r hg | &39 UC-NRLF B 3 13b MM? TRANSACTIONS OF THB MANCHESTER STATISTICAL SOCIETY ON THE INFLUENCE OF A NOTE CIRCULATION IN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. BY Mr. b, h. inglis palgra ye. f.s.s. SALFOliD J. UOUEKT8, FUINIBK \.\ - 1 HAM POWEK. K>8, / HAl'El. KTKBBT t^*?^s*J* FL^SM<:~JakiJ3* nioersit^ of a a 4 4 (California « CStaug J&preckels 3flund- VA Af i MANCHESTER STATISTICAL SOCIETY On the Influence of a Note Circulation in the Conduct of Banking Business. By AIe. R. H. Ixglis Palgrave, F.S.S. [Read 14th March, 1877.] I. Introductory Remarks. II. Early History of Banking in England. III. Banking Deposits and Circulation in Great Britain compared. IV. Uses of a Note Circulation. V. Banking Deposits and Note Circulation in Scotland compared. VI. Ditto Ditto in Ireland Ditto. VII. Ditto Ditto in Sweden Ditto. VIII. Ditto Ditto in other countries compared. IX. The Influence of a Circulation when issued by a "Commercial" Bank, and a " State " Bank compared. X. Legislation in this Country respecting Circulation. XL The Paper Circulation, the Metallic Circulation, and the General Business of the Country. XII. The question, whether the issue of Notes is a prerogative of the State. XIII. The course of the Note Circulation of this Country since the Act of 1844. XIV. The Rate of Discount from 1825 to 1844. XV. The Rate of Discount from 1845 to 1876. XVI. The Rate of Discount from 1825 to 1844, and from 1845 to 1876, compared. XVII. The Influence of the Scotch demands for Circulation in the months of May and November. XVIII. Concluding Remarks. I. — Introductory Remarks. The subject which is named in the heading of this paper is a very large one. From the commencement of banking in this country the power of issuing notes has always been highly v 3G349 1 w ME - E, H. INGLIS PALGKAVE, prized. One might go further than this and say, and with perfect truth, that in the earliest infancy of banking it was the only power which was thought of any value at all. The power of issuing -notes payable on demand," was the great privilege of the Bank of England confirmed to it by the Act of 1707. The right of private banks to issue notes remained at that time unrestricted, but no other corporate body could do the like till by the Act of 1826 the -'exclusive privilege" of the Bank of England in this respect, was modified. It is not proposed to go further into this part of the question here, but to examine into some of those points in which the use of an issue of notes mainly consists, and which may deserve consideration. " Money, the great wheel of circulation, the great instrument of commerce, like all other instruments of trade, though it makes a part, and a very valuable part, of the capital, makes no part of the revenue of the society to which it belongs. The machines and instruments of trade, &c, which compose the fixed capital bear this further resemblance to that part of the circulating capital which consists in money; that as every saving in the expense of collecting and supporting those machines which does not dimmish the productive powers of labour is an improvement of the net revenue of the society ; so every saving in the expense of collecting and supporting that part of the circulating capital which consists in money, is an improvement of exactly the same kind ''The substitution of paper in the room of gold and silver money, replaces a very expensive instrument of commerce with one much less costly, and sometimes equally convenient. Circula- tion comes to be carried on by a new wheel, which costs less both to erect and to maintain than the old one."— Adam Smith, " Wealth of Nations," Book IT., Chap. 2. These remarks, though written more than a century since, place the matter before us in so clear a light that it is impossible to find / a more lucid description of the economy caused by the use of notes ' OX Xoll'. < IKCTIATION IX HIE CONDUCT 01 BANKING BUSINESS. 73 as part of the circulating medium of a country. While every one will admit the importance of this economy, strong differences of opinion have arises as to which method of placing Buch a cur- rency into circulation is preferable — whether through the means of one central bank representing the State, or of more banks than one, in this last case these banks being proprietary and trading institutions. Apart from the question of the right of the State to be the sole issuer of bank notes, into which we will enter further on, it will be clear that a considerable part of the usefulness of the cir- culation rests on the fact, whether such an issue when made by several banks may not be of greater advantage on the whole to the trade of a country than if it is in the hands of the State alone — whether it mav not be the case that a note circulation made through the intervention of a great many banks in different parts of the country, may not promote the prosperity of that country to a greater degree than a similar amount of note circulation would do if in the hands of the Government itself, or of one bank alone privileged to issue, and connected with the State by close ties of privilege and mutual assistance. The profit which a government can make by levying a tax on the privilege of issuing notes may be great, and there are advan- tages, no doubt, in a note issue centering in one central bank ; but while the State is able to levy taxation as easily through the medium of a stamp duty on a circulation which is in the hands of many banks, as it can on a circulation which emanates only from one bank, it remains to be seen whether a circulation when in the hands of several banks may not promote the prosperity and the commerce of a country more efficiently than when in the hands of one central bank. II. — Early History of Banking in England. To trace this more distinctly we must go back to the early history of banking in this country. The prosperity of banking 74 Alii. It. H, IKGLIS PALGRAVE, depends entirely aud solely on credit ; and in the early stages of banking, during the period in which a country is being accustomed to place credit in bankers, there is no doubt whatever that the existence of this credit has been largely developed by means of the issue of notes. Where large sums of money pass from hand to hand, and cheques are not customary, notes are found to be far more convenient than coin in settling large transactions. The credit thus obtained from a note circulation which has been brought into use through its superior convenience to a metallic circulation, has doubtless been the foundation of many banks, some of which have failed, not so much from an over-issue of notes as from a wrong use of the credit which they obtained by issuing them. The records of banking in England, even so recently as forty or fifty years ago, are very scanty. The following statement includes most of the information which can be gleaned on the subject, and it certainly shows that at a period not very remote, the circulation of notes was a far more important thing to banking in this country than at the present time. It was the misuse of the credit thus obtained which led to the disfavour into which the provincial note circulation fell early in this century, with many statesmen and some economists. It was con- sidered by these that bankers had the power of issuing notes at will to any extent. This power, however, it is obvious that bankers could not possess, as no one will retain in his possession for any length of time a greater number of notes than he requires, when the banker can be compelled to cash them. It was not, however, the power of issuing notes which bankers in some cases misemployed — it was on the use which they made of this power of giving credit, placed in their hands through the credit which others gave them, that their prosperity and the prosperity of the community turned. Prices may have been influenced and markets acted on, by the manner in which men to whom bankers may have given undue credit engaged in rash speculations. But these things were not the result of the issue of notes. They would have OX XOTF. CIRCULATION IN Till' CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 75 occurred in exactly tlie same manner had the funds employed in speculation proceeded from deposits, and the hankers not issued a Bingle note. What was Been, however, was taken to he the cause, and the misfortunes which arose from a rash use of credit were confounded with the form in which that credit was given. It will assist us in comprehending this part of the subject, to compare, as far as can be done, the amount of the deposits held by hankers in England and the note circulation at various periods. Though the dates are still recent the information is very imperfect, but some idea can be obtained of the amounts both of deposits and of circulation at several periods. There are various rough estimates still existing made at dates early in the century, which form some guide, and some facts cau be gleaned from authentic sources. III. — Banking Deposits and Circulation in Great Britain compared. From 1805 to 1825 the private deposits in the Bank of England rarely amounted to more than one million, and never exceeded two millions. In 1 828 these deposits rose to five millions for the first time. The particulars are given in "Marshall's Digest. It is difficult, almost impossible, to form any calculation, however rough, of the amount of deposits which other bauks held at that date. The following, however, are some estimates of the amounts held by the banks in this country at various later dates in the century. The first two of these, though they are interesting, as assisting us to form an idea of the vast growth of the business and the wealth of the country between the years 1825 and 18 45, yet are of less service because they include only portions of the whole field, and at the present time it is absolutely impossible to supply what is deficient in them. An estimate in an anonymous pamphlet, published by Effingham Wilson in 1834, calculated the deposits of the London bankers only as 26 £ millions. In this estimate the public deposits held at that time by the Bank of England and the sums held by the London bankers, on account of banks in the country, are not 76 MR. R. K. IXGLIS PALGRAVE included. A calculation made by Mr. J. Gr. Hubbard for the date 1832-41, placed the deposits held by country bankers at from 16 to 20 millions. This calculation apparently refers to England only. An estimate made by Mr. G. "W. Norman, in giving evidence before the Select Committee of the House of Commons on banks of issue, in 1840, is as follows : — Banking Deposits, London, including Bank of England.. 30 millions English Provincial Banks, Private and Joint Stock .... 40 ,, In Scotland 18 to 20 „ In Ireland 10 to 15 „ This, if we take the higher estimate of the Scotch banks, gives a total of 100 millions of banking deposits in the country at that time. This is the earliest estimate I have been able to discover relating to the whole of the kingdom. A rather later calculation, given by the late Mr. James Wilson, in his speech during the debate on the commercial crisis of 1847, was, that the total deposits of the banks of the United Kingdom ranged at that time from 200 to 250 millions. These earlier calculations, with the exception of the last, must be regarded as being very rough approximations to the facts. Mr. jSTewmarch estimated the total amount of capital wielded by the banks of the United Kingdom as being, in 1851, £260,000,000, including deposits with bill brokers not received from bankers. The corresponding estimate, in " Notes on Bank- ing," published by myself in 1872, is £616,000,000. To this must be added, as effecting banking in this country, the amount belonging to foreign and colonial banks having offices in London, and held in England, which is estimated at that time as being £152,010,000, forming £768,000,000 in all. If we add to the amount stated by Mr. Newmarch a similar estimate of the pro- bable proportion of deposits belonging to foreign and colonial banks in 1851, £25,000,000 would probably have to be added to the amount of £260,000,000 under that heading. 0» NOTE ' il;< i I.VTIOX l\ TIIK CONDUCT ok BANKING BUSINESS. 77 Mr. Pun estimated in 1876, in his valuable volume of British Banking Statistics, that the capital in the hands of bunkers in the United Kingdom at that date was not less than £782,000,000. To this should be added the amounts held by the foreign and colonial banks, which may be taken at £152,000,000, as given above, thus given a total of £934,000,000. All these are estimates only, but from tho circumstances of banking in this country, only estimates can be supplied. They will, however, assist us in our present enquiry, which is to form a comparison between tho amounts of banking deposits and of notes in circulation in the country. The best proof of this will be found in the evidence given before the Select Committee of the House of Commons on banks of i^sue, 1875, as to the proportion of capital, deposits and circulation of the most important issuing joint stock bank in England in 18 44 and in 1875. The statement is subjoined. On the basis of the estimates given above, in which the note circulation of the Bank of England and its deposits are also included, the comparison between the deposits held by the banks of the United Kingdom and the notes in circulation will be as follows : — Banking Deposits and Note Circulation or the United Kingdom. Deposits. Note Circulation. 1840 £100,000,000 £35,920,000 1847 250,000,000 36,043,000 1851 285,000,000 33,376,000 1872 768,000,000 43,598,000 1875 934,000,000 45,382,000 The two earliest estimates — the one in the pamphlet pub- lished by E. Wilson, in 1834, and the one formed by Mr. J. G. Hubbard for the years 1832-41 — are omitted from this comparison, as these two estimates refer to England only, and I desire at this point to compare the deposits and the circulation 78 MR. R. H. I^GLIS PALGRAVE, of the country generally. The figures before us are sufficient to show that, while the deposits have immensely increased, the growth of the note circulation has been comparatively small. The calculations made by the late Mr. "W. Leatham, of Wake- field, have not been quoted, because, like the two earlier estimates just mentioned, they refer to a portion of the country only. Prom an examination of Mr. Leatham's calculations, and a consideration of the estimates given above, it would appear that in all probability down to the year 1 820, perhaps even as late as the year 1830, the liabilities of the banks of the United Kingdom collectively may be considered to have been as great to the holders of their notes as to their depositors. These statements of the banking deposits of the country must be understood to be estimates only, but they show, with- out doubt, that the proportion of notes in circulation to deposits was far greater early in the century that at the present time. Some idea as to the difference of the position of English banking in this respect at the present time when compared with what it was at an earlier date, can also be obtained from the information supplied to the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Banks of Issue in 1875, as to the growth of capital and deposits between the years 1844 and 1875. This formed part of the evidence laid before that Committee. The replies received from 36 of the most important issuing joint-stock banks in England and Wales show that, while their note circulation had since that date declined, under the provisions of the Act of 1844, their deposits had largely increased. This statement will be found in Table A. IV. — Uses of a Note Circulation. Yet, we should do wrong if we thought that because the note circulation was small at the present time, and reduced in pro- portion to the rest of the business, that it was, therefore, an OX NOTE CIRCULATION IX Till'. CONDUCT OF JUNKING BUSINESS. 79 unimportant feature in banking. The value of a note circulation to a bank docs not lie, when properly understood, in supplying it with capital, by means of the credit which the notes obtain ; but it lies in the facilities given to the whole course of business through the economy in working which it provides. It lies in the fact that the possession of a note circulation enables a bank to establish small branches where it otherwise would not answer to establish them, and where a note circulation is entirely unfettered, by other small advantages in carrying on business. This economy is only obtained when a note circulation is in the hands of those banks which carry on business as trading institutions, and is not a State circulation. This will be shown when we come to examine the relative circulations of State banks and other banks, and the amounts of deposits which have been obtained by each. The fol- lowing short abstract of the portion of the evidence given before the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Banks of Issue (1875), which refers to this subject, will explain some of the points in which the power of circulating notes is of service to those banks which possess it. "The facilities which a local note circulation supplies to small transactions, and especially in remote districts in the country, were explained in much detail to the Committee. Mr. Seebohm stated that at his bank at Hitchin more than 3,000 cheques on other banks were cashed annually without charge, chiefly to small farmers, stock dealers, butchers, and market gardeners, who sent their produce to towns at a distance, and others. These persons receive in return, from those to whom the goods are sent, cheques drawn on banks at a distance. The local issuing banks are willing to cash these cheques without charge, because their own notes are put into circulation hereby. Mr. Seebohm gave evidence that this practice existed extensively throughout southern and Midland England, and was a great convenience and advantage to the public. Mr. Bagehot supplemented this statement with facts supplied by his o^vn bank (Stuckcy's Banking Company) in Somersetshire. It 80 MB. E. H. IXGLIS PALGKRAVE, was shown that the withdrawal of local notes in these districts would practically necessitate a charge being made upon these small transactions of country markets. "In England, as in Scotland and Ireland, the existence of the local circulation has facilitated the opening of branches in locali- ties where it would not answer to establish a bank, which did not possess this power of supplying a circulating medium in an economical manner. Mr. Bagehot mentioned that Stuckey's Banking Company had found it advantageous, in order to obtain the circulation of a district, to open branches in remote places where, but for the circulation, such branches would have been unprofitable. " The advantage of the local circulation in the way of till-money is very considerable to the issuing banks. It enables a great t economy of capital to be effected. Those banks whose circulation is habitually below their limit find the power of issuing their own notes of great service on occasions, such as fairs, when an except tional though periodic demand is made on them for cash. Mr. Palgrave (Gurneys & Co., Yarmouth) stated that when the boats were paid off at Yarmouth at the close of the herring fishing, such a demand for cash arose. ' I observe/ he said, ' that in the year 1873, between the 15th and 22nd of December, a period only of seven days, our note circulation at Yarmouth increased £27,000.' This augmentation in the local issue speedily subsided, but the power of meeting sudden demands in such a manner is of great service. "The use of the circulation to the issuing banks depends thus on many points, which are interwoven so closely with the general conduct of their business as to add greatly to its value." V. — Banking Deposits and Note Circulation in Scotland compared. The growth of deposits in the Scotch banks has been very remarkable ; the progress of their business in this direction has no doubt been greatly assisted by the power they possess of utilising their note circulation as it may be required. This facility has greatly assisted the extension of the branches of the Scotch banks ON NOTE CHHTLATIOX rx TUE CONDUCT 01- i:\XKIXG m7STXl><. 