his( work ; and when
the publishei's' bills came to Rs, 6,412, they were passed
without making the author feel as if he were a public male-
factor. '

In January 1834 his Dictionaiy andi Grammar of the
Tibetan, language were published. In the preface Csoma
describes himself as ' only a poor student.' But these two
books have proved to \if. one of the m6st valuable and most
enduring contributions which the Indian Government has made
to human knowledge. ' They are,' says the learned Jaschke,
who in om- own day placed the cope-stone on the edifice of
which Csoma laid the foundation, ' the svork of an original
investigator and the fruit of almost unparalleled determination
and y«.-tience,' The studies of Csoma's biogi'apher do not
appear to have led him into the Tibetan by-path of Oriental

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 273

research. He seems to regard Csoma's work as a solitary
structure, %nd thero is a want of perspective thi'oughout his
narrative which prevents us /rom estimating the true magnitude
of the edifice by comparing it' with the labom's of other scholars.
Csoma^s real /^.chievement was this. In place of the old-world
medley of Giorgi, and. the vocabulary published at Serampur in
1826, from the copious but unsifted materials left behind by
the poor Catholic missionary who died on the Bhutan frontier,
Csoma substituted a new and an original work. He explored
for himself the vast storehouses of classical Tjbetan, and reduced
the language to a Dictionary and Grammar, which made it the
common property of the world.

Since Csoaia.no great original worker has arisen in the same
field till within quite recent years. The St. Petersburg Lexicon
is little m'bre than an adaptation of the Serampur Dictionary
of 1826, and of Csoma's Dictionary of 1834. ,The translator,
while almost entirely dependent on these two works, has never-
theless ventured to condemn the former in terms which excite
indignation, ;ind to patronise the latter with an air of superiority
which moves mirth. Csoma stands in need of no such imperti-
nent secondhand eulogies. The real element of incompleteness
in Kis books, apart from defects of method, is due to his having
worked too exclusively from the Tibetan classics, to the disregard
of the modern literature and language. This imperfection has
n9w been remedied by the labours of the Moravian missionary,
Jaschke. To the British Government belongs the credit of
carrying tg completion the work whichj it commenced half a
cihtmy ago. JaschHe's Tibetan Dictionary was published at
the charge of the Secretary of State for India, in 1881.

Csoma's Dictionary and Grannnar form, in the words on his
tombstone, ' his best ani real monument."* Of his lesser essays,
numerous and valuable as they we);e, it is unnecessary to speak
in detail. ^ They amply redeemed Csoma's third promise, made
in 1825, to furnish an acco^mt of Tibetan literature. They give
a special interest to thrj Asiatic Society's Journal and Researches
of that period. Some of them remain monographs on the
subjects of which they treat; but ^'soma's central work.Jjas
enabled later scholars to advance beyond many of hi» minor
contributions. In 1834 the Society elected him an honorary

274 A PILGRIM SCHOLAR

«
member, at that time a very rare distinction, Sir Charles

Trevelyan being his proposer and Prinsep his seconder. Csoma

had for some time reaHsed that witliout a knowledge of Sanskrit

no further progi'ess in philol(^gy could be made. From 1834 to

1837 he accordingly devoted himself to Sanskrit aijd its dialects ;

studying in Calcutta, or travelling by bopt or on foot through

North-Eastern Bengal. He declined the hospitality of British

officers on his route, as it impeded his studies, and preferred to

live in a hut on tea and boiled rice. His monthly expenses

came to three rupees for a servant and four rupees for all other

outlay ; total, say, Ss. Sd. a week. The accumulated surplus of

his stipend, together with 300 ducats presented to him from

Hungary, he sent home to his relatives, an^ m aid of the

Hungarian Literary Society.

In January 1837 he returned to Calcutta a competent
Sanskrit schoUa\ The Asiatic Society appointed him their sub-
librarian, and gave him quarters in their house. But his
invincible simplicity of life and self-concentration in study
remained unperturbed. A letter describes how, in +he last stage
of his life, Csoma airanged his four boxes of books around him,
and sat, laboured, and slept on a mat within the little quad-
rangle which they formed. The work that he had undertaken
for Government he had honom-ably accomplished. But he
never forgot, as he says in the preface to his Dictionary, that
* the study of the Tibetan language did not form part of my
original plan,"" which was to search out ' the origin and language
of the Hungarians' in Central Asia. During th^ next four
years (from the end of 1837 to early in 1842) he silently girded ,
himself for his final enterprise, meanwhile cataloguing manu-
scripts and doing much solid work for his employers.