81 into every village and little town throughout the country, and beyond any doubt to it is greatly due the vast amount of deposits which the Scotch banks hold, and which they have collected in great degree from remote places where it would not answer the purpose of any bank which does not possess the same privileges to open an office. The particulars, as far as they can bo traced, are as follows : — Banking Deposits and Note Circulation in Scotland. Deposit^. 1841 =100. Circulation. 1S41 = 100. 1826 21,000.000 1841 27,000,000 100 in 200 248 296 3,190,000 3,550,000 3,240,000 4,090,000 5,320,000 6,090,000 100 1847 30,000,000 ill 1851 36,000,000 101 1856 54,000,000 128 1872 67,000,000 1876 80,000,000 166 190 We observe, therefore, that while the deposits in Scotland have nearly tripled since 1841, the note circulation, though increased, has not augmented in similar proportion ; and it is, to say the least, extremely unlikely that the deposits would have increased with anything like the same rapidity, had the note circulation not existed and enabled the Scotch banks to cover the country with a net-work of bank offices so close and complete, that it is impossible to imagine that any deposit, however minute, can escape them. Two of the principal features of Scotch banking, the charging no commission for keeping accounts and the allowing interest on the daily balances, appear, as stated in the evidence of Mr. Davidson, the treasurer of the Bank of Scotland, before the Committee of the House of Commons on Banks of Issue (1875), to be connected more closely with the power of issuing notes, bank mainly through the frequency and extent of the operations upon it — all payments out being made in the bank's own notes, 82 ME, It. n. INGLIS PALGBAYE, "It is that system," to use Mr. Davidson's words, " which attracts the large amount of deposits that we keep. The economy of " till-money," by employing their own notes, has greatly facilitated the extension of branches throughout the country. The working of the "cash-credit" system is well exemplified in the following extract from the "Historical Sketch of Scotch Banking," lately published by Mr. Fleming, of the Royal Bank of Scotland : — "The cash-credit system is both ingenious and simple. To be able, on credit, to draw on your banker as and when you may find necessary, and to be charged interest only for the time you feel it convenient to use the bank's money, is the ne plus ultra of banking accommodation. That is the essence of the system which, since 1728, has been largely instrumental in the develop- ment of our agricultural and mercantile enterprise. It had its origin, as we see from the first of these minutes, [Mr. Fleming had been referring to the minutes of the directors of the Royal Bank of Scotland instituting the cash credit system, which has ever since been a distinctive feature in Scottish banking. The earliest of them is dated 12th March, 1728] in the desire to encourage trade, and to promote the circulation of the bank's notes. Perhaps if we were to place the latter motive first, we should be doing the directors little injustice ; but that it fully accomplished the other object is matter of history. It is also certain that, on the tchole, cash credits have been granted with such caution in the past that they have proved profitable to the banks as well as most advantageous to the public. But un- doubtedly the system never would have been introduced save for note issues. A cash- credit account was* advantageous to the and all payments in being made in mixed notes. In so far as the notes put out were absorbed by the public, the bank gained the * I say was, for the Act of 1844 has made a very material change. The bants have now lost the advantage arising from increase or activity of cir- culation through the operation on such accounts, and cash-credits can only be looked on as one mode of investing their resources. ON NOTE CIUCUL.YTION IK TllE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 83 interest as the quid pro qou for the use of its credit. But, of course, the moment the legitimate requirements of the public for paper currency were satisfied, advances on cash-credits became a loan not of credit but of capital ; for although the advances might be in the form of notes, the superfluity "would immediately return on the bank for conversion." — " Scottish Banking. A Historical Sketch," p. 47. By J. S. Fleming. VI. — Banking Deposits and Note Circulation in Ireland compared. The course of banking in Ireland can be recorded more exactly than of any other part of the British Dominions. The amounts of the private deposits in the Bank of Ireland and the Belfast, Hibernian, National, Northern, Provincial, Royal, and Ulster banks which follow, are derived from the reports published by by Dr. W. Neilson Hancock. The note circulation is added from the annual returns. It should be borne in mind that the arrange- ments of the Act of 1844 allow the note circulation in Ireland, as in Scotland, to extend itself to the amount which the circumstances of the country require. Banking Deposits and Note Circulation in Ireland. Total amount Note Total Amount Note of deposits. circulation. of deposits. circulation. £ £ £ £ 1840.... 5,567,000 1858 15,131,000 6,183,000 1841.... 6,022,000 1859.... 16,042,000 6,860,000 1842.... 6,416,000 I860.... 15,609,000 6,839,000 1843.... 6,965,000 1861.... 15,005,000 6,265,000 1844.... 7,601,000 1862.... 14,388,000 5,658,000 1845.... 8,031,000 6,949,000 1863 12,967,000 5,404,000 184G 8,442,000 7,259,000 1864 15,263,000 5,594,000 1847.... 6,493,000 6,008,000 1865.... 18,619,000 5,986,000 1848.... 7,071,000 4,828,000 1866 20,957,000 5,884,000 1849.... 7,469,000 4,310,000 1867.... 21,794,000 5,811,000 1850 8,268,000 4.512,000 1868.... 22,164,000 6,180,060 1851 8,263,000 4,462,000 1S69.... 22,673,000 6,607,000 10,773,000 4,819,000 1870.... 24,366,000 6,879,000 1853.... 10,915,000 5,650,000 1871.... 27,348,000 7,544.000 1854.... 11,665,000 (-,295,000 1872.... 1^8,732,000 7,674,000 12,285,000 6,362,000 1873.. .. 29,210,000 7,076.000 1856 13,703,000 6,652,000 1874. . . . 31,734,000 6,767.000 1857.... 13,113,000 6,821,000 84 ME. E. H. INGLIS PALGEAVE, This statement shows a very considerable and marked increase in the amount of deposits, while there has been really no increase at all in the note circulation. The growth of the deposits is the result of increased wealth and prosperity among the population of the country, and when the amount of the population of that country is taken into consideration, when we remember how small, comparatively speaking, it is, how much it has diminished in recent years, and how widely scattered over a country with comparatively few mining or manufacture g industries, it can hardly be thought that the deposits would have increased to anything like the same extent had not the provincial note circula- tion existed and enabled the Irish banks to open small offices wherever the circumstances of the country required it. It is quite true that all the banks of Ireland do not possess note circulation, but there can be no doubt of the service the note issue has been to those banks which possess it. VII. — Banking Deposits and Note Circulation in Sweden compared. Sweden is the only other European country which possesses throughout its whole extent, a note circulation in any way analogous to the note issues in Scotland and in Ireland ; and it is worth while to extend our examination beyond our own immediate borders and to observe what the position of banking in Sweden is. The note circulation in Sweden proceeds partly from the Riksbank (bank of the kingdom), and partly from the "Enskilda" banks. The first Enskilda bank was established in the year 1830. The present banking law of Sweden, which regulates the method on which the banks of that country are founded, the system on which their accounts are published, and to a great degree their method of administration, dates from the year 1864. The completeness and the excellence of its arrangements are due, in a great degree, to the care of Mr. A. 0. "Wallenberg, who, besides possessing a practical knowledge of banking, is also a member of the Upper Chamber of ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN TI1E CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 85 the Swedish Diet. The notes of the Enskilda banks have a wide circulation over the whole of the country. Sweden is a country with a poor soil, a rigorous climate, and a Bparee population. It is a country with fewer natural advantages than Scotland or Ireland; but the progress of banking in Sweden, between 180.3 and 187G, which is as far as we can trace it, has been very great indeed. Much of this progress must be ascribed to the pow r er of issuing notes possessed by the Enskilda banks which has enabled them to establish branches in remote villages and districts of that country and has likewise greatly facilitated the conduct of their business. The notes of the Enskilda banks of Sweden circulate w r ith the utmost readiness over the whole of the kingdom. The population in Sweden is scattered widely over a very large surface of country, but so good is the credit in which the provincial note circulation is held, that the notes of a bank situated many hundred miles off are taken with the same readiness as those issued in the neighbouring town. The high credit in which the provincial note circulation stands, and deservedly stands, in Sweden, arises from the excellent arrangements in force with regard to the securities held against the notes issued, the stability of the banks which issue them, and the guarantee thus provided that the note circulation is made by solvent institutions. The "regulation of the currency" is effectually provided for by the fact that every note is payable in gold coin at the option of the holder, and that every bank issuing notes is bound under the severest penalties to provide for cashing those notes whenever legally required. By the Banking Law r of Sweden, enacted in 1864, the notes were payable, when presented at the head office of the bank, either, " with coin of the realm or with notes of the Bank of the Kingdom." Among the amendments to this law passed in 1874, was one of the highest importance in preserving the true character of a note circulation : by this amend- ment the power of paying a note with any other paper money, though that paper were the note of the " Bank of the Kingdom ' itself, was taken away, and it was enacted that the notes, when 86 ME. K. H. INGLIS PALGHAVE, presented for payment at the head office of a bank, should be "paid unconditionally with lawful gold current in the realm." This is a very important alteration, and it proceeds on the correct principle that no note should be payable in anything but sterling money. Subject to the conditions we have indicated the bank-note circulation can be almost entirely unfettered. The freedom of issue enables the banks to afford to supply their customers with " cash- credits" and bank post bills payable on demand without charge. Such bank post bills are changed with facility by any bank in the country, as every bank knows that the person presenting a bill of this class will be satisfied to take pay- ment for it in the local notes. The trifling profit thus obtained by the banks is sufficient to pay the charge for the transmission of money from one part of the country to another. The charge on the public for sending money from one place to another would, other- wise, in so thinly peopled a country as Sweden is, be a heavy tax on the community. The power of issuing notes has been a most important force in developing the present extension of banking in Sweden. The progress of the Swedish Enskilda banks was as follows, from the years 1865 to 1876 :— Note Circulation, Deposits and Capital or Swedish Enskilda Banks. Notes in Circulation. Deposit Accounts. Current Accounts. Capital. £ £ £ £ 1865. . . . 1,860,000 1,140,000 406,000 2,040,000 1866.... 1,750,000 1,340,000 421,000 2,250,000 1867.... 1,910,000 1,630,000 541,000 2,440,000 1868.... 1,700,000 1,870,000 544,000 2,370,000 1869.... 1,940,000 2,480,000 940,000 2,760,000 1870.... 2,230,000 2,890,000 1,240,000 2,780,000 1871.... 2,680,000 3,770,000 1,390,000 2,830,000 1872.... 2,985,000 3,880,000 1,058,000 2,517,000 1876.... 3,400,000 8,025,000 1,332,000 2,956,000 The great support which the commerce and industry of the country have derived from the banking system is evident at a glance, and it is equally obvious that without the power of issuing notes banking would have made but little progress in Sweden. ON NOTE C1UCTLA.TI0X IX THE CONDUCT OP BANKING BUSINESS. 87 VIII. — Banking Deposits and Circulation in other Countries compared. It is not very easy in this country to obtain much information respecting the details of banking in other countries, but the following statement of the progress of the Bank of Geneva, a joint- stock bank situated in the city of that name, [Table 13.], and of the Bank of the Canton of Freibourg, in Switzerland, [Table C], will be interesting. Both these statements exhibit the usual features of continental banking, a large note circulation with comparatively small deposits. The growth in the latter, however, is not unimportant, though it is doubtful whether the laws in Switzerland regulating the circulation are in any way as careful as those of Sweden, and when we compare the amounts of deposits held by these banks, and those held by the Bank of Bremen, [Table D.], the latest published accounts of which are also added, with those held by the principal banks on the continent which possess, what we may term, a State circulation, the deposits held by the banks which issue notes on what may be termed strictly banking principles are really large in proportion. Even in the case of the Bank of France [Table F.], it will be seen that the deposits, especially at their branches, are exceedingly small in pro- portion to their circulation. The deposits of the Bank of France at Paris averaged in 1875 about eleven millions ; at the branches (about 74 in number), about a million and a quarter, with an average note circulation of more than ninety-eight millions, while the average deposits of the Imperial Bank of Germany, for 1876, were about three millions, with a note circulation of thirty- four millions [Table G.] ; of the National Bank of Belgium, about one million (exclusive of the deposits of the Government), with a circulation of twelve millions ; while the deposits with the National Bank of Austria were almost nil, with a circulation of nearly four- teen millions. [Table H.]. The same rule holds good as to banking in Australia and America. From a statement published by Air Nathaniel Cork, in <- 88 ME. E. H. IXGLIS PALGEAVE, his paper on tlic statistics of Australian banking, the aggregate of the deposits of the Australian hanks in 1872 was £33,466,000, and of their notes in circulation, £3,433,000. If there is a country in which a note circulation might have seemed superfluous it is in Australia — yet we cannot doubt that there also, as in other countries where a note circulation has existed, the power of collect- ing deposits has been greatly stimulated by it. We see the same features exhibited in the accounts of the American National banks, which are obtained from the returns recently published by Mr. John Jay Knox, the comptroller of the currency at "Washington. [Table E.]. IX. — The Influence of a Note Circulation when issued by a " Commercial" Bank and a " State" Bank compared. We have now investigated, as far as the information accessible will allow, the course of banking in recent years in England, in Scotland, in Ireland, and in Sweden, in Australia and America. The last-named countries all possess note circulations emanating from several banks, banks which are not State banks, and the notes of which supply in great degree the requirements of the people for their cash transactions, thus economising the use of coin, and pro- moting the extension of banking facilities. The latter, it must be observed, is by far the most important function of a note circulation. In England as far as it has existed, and most certainly in Scotland, in Ireland, and in Sweden, the possession of a note circulation has promoted the growth of deposits mainly through the power which a note circulation has given a bank of establishing branches in remote districts where a branch could not otherwise be profitably carried on. This result of the power of issuing notes can be traced less in proportion perhaps in England than in the other countries named, because the greater wealth of England has rendered the advantages a note circulation offers less needed, and also because the system of provincial note circulation has been more imperfect in England ; while in Scotland, Ireland, and Sweden, we may see how ox note < iiit ri ITION ix tili; conduct or BANKING business. 