' I saw him often during my stay in. Calcutta,' says one dis-
tinguished visitor, ' absorbed^ in phantastic thoughts, smiling at
the course of his o^vn ideas, tacitmn like the Brahmans, Avho,
bending over their Avriting desks, are employed in copying texts
of Sanskrit. His room had the appearance of a cell, which he
never left, except for short walks in the corridors of the build-
^"Sut-., Against the distinguished visitor, however, Csoma was
apt to ^hut his heart and his door: in fact he kept his room
lock^^d fi'om the outside, so that it could not be opened without

A PILGRIM SCHOLAR 275

sending for the keys. To a sympathetic fellow-student Csoma
was a different bei\ig. ' I found him,'' says the learned Dr.
Malan,^ (n^^y his memory I6ng flourish at Broad Windsor,) ' a
man of middle stature, mucl/ weather-beaten from his travels,
but kind, amiable, and willing to impart all he knew.' With a
compatriot who coulc^ talk of his beloved country, he warmed
into a thousand reminiscences and a sweet gi-ave mirth. ' He
was cheerful,' writes a travelling artist from Pesth, ' often merry,
his spirits rose very considerably when we took the opportunity
of talking about Hungary. Often, when speaking of our native
land, our conversation was protracted till after ten o'clock. I
began to suspect, however, that he would never see his native
land again, b^in^* then already advanced in age,' and enfeebled
by his almost ' prison life.'

From ithis prison life, however, Csoma in due time
soared free. By 1842 he felt himself fully eq,vipped for the
long-deferred enterprise of his life. He was then 58 years
old, but, like the aged Ulysses, he could not rest from travel.
Like Ulysses, too, ' he had become a name for always roaming
with a hungry heart ; ' and though made weak by time and
fate, yet strong in will, he resolved ' to follow knowledge like a
sinking star.' His little quadrangle of book-boxes was his
dukedom, in which he soberly worked and cautiously reasoned.
But beyond this enclosure of real life ever arose visions of the
cloud-capt tov/ers and snowy realms of the Himalayas. In
February 1842 he \vrote a gi'ateful letter of farewell to the
Asiatic Society, thanking them for they* long kindness, and
saying that, as he wa':^ setting forth ' to make a tour in Central
Asia,' and might perhaps not return, he left all his books,
papers, and savings at their disposal. He travelled the foui'
hundred miles to the nv)untains apparently on foot, was thus
compelled to spend a night in the deatlly Terai, and reached
Darjiling on March 24 stricken with fever. Om* Political
Agent there, Archibald Campbell, was a skilled physician and
an enthusiastic Oriental student. Every attention which medical
science and admiring veneration could suggest was bestowed on
the woni-out scholar. Dr. Campbell records how, in the interv^Js^

' Dr. Malan, Oriental linguist and brilli^ant scholar, died at Boumemyrth,
1894. (See Supplement to Dictionary of National Biography.)

276 J PILGRIM SCHOLAR

o^ the fever, the patient would burst forth into brilliant antici-
pations of the work which he was now at Jast to accomplish.
* ^Vhat would Hodgson, Turnour, aad some of the philosophers
of Eiu'ope not give to be in my place when I get to Lhassa ! ' was
a frequent exclamation. The poor pilgrim was never to reach
Lhassa. After three weeks' illness, he ^^died very peacefully
at daybreak on April 11, 1842, without a groan or a struggle.

' The effects,' wrote Dr. Campbell, ' consisted of four boxes
of books and papers, the suit of blue clothes which he always
wore and in which he died, a few sheets, and one cooking pot.'
There were also a bag cf silver coins and a waist-belt of gold
ducats, and a memorandum of Government securities for five
thousand rupees, which he had saved from his mqdest stipend.
These went in due course to his beloved country ; but Csoma's
bequest to the world was of the kind which neither, moth nor
rust can corru^pt. English officers laid the Master, ' famous
calm and dead,' in a fitting spot. Not on any low-lying plain
of India, but on a mighty slope of the Himalayas — ' that
appropriate country where man's thought, rarer, intenser, self-
gathered for an outbreak, as it ought, chafes in the censer ' —
they bmied the pilgrim scholar. The Asiatic Society raised a
pillar over his grave, with an error as to his age, but with a noble
epitapl). The monument is now entered in the list of tombs of
Great Men, which the British Government maintains for ever at
the public charge. The little child of a Lieutenant-Governor
of Bengal lies just behind. Csoma's grave looks southwards to -
India, where the trug work of Csoma's life was finished : a
shoulder of Birch Hill shuts out the spowy ranges beyond
which lay the visionary search, which he was destined never to
accomplish :

' Here's the top-peak ; the multitude helow

Live, for they (.an, there :
This man decided not to Live but Know —

Bury this man there ?
Here — here's his place, where meteors shoot, clouds form,

Lightnings are loosened.
Stars come and go I Let joy break with the storm,

Peace let the dew send !
Lofty designs must e-lose in like effects :
^■' Loftily lying,

Leave him — still loftier than the world suspects,

Living and dying.'

' :»

3n flDcmoriam

WILLIAM WILSON 'hunter

THEjOrient touched him with her magic wand,
She bade him labour in her boundless field ;
Straight went ^je forth— he could not chocfee but yield —

Submissive to her dominant command.

Then wrought with strenuous will, untiring hand,
Till iier fair features (in dark mists concealed),
Her splendour, and her pathos flashed revealed

By his transcendent life-work, nobly planned.

For him the peace, for those he loved the pain,
Who yet shall surely see him (but not here !),

Whose name is Vorthy of a worthier strain :
Yet be it mine, who hold thy memory dear,
To lay this frail song-violet on thy bier,

Masilfer, of genial heart and subtle bi^in.

» C. A. K.

c«

A HISTORY OF BRITISH INDIA.

By SIR WILLklAM WILSON HUNTER, K.C.S.I.