89 a system of nolo circulation which has enabled the banks of each country to extend their branches to the remote villages and hamlets, the less wealthy and less peopled districts, has also enabled them to collect from these distant and poorer regions those scattered drops, so to say, of the hoarded wealth of the people, which, while secreted in each man's possession, were of service only to him when he needed to employ them, but in the hands of the banks were aggre- gated into fertilizing streams, the causes of plenty in otherwise sterile lands. If we compare with the statements of the position of the English provincial issuing banks, as far as we are able to trace them, of the Scotch, Irish, Swedish, Swiss, Australian and American banks, with those of the Bank of England, the Bank of France, the Bank of Germany, the National Bank of Austria, and the National Bank of Belgium, we shall see of how different service the power of circulation has been to them, how small in comparison their deposits arc to their note circulations. After the instances which have been given of the progress of banking iu Sweden, and in Switzerland, it cannot be asserted that deposit banking cannot be expected to attain any considerable proportion on the continent of Europe. What I believe to be the case is that the privilege of issue, though of vast service in the hands of banks which issue notes for business purposes, in the way of enabling them to attract deposits, is of little or no service in this direction when in the hands of Government or State banks. Even in the case of the Bank of England itself when the strictly private deposits are separated from the general mass of deposits, when those belonging to the Government and to the London bankers are deducted from the total [Table I.,] it will be seen that the progress of the Bank of England, in the way of attracting deposits, has proportionately been far less than that of the provincial and joint stock banks, as shown in the evidence to the Committee of the House of Commons on banks of issue. 90 MK. B. H. LNGL1S PALGRAYE, X. — Legislation in this Country respecting Circulation. Having therefore investigated, as completely as the means at our disposal will allow, the position of banking deposits in those countries in which a note circulation is connected with business transactions, and in those in which the note circulation is in the hands of state banks, or a bank under state control, and pointed out that in the one case the circulation assists the growth of deposits, while in the other it is powerless to do so, it will be needful, in order to make any investigation into this subject at all complete, to give some description of the position of the note circulation of the country at this time, and refer back for that purpose to the date of Sir Eobert Peel's Acts of 18 44 — 1845, for the regulations of the note circulation. Eefore that time the power of issuing promissory notes payable on demand, had been a right at common law, unrestricted as to the amount which might be put into circulation by any banker. Ey the Acts which Sir E. Peel was instrumental in passing, this power was taken away, and the right of issue was confined to those banks which were in possession of it at that time. It is not needful here to discuss at any great length the details of those Acts. The most important points in them arc the following : — In England, any private bank of issue, that is to say any bank issuing notes and having not more than six partners, was allowed to join any other private bank of issue, and the amalgamated banks were permitted to continue their united issues. Eut when a joint-stock bank of issue in Engand amalgamated with any other bank of issue, whether private or joint-stock, the right of issuing notes was restricted to the limit allowed to the joint-stock bank which continued the business. Under these provisions of the Act, when any joint-stock bank of issue joined either a private bank of issue or a joint-stock bank of issue, the circulation of the bank which was amalgamated lapsed. In a similar way when an issuing oint-stock bank joined a non-issuing joint-stock bank, the circula- tion also lapsed. These provisions in the Act of 1844 show the ox NOTE CTBCTJLATION FN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 91 intentions of Sir Robert Peel in his legislation; he desired the gradual extinction of the provincial note circulation. The more favourable terms allowed to private than to joint-stock banks doubtless mark that it was needful to conciliate opposition in parliament. The same reason caused more favourable terms still to be allowed to the issuing banks in Scotland and Ireland. In both these countries all the issuing banks at the date when the Act was passed, were joint-stock banks, and in Scotland and Ire- land any joint-stock bank of issue was permitted by the Acts o 1845, to amalgamate with any other joint-stock bank of issue without suffering the loss of any part of the united circulations A power of issuing notes to an unlimited extent provided gold was held against the excess issue, was also conceded to the banks in those countries. A somewhat similar power was granted to the Bank of England. The issue department of the Bank was com- pelled to hold gold against every note issued beyond a certain amount of securities fixed in 1844 at £14,000,000, and afterwards extended in accordance with the provisions of the Act referring to lapsed issues in England to £15,000,000. These provisions of the Act permitting an extension of the issue of the notes of the Bank of England against securities, in case of the laj)se of a provincial issue, extend only to England, thus for instance when the Western Bank of Scotland failed in 1857 with an authorised issue of £337,938, no corresponding extension of the fixed issue was allowed to the Bank of England. XL — The Paper Circulation, the 3/ctaUic Circulation, and the General Business of the Country. The theory on which Sir E. Peel's legislation was founded was that it was desirable that a paper circulation should vary in amount exactly as a metallic circulation would do. In practice, the provisions of the Acts of 1845, regulating the circulation of notes in Scotland and Ireland, have probably enabled the banks in those countries to issue as many notes as they would have done 92 MB. R. H. INGLIS PALGRAYE, had their circulation been entirely unrestricted. In England the provincial banks, taken as a body, could undoubtedly issue many more of their own notes than they do at present. English issuing banks now obtain the notes which they require from the Bank of England ; and English issuing banks, when they require notes beyond the limit fixed in 1844, also obtain notes in the same manner from the Bank of England. It is probable, therefore, that the circulation of notes in England corresponds, under the existing enactments, with considerable exactness with the amount which would be put into circulation were the rights of issuing notes limited only by the necessity of paying them in gold, and by the present prohibition of notes of a lower denomination than £5. If the circulation were thrown open to all banks, but restricted as at present to notes of £5 and upwards, there would doubtless be a change in the constitution of the circulation, fewer notes of the Bank of England being employed and more of the other banks, but it is not likely that any very considerable extension of the amount of notes in circulation would follow. Having thus explained the general plan under which the note circulation of the country is regulated, it is desirable to proceed to some details of its course since the date of Sir Eobert Peel's Acts. The following table [Table M.] explains the main facts. It con- tains a statement of the declared values of the exports and imports of the United Kingdom ; of the amounts passed through the London Clearing House, and of the total circulation in bank notes for the year 1844, and for the years from 18G8 to 1876. The declared values of the exports and imports, and the amounts passed through the London Clearing House, are contrasted in this table with the total of the note circulation ; as they afford, taken collectively, as good a criterion as can be supplied at the present time of the state of the trade and commerce of the country. The broad facts, as shown by this comparison, are that while the exports and imports are more than four times the amount they were in 1844, and the sums passed the London Clearing House have increased in a very OS NOTE (II. i il \1'Im\ i\ rui; CONDUCT OF BANKING BU8INES8. 93 similar proportion, the increase in the note circulation has been oompaiatively small. The value of the imports and exports has expended {rem about £114,000,000 to £574,000,000. The circulation has increased from about £37,000,000 to £46,000,000. Meanwhile, the amounts held by the banks on deposit have greatly increased. The altered course of trade, the habit of keeping bank- ing accounts, and the extended use of checks, have prevented the amount of the note circulation keeping pace with the increased resources paid by the banks in England. The amount of the note circulation of a bank is not dependent in any way on the amount of deposits it holds. While the trade and the resources of the United Kingdom generally have largely increased, the amount of the gold in circula- tion has also greatly increased. Any statement of the amount of the gold in circulation in a country must of necessity be in the form of an estimate. The investigation made in 1868 by Professor Jevons was so careful and complete that it may be accepted with great confidence as a basis of comparison. The information as to the earlier periods is by no means so exact. In Marshall's '•Digest" it is stated that the Bank of England held in coin and bullion together on 28th February, 1819 £4,184,620 31st August „ 3,595,360 It is difficult to believe that the gold circulation in the United Kingdom at that date exceeded, if indeed it reached, £10,000,000. In 1844 the gold circulation was estimated by Mr. Newmarch as £36,000,000. The amount of gold bullion held by the Bank of England can hardly be placed at above £8,000,000 at that date. The gold circulation in England in 1868 was estimated by Professor Jevons as 68,000,000 in sovereigns 12,000,000 ,, half-sovereigns 80,000,000 15,000,000 gold bullion held by the Bank of England 95,000,000 94 ME. R. H. INGLIS PALGRAYE, Mr. Hendriks, who gave evidence before the French Enquete sur la Question Monetaire of 1870, and is a very competent authority, estimated the gold in circulation in 1875 as £100,000,000 — to this, also, must be added the amount of bullion held by the Bank of England. Assuming this to be £15,000,000, it becomes clear that the proportion borne by the notes in circulation in the country, both to the gold in circulation and the banking deposits, is far smaller now than any previous time in the commercial history of the country. The proportion of the circulation which is not issued against gold is also considerably smaller at the present time than it has previous^ been. In 1844 the proportion of the circulation issued against gold was 17 per cent. In 1876, this proportion had, under the influence of the Act of 1844, risen to 37 per cent. It, must not, however, be supposed from this statement that the proportion of the note circulation secured by gold being held against it, had increased in a similar manner as the proportions issued against gold. The gold held by the Scotch and Irish banks against their excess issues is distinctly marked out under the provisions of the Acts of 1845 as being held against their total liabilities, and not against their note circulation only. The Acts of 1845 require that gold should be held against the amount of notes in circulation beyond the fixed limit, both in Scotland and Ireland. This provision of the Act, however, was not intended to provide any security whatever for the holder of the note. " We do not propose," to quote Sir Robert Peel's words, " that there should be any certain amount of deposit as a security." The arrangement was made by Sir Robert Peel to carry out the theory, that a paper circulation should vary in .amount exactly as a metallic circulation would do. Hence, Sir Robert Peel directed that when an extra issue of notes was put into circulation by a Scotch bank, it should be bound to withdraw from circulation an equal value in ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 9o sovereigns. It is possible that Sir Robert Peel may have expected that this sum would be really withdrawn from active circulation. The practical result lias been, however, a regular and periodic demand on the Rank of England for gold, to meet the requirements of the Acts of 18 45, which is sufficient to affect the money market when it is in a sensitive condition. This point will be referred to further on. XII. — The question whether the Issue of Notes is a prerogative of the State. "While considering this portion of the subject, it is desirable to refer to the theory that the functions or business of creating promissory notes payable to bearer on demand is an indefeasible prerogative of the Sovereign or State. The late Mr. T. Tooke examines into the grounds on which this theory is based, with great care. His opinion on the subject carries great and deserved weight with it, and it is therefore quoted here. "The dogma — that it is the exclusive province of the Govern- ment to create and issue bank notes — proceeds on the ground, — that inasmuch as the coining and issue of metallic money is an attribute, or province, or privilege of the State, so also bank notes, being by the definition of the school, held to be money, the creation and issue of them ought, by parity of reasoning, to be considered as coming within the province of the Government. "Now for this assumption there is not the shadow of a foundation. " There is not, in reality, any analogy between the two functions. The province or function of the Government in regard to the coinage as conducted by the Mint, in obedience to the prescribed regulations, is simply to certify by a stamp, bearing the effigy of the Sovereign, the weight and fineness of the piece of metal to which it is applied. This stamp or certificate is essential to the currency of the coin, and it is accordingly guarded by severe penalties. 96 ttfi. li. IT. IXGLIS PALGEAVE, 11 But no profit or benefit in a pecuniary or other form is derived by the Government from the exercise of this function ; or, as it has sometimes been miscalled, privilege ; for the exercise of a privilege supposes advantages of some kind. So far from it, indeed that in the case of the gold coin — which alone is here in question— the beautiful coinage or manufacture is attended with loss to the Government. It is an onerous duty imposed on the State for the convenience of the public, and the function of Government is con- fined to the coinage or stamping. It does not issue the coin in any proper sense of the word, issue. The gold is delivered into the Mint by the Bank of England, or by other banks, or by individuals, who desire to have a quantity of the metal converted into coin ; an equal weight of which is, after the delay of five or six weeks, re- delivered to the parties who deposited the metal in its unstamped state. The delay incidental to the process of coinage is considered to be equivalent to l|-d. per ounce. Importers, therefore, and other holders of unmanufactured [gold, find it their interest and convenience to sell the gold to the Bank at £3 17s. 9d. the ounce, and to receive in immediate payment coin or bank notes at their option, of the current value of £3 17s. lOid. the ounce. The Bank of England is, accordingly, the principal channel through which the coin is received from the Mint and issued to the public. " How then can it, by the most strained construction, be said that this function of the Government in the coinage of gold, leaving as it does to others the issue of the gold so coined, bear any similitude to the creation, or, as it is termed, the coinage, and the issue of paper money in the shape of bank notes ? The Government has undoubtedly the power of taking into its own hands the creation and issue of bank notes ; but it would be for purposes, and attended with consequences, totally different from those which render the Mint regulations a province of the Government. " The main purpose for which some of the Governments of the Continent of Europe have assumed and exercised the exclusive OH NOTE CNUT/L.VTIOX TX THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. i>7 privilege of the issue of hank notes has been that of the profit to he derived from it ; and a flagrant abuse in the way of fraud has been in many signal instances the consequence. " And of still more importance to Governments, disposed to make an illicit gain at the expense of their subjects, has beeu the exclusive privilege of the issue of what is termed paper money of compulsory tender, and not returnable for payment to the issuing bank." " Tooke on the Bank Charter Act of 1844," page 35. Sir 11. Peel himself disclaimed this theory ; in his speech of May 6, 184 4, he referred to this subject and quoted Lord Althorp's opinion on it. " This question," Sir R. Peel said, " was under the considera- tion of the House when Lord Althorp brought forward the Bank Charter Bill, in 1832 ; and Lord Althorp, in moving the extension of the Bank Charter, discussed the policy of a single bank of issue to be constituted by and responsible to the Government. Having mentioned the name of Lord Althorp, I must, though I differ from that noble lord in respect to politics, bear testimony to his integrity, and to the soundness of his judgment in all financial matters. Xo man who ever filled the office which the noble lord then held is entitled to stand higher in public estimation as respects those qualifications for a public trust. On the occasion to which I have just referred, Lord Althorp said : — " ' Another point for consideration is, whether the profits, which must necessarily be derived from the circulating medium of the country, should be possessed by Government, or should be allowed to remain in private hands ? Xow, sir, the advantages, the only advantages, which I have been enabled to discover in a Govern- ment bank, as compared with a private company, arc those which result from having responsible persons to manage the concern, the public deriving the benefit of it ; but then, on the other hand, I think these advantages are much more than counterbalanced by the political evils which would inevitably result from placing this bank under the control of the Government. I think that the 98 ME. E. H. IXGLIS PALGEAVE, effect of the State having the complete control of the circulating medium in its own hands would be most mischievous. Under these circumstances, sir, I certainly am prepared to propose the continuation of a single bank of issue in the metropolis, subject to the control of the publicity of their accounts. If we were now, for the first time, establishing a system of banking on which the country should proceed, I think this would be the most advisable mode of establishing a bank in the metropolis. But, sir, this proposition has the additional advantage — and it is no mean one — that it will occasion the least change ; because I certainly am of opinion that, unless some great advantages could be derived from a change in the monetary system of this country, nothing could be more ill-advised — nothing could be more useless, than to depart from it.'" " In the latter part of Lord Althorp's observations I entirely agree. The true policy in this country is to work, so far as it be possible, with the instruments you have ready for your hand — to avail yourselves of that advantage which they possess from having been in use, from being familiar from constituting a part of the habits and usages of society. They will probably work more smoothly than perfectly novel instruments of greater theoretical perfection. If we disturb that which is established, let us have some good practical reason for the change." Having thus referred to the main points in which the note circulation touches the business of the country and taken a cursory glance of some of the opinions expressed in 1 844, it remains to make some remarks on some of the results which have followed on Sir It. Peel's legislation. XIII. — The Course of the Note circulation in this country since the Actofl8U. The annual average issues of the English Provincial Banks have declined from £8,170,000 in 1844, to £4,704,950 in 1876. The circulation of the Bank of England has increased to a greater ex- OX NOTE CIRCULATION IX THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 00 tent than the decline in the circulation of the private and joint- stock banks ; while the annual average circulation of the bank in 1844 was £'20.200,000 it had risen in 1875 to £27,346,000. A very considerable part of this increase was in the notes issued by the branches of the Bank of Euglaud. The provincial circulation of the Bank has increased more rapidly than the metropolitan. The provincial note circulation of the bank, which in 1844, was £6,500,000, had risen, in 1875, to £10,383,000, while the metropolitan circulation at the earlier date was £13,700,000, and at the later £16,936,000. Beyond question also many notes which are included in the metropolitan returns and are dated from London are really issued in the provinces, as many banks in the country which issue Bank of England notes obtain them from London ; hence a considerable proportion of the circulation of the Bank which is dated from London is really due to provincial requirements. Meanwhile the circulation of notes both in Scot- land and Ireland has increased. The circulation in Scotland in 1844 was £3,020,000, and £6,098,000 in 1876. The circulation in Ireland was £5,940,000 in 1845, and £7,064,000 in 1870. The course of the Scotch note circulation has been almost uniformly progressive. That in Ireland has fluctuated considerably. In some \ears it has increased and at other times it has declined. Thus in the year 1872, the highest point reached, the average yearly note circulation was £7,674,000, and in 1849 £4,310,000. There appears to be a greater circula- tion in gold in Ireland than in Scotland. The arrangements in the Acts of 1844-1845, which have tended to centralize the note circulation of England on the Bank of England and to connect the provincial circulation of Scotland and Ireland with the Bank reserve have been described. It now remains to trace whether these circumstances have produced any influence on the rate of interest charged by the Bank. 100 ME. R. II. IXGLIS PALGRAVE, XIY.— The Rate of Discount from 1825 to 18 U- In continuing this investigation into the connection of the note circulation with the business of the country, it now becomes desirable to examine into the rate of interest charged for the loan of money, and to ascertain whether the manner in which the note circulation is regulated has, or has not, any influence on it. This is the best test which can be applied as to whether such is the case or not. If any influence whatever has been exerted we shall find it reflected in the value of money. In order to conduct this investigation on a proper footing it obviously becomes necessary to institute an enquiry into the rate of interest charged both before the Bank Acts of 1844-5 came into operation, and since that time. It thus becomes necessary to extend our enquiry at least over a period of fifty years, and to investigate the rate of interest charged during the twenty years immediately before the Bank Acts came into force, 1825-1844, and for the thirty-two years, 1845-1876. And as while examining these figures it is desirable not to lose sight of the principal commercial events which have influenced the money market during that time, a short statement of the leading points has been added, as it will aid us in making the pre- sent enquiry. During the long continental wars which occupied the earlier years of this century, the Bank Restriction Act which suspended payments in specie, was in force. In 1819 Sir Robert Peel passed his well-known Act directing the gradual resumption of specie payments. Under the provisions of this law bank notes were to be paid in bullion according to a kind of sliding scale for a certain period, after which they were to be paid in coin. The Act, in order to give the Bank of England time to make due preparation for so important an operation as the substitution of a metallic for a paper currency in so large a country as this, though passed in 1819, was not to come into force till February, 1820. From that date till October, 1820, bank notes were to be paid in bullion, if the holders required it, at the rate of £4 1 s. per ounce. From October, 1820, to May, 1821, the price was to be £3 19s. 6d. per ounce, OX NOTE CIRCULATION IX THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 101 also payable in bullion; from May, 1821, to May, 1823, notes were still to be paid in bullion, but at the Mint price, £3 17s. lOM. per ounce; and from May, 1823, all engagements were to be met in the gold coin of the realm. These were the requirements of the Art of 1819, which thus allowed four years for the completion of the operation. The Bank of Englaud, however, through good management, was able to anticipate these dates, and on May 1st, 1821, two years before the limit allowed had expired, was able to provide coin to meet all demands. The coin and bullion held by the bank in 1819 was about 4 millions, and in 1821 about 12 millions. This was considered a large amount at that time. It diminished in 18'22 to about 10 millions, yet, by 1824 it had risen to nearly 14 millions, a larger sum than any recorded till nearly twenty years later, when, in 1844, the bullion held by the Bank of England reached the then unprecedented amount of 16 millions. Thus, during the twenty years at present immediately under our consideration, from 1825 to 1844, the bullion held by the bank became largely augmented in amount. The year 1825 marked the culminating point in the period of speculation and excitement which had commenced in 1824. A spirit of speculation in produce and in goods of nearly all descrip- tions showed itself in the course of that year. The cause of this speculation is assigned by Mr. Tooke, in his well known work on the " History of Prices," to a belief that the stock in hand of several important articles of consumption was short of what it had usually been. Aud when once a spirit of speculation was started it rapidly extended itself till, as Mr. Tooke remarks, there " arose an impression that all purchases of goods were likely to answer." "When once such an idea had got hold of the minds of men in trade, it was likely to produce for a time higher prices still. The spirit of speculation was fostered by very sanguine reports of enormous results which were to be obtained from South American mines, principally from mines of the precious metals. For a time, as is usual in periods of great speculative activity, 102 ME. E. H. IXGLIS 2ALGRA.TE, everytliing seemed to promise well. It was expected that the exports of British produce to South America would imme- diately aud rapidly increase. Meanwhile these opinions received some support from circumstances which are curiously jDarallel to those under which British trade expanded with " leaps and bounds" during the years 1870 — 1873. It is best to describe what occurred in the words of Mr. Tooke. " At the same time (1824), indepen- dent of these anticipations, the remittances to South America of the very capital for the mining projects then afloat, as also for the loans raised in this country for those States, were made, in large part, in manufactures, besides mere stores and machinery ; thus forming a great temporary increase of demand for manufactures. It is worth while to look back to a statement of what occurred at that time, as it shows how such a state of things has a tendency to repeat itself. The following extract from the Annual Register for 1824 gives a very detailed and correct account of the state of things of that year, arising out of the disposition, on the part of the public, to enter into new schemes for the employment of capital : — " The abundance of capital led to the formation of numerous joint-stock companies, directed, some of them, towards schemes of internal industry ; others of them, towards speculations in distant countries. The mines of Mexico was a phrase which suggested to every imagination unbounded wealth ; and these companies — the Heal del Monte Association, the United Mexican, and the Anglo- Mexican — were formed for the purpose of extracting wealth from their bowels by English capital, machinery, and skill. Similar companies were formed in the course of the year for working the mines of Chili, of Brazil, of Peru, and of the provinces of the Rio de la Plata, and for prosecuting the pearl fishery on the coast of Columbia. So great was the rage for speculation, that, in the course of a very few weeks, in the early part of the year, the following undertakings, among others, were brought forward in London, and found subscriptions courting their acceptance : — The Alliance Fire and Life Insurance Company, with a capital of four ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN TUP] CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 103 millions ; The Palladium Fire and Life Insurance Company, with a capital of two millions ; The British Annuity Company, whose capital was three millions ; The Metropolitan Investment Company, with a capital of one million ; The Thames and Isis Navigation Company, with a capital of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds ; an Ale Brewery Association, with a capital of two hundred thousand pounds ; a Company for obtaining from Government a Grant of a Million of acres of Land in New South AVales, and for improving the Growth of Wool ; an Association for the cutting a Canal across the Isthmus of Darien ; a Company for Navigating the Thames and Isis by Steam ; a new Dock Company for Coals only. Many of the Companies which were thus set on foot were able, or conceived that they were able, to prosecute their objects effectually without deriving any sanction or special powers from the legisla- ture. Others of them, aud particularly such as were to have their sphere of operation at heme, found it prudent or necessary to apply for private Acts of Parliament, so that in the month of March there were upwards of thirty Bills before the House of Commons for the purpose of giving legal existence to different companies of this kind. In all these speculations only a small instalment, seldom exceeding 5 per cent., was paid at first, so that a very model ate rise on the prices of the shares produced a large profit on the sum actually invested. If, for instance, shares of £100, on which £5 had been paid, rose to a premium of £40, this yielded on every share a profit equal to eight times the amount of the money which had been paid. This possibility) of enormous profit by risking a small sum, was a bait too tempting to be resisted ; all the gambling propensities of human nature were constantly solicited into action, and crowds of individuals of every description — the credulous and the suspicious — the crafty and the bold — the raw and the expe- rienced — the intelligent and the ignorant — princes, nobles, politi- cians, placemen, patriots, lawyers, physicians, divines, philosophers, poets, intermingled with women of all ranks and degrees — spinsters, wives, and widows — hastened to venture some portion of their H 104 ME. E. H. IXTGLIS PALGEAVE, property in schemes of which scarcely anything was known except the name."—" Tooke's History of Prices," Vol. II., p. 50. Thus, as in more recent years, one cause reacted on another. Meanwhile speculation in foreign loans, which were largely to the South American States, in mining and other companies, continued, till the whole inflation reached its highest point in the spring of 1825. The crisis of 1825 was scarcely less severe than that of 1866, if we take into account the position of business in England at that time. It took some time for its effect to wear off, but by 1827 business, generally speaking, had resumed its ordinary course. The exports, which, had dropped from 38 millions in 1825 to 31 millions in 1826 rose again to nearly 37 millions in 1827. The fluctuations in the amount of the exports between 1827 and 1833 were but small; in that year the amount was 39 millions. From 1833 a rapid augmentation commenced, the values being 41 millions in 1834, 47 millions in 1835, 53 millions in 1836. But the commercial pressure in the autumn and winter of that year arrested the progress of all descriptions of business. The value of our exports dropped to 42 millions in 1837, and though a recovery took place the next year, still, between the years 1838 and 1841, the exports did not rise to the level of 1836. In 1841 trade generally was much depressed. Want of employment and general distress led in the next year to disturbances in the manu- facturing districts. This state of affairs was reflected in the amount of the exports, which in 1842 sank to 47 millions. From that date matters began to improve, and in 1844, the last year which is under our immediate notice, the exports were valued at 60 millions, a larger sum than any which had previously been registered. This short summary of the principal events affecting the trade of the country during the twenty years, 1825 to 1844, is given, as it is needful to bear in mind some of the main facts of commercial history during that period, in order to explain the variations in the statement of the rate of discount current at the time. To put it ON NOTE CIH< II.\T1"N IN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 105 in the clearest manner, we find that the exports, which in 1825 were 38 millions, had expanded to 60 millions in 1844, and the progress of the country in other directions had been at least as great. The country at the commencement of the 20 years under our consideration was only just commencing to recover from the vast strain of the great continental war which was the cause of so much misery during the early years of this centuiy. In 1825 the currency had been but recently brought back from a paper to a gold circulation, and the year itself was one of speculation and panic; in 1844 the country was quiet and prosperous, and our trade was on the eve of that period of expansion and prosperity which, though chequered with occasional reverses, has continued to extend itself till quite recent times. It is a remarkable thing that the average rate for the whole twenty years is distinctly lower than that of the thirty subsequent years. Thus, the average rate for the years 1825-1844 was £3 lis. 10d., and for the years 1845-1874, £3 18s. 5d. The increase of banking capital and of loanable capital during the latter period had been very great, but the increase in the demand for money must have been greater still in recent years. And during the earlier period it certainly does not appear that there was anything like that rapid intercommunication between the great monetary centres of the world which exists at the present time. Hence though considerable fluctuations in the rate of discount may be found in the table at the end of this paper, they are far from being as in- tense as those which have occurred since. [Table P.]. If we divide the twenty years into four periods of five years each, we shall find the fluctuations in the yearly averages greater in the two later than in the two earlier divisions. Even the crisis of 1825 only raised the average rate for the next year, in which the pressure was principally felt, to £4 10s. The probable explanation of this is that at the earlier dates the business of the country was not only on a smaller scale, but was carried on more independently of banking facilities than at the later periods. Business in England 106 MR. R. H. 1NGLIS PALGRAVE, then probably approached more closely to its condition in France now. In France, even at the present day, keeping accounts with bankers for the purpose of drawing cheques upon them is compara- tively a modern custom, and cannot still be said to be general. Large payments are still frequently made in bank notes and specie. Something similar to this probably was the state of English business fifty years ago. If we compare the amount of the circula- tion of the Bank of England then with the amount at the present date, it is clear that it must have borne then a far larger proportion to the general business of the country than it does at the present time. A table of British exports and imports for the years 1825- 1844 is added. [Table K.] By examining this, and by comparing it with the amounts at the present time, we are reminded of the vast difference in the extent of business between those times and the present. Yet, great as the extension in our trade has been, the extension in the banking resources of the country has been even greater. "With a greater amount of banking capital we might have expected greater evenness in the rate of interest. But when we compare the rate of discount during the twenty years from 1825 to 1844 with the rate between 1845 and 1874, we find far larger and sharper fluctuations in the later period. The general cause of these increased fluctuations is not before us at the present time, but in looking over the summary table [Table P.], which collects the average rate month by month, for the ten years from 1825 to 1834, and from 1835 to 1844, we shall see that in the first decade the months in which the rate rises highest above the figure 100, which represents the average value for the period under con- sideration, are those of January, November, and December — in the later decade (1835 to 1844) the same months, with the addition of October. This appears to show the influence of a force which we are familiar with — a greater business activity in the winter months which follows the completion of the harvest, taking the harvest in its widest agricultural sense — of corn, cotton, and everything which reaches our shores or is stored within them when the great ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 107 labours of the agricultural year arc over. We will now pass on to the consideration of the period from 18-15 to 187-1, and endeavour to ascertain whether the influence of the same causes, or others, or both combined, can be traced in this period also. XV.