' Vol. I., with 4 Maps. 8vo. 18*. '

TO THE OVEKTHROW OF THE ENGLISH IN THE 'fepiCE?

ARCHIPELAGO, 1623.

"* ' VOL^ II. Svo. 16s.

TO THE UNION OF THE OLD AND NEW COMPANIES UNDER
THE EARL OF G^DOLPHIN'S AWARD, 1708.

*^* Messrs. Langmans S; Co. have arranged for the c.ontinnation of the late
Sir William JTiinter's ' History of British India,' and have entrusted the worii
to Mr. P. E. Roberts, of Worcester College, Oxford, who for some time acted as
private secretary to Sir William Hunter, and after his death edited and
finished the second volume, which lias just been published.

It has been determined to complete the ' History ' down to the eve of the
Mutiny {IS56) in fve more volumes, making, with those already written, seven in
all. The next volume will, it is expected, cover the period from the Earl of
Godolphin's Award (1708) to Lord Clive's acceptance on behalf of the East
India Company of the Diwani of Bengal in 176J.

PRESS NOTICES OF VOL. I.

TIMES. — 'J^o one in our time or
in the past has doiie so much as Sir
William Hunter for the history of
India. . . .j Every page of the volume
speaks of diligent research. Every-
where presides a sober, calm judg-
ment.' •'

PALI MALL GAZETTE.—' Its
lessons are told with a clearness of
vision which ,has been given to no
other historian of British India. We
see the spirit of the times reflected
in each phase of the secular struggle
for^the trade of India.'

SPECTATOR.—' No man in these
islands was nearly so well fitted for
the task as Sir William Hunter. . . .
We may assert without 'fear of con-
tradiction that he knows more of
these facts than anyone who has ever
lived.'

. ACADjilifY. — 'We have good
hopes that at last ourinational re-
proach is to be taken away . . . that
at last we are to have a History of
British India to which we can point
as sound and adequate woyk, which
will respect the demands made upon
the historian by the modern ideals of
history.'

DAILY NEWS.—' With the his-
toric sense — which is as rare as the
poetic sense — our author '« gifted in
an exceptional degree. . . . His
History, if it fulfils the promise of
its beginning, will prove to be the
British Indian history which has
never yet been written, and which
we have been wailing for.'

PRtSS NOTICES OF VOL. 11.

ST. JAMES'S GAZETTE.— 'The
dark and uncertain period of struggle
with the Dutch and Portuguese has
not p)-eviously been treated by his-
torians with the fulness of exposition
Sit William Hunt-^r has devoted to it.'

SPECTATOR.—' ... The pen
dropped from Sir William's hand
before he had quite finished chap. 8,
and the work has been completed
with the help of his materials by Mr.
Roberts. That gentleman has done
his part in a very adequate fashion ^
and it would be quite wrong to deny
him his fair meed of praise.'

TIMES.—' The lights and shades
of the great picture are djawn with
a master's hand. . . . There are few
things more difficult than that of
completing a work interrupted by its
author's death. That the introduc-
tion as well as the concluding pages
of this in^olume should preserve the
spirit which animates the rest of the
narrative proves that Mr. Roberts
possesses many of the essentials of
the historian's equipment.'

PALL MALL GAZETTE.— ^ A
posthumous work bespeaks the critic's
tender&t consideration, for its author
is no longer at hand to meet animad-
version or enjoy applause. The ^
second volume of Sir William Hun-
ter's " History of British India "
stands in no need of indulgence on
that score, for it betrays no sign
of incompleteness, although he was
tak-in from the scene of so irvyfih
strenuous labour bef ore^ "thei first
^tage in his, vast design hatt^been
nccomplisbed.'

LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., London, ^ew York, and Bombay.

With 6 Portraits (2 Photogravures) and ^ other Illustrations.
8vo. price 16s. net-

LIFE OF
SIE WM. WILSON HUNTEE,

K.C.S.I., M.A., LL.D.

A VICE-PEBSIDENT OF THE BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, ETC.

Author of ' The Annals of Rural Bengal,' ' The Old Missionary,'
' A History of British India,' &c.

By FRANCIS HENRY SKRINE, F.S.S.

LATE H,M. INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE.

WESTMINSTER GAZETTE.— ' A. striking picture' of a remarkable
career.'

PALL MALL GAZETTE.— ' A very interesting Life, the 'writing of
which has evidentlv been to Mr. Skrine a labour of love.'

MORNING POST.—' Early in life it was Sir W. W. Hunter's ambition,
in his ovm words, " to obtain a hearing for India in Europe." Mr. Skrine in ^
this volume describes his success.'

DAILY NEWS. — ' Sir William Hunter is shown to us as a journalist, an
historian, an official of the Government of India, and in his private life ; and
' the impression left when one puts down the book is that Mr. Skrine has done
his work well.'