— The Bate of Interest from 18^5 to 1876. The year which immediately followed the passing of the Bank Act, was like those which had preceded it, very favourable to the introduction and the successful working of that measure. In 1845, however (a period of great speculation) activity set in. The fol- lowing statement from a very able paper read by Mr. Danson before a meeting of the Statistical Society in January, 1847, puts the main facts very clearly before us. "Between March and September, 1845, joint-stock speculations, for the immediate investment of capital, were set on foot, involving a larger aggregate amount than had ever before been so involved in this country. The amount to raise which, for railways alone, the sanction of Parliament was actually applied for in the following session, exceeded £340,000,000 sterling; and if we include all the new schemes in which scrip or letters of allotment were actually selling at a premium in July, August, and September, 1845, the amount cannot be estimated at less than £500,000,000. At first this extraordinary activity produced very little effect on the money market; throughout the year 1845 the Bank rate con- tinued low, averaging only £2 Los. 5d. per cent. In 1846 it averaged £3 6s. 7d. per cent. By April, 1847, however, it had risen to 5 per cent, in the last three weeks of that month, and the first few days of May a very severe pressure took place. This had, however, passed off by the end of May, and though the rate of interest still remained high, owing to the continued demand for money connected with the railways in course of construction, no immediate apprehension was felt. The heavy failures commencing in the corn trade in August, and the stoppage of the Royal Bank of Liverpool in October, brought on a panic. The Bank rate rose 108 MR. R. H. INGLIS PALGRAVE, to 8 per cent., and the reserve dropped to £1,600,000 on October 30th. The high state of tension in 1847 was followed by a long period of depression, the Bank rate dropped to an average of £3 14s. 8d. per cent, in 1848; £2 19s. Od. per cent, in 1849, and of £2 10s. Od. per cent, in 1850 ; a slight rally to an average of 3 per cent, took place in 1851. The French Government at this time were coining gold rapidly, desiring to substitute a gold for a silver coinage. This appears to have counteracted for a time the influence of the discovery of gold in New South "Wales announced in September, 1851. Lower rates of discount followed in 1852. On the 24th April of that year the rate fell to 2 per cent, and con- tinued at that point till January 8th, 1853, a longer period of extreme depression than any that has been experienced till the similar period which commenced on April 19th, 1876. In 1853 a gradual revival of trade commenced — the long period of a low rate of interest had, however, stimulated unsound business — and a con- siderable number of mercantile failures took place in the spring of 1854. The war with Russia assisted in increasing the demand for money, and the average rate for the year was £5 2s. 3d. per cent. Commercial activity became in some degree checked by the con- tinuance of hostilities, and a rather lower rate prevailed on the average during 1855, though in the antumn of that year very high rates were charged. Throughout 1856 the rate of discount was high, being 6 per cent, in May, 6A- and 7 in October and Novem- ber. But this was only a prelude to a greater rise in 1857. The Bank rate in that year never fell below 5£, and in the November during the panic of that year, a 10 per cent, rate was reached, and the Bank Act of 1844 was suspended. Toward the end of 1857 the state of tension gradually diminished, and by February, 1858, 3 per cent, was reached. The average rate for 1859 was lower still, only £2 14s. 9d. per cent. In 1860 the Commercial Treaty with France was negociated. A deficient harvest tended to the raising the bank rate in the autumn, but the average rate for the vear was only £4 3s. 8d. In 1861 a considerable rise took place. ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN THE CONDUCT OE BANKING BUSINESS. 109 Gold -was exported, to a considerable extent, both to France and America, and the average rate for the year was £5 5s. 4d. per cent., which was followed in the next year, 18G2, partly under the influence of the depression caused by the civil war in America, by a drop to an average of £2 10s. 7d. per cent. The diminished supply of cotton produced for the time great distress in the manu- facturing districts. 1863 opened with a demand for gold. Several new loans were brought out, higher prices prevailed, and the average Bank rate for the year was £4 8s. lOd. per cent. But far higher rates prevailed in 1864. Increased importation of cotton had to be paid for, many new undertakings were promoted, and the average Bank rate for the j'ear was £7 7s. Id. per cent., the highest annual average rate ever noted. Trade continued to expand and apparently to flourish in 1865, but the demand for money was not so active as in the preceding year, and an average rate of £4 15s. 4d. per cent., though high, yet when compared with several other years appeared as nothing very extraordinary. The events of 1866 are still so recent that there is scarcely any need to go into any considerable amount of detail. The over-specula- tion of the years immediately preceding terminated in the greatest collapse and consequent panic which has ever been known, the failure of Overend, Gurney & Co. and of several banks was accompanied by the sharpest pressure which the English money market has ever known. A long period of depression followed, an.d it was not till 1869 that the influence of the crisis of 1866 began to wear off. 1870 commenced with a low rate of interest, the Bank rate being 3 per cent, for the first half of the year. The war between France and Germany, which broke out in August, unsettled business, and the Bank rate rose for a time to 6 per cent., though it dropped in about eight weeks to 2£. The average for the whole year was £3 2s. 7d. percent., and £2 17s. 8d. the next year, 1871. Both 1872 and 1873 were years of many fluctuations, and the rate was greatly influenced by the German demand for gold for coinage operations. The average rate for 1872 110 ME. E. H. INGMS PALGRAVE, was £4 Os. 10d., and for 1873 £4 16s. ; a gradual decline of the rate commenced in 1874, and in 1875 the collapse of several Foreign loans and the cessation of the payment of interest on them, marked the commencement of a period which has at last produced, since April 1876, the longest continuance of the lowest rate charged by the Bank which has ever been recorded. Perhaps, during the last three years, the Bank rate has been less distinctly an index to the market rate than during the earlier portions of the period under our notice ; but we shall not do wrong if on the whole we take the Bank rate as the best guide we can find to the fluctuations of the value of money in this country. XVI. — The Rate of Discount from 1825 to 18J/4- an & from 7845 to 1876 compared. The short epitome of the principal events which has been given here is intended as an assistance to the memory, by recalling the main facts of importance which influenced the money market. They remind us of the great vicissitudes which the country has gone through during the last fifty years, and that these fluctuations were not confined to any one part of the year. The causes of perturbation in the money market have taken place at all times and at all seasons It might be expected, therefore, that on an average of years an uniform rate would prevail for every portion of the twelve months, as the fluctuations appear to be distributed with a considerable uniformity. In order to show what the facts really are, the rate of interest for each month in the year has, as men- tioned before, been tabulated for the fifty-two years from 1825 to 1876. For the twenty years preceding the passing of the Bank Act, as the Bank rate did not always coincide with the market rate, a statement as to the rate of discount charged upon first-class bills given in Mr. D. B. Chapman's evidence before the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Bank Acts, 1857, [Table N.] has been taken as the basis of the calculation, while for the thirty-two years from 1845 to 1876 the minimum rate charged ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN TUB CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 1 1 1 by the Bank of England has been followed. The rate in these tables is given month by month, and a column of proportionate figures is added to each statement, to assist the reader in following the fluctuations in the rate of interest. The average rate for each year is placed above the individual monthly statements, and the average rates for the longer periods above the tables containing the statements from 1825-34, 1835-44, 1845-54, 1855-64, 1865-74, and also for the summary tables from 1825-44 and from 1845-74. [Tables 0., P., Q., E. and S.] The columns containing propor- tional figures are all in a different type throughout, for facility of reference. By examining these tables, which are drawn up on the same plan throughout, the reader will be able to trace the course of events in the discount market with great facility. The first point to be noted is that while the average rate of discount for the fifty years 1825-74 was £3 16s. 2d., it was slightly lower in the twenty years from 1825-44 than in the thirty years from 1845-74, having averaged £3 lis. lOd. from 1825 to 1844, and £3 18s. 5d. from 1845 to 1874. The next point is that the fluctua- tions in the twenty years 1825 to 1844 were less violent than in the 30 years 1845-1874. If we take the average rate for each period as equal 100 we shall find that Between 1825-44 the highest monthly rate . . equal 107 the lowest monthly rate . . ,, 95 Between 1845-74 the highest monthly rate . . „ 114 the lowest monthly rate . . ,, 91 And in the third place, we shall observe that the fluctuations were distributed in a different manner during the two periods. Arranged in order as to the maximum rate, the distribution is as follows : — 112 ME. It. H. INGLIS PALGEAVE, The pressure (month by month) in the Money Market compared during the periods 1825-44 and 1845-74. 2nd Period 1845-74, average of the same equal 100. 1st Period 1825-44, average of the same equal 100. January equal 107 December >) 107 November >» 105 October j> 101 February- >> 99 June ?> 99 July )> 99 September j> 99 March j> 97 April >> 97 May >> 95 August >J 95 November December May October January June February April March July August September equal 114 108 104 103 102 101 100 98 97 96 95 91 In comparing these lists we shall find four months occupying exactly the same relative place to each other and to the rest at both periods. These are the months of December, June, October, March. Four other months, though riot exactly in similar positions on each list, are still so close to the same places that they may be con- sidered as occupying practically the same places ; these are the months of February, July, April, August. "We are hence entitled to believe that as these months occupy the same positions relatively to the average rate for a period of fifty years, the rate charged in them is governed by the natural laws of supply and demand. There remain the four months of January, November, September, May. In both the first-named months the demand appears to have fallen off, while in the two remaining months the demand has greatly OX NOTE CIRCULATION IX THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSIXESS 113 increased. "With regard to September, there has been of late years a very marked diminution of business in the autumn holiday season, which probably accounts for the lower rate charged in that month, and January, though not standing so high in the later, as in the earlier period, still stands high in the list. The alteration in the relative position of the two mouths which remain, November and Hay, requires attention. Both of these stand in much higher positions relatively to the average of the period under consideration in the later than in the former list. In the period from 1825-44 the rate of interest charged in November is represented by the figure 105. In the period from 1845-74, by the greatly increased figure 114, the average rate being represented in both cases by the figure 100. The alteration in the position of the month of May is still greater. In the period from 1825-44, May stands as low as any month in the list, the rate of iuterest current in it being repre- sented by the figure 95; but in the period from 1845-74, May is the highest month but two, being represented by the figure 104. XVII. — The influence of the Scotch demand for circulation during the months of May and November. The question occurs to the mind is there any natural cause to occasion this enhanced demand for discount in the month of May during recent years, or is there any artificial restriction which weighs on the market at this season ? Then with regard to the rate of interest in the month of November, no doubt the latter half of the year, with all the demands for harvest work in the United Kingdom, for holiday making among the easier classes, for meeting the requirements occasioned by the autumnal importation of corn from the United States and elsewhere, and the supplies of produce of all descriptions which always come forward towards the close of the summer is more heavily weighted than the earlier portion. If this demand were of an international character, we might expect to find it reflected in the rates of interest charged by foreign banks. If we examine the rates charged by two of the most representative 114 ME. E. H. INGLIS PALGEAVE, European banks — those of France and of Prussia — we shall find their rates nearly exempt from fluctuation during this particular month. Between 1844 and 1875 the Bank of France has only three times raised its rate in the month of May, and the Bank of Prussia but four times, while the Bank of England raised its rate twenty- one times. But if we compare the rate of interest charged in November during the period 1845-74 with that which ruled during the period 1825-44 [Table P. and S.], it will be seen that during the later period the average rate in November stood not only higher in com- parison with the other months of the year, but also far higher in comparison with the average rate of the period. The same influence again does not appear to extend to the continent. During the period from 1844 to 1875 the Bank of France raised its rate of discount six times during the month of November, the Bank of Prussia four times while the Bank of England raised its rate fourteen times during the same month. No doubt, fluctuations in the rate of interest are more frequent in the rate charged by the Bank of England than in the case of the two foreign banks just mentioned, but the fact is nevertheless worth noting. Judging by this we may consider the causes which operate thus on the rate charged by the Bank of England in the months of May and November to be something exceptional in their character. "Without undertaking to say that they account for the whole of the pressure, the with- drawals of gold from the Bank of England connected with the Scotch note circulation, from the manner in which they affect the reserve, appear to exercise an influence on the Bank of England into the extent of which it is desirable to inquire. The Act of 1 845 required the excess of the Scotch note circulation over the limits fixed in that year to be provided for by holding gold against it. The portion of the Act of 1845 regulating this is clause 6, which states that it shall not be lawful for any banker in Scotland to have in circulation upon the average of a period of four weeks a larger amount than the sum certified by the Commissioners of Stamps and ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 115 Taxes as being the authorised note issue of each hank, and the monthly average amount of gold and silver coin held by such banker at the head office or principal issue of such banker during the same period of four weeks. The amount of gold thus held does not afford, and was not designed to afford, any real security to the holder of a Scotch note. Hut this clause was designed by the late Sir K. Peel, to carry out the principle that a paper currency should vary as directly as a metallic currency ; therefore though, in deference to the strong feeling in Scotland in favour of the local note circulation, he allowed the limits which the note circulation had then attained to be exceeded when required, he coupled this permission with the requirement that gold should be held for the excess. Up to the years 1855 and 1856 the excess of the Scotch banks over their limit had not been distinctly marked. By 1860 the annual average excess had become a million and a half, by 1876 more than three millions, the highest points of which are in the months of May and November. In 1876, both in May and November, the Scotch circulation stood more than four millions above the authorized issue. The question therefore now takes this shape. How far can we consider the Scotch demand occurring in this manner as exercising an influence over the bank rate ? Now it will be observed that the clause in the Act just cited requires the average amount of the gold and silver coin to be taken for each period of four weeks. Consequently, as every Scotch bank becomes aware that its circulation is about to experience the ordinary half-yearly expansion, the estimated amount required is brought down from London at the commencement of the period. Every Scotch banker endeavours to forecast the extent of his requirements befoie his note circulation begins to rise, as it does from causes entirely beyond his control, and dependent only on the ordinary business of the country, and brings down from the Bank of England the gold which he estimates he will need. A table is added showing 116 ME. E. K. IXGLIS PALGBAVI".. the highest and lowest points of the note circulation in each half- year from 1846 to 1876, and the annual average circulation, by examining which, we may judge of the extent to which the Bank of England reserve is affected by this drain upon it. [Table L.] On examining this it becomes clear that the increase in the Scotch note circulation is continuous and progressive, and in the same manner the spring and autumn demands for the excess of the note issue over the limits of 1845 must also tend to increase. The increase is caused by the natural requirements of the country, the causes of which Mr. Gairdner, of the Union Bank of Scotland, has described in the following words : — " The main causes of the increased note issues in May and November are undoubtedly these : — " 1st. The payments of rents and interests on mortgages, which, in Scotland, are almost uniformly made at the half-yearly terms of Whitsuntide (15th May) and Martinmas (11th November.) "2nd. The settlement of all important transactions in heritable property, which are also fixed for the same terms. " 3rd. The payment of household and farm servants' wages, and in many cases salaries, at the same period. " These payments are to a large extent made through the medium of bank notes, and thus they get into hands where they remain for a time, many of the parties who receive the notes having no bank account. " It is further to be noted : — " 1st. That on the fourth of the month an unusually large amount of bills fall due, and if the 4th happens on a Saturday (the day when the returns are made up) we generally look for a heavier return on that account. 