SPECTATOR. — 'No one can read this absorbing book without a better
appreciation of the fine quahties of the sturdy Scotsman who was not only our
most sympathetic writer on Indian subjects, but was also a vivid personality
and every inch a man.' '

TIMES. — ' It is eminently fitting that the life of the Anglo-Indian who/^
has done more than any other man to bring home to his countrymen the
careers of the great Anglo-'Indians who have gone before sho«'.d itself be
adequately commemorated.' , "^ «

DAII.Y CHRONICLE.—' To write the history of such a hfe required
a knowledge of India to appreciate its value, and an independent mind to
judge between Hunter and his official superiors. These qualities Mr. Skrine
supplies in the superlative degree, and his biograpLy is a model of sympathetic
insight joined to sanity of judgment.'

INDIA. — 'We welcome very cordially Mr. Skrine's ample and effective
biography of the late Sir William Hunter. Fortunately, there has been no
undue delay in the just commemoration of a most distinguished and many-
sided public servant, who has impressed his mark, on the relations between
England and India, as well as upon Indian administration. " The story is
indeed," as Mr. Skrine says, " well worth telling." '

LOFGMANS, GREEN, & CO., London, New York, and Bombay.

WORKS BY SIR WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER.

THE ANNALS OF RURAL BENGAL.

New, Revised, and Cheaper Edition (the Seventh).

Crown Svrj. Is. Gd.

' It is hard to over-estimate the importance of a work whose author succeeds in fascinating
us with a subject so generally regarded as unattractive, and who, on questions of grave impor-
tance to the future destiny of ibdia, gives the results of wide research and exceptional oppor-
tunities of personal study, in a bright, lucid, forcible narrative, rising on occasion to eloquence.'
— Times.

' Mr. Hunter, in a word, has applied the philosophic method of writing history to a new
field. . , . The grace, and ease, and steady flow of the writing almost make us forget, when
reading, the surpassing severity and value of the author's labours.* — Fortnightly Review.

(London : Smith, Elder, & Co.)

'_>

ORISSA:'

THE VICISSITUDES OF AN- INDIAN PROVINCE UNDER
NATIVE AND BRITISH RULE.

Being the Second and Third Volumes of ' Annals of Rural Bengal.'
Two Vols. Demy 8vo. with Map and Steel Engravings. 32«.

' The mature and laborious v^ork of a man who has devoted the whole power of his mind,
first to the practical duties of his profession as an Indian civilian, and nest to the study of all
that relates to or can illustrate it. As long as Indian civilians write books like this — as long as
they interest themselves so passionately in their work, and feel so keenly its connection with
nearly every subject which cai occupy serious thousrht— the English rule will not only last, but
will prosuer, ai.d make its subjects prosper too.' — Pall Mall Gazette.

'A great subject worthily bundled. He writes with great knowledge, great sympathy with
the Indian people, a keen and quick appreciation of all that is striking and romantic in their
history and character, and with a flowing and picturesque style, which carries the reader light!"
ovar ground which, in less skilful hands, might seem tedious beyond endurance.' — Satuedai^
Rkvikw

(London : Smith, Elder, & Co.)

A LIFE OF THE EARL OF MAYO,

FOURTH VICEROY OF INDIA.
From Official and Family Documents.

Second Edition. Two Vols. Demy 8vo. 24s.

' The picture presented to us of the late Lord Mayo is a fair and noble one, and worthy of the
much lamented original.'— Edinburgh Review.

'This n^asterly work has two great recommendations : it is the vividly and fAithfully told
narrative of the life of a man ; and it contains a lucid and comprehensive history of recent
administration in India.' — Wori.d.

(London : Smith, Eld tr, & Co.)

THE EARL OF MAYO.

(^Rulers of India Series.)
Third Thousand. One Vol. 2s. Gd,

'A brief but admirable biography.'— Times.

'The wrld is indebted to the author for a fit aJid attractive record of what was ,' .^iljjntly
a noble life.' — Academy. j

(Oxford and London :^ The Clarendon Press ) ,

WORKS BY SIB WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER— continued.

THE INDIAN EMPIRE:

' ITS HISTORY, PEOPLE, AND PRODUCTS.

Thikd and Standakd Edition. With Map. Demy 8vL». 28«.

•Never before has the whole subject of Indian history been so adequately and so
intelligibly treated.'— Pall Mall GAZKrrK. ,

' A compact body of information arranged ^.nd classified on correct principles.' — Academy.
'A model of combined lucidity, conciseness, and comprehensiveness.' — Economist.

(London : Smith, Elder, & Co,^)

THE IMPERIAL GAZETTEER OF INDIA.

Second Edition. Fourteen Vols.
{Otct of print. ^

' The publication of the " Imperial Gazetteer of India " marks the completion of the largest

national enterprise in statistics which'lias ever been undertaken The volumes before ua

form a complete account of the country, its geography, topography, ethnology, commerce, and
products. ... It is one of the grandest works of administrative statistics which have ever been
issued by any nation.' — Times. {Two notices.)

• Dr. Hunter has rendered to the Indian Government and to English (people generally the
highest service a public servant could achieve.' — Athen^um.

(London : Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Limited.^

THZ INDIAN MUSALMANS.

Third Edition.

{Out of print.)

(London : Kegan'Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., Limited.)

A STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF BENGAL AND

ASSAM.

In Twbnty-two Vols.

(^Out of print.) '

*Vn ensemble d'efforts digne d'une grande nation, et comme aucune autre n'en a fait
jnsqn'ici de semblable pour son empire colonial.' — Rsvus Critique.

' Twenty volumes of material, cirlleoted under the most favourable anspiceS,'are built up
under his hands into a vast but accessible storehouse of invaluable facts. Invaluable to the
statesman, the administrator, and the historion, they are no le^a interesting to the general
reader. Mr. Hunter undoubtedly has the faculty of making the dry bones of statistics live.
But they also contain matter which may be regarded as the fountain of the yet unwritten
history of Bfcngal. They are a guide for administrative action now. They also seem to be the
point of a new departure for the future.' — Nineteenth Century.

(London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner 'iS; Co., Limited.)

I,.

FAMINE ASPECTS OF BENGAL DISTRICTS.

Second Edition.
{Out of print.)

' One of the boldest efforts yet made by statistical science. ... In this work he has laid down
the basis of a system by which he may faif'y claim that scarcity in Bengal has been reduced t&
an afiSfr of a 'm anministrative calculation.' — Daily News.

,, [(London : Kegan Paul, Trensh, Triibner & Co., Limited.)

WOBKS BY SIB WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER— continued.
A LIFE OF BRIAN HOUGHTON HODGSON.

BRITISH RESIDENT AT THE COURT OF NEPAL.

Us.

' In thi3 life of a great Indian civiliair'and scholar. Sir William Wilson Hunter has produced
a work which might serve as a model for biograt-hies of the kind.' — Timbs.

' A revelation of a remarkable and most interesting personality. A charming book.'

Scotsman.

' Gracefully and tenderly vritten . . . The story of Brian Hodgson is not only of interest to
the man of affairs, the scholar, and the student of science, but it is a tale which appeals to all
who can notice and appreciate genuine human qualities.' — ATHBNiECM.

(London: John Murray.)

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE INJDIAN PEOPLES.

Twenty-second Edition, Eighty-sixth Thousand.

3s. 6d. (Clarendon Press.)

' By far the best manual of Indian History that has hitherto been published.'

TntES OP INDU.

A LIFE OF THE MARQUESS OF DALHOUSIE.

Seventh xSOUSANd. 2s. 6d. (Clarendon Press.)

' A brilliantly written account of the life and work of that able ruler of men, the Marquis of
Dalhousie.'— Asiatic Quakteely Review.

BOMBAY, 1885 TO 1890. ^

A STUDY IN INDIAN ADMINISTRATION.
15s. (Henry Frowde.)

' Few living writers have done so much as Sir WilUam Hunter to make British India and
Its government intelligible * ) English readers.' — Times.

THE OLD MISSIONARY.

... "

Twenty-pirst Thousand.

fiDITION DE LUXE. Illustrated by General Sir Charles D'Oyly,
Bart. 2s. 6rf. (Henry Frowde). ■•

Also a Smaller Edition, square 16mo., paper covers, Is. net.

'A tale of tender pathos which it is difflcult to read rrithout tears ' — Spectator.

' A descriptive study analogous to some of M. Paul Bourget's " Pastels." Perhaps the best
of these, Un Saint,yn\\ be recalled to the memory of its readers by Sir William Hunter's "Old
Missionarv."'— Times. ,

THE THACKERAYS IN INDIA.

AND SOME CALCUTTA GRAVES.

Sixth Thousand. 2s. Qcl, (Henry Frowde.) '_:.,

'It is a grand record, and Sir William tells it in the picturesque langnafe and with the
rabtle humour and dignified pathos which we tave learned to expect from the author.' j

Pall Mall Gazkttb.

H Classifieb Catalogue

OF WORKS IN

G-ENERAL LITERATURE

PUBLISHED BY

LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G.

91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, and 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY

CONTENTS.

BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE)- -
BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME-
MOIRS, &c.

CHILDREN'S BOOKS
CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS-
LATIONS, ETC. . - - -

COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE-
MENT, &c.

EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY,
&c.

FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. -

FINE ARTS (THE) AND MUSIC -

FUR, FEATHER AND FIN. SERIES

HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY,
, POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. -

LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND
SCIENCE OF

LOGIC, RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY,
&c.

PAGE
12

22
36

25
36

MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL
PHILOSOPHY

MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL
WORKS

POFTRY AND THE DRAMA -

3S
23

POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO-
NOMICS 20

POPULAR SCIENCE - - - -
RELIGION, THE SCIENCE OF
SILVER LIBRARY (THE)
SPORT AND -PASTIME -

PHILOSOPHICAL

STONYHURST
SERIES -

TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE
COLONIES, &c. - - . -

17 WORKS OF REFERENCE -

30
21

33
12

II
31

INDEX

Page

Abbott (Evelyn) 3, 19, 22

(J. H. M.) - 3

(T. K.) - -17,18

. 'E. A.) - - 17

Acland (A. H. D.) - 3

Acton (Eliza) - - 36

Adelborg (O.) - - 32

iEschylus - ; 22
Albemirle (Earl of) - i-;

Alcock'(C. W.) - 15

Allen (Grant) - - 30

AUgood (G.) - - 3

Alverstone (Lord) - 15

Angwin (M. C.) - 36

Anstey (F.) - - 25

Aristophanes - - 22

Aristotle - - - 17
Arnold (Sir Edwin)- 11,23

(Dr. T.) - - 3

Ashbourne (Lord) - 3

Ashby (H.) - " - ^56

Ashley (W. J.) - - 3, "20

Avebury (Lord) - 21

Ayre (Kev. J.) - - 31

Bacon - - -9,17

Bagehot (W.) - 9, 20, 38

Bagwell (R.) - - 3

Bailey (H. C.) - - 25

Baillie (A. F.) - - 3

Bain (.Alexander) - 17

Baker (J. H.) - - 38

(Sir S. W.) - ii. 12

Balfour (A. J.) 13, 21

Ball (John) - 11

OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS.