11 2nd. The November returns are usually heavier than those in May, because of the requirements of the harvest, travellers, &c, ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 117 u 3rd. In the country districts the term-days are in many places regulated by the old style, and thus the payment of farm rents runs on into June and December. " 4th. The great increase this year (1873), is no doubt chiefly owing to the higher scale of wages, particularly in the mining districts, among the most improvident class of working people." That such comparatively trivial and strictly domestic causes, operating in remote and principally rural districts, should have a tendency to influence the rate of interest charged by the Bank of England, and consequently throughout the empire, is a remarkable instance of the close interdependence of the present requirements of business on each other under the existing system. Judging by the experience of the past, it is far more likely that the Scotch note circulation will increase than that it will diminish ; thus, so far as this influence extends, a greater pressure may be expected for the future every spring and autumn.^ The following observations made by Mr. "Weguelin, who was Governor of the Bank of England in 1857, show that he considered that the fluctuations in the internal circulation of the country had an important influence on the Bank of England reserve, even at that date. Mr. "Weguelin was examined before the Select Com- mittee of the House of Commons, appointed in 1857 to enquire into the operation of the Bank Acts. The following is a quotation from Mr. Weguelin's evidence. The questions were asked by the Right Honourable Edward Card well, now Lord Cardwell, and referred. to the demands on the reserve of the Bank of England in the autumn. " 42. Is there not a demand upon you at that period of the year for Scotland and Ireland ? — There is a demand for coin, but not for notes. " 43. That coin being intended to sustain the increased local circulation in Scotland and Ireland ? — Precisely so. * This subject was mentioned in a letter to the " Economist " of September 6, 1874, from which many of these details are taken. 118 ME. E. H. INGLIS PALGEAVE, " 44. Is there not a corresponding demand in the same period of the year for an increased circulation in England and Wales? — Yes, we think there is, but we cannot trace that so well as we can the Scotch and Irish demand. The reason why we can trace the Scotch and Irish demand better than the English demand is this, that by the law of 1845, by which the Scotch and Irish banks were regulated, those banks are bound to deposit a certain amount of coin in specified places for any amount of notes issued by them beyond the amount authorised under those Acts. "45. That is to say, if there be a demand for increased circula- tion of small amounts for retail transaction, it will be transacted in England and Wales by an increase of the metallic currency, but in Scotland and Ireland by an increase of small notes, which must be increased by the demand upon you for bullion under the present law? — That is the operation of it." Mr. Weguelin also expressed his opinion on the subject in a letter to Sir G. C. Lewis, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, printed in the Appendix to the Eeport of the Committee of 1857 : — "Now, with regard to the oscillation of the internal circulation of the country, I may notice that there is periodically a demand for currency from the Scotch and Irish banks, which, whilst it produces a most sensible effect upon the Bank of England reserve, is uncon- trollable by any action of the bank. At certain periods of the year, especially after harvest, the demand for currency commonly greatly exceeds the authorised issue, and as the excess must be issued on gold deposited in certain specified places, the gold is withdrawn from the Bank reserve to be again restored to it when the reflux of the currency of the Scotch and Irish banks take place, which is usually in the months of December to March. The Scotch banks very generally exceed their authorised aggregate issue ; but with the Irish banks, although the aggregate is not usually exceeded, yet it often happens that some are in excess, whilst others are under the authorised amount. But as each bank has to provide for its own excess, the demand on the London bullion reserve is as great as if the whole Irish circulation had gone beyond its limit. ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN THE CONDUCT OF BANKING BUSINESS. 119 The banking reserve is acted upon disadvantageously in similar proportions ; as, practically speaking, it must be understood that the banking reserve is the balance of the total issue after satisfying the wants of the public for circulation." Since 1857, the date when Mr. Weguelin made these remarks, there has been a vast increase in the amount of the banking deposits of the country, but the increase in the reserve has not followed in the same proportion. XVIII. — Concluding Remarks. It is not possible to carry this investigation further at this time, but it has been shown by examples taken from the experience of banking in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, and Belgium, our Australian Colonies and America, that a note issue when made either by a State bank or by a bank in close connection with the Government, is powerless for the pur- pose of attracting deposits, and thus for facilitating the main purpose of banking, while the same circulation when in the hands of banks conducted on regular banking principles is a most powerful instru- ment for that purpose, and thus promotes the prosperity of the State in a far more complete manner than the note circulation when made by the Government. The results shown by banks in coun- tries as differently circumstanced and as far from each other as Scotland, Sweden, and Switzerland, all show the same facts. The provisions of the Act of 1844 have tended to transfer the portion of the English provincial note circulation which has been swept away under the operation of that Act, to the circulation of the Bank of England. The Acts of 1845 have not fettered the Scotch and Irish note circulations in a similar manner, but the pro- visions of those Acts which compel gold to be held by the banks in those countries for every note which they issue beyond the limit authorised by the law, have transferred the periodical fluctuations in the circulation of those countries to the reserve of the Bank of England. The rate of discount charged by the Bank of England is, of i 120 MR. R. H. INGLIS PALGRAVE, necessity, governed by the demands made on the reserve, and it is clear that demands made on the reserve in connection with the provincial issues have been not without an influence on the rate of interest charged by the bank. The Scotch demand for additional note circulation, now double the amount it was in 1844, reaches its maximum in the months of May and November. The tables of the minimum rate of discount charged by the Bank show that the rate of discount in those months is distinctly above the average of the whole of the year ; and this augmentation has tended to increase during the ten years ending with December, 1874. A comparison of these dates with the returns of the London clearinghouse [Table T.] shows that there is no corresponding activity in trade generally to account for this greater demand during the months of May and November. The conclusion distinctly appears to be, that the augmented demand consequent on the increase in the Scotch circu- lation, has led to this enhancement in the rate of discount during these particular months. It is not possible to trace the influence of the diminution of the English provincial circulation with similar exactness. But what can be traced as to the influence of the Scotch note issue, leads to the inference that the diminution in the provincial English note circulation which has resulted from the operation of the Act of 1844, and has caused in consequence an increase in the note circulation of the Bank of England, has tended in the same direction. The following extract from Mr. George Rae's evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons on Banks of Issue, 1875, will show what the effect of centralizing the circulation may be expected to be : — Question No. 5,051, asked by Mr. Backhouse. " Have you any other reason that you wish to state in regard to your circulation?" " I will state a few reasons why I think so. The issues of the country banks not being subject to the sometimes great and irregular fluctuations in the reserve of gold in the issue Department of the Bank of England, but to a limit, which is admittedly below ON NOTE CIRCULATION IN TIIE CONDUCT OP BANKING BUSINESS. 121 the currency requirements of the country districts, maintain a regularity of movement which imparts steadiness and ease to the operations of the agricultural, industrial, and other interests of the districts in which they chiefly circulate. Thus, instead of being an element of disturbance in a momentary panic, the country issues, resting on their own reserve of gold, are an element of strength, for they perform all the functions of a currency in the country districts at such a juncture without embarrassing the action of the B mk of England, or adding to the anxieties and dangers of a crisis by withdrawals of gold. The money panics which, every ten years or so, appear to visit the metropolis and the great, provincial centres have not, thus far, afflicted the country districts, mainly because they possess a currency of their own, which, to the measure of its amount, enables them to conduct their every day tran- sactions independently of the vicissitudes of the ''money market ;" but if this currency were to be suppressed, and substituted by notes of the .Bank of England, the exemption of the country dis- tricts from the severities of a money panic would cease, because the Bank of England notes in circulation in country parts would then be subject to the same law of fluctuation as those in circula- tion in the capital or elsewhere, and every movement in the- bullion in the issue department would be as quicky felt at Leicester as at Liverpool, at Saffron Walden as in the city of London. Xow, inasmuch as people in country parts have been accustomed for many years to procure with perfect ease such ordinary and reasonable banking facilities as they required, it will be difficult to reconcile them to even a temporary or partial withdrawal of these facilities whenever the foreign exchanges may happen to be seriously against England. The manufacturer or trader, the farmer or cattle-dealer, or any one else in undiminished credit, who has always maintained such discounts or advances a3 he might require from time to time in the legitimate conduct of his business, will hardly be reconciled to the refusal or serious curtailment of such accustomed facilities on the ground that the position of the issue department renders a contraction of such facilities imperative. In their excusable ignorance of the depart- 122 ME. E. H. INGLIS PALGEAVE, ment in question, and their inability to comprehend why it should interfere with their few and simple transactions, which have never suffered interruption before, many persons would be apt to assign the alleged scarcity of money to poverty on the part of the banks themselves, and thus originate a movement on banking deposits, which under perfectly conceivable circumstances might add a new feature and a fresh danger to our next panic." The practice of keeping the main cash reserve of the country in the hands of the Bank of England is no doubt a source of great economy, both to the banks and to the public generally, but it is attended with the unavoidable result, that every demand for addi- tional supplies, whether for gold or export, or to meet the domestic requirements of the country, is centralised on the reserve of the bank. An expansion of the English provincial circulation, similar to that which occurs in Scotland, takes place between the August and October of every year in this country ; if the provincial note circulation of the country were swept away, or concentrated on one central department, this demand would be at once trans- ferred to the central reserve. The expansions and contractions of the provincial circulation are periodic, and are dependent on the local wants of the population. To connect all these local require- ments with the central reserve of the country would introduce increased demands on it, which could only be met by increased fluctuations in the rate of discount, corresponding to those already caused by the Scotch demand for gold under the Act of 1845, to meet the increased note issue in May and November. In ordinary periods these additional demands would be inconvenient, and in times of pressure they might be overwhelming. It is true that the actual amount of the rise in the bank rate shown in the tables, as resulting at the present time from the Scotch demand in May and November of each year, is compara- tively small — but it is not therefore unimportant — especially as it is shown to be progressive, and to be continually on the increase. The fluctuations in the bank rate of discount form the readings of the Barometer of Commerce, and any influence which produces a periodical effect on them, deserves our careful attention. 123 TABLES ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE SUBJECT. Table A. — Information respecting the Proportions of the Capital, Deposits, and Circulation in the principal English Issuing Joint Stock Banks between 1844-74. j> >> jj >> B. — Bank of Geneva. C. — The Bank of the Canton of Freibourg, in Switzerland. D. — Bremen Bank. E. — The Resources and Liabilities of the " National " Banks of America, 2nd October, 1876. F. — Bank of France : Analysis of Returns for 1876. G. — Imperial Bank of Germany : Analysis of Returns for 1876. H. — National Bank of Belgium and National Bank of Austria, Yearly Averages of Monthly Returns. I. — Bank of England : Private Deposits {after deducting Bankers' Balances) from 1844 to 1875. „ K. — Exports and Imports, Great Britain and Ireland, 1825- 1845. K >> >> 124 Table L. — Lowest and Highest Amounts of Circulation of Scotch Banks in eaeh year, from 1846 to 1376. „ M. — Exports and Imports of United Kingdom, Amounts passed through the London Clearing House, and the total Bank Note Circulation of all the Issuing Banks in the United Kingdom. „ N. — Average Rate of Discount for "First Class Bills" for the twenty years, 1825-44. >> jj * 0. — Monthly Averages of Bates of Discount for First Class Bills from 1825 to 1844. P.— Average Bate of Discount for First Class Bills, for the ten years, 1825-1834; 1835-1844; and the twenty years, 1825-1844. Jt Q. — Average Minimum Bate of Discount charged by the Bank of England for the thirty years 1845-74. „ B. — Monthly Averages of Bank of England Minimum Bates of Discount, from 1845 to 1876. „ S. — Averages of Bank of England Minimum Bate of Discount for the ten years, 1845-54; 1855-64; 1865-74 ; and for the thirty years, 1845-74. T.— Bankers' Clearing House Returns, 1868-1876. 125 TABLE A.— INFORMATION RESPECTING THE PROPORTIONS OF THE CAPITAL, DEPOSITS, AND CIRCULATION IN THE PRINCIPAL ENGLISH ISSUING JOINT-STOCK BANKS BE- TWEEN 1S44— 71. Proportion of Deposits held by 36 Issuing Banks in England in 1874, as compared with 1844. 100 18 7 4. 1.245 655 425 307 218 196 690 507 406 300 239 175 674 501 381 294 237 175 642 477 348 272 235 173 600 450 328 261 217 160 580 438 327 250 209 143 Total Average, 1844 1874 >> = 100 = 350 Replies received from 36 Issuing Joint Stock. Banks in England and "Wales, as to the proportion borne by their Circulation to their Deposits in the years 1844 and 1874, respectively. 1844. 1874. 1844. 1874. 1844. 1874. 1844. 1874. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent . 40 71 22 5 14 61 »1 2 35 6 22 11 14 5 11 21 34 4i 211 1 131 5 ioi 5 33 11 20 5 13 4 10 2 33 81 181 6 121 3 10 5 31 4 18 5 12 21 9^ 2 26 4 161 6 12 5 9 3 25 5 15 2^ 12 4 8 21 24 16 14 4 "1 2 8 3 Proportion of Circulation to Deposits. Total Average, 1844 17 Per cent. >» 1874 M 126 Replies received from 36 Issuing Joint Stock Banks in England and "Wales, as to the Amounts of Deposits held by them in the Years 1844 and 1874 respectively, and the Proportion borne by their Circulation to their Deposits at both Dates. Thirty-six Banks. Ybab. Authorised Issue. Deposits. Proportion of Issue to Deposits. 1844 .. 1874 .. £. 2,021,289 Actual Issue : 1,746,245 £. 12,008,068 42,342,294 Per Cent. 17 4 Proportion of Deposits in 1844 to that in . . . . 1874 1844 = 100 1874 = 353 Replies received from 25 Issuing Banks in England and "Wales as to tho Proportion of their Capital to their Circulation in 1844 and 1874 respectively. Twenty-five Banks. Yeah. Authorised Issue. Capital. Proportion of Issue to Capital. 1844 .. 1874 .. £>. 1,149,119 Actual Issue : 949,758 £. 2,064,492 7,223,323 Per Cent. 56 13 Statement as to the Position of 59 Banks, Issuing and Non-Issuing, in England and Wales in 1875. Capital Reserves Deposits . . , Acceptances and other Liabilities . . Total Liabilities to the Public £. 17,591,329 7,649,731 25,241,060 129,866,919 9,979,653 139,846,572 Proportion of Capital and Reserves to Deposits, 19£ per cent. Proportion of Capital and Reserves to Total Liabilities, 18 per cent. 127 Replies received from 21 Issuing Banks in England and Wales as to tho Amounts of their Capital and Deposits, and Circulation, 1844 and 1874 respectively. Twenty-one Banks. Year. Authorised Issue. Capital. Deposits. Proportion of Capital to Deposits. £. £. £. Per Cent. 1844 .. 956,605 Actual Issue: 1,802,292 5,831,909 31 1874 .. 766,177 6,130,107 25,009,113 24 TABLE B.— BANK OF GENEVA. Accounts not Accounts Year. Reserve. Circulation, bearing Interest. bearing Interest. Capital. £ £ £ £ £ 1853 13,320 27,880 10,080 1854 13,360 26, 360 10,800 1855 14,720 25,600 12,800 6,520 66,560 1856 25,400 37,880 30,600 26,080 66,560 1857 26,600 36,000 14,800 50,560 67,760 1858 18,200 33, 320 20,400 84,160 68,480 1859 19,080 32,480 27,320 62,400 80,000 1860 24,480 35,880 26,120 62,640 88,000 1861 21,480 27,880 17,120 47,840 IOO, coo 1862 26,600 38,000 23,680 65,320 100,000 1863 24,760 33f8oo 28,4S0 58,360 100,000 1864 14,720 33,480 20,880 48,160 100,000 1865 22,920 28,560 30,800 41,520 100,000 1866 36,160 26,640 30,800 57.280 100,000 1867 21,520 27,920 13,480 53,400 100,000 1868 22,560 32,200 15,200 59,600 IOO, coo 1869 18,880 34,040 16,040 74,120 100,000 1870 22,880 39,520 20,200 52,000 100,000 1871 33,200 48,000 19,880 60,000 100,000 1872 24,520 53,48o 18,400 56,400 100,000 1873 27,200 72,000 18,960 45,120 100,000 1874 43,120 108,320 30,040 47,640 100,000 Converting the Franc at 25 =»£1. From the " Economise Fran$ais," Jan. 13, 1877. 128 TABLE C— THE BANK OF THE CANTON OF FREIBOTJRG IN SWITZERLAND. [The franc is converted at 25 — £1 in this Table.] Advances on Annual Average of Notes in Circulation. Amount of Preserve LiOcal Securi- Annual Deposits at Bills on on Year. Capital. ties. Amount Average of Interest on other 31st Dec. on 31st Dec. Specie held. 31st Dec. in < Countries- in each in each year. each year. year. £ £ £ £ £ £ £ 1851 17,600 12,920 600 — 3,520 440 40 1852 18,360 18,360 3,240 3,360 3,560 1,120 120 1853 22,000 21,120 6,180 3,120 6,560 2,000 320 1854 26,600 17,440 7,800 2,760 5,240 4,320 680 1855 34,720 29,520 7,880 3,400 6,880 3,320 1,000 1856 40,000 40,840 8,640 3,160 9,200 5,040 1,360 1857 40,000 35,000 10,720 4,200 6,680 4,440 1,880 1858 40,000 40,760 11,400 3,880 6,200 3,280 2,280 1859 40,000 44,960 11,080 6,640 8,600 3,800 2,720 1860 40,000 43,960 12,640 4,080 12,960 3,440 . 3,120 1861 40,000 51,080 13,320 4,000 13,640 1,960 3,560 1862 40,000 62,920 14,280 4,760 14,600 10,400 3,960 1863 40,000 68,840 14,440 4,240 14,280 7,520 4,400 1864 40,000 87,560 16,400 4,240 16,120 6,160 5,000 1865 66,400 106,280 18,080 5,200 26,520 10,360 10,000 1866 68,000 125,120 16,160 6,000 44,120 3,040 10,560 1867 68,000 135,840 13,560 5,840 46,880 5,600 11,240 1868 68,000 138,680 14,000 5,360 48,760 4,720 11,880 1869 68,000 155,800 14,400 6,400 57,000 6,560 12,640 1870 68,000 167,240 13,920 7,560 60,840 6,560 13,280 1871 68,000 184,200 14,080 14,760 70,400 7,960 2,200 1872 68,000 224,720 17,200 10,000 106,240 7,160 2,680 1873 93,600 246,240 30,800 9,200 111,640 9,920 2,880 1874 96,000 232,720 39,200 14,000 119,120 24,440 5,320 1875 96,000 209,960 39,200 14,800 127,680 22,880 6,680 1876 96,000 184,760 43,800 23,640 130,440 35,000 8,440 The Bank of the Canton of Freibourg is one of the eight oldest banks in Switzerland which possess a note circulation. It has maintained up to this date a quiet and undisturbed existence. The capital has never been large, but the business has been carried on with great energy. The reserve is, however, but small, as in the 27th year of the existence of the bank it still does not amount to the tenth part of the capital. It has seven agencies at Bulle, Chatel, Estavayer, Montagny, Morat, Romont and Rue, none of which are places of any large size. It issues notes of the value of 500, 100, 20, 10, and as low as 5 francs. This, information is derived from the "Economiste Fran9ais"of the 10th February 1877. 129 TABLE D.— BREMEN BANK. Stathmbnt of the 31st January, 1877 Assets, Specie hold Bills on the Imperial Treasury Notes of other hanks Total cash held iring account at the Reichs Bank Bills of Exchange Advances on goods •Sundry d«'htors Other assets, including huildings and furniture £144,219 2,780 17,595 164,594 21,845 1,708,042 207,641 5,845 34,177 £2,142,144 Liabilities Capital Be serve Fund Notes in circulation 1 >< posits on demand Deposits due after notice Sundry credit accounts Liabilities further described on bills falling due after 31st January The mark converted at 20 = £1 in this statement. From the " Bremen Handelsblatt," 3rd February, 1877. £830,350 37,851 309,040 16,310 882,488 53,309 34,233 £2,163,581 130 TABLE E.— THE RESOURCES AND LIABILLTIES OF THE "NATIONAL "BANKS OF AMERICA, 2nd OCTOBER, 1876. 2,089 Banks then in Operation. Resources. Aggregate. Loans and discounts , , . . .. £185,514,996 Overdrafts 745,947 Bonds for circulation . . . . . . . . 67,434,080 Bonds for deposits 2,939,600 U.S. bonds on hand 6,628,430 Other stocks and bonds 6,889,032 Due from reserve agents 17,465,390 Due from other national banks 9,505,018 Due from other banks and bankers . . . . 2,412,257 Real estate, furniture and fixtures . . . . 8,624,388 Current expenses 1,397,529 Premiums 2,143,050 Cheques and other cash items 2,408,628 Exchanges for clearing house 17,574,163 Bills of other national banks 3,182,062 Fractional currency 283,440 OpGCl'v •• • • • • • • • ■ •• |l 4,272,154 Legal tender notes 16,850,169 U.S. certificates of deposit 5,834,000 Five per Cent, redemption fund 2,941,275 Due from U.S. treasurer 407,465 £365,453,073 Liabilities. Capital stock Surplus fund Undivided profits National bank notes outstanding State bank notes outstanding Dividends unpaid Individual deposits . . U.S. deposits .. Deposits of U.S. disbursing officers Due to National Bank Due to other banks and bankers Notes and bills rediscounted . , Bills payable . , . . . . £99,960,446 26,440,456 9,289,043 58,308,804 124,404 771,107 130,277,042 1,451,360 749,356 26,307,193 9,650,023 892,883 1,230,956 £365,453,073 From the Report of the " Comptroller of the Currency " Treasury Department, Washington, December 2nd, 1876. 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[The Reichsmark converted at Is. in this Table. Taken from tho Returns in the "Economist."] 1 Propor- tion of Circulation. Deposits. Total Liabilities. Coin and Bullion. I i>in and Bullion I.iubi- ln eft, lerOent. Advances. 1876 £ £ £ £ £ £ Jan. 7 35,774,000 5,060,000 40,834,000 22,324,000 55 26,208,000 14 33,967,000 5,063,000 39,030,000 21,894,000 56 24,073,000 22 33,362,000 5,059,000 38,421,000 21,864,000 57 23,168,000 31 32,859,000 4,989,000 ".7.848,000 22,556,000 59 22,186,000 Feb. 7 32,277,000 4,805,000 37,082,000 23,019,000 62 21,378,000 15 32,087,000 | 4,731,000 36,818,000 23,267,000 63 20,500,000 23 31,856,000 1 4,691,000 36,547,000 23.823,000 65 20,517,000 29 31,547,000 4,655,000 36,202,000 24,230,000 67 20,292,000 Mch. 7 31,447,000 [ 4,571,000 36,018,000 24,250,000 67 19,949,000 14 31,054,000 i 4,546,000 35,600,000 25.053.000 70 19,377,000 23 31,292,000 4,496,000 35,788,000 25,349.000 7i 19,426,000 31 33,899,000 4,251,000 38,150,000 24,930,000 65 21,262,000 April 7 33,533,000 4,123,000 37,656,000 24,723,000 66 20,995,000 15 32,489,000 4,036,000 36,525,000 25,315,000 69 20,003,000 22 32,216,000 3,972,000 36,188,000 25,799.0°° 7i 20,248,000 29 33,831,000 3,900,000 37,731,000 26,071,000 69 21,513,000 May 9 33,279,000 3,791,000 37,070,000 26,725,000 72 20,916,000 15 32,988,000 3,716,000 36,704,000 27,325,000 74 19,968,000 22 32,539,000 3,677,000 36,216,000 27,911,000 77 19,964,000 29 32,962,000 3,564,000 36,526,000 28,178,000 77 20,383,000 June 7 32,444,C00 3,529,000 35,973,000 28,045,000 78 20,205,000 15 33,589,000 3,484,000 37,073,000 28,189,000 76 20,723.000 22 35,331,000 3,441,000 38,772,000 27.593.00° 7i 22,146,000 30 38,SS4,000 3,315,000 42,199,000 27,342,000 65 25,734,000 July 7 38,275,000 3,289,000 41,564,000 27,107,000 65 26,223,000 18 36,661,000 3,292,000 39,953,000 26,422,000 66 24,696,000 2.3 34,626,000 3,260,000 37,886,000 26,669,000 70 24,264,000 31 34,535,000 3,190,000 37,725,000 26,559,000 7o 24,106,000 Aug. 7 33,533,000 2,652,000 36,185,000 26,931,000 74 23,331,000 14 33,104,000 2,589,000 35,693,000 26,931,000 75 22,817,000 23 32,850,000 2.566,000 35,416,000 26,901,000 76 22,670,000 31 33,298,000 2,575,000 35,873,000 27,014,000 75 23,105,000 Sept. 7 33,126,000 2,602,000 35,728,000 26,535,000 74 22,605,000 16 33,321,000 ! 2,597,000 35,918,000 26,600,000 74 22.059,000 22 33,770,000 2,602,000 36,372,000 26,259,000 72 22,717,000 30 35,007,000 2,582,000 37,589,000 25,211,000 67 25,134,000 Oct. 7 36,619,000 2,600,000 39,219,000 25,014.000 64 25,136,000 14 36,414,000 2,604,000 39,018,000 24,479,000 63 25,051,000 23 36,248,000 2,599,000 38,847,000 24,618,000 63 25,505,000 31 36,665,000 2,515,000 39,180,000 24,371,000 62 25,972,000 Nov. 7 36.064,000 1 2,128,000 38,192,000 24,539,000 64 25,185,000 14 36,827,000 2,118,000 37,945,000 24,768,000 65 24,202,000 23 35,460,000 2,133,000 37,593,000 25,141,000 67 21.100,000 30 35,996,000 2,144,000 38,140,000 25,311,000 66 23,921,000 Dec. 7 35,331,0(10 2,136,000 37,467,000 25,672,000 69 23,242,000 15 35,30S,000 | 2,126,000 ,434,000 25,700,000 69 22,843,000 22 35,794,000 j 2,142,000 37,936,000 25.561,000 67 23,961,000 30 38,305,000 2,103,000 40,408,000 25,030,000 62 25,302,000 V irly average 34,201,000 3,388,000 37,589,000 25,523,000 1 68 22,693,000 134 TABLE H.— NATIONAL BANK OF BELGIUM. Yearly Averages of Monthly Returns. Metallic Reserve. Circulation. Government Accounts. Private Accounts. 1874 1875 £ 4,396,000 4,618,000 £ 12,044,000 12,768,000 £ 1,228,000 1,337,000 £ 1,012,000 1,164,000 Converting the Franc at 25 = £1. From the " Economists Frangais" 29th Jan. 1876. NATIONAL BANK OF AUSTRIA. Yearly Averages of Monthly Statements. Metallic Reserve. Circulation. Current Accounts. 1875 1876 £ 13,870,000 13,900,000 £ 29,630,000 28,710,000 £ 158,000 122,000 Converting the Florin atl0 = £l. From the" JSconomiste Francais" 13th Jan. 1877. TABLE I.— BANK OF ENGLAND.— Private Deposits (after Deducting Bankers' Balances), from 1844 to 1875. Proportion 0? Proportioi * K *-*; *» of Annual c jeo of Annual 2 e Annual Aver- Average of Annual Aver- Avenge aogpo age of Private Private age of Private Private c(§j| Deposits. Deposits to Sr SO Deposits. Deposits to oOo a 1844— 1844— s- .5 5? 1844=100. &E~I 1844=100. &ST& £ £ % £ £ % 1844 7,170,000 IOO 51 1860 9,160,000 127 46 1845 8,440,000 n8 55 1861 8,320,000 116 47 1846 11,440,000 159 60 1862 8,950,000 125 42 1847 7,160,000 IOO 48 1863 8,070,000 114 41 1848 7,550,000 105 50 1864 8,330,000 116 42 1849 8,020,000 112 49 1865 9,000,000 126 43 1850 8,040,000 112 46 1866 10,080,000 140 47 1851 7,880,000 no 48 1867 12,090,000 168 47 1852 9,690,000 135 51 1868 13,400,000 187 53 1853 10,110,000 140 56 1869 11,660,000 162 50 1854 8,470,000 118 58 1870 10,570,000 148 43 1855 8,790,000 122 52 1871 12,930,000 1 So 45 1856 8,160,000 114 51 1872 12,310,000 171 43 1857 7,420,000 IO3 43 *1873 10,590,000 148 37 1858 9,520,000 133 48 1874 10,508,000 146 42 1859 10,180,000 I42 47 1875 10,847,000 151 41 * After included amount at that date was ahout £1,000,000 Returns dated 8th January, 1873, the Chancery Balances were among Government Deposits instead of Private Deposits. The 135 TABLE K.— EXPORTS AND IMPORTS, GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, 1825-1845. 1825.. . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . , Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports . . Exports Imports £ ...... 38,8 1 0,S-)1 41,137,482 1830... 1837... 1838... 1839... 1840... 1841... 1842... 1843... 1844... 1845... Imports . . £ . .. 53,308,572 . .. 57,023,807 83,008,333 110,392,439 1826.. 31,536,724- 37,680,113 . . . 54,737,301 69,222,837 96,808,045 1827.. 44,887,774 50,060,970 .... 61,268,320 81,748,150 111,329,290 1828.. 53,233,580 . . .. 62,004,000 81,512,133 115,237,580 1829.. 35,522,027 43,981,317 . . , . 67,432,964 79,503,944 US, 839, 394 1830.. 37,927,501 46,245,241 51,634,023 64,377,962 84,172,802 116,012,585 1831.. 36,839,738 86,553,627 112,585,752 1832.. 36,133,098 .... 52,279,709 80,719,839 122,373,062 1833.. 39,331,413 . . . . 58,584,292 85,283,904 144,025,847 1834.. •• 49,302,811 ' 90,651,337 145,393,040 1835.. 95,932,200 136 Table L. — Lowest and Highest Amounts of Circulation of Scotch Banks in each Year from 1846 to 1876. Authorised issue in 1845, £3,087,209 ; in 1858, £2,749,271. Average Lowest. Highest. for Year. £ £ £ 1846 First half Mar. 28 3,003,000 May 30 3,652,000 3,400,000 Second half July 25 3,301,000 Nov. 14 4,046,000 1847 First half May 1 3,295,000 May 29 3,791,000 3,550,000 Second half July 24 3,341,000 Nov. 13 3,783,000 1848 First half Mar. 25 2,866,000 May 27 3,577,000 3,330,000 Second half Aug. 26 2,964,000 Dec. 2 3,592,000 1849 First half Mar. 24 2,840,000 May 26 3,481,000 3,220,000 Second half July 21 2,974,000 Nov. 24 3,560,000 1850 First half Mar. 23 2,944,000 May 25 3,567,000 3,220,000 Second half July 27 3,090,000 Nov. 23 3,694,000 1851 First half Mar. 29 3,001,000 May 31 3,537,000 3,210,000 Second half July 26 3,056,000 Nov. 22 3,659,000 1852 First half Mar. 27 3,010,000 June 5 3,649,000 3,400,000 Second half July 24 3,215,000 Nov. 20 3,976,000 1853 First half Feb. 26 3,417,000 May 28 4,096,000 3,S00,000 Second half July 23 3,644,000 Nov. 12 4,358,000 1854 First half Mar. 25 3,735,000 May 20 4,403,000 4,050,000 Second half Aug. 26 3,790,000 Dec. 2 4,516,000 1855 First half Mar. 24 3,655,000 May 26 4,498,000 4,100,000 Second half Aug. 25 3,904,000 Nov. 24 4,703,000 1856 First half Mar. 29 3,735,000 May 31 4,574,000 4,090,000 Second half Aug. 23 3,856,000 Nov. 22 4,647,000 1857 First half *Mar. 28 3,649,000 J June 6 4,339,000 4,050,000 Second half Aug. 8 3,974,000 Oct. 3 4,422,000 1858 First half Mar. 6 3,602,000 June 5 4,212,000 3,810,000 Second half Aug. 7 3,789,000 $Dec. 4 4,624,000 1859 First half April 2 3,82^,000 June 4 4,726,000 4,110,000 Second half Aug. 6 4,027,000 Dec. 3 4,854,000 I860 First half April 7 4,012,000 June 2 4,665,000 4,220,000 Second half Sept. 8 4,138,000 Dec. 8 4,607,000 1861 First half April 6 3,936,000 June 8 4,481,000 4,200,000 Second half Sept. 7 4,069,000 Dec. 7 4,616,000 L862 First half Mar. 8 3,869,000 June 7 4,518,000 4,150,000 Second half Aug. 2 4,017,000 Dec. 6 4,481,000 1863 First half Mar. 7 3,886,000 June 6 4,744,000 4,200,000 Second half Aug. 8 4,139,000 Dec. 5 4,591,000 1864 First half April 2 4,035,000 June 4 4,975,000 4,250,000 Second half Sept. 3 4,277,000 Dec. o O 4,684,000 1865 First half April 1 3,972,000 May 27 4,596,000 4,380,000 Second half Sept. 16 4,305,000 Dec. 9 4,903,000 1866 First half Mar. 31 4,134,000 May 26 4,608,000 4,400,000 Second half Sept. 15 4,264,000 Dec. 8 4,967,000 • * From Reports of Select Committee on Bank Acts, 1857. % From this point to the end of the year 1870 the returns are given for the firBt week only in each month in the year from the " Miscellaneous Statistics." § Authorised issue, £2,749,271. 137 Taule L — continued, A vera go Lowest. Ilighc st. tor Year. £ £ 1867 First half Mar. 30 4,221,000 May 25 2,822,000 4,570,000 Second half Sept. 14 4,404,000 Dec. 7 5,055,000 1868 First half Mar. 7 4,419,000 June 6 4,974,000 4,600,000 8 "hJ half Aug. 1 4,515,000 Dec. 5 5.0X8,000 1869 First half Mar. 6 1,522,000 Juno 5 4,972,000 4,730,000 Second half Aug. 7 4,568,01)0 Dec. 4 5,331,000 1S70 First half Mar. 5 4,517,000 June 4 5,483,000 4,930,000 Second half Sept. 3 4,781,000 Dec. 3 5,612,000 1S71 "hirst half fMar. 25 4,789,000 June 17 5,451,000 5,1L0,0C0 Second half Aug. 12 5,137,000 Dec. 2 5,715,000 1872 First half Mar. 23 4,778,000 June 15 5,717,000 5,320,000 Second half Aug. 10 r>.226,000 Nov. 30 6,210,000 1873 First half Mar. 22 5,160,000 June 14 6,064,000 5,615,000 Si c md half Aug. 9 5,502,000 Nov. 29 6,393,000 1874 First half Mar. 21 5,468,676 June 13 6,410,829 5,902,971 Second half . Sept. 5 5,693,929 Nov. 28 6,719,057 1875 First half . April 17 5,535,118 June 12 6,616,043 6,050,909 Second half . Sept. 4 5,873,681 Nov. 27 6,883,326 1876 First half . Mar. 18 5,531,070 June 10 6,762,925 6,098,543 Second half . Sept. 2 5,901,834 Nov. 25 7,015,743 t From this point the average of 4 weeks taken from the " Gazette" is given. 138 TABLE M. — Exports and Imports of United Kingdom, Amounts passed all the Issuing Banks Year. 1844. Exports . . Imports . . Total* 1868. Exports . Imports . Total. 1869. Exports . Imports . Total. 1870. Exports Imports • • » * • Total. 1871. Exports . Imports . Total. 1872. Exports . Imports . Total. 1873. Exports . Imports . Total , 1874. Exports . Imports . Total. 1875. Exports , Imports . Total. 1876. Exports . Imports . Total. Declared Value of Exports and Imports. £ 59,000,000 85,000,000 144,000,000 179,000,000 294,000,000 473,000,000 189,000,000 295,000,000 484,000,000 199,000,000 303,000,000 502,000,000 222,000,000 329,000,000 551,000,000 256,000,000 354,000,000 610,000,000 255,000,000 370,000,000 625,000,000 239,000,000 368,000,000 607,000,000 223,000,000 374,000,000 597,000,000 200,000,000 374,000,000 574,000,004 Increase of Exports and Imports. 1844=100 =100 328 336 347 382 423 434 421 414 398 Amount of Clearing. (say) 1,500,000,000 3,466,000,000 3,602,000,000 3,904,000,000 4,777,000,000 5,903,000,000 6,161,000,000 5,916,000,000 5,647,000,000 4,959,000,000 Increase of Clearing since 1844. 1844=100. t=ioo 231 240 260 318 394 411 394 876 331 5 Decimal Proportion of Total Exports and Imports to Cleariner. •96 •137 •134 •128 •115 •103 •101 •102 •105 •116 * 1844, " Porter's Progress of the Nation," p. 356. The exports of British produce include foreign and t The amount passed by the principal banking houses in London at the Clearing House, As this fitntfvmo-nt. is f nr 1 R3Q nnrl rlrvAS nnt, inolnrio f.h« Rnnlr rvfJFVnH^T^TTm^li^au^^^^^ 139 through the London Clearing House, and the total Bank Note Circulation of in the United Kingdom. 6 Total Bank Note Circulation in the United Kingdom. 37,3S0,000 39,750,000 39,850,000 40,000,000 Proportion of Exports and Imports together to Note Circulation. Note Circulation = 42,060,000 43,630,000 43,370,000 43,910,000 45,382,000 46,036,000 (Exports and) o g (Imports, say/ * ( Exports and ) . ( Imports, say } ("Exports and) 10 ( Imports, say / /Exports and") , oi (Imports, say) " 2 /Exports and) -„ (Imports, say/ /Exports and | «. ( Imports, say j (Exports and) ,,. (Imports, say J * /Exports and) .o 3 (Imports, say j * (Exports and) ,„, (Imports, say j * /Exports and) 12 . (Imports, say J * 8 Proportion of Note Circulation to Clearing. Circulation = 1. Clearing, say 40 Clearing, say 87 Clearing, say 90 Clearing, say 97 Clearing, say 113 9 Increase in Bank Note Circulation since 1844. ItiU = 100. = Clearing, 6ay 135 Clearing, say 142 Clearing, say 135 Clearing, say 124 Clearing, say 107 106 107 107 112 117 116 117 121 123 Year. 1814. 1868. 1869. 1870. 1871. 1872. 1S73. 1874. 1875. 1876. only are included, as more closely representing British trade than the total exports, which colonial produce. in 1839, is given as £941,401,600. 