Page
Banks (M.M.)- - 24
Baring-Gould (Rev.

S.)- - - -21.38
Harnett (S. A. and H.) 20
Baynes (T. S.) - - 38
Beaconsfield (Earl of) 25
Beaufort (Duke of)i2, 13, 14

Becker (W. A.)
Beesly (A. H.) -
Bell (,Mrs. Hugh) -
BentlJ. Theodore) -
Besant (Sir Walter)-
Bickerdyke (J.)
Bird (G.) -
Blackburne I]. H.) -
Bland (M J .Hubert)
Blount (Sir E.)
Boase (Rev. C. W.) -
Boedder (Rev. B.) -
Bonnell (H. H.)
Booth (A. I ) -
Bottome (P.) -
I3owen (W. E.)
Brassej' (Lady)
Bright (Rev. J. F.) -
Broadfoot (Major W
Brooks (H. J.) -
Brown {A. F.) -
Bruce (R. I.) -
Buckland (las.)
Buckle (H. T.)-
Bull (T.) -
Burke (U. R.) -
Burne-Jones (Sir E.)

23
II

15
23
15
24
9
6

IS)

3
13
17

i
36

Page
Burns (C. L.) - - 36
Burrows (Montagu) 6

Butler (E. A.) - - 30
Campbell (Rev. Lewis)

21, 22, 38
Chesney (Sir G.) - 3

Childe-Pemberton(W.S.) 9
Chisholm (G. C ) - 31
Cholm'Jndeley-Pennell

(H.) - - - 13
Christie (R. C.) - 38
Churchill (Winston S.) 4, 25
Cicero

Clarke (Rev. R. F.)
Climenson (E. J.)
Clodd (Edward)
Cluttrrbuck (W. J.)
Colenso(R. J.) - :,6

Conington (John) 23

Conybeare(Rev. W. J.)

& Ilowson (Dean) 33
Coolidge (W. A. B.) n

Corbett (Julian S.) - 4

Coutts (W.) - - 22
Cox (Harding) - 13

Crake (Rev. A. D.) - 32
Crawford (J. H.) - 25
Creed (S.) - - 25

G¥eii?hton (Bishop) -4, 6, 9
Cross (A. I..) - - 5

Crozier (I. B.K- - 9. '7
Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 6

Dabney (J. P.)- 23
Dale (L.) - - - 4

21,30

Dallinger (F. W.) -
Dauglish (M. G.) -
Davenport (A.)
Davidson (A. M. C.)

(W. L.) - 17,

Davies (J. F.) -
Dent (C. T.) -
De Salis (Mrs.)
De Tocqueville (A.) -
Devas (C. S.) -
Dickinson (G. L.) -

(W. H.) - -

Dougall (L.) -
Dowden (E.) -
Do\le (Sir A. Conan)
DuBois (VV. E. B.)-
Dunbar (Marv F.) -
Dvson (E.) " -
Eilisd. H.)

(R. L.) - -

Erasmus - 1^
Evans (Sir John)
Falkiner (C. L.)
Farrar (Dean) -
Fitzmaurice (Lord E
Folkard (H. C.)
Ford (H.) -
Fountain (P
Fowler (Edith H.) -
^ancis (Francis)

(M. E.) -

FreemaVi (Edward A.)
Fremantle (T. F.) -
Frost (G.)-

Page

20, 21

19, 20

4
38
25
40

25
5

25
26

38
4

20, 26

) 4
15
16
II
26
16
26
6
16
3S

INDEX OF AUTHORS AND KUlTOHS—covtinued.

Pag,

Fronde (James A.) 4,9,11,26

Fuller (F. W.) - - 5

Furneaux (W.) - 30

Gardiner (Samuel R.) 5

Gathorne-Hardy 'Hon.
A. E.) - - :5, 16

Geikie (Rev. Cunning-
ham) - - .

Gibson (C. H.)-

Gleig (Rev. G. R.) -

Graham (A.)

(P. A.) - -15,

(G.F.) - -

Granby (Marqvjss of)

Grant (Sir A.) -

Graves (R. P.) -

Green (T. Hill) - 17,

Greene (E. B.)-

Greville (C. C. F.) -

Grose (T. H.) -

Gross (C.)

Grove (Lady) -

(Mrs. Lilly)

Guiney (L. L) -

Gurdon (Lady Camilla)

Gurnhill (J.) -

Gwilt(J.)-

Haggard (H. Rider)

II, 26, 27, 3I

Hallivvell-Phillipps(J.)

Hamilton (Col. H. B.)

Hamlin (A. D. F.) -

Harding (S. B.)

Ha msworth (A. C.) 13

Harte (Bret) -
Harting(J. E.)-
Hartwig (G.) -

Hassall (A.)
Haweis (H. R.)
Head (Mrs.) -
Heath (D. D.) -
Heathcote (J. M.) -

(C. G.) -

(N.) - - -

Helmholtz (Hermann

von) -
Henderson (Lieut-
Col. G. F. R.) -
Henry (W.)
Henty (G. A.) -
Higgins (Mrs. N.) -
Hill (Mabel) -
Hillier (G. Lacy) -
Hime(H. W.L.) -
Hodgson (Shadworth)
Hoenig (F.)
Hogan(J.F.) -
Holmes (R. R.)
Homer

Hope (Anthony)
Horace

Houston (D. F.)
Howard (Lady Mabel)
Howitt (W.) -
Hudson (W. H.) -
Huish (M. B.) -
Hullah(|.)
Hume (David) -

(M. A. S.) - 3

Hunt (Rev. W.) - 6

Hunter (Sir W.) - 6

Hutchinson (Horace G.)

13, 16, 27, 38
Ingelow (lean) - 23

Ingram (T. D.) - 6

James (W.) - - 18, 21
Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 37
'efferies (Richard) - 38
Jekyll (Gertrude) - 38
Jerome (lerome K.) - 5/
Johnson (J. & J. H.) 39

Jones (H. Bence) 31

Joyce (P. W.) - 6, 27, 39
Justinian - - - 18
Kant (L) - . - 18

5
36

5
'4
27
15
30

9. 36
37
17
14
14
II

9
14
32

13
22
18
38

9
10
22
27
22

5
27
II
30
37
37

Page

9
18
6

14
10

- Ill

Kaye(Sir J. W.) -
Keary (C. F.j -
Kelly (E.)-
Kent (C. B. R.)
Kielmansegge (F.) -
Killick (Rev. A. H.) -
Kitchin (Dr. G. W.)
Knight (E. F.)
Kostlin (J.)
Kristeller (P.)

Ladd (G. T.) - - 18
Lang (Andrew) 6 ,13, 14, 16,
21, 22, 23, 27, 32, 39
Lapsley (G. T.) - 5

Laurie (S. S.) - - 6

Lawrence (F. W.) - 20
Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 36
Lecky (W. E. H.) 6, 18, 23
Lees (J. A.) - - 12
Leighton (J. A.) - 21
Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 20
Lieven (Princess) - 10
Lillie (A.) - - - 16
Lindley(J.) - - 31
Locock (C. D.) - 16

Lodge (H. C.) - - 6

Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 6

Longman (C. J.) - 12, 16

(F. W.) - - 16

(G. H.) - -13.15

(Mrs. C.J.) - 37

Lowell (A. L.) - - 6

Lucian - - - 22
Lutoslawski (W.) - 18
Lyall (Edna) - 27, 32
Lynch (G.) - - 6

(H. F. B.)- - 12

Lytton (Earl ot 1 - 24

Macaulay (Lord) 6,7, 10,24
Macdonald (Dr. G.) - 24
Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 37
Mackail ( (. W.) - 10, 23
Mackenzie (C. G.) - i5
Mackinnon (J.) - 7

Macleod (H. D.) - 20
Macpherson (Rev.H.A.) 15
Madden (D. H.) - 16
Magnusson (E.) - 28
Maher (Rev. M.) - 19
Mallet (B.) - - 7 I

Malleson (Col. G. B.) 6

Marbot (Baron de) - 10
Marchment (A. W.) 27

Marshman (J. C.) - 9

Maryon (M.) - - 39
Mason (A. E. W.) - 27
Maskelyne (J. N.) - 16
Matthews (B.) 39

Maunder (S.) - - 31
Max Mijller (F.)

10, 18, 20, 21, 22, 27. 39
May (SirT.Erskinel 7

Meade (L. T.) - - 32
Melville (G. J. Whyte) 27
Merivale (Dean) - 7

Merrimm 'H. S.) - 27
Mill (John Stuart) - *j, 20
Millais (J. G.) - - 16, 30
Milner (G.) - - 40
Monck (W. H. S.) - 19
Montague (F. C.) - 7

Moore (T.) - - 31

(Rev. Edward) - 17

Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 21
Morris (W.) - 22,23,24,
27, 28, 37, 40
Mulhall (M. G.) - 20
Murray (Hilda) - 3''

Myers (F. W. H.) - 19

Nansen (F.) - - 12

Nash (V.) - - - 7

Nesbit (E.) - - 24

Nettleship (R. L.) - 17

Newman (Cardinal) - 28

Page [
Nichols (F. M.) - 9 i

Oakesmith (J.) - - 22
Ogilvie (K.) - - 22
Oldfield (Hon. Mrs.) 9

Osbourne (L.) - - 28

Packard (A. S.) - 21

Paget (Sir J.) - - 10
Park (W.) - - 16

Parker (B.) - - 40
Payne-Gallwey (Sir

R.) - - - 14, 16
learse (H. H. S.) - 5

Peek (Hedley) - - 14
Pemberton (W. S.

Childe-) - - 9

Penrose (H. H.)' - 33
Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 12,28
19
17
, 40
36
40
28

7
10

I 35

. 25

3,8

23
19
19
19

24
33
37

Page
Steel (A. G.) • - 13
Stephen (Leslie) - 12
Stephens (H. Mor.e) t

Sternberg (Count

Adalbert) - - 8

Stevens (R. W.) - 40
Stevenson (R. L.) 25,28,33
Storr (l'.) - - - 17
Stuart-\Vortley(A.J.) 14, 15

W.)-

'9.

Pierce (A. H.

Pole (W.) -

Pollock (W. H.) - 13,

Poole (W.H. and Mrs.)

Poore (G. V.) -

Portman (L.) -

Powell (E.)

Powys (Mrs. P. L.) -

Praeger (S. Rosamond)

Pritcheti (R. T.)

Proctor (R. A.) 17,30.

Raine (Rev. James) -
Ramal (W.) -
Randolph (C. F.) -
Rankin (R.) - - 8
Ransome (Cyril)
Reid(S. J.)
Rhoades(J.) -
Rice (S. P.) -
Rich (A.) -
Richmond (Ennis) -
Rickaby (Rev. John)

(Rev. Joseph) -

Ridley (Lady Alice) -
Riley (J. W.) -
Roberts (E. P.)
Robertson (W. G.) -
Roget (Peter M.) - 20, 31
Romanes (G.J.) 10, 19,21,24

(Mrs. G. J.) - 10

Ronalds (A.) - - 17
Roosevelt (T.) - - 6

Ross (Martin) - - 28
Rossetti (Maria Fran- \

cesca) - - - 40
Rotheram (M. A.) - 36 j
Rows (R. P. P.) - 14 i
Russell (Lady)- - 10

Sandars (T. C.) - 18

Sanders (E. K.) - 9
Savage- Armstrong(G.F.)25

Scott (F.J.) - -• 37

Seebohtn (F.) - - 8, 10

Selous (F. C.) - - 12, 17

Senior (W.) - - 13, 15

Seton-Karr (Sir H.)- 8

Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 28

Shadwell (A.) - - 40

Shake^peare • - 25

Shaw(W. A.) - - 8

Siiearman (M.) - 12, 13

Sheehan (P. A.) - 28

Sheppard (E ) - - 8

Sinclair (A.) - - 14

Skrine (F. H.) - - 9

Smith (C. Fell) - 10

(R. Bosworth) - 8

(T. C.) - - 5

(W.P. Haskett) 12

Somerville (E.) - 28

Sophocles - - 23

Soulsby (Lucy H.) - 40

Southey (R.) - - 40

Spedding (J.) - - 9, 17

Spender (A. E.) - 12

i Star.iev (Bishop) - 31

Stebbing (W.) - - 28

Stubbs ( L

(WT-

Suifolk & Berkshire

(Earlol) -
Sv'.livan (Sir E.)
Sully (James) -
Sutherland (A. and G.)

(Alex.)

(G.) - - -

Suttner (B. von)
Swan (M.)

Swinburne (A. J.) -
Symes (J. E.) -

Tail (J.) -
Tallentyre (S. G.) -
Tappan (E. M.)
Tavlor (Col. Meadows)
Thomas (J. W.)
Thomson (H. C.)
Tho.nhilKW. J.) -
Thornton (T. H.) -
Thuillier (H. F.) -
Todd (A ) -
Tout (T. F.) -
Toynbee (A.) -
Trevelyan(SirG.O.)

6, 7, 8, 9

(G. M.) -

Trollope (Anthony)-
Turner (H. G.)
TyndalKJ.)
TvrrelKK. Y.)-

8
>

14
14
19
8
40
40
29
29

19
ao

7
10

33
8

19
8

93
10

40
8
7

, 9> 10

7.8
29

4oe^
9, 12
22, 23

Unwin (R.) - - 40

Upton(F.K.and Bertha) 33

Van Dyke (J. C.) - 37

Vanderpoel (E. N.j - 37

Virgil - - - 33

Wagner (R.) - - 25

Wakeman (H. O.) - 8

Walford (L. B.) - 29

Wallas (Graham) - 10

(Mrs. Graham)- 32<

Walpole (Sir Spencer) 8, 10

(Horace) - - 10

Walrond (Col. H.) - 12

Walsincham (Lord)- 14

Ward (ivlrs. W.) - 29

Warwick (Countess of) 40

Watson (A. E. T.) 12, 13. 14

Weathers (J.) - - 40
Webb (Mr. and Mrs.

- Sidney) - - 20

(Judge T.) - 40

(T. E.)- - - 19

Weber (A.) - - 19

Weir (Capt. R.) - 14
Wellington (Duchess of) 37

Wemyss (M. C. E.)- 33

Weyman (Stanley) - 29
Whatelv( Archbishop) 17,19

Whitelaw (R.) - - 23

WhittalKSirJ. W. )- 40

Wilkins (G.) - - 2;

(W. H.) - :

Willich (C. M.) 31

Wood (Rev. J. G.)- - 31

Wood-Martin (W. G.) 22

Wyatt (A. J.) - - 24

Wylie(J.H.) - - 8

Yeats (S. Levett) - 29

Yoxall (J. H.) • - 29

Zeller (E.) - - 19

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