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March. . April . . May.... Juno . . July. . . . August Sept. . . ( tctober Nov. . . X -F- X © f-iC If i_, 08C vOOOCMCONONOOCOvO •- o o 0.00 Cn O On O O O ~ © -t-3 ^ as o & © C CO r-jOOOOOOOOOOOO qqOOOvOOOO«500W30 i-H 1— I rH i-H l-H 1—1 'flfJCOKNMMCOMnMWCO OQ 2 3 -r9 ,3 §13^ ^ 5^ r* fc o o o © bO « Hi, in'tM CI N 't'+N CM "tfl ifl "h O CM^CAO O CMJ>0 On © •w CO o3 JL H4 CO V-4 © © * &H3 cS £ '-H • © C C-1 t> CrJ -& © > r- O lj . — 'l*1 £ H 1— ff] J L ^ <-> i © -- - CO 00 '^rJ-^f'^-iH ih >-, O CNCNf^CN C4 C4 n M O O O t^NNNt^ © +3 © © . ^^ • © O -Jl > <*i <1 r^OOOOOOOOOOOO 02OOOOOOOOOOVOO 1-Hr— I 1— I 1— I 1— I rH rH rHrH l-H ^ lO O lO O HH HH HH ,(H CO CO CO CO rrf o ., -+0 * f-l * h 5. 'rr^e o >. cd - i— « ■ — V] ^ ^ ^ o ^ i_~ ^ >-i Ph r* <1 r^ -t --: < X O iZi P c: - 5 ih Ph >h 11 OOCO MOO "+ rfvOCOCO O C cc CO X © © a5 . © O '?" r^OOOOOOOOOOOO rcvCvOOvOiOOOOOOOO 1 — I 1— I 1 — 1 r— I rH I— I ^ CO CO CO CO CO •# t}I rj< O i-O IC lO ■+3 • ^ mmro COCO vi~>C/D O i^rouiui 5 c ^ S • 1— 1 hH IH hH IH Fh h x o ° • g-H - © O CO r^OOOOOOOOOOOO 02»C)OiC»-0U5O»OOOV0OO i-H 1— I 1— i i-H i-H 1— (I— I 1— t t— I ^■^■^COOOCOCOCOCOIMCMMN fH • co I' 8 !; M M M P 1 M N M M !>• M CM M F-OO OnOnOOnOnOnO-hO © f, o tH ,| UO CO CO ID ■1-1 r: T) PC 03 CM © < SB H CO Th 1 — ' »- 1 XCO "t H I- II— If- I OOOOnOOOOOnOOOO r^OOOOOOOOOOOO' » 10 lO O LO LO O O O iO 10 iO 10 I— 1 1— I 1— ' rH 1— I I— I r-H i-H 1 — I ^r) CO CO CO CO 03 •*■* 00 CO CO CO CO o fh c8 a nr o o 2 *■ S S s - 1 • "~x '-> P> if.-; 0^9 © o • -5 3 CS c © ^ AH, f-w ,. -H ^ rrjOOOOOOOOOOOO coOOOOOOOOUOOOO l-H rH 1— I i-H 1— I T-H l-H C fllClCVO-H>IHHlO-^rlHrf irj rrj OOOOOOOOOOOO si O i-O >0 «5 O VO O O iO O O iO rHi-Hr-H rH rH I— I 1— I rH ^OH*HHH^-HH^H-FH-HHTtHlOOlC - g o . b b ^ - • ' • • W -Sgc; 2 h r- rp v o ^ P L^5 O g O * r- J fh 'ZTifH H P 2 2 f-^ hy r—\ 143 TABLE P.- -Average Rate of Discount for First Class Bills for the 10 years, 1825-34 ; 1835-44 ; and the 20 years, 1825-44. Avernce Average Average Average • A vera ere A vera ere Rate forthe Rate of Rate tor the Rate of Rate for the Bate of 20 Years 20 Ye: rs 10 Years In Yt are lit Years 10 Years 1825—44. 1825—44. 1825—34. 1825—34. 1836— 4t. lv::,— 44. £3. lis. lOd. =100. £3. 7s. 7<1. =100. £3. 16s. Od. =100. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. Jan. 3 17 3 107 Jan. 3 12 IO7 Jan. 4 2 6 IOS Feb. 3 11 3 99 Feb. 3 7 99 Feb. 3 15 6 99 Mar. 3 9 9 97 Mar. 3 6 98 Mar. 3 13 6 97 April 3 9 9 97 April 3 7 6 100 April 3 12 95 May 3 7 9 95 May 3 8 100 May 3 7 6 89 June 3 11 3 99 June 3 7 99 June 3 15 6 99 July 3 10 9 99 July 3 6 6 98 July 3 15 99 Aug. 3 8 3 95 Aug. 000 000 93 Ana-. 3 13 96 pt. 3 10 9 99 Sept. 3 6 9 S Sept. 3 15 6 99 Oct. 3 12 3 101 Oct. 3 6 6 98 Oct. 3 18 103 Nov. 3 15 G io 5 Nov. 3 9 102 Nov. 4 2 108 Dec. i 3 17 3 107 * Dec. 3 12 107 Dec. 4 2 6 108 Average Eate of Discount for the 50 Years 1825 — 1874, £3. 16s. 2d. 144 TABLE Q . — Average Minimum Rate of Discount Charged by the Bank of England for the Thirty Years 1845-74. Annual Average of Year. minimum E ite of Di sconnt t'f Bank of England. £ s. d. 1845 2 13 5 '46 3 6 7 '47 5 1 7 '48 3 14 8 '49 2 19 1850 2 10 '51 3 '52 2 3 3 '53 3 13 6 '54 5 2 3 1855 4 11 8 '56 5 8 7 '57 6 13 3 '58 3 4 5 '59 2 14 9 1860 4 3 8 '61 5 5 4 '62 2 10 7 '63 4 8 10 '64 7 7 1 1865 4 15 4 '66 6 18 11 '67 2 10 11 68 2 1 11 69 3 4 2 1870 3 2 7 '71 2 17 8 '72 4 10 '73 4 16 '74 3 13 9 Average Eate of Discount for the Months January, February. £ s. d. 2 10 3 10 3 .7 5 4 18 8 3 2 10 3 2 11 2 10 3 5 5 5 10 6 5 16 1 2 10 2 13 10 6 15 5 2 12 10 3 12 2 7 7 5 12 2 7 17 5 3 10 2 3 3 2 10 3 4 10 3 17 9 £ s. d. 2 10 3 10 4 4 3 2 10 3 2 10 3 5 5 5 10 6 3 5 3 2 10 4 7 10 2 10 4 13 7 7 5 8 5 7 15 8 3 2 6 2 3 3 2 10 3 3 10 3 10 March. £ s. a. 2 10 3 10 4 4 3 2 10 3 2 10 3 5 5 5 10 6 3 2 10 4 8 7 13 7 2 10 4 6 4 10 7 6 9 6 3 2 3 3 2 19 5 3 3 11 7 3 10 April. £ S. d. 2 10 3 10 4 13 4 4 3 2 10 3 2 8 3 5 4 12 3 5 10 6 9 3 3 2 11 3 4 16 5 10 2 10 4 4 3 6 9 3 4 6 3 3 2 14 3 3 15 4 3 10 May. £ s. d. 2 10 3 10 5 4 3 2 10 3 2 3 5 5 9 4 1 7 5 12 3 6 10 3 4 6 9 4 11 5 9 7 2 12 10 3 9 8 4 8 4 6 9 8 18 2 19 8 2 4 8 6 3 2 10 4 13 7 5 3 7 3 19 4 June £ s. d. 2 10 3 10 5 3 15 7 3 2 10 3 2 3 8 7 5 10 3 15 3 4 19 3 J 6 6 3 3 4 3 4 6 3 4 6 10 7 3 5 10 2 10 2 4 1 3 3 2 7 6 3 11 6 5 4 2 17 3 145 TABLE Q. continued — Average Minimum Rate or Discount Charged by the Bank of England for the Thirty Years 1845-74. Year. Average Kate of Discount for the Months .July August. September. October. November. December. £ S. d. £ a. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. 1845 .. .. 2 10 2 10 2 10 2 14 2 3 7 3 3 10 '46 .. .. 3 10 3 9 5 3 3 3 3 '47 .. .. 5 5 7 8 5 3 7 5 14 6 7 14 7 5 18 '48 .. .. 3 10 3 10 3 10 3 10 3 1 3 3 '49 . . 3 3 3 3 2 18 2 10 1850 .. .. 2 10 2 10 2 10 2 10 2 10 2 11 '51 .. .. 3 3 3 3 3 3 '52 .. .. 2 2 2 2 2 2 '53 .. .. 3 10 3 10 4 3 3 5 5 5 '54 .. .. 5 10 5 1 7 5 5 5 5 1855 .. .. 3 10 3 10 4 2 7 5 8 5 10 5 10 '56 .. .. 4 10 4 10 4 10 5 18 1 6 15 6 8 5 '57 .. .. 5 15 2 5 10 5 10 6 17 5 9 10 7 9 11 '58 .. .. 3 3 3 3 3 2 11 11 '59 .. .. 2 14 5 2 10 2 10 2 10 2 10 2 10 1860 .. .. 4 4 4 4 5 2 2 5 '61 .. .. 6 4 14 2 3 18 7 3 10 3 2 3 3 '62 . . 2 11 2 2 2 7 3 3 '63 .. .. 4 4 4 4 5 15 5 7 12 1 '64 .. .. 6 3 9 7 17 5 8 14 7 9 8 2 7 6 9 7 1865 .. .. 3 1 3 3 19 4 7 6 11 6 15 3 6 2 '66 .. .. 10 8 14 9 5 3 4 10 4 2 7 3 16 5 '67 .. .. 2 8 5 2 2 2 2 2 '68 .. .. 2 2 2 c 2 2 3 8 2 19 1 '69 .. .. 3 4 9 2 17 2 10 2 10 2 18 8 3 1870 .. .. 3 7 9 5 7 3 12 7 2 10 2 10 2 10 '71 .. .. 2 2 1 2 2 8 4 15 6 4 10 7 3 4 6 '72 .. .. 3 4 2 3 10 3 3 3 5 12 7 6 12 7 5 7 9 '73 .. .. 4 19 8 3 6 9 3 5 2 5 19 5 8 4 4 16 2 '74 .. .. 2 10 3 3 11 3 3 3 10 3 4 9 3 6 146 CO to CO s o o o o 00 CD -+3 a P3 a d B •73 d rt O W O CO « O ■< H H O g Hi PP 3 GO CO -ft 00 00 J- 9 rH II oooooooooo cnoo CD C. c. r d 00 tfc.° t— 1 co>° b bol«2 ^ =*. <1 r^OOOOOOOOOOOO os'OOOOOOOOOOCOO l—l t-H ^MMMCOCOncOCOMCOMtM * -43 * ^ ■ a> £ CO -_. 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O (N -M ~1 -M N W Ol (M Ol .0 i-O u-) - i- " • ■•^ . . 1- "1 ^OOt—©*— ©©» OCOO vj l O©CO©C:©0-t<00©CNI© 1— 1 r— 1 r-l 1— t — — . — . ■+IONNioioo'0'*cop5nn ....... . .. jj> • u • • • : ■- — J - J ^- ^> k! • - ^. c _ J— ~ — • * c rS„ • *j — ej oo i- . - - — - << OnCnCni-i OC1 NNOM O O O O O O % «3 N N C\ « ci CI --©©©COl>.CO©©t^©©© aOOCMHlCOOMOOOO I— I 1— I ■— < 1— < 1— I rH V? »o >~ 17 — -« :t "n^iciom . . . . h u w r - : _, . . . . -rr . -z - pjrO b 6 ^- =:_-:• £. f -_c - - b_i <— j- ~ ~ - - - - - O CnCni-i O CnGnCnOOci « E^-i . SO>fi <1 r-^O©0C©©©©©©©'r - r-^r^r.^r-.^xC^fi 148 CO X © u o 02 X II rf ^j- rf u-iOO VO n O\00 CO N -^- ooon cow ooo i>. r^ c\ o rTHOOOOOCOOOOOCCO 02OOOOGO1— I -HH *^ O O CO O 1— I 1— ! I— ( I— I © eg PS cgN ■n -H 1^ -+H * cd — K - 1 — 1 © © tin* "/- n — 1 -" 93 > < C CI r^OOOOOOOOOOCOrH 03OOOOOOOOOOCOO 1— 1 «f?N(NN(N(N«L © tl EL-»a O ^ . ^ r f-I jH " ~ *j © *X Hi r^ ^ o K°^ r- n t^ r^vo 00 vnco 00 00 co 00 COM >-< m 1-1 C\G\t-^t>.t->.t->.t^ FH^FH g«H rH f-jOCOOOCOOkOOOOOO ajOCMOOOOCOOOOOO I— I r— I 1— I ■ 3 • fH K © © r-j k: © ^ 'P -* • P-^H 1 °- r ' — I 7m i- 1 i- 1 '_J "- 1 ^ H»- /-\ ajD& t*& d 9 5 ST i? £ i> 00 © c3P «°>; »*» ** rr ■>+• f- 1^ r-«vo n w> O ^O O O\O>0^0 I>«vO O\00 O N N © eg >d Ph fHOS © © o5 fctbn eo eg <-i t~l «tH £°eo- ^jffiooo^n«Mo»cco o2»>-ooooir^o>-Hooc50 I— I I— I 1 — If- If- li-HP— It— I fH ^COCOCOCOCOOlCMCOCOCOrHCO P • ~ Co to © d • rQ © 5_ O r)- ro ii-j roco O ^ O CO 'd" -h O O eg ri o © to eg rH tti o . <^ FQOOi>-Ot^^00OC— ( • CO fH eg H II vO vO N rovO N ci (j\ ro 10 N 01 co co o 000 co r^vo 00 vo vo fh © eg 7S Kel 00 . © <*> co |°« r^jOOvOCOOCOF-IOOCDt^O «OOOi-*Ot^CMOCOiOO-HH fH fH fH fH fH fH fH ^C1C'IC<)^tJ © Cg^^ ^f3 d^ » JoOo Rate of Year = 100. VOVOVOVOVOVD ON Ir^O O O OnOCTnG-vOCnOvO hCOCOCO 1— 1 1— 1 HH c In o H-3 « egS 5 on > ^ <1 r^OOOOOOOt^t^OOO oqOOOOOO*— OOIOOO F— I fH fH FH C^COCOCOCOCOCOCOIOCOO-ICNCQ ^| H : : : :- :| :• : gj g^ f^S ^gj-g-o !>• © r^iH P^kS 3 9 5 ©^^°e (^ (X4 g <^ S ri ^ H< QQ O ^ ft 149 TABLE R. continued. — Monthly Averages of Bank of England Minimum Rates of Discount for 1875 and 187G. 1S75. 1876. Rate Rate Avev;i Rate of Average Rate of of x< Zear of xear Year £:i. to. Id. = 100. £2. 11*. lOd. = 100. £ s. d. £ s. d. January . . 4 9 139 January 4 13 6 l8o February.. . 3 2 n 98 February 4 154 March . 3 10 109 March 3 18 1 IS 1 April . 3 10 109 April 2 10 9 98 May . 3 10 109 May 2 77 June . 3 10 109 June 2 77 July 3 1 95 July 2 77 August 2 2 n 67 August 2 77 September 2 62 September 2 77 October . . 3 1 9i 97 October 2 77 November 3 11 in November 2 77 December 3 1 95 December 2 77 ■ 150 1 CD o3 S 3 I © M VO M Tt- ON •* t«» t^ M ^h vo P0 5 © © © o ON OS ON o O i—i On ON 00 O o OO t-l o _, rO tO _» r d rd 00 OS i— 1 i—l CO CO O i—l CM i-H 00 l-H • rv © +J f-, TP CD i—l r-H r-H <* co 1 W3 tS OO to CD ^ ^ ^ S £ CD CO" W <=* • •k. "«* Fh • Fh Fh >o >i O • CD CD 1 00 f-H Fh 03 P fl 03 1-5 Fh 03 b CD fa O Fh 03 k-H • Fh < • • 03 • CD a pi i-s • >> 1—1 p H-3 to Pi CD P CD -t-3 Ph CD m Fh CD rQ o o O rQ a CD > O rQ a CD o CD P cd bxj o s co o M N r^ o »—i u-> On oo ON oo HH On CD o O o> ON O Os 00 00 00 On >-i O 815*8 ii >H M h-i M i— i ■+3 CD -5«ss •g © „, r3 co _^ "O -+3 n3 00 lO lO CD . 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Amount of Year, £5,646,993,000. Amount of Year, £4,958,963,000. Weekly Average, £103,734,000 = 100. Weekly Average, £95,479,000 = 100. Weekly Average in Months of Weekly Average in Months of January £ 120,393,000 no January £ 113,179,000 118 February 123,265,000 ii3 February . , 105,200,000 no March 120,125,000 no March 100,144,000 105 April 110,022,000 IOI April , . 99,104,000 104 May 111,180,000 102 May 97,729,000 102 June 107,083,000 99 June . . . 82,067,000 86 July 105,108,000 97 July 98,854,000 103 August 101,123,000 93 August 86,982,000 9i September . . 101,075,000 93 September . . 85,778,000 90 October . . 99,905,000 92 October 92,366,000 96 November 106,080,000 98 November . . 93,108,000 97 December 99,452,000 92 December . . 91,237,000 95 appendix. Darin-- the discussion on Mr. Palgrave's paper, the following letter from Mr. William Langton was read by the President : — Docklands, Ingatcstone, Essex, 1 2th March, 1877. Dear Mr. Wilkinson, I have to thank you exceedingly for the draft proof of Mr. Palgrave's Paper, which will enable me to be with my old friends of the Statistical Society in spirit on the evening of the 14th. Time does not permit me to follow the vast mass of interesting detail which is to be laid before you by a gentleman so remarkable as Mr. Palgrave is for his industry and intelligence. The history and tabulation of the rates of Discount is a very interesting document ; but in reviewing it sundry things will have to be borne in mind, which will show that it is not so accurate a barometrical guide for the finance of Banking as the record which Mr. Baker continued from my diagram of the differences between the other deposits and the other securities, as shown by the returns of the Bank of England published weekly to the world from the date of the year 1844. I ground this suggestion on the recognised fact that the Bank of England holds the ultimate reserve of the country, and that the pressure of the wants of trade are felt by her in ultimate resort. The minimum rate of discount as published by the Bank of England, regulating as it has done more or less the rates charged by Bankers and Brokers, and with certain limitations the allow- ance of interest on deposits throughout the country ^especially sinco the London Joint Stock Banks have advertised the rates allowed by them), requires to be reviewed with certain corrective considera- tions. At one period the Directors of the Bank of England, in fixing their rate of discount, did not act with the same promptitude as they have evinced at another. The action of the demand for bul- lion from abroad, as shown by the foreign Exchanges, was dis- covered to be promptly affected by changes in the rate of discount. This nostrum was occasionally applied apparently without refer- 11. cnce to other considerations; while at times, when circumstances caused an inconvenient pressure, the rate was put up with the distinct object of preventing a resort to the funds of the Bank of England. One singular instance of this will he remembered by some of the Manchester Bankers. When an unexpected demand was made on their resources, owing to the revival of business after the American civil war had ceased, the sudden extension of their applications for discount at the Branch Bank of England caused an extra rate to be levied from them beyond what was charged to the general mercan- tile public. The notorious disturbance of the bullion reserve in May and November is of course mainly owing to the rather clumsy contri- vance by which the legislation of Sir Bobert Peel in 1 845 sought partially to adapt to Scotland his great principle, applied to England in 1844. It would require a special essay to examine all the consequences of the Northern portion of this realm still continuing to be ruled in matters of circulation on principles so different from those which regulate the Banking business of England. There can be no doubt that Sir Bobert Peel, had he lived, would not have suffered this anomaly to continue ; and also that he contemplated the gradual absorption of the local issues of notes in England and the adoption of the principle of a single bank of issue in this country. Experience has shown that no evil consequences have arisen from the steps already trodden towards this end ; and I cannot believe that whilst this process has been going on it was in the slightest degree necessary to enlarge the amount permitted to the Bank of England to base its issue upon securities iustead of coin or bullion. It is exceedingly natural that those Banks, which still retain the privilege of issuing their own note3, should desire to maintain it, since it naturally adds to their profits ; but it has always been recognised in the great industrial district of Lancashire that it is no essential condition to the wielding of manufacturing and com- mercial enterprise, and that the Banks not possessing this privilege have not stinted their customers of any legitimate accommodation. 111. The brief in the cause of the local issuers could uot be held by a more able and iugenious advocate than Mr. Pa] grave. "Witness the 4 lli and 5th sections of his paper. Professor Bonamy Trice has ably defined Banking to be " a trailing in debt." The note payable on demand and the deposit receipt are equally evidences of debt and equally unsecured ; therefore equally liable to be reclaimed if the confidence of the public be shaken, or for other cause. But there can be no doubt that in times of commercial panic there is a greater tendency to run for gold by the note-holder than by the simple depositor, whose receipt is not transferable from hand to hand like the note payable to bearer. I am certainly not able to give proof of this assertion ; but I have legitimate grounds for drawing the inference from a circumstance well known within the walls of the Bank of England, and which is evidence of the feeling, not to say fears, of the Banks in question — namely, that in such times the pressure upon the res Qv yes f the Bank of England is much aggravated by the demand for notes and gold by the issuing Bankers. One great gain which the public enjoyed since the regulation by law of the issues of the Bank of England is to be found in the circumstance that no fear of the convertibility of the Bank of England note has since then ever caused an aggravation of a commercial crisis. Governments are held to be responsible for honestly keeping up the standard of the coins minted by them, and ought no doubt to take measures necessary to protect the public from loss by such representatives of coin as they permit to pass current within their territories. This has now been done as far as the Bank of England note is concerned, but not so in the case of the notes issued by country Bankers. Here I cannot but recognise a defect in our legislation. The issue by Governments of paper money practically not con- vertible into coin, especially when extending to small values and the limitation to which is arbitrary on their part, is generally an indication of exhausted finances of the State and of the impoverish- IV. ment of the people ; telling against them most materially in their interchange with other nations, of which the course of Exchange is a most significant evidence. This process was felt in England during the period of Bank restriction, when the Bank of England in its function as a hank of issue hecame the slave of the State. The impoverishment of the country and the dearth of coin were amongst other things marked hy the issue of bank tokens and the currency of the Spanish dollar as a five-shilling piece, when the king's head had been stamped upon the pigtail of the Spanish monarch's effigy ; together with the substitution of one and two pound notes for the common use of gold coin. The circulation of the paper repre- sentatives of debt was accompanied in the larger transactions of commerce by transfers from hand to hand of debt in the shape of bills of exchange, which, if drafts of a country bank upon its correspondent in London, or merchants' bills which had once passed through a bank, and consequently bore a banker's endorse- ment, were accepted in payment of produce iu accordance withthe terms of contract. $Lj personal memory of trade only extends back to the year 1820 ; but at that time the Liverpool merchants re- ceived nothing but bills in payment from Manchester of their cotton invoices ; every such payment, if in what was called pro- miscuous paper, requiring a calculation of interest to make a settlement per appoint. This practice gradually disappeared with the resumption of cash payments by the Bank of England and the lowering of the standard rate of interest ; but if economy of interest of money is to be taken as the special recommendation of any particular kind of circulating medium, this one surely ought to bear the palm ! By the gradual introduction of free-trade the wealth of this country has been steadily increasing (though occasionally diverted into unproductive speculations) ; and it is no doubt to this cir- cumstance that we owe the enormous increase in the deposits of the banks, and the great impulse which they have given to com- mercial enterprise. Yours faithfully, WILLIAM LANGTON. UNIVEKSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY, BEEKELEY THIS BOOK IS DUeTnTHELAST DATE STAMPED BELOW Books not returned on time are subject ,to , aflne of 50c per volume after the thirdly ove . ^ . q Z^ZZl ?^ «» y is made before expiration of loan period^ YB 1 836 r h UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY